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Guest: Mark Potok, Brian Levin, Ken Blackwell, Chris Cillizza, John Heilemann, Susan Page, Josh Gerstein
CHRIS MATTHEWS, HOST: Bad vibes.
Let's play HARDBALL.
Good evening. I'm Chris Matthews in Washington. Leading off tonight:
Fire on the right. Is the right wing losing it? In the last week, we've
seen threats at Democratic members of Congress, bricks thrown through
Democrats' office windows, a skinhead pleading guilty to plotting to kill
then presidential candidate Barack Obama, and now the arrest of nine
militia members in Michigan. What's driving this stuff?
The acts of violence, real and planned, are the most violent example
of the loss of political good will across the country. And here in
Washington, President Obama admitted on the "Today" show this morning that
he's failed to become the post-partisan president he'd hoped to be. The
question now, should he concede that the main body of Republicans are
simply not going to do anything to help him and just try to govern with
either Democrats alone or with the few Republicans he can recruit for
specific bills?
Plus: The Republicans may be getting the long knives out for Michael
Steele. The sex club scandal is the latest embarrassment for the
Republican National Committee chairman. Having won big races in Virginia,
New Jersey and Massachusetts, can Republicans call Steele incompetent? Can
they afford to let the drumbeat of bad stories continue?
Also, President Obama's poll numbers are up, but only a bit. Tonight,
why the president still has a lot of health care selling to do.
And I'll finish tonight with some thoughts on the assassination
attempt on President Reagan, hard to believe, nearly three decades ago
Let's start with the fire on the right. Brian Levin is the director
of the Center for the Study of Hate and Extremism at California State
University at San Bernardino. And Mark Potok is with the Southern Poverty
Law Center.
Mark, I want you to start. There's been some things happening. I
want to run through them now. Here's what's happened just in the past
couple of days. Nine members of the Michigan-based militia were charged
with plotting to kill a police officer and then to kill dozens more by
setting off improvised explosive devices at the funeral, all in the hopes
of igniting an uprising against the federal government.
A Philadelphia man was charged with threatening the life of House
Republican whip Eric Cantor and his family in a YouTube rant that has since
been taken down. This video is from an earlier message. FBI agents
arrested the man Saturday, and he's currently being held without bail
pending a psychiatric evaluation.
Perhaps most troubling, just yesterday, a white supremacist from
Tennessee pleaded guilty to plotting to kill then presidential candidate
Barack Obama in 2008. It was to be the grand finale of a cross-country
killing spree aimed at African-Americans. His co-defendant pled guilty in
Well, there you have it. What is going on right now, Mark, in this
country? Because it's not all right wing. Much of it is.
MARK POTOK, SOUTHERN POVERTY LAW CENTER: I mean, I think we are
seeing out there a real explosion of rage, of fear, of frustration, and I
think a great deal of it is being stoked not only by groups and ideas of
the radical right, but by many people on the ostensible mainstream who are
kind of feeding the flames.
MATTHEWS: Who?
POTOK: You know, it's good to see—people like John Boehner coming
out and criticizing some of the talk, that it is very much a day late and a
dollar short at this point. You know, and there are many things going on
out there that have people extremely upset.
MATTHEWS: Do you think those Republican members of Congress who waved
the Gadsden flag, the "Don't tread on me" flag, which is a symbol of
fighting tyranny, is good or bad in terms of calming things down? That was
a flag that was used to fight an enemy imperial nation, London, the British
empire, which basically had us under its hoof. Now it's being used to
attack our own government.
POTOK: Yes. I mean, I think it's very symbolic of the sorry past
that we have come to as a nation in terms of our political discourse. You
know, the Gadsden flag is very much also in contemporary society the flag
of the militia movement. It's to, Don't mess with us, you know? And it
really implies, Don't mess with us at the point of a gun.
So no, I don't think they should be waving the Gadsden flag. I don't
think they should be talking about watering the tree of liberty with the
blood of patriots and tyrants. I don't think they should be talking about
death panels and secret invasion plans by Mexico. You know, I think all of
these things merely stoke up the fear out there, and fear leads quickly to
frustration, and ultimately, to rage. I think that that rage is reflected
in some of the events that you mentioned in your introduction.
MATTHEWS: Yes. Well, to follow that thought, Brian, I've heard the
lingo, too, and I'm schooled in this. When I hear Bill McCollum running
for office down in Florida talking about, you know, what's he saying,
things like—well, anyway, the language of this thing is just continuing.
He's talking about—I'm sorry—that the health care bill is an invasion
of the sovereignty of Florida. You have the Texas governor running for
reelection, renomination, saying he's for secession, the language of
nullification. These are the words used in the Civil War days, before the
Civil War. Your thoughts?
BRIAN LEVIN, CTR. FOR THE STUDY OF HATE AND EXTREMISM: I think you're
absolutely right. Look, 51 percent of Republicans said that President
Obama wants to turn the country over to a one-world government. Twenty-two
percent said he wants the terrorists to win. This is very disturbing.
This is not the give-and-take that we saw back when you were involved in
politics on Capitol Hill, where Tip O'Neill and Ronald Reagan would have a
drink together after a legislative tussle.
What I'm worried about is that folks are looking at legislative losses
not as a natural part of the ebb and flow of the political process but a
levying (ph) of war. And this is a problem when you hook in a combination
of this intense division, sprinkle some contorted view of faith and
religion in there, and then look at the enemies not as being some foreign
communists, but indeed, our political institutions and leaders ourselves.
And by the way, almost a similar number of folks on the left said that
President Bush, for instance, could be or is the anti-Christ to those who
on the right say that President Obama is or could be the anti-Christ...
MATTHEWS: Well...
LEVIN: ... almost 20 percent!
MATTHEWS: ... here's the president along those lines, Brian. Let's -
and Mark. Let's listen to the president because he's not quite talking
about the far right, but he's talking about some of the problem here on,
say, pretty far right. Here he is. Let's listen.
BARACK OBAMA, PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES: There's some folks who
just, you know, weren't sure whether I was born in the United States,
whether I was a socialist, right? So there's that segment of it, which I
think is just dug in ideologically. Then I think that there's a broader
circle around that core group of people who are legitimately concerned
about the deficit, who are legitimately concerned that the federal
government may be taking on too much. And so I wouldn't paint in broad
brush and say that, you know, everybody who's involved or have gone to a
tea party rally or a meeting are somehow on the fringe. Some of them I
think have some mainstream legitimate concerns.
MATTHEWS: Well, you know, Mark, that's not fanning the flames.
That's trying to understand, to disaggregate the people in those crowds. I
mean, a lot of them are just there because they're upset about big
government. That's an old Republican and old American concern, getting
government too big. It's very homegrown and very normal, and I think
healthy, to be skeptical about the power of government.
But then there are people who've taken up arms. There are people who
are worried about the black helicopters. There are people that think now
not that government's a problem but government's the enemy, that it's
foreign, that it's almost like the old Kremlin wall, you know? They think
of it as hostile. When did that start, Mark?
POTOK: Well, I think one could make the argument that that really
began with Ronald Reagan and the description of the federal government as a
kind of enemy. And it was very much ginned up through the decades by talk
radio, and so on. And we saw the first iteration, it seems to me, of real
focused rage against the federal government in the 1990s, when the militia
movement took that standard and brought it to new heights, or really
depths. You know, and that, as we all know, culminated in the murder of
168 people in Oklahoma City back in 1995.
MATTHEWS: Well, let me go to Brian. You've not been on the show
before, so tell me what you think is coming. I do believe there's dangers
when the zeitgeist gets very nasty. People from the left begin to operate
even if the right win were the ones who stirred things up. You saw that
with the threat against Mr. Cantor from Virginia by that Philadelphia guy.
Now, maybe he's disturbed. We'll find that out as the psychiatric report
is given. But it seems like, you know, so Lee Harvey Oswald shot Jack
Kennedy, a man of the far left, a Castro guy, killed Kennedy at the time
that the right wing was the big danger. So the zeitgeist gets stirred up,
and all kinds of bad things happen. That's what I wonder about. Your
thoughts as an expert?
LEVIN: I think you're absolutely right. And let me just compliment
what my friend Mark said. I think you can trace this back to the 1790s
with the Whiskey Rebellion. In fact, the law that's being used to
prosecute these militia members from Michigan, Indiana and Ohio, with
seditious conspiracy, that was—that was enacted back in 1790.
But yes, I think for the most recent history, Mark is right. And I
also think President Obama is right. Sixty-seven percent of Republicans
say that he's a socialist. I think you have hit a very important point
here, and that is this is not merely a splintering of the right. And by
the way, there are many, many people of good will, as you pointed out, who
are conservatives who have plausible and legitimate reasons for being
concerned. The problem is, is the folks who opt out.
And I think you also and President Obama hit an important note, as
well, and that is we don't classify the tea party movement as an extremist
movement because it's so diverse. Do you have extremists within the tea
party movement? Absolutely. But you also have people who are legitimately
concerned about the growth of government and deficits.
What I think is important here is that once the atmosphere is changed,
as you suggested, this can really become a license for people on all sides
of the spectrum, whether it be animal liberation people on the left...
MATTHEWS: Yes.
LEVIN: ... or these militia folks on the right, to take—say, You
know what? We don't have a stake in this together. Let's divide and
conquer. And I don't mean in a political sense. I mean in a violent
sense. And that's why I'm really worried...
MATTHEWS: Yes.
LEVIN: ... about people taking this to a new level.
MATTHEWS: I do worry about it. I think it's a national—it's
almost atmospheric.
Here's the attorney general on the Michigan militia people that have
just been indicted. "Thankfully, this alleged plot has been thwarted and a
severe blow has been dealt to a dangerous organization that today stands
accused of conspiring to levy war against the United States."
You know, Mark, that's the question. When we go to law breaking, when
we go to violence, when we go to people who've organized together and go
beyond parties or sitting around talking or having a beer together and
crankily—you know, angry words are thrown around and nasty attitudes are
there, but then you go beyond that to, Well, let's do something about it.
Where are we at on that?
POTOK: Well, I think we're seeing increasing manifestations of that
kind of criminal violence. You know, it's worth remembering that since
Obama was nominated—you know, you mentioned Daniel Cowart, the white
supremacist who pled guilty today in the plot to assassinate Obama.
MATTHEWS: Right, the skinhead.
POTOK: Well, you know, there was another racist skinhead plot, albeit
very half baked, that came out of Denver during the Democratic national
convention. There was a man very shortly after Obama was elected, before
he was inaugurated, who was found to be building a dirty bomb in Maine to
set off at the inauguration.
MATTHEWS: Yes.
POTOK: There was yet another man who, the day after Obama was
inaugurated, started to murder black people in Boston because he felt that
the white race was being subjected to a genocide. He had read this on
white supremacist Web sites. You know, we see now the Hutaree militia. We
see, you know, the assassination of the guard at the Holocaust Museum, the
assassination of George Tiller, the physician in Kansas.
I think—look, I mean, I can only show this anecdotally. I don't
think there are real statistics to prove it.
MATTHEWS: No, I know what you mean, but...
POTOK: But it absolutely feels like domestic terrorism is on the
uptick, and certainly attempted domestic terrorism is.
MATTHEWS: You know, guys, I can remember exactly the zeitgeist of the
fall of 1963. I'll say no more. I felt it. I know what it feels like.
We're not quite there, but that spitting on people—we'll get to more of
that on the show today. Spitting on people like Adlai Stevenson and
members of Congress is the first step towards real violence. Thank you
very much, Brian Levin and Mark Potok. I wish you weren't here on such a
terrible subject.
Coming up: The Republican National Committee approved a $2,000 payment
at a sex-themed nightclub. It's another embarrassment for party chairman
Michael Steele. However, Steele has a pretty good winning record this
year. Can he stay along as chairman with his winning record, despite these
embarrassments? It's an interesting choice for the Republicans, to do—
well, to be or not to be for that fellow. You're looking at him right now,
Michael Steele.
You're watching HARDBALL, and he's coming up here—well, as the
topic, when we come back on MSNBC.
MATTHEWS: Welcome back to HARDBALL. The Republican National
Committee has fired that person responsible for approving a reimbursement
to a California consultant for a nearly $2,000 tab at a Los Angeles sex-
themed nightclub, the latest embarrassment for the RNC during the reign of
Michael Steele. Our friend, Jonathan Martin of Politico, sums it up pretty
well. Quote, "It has become almost routine. There is some controversy
surrounding Steele. Republican professionals are embarrassed. Some of
them gripe about the latest episode. And then they move on until it
happens again."
Well, Ken Blackwell's the former secretary of state in Ohio. He's
currently the chairman of the redistricting committee for the RNC. Well,
you got to look at this one of two ways, Ken. He's either—he has the
patience of Job and he just has bad luck, or he's—you know, he's a—as
somebody once said, a bull that carries his china shop around with him.
But Michael Steele just gets into these stupid problems and they just
Here's some other stuff that's happened under Steele's leadership,
just to let you know this isn't the only problem. He called abortion a
choice, which Democrats believe but Republicans as a party don't. He
called Rush Limbaugh "incendiary" on CNN, something Democrats, again, may
well agree with but Republicans don't generally. He told Sean Hannity
Republicans would probably not take back the House this year, something you
don't want to tell your team. And he had to defend having the RNC's winter
meeting in Hawaii during a tough economy, and he had to disavow RNC fund-
raising material that depicted the president as the Joker—you know, that
whiteface number they do on him.
This stuff keeps happening. Is it his fault?
KEN BLACKWELL, RNC VICE CHAIRMAN: Well, look, it's happening on his
watch. In January of 2009, the 168-member Republican National Committee
chose Michael Steele to be its chairman for a two-year term. I don't think
that anything is going to change in terms of the chairmanship until next
January, if it changes at all. As you know, he has some wins under his
belt, and there is a real issue of whether or not this is another
distraction from what the RNC is in business to do.
Chris, we have over 3,400 counties across this nation. They have
precincts within those counties. And our job or the RNC's job is to
rebuild the party from the grass roots up in all 50 states. We got our
clocks cleaned in the last presidential election because we were playing
catch-up. And so the senatorial committee, the congressional committee,
they'll take care of political and legislative affairs. It is the RNC's
job to rebuild the party, to make sure that we have strong precinct
executives, county chairmen, state chairmen and so that we can start
winning elections.
We have a historic opportunity to win over 50 seats this time around,
and we can't blow it because we are apologizing or explaining—our
leadership is explaining this sort of nonsense.
MATTHEWS: Ken, that sounds very compelling. It's what I would say if
I were applying for the job. Is that what you're doing?
BLACKWELL: Absolutely not.
MATTHEWS: It sounds like you're applying for to be Michael Steele's
BLACKWELL: No. That's what you would like for me to do. The fact is
MATTHEWS: No, it sounds like you're doing it verbatim (ph).
BLACKWELL: Look, no. I am the co-chairman of the RNC's redistricting
committee. My job is to work with John Ryder, the chairman, to make sure
that we're in a position of keeping the pens that will draw the maps of the
congressional district in our party's hands for competitive advantage.
Pure and simple. That is a full—that is a full plate.
You asked me a question as someone that is intricately involved in the
party, and I gave you an honest answer. We must make sure that we are not
distracted from the business at hand and the charge of the Republican
National Committee.
MATTHEWS: Right. Is Michael Steele a distraction?
BLACKWELL: I can tell you what is a distraction—having to explain
these weird expenditures, having to explain that we are not high rollers
and high flyers and duplicitous leaders. That is a distraction, and it is
Michael's responsibility to make sure that we do away with those
distractions, and we do away with incompetence, and we do away with those
who would spend money unwisely. That's what we need to take a step forward
MATTHEWS: Bob Woodward of the Watergate fame once said, "follow the
money." Let's follow the money. He started with $22 million at the RNC.
He has got $9 million now, so that's down about 10. Big problem. It's not
that just he's down around 10. He brought in 96 during that period, so he
lost $106 million that have gone out the door, have been burned in the last
year because it has been spent—
BLACKWELL: Chris, Chris—
MATTHEWS: Has it been spent wisely?
BLACKWELL: Chris, let's go back to what you said just in your last
segment. The fact of the matter is, is that success has a thousand
fathers. So I'm sure that Michael will take credit for Virginia, New
Jersey and Massachusetts, at least part credit. So as a consequence, there
has been success.
The RNC is not a bank. We have to spend money in order to win
elections. The question is, how are we spending the money? That's why
this is such a distraction. Because, one, there's no way that you can
explain that a stripper club expenditure is help building a grassroot
organization in any county in the country.
MATTHEWS: Do you understand the responsibilities as the RNC chairman,
is it to make sure—does he have a fiduciary responsibility? In other
words, if somebody writes a check and turns it in and says, I just paid
$2,000 to go to the Voyeur Club in L.A. where they have bondage and S&M and
all that stuff going on, is it the chairman's responsibility to have people
in place who will see that bill and say, no way in hell should this RNC,
should the donors that kick into this party have to pay for that? Is it
his responsibility—
BLACKWELL: Yes.
MATTHEWS: OK. So it's Michael Steele's responsibility to make sure
this kind of (inaudible) doesn't happen.
BLACKWELL: Look, but this—
MATTHEWS: Yes or no?
BLACKWELL: This is nothing—Chris, can you hear? I said yes.
BLACKWELL: And I said—but this is not unique to Michael Steele.
Any executive officer, chief executive officer is responsible for the
processes and the personnel that he has in place to maintain the fiscal
integrity of his or her organization.
MATTHEWS: Ken Blackwell, you have a tough situation to be in. I made
it worse for you, but sir, this is a tricky matter for your party. And I
do like Michael Steele, but I don't know—if somebody's on his path or he
just keeps screwing up. I'm not sure which it is. Maybe it's both. Thank
you very much.
Up next, what does Karl Rove think about the latest gaffe?
BLACKWELL: Thank you, sir.
MATTHEWS: Good to see you again. What's happening at the RNC?
What's the latest gaffe over there? We've just been talking about it. Jay
Leno asked Karl Rove what he thinks of this 2,000 bucks for this sex club
paid for by your Republican contributions. You're watching HARDBALL, only
on MSNBC.
MATTHEWS: We're back to HARDBALL. Now for the "Sideshow."
First, Rove—that's Karl Rove—on the loose.
Yesterday, we learned that the RNC reimbursed, as I said, a political
consultant for $2,000 in charges at a sex-themed nightclub in Hollywood.
What does Karl Rove, the Republican mastermind, think of all this?
Well, last night, on Jay Leno, we got the answer.
JAY LENO, HOST, "THE TONIGHT SHOW WITH JAY LENO": I have been waiting
to get your opinion.
Michael Steele and this $2,000 at the bondage nightclub, what was that
all about?
KARL ROVE, FORMER SENIOR ADVISER TO PRESIDENT BUSH: Somebody ought to
lose their credit card, their RNC credit card. Pull that.
LENO: Yes.
ROVE: Find that pervert and get his card. I mean, it's...
LENO: Have you been to that club? I'm curious.
ROVE: Look, man, come on, no.
ROVE: Come on.
LENO: Karl, let's go tonight, Karl, you and I. Karl, we will go to
the club.
ROVE: No, no, no, no, no.
MATTHEWS: God, "that pervert?" Nice language, Karl.
Anyway, Mr. Rove, however, did find excitement of another sort.
Yesterday, in Beverly Hills, an activist from the left-wing group CODEPINK
tried to make a citizen's arrest of Karl Rove for being a war criminal.
Rove called it evidence of what he called the totalitarianism of the
left. Well, Karl knows he's just lucky it was just a citizen coming to
arrest him.
Next, a backhand congrats for—here's what French President Nicolas
Sarkozy told students at Columbia University about last week's historic
passage of health care reform in this country—quote—"Welcome to the
club of states who don't turn their back on the sick and the poor."
Well, he said it in French, but I think we could hear the smirk.
By the way, France's first couple took time this afternoon to enjoy a
Washington, D.C. staple, Ben's Chili Bowl. You can see Sarkozy there with
his wife, the glamorous Carla Bruni, and the French president's two sons.
Not exactly nouvelle cuisine being offered at Ben's. Anyway, it's hot
dogs smothered in chili. I will bet Carla is going on a fast for a week.
Finally, credit where credit's due. Right now, Mitt Romney is doing
everything he can to distance himself from the national health care reform
bill. President Obama doing everything he can to tie him to it.
Here he is with Matt Lauer, the president, on "The Today Show."
BARACK OBAMA, PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES: When you actually look
at the bill itself, it incorporates all sorts of Republican ideas. I mean,
a lot of commentators have said, you know, this is sort of similar to the
bill that Mitt Romney, the Republican governor and now presidential
candidate, passed in Massachusetts.
MATTHEWS: Yes, lay it off on some commentator. Did you notice the
twinkle in the president's eye as he made that tweak of Romney? And that's
the "Sideshow."
Up next: President Obama admits he has not solved the problems of the
political culture in Washington yet. No Republicans voted with him on
health care bill in the final vote. And John McCain now promises no
cooperation for the rest of the year.
Of course, McCain is running in a tough primary out there. So, should
the president give up the goal of grand partisanship? We will see when we
come back.
You're watching HARDBALL, only on MSNBC.
MATTHEWS: Welcome back to HARDBALL.
As we all know, President Obama pledged on the campaign trail to usher
in a new era of post-partisanship. But he conceded on "The Today Show"
this morning in that very important interview with Matt Lauer that he
hasn't been able to conquer the polarization here in this nation's capital.
Let's watch.
OBAMA: There's something about the political culture here in
Washington that is a chronic problem. I haven't solved it yet.
MATTHEWS: Well, the president went on to say that he does think it's
possible to overcome the political divide. But here's what Senator John
McCain said just last week after the health care reform bill became law.
SEN. JOHN MCCAIN ®, ARIZONA: There will be no cooperation for the
rest of this year. They have poisoned the well in—in what they have
done and how they have done it.
MATTHEWS: Wow.
So, should President Obama credit Republicans for being
obstructionists and abandon the pursuit of grand partisanship?
Chris Cillizza is a "Washington Post" reporter, and the "New York"
magazine's John Heilemann is co-author of the big book "Game Change."
Let me start with Chris.
I seem to think—let me narrow this discussion. What it sounds to
me like the president is saying is, no more kumbaya...
MATTHEWS: ... no more hopes of a big meeting with him and Mitch
McConnell and John Boehner, and all agreeing to lock arms and do it
together. But, damn it, he still needs to get two or three Republicans to
on most bills to get something done on the following.
If he's going to need to kick butt on Wall Street, he's going to need,
you know, John—he's going to need Corker from Tennessee and a couple of
like Judd Gregg.
CHRIS CILLIZZA, "THE WASHINGTON POST": Yes.
MATTHEWS: If he's going to do something on immigration, he needs
Lindsey Graham from South Carolina and maybe a couple of other guys, at
least one other Republican. So, he can't give up on statistically needing
some Republicans. So, what's he giving up on?
CILLIZZA: You know, Chris, I think he can't give up on symbolically
needing some Republicans either.
Remember, one of the key components of Barack Obama getting elected
was: I can make Washington work again.
I think he has a huge belief in his own ability to bring people
together. I think that's why he was so out front, cocktail parties,
courting Republicans. And I think he was, frankly, surprised at the
reaction, particularly on health care, and a little bit on economic
So, I think congressional Democrats have a different agenda than
Barack Obama. Barack Obama is about, fundamentally, getting reelected and
getting things—getting things accomplished during these two years that
he can go sell to the American people. He needs Republicans, as you point
out, to do that.
Congressional Democrats, on the other hand, are about November 2010.
They have much a much shorter timetable. And I think they want him to be
that—a little bit more partisan, get the base fired up, say..
MATTHEWS: Yes.
CILLIZZA: ... Republicans are blocking, you know, because they need a
fired-up base. If anything health care did, it clearly fired up their
base. They need that fired-up base to match the intensity on the
Republican side heading into the midterms.
MATTHEWS: Yes, he starts smashing Republican heads, though, he's not
going to get anybody to join him at all. That's the challenge.
It seems to me, let me throw out something at you, Mr. Celebrity,
bestseller, big shot...
MATTHEWS: ... John Heilemann, let me throw this out to you.
JOHN HEILEMANN, "NEW YORK": Yes.
MATTHEWS: I still don't understand—call me yesterday—I don't
understand why the Republicans can't get euchred into a deal where they go
for a big jobs bill, not this puny $15 billion. Put the road builders out
there. Start building stuff. Put lots of—millions of people to work
and get through this recession. Just do it, and dare the Republicans not
to join them.
Why don't they do that? What's...
HEILEMANN: Well, you know, Chris...
MATTHEWS: Is that yesterday? Is this Pat Moynihan thinking or what?
HEILEMANN: That's Pat Moynihan thinking for you, and I respect it as
But the Republicans don't like big government. And they think they're
going to run in the midterms...
MATTHEWS: But they love jobs and appropriations.
HEILEMANN: Yes, but they like—they want to blame the jobless
recovery on Obama. And they don't want to see the—they can't be favor
of somebody that spends a lot more money and balloons the deficit, because
they think that's a big issue.
But I think you're right. The thing—everything Chris said is
exactly right. And I think more important than that is that Obama believes
in this. You know, he wants Republicans on these bills because he actually
believes that it would be good for the country to have some unity in terms
of trying to solve big problems.
The thing that—that works to his advantage now is that he's coming
at a lot of these issues from a position of strength, rather than a
position of weakness. I mean, he was trying to get Republicans to come on
to a health care bill that a lot of the country didn't like.
On the Wall Street stuff, the country wants the government to get
tough on Wall Street.
MATTHEWS: Yes. And don't—let me go back to Chris on this.
Don't Republican members of Congress want to be seen standing side by
side with anybody that kick the butt of the rich guys who grab the bonuses
and all that bailout money and don't seem to have an ounce of apology in
their beings up there in New York?
CILLIZZA: Yes.
Look, I think you would—Obama would do well to push more things
like that, Chris, because, remember, what you want—what health care—
Republicans won't say this publicly, because they don't want to admit to
it, but what health care did was unify a very fractious party.
What did we focus on for the last year? Why can't Republicans get—
Democrats get this done? They have the White House. They have Congress.
Why can't they get more done?
Well, meanwhile, Republicans, they found a common theme to unite
behind in health care. I think he can—he, Obama, can splinter them up
by picking some issues like this, because some of them—look, there are
plenty of Republicans who represent states where they need to be for some
of these things. They can't simply stand in opposition...
MATTHEWS: Yes.
CILLIZZA: ... states and districts, I would say. He needs to pick
and choose those sorts of things.
MATTHEWS: Find ways you can suck them in.
And, by the way, that was the president, I think, signing the—the
reconciliation piece to tweak the two bills, the two health bills.
Check out what President Obama said about working with Republicans.
Let's listen.
OBAMA: What I have tried to say throughout is, I will continually
reach out to Republicans. I will continue to incorporate their ideas even
when they don't vote for the ideas that I have presented.
But what I'm not going to be dissuaded from is us going ahead and
taking on these big challenges that are critical in terms of America's
long-term economic health.
MATTHEWS: OK, enough of bipartisanship. Here's some nasty
partisanship, at least from a heckler, a very unhappy guy. You're watching
Emanuel Cleaver. See that guy? He's a member of Congress. He just
swatted back a guy. He likes he spat him. Look at this. Wait until you
see him now. He's really angry, this member of Congress, because that guy
did something with his mouth. Watch this. He's still angry at the guy.
Watch his right hand now.
You know—you want to watch that again? There he is again. That
guy did something to him right there. I think it was worse than yelling
something nasty at him. He hit him on the side of the face with spittle or
something, intentional or not.
Chris Cillizza, I can only interpret that one of two ways. Either he
actively spat on the guy, the member of Congress, which it looks like he
may well have done. Or he did what I guess mad comics used to call
Ballshaw (ph), where your mouth just spittles while you're talking. What
do you make of it? While you're yelling.
CILLIZZA: There's a very fine line between anger and passion that can
be directed against someone, and people have a right to be angry if they
disagree, and crossing a line. I think we've seen some of these incidents
of crossing the line of late, this being one of them.
It's a hard thing, Chris, because passion in politics is what both
sides want. They want their supporters to be both energetic for their
side, and energetic to go defeat the other side. That's what elections are
about, getting your base out voting. The problem is at what point do you
cross the line, where that energy is both destructive to the general
conversation, the body politic, and also dangerous to individuals. It's a
very hard line to walk.
MATTHEWS: You know, it's one thing to throw tomatoes at politicians,
like they did for the last two or three hundred years. But it spitting on
a guy, that's what they did to Adlai Stevenson in Dallas before Kennedy was
shot. That's a sign of real contempt.
HEILEMANN: Chris is right. It's a hard line to walk, and it's a hard
line to locate. But I think—
MATTHEWS: There's a big difference between yelling and spitting.
HEILEMANN: That scene we've gone on the wrong side of the line. I'll
tell you what that picture looks like to me. It looks to me—it has this
resonance of the deep south, during the civil rights movement.
MATTHEWS: When the young women were being integrated.
HEILEMANN: You have this African-American congressman walking along
here, all-white crowd. Spitting on the guy. It's very—
MATTHEWS: Look at this guy. He won't even quit yelling, either.
He's just—
HEILEMANN: It looks like the scene from a different generation. It
looks like a scene—it's not what you think America is supposed to look
like in 2010.
MATTHEWS: I just saw one of those pictures the other day, a woman
down in Little Rock, Chris—Little Rock back in '57, when they were
integrating that Little Rock Central High School, with the wicked look of
anger, contorted face. Look at this guy. He won't stop. And he knows—
this is where the chicken aspect of this is. He knows that guy can't do
anything about it because he's a public figure. He knows, Chris, that that
congressman just has to take it.
CILLIZZA: Chris, again, John is right. I think we're—we all
grapple with these issues. There's a fine line between having the right to
express your opinions, which is in the Constitution—you get—you get -
if you don't like the health care bill, you get to call your member of
Congress or tell your member of Congress you don't like it. But then
there's the human decency aspect of it, that you don't get to stand a foot
from someone and throw a brick through their window. The line-drawing is
the problem.
MATTHEWS: Chris, I have great respect for your ability to forecast.
Will there be a moment between now and November when we will see
bipartisanship on a grand scale on something?
CILLIZZA: Not on a grand scale, Chris, because nothing happens on the
grand scale in election years, particularly after they've passed—I think
they would have liked health care not to have been in 2010. It wound up
being there. I think we'll see some small-bore measure like this jobs bill
that went through about a month ago. I think we'll see more stuff like
that, but nothing grand.
MATTHEWS: We'll do something on Wall Street, because they have to do
it, with a couple of Republicans, Corker and maybe Judd Gregg. Nothing big
HEILEMANN: Maybe on education you get a few Republicans. But
Republicans, as a party, has gone all in on the strategy of opposition.
It's a little too late for them to turn back now. I think he will get a
few. He'll be able to strip off a few Republicans on a couple of these
issues, especially where some of his policies are a little more
conservative, like on education. But it's not going to be half of the
Republican party, or a third of the Republicans.
MATTHEWS: I think Mitch McConnell and John Boehner are leading them
into being the scrooge party. I think it's a big mistake. They got to
join on the good stuff. They should be proposing some things on jobs.
Anyway, thank you. Congratulations, Heilemann. I'm a little envious, but
that's normal, in this city, especially in this city.
Up next, what about the bounce in the polls the president was expected
to get after he passed health care reform? There's a little bit of a
bounce, you might call it, but let's talk about if it's big enough, and if
it's going to last. We've got the latest numbers on the president and how
he's doing. This is HARDBALL, only on MSNBC.
MATTHEWS: We're back. After months and months of fighting, President
Obama and the Democratic party turned a health care reform bill into the
law of the land. But a week after signing the bill, the Pollster.com
average for President Obama's job approval has him absolutely even, about
48 percent are approving him and about 48 percent disapproving him.
Should there be a bounce? Those numbers don't really show much
change. Will the mood improve for the president and his party down the
road? Susan Page is the Washington bureau chief for "USA Today" and Josh
Gerstein is a pollster for "Politico," very important journals, both of
I want you all to look at these numbers. These are the latest
numbers, looking at them all. Look at the movement. A few major polls
taken before and after—these are before and after numbers—show what's
happened. CNN's poll has the president up eight since he signed the bill.
The "Washington Post"/ABC poll has him up five since passing the bill. And
Gallup, which is, of course, the oldest of pollsters and the most
recognized, has no action.
I guess I'm going to go to Susan Page with CNN to express that eight
points, since I like to be optimistic in this world. You have him eight
points. Your thoughts, Susan?
SUSAN PAGE, "THE USA TODAY": Actually, the "USA Today"/Gallup poll
has his approval rating up a point, but it has his disapproval rating
reaching a new high, 50 percent in the poll we took over the weekend.
That's the first time President Obama has reached the 50 percent
disapproval rating.
We showed a little bit of a bounce the day after the House vote. In
the poll we took over the weekend, we found that attitudes toward the
health care bill basically haven't changed since before it was passed. And
it continues to be something people are really skeptical about. It is not
helping Democrats and President Obama at this point. I think they really
have an uphill selling job to do.
MATTHEWS: Let me go to Josh on that very question. Does this require
the president—if he wants a bounce, he has to still earn it. It's not
there yet.
JOSH GERSTEIN, "POLITICO": I think that's right, Chris. He has to
come out and continue to sell the bill. Of course, remember, the White
House has said they're planning a hard pivot here to move on to jobs and
some of these other issues, like the financial regulatory reform and
beating up the banks on Wall Street. So it's not entirely clear how much
time the president is going to spend trying to sell health care reform when
they have these other issues that people on the Hill are just desperate for
them to move on to.
MATTHEWS: Susan, that could be a real danger. You and I, and Josh,
have been through this. When they pushed through the big stimulus or jobs
bill back when they first came in, most economist, in fact practically
every Keynesian economist who taught us in school said they had to do it.
Yet, they lost the argument. Bailout became a bad word. Stimulus became a
bad word, because they were never able to make it tangible as a kitchen
table issue. They could never sell people on the fact it was helping them.
If he lets this slip by and lets the bang bang bang of negative
publicity build again, like it did against stimulus and the bailout, he
could end up paying for this the same way. Does he have to sell?
PAGE: Like it or not, this battle is not over. It is like the
stimulus bill. In our poll, people were inclined to think that the health
care bill was going to be good for America as a whole, but not good for
them and their families. They thought it was going to drive up their
costs, costs and quality of health care.
Those are issues that you need to address, for one thing, if you want
to help out those congressional Democrats who went out on a limb to vote
for you—you begged them to do it—to get this through, people from
maybe those 40 most competitive Democratic-held districts. They need this
argument to be made, and made for the next six months, that this health
care bill is really good for you and your family.
MATTHEWS: Josh, I don't want to spin for the president here. It
seems to me, based upon all my evidence, the Democrats look a hell of a lot
happier this week than they did two weeks ago. You see it in the mood.
You see it in the way the president, the way he was able to talk to
Netanyahu in the middle of the night, the way he was able to go visit the
troops and visit Karzai in Afghanistan. A real buildup in his prestige and
I guess his charisma, if you want to put it that way, that wasn't there a
week or two ago.
It seems, on the other hand, the Republican party is not that happy.
They wish they'd beaten him on health care, no matter what they say. They
wanted to beat him and they couldn't. So how do those internal mood
improvements for the Democrats and downward movements for the Republicans
not get reflected in these polls?
GERSTEIN: Well, you know, I think you're quite right. The mojo has
definitely changed here. You have a lot of people comparing before and
after, like what do Obama's numbers look like now compared with what they
were just before the vote? That's not the valid comparison.
The question is, if this bill had gone down, if it had tanked, if they
had to pull it off the floor, about to lose the vote, if the president's
signature initiative had failed, imagine what his numbers would be then
now. He'd be somewhere in the 20s probably. So I think it's a little bit
misleading to look at the before and after numbers, when the question is
how terrible this would have looked for the president if this situation had
collapsed around him.
MATTHEWS: Susan, do Democrats who are running in tough districts, you
know the districts that voted for McCain, the blue districts, do they want
the president to come and campaign for them, as of now?
PAGE: I think some of them do and some of them don't. It probably
varies district by district. They'd certainly like the president to raise
some money for them. You know, all Democrats who are running in November
would be helped if the president got his approval rating up. We know that
for congressional races, the president's approval rating, when he's in your
party, makes a difference for how you do.
MATTHEWS: Susan, thank you so much. Susan Page and Josh Gerstein,
thank you.
When we return, I'm going to have some thoughts on the assassination
attempt on President Reagan, which happened 29 years ago today -- 29 years
ago, three decades. You're watching HARDBALL, only on MSNBC.
MATTHEWS: Let me finish tonight with an account of grace under
pressure. Twenty nine years ago, shots rang out on Washington, D.C.,
sidewalk. The first hit Presidential Press Secretary Jim Brady. The
second hit D.C. police officer Thomas Delahaney. The third hit a building
across the street. The fourth hit Secret Service agent Timothy McCarthy.
The fifth hit Ronald Reagan, the president of the United States.
The bullet that hit President Reagan was now lodged an inch from his
heart. Unaware of the president's condition, Jerry Par (ph), the chief
Secret Service agent in charge of presidential protection, shoved the
president into his car and jumped in on top of him. He ordered the car to
bolt for the White House, first cover, then evacuate. He was following the
Up T Street, then on to Connecticut Avenue, the presidential limousine
sped. Only when the car went underneath the tunnel at Dupont Circle did
Reagan see his napkin, the one he carried with him from his luncheon
speech, was covered in red. He was choking up blood. And Par, the Secret
Service agent, could see he was turning white.
At this point, neither Par nor Reagan knew he had been shot. But Par
made the life saving call. He told the driver to high tail it to George
Washington University Hospital. They made it to the hospital in three
"I forgot to duck," he told wife Nancy, borrowing the line heavyweight
Jack Dempsey had used when he was knocked out by Jeanne Tunney (ph). The
heroes that day were police officer Tom Delahaney, shot in the line of
duty, Secret Service Agent Tim McCarthy, who took a bullet either for the
president or for his chief agent, Par, who was guarding him, and Jerry Par,
head of presidential protection, who put his body between Reagan and the
gunman, and made the key realtime decision to get that car to the hospital.
Ronald Reagan made it that day. He made it in good spirits. No one
would know for a long time, long after the country had settled down, how
close it had come. He'd lost half his blood supply that afternoon, with a
bullet an inch from his heart, and lived to lead the country, thanks to
some really good grace under pressure by a really good patriotic guy, Jerry
Par. I hope he's watching.
That's HARDBALL for now. Thanks for being with us. Catch us again
tomorrow night at 5:00 and 7:00 Eastern. Right now it's time for "THE ED
SHOW" with Ed Schultz.
Copyright 2010 Roll Call, Inc. All materials herein are protected by United States copyright law and may not be reproduced, distributed, transmitted, displayed, published or broadcast without the prior written permission of Roll Call. You may not alter or remove any trademark, copyright or other notice from copies of the content.> transcript
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Still not clear to me how that can work. Its the server that needs to do this identification not the client - and I thought the TAG would frown upon using ref-p's to identify endpoints. -Doug Jonathan Marsh <firstname.lastname@example.com> Sent by: email@example.com 09/11/2006 04:05 PM To Doug Davis/Raleigh/IBM@IBMUS cc <email@example.com> Subject RE: Proposal for CR33 I think we agree on the crux of the issue ?the RManonURI doesn't identify a sequence, it just identifies the anonymous endpoint?. The use of an infinite number of possible identifiers which are synonyms of the WS-A ?anonymous? uri is generally discouraged ? I?ll try to look up the WebArch advice on this topic. But the interaction of your RManonURI with wsaw:Anonymous is symptomatic. I propose that you use our anonymous URI to identify the anonymous endpoint, and use reference parameters to communicate the sequence ID or whatever information is necessary internally to the endpoint (identified as anonymous) to disambiguate states or other internals. From: Doug Davis [mailto:firstname.lastname@example.com] Sent: Monday, September 11, 2006 12:14 PM To: Jonathan Marsh Cc: firstname.lastname@example.com Subject: RE: Proposal for CR33 It might be a terminology issue but the RManonURI doesn't identify a sequence, it just identifies the anonymous endpoint. If the WG does close it with no action then what would be the suggested solution for: 1 - a new spec to define their own anon-like URI (as the core spec says it may) and have a WSDL marker saying it only supports non-addressable URIs? The current WSA WSDL marker doesn't allow for this. 2 - in a scenario where two anonymous clients are talking to a server what would be the interoperable way the server can uniquely identify each one for the purposes of sending back messages on a subsequent connection (with and w/o the use of RM sequences)? If RM used the WSA anon URI its not clear to me how the server could ever know, upon receipt of a 2nd connection from a client, how it would know which client made the connection. This may not be a WSA WSDL issue but since you're suggesting that RM may be made a mistake by defining its own anon-like URI, I'd be interesting in hearing alternatives. I guess I'm still not clear why the text around this WSDL marker can't simply be reworded to state that its to indicate whether or not the server supports async responses. I know some people are worried about the definition of 'async' but is that really something we couldn't work through? To me, the use of the exact string representing the WSA anon URI is not the important aspect of this marker, its the async-ness. And this would be true even if RM didn't define its own anon URI. thanks -Doug Jonathan Marsh <email@example.com> Sent by: email@example.com 09/11/2006 02:37 PM To Doug Davis/Raleigh/IBM@IBMUS, <email@example.com> cc Subject RE: Proposal for CR33 I still summarize the core of the problem as the RM WG defining anonymous-like functionality yet insisting that WS-Addressing provide descriptive capabilities of RM-specific capabilities. I continue to find it beyond distasteful to put RM-specific description hooks in our non-RM-dependent description capability. The argument that WS-A allows anonymous-type behavior outside the WS-A anonymous URI is not compelling in the least. In hindsight, we shouldn?t have been so accommodating to give you a loaded gun. But now that we have, I don?t feel compelled to help you pull the trigger. Instead, I hope to advise you on WS-A compatible ways to accomplish your scenarios. As I understand it, the RM pseudo-anonymous URI serves two purposes ? it identifies the anonymous URI as the destination for the (usually response) message, and it carries a sequence identifier to facilitate future communication with the endpoint. These are two separate tasks, and the former seems completely duplicative of the WS-A anonymous URI. Complications arise when the same functionality is given two or more syntaxes. If at all possible, you should use one syntax. I think the WS-A anonymous URI should be used as the endpoint address in these scenarios. The additional functionality of communicating a sequence identifier maps nicely to the reference parameter functionality provided by WS-A. To date I have not heard, nor can I imagine, a compelling reason not to use reference parameters. The arguments floated so far have been weak: 1) Identifiers need to be put in the URI. Just because the sequence identifier is an ?identifier? and WS-A recommends against putting endpoint identification information in a reference parameter is no reason ? because the sequence identifier does not identify the endpoint ? it identifies the sequence. Mashing this information inappropriately into the address URI disguises the actual address ? which is why these pseudo-anonymous URIs are invisible to wsaw:Anonymous. 2) Reference parameters are always opaque. The opacity of reference parameters is no different than the opacity of query parameters. One should be able to use them opaquely in generic contexts, but that doesn?t prevent one from documenting the internal structure and allowing a smarter client from manipulating that structure. Many web sites such as local.live.com document their query parameters for those who want additional functionality beyond generic link-clicking. Actually, WS-RM engages in just such documentation in providing a URI template. Surely you can?t object to an EPR template instead? As a consequence, I think the WS-A WG should close this issue with no action against the WSDL binding spec, and file a comment against WS-RM about the lack of composition of the pseudo-anonymous URI with wsaw:Anonymous. We should request that WS-RM use the perfectly adequate facilities provided by WS-A and not invent new ones. From: firstname.lastname@example.com [mailto:email@example.com] On Behalf Of Doug Davis Sent: Wednesday, August 30, 2006 11:27 AM To: firstname.lastname@example.com Subject: RE: Proposal for CR33 What you're basically advocating is the removal of the wsaw:Anonymous element when RM's URI template is used - while to someone who would only use "optional" in there anyway wouldn't really care, I suspect people who want to use "required" might have a problem with that. A WSA-only client may want to see wsaw:Anonymous=required to know that it must use WSA's anon. While a RM+WSA client seeing that same WSDL element would correctly interpret it to mean that RM's anon is prohibited. Given that WSA core spec allows for other specs to define anonymous-like URIs, it makes sense to me that this WSDL element should allow for those situations. To me this element should talk about the asynchronous support of the server. However, if the WG really wants to keep it focused on the specific URI itself then maybe another option would be to add another value for this wsdl element. Something that means "anon-like required" - so its similar to "required" but allows for other possible values as long as they are non-addressable. This gives people to ability to really be picky and just allow WSA's anon, but also support others. (just brainstorming here) thanks -Doug "Jonathan Marsh" <email@example.com> 08/30/2006 02:12 PM To Doug Davis/Raleigh/IBM@IBMUS, <firstname.lastname@example.com> cc Subject RE: Proposal for CR33 Sorry I missed last week?s call, but I still haven?t seen enough evidence, including in last week?s minutes, proving that RM?s anonymous template design is the least of all evils to be wholeheartedly in favor of such a proposal. An EPR with an anonymous URI (identifying the address of the service using a standard mechanism that works well with wsaw:Anonymous) plus a reference parameter (conveying other information to the endpoint which it can use to help establish subsequent connections) seems to accomplish all the desired goals. I also recognize stability of the WS-RM and WS-A WSDL binding specs is important, but something has to give here, perhaps the simplest path forward is to add the simple advice to WS-RM not to combine RM with wsaw:Anonymous=?required? because of the unintended side effect of prohibiting RM?s pseudo-anonymous address. The resulting loss of descriptive capability doesn?t seem catastrophic. From: email@example.com [mailto:firstname.lastname@example.com] On Behalf Of Doug Davis Sent: Wednesday, August 30, 2006 9:54 AM To: firstname.lastname@example.com Subject: RE: Proposal for CR33 Yup - the entire naming issue is a problem. Obviously the current name "Anonymous" doesn't convey what this CR is trying get to. And as you and other have pointed out perhaps "Connection" isn't right either. I think it might be useful to first figure out what this WSDL element is trying to define and then pick a name. So, let's start with this.... If the wsaw:ZZZ element were defined with the proper terminology to say that this element is trying to convey whether or not the endpoint supports the notion of sending responses (either normal or faults) asynchronously - would that be something people could support? (I'm not asking for people to agree to the term 'asynchronously' but rather to just the idea that everyone knows what it is supposed to mean. If we can get agreement to on the idea then we can move on to finding the right wording.) thanks -Doug "Jonathan Marsh" <email@example.com> 08/30/2006 12:32 PM To "Anish Karmarkar" <firstname.lastname@example.com>, <email@example.com> cc Doug Davis/Raleigh/IBM@IBMUS Subject RE: Proposal for CR33 Still digesting this, but one comment is simply on the terminology and names. The concept (e.g. the property name) is termed "addressable response endpoint" yet the syntax is named wsa:NewConnection. Perhaps a unified name like wsaw:Addressable would be more appropriate. Although "addressable" as a term does seem to include the anonymous URI so maybe that doesn't work either... I'm also concerned the preoccupation with "new connection" is SOAP-Binding specific. The WS-A Core doesn't mention connections at all when defining the anonymous URI. > -----Original Message----- > From: firstname.lastname@example.com [mailto:public-ws-addressing- > email@example.com] On Behalf Of Anish Karmarkar > Sent: Wednesday, August 16, 2006 12:10 AM > To: firstname.lastname@example.com > Cc: Doug Davis > Subject: Proposal for CR33 > > Dug and I took an action during this week's call to send out a proposal > for CR33 [1]. Word version of the proposal is attached. It is a marked > up version of section 3.2 [2] of the WS-Addressing 1.0 -- WSDL Binding > spec. PDF (diffed and non-diffed versions) are also attached. > > -Anish > -- > > [1] http://www.w3.org/2002/ws/addr/cr-issues/Overview.html#cr33 > [2] http://www.w3.org/TR/2006/CR-ws-addr-wsdl-20060529/#anonelementReceived on Monday, 11 September 2006 20:13:45 UTC
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text:
The Bdoul Bedouin no longer live inside Petra, that ancient city in the south of Jordan. They no longer set up their tents of woven hair on the long, wind-catching ridges and invite passing tourists to share a cup of tea in the shade, an evening meal, or even a place to sleep as they did when I met my husband there in the summer of 1978.
I was from New Zealand; Mohammad had been born in one of the caves.
Married to a Bedouin is the story of how I fell in love with Mohammad Abdallah and married him; how I settled into his cave, and slept with him on the ledge in front under a sheet of stars; how I learned to fetch water by donkey, bake bread daily and how I ran the local clinic.
Seven years later, in 1985, when the Bedouin were resettled to the Umm Sayhoon village on a hillside overlooking Petra, I was a part of the tribe.
And since then I have been a part of the story of Petra. I worked alongside Mohammad selling sand bottles, t-shirts and later silver jewellery and people always asked how come I was there. As I answered their questions about the life here, married to my Bedouin and living in the valley of Petra, I realised that time was moving quickly and the life I was describing was difficult to see. That's when I started thinking of all the stories I had to tell.
Through these stories, my own and the stories of the people I shared the valley with, I offer the recent history of Petra.


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Welcome Back
The Virtual Crafting Challenge theme for March 2012 is:
Yarns, Fibers & Textiles
Great I hear you say, but now what? Well for those of you who would like a few ideas to get you started, here are some colours, products and techniques to help you choose, where you could go with this month's theme. Feel free to use your own ideas for this theme too.
- Create something in your favorite colour
- Create something in a colour you have never used before
- This month's birthstone is Aquamarine, try using this colour in your project
- Try out a different yarn to the type or weight you normally favor. There are some exciting fashion yarns around for something completely different. They knit up very quickly and often have patterns on the ball bands.
- Fabrics; Had your eye on some wonderful fabric? Go get it and lets see what you create with it.
This doesn't have to be an expensive project; lots of the manufacturers have free patterns you can download. Check out the Yarns tab at the top of the page, for links to yarn manufacturers.
- Create something you can wear
- Add fibers or yarn to alter an item of clothing
- Use Textiles/fibers or yarn to decorate a card project
- Knitting, there are some superb tutorials around the web, if you have wanted to learn how, try it now 🙂
- Crochet. Check out You Tube for tutorials on how to crochet
- Sewing. You Tube is again the place to go for inspiration and tutorials for textile projects
- How about making a bag?
- Perhaps find out more about quilting.
The most important thing about this challenge is that you have fun and explore. Don't feel pressured to have a finished item at the end of the month. Explore different styles and techniques either in person, if you have the supplies, or through research, looking online.
You learn so much more when you take away the rules and just PLAY. Adapt this challenge to a creative style that interests you. Enjoy 🙂
For inspiration around the web, have a look at my Textiles and also Yarns tab at the top from here you will find some interesting sites you may not have found before.
Best wishes and thanks for reading, see you soon
Billie 🙂


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University of Bedfordshire Campus Tour - Luton Campus
University of Bedfordshire
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Before you decide where to study at University - it's important to get a sense of the place where you'll be studying. To help you make that choice we run regular campus tours. This event is for the Luton Campus. You are welcome to attend with guests on the day.
Academic appointments for a specific subject area are also available. Please indicate if you wish to speak to an academic member of staff when you book.
Campus tours are delivered by our student ambassadors who will walk you through all of the facilities and tell you what life is like studying at the University of Bedfordshire.
Please ensure you visit the correct campus for the course that you are interested in. You can check which courses are offered at which campus on our campus tours web page.
The address details for our Luton Campus can be found below:
Luton Campus, Campus Centre Reception, University Square, Luton, Bedfordshire LU1 3JU
PLEASE NOTE: Occasionally due to mid-week teaching commitments some areas of the University will be unavailable for viewing. Where possible we will inform you of this before the day of your tour. Additionally, due to academic teaching commitments, you may not have the opportunity to speak directly to an academic. However, we will do our very best to meet your requirements.


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We all know that play dough is fun and popular with young children, but apart from making a mess what is it really good for? Here are the fabulous benefits of allowing kids to play with play dough and the many learning opportunities that happen along the way!
|Poking in objects and pulling them out of play dough strengthens hand muscles and co-ordination
As part of simple, tactile play it can be squashed, squeezed, rolled, flattened, chopped, cut, scored, raked, punctured, poked and shredded! Each one of these different actions aids fine motor development in a different way, not to mention hand-eye co ordination and general concentration. And as soon as you add another element to it, the list of benefits and creative play possibilities continues to grow!
Having a wide range of additional extras to use while playing extends the investigation and play possibilities endlessly. Poking in sticks provides a challenge and a new physical skill. Squeezing through a garlic press leads to wonder and amazement at seeing it change shape, as well as using a gross motor movement to accomplish it. Sticking in spaghetti requires a delicate hand and can lead to threading and stacking pasta shapes or beads over the top.
Providing boxes and containers with various shaped compartments can lead to cooking play, sorting, matching, ordering and counting, all naturally and without pressure to learn.
By providing objects from nature with a wide range of textures, colours and shapes, children can have multi-sensory experiences and engage with the world around them in a whole new way.
This is by no means a comprehensive list, but all of these elements can be used to create plenty of exciting, open-ended play times:
toy creatures
rolling pins, plastic knives, scissors, pizza cutters
cupcake cases in different sizes
coloured and natural feathers
pine cones, sticks, bark, leaves
muffin tins, egg cartons, chocolate boxes,
small cups and shot glasses
alphabet, number and shape cookie cutters
pasta shapes
glass pebbles
toy vehicles
wooden letters and numbers
fabric, netting and ribbons
match sticks and lolly sticks
As soon as you introduce open ended play items to add to the mix, play dough becomes the perfect medium for numerous types of imaginative play and can represent so many things in a child's eyes.
It can be chocolates and sweets in a sweet shop, cakes and bread in a bakery, grass and mud in a garden centre, sand or ice cream in a beach scene, soil, pebbles, ice or snow at the zoo/ jungle/ farm/ ocean and so on! The list is as endless as a child's imagination!
scents and colours
cocoa powder
fruit juices
food colouring
food flavouring
essential oils
kool aid
cous cous
coriander seeds
poppy seeds
sesame seeds
rock salt
tiny pasta
glitter glue
Calming and soothing:
As any adult who has played with dough can tell you, the effects of all that squeezing and pummelling are great for stress relief and can feel extremely therapeutic! Little children can struggle to express their emotions and using dough while talking and singing can really help that process.
How about adding some essential oils to create the ultimate aromatherapy experience for little ones too!
Maths and Literacy development:
The actual act of making the play dough together with your child can lead to lots of questioning and prediction skills. Here we have some solid materials (flour, salt etc) to which we are going to add some liquids (oil, water.) What do you think will happen? What can we make? The child gets to explore and observe the changing state of materials in a hands-on way, and be filled with wonder as the bowl of unrelated ingredients comes together to form a sticky then smooth and squishy ball of dough! We often take these things for granted, but in the eyes and hands of a child that's quite some transformation!
Following a recipe and instructions, counting out cups, stirring and mixing and just being able to spend time on a collaborative project with an adult are all meaningful and important experiences too!
What an incredible substance play dough is! Let's all start using it as part of our daily play and learning times with the young children in our care!
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Your paper, presentation or project will be improved when you use good information to support your position. Always seek assistance from the library staff when you have questions about library material. We will help you learn the steps needed to evaluate and cite these resources so that you can earn a higher grade!
HCC's Information Literacy eCommunity in Blackboard


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Obesity in Florida part of a growing national trend
How fat is Florida?
Obesity in the Sunshine State increased by 80 percent in the past 15 years, a new survey says.
Despite that, we dropped from 26th to 29th fattest state in the union as of 2010, because every other state has also gotten fatter since 1995 — some of them at a faster rate than Florida.
Fifteen years ago, Florida's obesity rate was 14.3 percent. Today, it's 26.1 percent, according to the report by the Trust for America's Health and the Robert Wood Johnson Foundation.
Fifteen years ago Florida had a combined obesity and overweight rate of 49.1 percent. Now, it's 62.6 percent.
"That's a pretty huge number," said Karen Weller, director of the Office of Community Health and Planning at the Miami-Dade Health Department. "People are living sedentary lifestyles, not walking, kids doing video games instead of going outside to play. Portion sizes have a very big impact. Restaurants want to give big portions. People get insulted if they don't."
America's fattest state is Mississippi, with 34.4 percent obesity. The skinniest is Colorado, with 19.8 percent. But even the mountain state nearly doubled in girth since 1995. The South tends to be fattest, the Northeast and West less so — but still fatter than 15 years ago.
"This is the most challenging health crisis this country has ever faced," said Jeff Levi, CEO of the trust. "It impacts at least 20 diseases, including diabetes and heart problems."
The 124-page report, titled "F as in Fat: How Obesity Threatens America's Future," is on the trust's website at healthyamericans.org.
Obesity is no equal-opportunity epidemic, the report says.
"Racial and ethnic minority adults and those with less education or who make less money continue to have the highest overall obesity rates," the report says.
In Florida, the rate of obesity for African-Americans is 38.8 percent. For Hispanics, it's 28.7 percent, and for non-Hispanic whites, it's 24.1 percent.
One-third of Floridians earning less than $15,000 a year are obese, but only a quarter of those who earn more than $50,000.
Individuals with a body mass index (based on the ratio of weight to height) of 30 or higher are considered obese.
In the 15 years between 1995 and 2010, as Florida was getting fatter, diabetes was also on the rise, going from 5.7 percent to 9.9 percent. Hypertension grew, too, from 23.8 percent to 29 percent.
It's not that states aren't trying.
Miami-Dade won a $14.7 million grant in 2009 from a national program, Communities Putting Prevention to Work, to fight obesity. Through the county's Consortium for a Healthier Miami-Dade, set up in 2003, the money is being used to help battle the county's weight problem, bringing together the School Board, county government, the Health Foundation of South Florida and others. The group is helping to establish new farmers markets in Liberty City, Opa-locka and other areas, encouraging farmers to bring fresh fruits and vegetables directly to school cafeterias. Classes teaching good nutrition are being established in schools and community centers, said Weller, of the county's health department.
Still, the challenge is a big one. Can America push the plate away and get off the couch to reverse its growth spurt?
"I think it can," Weller said. "People just need to be educated."


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News Release
Media Contact: TPWD News, firstname.lastname@example.com, 512-389-8030
March 20, 2012
TPWD Exploring Non-lethal Burro Control at Big Bend Ranch State Park
AUSTIN – The Texas Parks and Wildlife Department (TPWD) is continuing to explore the feasibility of non-lethal alternatives to manage the feral burro problem at Big Bend Ranch State Park.
Since the mid-2000s, TPWD's State Parks Division has explored non-lethal options such as live trapping to remove the burros. State parks staff met early on with veterinarians and other experts with the USDA-Animal and Plant Health Inspection Service (APHIS) based in Presidio, but APHIS was unsuccessful in trapping feral burros along the US-Mexico Border within the state park.
In 2007, no feasible alternatives had been found and TPWD began lethal control. In 2008, the agency temporarily ceased lethal efforts to allow Peaceful Valley Donkey Rescue to try live trapping burros at the park, but after nearly two years of efforts by the group no burros were caught.
In 2011, TPWD Executive Director Carter Smith challenged critics of the department's burro control methods to bring resources to bear on the problem and to suggest practical alternatives.
"We have said consistently that Texas Parks and Wildlife does not have the financial resources to control burros at Big Bend Ranch State Park through alternatives such as capture and quarantine, but that we are open to substantive discussions with interested parties who wish to offer their own resources to help address this problem," Smith said. "However, any proposed plan must account for adequate and sustained funding, and we must be clear that the goal is to remove feral burros from the park."
The Humane Society of the United States (HSUS) has offered its resources to assess non-lethal options. In January, state parks and HSUS staff met at Big Bend Ranch to allow HSUS to assess the landscape and conditions. HSUS is working with a private contractor to conduct an aerial survey to determine the numbers and locations of burros at the park, an essential first step to assess costs and feasibility of control options. TPWD has agreed to cost-share up to $10,000 to help pay for the survey, which should occur this spring.
If HSUS determines that non-lethal alternatives are feasible, the organization will prepare and submit to TPWD for its consideration a proposed timeframe, strategies, methods and resources required to accomplish non-lethal management alternatives. At present, there is no formal proposal or agreement between TPWD and HSUS.
"We understand concerns that have been expressed by many people and are open to considering feasible, non-lethal alternatives," Smith said. "However, our basic policy is unchanged. Our responsibility to protect Big Bend Ranch State Park's sensitive lands and waters is our highest priority. The need to control feral burros to protect park resources remains, and if non-lethal methods are determined to be unfeasible, we retain the option to conduct lethal control as conditions require."
Smith said if HSUS is able to commit to adequate and sustained funding for burro control, and if the methods proposed by the humane society are accepted by TPWD, the agency will facilitate HSUS efforts by furnishing access, information and other available resources.
The burros are a feral, exotic, invasive species threatening the state park's native plants and animals, precious desert springs and seeps, and other natural and cultural resources, a threat similar to that posed by feral hogs and other invasive plants and animals across Texas. TPWD has a statewide policy to control all such exotic, invasive plants and animals on its public lands. In 2011, the agency posted an online factsheet with photos and video detailing the park burro problem.
Removal of burros has been an opportunistic activity that occurs in the state park at times when visitor safety can be assured. The high season for BBR visitation is October-April. It is normal and customary for TPWD to curtail burro control during these months due to heavier public use in back country areas. Smith said it is not likely that TPWD will conduct lethal burro control in the near future, until it has been determined whether any non-lethal methods are feasible.
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Young Chris Interview: (Speaks On New Album, Rocnation, Dont Write Nothing Down, & More)
YOUNG CHRIS TALKS ABOUT HIS UPCOMING ALBUM,IF HE'S MOVING OVER TO ROCNATION AND HIS MIXTAPES THE LABEL ROCAFELLA HIS NEW SINGLE & VIDEO (NEVER DIE)& MORE. Courtesy of Heavy Spitters TV
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The astonishing image is other parts of Gymnastics Leotards: How to Choose content which is grouped within , , and made public at December 24, 2015 5:18:45 pm by Sport Reviewer
Gymnastics Leotards: How to Choose: Custom Gymnastics Leotards
Look Great and Perform Great
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Consider Your Personal Taste
No matter what type of clothes you are wearing, your personal taste is a big part of whether or not you will like them. This includes gymnastics leotards. If you like them then you are going to feel more confident. If you are more confident then you will perform better.
How Tight Are They?
Fit is always a consideration for purchasing any clothes. You want your gymnastics leotards to fit well. But, you want them to fit your body perfectly. If they are too tight then you will feel restricted and even can reduce blood flow. If they are too loose then you will be worried about them moving too much during your routines.
Look Gymnastics Leotards? Make your choice and buy!
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Do you think Dzhokhar Tsarnaev, the Boston Marathon bombing suspect, should face the death penalty? We asked our Facebook users:
Don't believe in the death penalty for anybody, so no. He's young. A long, ruined life spent in prison is a pretty good punishment.
-Susan Edwards Love Is tar and feathering still a thing? We should do that.
-Geoff Misiak I'm torn. He's just a baby. He was influenced by his older brother. I lean toward giving him life in prison. He will suffer there, and possibly learn the gravity of what he participated in. Perhaps on down the road he may be able to deter other young impressionable Islamic men from making the same poor choices. Death is an escape with no resolution, really.
-Tammie Heazlit There shouldn't even be a question, of course!
-Sandi Locricchio DeBruyne I think the punishment should change the behavior. If the behavior can't be changed the should be put away so they can never hurt anyone else.
-Reed Swanson Regardless of how you already feel about this ... he still deserves a fair trial. So maybe we should worry about a guilty verdict or at least see the facts before we kill him. That's kind of how its written in the 6th Amendment in the Bill of Rights of the Constitution of the United States.
-Joshua Bennett


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(originally written by Margaret Collins)
U.S. workers willing to take tax pain today in exchange for tax-free gains on earnings in their 401(k) retirement accounts later have a new avenue to do so.
The budget legislation passed by Congress Jan. 1 lets 401(k) participants convert any money in their tax-deferred accounts to a so-called Roth 401(k) account, if their employer offers one, which can be withdrawn tax-free in retirement. The change is projected to raise $12.2 billion in revenue over 10 years, according to the Joint Committee on Taxation, and help defray the cost of delaying spending cuts that had been set to take effect this month.
"This dramatically expands the number of participants who can use this provision," said Bob Holcomb, executive director of legislative and regulatory affairs for JPMorgan Chase & Co. (JPM)'s retirement plan services. "It will allow any amount to be transferred."
The conversion opportunity can benefit people with significant balances, the up-front money to pay taxes now with funds outside their retirement account and years of tax-free earnings ahead of them or their heirs. Conversions to Roth 401(k)s had been limited to certain funds and to plans that allowed the switches. The law opens the opportunity to more workers who hold $5 trillion in employer-sponsored defined contribution plans including 401(k)s.
Deferring Taxes
Contributions to a traditional 401(k) account are tax- deferred, with taxes paid at ordinary income rates when the money is withdrawn in retirement. When savers put money into a Roth 401(k) account, they pay taxes on the money upfront in exchange for tax-free withdrawals later.
The new conversion opportunity may help wealthy investors who want to leave their retirement accounts to heirs and younger savers, said John Olivieri, a partner in the private clients group at New York-based law firm White & Case LLP.
"This is really a huge benefit to heirs," Olivieri said. "Basically you can pay tax now for your kids." Younger investors may wish to convert a portion or all of their account if it's a small part of their net worth because they have more time to make back the money they lose in paying the tax upfront, Olivieri said.
Fund Transfers
A provision in a 2010 law allowed some 401(k) participants to convert part of the money in their plan to a Roth 401(k) account, with restrictions: Their employer had to offer a Roth 401(k) and allow conversions. Funds transferred were limited to money eligible for distribution, such as that held by savers age 59½ and older, and some employer contributions, said Alison Borland, vice president of retirement solutions and strategies at Lincolnshire, Illinois-based Aon Hewitt. It is a unit of Aon Plc (AON) that administers 401(k) plans for about 5 million workers.
"Now they are saying you can convert any money," said Ed Ferrigno, vice president of Washington affairs for the Plan Sponsor Council of America. The Chicago-based group represents about 1,000 employers that sponsor plans and lobbied for the 2010 law change as another way for participants to diversify their savings, Ferrigno said. The budget legislation may encourage more employers to offer Roth 401(k) accounts, even as questions remain about the logistics, he said.
Plan Guidance
"This isn't going to happen overnight," he said. "Treasury is going to have to issue guidance. Plans are going to have to make amendments."
Americans held $5 trillion in defined contribution plans as of Sept. 30, including $3.5 trillion in 401(k)s, according to the Washington-based Investment Company Institute.
About 12 percent of plan sponsors offer and allow conversions to Roth 401(k) accounts and the majority of them don't charge a fee for it, Borland said. Participants should ask whether there's a cost for such a transaction, she said.
A taxpayer in the top income bracket with a 401(k) worth $1 million may pay 39.6 percent, or $396,000, in federal taxes this year when converting the entire account into a Roth 401(k). The legislation allows all or a portion of funds in an account to be converted to a Roth within the same plan, Olivieri said. Once the taxes are paid upfront, all of the additional earnings and appreciation in the account are tax-free, he said. Congress has turned to Roth accounts before as a revenue raiser.
The government lifted income restrictions on converting an individual retirement account, or IRA, under a provision of a 2006 law that took effect in 2010. That's when U.S. taxpayers making more than $100,000 a year in adjusted income could start making the transfers. There's no limit on conversions if an investor has multiple IRAs, nor a cap on the amount that can be shifted.
Fidelity, Vanguard
When the Roth IRA conversion rules changed, Internal Revenue Service regulations allowed taxpayers to choose whether to pay all the tax in 2010, or split it between tax years 2011 and 2012. The legislation passed this week didn't include a similar specification on payment of taxes on conversions.
Fidelity Investments, the largest 401(k) plan provider, saw more than 355,000 Roth IRA conversions from January 2010 to June 2012, according to Deborah Pont, a spokeswoman for the Boston- based mutual-fund firm.
Vanguard Group Inc. saw 244,356 in conversions of traditional IRAs to Roth IRAs to in 2010, a 91 percent increase from 2009 before the income limits were lifted, according to Linda Wolohan, a spokeswoman for the Valley Forge, Pennsylvania- based firm.
The scope of possible conversions may be smaller at the start for 401(k) plans because only about half of employers in 2011 offered Roth accounts in their plans and most of those didn't allow conversions, according to Vanguard.
Backing Off
Fewer than 2 percent of plans administered by Vanguard have opted to allow Roth 401(k) conversions and about 500 participants have taken advantage of the move since the 2010 legislation, said Jean Young, senior research analyst at Vanguard's Center for Retirement Research.
"The thing to keep in mind is that when people do that type of conversion they have to pay a tax," Young said. "When they realize they have to pay the taxes they tend to back off."
A Roth conversion works best when an investor can pay the taxes with funds outside the 401(k) so as not to deplete savings in the account, said John Sweeney, executive vice president of planning and advisory services at Fidelity.
Investors who are near or at retirement with a 401(k) balance that is a large portion of their net worth that they need to spend in their remaining years rather than transfer to heirs shouldn't make the conversion, Olivieri said.
"It will take a chunk of your other money and it will take you awhile to earn it back," he said.
People also should be aware that there's a chance, however slim, the government will lower taxes in the future. They should consider whether they plan to retire in a place without state income taxes, which would reduce their total liability, Olivieri said.
"A lot of blind faith goes into this that if you pay the tax now you don't ever pay later," he said.


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Engraving after 'The Coalition Ministry, 1854'
12 of 245 portraits of John Russell, 1st Earl Russell
© National Portrait Gallery, London
Engraving after 'The Coalition Ministry, 1854'
by William Walker, after Sir John Gilbert
engraving, 1857
20 3/4 in. x 28 3/8 in. (527 mm x 721 mm)
Purchased, 1898
Primary Collection
NPG 1125a
Artistsback to top
- Sir John Gilbert (1817-1897), Painter and illustrator. Artist associated with 10 portraits, Sitter associated with 16 portraits.
- William Walker (1791-1867), Photographer, engraver and publisher. Artist associated with 119 portraits.
Sittersback to top
- George Hamilton Gordon, 4th Earl of Aberdeen (1784-1860), Prime Minister. Sitter in 50 portraits.
- George Douglas Campbell, 8th Duke of Argyll (1823-1900), Politician, Lord Privy Seal and Secretary of State for India and writer on science, religion, and politics. Sitter in 32 portraits.
- George William Frederick Villiers, 4th Earl of Clarendon (1800-1870), Diplomat and politician; Foreign Secretary and Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster. Sitter in 16 portraits.
- Robert Monsey Rolfe, Baron Cranworth (1790-1868), Judge. Sitter in 14 portraits.
- William Ewart Gladstone (1809-1898), Prime Minister and writer. Sitter associated with 319 portraits.
- Sir James Robert George Graham, 2nd Bt (1792-1861), Statesman; First Lord of the Admiralty. Sitter in 57 portraits.
- Granville George Leveson-Gower, 2nd Earl Granville (1815-1891), Politician, Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs and leader of the Liberal party. Sitter associated with 51 portraits.
- Sir George Grey, 2nd Bt (1799-1882), Home Secretary. Sitter in 14 portraits.
- Charles Wood, 1st Viscount Halifax (1800-1885), Whig politician; Chancellor of the Exchequer. Sitter in 28 portraits.
- Sidney Herbert, 1st Baron Herbert of Lea (1810-1861), War Secretary. Sitter in 11 portraits.
- Henry Petty-Fitzmaurice, 3rd Marquess of Lansdowne (1780-1863), Whig politician; Home Secretary, Chancellor of the Exchequer and Lord President of the Council. Sitter associated with 77 portraits.
- Sir William Molesworth, 8th Bt (1810-1855), Politician, First Commissioner of Works and Colonial Secretary. Sitter in 20 portraits.
- Henry Pelham Fiennes Pelham-Clinton, 5th Duke of Newcastle-under-Lyne (1811-1864), Politician; MP for several constituencies. Sitter in 17 portraits.
- Henry John Temple, 3rd Viscount Palmerston (1784-1865), Prime Minister. Sitter in 144 portraits.
- John Russell, 1st Earl Russell (1792-1878), Prime Minister and writer. Sitter in 245 portraits.
This portraitback to top
The coalition ministry, under the leadership of the Earl of Aberdeen, came to power in 1852 following the short-lived Tory administration under the Earl of Derby. It included the leading Whig and Peelite statesmen of the period. This engraving of Gilbert's portrait shows Aberdeen's cabinet deciding upon the expedition to the Crimea in the early months of 1854. Palmsterston, on the right, is seen pointing at the town of Balaclava on a map of the region held open by the Duke of Newcastle. The early set-backs and the controversies over the conduct of operations during the war would further undermine what was an already weak and divided cabinet. In January 1855 Aberdeen resigned and was succeeded by Palmerston, who brought the war to a successful conclusion in 1856.
Related worksback to top
- NPG 1125: The Coalition Ministry, 1854 (source portrait)
Linked publicationsback to top
- Saywell, David; Simon, Jacob, Complete Illustrated Catalogue, 2004, p. 711
Subjects & Themesback to top
Events of 1857back to top
Current affairsPalmerston passes the Matrimonial Causes Act in the face of parliamentary opposition. The act establishes divorce courts, although women, unlike men, are not allowed to sue for divorce on the grounds of adultery.
The Manchester Art Treasures Exhibition is held, a follow-up to the Great Exhibition of 1851, although highlighting Britain's private art collections rather than industry and technology. More than 1.3 million people visit the event.
Art and scienceElizabeth Gaskell publishes The Life of Charlotte Brontë, a year after the author's death. The controversial biography consolidates the myth of the Brontë sisters as isolated geniuses living in remote Yorkshire.
Illustrator George Scharf becomes the first Secretary of the National Portrait Gallery, overseeing the collection's growth and its several moves around London before a permanent home is established in 1896, the year after Scharf's death.
InternationalThe Indian Mutiny takes place following the insensitive response of the British army to complaints by Muslim and Hindu sepoys about using animal grease on their gun cartridges, which results in a horrific and violent uprising. The event precipitated a more involved role by the British government in India, taking over responsibility from the East India company.
Tell us more back to top
Can you tell us more about this portrait? Spotted an error, information that is missing (a sitter's life dates, occupation or family relationships, or a date of portrait for example) or do you know anything that we don't know? If you have information to share please complete the form below.
If you require information from us, please use our Archive enquiry service. You can buy a print of most illustrated portraits. Select the portrait of interest to you, then look out for a Buy a Print button. Prices start at £6 for unframed prints, £25 for framed prints. If you wish to license this image, please use our Rights and Images service.
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We digitise over 8,000 portraits a year and we cannot guarantee being able to digitise images that are not already scheduled.


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Students who have achieved a high level of skill in their performance area during undergraduate careers and wish to further develop their performance abilities seek this degree. Performance majors specialize in their applied classical performance area with a secondary component in the teaching of that area.
In this degree, students prepare to become professional performing musicians. It is assumed that most graduates of the Performance Major will either become professional performers or continue study in doctoral programs leading to university teaching positions.
Minimum requirements for our MM in both Voice Performance and Voice Pedagogy are to have one term of diction in the following languages; French, Italian, English, and German. It is also highly recommended that applicants have one year of language study in French, German, and Italian. Review courses may be required during the first year if diction is found to be deficient. Belmont's vocal program has high expectations and acceptance into the Performance major is very competitive.
Performance majors are required to successfully complete comprehensive written and oral examinations and follow the full recital track for the culminating project.
MM Performance / Voice Checklist
MM Performance / Keyboard Checklist
MM Performance / Instrumental Checklist
Nashville Opera Fellows (for voice performance majors)
For further information on our various graduate programs, contact Ms. Kathryn Paradise, Assistant Director of the School of Music (615-460-8213).


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Our College Graduates Can't Write!
Companies often complain they aren't getting graduates with the skills they need. Why is that—and what should be done about it?
BRUCE NOLOP: Our graduates lack writing skills. While adept at crafting bullet points, they often have difficulty writing in declarative sentences and complete paragraphs – thus impeding the effectiveness of their business communications, including memos, letters, and technical reports.
A 2004 Conference Board survey of 120 corporations in the Business Roundtable concluded that most companies take written communications into consideration when making their hiring and promotion decisions and implied that many current or prospective employees lack the requisite skills. This conclusion was reinforced by a 2006 Conference Board survey of 431 human resource professionals, which cited writing skills as one of the biggest gaps in workplace readiness.
Recent graduates also frequently commit basic grammatical errors, such as using an improper pronoun (e.g. "between you and I") selecting the wrong homonym (e.g. "compliment versus complement") or employing incorrect diction (e.g. "appraise versus apprise"). Not coincidentally, these kinds of errors are difficult to catch with spell-check.
We can posit several hypotheses for the deficiencies:
— Students do not read very much in their leisure time.
— They spend more time playing videogames and watching TV.
— Their skills are eroded by texting and social media formats.
— Their communication habits are reinforced by peer groups.
— For some students, English is not their native language.
However, I believe the root cause of the problem is that our schools are not placing sufficient emphasis on writing and grammar. We need to change our priorities.
In particular, we should reinstate or increase our use of traditional learning methods, such as diagramming sentences, reading classic books, conducting vocabulary drills, writing essays, and preparing research papers, in addition to offering specialized courses in business communications.
Bruce Nolop is the former chief financial officer of Pitney Bowes Inc. and E*Trade Financial Corp.
Read the latest Leadership Report.
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