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Archives: March 2016
July 24th, 2017
OAISYS Customers Left High and Dry? Move to TelStrat's Cloud
Written by TelStrat
We're sure that you've heard by now that Mitel's announcement of end-of-life for its OAISYS call recording solution is leaving OAISYS customers without support or new product releases. We hope that you also know that TelStrat is offering a great OAISYS Replacement Program. Now we have added even more options to the program by introducing a…
June 29th, 2017
TelStrat Has a Solution for Abandoned OAISYS Customers on ShoreTel
Written by TelStrat
Mitel's recent end-of-life (EOL) announcement for its OAISYS call recording and WFO solution on all non-Mitel platforms leaves OAISYS customers ABANDONED! Mitel will stop selling OAISYS on September 15, 2017 and will only support the product on a "best efforts" basis for possible service issues. OAISYS Customers – don't become stranded with an unsupported system. TelStrat has your…
June 28th, 2017
TelStrat Rescue Offer for Stranded Cisco MediaSense Customers
Written by TelStrat
In April Cisco announced end-of-life (EOL) for its MediaSense call recording solution. Cisco will stop selling MediaSense in a few months and will stop supporting it in October 2018. But no worries, you don't have to be stuck with an unsupported solution. TelStrat can come to the rescue! TelStrat is a Cisco Preferred Solution…
March 24th, 2017
What Every Contact Center Needs to Know about Desktop Analytics for PCI Compliance
Written by TelStrat
Protecting customer records, particularly their payment card information, is critical to business success. According to Business Insider worldwide payment card fraud reached $14 Billion in 2013 of which half was via U. S. cards. Privacy Rights Clearinghouse reports over 500 million sensitive customer data records breached since 2005. Unauthorized access to Social Security and payment…Tags: compliance, DSS, fraud protection, PCI, security
December 15th, 2016
Advantages of WFO in the Cloud
Written by TelStrat
The software-as-a-service (SaaS) subscription model is an increasingly popular alternative to traditional perpetual licensing for cloud-based workforce optimization solutions. Consider the big advantages that make subscribing to a cloud-based solution easy and cost-effective: * Eliminate capital cost: Receive your tailored solution on a subscription plan with only a periodic subscription fee and one-time setup fee…
October 19th, 2016
Six Tips for Improving Contact Handling Quality
Written by TelStrat
Every contact center manager is concerned about agents maintaining their service quality standard. Consider these tips for ensuring your center achieves top-line goals: 1. Monitoring and evaluating agent contact handling can provide great benefits, particularly: improving customer satisfaction (CSAT), lowering average handling time (AHT), increasing first contact resolution (FCR), resolving customer issues quicker, enhancing work…
July 20th, 2016
Podcast – Telecom Reseller Interview with TelStrat at 2016 Cisco Live
Written by TelStrat
Doug Green, publisher of Telecom Reseller interviewed Dave Ditmars, TelStrat's Director of Market Intelligence, at the recent Cisco Lice conference in Las Vegas. Listen to the replay to learn about growing customer adoption of Cloud technology and upcoming enhancements in TelStrat's next release of Engage WFO.
June 06th, 2016
Podcast – Telecom Reseller Interview with TelStrat at IAUG/ Avaya ENGAGE 2016
Written by TelStrat
Doug Green, publisher of Telecom Reseller interviewed Mike Berlin, TelStrat's Senior Vice President of Sales and Business Development, at the recent IAUG / Avaya ENGAGE conference in Orlando. Listen to the replay to learn about trends in the marketplace and what's new at TelStrat.
May 10th, 2016
The Importance of HIPAA and HITECH Compliance
Written by TelStrat
In 2013 the U.S. Department of Health and Human Services (HHS) promulgated a new rule to strengthen privacy and security for health information created by the 1996 Health Insurance Portability and Accountability Act (HIPAA). HHS Secretary Kathleen Sebelius stated that "Much has changed in health care since HIPAA was enacted over fifteen years ago. The new…Tags: call recording, compliance
March 17th, 2016
Podcast – Telecom Reseller Interview with TelStrat at Enterprise Connect 2016
Written by TelStrat
Doug Green, publisher of Telecom Reseller interviewed TelStrat's Director of Market Intelligence, Dave Ditmars, at the recent Enterprise Connect conference in Orlando. Listen to the replay to learn about trends in the marketplace and what's new at TelStrat.


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Experienced attorneys may also receive credit for a speaking or teaching engagement at an accredited program, for moderating or participating in a panel presentation at an accredited activity, or for teaching law courses at an ABA accredited law school. There is often credit available for prepping law students or judging law competitions. Pro bono legal services may also qualify for credit against the CEU requirements for the legal profession.
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This blog is a place to archive project processes and techniques from Painted Threads with descriptions of how work was produced. I am including comments that contain questions and answers pertaining to the work from many of the original blog posts.
Sunday, March 29, 2009
Little Metal and Canvas Mixed Media Books
I have drawn several designs to use for front and back covers for two books, one titled Flora, the other Birds & Bees.
I begin by taping the metal to a foam mat and then taping the drawing in place over the metal. I transfer my image to the metal by tracing over my pencil lines with an embossing tool. I remove the paper and use the embossing tool to deepen the lines on the metal and add details by working on the front and the back side of the metal, creating dimension. On this piece of copper I made a small outline around my whole design and filled in the background with stippling by tapping the point of the tool repeatedly over the surface of the metal. This helps the main design stand out from the background.I found the best product to color metal is Adirondack Alcohol Inks. You can apply inks using a felt pad or paint brush. I wanted to paint color in specific areas so I used a brush to apply the ink. You don't need much when working with the inks, just drop a few drops of ink onto a paint tray and use a paint brush to apply the ink to the metal. The ink goes on very bright. If you decide that you want less color, dip your brush in a little bit of the Alcohol Ink Blending Solution and go back over the area previously painted and the color becomes lighter as it removes the ink. Or you can add the blending solution to the ink on the tray and lighten it before painting it on the metal.
The inks dry very quickly and can be reconstituted in the tray by adding a little blending solution. To rinse my brush between colors I dipped it in the alcohol blending solution and wiped it on a paper towel.On the copper design with the waterlilies I lightened the ink to make a soft pastel tint on the metal and I painted the ornate floral design brightly to look more like the metal ornaments you see in Mexico. Two very different looks easily achieved using the same inks.
This is the bee panel partially done. In this photo I have gone over all my lines on the front side of the metal with the pointed stylus and have begun adding some stippling with the tiny ball stylus to the background on the left side. This helps the image to pop up and be defined.In the next photo, the metal design is finished. The raised areas of the design are worked from the back side of the metal. On the bees wings and the leaves, I used a large ball shaped stylus to give extra dimension.
The tool kit from Walnut Hollow has a lot of different metal working tools to add texture and shaping to the metal. I have only used a few of the tools so far as I figure out how each one can be used. It is an awesome little kit with a ruler, scissors, two tool handles with multiple tips that screw into both ends and a couple plastic embossed border shape plates that metal can be burnished over with a paper stump. I like to make my own designs , so I haven't used those, but they are nice patterns. All in all it is everything you would need to do some serious metal work.
This is a design I made on a piece of copper metal using the Alcohol Inks, the felt pad tool and the blending solution. Here is a great little video with Tim Holtz demonstrating alcohol inks. This is the method I used to apply the ink here.
Making the canvas book
I began by tearing canvas into 4" x 8 " pieces and painting both sides with gesso. I think if I were to start again I would tear them into 4 " x 8 1/2" pieces to allow for the bulk of paint and collage. When the pages were folded in half the book got fairly fat and the pages were a little short in width.
I painted the pages with fluid acrylic washes.
These are the semi finished pages for two books, the blue on the left will be Birds & Bees the yellow on the right is Flora.
There are images that are drawn, painted and transfered onto tea bags, pieces of rice paper, printed tissue paper, wrapping paper, pieces of painted fabric, scraps from other projects, transfers on fabric, painted canvas and a sewing pattern. All adhered with gel medium and machine stitching.
I folded the canvas pages in half and clamped them to help set the fold.
I tore 4" x 2" strips of canvas to use on the binding. Since the canvas was not painted I did some zigzag stitching around the edge, then positioned it over the center of the stack of pages, taping it in place to secure it for stitching.
I stitched through the four layers on my Bernina sewing machine (my Janome would not sew through the bulk).
I clamped the stitched book again to help it hold the fold.
Walnut Hollow sells a very strong double sided tape to adhere the metal to other surfaces. I found that it will even stick to canvas. I attached the tape and burnished it well to the canvas and then peeled away the paper backing to stick it to the metal, burnishing it to make a good bond with the metal.
I finished the binding by adding some cloth book binding tape.
The Finished Book
I will give a brief description of the materials used on each page.
On the first page there are leaves cut and painted from a phone book page with a leaf cut from a leftover of my mixed media quilt Illustrated Document No. 1.
The sprout was painted with textile paint on cotton fabric and machine stitched to the canvas. On the next page black and white tissue paper collaged with gel medium and left overs from a mixed media vessel stitched on top.
Collaged, painted paper overlapped by painted flower on the canvas.
The center page is rust dyed silk organza from Jane LaFazio that I drew floral images on with a permanent marker.
Dark tea stained tea bag drawn on with permanent marker.
A few more leaves from the vessel stitched over black and white tissue paper. Opposite: flower and leaves cut from colored art papers and collaged with gel medium.
Tea bag drawn on with a red marker collaged over a paper image. I used the stitching from leaves on the other side of the page as an outline to paint leaves and I added a strange bug I created in Photoshop printed on paper with some washes of acrylic paint.
Old engravings printed on paper and painted with fluid acrylics, the leaves were cut from painted fabric leftovers.
I keep a bag with all my scraps from leftover paintings and mixed media work, to use on new mixed media work.
The end.
12 comments:
WoW! What a cool technique. Only you can make metal look that darn good !ReplyDelete
Thanks Marie, but I think a lot of people couple could do this and more with a little practice.ReplyDelete
just amazing.ReplyDelete
Thanks for the fantastic tutorial, Judy. And I'm loving the flora illustrations.ReplyDelete
very awesome! thanks for the fantastic tutorial.ReplyDelete
WOW Judy, not only is it GORGEOUS you are very very generous to explain your techniques in such detail. THANK YOU. Just beautiful!ReplyDelete
This is the best thing I have ever seen. I will try to make one myself.ReplyDelete
This is beautiful-your designs are stunningReplyDelete
Love these! I really like playing with the metal as well. Can't wait to try your tea bag ideas!ReplyDelete
- AnonymousMay 30, 2011 at 7:52 PM
Wow-this whole thing is beautiful from the metal to the drawings to everything!ReplyDelete
Thanks for the tutorial anad tip on double-sided tape! Your work is lovely.
Very inpiring - I'm going to try metal covers!


text: hello there I am trying to guestimate the logical horsepower i have gained by these slight mods. Wheel HorsePower is what i am looking for, Please feel free to tell me what you think. thanks AFE stage 2 CAI BavAuto Tuner (slight timing, govenor, rev removed, etc.) ATC "traction control" removal Magnaflow cat back


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One of the sweetest compliments a blogger can receive is someone emailing them and commenting on a blog – and then continuing to ask questions! It truly makes a writer feel like they are touching on meaningful topics and making a difference…no matter how small! So to that person, thank you very much!
Moving forward with that idea, I was recently asked in an email: What do you WEAR to business school?!?
Great question! And, just to be honest, that was a question we anxiously asked one another during pre-term (well, ok, at least some other girls and I talked about it! Sorry guys, this post may not be for you).
This website is a great resouce that outlines business casual for both men and women.
Jessi's opinion on how to dress at Fisher College of Business:
-During pre-term you will be expected to dress business casual and business professional. So, nice pants and a blouse, and a jacket when needed. Besides, the jacket is great when the AC is on and blasting!
-Once classes start the outfits begin to span across the board. Students who are working in offices around the college are usually in business casual. However, on regular days, jeans are totally acceptable – but you usually don't see a lot of sweatpants in Gerlach Hall.
Personally, I try to dress-up a little bit for class every day! When I see my professors in full suits for class and looking extremely professional, I want to be seen in the same light. When I only have class I am typically in jeans and a dressy top with heels. Comfortable when I'm spending 10 hours on campus studying and going to class — but still business school "appropriate".
Just remember! There always seems to be an fantastic networking/meet-and-greet event going on at Fisher and these require business attire. You always want to present yourself in the best light when meeting business professionals and learning more about their careers.
Something I've learned within seven weeks of classes? If you don't want to dress up, have a nice outfit (don't forget your shoes!) and a few resumes in your locker. You never know who will be on campus and who could be your next important contact!
Again, this is a quick post of my own opinion about what to wear at Fisher. As an MBA Candidate who is constanly scheduling meetings with advisors, the Office of Career Managment and professors, I am always striving to put my best (dressed) foot forward.
Hopefully this shed a little light on how to dress for school 🙂
Have a great week, see you guys soon!


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This past Thursday makes the 3 week mark since I started learning the steps for sean nos (or "old style" Irish) dancing. I have played music for a lot of different types of dancing, and while I have enjoyed almost all of those, I have absolutely loved sean nos since the first time I saw a video of it -- a home video of lady named Emma O'Sullivan tearing it up at a dance festival. It looked a lot like this:
She is still my favorite dancer in this style, and if I ever get to meet her or study with her, I might explode or something, or at least think in all exclamation points. like this: !!!!!! Anyway, since I've started trying to learn this stuff, I realize all over again how isolated we are in mostly small town America--6 hour (drive) from anywhere, and quite a bit further to find a sean nos dance teacher. So, I have been watching all the youtube videos I can find of anyone teaching anything about sean nos. God bless the internet... I've also noticed a few things about dancing and dancers that I find fascinating.
You know, set dancing is all about the geometry of everyone working together, meeting people, socializing, and sean nos is about enjoying life, through the music, with your feet. I love both of them, and as soon as I can last through an entire set, I'll start dancing those too, but sean nos will always have a special place in my heart, probably as number one. One of the reasons is that this dance is what you make it: it can be as simple or as complicated as you wish. It can just as easily be stepping on the beat as it can be adding in whatever fancy footwork a performer comes up with--because it's more about the groove than it is about showing off or doing more and different steps. For example, here's the real thing coming from dancer/musician Tom King (c. 1970s):
He's not using that many steps, but what he's doing with it is simply rocking. and fun. In the short time I've been doing this, I've had someone come up to me--no matter where I'm doing the steps--and want to participate because it looked like so much fun. They also were quite certain they would never be able to do it, but just wanted to be involved. I have taught more people the basic step than I ever thought possible, just because it is what you want it to be, and if it were any more beautiful, I think I'd have to cry.
A lot of this dance is very improvisational, too. Instead of really choreographing something, a dancer learns a kind catalogue of steps and then mixes and matches them to whatever tune the musicians are playing. Because of this, the dance really melds with the music in a way that few other dances do. Check out this video of Aidan Vaughan dancing and the interaction between the feet and the accents in the tune by accordion player Matt Cunningham:
or this one of Michael O'Brien and Sean Leahy playing for an unnamed sean nos dancer:
and another of Emma O'Sullivan:
I see four musicians, but only John Gerard & Marie Walsh are named--sorry! Actually, it's rather hard to sit here and write about it--I want to be up dancing it!
Although, it is at this point, I should point out that is it not advised to go from zero to dancing constantly without adding in some exercises and stretches. I have noticed in the past 3 weeks, my feet have changed shape (in a good way), but they also understandably lack a lot of the muscle that is needed to dance constantly. I've found and implemented a routine of foot exercises, along with yoga for other body muscles and tension, and it has made a huge difference (in the day and half I've been doing it... which should say something.) If anyone experiences the same thing, here are some of the videos I've found that have helped:
I think there were a few more, but these basic ones were the most helpful to start with.
And, one more of Emma to end with, because she's my hero, and I love it:
Monday, March 19, 2012
On Sean Nos
This past Thursday makes the 3 week mark since I started learning the steps for sean nos (or "old style" Irish) dancing. I have played music for a lot of different types of dancing, and while I have enjoyed almost all of those, I have absolutely loved sean nos since the first time I saw a video of it -- a home video of lady named Emma O'Sullivan tearing it up at a dance festival. It looked a lot like this:
Posted by sunshine at 2:20 PM
1 comments:
- Clare said...
I love Irish Dance and I've always wanted to learn how to do it! Thanks for posting these videos!
- January 19, 2013 at 10:04 AM


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Junior Justina Udenze recorded her first double-double of the season as the Central Connecticut State University women's basketball team defeated New Hampshire 60-48 on the road Thursday evening. The forward scored 15 points and grabbed 12 rebounds, including 10 and 10 during second half play to lead Central to victory. Central improves to 3-5 on the season, while New Hampshire falls to 3-5.
After finishing the first half with five points and two rebounds, Udenze started the second period and tallied six points in the first 4:15 of the frame to give Central a 41-36 lead with 15:45 to play in the game. Udenze connected a traditional three point play, as well as another layup and free throw during the stretch.
The Blue Devils extended their lead to double digits at 54-44 behind the play of junior Kerrianne Dugan. She made it 52-44 when she fed sophomore Gabrielle Oglesby for a wide open layup with 3:35 to play. Dugan then took it the basket herself and gave Central the 10 point lead with a lefty runner in the lane with only 2:41 remaining. The Blue Devils held on for the 60-48 win.
Down 15-10 halfway through the first half, CCSU scored three straight baskets to take its first lead since 5-2 and made it 16-15 with 9:01 to play in the first half. Udenze put in a layup to start the stretch, which was followed by a fastbreak layup by Dugan. Senior Emily Rose finished up the run with a jumper from the right baseline.
Central held a slight 24-22 advantage with 3:08 to play in the first half, before New Hampshire finished the period on a 11-5 run. Sophomore Denise Beliveau put a stamp on the Wildcat run, connecting on a three-pointer as the horn sounded to make it 22-29 at the break. Junior Jill McDonald helped get New Hampshire off to the good start, scoring 10 points on 5-10 shooting in the first half.
Sophomore Alexzandria Dowdy, getting her first start of the season, led the Blue Devils in the opening frame with six points. She added three rebounds and four steals in the half.
Oglesby finished in double figures for the second time this season, scoring 10 and grabbing six rebounds. Junior Leanne Crockett and Dowdy both tallied nine points in the victory. Crockett knocked down three from beyond the arc and added six boards, while Dowdy chipped in with three assists and four steals. Dugan recorded eight points, eight boards and four assists in the victory.
McDonald led the Wildcats with 12 points and six rebounds, while seniors Candace Williams and Amy Simpson chipped in with seven points each for New Hampshire in the loss.
The Blue Devils will next take the court on the road against Rutgers on Sunday, December 20 at 2:00 p.m.


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Of Starbucks & split identities
An undated Associated Press file photo of a Starbucks Coffee Shop in California. This photo is not representative of all Starbucks, nor is it necessarily a rendition of how a Middlebury Starbucks will look.
The conundrum of medium-size towns (for Vermont) like Middlebury is that they often have a split personality that pits a growing shopping center mentality against the desire to be quaint, personal and very local. The proposed location of a Starbucks Coffee Shop on Route 7 by McDonald's and the Centre Plaza shopping center is the latest manifestation of the town's struggle with its identity.Many people, including numerous Middlebury College students and visiting parents who are accustomed to the chain's well-established reputation, will be potential fans of the proposed Starbucks. Passing motorists, locals at that end of town, and others will also find the convenience of the location attractive. And as developer Myron Hunt said in a story in last Thursday's Addison Independent, the single-story, 1,700-square-foot building will be a lot more attractive than the abandoned car wash has been for the past year or so.But can the welcoming of a chain coffee shop in Middlebury be called progress, or is it the continued usurpation of mass corporate culture over the local economy? Area residents, depending on their perspective, will see it both ways.The question we all face is whether anything should be done to limit such corporate infiltration, or should we just accept the role of the marketplace and do the best we can — as a community — to create zones where mass cultural forces have their place, while preserving the downtown as the soul of the community?The latter is probably Middlebury's fate. Opponents of the Starbucks shop would be fighting a project that current zoning most surely allows. And it would be a stretch to argue that it doesn't fit in with its surroundings, seeing how the majority of businesses in the area are corporate chain operations. But that doesn't mean area residents are helpless to respond in ways that will support local businesses and preserve the 'soul of the community' in the downtown area. The marketplace is a powerful force and there's nothing more powerful than shopping at those stores and businesses that are locally owned and operated. If Starbucks presents a concern to a certain sector of Middlebury-area residents, then the best response is to visit local coffee shops regularly. Make it a daily, or every other day, occurrence. Bring a friend. Set meetings there. Occasionally buy one of the numerous food items to go along with your coffee or tea. Also be ready and willing to shop in the other downtown and locally-owned stores throughout Middlebury to keep them vibrant and economically strong. Support with your pocketbook is the most powerful step each of us can make.In the meantime, give Starbucks its due and welcome the diversity of business into the town. As individuals we don't all have the same tastes, and Middlebury is just big enough that it appears likely we'll all have to learn how to grow with our split personally. If that's the case, our challenge is to grow in ways that best fit our community and to do it gracefully.
Angelo S. Lynn


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$ 115.00
These handmade earrings are inspired by the desert and cast from actual skeletons of Prickly Pear cacti (skeleton closeup shown). Using the lost wax casting process, each piece starts with a carefully selected section of Prickly Pear skeleton, which is then hand cast using recycled sterling silver. The cast piece is then framed with sterling silver wire and dangles from sterling silver earwires.
The circles measure 7/8″ in diameter and dangle just over 1.25″ from the top of the earwire. Available in sterling silver and gold vermeil (gold plated sterling silver).
Materials: Sterling Silver
Method: Lost Wax Casting
Finish: Polished Silver (Shiny) or Gold Vermeil (Shiny or Matte)
Timing: Silver ships in 3 - 5 days; Vermeil ships in 2 - 3 weeks
Eco-friendly handmade jewelry. Earrings are made with 100% recycled sterling silver.
*~-The jewelry will arrive in a Lila Clare Jewelry eco-friendly box, mailed in a padded bubble mailer. If you order more than one piece of jewelry, all jewelry will be placed in one box. If you would like each piece of jewelry in it's own separate box, please select "USPS Priority Mail 2-3 Day" shipping at checkout and leave a note at checkout that you would like separate boxes. There is no fee for the additional boxes.-~*


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I've been thinking about what my "dream home" looks like...or more, what it feels like. (Is that strange, to imagine what it feels like?)
I have a strong pull towards lots of natural light, bright and colorful things here and there and pictures everywhere. And books of course :)
I'm getting really excited about having a new place to live for my children and I...a place to build a fort with fairy lights and read piles of books.
A place that feels like us and where we share happy moments for sweet memories. ♥
I've started boxing up little bits of my house and resisting the urge to get rid of everything...because that's just not practical. :) But I can start gathering a little bit of new stuff...like these new dishes.
I realized after I bought them that they reminded me very much of my favorite dishes growing up, which weren't the fancy china dishes but the cute cheap ones. :)


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Democrats swept to victories Tuesday in Waterbury, New Britain, Middletown and Milford as well-organized candidates pounded away on local issues and got their voters to the polls in the state's big cities.
In Middletown, Democrat Dan Drew defeated incumbent Republican Sebastian Giuliano in an upset in a city that has been embroiled recently in the politics of the police department.
In New Britain, state Rep. Timothy O'Brien, a Democrat, defeated Republican Mark Bernacki for mayor after veteran Republican Tim Stewart decided not to seek re-election.
Three prominent Democratic mayors — Pedro Segarra of Hartford, John DeStefano of New Haven and Bill Finch of Bridgeport — all won re-election Tuesday night.
In a bare-knuckle Waterbury slugfest, former police chief Neil M. O'Leary defeated longtime Mayor Michael Jarjura in a bitter election that was not as close as expected. In a city known for its rough-and-tumble politics, the Jarjura-O'Leary race turned into a mudfest of charges, countercharges and accusations.
One of the key factors in the race was the switch by Jarjura, a longtime Democrat, to the Republican Party after it became clear that he would not get the Democratic nomination.
"There's an inherent danger in switching parties in a local race like this,'' said Democrat Duby McDowell, who supported O'Leary. "People who had worked on Jarjura's campaigns are now working for O'Leary. They're Democrats.''
Less than 25 minutes after the polls closed, journalists and O'Leary supporters started reporting an O'Leary victory. By 8:40 p.m., Jarjura had arrived at O'Leary's headquarters and was congratulating him.
O'Leary had gained wide recognition as a crime fighter in the city, and he was thrust into the spotlight when he contradicted statements by then-state Senate Republican leader Louis DeLuca regarding alleged abuse of DeLuca's granddaughter. O'Leary maintained that DeLuca had never reported abuse to him, despite DeLuca's public statements that he had.
In his race for the city's top job, O'Leary obtained key endorsements from Democratic Gov. Dannel P. Malloy and the Waterbury Republican-American, the city's best-known newspaper. Malloy arrived at O'Leary's headquarters for the celebration that included Lt. Gov. Nancy Wyman, U.S. Rep. Chris Murphy of Cheshire, and House Speaker Christopher Donovan of Meriden, who is running in 2012 for Murphy's seat in Congress.
Malloy's senior adviser, Roy Occhiogrosso, said Malloy had worked for a series of victorious candidates.
"The governor campaigned for them, worked for them,'' Occhiogrosso said. "It's a good night for Democrats and a good night for Governor Malloy. Give Governor Malloy the credit he deserves.''
A key problem for Jarjura was that he clearly ruffled some feathers in his hometown last year when he ran at various times for governor, lieutenant governor, attorney general and, finally, state comptroller. That gave voters the impression he wanted to be anything but the mayor of Waterbury. He disputed that notion as he shook hands with voters Tuesday outside a polling place.
"At the end of the day, people know the hard work I've done for the city of Waterbury,'' Jarjura said.
His opponents "couldn't refute the record of 10 balanced budgets and restoring the city's finances,'' he said. "There's no aspect of this city that has not been improved.''
After serving as mayor for the past 10 years and winning five elections to the state legislature before that, Jarjura said the latest campaign was "one of the ugliest'' of his career. He noted that Waterbury's unemployment rate of 14 percent is "still obviously unacceptable,'' but he said it was an improvement from the 16 percent rate one year ago.
Outside of Waterbury, Jarjura was known largely as the colorful mayor who lost a Democratic primary in 2005 and then won an improbable write-in campaign by handing out a huge number of pencils. With no line on the ballot, he still pulled off the victory — a rare feat in politics.
The third candidate in the three-way race was Lawrence DePillo, a well-known independent in the city who was running for mayor for the fifth time. DePillo ran unsuccessfully in 1999 against Republican Phil Giordano, who went to prison following sex charges with minors.
Democrat Ben Blake won in Milford in a three-way race as the party captured the mayor's office for the first time in two decades after the Republican incumbent declined to seek re-election. Democrats also scored solid victories in New London, Manchester, Chester, and Southbury. They also did well in Weston, Bethel and Fairfield – three places where Republicans have traditional strength.
In Hartford, Segarra essentially won the race months ago when his chief opponent, Shawn Wooden, stepped out of the campaign after Malloy — one of Hartford's newest residents who now lives in the governor's mansion — intervened. Instead, Wooden ran for the city council and paved the way for Segarra's victory. Segarra, 52, took over at city hall after Mayor Eddie Perez was found guilty of five felony counts following a long-running corruption investigation regarding improvements to his home near the University of Hartford.
In New Haven, longtime mayor DeStefano won in a race that was closer than expected with about 55 percent of the vote - after previously winning a crowded primary in September. DeStefano, 56, has served as New Haven's mayor since January 1994 and is a former gubernatorial candidate who lost to Republican M. Jodi Rell in 2006.
In Bridgeport, former state senator and multi-term mayor Finch was headed toward victory in a three-way race in the general election after pulling off a primary victory earlier this year. Democrats have a major advantage over Republicans with a 10-1 voter registration ratio, which has allowed Democrats to control the mayor's office for the past two decades. The last Republican to hold the office was Mary Moran, who won a surprising victory in 1989 and served one term before losing in 1991 to Democrat Joseph Ganim, who later went to federal prison on corruption charges. Finch, 55, defeated Republican Rick Torres, who had been endorsed by U.S. Senate candidate Linda McMahon, who clearly ranks among the best-known Republicans in Fairfield County. Independent Jeff Kohut came in third.
In Shelton, veteran Republican Mayor Mark Lauretti won in a solid victory, despite a federal corruption case in the community. A Shelton developer, James Botti, was sentenced to six years in prison in the federal corruption case, but Lauretti was never charged in the case.
Around the state, officials were concerned that voter turnout would be low in towns hit the hardest by the pre-Halloween storm. In Simsbury, many homeowners still did not have power throughout the day on Tuesday, and polling places were consolidated to a single site at the Henry James Memorial School near the center of town. Longtime incumbent Mary Glassman, a Democrat, won re-election.
Statewide, officials were seeing relatively "normal turnout'' for an off-year, municipal election, meaning that overall turnout could be 30 percent, said Av Harris, a spokesman for Secretary of the State Denise Merrill. But he stressed that turnout would vary widely from town to town, depending on the intensity of the races.


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Fab Recap Week of Sept. 30, 2012
Fab Recap — The Emmys, Milan and Paris Fashion Week Breakdown, and More!
Fab Recap — The Emmys, Milan and Paris Fashion Week Breakdown, and More!
It's week three of fashion month, and the excitement has yet to stop. This week, we said ciao to Milan and bonjour to Paris with all new street style, accessories, shows, and the most beautiful lemon tarts you will ever see — just ask our style director Noria Morales. We broke down the Milan shows and street style to bring you the best in Italian trends both on and off the runways and even broke down all of the gorgeous looks on the Emmys red carpet. Fall is officially here, so we guided you through the hottest trends with our irresistible shopping stories. Catch up on what's happening in this week's Fab Recap.


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|System: Wii, X360, PS3, PS2, PSP
|Review Rating Legend
|Dev: Blue Castle Games
|1.0 - 1.9 = Avoid
|4.0 - 4.4 = Great
|Pub: 2K Sports
|2.0 - 2.4 = Poor
|4.5 - 4.9 = Must Buy
|Release: June 25, 2007
|2.5 - 2.9 = Average
|5.0 = The Best
|Players: 1-4
|3.0 - 3.4 = Fair
|ESRB Rating: Pending
|3.5 - 3.9 = Good
by Amanda L. Kondolojy
May 14, 2007 - The sports genre has been an undeniable staple of the video game market ever since it's inception. However, some may charge that with each Madden 0X and MLB 2KX release, the genre seems to get weaker. Games run together and lose any distinctiveness that one would expect from a medium so conducive to serial upgrades. Publisher 2K Sports, most notable for the above mentioned MLB 2K series, has identified this problem and is offering a brand new take on the baseball genre. Their extremely promising ambition involves blending the tried and true baseball sim formula, while adding elements of arcade-style play. What this hybridization hopes to produce is an all-new videogame baseball experience.
It sounds like a tall order, but 2K Sports, paired with the Blue Castle Games development team have made several strides towards making this all-new experience a reality. The BIGS begins by placing you in the shoes of a user-generated up-and-coming baseball player trying to make it into the BIG leagues (get it?). You'll have to prove your above average skills before you'll be able to play with the real-life MLB teams and stars imported into the game. Then, once you "make it," it'll be up to you to make your team the best it can be. As you get better and better, you'll have access to special "power-ups" that'll strengthen your team even more. You'll also have access to special accessories for your character like exclusive bats, sunglasses, and other customizable options
In addition to all this special content, the main focus of this game is still baseball. Sure, the approach is different, but the creators really stress that this game is still, at it's heart, based on the gameplay and athleticism of baseball. Sure, the powerup system takes away from the "Realism" of the game (unless you count steroids as powerups), but what the developers and publishers are really aiming at is to immerse the gamer in the career world of Major League Baseball. And adding incentives is something that occurs in real-life, so that had to be translated to gaming somehow.
Another less-than-realistic feature is the turbo feature. When you have the turbo feature enabled, it adds another level of strategy by giving you a "turbo meter" which can up your gameplay considerably. You can use this turbo meter to make any of the plays you make that much more excellent. For example, if you're pitching a curveball and you enable the turbo function, you will instead have a better chance of pitching a no-hitter. If you're playing outfield and trying to catch a ball that might be just out of your reach, you'll have better odds of catching it. It sounds like a simple concept, but it adds a fair amount of strategy into the game. Players must identify their weakest areas and utilize the turbo to their full advantage.
Visually, the game looks on-par with this type of wide release, obsessively multiplatform type of game. The trailer footage looks like it could have been taken from either the PlayStation 2 or Wii gameplay, but I wouldn't be surprised if they all ended up identical in terms of visuals. It would be nice if there were a graphical upgrade made for the PlayStation 3 and Xbox 360 versions of the game, but there are no expectations or information on this end.
However there are some console-specific features. For example, the Wii version will utilize the motion sensing remote in conjunction with the Nunchuk to make plays. The Xbox 360 version will feature online support via Xbox Live. Sadly, the game will not be a part of the PlayStation Home service this year, but the creators have hinted that it may be a possibility in the future.
Overall, the BIGS looks like it aims to take the sports genre to a new level. Although some might criticize it for being "unrealistic" or unfaithful to the sport, I believe that the changes they've made are very positive, will create a brand-new gaming experience, and deliver something distinctive into a genre that could really benefit from a change in formula.
Amanda L. Kondolojy
CCC Freelance Writer


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Historia vol.59 no.1 Durban ene. 2014
A social and economic history of the African people of Gcalekaland, 1830-1913
'n Sosiale en eknonomiese geskiedenis van die Afrikane van Gcalekaland, 1830-1913
Jongikhaya Mvenene
Jongikhaya Mvenene is a doctoral student in the History Department at Rhodes University. He is a lecturer in both History and Curriculum Studies in History at the Nelson Mandela Campus of Walter Sisulu University. His research interests include an economic history of Butterworth and a social history of abaThembu. Email; firstname.lastname@example.com
This article examines the history of the people of Gcalekaland from the nineteenth century to the early twentieth century. Primacy is given to factors which led to abject poverty and the subjection of the Gcaleka kingdom by the colonial governing authorities, such as the social and economic consequences of the wars of dispossession; the interference of the colonial government and the missionaries in the relations between amaGcaleka and amaMfengu; the rinderpest of 1896-97; the South African War of 1899-1902; and the Natives Land Act of 1913. All these factors contributed to the demise of the House of Gcaleka.
Keywords: AmaGcaleka; amaMfengu; Nciba River; Mbhashe River, rinderpest, abject poverty.
Hierdie artikel ondersoek die geskiedenis van die Gcalekaland se mense vanaf die negentiende eeu tot die vroeër deel van die twintigste eeu. Die fokus val op die faktore wat tot kruipend armoede en die onderdanigheid van die Gcaleka koningryk deur die koloniale regering gelei het, soos die sosiale en ekonomiese gevolge van die oorloë van onteining; die tussenkoms van die koloniale regering en die sendelinge in die verwantskap tussen amaGcaleka en amaMfengu; die runderpes van 1896-97; die Suid-Afrikaanse Oorlog van 1899-1902; en die "Wet of Naturellegrond" van 1913. Hierdie faktore het tot die ondergand van die Huis van Gcaleka bygedra.
Sleutelwoorde: AmaGcaleka; amaMfengu; Nciba-rivier; Mbhashe-rivier; rinderpes; volslae armoede.
The history of the African communities in Gcalekaland - the area between the Nciba (Kei) River and the Mbhashe River - is characterised by the colonial government's efforts to bring these people under colonial rule by crushing the power of the traditional leaders and undermining as "heathen" their culture, customs and traditions. Attempts were made by the governing authorities to extend their power and influence and to spread Western civilisation into Xhosaland. Failing to convert chiefs and kings to Christianity, the missionaries adopted a pro-imperial approach towards Africans. With the intent to spread the Gospel far and wide, the missionaries held the view that unless the power of the chiefs was broken no inroads could be made to Christianise indigenous Africans. This view was in full support of the government's aims of subjugating traditional African chiefdoms and kingdoms. The missionaries and colonial governing authorities worked together in the pursuit of their goals.
The origins and making of amaMfengu: debates amongst historians
For a proper historical perspective on, and understanding of, the origins of the amaMfengu of Tsomo, Ngqamakhwe and Gcuwa, one needs to trace them back to the womb of history and further to pay attention to their relations with King Hintsa and the missionaries from the 1830s onwards. The amaMfengu origins and their forced settlements are traceable to the Mfecane episode which took place in the 1830s. The Mfecane reached its zenith with the political rise and military growth of the amaZulu empire under King Shaka.
The notion of the Mfecane and the origins of the amaMfengu have prompted intense debate and polemical discussion among a wide range of scholars. Orthodox historians maintain that the Mfecane was a great series of wars and raids initiated and perpetrated by the powerful amaZulu king, Shaka, during the 1820s and 1830s.2 While claiming that whites stood as helpless observers, these historians also advanced the view that these wars were not only precipitated by the rise of Shaka's Zulu empire but were also an outcome of overpopulation in southeast Africa. These wars dislocated the abeNguni communities and rendered them vulnerable to piecemeal attacks. They also caused the displaced refugees to flee over the Drakensberg passes, leaving their lands depopulated and littered with bones of the dead.
The Mfecane was accompanied by deprivation because it simultaneously threw the African chiefdoms and kingdoms into disorder and destroyed their traditional patterns of socio-economic, political and cultural life. These same historians also claim that the Mfecane migrations were accompanied by conquest, raiding, dislocation of tribal organisation and orderly life, social and political disintegration and regeneration.3 Using the Mfecane as the basis for the land division of 1913 and as a justification for segregation which became the political plank on which apartheid policies were built, these historians maintain that migrations and displacements of the abeNguni communities led to tribal land settlement around the depopulated regions. This perspective on the causes, course and consequences of the Mfecane is known as the Zulu-centric approach, because it disregards all other interacting aspects of the Mfecane.
The above historians depict Shaka as a ruthless tyrant, a bloodthirsty and warlike king. He is portrayed as a "cruel monster" who found pleasure in engaging in a mission of "massacre" and "destruction", one of the most ruthless conquerors among the abeNguni traditional leaders.4 Brookes and Webb allege that Shaka "considered himself above morality, responsible to none and free from ordinary restraints'",5 and equate Shaka to Napoleon Bonaparte. However, Shaka's contemporaries provide no recorded evidence of his cruelty.
The 1980s saw a different historical approach to the Mfecane and a historiographical shift emerged. When tracing the causes of the Mfecane the net was cast wider, taking into consideration other factors that may well have contributed to the massive destruction in southeast Africa. The Mfecane was now perceived as being no different from the wars fought between whites and African chiefdoms and kingdoms in the pre- and post-Mfecane era. Historians began to reexamine the Mfecane and came up with new interpretations which gave rise to the current debate on the Mfecane and the emergence of the amaMfengu.6 Cobbing precipitated the debate by maintaining that the concept itself was "a twentieth-century invention of European academics",7 who were intent on covering up white intrusion into African land by exaggerating black-on-black confrontation while whites stood "helplessly" as observers. Cobbing sees the Mfecane as a historiographical concept which white historians have anthropomorphised. He goes on to write that "the Zulu were never the primary stimulus of forced migrations, and most frequently were not involved at all".8 He maintains that the wars which engulfed southeast Africa at the time were the result of various factors relating to already troubled relations between African societies and white colonisers.
At the core of these wars was the shortage of land and the need for labour on which white farmers were dependent for their sustenance. Cobbing maintains that it was the increase of whites in southeast Africa that led to their excessive demand for land, labour and cattle. He also points to raids by the Griqua (coloured frontier people) for cattle and labour from the 1760s onwards, which gave rise to conflict in the mid-Orange (Gariep) and lower-Vaal River regions by the 1810s. The Griqua were targeting women and children to sell as labourers or slaves to the colonial farmers. Thus, in Cobbing's view, the Mfecane originated in the west and spread down to southeast Africa where it impacted on traditional African societies.
Cobbing also attributes the Mfecane to the ivory and slave trade in Delagoa Bay which took place from about 1800 to 1825. As the Portuguese slave traders sought labour, land and cattle they raided their neighbours. These raiding activities led to violence and forced migrations, because the "competition of states in the interior for hunting, cattle, people and land"9 had intensified. The outcome was poverty among the affected nations. This perspective on the origin of the turmoil in southeast Africa, inter alia to the slave trade, is known as the anti-Afrocentric approach.
Cobbing disputes any possibility of depopulation of the interior of South Africa.10 This view is supported by other revisionist historians who also claim that the notion of the "empty land" was propagated by Natal's settlers to justify the annexation of Natal in 1843.11 These historians view the notion of the empty land as one of the perpetrated myths in the history of South Africa, and regard it as a ploy intended to justify the extension of white power into the land previously inhabited by Africans. They also claim that whites' negative portrayal of Shaka was pursued for a variety of related reasons. For example, missionaries wanted to convince the British government of a need to annex Natal so that Western civilisation and Christianity could be used to change the character of the "savages" (contemptuously referring to Africans). Merchants wanted to influence the British government to allow traders to establish businesses in Natal. White settlers tried to justify the master-status of whites over Africans. Hence, partly as a result of these white interest groups, the region between the Thukela and the Mzimkhulu Rivers was annexed to the Cape in 1843.
While Cobbing disputes the notion of the Mfecane, Peires has made a substantial contribution to the debate by coming out strongly against what he terms the ''Cobbing hypothesis".12 Peires castigates Cobbing as a "reactionary wolf dressed up in the clothing of a progressive sheep"13 whose ideas deprive the amaMfengu of a loud and audible voice in the re-enactment of their history. However, Eldredge neatly concludes that "neither great leaders, nor environment and ecology, nor overpopulation, nor trade (including the slave trade) and raiding alone set off the wars and migrations that plagued the area through these decades".14
The Mfecane, therefore, should be seen in terms of the complex interplay of environment, society, economy and demands or pressures of the time. It was traders, missionaries and settlers - all pro-imperialists - who depicted Shaka in a poor light. White traders such as Henry Fynn, Nathaniel Isaacs and Francis Farewell and white missionaries like Robert Moffat and John Melvill depicted Shaka as a villain, insane, despotic and merciless for their own interests of urging the British government to annex Natal and Zululand, thereby facilitating trade and evangelism. Isaacs urged Fynn to portray Shaka and the amaZulu in a poor light by making them appear as extremely bloodthirsty.15 This kind of misrepresenting and depicting of amaZulu in a negative fashion was meant for outside consumption to justify the extension of white control into Zululand.
The effects of the Mfecane were extremely detrimental to Africans. As Guise contends,
the death of probably more than one million Blacks by war, starvation and cannibalism, the dislocation of tribal organization, the total extermination of many minor tribes, and the dislocation of orderly life by roving bands of renegades, account in part for the relative lack of resistance to white settlers.16
As a result of the Mfecane upheavals, the majority of the remnants of Madzikane and Matiwane sought refuge and merged with the amaXhosa and the abaThembu. This merging did not have the effect of consolidating these kingdoms. Others, however, became "part of the composite group known as the Mfengu".17 The amaMfengu were largely drawn from the ranks of the amaBhele, amaHlubi, amaZizi and amaNtlangwini chiefdoms, and first set foot in Xhosaland in about 1822.
Like the Mfecane, the question of the amaMfengu and their origins have become a source of lively debate. Having been precipitated by Cobbing, the amaMfengu debate has been expanded by Webster and Stapleton.18 Webster denounces the notion that the amaMfengu were the remnants of Shaka's victims from Natal. He disputes any holding of these refugees as bondsmen by King Hintsa. He regards the story of the amaMfengu as devoid of truth and full of exaggeration. He asserts that whites invented the story to justify their extraction of labour and cattle from Hintsa's people whom whites had enslaved. He points out that whites disguised their enslavement of the amaXhosa as philanthropic activity.
The amaMfengu debate aside, it is claimed by whites that King Hintsa once called these fugitive remnants of various clans his "dogs" and expressed surprise that he could not kill them at his pleasure.19 Hintsa's allusion to these refugees as his "dogs" should not be taken in a literal sense, but should be put in the context of his times. What he could have meant was that the amaMfengu were his subjects who had the duty of providing him with protection in times of war against white intruders and other African kingdoms. The literal interpretation of "dogs" is a gross exaggeration and was used to alienate the refugees from Hintsa.
Wesleyan missionaries influenced the amaMfengu to regard their being given shelter by Hintsa as implying that they were being held in bondage by the amaGcaleka.20 However, King Hintsa was known for maintaining "perfect security of life and property without even condemning any person to death".21 As Wilson states, the amaMfengu, though occupying a subordinate position among the amaXhosa, were "certainly not slaves".22 When they left Gcalekaland for the colony on the invitation of Reverend John Ayliff at the end of the Sixth Cape-Xhosa War, the amaMfengu drove off 22 000 head of cattle belonging to the amaGcaleka. They were settled on a land previously owned and occupied by the amaNgqika. As a reward for benefits accrued from whites, the amaMfengu aided the whites in the War of the Axe and that of Mlanjeni.23 The influence of the Wesleyan missionaries resulted, as was intended, in the deterioration of relations between the amaGcaleka and the amaMfengu.
In a bid to secure the frontier, in 1835 the Cape government settled the amaMfengu along the frontier right from the Ngqushwa River to the Tyhume valley. They were later established north of the Amathole mountains to guard the frontier. While living west of the Nciba River between the Nxuba (Great Fish) and the Nciba Rivers along with the amaNgqika, the amaMfengu were not spared of white expansion into their land. After the War of the Axe of 1846 - 47 in which the amaNgqika were decisively beaten by whites, the amaNgqika and the amaMfengu were declared to be British subjects.
The amaMfengu who came to inhabit Gcuwa, Tsomo and Ngqamakhwe were induced by Cape Governor Sir Philip Wodehouse to leave Kamastone, Peddie and Oxkraal and to settle in what became Mfenguland in 1865. Wodehouse wanted to ease pressure in the amaMfengu locations in British Kaffraria.
AmaMfengu Chiefs Jacob Mavuso and Luzipho had shown aversion to these forced removals and met Sir Walter Currie to question the planned exodus to Gcalekaland. They expressed amaMfengu dissatisfaction towards the colonial government's failure to consult the affected people; particularly that a magistrate was to be imposed on them: "one we know nothing of has already been appointed"24 by the colonial government. Their alternative magistrate was T.A. Cumming, who had been their superintendent. They stated categorically that the amaMfengu were "very much dissatisfied ... and indisposed to move"25 and be forced to settle across the Nciba River.
The objection was based upon the practice that the conditions under which they were ''offered land beyond the Kei through their magistrate"26 had not been collectively arrived upon in consultation with their chiefs and headmen. However, Sir Walter Currie dismissed the amaMfengu reasons for objecting to the exodus as ''pure inventions, without a word of truth".27 He pointed out that he had warned the amaMfengu that only if they were faithful allies of the government would the government "not in silence see Kreli trample on them".28 What this promise implied was that King Sarhili ''would sooner or later give them trouble, as he still called them his father's dogs".29 Alluding to considerable opposition posed by amaMfengu towards the exodus, Currie described them as being composed ''of so many remnants of tribes [who] want organization and a white chief to prevent quarrelling with each other".30 However, he estimated their military strength to be "equal to that of Kreli and Sandile together".31
Despite all these challenges, Currie relocated approximately 40 000 amaMfengu to Gcalekaland in 1865. About 100 of those who belonged to the Wesleyan Church were settled at Tsomo, while the rest were placed at Ngqamakhwe and Gcuwa.32
The history of the origins, migrations and eventual establishment of the amaMfengu in central Gcalekaland and the debates that characterise their historiography aside, it is worth paying attention to the War of Ngcayechibi (187778) and its effects on the amaGcaleka and amaNgqika. The amaNgqika were resettled in Centane by the colonial government. The colonial assault on King Sarhili is also examined.
The social and economic history of the amaXhosa, 1877-1898
The War of Ngcayechibi had far-reaching results for the amaXhosa. The war is attributed to a number of factors. De Kiewiet maintains that it was "the severe drought of 1876 and 1877 [which] brought such adversity and was ultimately responsible for the outbreak of the war".33 Sarhili, having been rendered politically and militarily impotent by Grey and Wodehouse, could not witness his subordinate traditional leaders being reduced to nothingness by the amaMfengu in Gcuwa. Sarhili's father had suffered tragic death at the hands of Southey - the perennial and over a century-old challenge and cause for vengeance. Added to this was his people's loss of land and the British policy of dispossession and extension of colonial power and influence in Gcalekaland, all of which alienated Sarhili even further from the colonial government.34 It was one of a series of devastating heavy blows that left Sarhili marooned in a small portion of his former land in eastern Gcalekaland where 66 000 amaGcaleka were sandwiched into a small portion of some 1 600 square miles, notwithstanding the appointment of a British resident in 1865 to take care of the amaGcaleka and "keep an eye" on Sarhili.
The War of Ngcayechibi was prompted by the amaGcaleka desire to regain their land taken by the Cape government and given to the loyal amaMfengu.35 This war was an attempt by African kingdoms and chiefdoms to check the tide of white control. The amaXhosa and some abaThembu took up arms as a last desperate attempt to restore their autonomy and independence. During the war the divisive and disruptive role of white magistrates became apparent. Saunders qualifies the war as "the last attempt by an African group on the Cape eastern frontier, the Gcaleka, to escape having white rule thrust upon it".36
The consequences of the war were fatal for the amaXhosa. The majority of the amaNgqika west of the Nciba River lost their land to white farmers. Hence, Qumrha (Komgha), Cumakala (Stutterheim), Qonce (King William's Town), East London and Cathcart were converted by the colonial authorities into white farms, and thereby served as a white man's corridor dividing the amaNgqika from the amaGcaleka. These lands became centres of white settlement. The displaced amaNgqika were resettled in Centane, where the last Battle of Centane was fought on 7 February 1878, followed by the defeat of the forces of Chief Sandile and King Sarhili by Captain Upcher who was in command of the Centane military post. In the Battle of Centane 300 amaXhosa died. On the colonial side led by Upcher, only two amaMfengu were killed and seven were wounded; two whites were wounded.
After the war, writes Wilson, the colonial forces seized "not less than 15 000 cattle and 20 000 sheep"37 from the amaXhosa. Because the amaXhosa mainly depended for their sustenance on cattle, milk and meat, the massive loss of cattle led to famine, starvation and abject poverty. Even though a large number of the amaXhosa who were mineworkers in Kimberley from 1867 onwards had acquired guns, they were vanquished because when the war broke out they were already militarily weak and virtually powerless.38
Sarhili's land was divided into Gatyana and Dutywa districts before being incorporated into Dutywa and Mfenguland to become Transkei under the chief magistracy of Captain Matthew S. Blyth in September 1878. Mfenguland was divided into Gcuwa, Ngqamakhwe and Tsomo sub-magistracies. Gcuwa was placed under the magistracy of T.A. King. A Mr Gladwin became the magistrate of Ngqamakhwe, while Mr Pattle was appointed as the magistrate of Tsomo. However, the war being one of the bloodiest frontier conflicts, it quickened the pace of white expansionism and control of the amaXhosa kingdom. The Cape administration that was imposed upon Gcalekaland, Bomvanaland and Thembuland had no legal validity and therefore required that formal annexation be effected forthwith. Nevertheless, the Ninth Cape-Xhosa War deflated the Cape government's motive of proceeding with annexation, and it was only after 1884 that the Cape trod slowly.
In terms of Act No. 3 of 1885, Gcalekaland, Bomvanaland and Thembuland were annexed to the Cape Colony. It should be noted that besides the annexation of Gcalekaland, the process of annexation of African kingdoms and chiefdoms was completed with the annexation of Mpondoland in 1894. As an attempt by the government to diminish kingship and chiefly control, the annexationist policy can be understood in the context of J.C. Warner, British resident in the Transkeian Territory (1865-69), who held that "until the power of the chiefs was completely broken, Christianity and civilization ... [will only] make a small advance among the Bantu".39 Clearly, the motive behind embarking on the annexation of African kingdoms was that annexation "will bring the tribes ... under the direct control and administration of the Colonial Government".40
In accordance with this Act, magistrates were given jurisdiction in all civil cases affecting the amaXhosa. The governor was vested with power to allot land which was to be divided into districts or wards. Each district was to be under a government-appointed headman who was responsible not to the amaXhosa chief or king, but to the chief magistrate. It was the headman who recommended to the chief magistrate who should be allotted land. Those allotted land had to pay annual hut tax to the magistrate. These strategies were among a series of colonial assaults on traditionalism and chiefly control.
It was common practice that a magistrate could administer "justice according to the best of his judgement".41 The role played by magistrates was a clear indication that in all probability they were really political agents of the colonial government. Being the representative of the colonial government a resident magistrate, it was claimed, was looked upon as a "chief" by Africans.42
The colonial government used headmen as its instruments of extending colonial rule over the amaXhosa. In addition to being detectives, settling disputes and collecting hut tax in their locations, government-appointed headmen were generally instructed to keep the "authorities informed of all matters connected with the administration of the people in their charge".43 One can deduce from the duties of magistrates and government-paid headmen that the power of the traditional kings and chiefs was completely shattered by 1885. Kings and chiefs were relegated to the level of government-paid servants. Their influence among their subjects declined and white magistrates gained the upper hand, dominating the kings and chiefs.44
When the last of the independent southern abeNguni kingdoms and chiefdoms had been annexed in 1894, the Cape authorities did not open Transkei to large-scale white settlement. Instead, Transkei was transformed by the Cape government into a labour pool from which white farmers and mine owners could procure cheap black labour. Furthermore, Transkei was also used as a place to dump "undesirable" Africans from British Kaffraria (Ciskei since 1864). The fact that Transkei, unlike the present-day Ciskei, was preponderantly inhabited by Africans who had for so long lived on their land, facilitated the Cape authorities' move to use Transkei as a labour reserve for white farmers and mine owners.
Thus, Africans were weaned from their traditional economic unit and were turned into wage earners within a money-based economy. Their drifting to farms and the mines in search of employment was likely, as it later did, to strain the ties that had held Africans coherently. Their social link with their families and traditional leaders was in many cases severely curtailed. This was accompanied by marked detribalisation and a corresponding contempt for their culture and traditions. In some cases, family ties were broken, particularly within married couples.
The impact of the rinderpest, the South African War and the Land Act
The outbreak of the rinderpest epidemic of 1896-97 was an economic disaster and a heavy blow to the amaXhosa and amaMfengu. It promoted differentiation and the unequal distribution of available economic resources and thus undermined peasant independence on herding and farming in favour of the capitalist economy. The rinderpest debilitated the peasants' economic, social and cultural integrity. In this way, it sapped the economic and social sustenance of Africans, because most peasants were forced to exchange the cattle that had survived the epidemic for grain with white traders. Bundy makes the following observation about the plight of the people, writing that "in some districts large sections of the population were forced into desperate straits and had to live on roots".45
The rinderpest resulted in huge loss of cattle and a consequent severe economic setback for the amaXhosa and amaMfengu. Cattle lost to the epidemic reduced their herds by approximately 80-90 percent. The depletion of cattle made ploughing and production of meat, milk, cow hides and grain impossible for the peasants.46 This meant that peasants were compelled to leave their families in the care of their wives and to seek jobs in the mining and farming sector, thereby becoming dependent on wage-labour.
An unsubstantiated myth emerged among Africans that "the rinderpest was deliberately spread by whites to induce poverty and compel Africans" to seek jobs and work for low wages in the labour market.47 Even although such beliefs have no factual basis, they contain a grain of symbolic truth when assessed in terms of the catastrophic outcome of the rinderpest on the economic wellbeing of African peasants. Viewed against the backdrop of missionary predictions and wishes, it can be argued that "the rumours accurately reflected motives, if not means".48 This view is borne out in the 1898-99 missionary reports complied by Charles Taberer who observed:
... with the natives, the possession of great numbers of cattle is as a rule conducive to idleness. After the fields are planted, they have little to do until harvest time if they have plenty of milk and a supply of grain on hand from the previous season's crops. Now however, we have them going off in all directions to earn money to provide for their families.49
This account suggests the general tendency harboured by the missionaries towards the tragic results of the epidemic.
In the same vein, the magistrate of Centane (Kentani), echoing the sentiments of Taberer, evinced satisfaction when pointing out that loss of cattle by peasants meant loss of economic security which rendered them less independent and more prone to seek work in the labour market.50 Bishop Key noted:
the rinderpest has done a great deal to wean the people from their old traditions of heathenism, as cattle have always been the foundation of their whole system, social, political, and to a greater extent religious; and although they are rapidly collecting cattle again ... they will never be to them what they were in the past.51
The outbreak of the South African War (1899-1902) was another slap in the face for the amaXhosa nation. The war adversely affected the economic base of peasants, some of whom had lost their jobs and others earned low wages on the diamond and gold mines. When the war broke out they were still reeling from the economic decline caused by the rinderpest epidemic in which many of their herds had been decimated.52 The amaXhosa participated in the war in the hope that they would be given equal political rights with whites when peace was declared. The British had made vague promises of a "better deal" which Africans had seen as a post-war extension of the non-racial franchise to the former Boer republics; the regaining of access to land; and the liberation of Africans from Boer slavery. Britain also promised Africans that the war was necessary because it marked "an end to the oppressive treatment"53 of Africans by the Boers which had been disgraceful, brutal and unworthy of a civilised power. Having put the Boers in a poor light and increasingly raised Africans' hopes, after the cessation of the war, Britain did not honour its promises.
The amaXhosa and the amaMfengu participated in the war which was initially described by the two Boer republics and Britain as being a "white man's war". They participated as combatants and messengers, scouts, wagon-drivers, convoy guards, dispatch riders, watchmen in blockhouses, firewood collectors and trench diggers. They also served as stretcher bearers, labourers, servants and attendants for the horses.
December 1899 saw the amaXhosa, the amaMfengu and the abaThembu levies defending Transkei from the Boer commandos who sought to ravage the Transkei. Approximately 100 000 Africans aided the British on the borders of Transkei, while in the Transvaal about 10 000 Africans rendered services to the Boers.54 Significantly, many levies were drawn from Gatyana, Gcuwa, Ngcobo and Xhalanga. The devastating effects of the war on both sides is clear from the fact that approximately 22 000 Britons died during the war, while 26 000 Boer women and children and 14 000 Africans perished in the concentration camps.55 In this way, the South African War caused immense "suffering to [both] whites and blacks".56
On the economic front, Africans also bore the brunt of wage decreases, closure of mines and unemployment. In 1900, African wages were reduced to 20 shillings a month. There was a slight rise to 31 shillings a month in 1902. The year 1903 saw another rise to 45 shillings and a marked escalation of the number of mine workers. However, the onset of an economic depression, drought and livestock diseases in 1904 caused a sharp decline in African wages. Thus, the war had wider repercussions for twentieth-century South Africa and impacted negatively on the amaXhosa, amaMfengu and the abaThembu, being destructive of both life and property. It has been argued that for Africans the South African War was disastrous while for whites it was curative. Instead of promoting unity among Africans, the war "led to divisions within communities and families".57
It was another heavy blow that the Union of South Africa government, in its determination and sustained commitment to counteract and deal with the "swart gevaar" passed the Natives Land Act, No. 27 of 1913. This Act promoted the migrant labour system and thus destroyed the "economic self-sufficiency"58 of the reserves and eroded the last vestiges of political independence of the amaXhosa. The Natives Land Act was designed to deprive Africans of the right to own land outside the reserves. Similarly, whites were barred from buying land in the reserves. Africans were restricted to 8 percent of South Africa's land surface. This was raised to 13 percent in 1936. Yet, of the total South African population of 5 973 394 at the time, Africans numbered 4 019 006 (67.3 percent). The number of whites was 1 276 242 (21.4 percent); that of coloured people 525 943 (8.8 percent); and there were 152 203 people of Indian descent (2.5 percent).
It was paradoxical that the majority of South Africans, who formed 67.3 percent of the population were given such a small percentage of land. In terms of the Natives Land Act, Africans were barred from buying land in so-called "white areas"; they had to live in the overcrowded reserves.59 As these reserves could not support them owing to increased soil erosion and overgrazing, Africans had to move to white areas in search of work. Even there they could only stay outside the reserves if they were providing labour for whites. As far back as the cattle killing episode in the 1850s the amaXhosa had lost their independence; they were now driven into the overcrowded, barren and impoverished reserves and obliged to become wage labourers.60
Judging from the aims of the Native Land Act, it can be argued that this Act was one of the first pieces of segregation legislation passed by the Union of South Africa government designed to cripple Africans economically. It was one of the Union's attempts to entrench white supremacy over Africans. Having had no voice in the planning, formation and administration of the Union, Africans found themselves a pariah in their fatherland. The Natives Land Act was the basis for territorial segregation and, like subsequent legislation passed by successive white governments it ensured "the subordination of traditional chiefly power to the central government".61
The interference of the colonial government and the missionaries in amaGcaleka relations with the amaMfengu caused the downfall of the amaGcaleka. The War of Ngcayechibi left the amaGcaleka badly bruised because it had sapped their economic and political power. The social, cultural and economic impact of the rinderpest proved tragic for the amaXhosa and amaMfengu who had to resort to the labour market to subsist, meet their cash demands for taxes, debts, and other consumption needs. Linked to this were the economic effects of the South African War and the Natives Land Act of 1913.
1. This article is a revised version of a paper presented at the African Economic History Network held at Stellenbosch University during July 2012. I would like to thank participants for valuable discussion and suggestions and the discussant of the paper, Ellen Hillbom, from Lund University, Sweden, for her insightful comments. I am also grateful for financial support from the Directorate of Research Development, Walter Sisulu University, Mthatha.
2. W.D. Hammond-Tooke, "Segmentation and Fission in Cape Nguni Political Units", Africa, 35, 3, 1965, p 145; J.D. Omer-Cooper, The Zulu Aftermath: A Nineteenth-Century Revolution in Bantu Africa (Longman, London, 1966), pp 6-7; J. Benyon, Proconsul and Paramountcy in South Africa, 1806-1910 (University of Natal Press, Pietermaritzburg, 1980), p 11; J.B. Peires, The House of Phalo: A History of the Xhosa People in the Days of their Independence (Ravan Press, Johannesburg, 1981), pp. 84-85; P. Maylam, A History of the African People of South Africa: From the Early Iron Age to the 1970s (David Philip, Cape Town, 1986), p 55.
3. J. Guy, The Heretic: A Study of the Life of John William Colenso, 1814-1833 (Ravan Press, Johannesburg, 1983), p 37; D. Guise, Freedom for All (Natal Publishing Company, Durban, 1993), p 5; J.A. Templeton, Ideology on a Frontier (Greenwood Press, London, 1984), p 103.
4. Cape of Good Hope Government Gazette, No. 1535, 3 May 1835, Report by W.H. Dutton, Military Secretary, on Hintsa, 22 May 1835; E.H. Brookes and C. de B. Webb, A History of Natal (University of Natal Press, Pietermaritzburg, 1965), p 11.
5. Brookes and Webb, History of Natal, pp 33 and 40.
6. J. Cobbing, "The Case against the Mfecane", Unpublished paper presented to a seminar at the University of the Witwatersrand, 1984, p 9; J. Wright, "Political Mythology and the Making of Natal's Mfecane", Canadian Journal of African Studies, 23, 2, 1989, p 273.
7. J. Cobbing, "The Mfecane as Alibi: Thoughts on Dithakong and Mbolompo", Journal of African History, 29, 2, 1988, p 487.
8. Cobbing, "The Mfecane as Alibi", p 517.
9. N. Parsons, A New History of Southern Africa (Macmillan, London, 1993), p 68.
10. J. Cobbing, "Jettisoning the Mfecane with Perestroika". Unpublished paper presented to a seminar at the University of Cape Town, 1989, p 10.
11. Wright, "Natal's Mfecane", p 274; N. Worden, The Making of Modern South Africa: Conquest, Segregation and Apartheid (Blackwell, Oxford, 1994), pp 13-14; R.H. du Pre, The Making of Racial Conflict in South Africa (Skotaville, Johannesburg, 1992), pp 19 and 21.
12. J.B. Peires, "Matiwane's Road to Mbolompo: A Reprieve for the Mfecane?", in C. Hamilton (ed.), The Mfecane Aftermath (University of KwaZulu-Natal Press, Pietermaritzburg, 1995), pp 213-239.
13. Peires, "Matiwane's Road", pp 213-239.
14. E.A. Eldredge, "Sources of Conflict in Southern Africa, c.1800-30", Journal of African History, 33, 1992, p 2. [ Links ]
15. Du Pre, Racial Conflict, p 20; C.A. Hamilton, "An Appetite for the Past: The Recreation of Shaka and the Crisis in Popular Historical Consciousness", South African Historical Journal, 22, 1990, p 144.
16. Guise, Freedom for All, p 5.
17. M. Ndima, "A History of the Qwathi People from Earliest Times to 1910", MA dissertation, Rhodes University, 1988, p 42. [ Links ]
18. A.C. Webster, "Land Expropriation and Labour Extraction under Cape Colonial Rule: The War of 1835 and the 'emancipation' of the Fingo", MA dissertation, Rhodes University, 1991; T.J. Stapleton, "Oral Evidence in a Pseudo-Ethnicity: The Fingo Debate", History in Africa, 22, 1995, pp 357-360.
19. Government Gazette, 22 May 1835.
20. N. Mostert, Frontiers: The Epic of South Africa's Creation and the Tragedy of the Xhosa (Jonathan Cape, London, 1992), p 606. [ Links ]
21. M. Wilson, "Co-operation and Conflict: The Eastern Cape Frontier", in M. Wilson and L. Thompson (eds), The Oxford History of South Africa, vol. 1 (Oxford University Press, Oxford, 1969), p 250.
22. Wilson, "Eastern Cape Frontier", p 249.
23. Wilson, "Eastern Cape Frontier", p 249.
24. Cape Parliamentary Papers (hereafter CPP), Correspondence with Reference to the Principles, Conditions and Detailed Arrangements on which the Fingo Exodus has been Carried out, A 14 (1867), Chief Jacob Mavuso of the Victoria amaMfengu to W.M.F. Liddle, Civil Commissioner, Victoria East, Alice, 21 June 1865, p 5.
25. CPP, Correspondence with Reference to the Principles, Conditions and Detailed Arrangements on which the Fingo Exodus has been Carried out, A 14 (1867), W.M.F. Liddle to R. Southey, Colonial Secretary, 21 June 1865, p 6.
26. Liddle to Southey, 21 June 1865, p 6.
27. CPP, Correspondence with Reference to the Principles, Conditions and Detailed Arrangements on which the Fingo Exodus has been Carried out, A 14 (1867), W. Currie to R. Southey, Colonial Secretary, 28 July 1865, p 5.
28. Currie to Southey, 28 July 1865, p 5.
29. Currie to Southey, 28 July 1865, p 6.
30. Currie to Southey, 28 July 1865, p 6.
31. Currie to Southey, 28 July 1865, p 7.
32. CPP, Correspondence with Reference to the Principles, Conditions and Detailed Arrangements on which the Fingo Exodus has been Carried out, A 14 (1867), W. Currie to R. Southey, Colonial Secretary, 25 August 1865, p 7.
33. C.W. de Kiewiet, The Imperial Factor in South Africa (Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, 1937), p 149.
34. M.W. Spicer, ''The War of Ngcayechibi, 1877-78", MA dissertation, Rhodes University, 1978, p 22.
35. Wilson, "Eastern Cape Frontier", p 249.
36. C.C. Saunders, The Annexation of the Transkeian Territories, Archives Year Book, 1976 (Government Printer, Pretoria, 1978), p 32.
37. Wilson, "Eastern Cape Frontier", p 242.
38. Wilson, "Eastern Cape Frontier", p 252.
39. J.W. Macquarrie (ed.), The Reminiscences of Sir Walter Stanford, vol. 2, 1885-1929 (Van Riebeeck Society, Cape Town, 1962), p 126.
40. Chief Magistrate Tembuland 2/284, Papers Received from the Secretary of Native Affairs, Under-Secretary for Native Affairs (hereafter USNA) to Chief Magistrate Transkei (hereafter CMT), 29 April 1885, p 14.
41. CPP, Cape of Good Hope Debates in the Legislative Council, 15 April 1886, p 21.
42. Cape Archives, G27, 1873-'74, Cape of Good Hope Blue Book on Native Affairs, Thomas R. Cole, Civil Commissioner, to Secretary for Native Affairs, 30 March 1874, p 58.
43. Chief Magistrate Tembuland 2/284, Papers Received from the Secretary of Native Affairs, USNA to CMT, 29 April 1885, p 14.
44. W.D. Hammond-Tooke, "Chieftainship in Transkeian Political Development", Journal of Modern African Studies, 2, 4, 1964, p 516.
45. C. Bundy, "The Transkei Peasantry, c. 1890-1914: 'Passing through a Period of Stress'", in R. Palmer and N. Parsons (eds), The Roots of Rural Poverty in Central and Southern Africa (Heinemann, London, 1978), p 207.
46. C. van Onselen, "Reactions to Rinderpest in Southern Africa, 1896-97", Journal of African History, 13, 1972, p 78.
47. Van Onselen, "Reactions to Rinderpest", p 477.
48. Bundy, "Transkei Peasantry", p 205.
49. Cape Archives, G 42, Cape of Good Hope Blue Book on Native Affairs, United Society for the Propagation of the Gospel (hereafter USPG), 1898, p 13.
50. Cape Archives, G 31, Cape of Good Hope Blue Book on Native Affairs, USPG, 1899, p 81.
51. Cape Archives, G 9, Cape of Good Hope Blue Book on Native Affairs, USPG, 1894, p 25.
52. Cape Archives, G 25, Cape of Good Hope Blue Book on Native Affairs, USPG, 1902, p 8; USPG, G 42, 1898, p 18.
53. P. Warwick, Black People and the South African War, 1899-1902 (Cambridge University Press, London, 1983), p 11.
54. J. Pampallis, Foundations of the New South Africa (Maskew Miller, Cape Town, 1991), p 46.
55. Warwick, South African War, pp 60-61.
56. Worden, Modern South Africa, p 30.
57. Worden, Modern South Africa, p 29.
58. A. Stadler, The Political Economy of Modern South Africa (David Philip, Cape Town, 1987), p 129.
59. Stadler, Political Economy, p 129.
60. Guise, Freedom for All, p 11.
61. Stadler, Political Economy, p 129.


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With the Xbox event in our rearview mirrors, gamers finally got their greedy little hands on the details for Microsoft's upcoming console, the Xbox One. And even though we're definitely missing some key pieces of information, the next-gen console war is officially underway.
If you've been watching Microsoft's posturing over the last few years, none of the advancements were entirely surprising. They've been trying to turn the Xbox 360 into an entertainment center for quite a while, but the Xbox One has some genuinely impressive innovations in that department.
The Kinect 2.0, or whatever they're planning to call it, features a much larger field of view than its predecessor. It sports a 1080p camera, which is a gigantic leap into modern technology when compared to the VGA sensor that the current Kinect houses. But, the unit's increased fidelity isn't even the most impressive part. On the Xbox One, users will be able to utilize the newfangled Kinect's ability to control the entire system via voice commands. It even has the ability to recognize a player's voice and log them into the appropriate account.
People need to stop calling me crazy; the singularity is getting closer.
Obviously, once you're logged in, you'll be able to control the interface using voice commands, gestures, or a combination of the two. During his presentation, Yusuf Mehdi, senior vice president at Microsoft, was able to flip through the interface like you would on an iPad, and control the unit with simple commands like "Xbox home" or "Call Fred." The whole thing was surprisingly responsive.
The influence of Windows 8 was immediately noticeable when Microsoft showed off the Xbox One's multitasking ability. In real time, users can utilize gestures to split the screen into two useable areas. One side might be dedicated to surfing the Internet or chatting on Skype, while the other can concentrate on a movie or live TV. Yes. I just said live TV.
In the past, having a fully functional entertainment center meant switching between a collection of input devices and proprietary boxes. But when the Xbox One hits the market, all of that will be rolled into one unit.
The Kinect is obviously a central part in the Xbox One's nefarious plan to take over your TV, but if you're one of those people who doesn't want to look like an idiot by waving your arms around and yelling at the TV, other control options are available. Microsoft's underwhelming Smart Glass system is making its way to the Xbox One, which is unsurprising. This is how you'll navigate the Internet or control any other input-heavy tasks. Hopefully, they'll get the kinks worked out by the time this thing actually hits the market.
For you gaming purists, though, the standard gamepad will also be an option. We caught a glimpse of the controller, and it looks nearly identical to the one that 360 owners are already familiar with. Though, Microsoft says that it has "40 technical and design innovations," but they're obviously more subtle than my eyes can detect.
However, they did mention that developers will be able to program a collection of feedback types into the trigger buttons. So, you'll actually have to pay attention to what your fingers are telling you in order to make decisions during gameplay. It's enough to make the rumble pack on my N64 jealous.
If you're familiar with the PlayStation 4's hardware setup, the Xbox One should look nearly identical. Here's the rundown:
- Processor: An 8-core AMD CPU that has, supposedly, been heavily customized for the system.
- Graphics: The Xbox One's GPU has been designed for DirectX 11.1, and carries 32MB of high-bandwidth, embedded ESRAM.
- System memory: The only real difference between the PS4 and the Xbox One is in the RAM department, and it's a very minor difference. The Xbox will carry 8GB of DDR3 RAM, while the PS4 will utilize GDDR5.
- Video: 1080p and 4K will both be supported.
- Audio: 7.1 surround sound.
- Storage: We're being told that the unit will ship with a 500GB HD, but this seems a little small, especially when you consider that every game will automatically be ripped to the hard drive.
- Media: Blu-ray / DVD combo drive.
Connections: The Xbox One will include an HDMI 1.4 connection, several USB 3.0 ports, a gigabit Ethernet connection, and an 802.11n radio for connecting controllers and peripherals.
Microsoft's conference was decidedly short on actual games. However, we were promised that Microsoft would be rolling out 15 exclusive games within the first year. Though, I'm going to assume that several of these are Kinect-based games, so they shouldn't really count.
We also saw the trailer for a strange title from Remedy Studios called Quantum Break. Apparently, it will blend filmed footage with gameplay. I really want to speculate on it, but the trailer was so confusing that I would just be making stuff up. EA also showed off a few clips from FIFA 14, Madden, NBA Live, and a UFC title. I must admit, though, the graphics really weren't very impressive. They reminded me of old school Blizzard cutscenes, but maybe I'm just spoiled.
Forza Motorsport 5 also got a little airplay, and it was genuinely impressive.
At the end of the conference, I was left with more questions than answers. For instance, Nancy Tellem, the entertainment and digital media president of Microsoft, announced that they were partnering with Steven Spielberg to produce a Halo television series. But, they didn't spill the beans about how it would be delivered. Is it some kind of Xbox One exclusive television show? If so, is it the first of many?
Either way, the Xbox One is definitely looking like a solid contender in the console war, and the expansion of the media center capabilities will ensure that it has a place in everyone's living room, regardless of gamer status.


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On my textbook, it says:
$$F^{\star}(dy^i) = \sum_{j=1}^{n} \frac{\partial y_i}{dx_j}dx_j$$
where $F^{\star}$ is a pullback map, map $F: M_1 \rightarrow M_2$ and $dx_j$s are forms on $M_1$ and $dy_j$ are forms on $M_2$.
The question is, isn't $dy_i$ itself already equals to $\sum_{j=1}^{n} \frac{\partial y_i}{dx_j}dx_j$? So what is $F^{\star}$ exactly doing then?


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Disabled Parking
Disabled parking spaces have been designated in each of the parking lots. Their use is reserved exclusively for disabled persons with disabled placards issued by the Department of Motor Vehicles. As campus regulations do not permit complimentary parking for university students or employees, disabled students and employees must also display a valid campus parking permit. Vehicles displaying a disabled placard and a valid campus parking permit are valid in all other spaces as well, but are subject to time limits or other designations posted with the space, with the exception of metered spots in which they may park without being required to pay a parking meter fee.
For more information regarding parking on the
campus, please contact University Police at


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In a very detailed post by Robert Kehrer, FamilySearch.org announced the implementation of several "major feature enhancements" to the search functions in the Historical Record Collections. Rather than copy the entire article, I suggest that there may be a good reason for anyone using the search function to read and study the changes. Some of the changes enhance the ability of the users to attach records to individuals in the FamilySearch.org Family Tree program. Other new features appear to be aimed at the power user, such as the ability to export some searches to a spreadsheet program for further analysis. There is a stream of new functions and features for the FamilySearch.org website with frequent changes to the site. If you haven't visited the site in the last few months, you will find it has changed considerably.
In the past, there has been an undercurrent of criticism of the search functions on FamilySearch.org, but the newest changes as outlined by Robert Kehrer address some of the issues previously raised. The real question is not the addition of new features, but whether or not the search engine will find individuals within the database. My analysis in a recent post, showed that FamilySearch was well behind both Ancestry.com and WorldVitalRecords.com in finding relevant information.
For example, a search for my Great-grandfather's records in the Historical Record Collection resulted in 52,342 records. The search was for Henry Martin Tanner. By marking the exact checkboxes for both his first, middle and surname, the number dropped to 8,032 records. But even with the checkboxes for exact matches, I still got a significant number of false positives for "Martin Henry Tanner" not the same person. By further filtering the records to the United States and Arizona, the number dropped dramatically to 32 records, only a few of which pertained directly to "Henry Martin Tanner." With the new enhancements to the search function, I got references to children and grandchildren and still got several false positives. Interestingly, the search only found 3 of the U.S. Census records of which there are 5. It looks like even with the enhancements, the search function could have some improvements.
It will take me some time, but I will do a more in depth comparison of the three major online search engines that contain information about my near relatives. The only way I can see to compare the three programs is to do searches with names that I know have a certain number of records and see if the three databases, Ancestry.com, WorldVitalRecords.com (MyHeritage.com) and FamilySearch.org perform with providing results. There is not necessarily competition in this area between the three record sources, but matching the results from the three companies gives an idea of what can be done with these large databases and the room for improvement. The basic question is: What is the point of having a huge number of records if what is there cannot be found?