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Revista de Sociologia e Política
versão impressa ISSN 0104-4478
Rev. Sociol. Polit. v.3 n.se Curitiba 2007
A dictatorship against the republic: economic policy and political power in Roberto Campos
Uma ditadura contra a república: política econômica e poder político em Roberto Campos
Une dictature contre la republique: politique economique et pouvoir politique chez Roberto Campos
Ricardo V. Silva
Universidade Federal de Santa Catarina
Translated by Meryl Adelman
Translation from Revista de Sociologia e Política, Curitiba, n.27, p. 157-170, Nov. 2006.
This article examines Roberto Campos' political thought from 1950-1970. During this period, in addition to holding important governmental positions, Campos also devoted himself to struggles in the terrain of ideas, publishing a large number of articles and essays. Our hypothesis is that his political thought sees the institutionalization of an authoritarian political system as the most adequate for the cultural and political conditions of Brazilian society. The main characteristic of this type of system is the hypertrophy of State executive power in relation to other republican powers - under military and technocratic command. The main function of the hypertrophied executive is the collaboration with and implementation of institutional reforms and "rational" economic policies, against the supposedly particularist and irrational resistance of different sectors of Brazilian society. This view clashes head on with Campos´ suggestion that the regime that was instituted after 1964 represents a sort of updating, under prevailing societal conditions, of the ancient Roman republic institution of the "comissary dictatorship", in which the election of a dictator for a short period of time in order to contain possible threats to republican institutions was permitted.
Keywords: Brazilian political thought; authoritarianism; comissary dictatorship; Roberto Campos; republic.
O artigo examina o pensamento político de Roberto Campos entre meados das décadas de 1950 e 1970. Neste período, além de importantes funções governamentais, Campos dedicou-se intensamente à luta de idéias, publicando grande quantidade de artigos e ensaios. Será desenvolvida a hipótese de que o seu pensamento político aponta para a institucionalização de um sistema político de tipo autoritário como o mais adequado às condições culturais e políticas da sociedade brasileira. A principal característica deste tipo de sistema consiste na hipertrofia do poder Executivo estatal, sob comando de militares e tecnocratas, relativamente aos demais poderes da República. A função primordial do poder Executivo hipertrofiado são a elaboração e a implementação de reformas institucionais e de políticas econômicas "racionais", contra as resistências pretensamente particularistas e irracionais dos diferentes setores da sociedade brasileira. Essa hipótese colide frontalmente com a sugestão de Campos de que o regime instituído após o movimento de 1964 seria uma espécie de atualização, nas condições da sociedade brasileira de então, do instituto da "ditadura comissária" da antiga República romana, pelo qual se permitia a eleição de um ditador por um curto período de tempo para debelar eventuais ameaças às instituições republicanas.
Palavras-chave: pensamento político brasileiro; autoritarismo; ditadura comissária; Roberto Campos; República.
L'article examine la pensée politique de Roberto Campos entre 1950 et 1970. Dans cette période, outre d'importantes fonctions gouvernementales qu'il a exercées, Campos s'est profondément consacré au combat des idées, publiant plusieurs articles et essais. On soutiendra l'hypothèse selon laquelle sa pensée politique mene à l'intitutionalisation d'un système politique plutôt autoritaire, proposé comme le plus adéquat aux conditions culturelles et politiques de la société brésilienne. La principale caractéristique de ce type de système consiste dans l'hypertrophie du pouvoir Exécutif de l'état, sous les ordres de militaires et de technocrates, par rapport aux autres pouvoirs de la République. La fonction primordiale du pouvoir Exécutif hypertrophié sont l'élaboration et la mise en place de réformes institutionnelles et de politiques économiques « rationnelles », contre les résistances soi-disant particularistes et irrationnelles des différents secteurs de la société brésilienne. Cette hypothèse se heurte contre la suggestion de Campos selon laquelle le régime adopté après le mouvement de 1964 serait une espèce de mise à jour, dans les conditions de la société brésilienne à cette époque-là, de l'institution de la «dictature commissaire» de l'ancienne République romaine où il était permis d'élire un dictateur pedant une courte période de temps afin d'annuler d'éventuelles menace aux institutions de la république.
Mots-clés: pensée politique brésilienne; autoritarisme; dictature commissaire; Roberto Campos; republique.
The main goal of this article is to analyze economist Roberto Campos' political thought through the texts he published during the period that covers the mid-1950s to the mid-1970s, a period of intense economic, social and political changes in Brazil. Our focus on this period is due to our interest in shedding light on a lesser known moment in his political thought, a moment that precedes his intense neo-liberal advocacy of the latter decades of his intellectual activity. Furthermore, the period at stake here coincides to a large extent with the time in which Campos became directly involved in planning and management state economic policy activities, first within the Kubitschek government, as president of the National Economic Development Bank (Banco Nacional de Desenvolvimento Econômico, BNDE) and later as the minister of planning under the Castelo Branco administration. We will begin with the formulation of the following problem: What ideal political system can be found 1) underlying Campos' view of Brazilian socio-cultural characteristics and 2) in consonance with the proposals for economic policy that he formulated?
Our attempt to respond to this problem will be guided by the hypothesis that Roberto Campos' political thought sees the institutionalization of an authoritarian political system as the most adequate for the cultural and political conditions of Brazilian society. The main characteristic of this type of system is the hypertrophy of State executive power in relation to other republican powers - under military and technocratic command. The main function of the hypertrophied executive is the collaboration with and implementation of institutional reforms and "rational" economic policies, against the supposedly particularist and irrational resistance of different sectors of Brazilian society. Our hypothesis clashes head on with Campos´ suggestion that the regime that was instituted after the 1964 movement represents a sort of aggiornamento, under prevailing societal conditions, of the ancient Roman republic institution of the "comissary dictatorship", implemented through its Curiate Law, permitting a temporary dictatorship when deemed necessary in order to save the Republic.
The article is divided into three sections. The first is devoted to a characterization of Roberto Campo´s work, giving salience to the peculiarities of his interpretations of notions of "rationality" and "pragmatism", both of which undergird his reflections on economic policy. This is followed by our examination of the author's view of Brazilian socio-cultural characteristics, emphasizing his analysis of the influence that the latter have within the arena of state policies. In the last section we investigate the elective affinities between his proposals for economic policy and his ideal of a political system that corresponds adequately to the socio-cultural and political conditions that reign within Brazilian society, thereby seeking to reveal the inconsistency in his attempt to characterize the post-1964 regime as a republican and constitutional dictatorship.
Largely conceived as journalistic articles, Roberto Campos' published writing from the 1950 to 1960 period deal with a wide variety of themes, such as economic theory, foreign policy, Brazilian culture, tribute to friends, overt or covert attacks on adversaries, etc.
Roberto Campos' intellectual production was never restricted only to academic disputes, and thus it is not very fruitful to portray him as a mere "systematizer" of a particular ideological approach. Campos' mobilized ideas as an instrumental procedure for the exercise of power, or more precisely, in his indefatigable search for control of economic policy: denouncing "errors" or "deviations" in the way it was being handled, formulating "realistic" or "viable" alternatives (when he was outside government), justifying his own policies (when within government) and above all, posing himself before those who governed as someone "with a career as civil servant (having passed required examinations) who understood that serving was a matter of discipline and not a political choice. At least to the extent that I deemed it possible, to make good in moments of optimism, and in moments of pessimism, retard evil." (CAMPOS, 1967a, p. LXXXVIII; emphasis added)1.
Campos' intention to dictate the norms of state economic policy is, in our understanding, what confers unity to the myriad of small articles and essays that he published. In other words, his texts are better understood when taken as part of his practical activity, as instruments and resources of power. It is no coincidence that as a format for written presentation of his thought, he preferred the large press over scientific or technical journals, nor that he chose to profer speeches and talks within strategic power centers, as he frequently did at the Escola Superior de Guerra (Higher School of the Armed Forces) and for entrepreneurial associations.
Before entering civil service, Campos spent several years of his youth in a Jesuit seminar, where at age 17 he obtained a degree in Philosophy and at 20, in Theology. His theological background was also reflected in his style and the way, through his "Apostolic" ideals, he always sought to emphasize the struggle between good and evil, indicating to the virtuous what temptations they should avoid and to the "corrupted", what sacrifices they needed to make to attain virtue. He also gave warnings regarding the final and irreversible perdition (Hell) that would result from the descent into vice2.
Yet the binomy good/evil undergoes a secular translation in Campos' work. Good is represented by all that is "rational" and evil, by "irrationality" and all that is "instinctive". This is the basis for his obsession with planning and organization, not only in relation to himself but primarily in relation to others, as he recognized: "That demon of rationalism has been pursueing me just like a shadow that I cannot step on. Once, while I was serving as United Nations Secretary, Gilberto Amado made the harshest and fairest of accusations: 'Campos is a good guy, but he suffers from a serious and incurable ill: he is not content to organize his own thought, but loves to organize that of others'. He was right. That is just the way it is" (CAMPOS, 1967a, p. LXXXVI).
To be rational is to plan, to adjust means to ends, regardless of what the latter are, how or by whom they have been determined. The economist, whose is attentive to the scarcity of resources, is only responsible for maximizing the combination of these scarce resources in order to confer technical rationality upon the actions of the real holders of power. Thus, Campos attempts to present the work of the economist/planner as something more than just the search for or exercise of power, arguing that "for the politician, just as for the military, and perhaps similarly for the jurist, national power is an intuitive category: the search for power, an existential postulate [...] For the economist, however, power is just one object of choice and rational action for which economic means can be summoned." (CAMPOS, 1964a, p. 35). Thus we see that the economist appears as a mere tool of those who really hold power. A technician holds no power resources of his/her own, but does hold "knowledge" that enables self-presentation as a stock of scientific resources crystallized within one individual. A de-personalized individual, unpretentious as far as power is concerned, insofar as he/she does not have the final word on how the technique that he/she knows or produces are to be used. "Economic science is essentially a discipline that deals with means and not a doctrine regarding ends (idem). Furthermore: "economic theories that are called orthodox are, like any others, part of an apparatus of analysis and a system or relations; they can be translated into behavioral equations, from which economic policy norms can be deduced" (CAMPOS, 1964b, p. 35).
Economic planning, the practical application of economic science, is presented as a technique that is independent of the ends that it pursues, and may be applied to the widest range of goals held by those who govern at any given time, since "in a general sense, planning is in itself politically neutral" (CAMPOS, 1979, p. 50).
In order to prove just how distant economic planners are from the real sources of power, Campos argues that "in a instinctively -guided country, in which theory is not taken as the crystallization of practice but rather as a nervous disorder, in which the swindler arouses the most frenetic admiration, the rationality of attitudes and decisions is not exactly a formula for political success (CAMPOS, 1967a, p. LVXXXVI). Unless, as we could add, the powerful are moved by the Cartesian exactness of technical solutions and predispose themselves to repress the opposing force of "instinct".
Furthermore, we should not go on to conclude that the neutrality of the technical-economic solutions advocated by Campos, neutrality derived from the alleged objectivity of economic science, constitutes an obstacle toward adopting an attitude of resignation in the face of circumstance. A little bit of rationality is considered better than none. Therefore, if the technician is unable to do what he/she should do, this does not justify not doing what one can. This flexibility, this adaptabilty in the face of reality, so common not only in Campos but in the whole group of economist-technocrats of his kind, only becomes possible thanks to the pragmatism that inspires his thought and his action3. This is the element of our author's práxis that enables him to prescribe what is not done or to write different things on the same issue, "adapting himself" to new situations. Thus, and not without some reason, Campos expresses surprise over the attitude taken by many of his critics: "Where does my reputation as a dogmatic theoretician, incapable of modesty before the facts, insensitive to doubt, unwilling to admit mistakes come from? I consider myself a skeptic in Philosophy, eclectic in Economics, relativist regarding History, and empiricist as as far as formulas for social behavior are concerned" (ibid, p. XCI-XCII). In fact, his frequent characterization as an orthodox neo-liberal does not seem to be fair to the multiple aspects and stages of his work that, from the former perspective, would seem to be permeated by inexplicable contradictions, if not by incoherence itself. To the contrary, seeing him as a pragmatist (or as a realist, as he so often referred to himself), the privileged focus for the analysis of his work shifts from discussion regarding his affiliation with neo-liberal economics to an analysis that considers his writings against the light of his practical activity as a man of power. This pragmatism provides the source of reconciliation between thought and politics in Campos, during the historical period under consideration here. His admiration for the Brechtian words that recommended "the habit of reflecting in a new way for each new situation" (idem, p. XC) is no coincidence.
There are two cultural types that can be located within Campos' thought. The first brings together the characteristics of "economic man" of bourgeois economics: frugal, inclined towards accumulation, utilitarian and rationalist, one who attributes more importance to efficacy than to aesthetics and who takes on self-imposed sacrifice to the realm of labor as a means for accumulating wealth4. This is the cultural type that is most compatible with economic development, although the author admits that similar compatibility may be found in other cultures. In fact, he believes that there are only two cultures that can be considered imcompatible with economic development: "the society of aesthetes and the society of the bacchants. The former would be incompatible with economic development because it would not generate consumption; in other words, its value system would exclude incentives for material progress [...] The latter would not promote accumulation, that is, the desire to economize". Yet the author reminds us that both these forms are "culturally unfeasible, in their pure form". (CAMPOS, 1964a, p 105).
Yet if it is true that if there is actually no socio-cultural universe that is completely incompatible with economic development, "there are cultures that are more or less favorable to development (ibid, p.106). Thus, the cultural type represented by the "economic man" proper to Anglo-saxon countries corresponds, in Campos' view, to that which is most favorable to development. And what about Brazil? What sociocultural elements stimulate (or inhibit) its development?
This is where the second cultural type that characterizes Campos' thought emerges. According to him, "the Mediterranean races (sic) seem in general to have a hedonistic bias that we are not able to escape. [...] We have quite an ability to imitate forms of consumption, with no corresponding ability to copy habits of production. It seems both probable and yet not possible to prove that our investor is somewhat more hedonistic than the Calvinists and Puritans" (ibid, p. 112). This excessive propensity to consume has become the main obstacle that Brazilian culture places in the way of development, since the latter requires the accumulation of capital that, for Campos, is not conceivable without prior accumulation through savings. We should note that in this regard, Campos' economic thought can be considered pre-Keynesian, since he insists on the identity of acts of saving and investment. He also gives little importance to credit in the financing production and the multiplying effects of state spending. Nor does he get anywhere near the so-called "Kaleckian paradox" according to which capitalists earn what they spend. As Madi (1985, p. 49) has correctly observed, Campos' conception of how accumulation is financed is anachronic, since it is based on the figure of the individual capitalist of the 18th and first half of the 19th centuries.
And that is not all. Another anti-development "vice" of our culture is our preference for aesthetics, rather than the cultivation of efficiency. In Campos, we discover that we have a true aversion to rational behavior and an undisguisable tendency toward emotionalism. In his words, "Elements persist in our culture and character that are antagonistic to development. The first of these elements is the low level of rationality in our behavior, associated perhaps to our belletrist and commemorative form of education. The ability to externalize emotions is more highly valued than the ability to solve problems [...] This low level of rationality is expressed in the absolute ease with which we express incompatible goals, in the lack of fit between our selection of problems and the choice of tools, in the bad habit of wanting the ends without wanting the means" (CAMPOS, 1968, p. 294)5.
There is a third cultural element that is antagonic to development: anti-competitive behavior, or as Campos calls it, an "anti-Darwinist propensity". As he argues: "Darwinism postulates the survival of the fittest through biological competition. We detest competition as a tool for improving efficiency. Paternalism, clientelism, o 'jeito', the excessive protectionism that certain groups have built around themselves, and the defilement of the precious concept of nationalism in the interests of protecting privileges and inefficiency all are evidence of our fundamental aversion to Darwinism within the political and social arenas" (CAMPOS, 1968, p. 294).
Hedonist tendencies, a low level of rationality in behavior and anti-darwinist sentiments: such are our "anti-developmentalist" vices. Yet Campos does not let us despair. There is hope, since all those who are given to "vice", if willing to subject themselves to bitter medicines and the harsh period of crises that are part of abstinence, can hope to be cured. In this regard, although he concludes that "Brazilian cultural circumstances are inauspicious as a climate for development", he also adds that "the fulfillment of this existential situation does not involve Moira´s classic fatality. It can be overcome. But overcoming it would demand a conscious project based on the analysis of our repertoire of cultural possibilities" (CAMPOS, 1964a, p. 112).
Thus, we learn that the formulation of a "project" can modify our character, freeing us from the secularly consolidated traits of our culture. But who will formulate that project? The answer to these questions requires an examination of Campos' political and economic rationalizations and the type of political system that is implicit (and at times explicit) in such rationalizations. This will be the topic of the next section of this article. At present, it should be sufficient to point out that the project that Campos conceived of was one that was to be elaborated and carried out by the centers of political power. The responsibility for indicating the route to character reform belongs to the technocracy that is at the head of executive power.
Before further developing this issue, let us look at how Campos interprets the influence of socio-cultural elements on the attitudes of actors present on the Brazilian political scenario during the period that covers the 1950s and 60s. It is not hard to see that such an influence appears determinant in the construction of the political types presented by Campos. The "xenophobic nationalist", the "pro-State paternalist", the "premature distributionist", "anxious clerics", "obsolete youth" and so forth are characters whose participation on the political scene is only possible thanks to the flawed sedimentation of Brazilian culture. And all of this is said even before beginning to consider the "socialists" and "communists" who would be benefitted by the "chaos" generated by the irrationality of the conjugated actions of all the other political actors.
In essence, Campos' invectives against these actors seek to emphasize the incompatibility between their attitudes and the realization of a "rational" economic policy. In the specific arena of economic debate, criticism is directed toward the CEPAL (Comissão Econômica para a América Latina e o Caribe) theses and those of the ISEB (Instituto Superior de Estudos Brasileiros) (ISEB)6. Campos rejected the notion that the causes of inflation were basically of a structural nature and that inflationary phenomena could have any catalyzing effect on economic growth. While the "structuralists" sought to combat the imbalances of a reform program in which agrarian and fiscal reform were included, Campos and all the other "monetarists" would not admit that any serious attempt to combat inflation could dispense with prioritizing the classical tools of monetary and fiscal control.
In opposition to the structuralist thesis, which defines the behavior of monetary and fiscal authorities as essentially passive, or in other words, as "propagation mechanisms", monetarists assert that the real cause of inflation imbalance is the irrational behavior of authorities who issue currency in excess in order to cover growing state spending. They warn that even many of the so-called "choking", inelasticity of supply or structural tensions may be results rather than causes of inflation. As Campos reminds us, "it is perfectly possibly, based on Latin American experience, to demonstrate that a large part of this so-called strangulation was originally induced by inflation, although once this has happened it may in turn serve as increase it" (CAMPOS, 1967b, p. 87). Here, Campos inverts the arguments of his adversaries, a recurrent procedure of his rhetorical style. On this issue, Campos had been a step ahead of other monetarists who were less able to assimilate the intellectual efforts of their adversaries and subject them to their own ends. Campos argued that "up to a certain point the two conflicting opinions are not as different as they seem; their divergences have more to do with method and emphasis than substance. Yet there is still a nucleus of dispute, primarily around the utility of monetary and fiscal measures and the relationship between structural factors and the inflationary process itself" (ibid, p. 82). We can see here that the author was aware that this was a political and therefore not exclusively technical dispute. This explains his conciliatory solution for the conflict: "The identification of strangulations is evidently of great utility in enabling monetary and fiscal policy to have an even more useful active role: this is the point of reconciliation between 'monetarists' and 'structuralists' (ibid, p. 92).
Yet not all the antagonists that Campos encountered on the Brazilian political scene deserved the same "consideration" as his "technical" adversaries. When criticism shifted from the "technical" to the political field, discourse took on a less polite and conciliatory tone and became sarcastic and contaminated with the adversary´s contempt. It was no longer a matter of denouncing and "correcting" the mistakes of "restless" economists who had the habit of "inventing theories" and had little experience in conducting policies, but that of silencing strident and dangerous voices which were full of subversive potential in a cultural environment like our own.
A typical example of this contemptful treatment can be observed in Campos' references to the nationalists as "grotesque figures" and "pre-logical animals". His major concern is the veto power that these political actors have over "rational" economic policies and furthermore, over their very capacity to influence, generating "irrational" policies: "what I find most disturbing is the irrationality of economic decisions the cult of the myth to which our ´nationaleers´ have given themselves" (CAMPOS, 1964b, p. 43).
For Campos, the irrationality of economic decisions can be little more than the other side of a sort of subversive rationality: "I have been pondering for a long time in order to discover why our communo-nationalists are so reticent to combat inflation. I have discovered only two reasons: The first is the sharpening of social tensions, as cultural ingredients for a revolution. The second is the broadening of State intervention, as the prelude to integral socialism. Within an inflationary environment, no service or basic activity can survive for very long in private hands. Squeezed between rigid prices and growing costs, the private entrepreneur ceases to invest, thus letting services deterior or production stagnate: the State emerges as 'Deus ex-machina' and socialism is implanted through the short-cut of inflation'" (ibid, p. 34).
Campos´s contempt is not limited to political actors imbued with socialist and Statist ideas. Rather, it seems to extend to all those who seek to manifest themselves politically, taking advantage of our "low level of rationality" to speak of issues that they don´t have the least knowledge of, such as for example economic policy. This is the core of Campos' view of the 'political class': "To a large extent our 'political class' remains prisoner of prejudices, is unrealistic in dealing with economic problems, emotional in political debates, and inorganic in formulating a national project" (ibid, p. 30).
We need not go very far to perceive: first, the complementariy between Brazilian culture and political actors' attitudes (both of them infected by "vices" and "irrationality"). Second, the incompatibility of such attitudes and the political system that Campos drew up for Brazilian society. We must emphasize here that this system, up until the present point in our argument, has remained implicit. We shall attempt to make it explicit now.
Campos´ post-1964 texts get more explicit about what could be considered as a project to reform the Brazilian political system. As we shall seek to demonstrate, the basic guidelines for this project are the institutionalization of an authoritarian-type political system which combines a set of institutional rules destined to demobilizing and containing opposition movements with the hypertrophy of the powers and the broadening of the freedom of movement of the technocracy of the State executive.
For purposes of our argument, let us initially take a look at how this author justifies military intervention in the Brazilian political process. Campos argues that in the Brazilian case, armed forces intervention is linked to a "function" in which "thanks to its larger degree of institutional and organizational cohesion, [the armed forces] are occasionally called upon to engage in the restoring of social discipline, in the wake of political impasse that can lead society to institutional freezing or radical subversion. In this case, military intervention is the result of the failure of democratic tools, rather than a cause of political crisis" (CAMPOS, 1969b, p. 18-19). The supposed incompatibility of democracy and "social discipline" is noteworthy, since it becomes an element of negative definition in Campos' project.
Yet care must be taken in interpreting the passage above. Everything depends upon what the author considers "social discipline". He does not provide us with an exact definition of this notion, though it does seem possible to reconstruct its meaning in the light of the elements that we have been able to gather thus far. Considering Campos' disquisitions on culture and the Brazilian political panorama, we can affirm that social discipline is broken when the "corrupted" elements of our character resonate with intensity within political arenas. The political actors that Campos considers, during the crisis of the 1970s, are no more than the political expression of irrationality, hedonism and aversion to competition. From there flows the author's intolerance for these actors: "I abhor the facile promises of the demagogue [...] I abhor the paternalism of the cartorial State [...] I abhor the false nationalist" (CAMPOS, 1967a, p. XC).
During the Brazilian crisis of the early 1960s, when oppressed social groups and classes began to speak their demands and to occupy the center of political debate, the arbiter role of the technocracy was much reduced, in proportion to the new "publicity" given to class conflict.
We should emphasize, however, that such "publicity" given to class conflict was still at an embryonic stage. Workers in the city and the countryside were barely beginning to organize themselves for the autonomous expression of demands. Political debate was essentially under the control of traditional political elites. This led to a clear disjunction between emergent social movements and the interpretation of movement demands by those who traditionally occupied the political arena.
With this in mind, we are able to infer that a "lack of social discipline" corresponds, for Campos, to the process of political emergence of the workers of city and countryside. In other words, it corresponds to the politization of class conflict. It is clear that Campos does not define the concept in these terms, resorting first to the interpretations of the process that his own adversaries made in order to formulate their rationalizations. After all, several elite factions of the nationalist Left sincerely believed that the mobilization of popular segments would represent a prelude to a socialist revolution in Brazil.
In his examination of Roberto Campos' political ideas, in counterpoint to those of Celso Furtado, Reginaldo Moraes has called our attention to two alternatives for the organization of the political system that Campos envisioned for Brazil. "The first of them implies a kind of "commisary dictatorship", a regime established through force but justified by the emergence of a 'holy war against backwardness'. The second (which does not necessarily exclude the first) demands institutional reforms that would keep the real administration of resources safe from political struggle, particularly from the pernicious influence of voters, seen as a suffering clientele that is ready to be corrupted through the irresponsible promises of demagogues and opportunists" (MORAES, 1995, p. 95).
The second alternative is related to the ideas the Campos developed during the first half of the 1950s, while he was involved in the immediate tasks of elaborating official development projects, as BNDE president and superintendent This political alternative was valid during the Kubitschek government, creating the conditions for the implementation of its "Plano de Metas" (Target Plan). The BNDE and "executive groups" were the main institutions of the "parallel administration" of the Kubitschek government, holding de facto power in the elaboration and implementation of economic policy.
On the other hand, this political alternative was soon to be abandoned by Campos, particularly after he left the BNDE in 1959 and consequently, made his exit from the government´s economic policy decision-making nucleus. Furthermore, it should be noted that, for the technocracy that Campos headed, the alternative policy that had been consubstantiated within the "parallel administration" did not represent the ideal political alternative. It was a "compromise solution". (LAFER, 1970). Given the impossibility to carry out an integral administrative reform that would remove clientelist sectors from institutional power, Kubitschek decided to inflate the power of the organs of parallel administration, in order to obtain greater dynamism and efficiency in carrying out his Target Plan. This solution embodies the implicit resignation of technocrats in relation to inevitable co-existence with sectors that are considered as repositories of irrationality and inefficiency.
With the 1964 coup and Campos' return to the decision-making nucleus of state policy becoming Planning Minister for the Castello Branco government the resources that he had previously considered as scarce were considerably augmented. From this moment on, his political proposals moved closer to the ideal of the authoritarian State. Campos' second political alternative, the "commisary dictatorship", belongs to this moment.
Here however we must proceed with extreme care. In our understanding, the notion of the "commissary dictatorship" does nof provide an adequate image for comprehension of Campos' political project in all its complexity. In fact, in 1967, at the end of his very "profitable" reformist activities during the first Ministry of the military dictatorship, Campos affirmed that: "With a notable instinct of preservation that guaranteed its three centuries of history, the Roman Republic's 'Lex Curiata' permitted the implementation of transitory regimes of exception for overcoming crises. This referred to the dictadura rei gerundae causa dictatorship for carrying things out and the dictadura seditionis sedandae dictatorship to subdue sedition. Our Institutional Acts, whose goals were essentially similar to break through institutional impasse and expunge subversion is nothing more than a folk version of the Lex Curiata" (CAMPOS, 1968, p. 87).
From our point of view, Campos mobilizes this image of military dictatorship in the interests of justifying the 1964 military coup and activities of the military governments, principally the Castello Branco administration in which he had a recognized role. It is a rationalization, understood as a "strategy by means of which the producer of a symbolic form builds a chain of reasoning that seeks to defend or justify a set of relations or social institutions and thereby persuade an audience that they are worthy of support" (THOMPSON, 1995, p. 82-83).
Nonetheless, this rationalization does not withstand the test of political theory, historical fact, nor even the very logic that underlies the whole of Campos' argumentation. It lends itself merely to the cunning attempt to attribute some dignity to that which is intrinsically worthy of none. The ancient Romans accepted the legitimacy of dictatorship and considered it to good for the Republic, but did really know how to distinguish it from tyranny.
Machiavelli sketched out the essence of the Roman dictatorship with noteworthy clarity: "a Dictator was made for a (limited) time and not in perpetuity, and only to remove the cause for which he was created; and his authority extended only in being able to decide by himself the ways of meeting that urgent peril, (and) to do things without consultation, and to punish anyone without appeal; but he could do nothing to diminish (the power) of the State, such as would have been the taking away of authority from the Senate or the people" (Machiavelli, 1996, p. 73).
There are three essential elements that are constitutive of the Roman dictatorship, as they emerge from Machiavelli's work: the dictator is chosen, rather than having any right of self-imposition. Those responsible for naming him were the consuls, this being a mechanism established through the constitution of the Roman Republic and not the fruit of a conspiracy against it. Secondly, the term in office is seen as transitory. The Romans took this temporary nature of the position very seriously, which explains why the Constitution had very specific stipulations regarding the specific period for which a dictator could remain in office: "The dictator was nominated only for the duration of the extraordinary task that he had been given and, in any event, for a period that would not go beyond six months nor longer than the period in which the cônsul who had nominated him remained in his position" (BOBBIO, 1987, p. 159)7. Third: the dictator would enjoy extraordinary powers and was allowed to govern over established law, but could not alter the Constitution, creating or supressing laws, particularly if this meant "obstructing the authority of the People or the Senate" as Machiavelli affirms.
Taking the above elements as our parameter, we will be able to evaluate the degree of fairness in Campos' rationalization of the 1964 military coup, in terms of the "commisary dictatorship". In the first place, there was no mechanism in the 1946 Brazilian Commission that would allow the military to depose a president of the Republic. Nor were members of the military nominated or elected by the people or their representatives for the purpose of assuming the role of dictator. The corporation, to put it this way, self-invested with the dictatorial role and thus violated one of the fundamental principles of ancient dictatorship.
In the second place, it is important to observe that neither the Brazilian military nor the technocrats were ever clear, in any of the hundreds of laws that they created, exactly how long the dictatorship could go on. The Romans had established a limit of six months, though Castello Branco raised himself into power speaking of two or three years and yet in the end, the authoritarian regime lasted two decades.
In the third place and herein lies the main point where historical fact contradicts Campos' rationalizations the military and the technocrats did not restrict themselves to governing over and beyond the 1946 Constitution but threw themselves into the task of substituting it completely for another, in the true "law-creating fury" of the Castello Branco government. Furthermore: the spirit of institutional reform reigning during this period showed all the traits of obstructing the authority of the people's assemblies, exactly the capital sin for a Roman dictator. If we therefore would like to maintain some analogy to ancient lexicon in order to provide a faithful image of the post-1964 historical facts, we should substitute the notion of commisary dictatorship with that of tyranny. It is matter of introductory knowledge of political science the fact that for the Romans, "he who took power for himself or, even having had it bestowed by the dominant group, used it to completely alter the juridical body of the State, was known as a tyrant rather than a dictator" (SPINDEL, 1985, p. 10).
The transitory character of authoritarianism could, in Campos, only be admitted if he were also to admit the proposition of a democratic telos regulating his ideas. Authoritarianism would then be only a means to the end of true democracy (or that of saving the latter from those who sought to annihilate it). Yet such a premise would counter all the political facts of the century that has just come to an end, as it would also run against the grain of contemporary political theory. The history of the 20th century has shown that, when autocratic governments rise to the head of the State, promising the people the attainment of greatness and future freedom in exchange for a transitory moment of the concentration of powers, the task to which they then feverishly devote themselves is in truth that of remaining in power, precisely at the expense of the permanent humiliation of the people through the denial of their freedoms. On the other hand, contemporary democratic theory has risen up more and more against the falacious argument that it is possible to reach democratic ends through authoritarian methods. As Robert Dahl has argued, the idea of an opposition between substantive results and democratic process is completely spurious. The democratic process demands substantial rights and goods such as "the right of the people to self government and the distribution of power, and is the only route to the fulfillment of the latter" (DAHL, 1989, p. 175).
Therefore, if we were to accept the idea of a "commissary dictatorship" for the characterization of Campos' political project, we would remain circumscribed to his rationalization of the 1964 military regime. What can be deduced from his proposals is not a temporary authoritarian regime destined to the salvation of the Republic but the definitive institutionalization of an authoritarian political system. Let us take another look at the matter.
In the first place, it is important to observe that Campos' ideas on the institutionalization of authoritarianism were not fully developed until the beginning of the stage of "decompression" of the system midway through the 1970s, although some indication of these ideas can be found, implicitly, in the proposals for economic policy that he formulated immediately after the military coup.
As minister of planning during the Castello Branco government, Campos was the person who was primarily responsible for formulating and implementing the Government Plan of Economic Action (Plano de Ação Econômica do Governo, or PAEG). The PAEG was a synthesis of the political and economic proposals that Campos had developed up until this moment. With the gradual reduction of inflation as his chronological priority, he also sought to initiate a process of institutional reform envisaging the consolidation of what he referred to as "associative market economy"8.
Policies destined to combating inflation essentially followed the orthodox recipe book. Once diagnosing inflation as the result of an excess of demand, he proposed measures such as cutting public spending, limiting credit and in particular, holding wages down; together they were to result in a perceiveable reduction in global demand. There was just one difference here in relation to International Monetary Fund (IMF) proposals: he sought to dilute the impact of these measures over the course of the following three years, opting for a gradual approach rather than the traditional shock treatment9.
This set of restrictive measures would according to Campos be incompatible with the validity of electoral processes, since "in the present conjuncture in Brazilian life, in which there is still a surgical problem regarding the extirpation of the cancer of inflation, it would be dangerous to elect populist leaders who are afraid to confront the long hard winter of holding wages down, which antagonizes the masses, limiting credit, which antagonizes entrepreneurs, and restricting public spending and subsidies, which antagonizes politicians" (CAMPOS, 1969b, p. 34). We can see that the anti-inflationary policies formulated by Campos, supposedly indispensable and non-substitutable10 are but a vehicle for the justification of the interruption of democratic processes.
Furthermore, if anti-inflationary policy was a chronological priority of the PAEG, its greatest substantive importance lay in the process of institutional reform that it sought to unleash, as Campos recognized: "PAEG importance lay less in the implementation of specific measures for the reduction of inflation and growth acceleration than in the concentrated effort that was being made in the direction of institutional reform and modernization. In reality, the PAEG incorporated the larger part of basic policies, and it enumerated the majority of the institutional reforms and tools of action that came to constitute the 'Brazilian model'" (CAMPOS, 1979, p. 63). These institutional reforms were not restricted to the economic level, but touched the social and political levels as well11.
Although it had obtained a high level of success at the economic level and reasonable success at the social level, the "Revolution", as Campos called it, had still not achieved success at the political level. "The dilemmas that afflicted Castello Branco, that he had hoped to have extinguished when he insisted on the distinction between the Revolution as a set of ideas that should maintain continuity and the Revolution as a process that should seek institutionalization through the Constitution, have returned. The two fundamental political problems of the Revolution continue to be the legitimation of its underlying ideas, through their institutional entrance, and popular participation, through the restoring of political party life. None of these problems is facile, yet both are urgent (CAMPOS, 1969a, p. 283).
The search for a route toward the institutionalization of an authoritarian political system is correlated with the mistrust that Campos made explicit in relation to the efficiency of the democratic regime for making "rational" economic policy viable. It is no coincidence that Campos devotes a considerable portion of his post-1964 articles to combating proposals for restauring the democratic regime, such as that of the Frente Ampla (Broad Front) that had Goulart, Lacerda and Kubitschek at its head. "Postulated as it has been by the Frente Ampla, 'redemocratization' would bring us back to the times of catastrophic oscillation between institutional rigidity and subversive radicalization. Without a doubt, conventional politicians have considerable ability to communicate with the people. But they transmit the wrong signals" (CAMPOS, 1969b, p. 23).
As we have already mentioned, the economic policy that Campos defends represents a sort of rationalization of autocratic power which goes as far as his assertion that "the new Brazilian Constitution [...] was conceived of as an austere de-inflationary and developmentalist tool" (CAMPOS, 1968, p. 89). He was referring to the 1967 Constitution whose institutionalization was much lamented by Campos. It is in retrospective analysis of the frustrated attempt at institutionalization of the 1967 Constitution that Campos makes explicit what he considers as the ideal political system for Brazil.
The major element of this system is the institution of a "strong Executive". Executive power should be armed with greater legislative prerrogatives, which became possible with the creation of the "decreto-lei" (decree law) Let us take a look at the way Campos justified this: "The mechanisms of the new Brazilian Constitution, that give the Executive the power to issue 'decree-laws' on national security and public finance [...] are not gross by-products of the barracks, but acceptable instruments of a society in development, whose political life suffers from ideological aggression and whose economic life demands quick mutations and complex technical decision" (idem, p. 87).
Further completing the working of this "strong Executive", Campos refers to the Security Law and the Press Law. As the author has made explicit, "under the first, the concept of national security was widened in order to cover in addition to the traditional figure of external aggression the notable modalities of internal challenge to institutions, through subversion and revolutionary war. In the second [...] compatibility between the right to freedom of expression and the recognition of the communications media responsibility is sought. The latter should not be transformed into vehicles for subversive propaganda, inciting economic panic and contempt for institutions" (CAMPOS, 1979, p. 241).
Counterpart of the strong Executive is the emptying of the powers of the Legislative branch, which was to have many of its functions re-located to Executive power, and thus come to function as a mere forum for debates on governmental initiative, largely deprived of real decision-making power. Furthermore, even insofar as its tasks of considering Executive decrees was concerned, the Congress would know have a pre-determined amount of time to carry out voting. Once this period was over, the project was automatically approved, since "time had run out". In reference to the Legislative branch, Campos emphasized the importance of the two-party institution, whose greatest merit was to avoid "party anarchy" and stimulate "more programmatic and less personalistic, or regionalist arguments." The author also eulogized the drastic change that had been introduced in electoral mechanisms, whose novelty lay in indirect presidential election through a congressional electoral college. Campos justified this change by the need to avoid "the extremely divisive character of presidential elections, the administrative paralysis resulting from long electoral campaigns, the residues of animosity that the disputes generate, and demagogic competition between candidates that take the shape of impossible promises" (idem, p. 245).
These, in short, are the main elements of the political system that Campos advocated, all elements prescribed by the 1967 Constitution. Undoubtedly this was a political system of authoritarian design, whose institutionalization would conflict deeply with the maintenance of a minimally democratic political order. Thus, Campos comes to admit explicitly that "in the current historical context, a certain degree of authoritarianism is unavoidable" (Ibid, p.224).
But this is not all. Even with all these controls, Campos does not feel that he has defended his views sufficiently. There is still one remaining element of his project which deserves consideration. Campos mobilizes the image of the "commisary dictatorship" one last time, in which the "figure of the Law" appears designated as "state of emergency". "The mechanism for declaring a state of emergency [...] is destined to attend to one of the classic requisites of the constitutional dictatorship, that is, that the identification of a critical situation which can be considered a State of Emergency is not the exclusive task of the Chief Executive and his cabinet, but involves the participation of representatives of the Judiciary [power] and the Legislative [power]. The duty to inform Congress on the measures that have been taken aims to deal indirectly with this second requisite, that is, that limitations on the 'rule of Law' are not indefinitely prolonged , which would transform the constitutional dictatorship into an unconstitutional one" (ibid, p. 284; my emphasis). Here, the image of the commisary dictatorship would be more plausible were it not for the fact that it emerges within the ambit of a political system in which there is no more indication of the survival of the independence of powers and respect for the freedoms that characterize republican order12.
If even with all these controls over the authoritarian political system, "social discipline" comes to be threatened, the decree of a "state of emergency" would function as an absolute guarantee to maintain the authoritarian order. It is worth concluding with the observation that there is a catastrophic view of class conflict underlying the nucleus of concerns that Campos uses to justify the state of emergency, a very peculiar version of the commisary dictatorship: "We must frankly recognize that class conflicts in modern industrial society and the confrontation of ideological systems create new and subtle challenges [...] It is to these new realities that the 'state of emergency' is meant to respond" (idem, p. 254).
BERLIN, I. 2002. Dois conceitos de liberdade. In : HARDY, H. & HAUSHEER, R. (orgs.). Isaiah Berlin: estudos sobre a Humanidade. São Paulo: Companhia das Letras.
BOBBIO, N. 1987. Estado, governo e sociedade. Rio de Janeiro: Paz e Terra.
BIELSCHOWSKY, R. 1995. Pensamento econômico brasileiro: ciclo ideológico do desenvolvimentismo. 2ª ed. Rio de Janeiro: Contraponto.
CAMPOS, R. 1964a. Ensaios de História Econômica e Sociologia. 2ª ed. Rio de Janeiro: Apec.
________. 1964b. A moeda, o governo e o tempo. Rio de Janeiro: Apec.
________. 1967a. A técnica e o riso. 2ª ed. Rio de Janeiro: Apec.
________. 1967b. Duas opiniões sobre a inflação na América Latina. In : HIRSCHMAN, A. (org.). Monetarismo versus estruturalismo. Rio de Janeiro: Lidador.
________. 1968. Do outro lado da cerca. 3ª ed. Rio de Janeiro: Apec.
________. 1969a. Temas e sistemas. Rio de Janeiro: Apec.
________. 1969b. Ensaios contra a maré. Rio de Janeiro: Apec.
________. 1979. A nova economia brasileira. 3ª ed. Rio de Janeiro: J. Olympio.
________. 1994. A lanterna na popa (memórias). Rio de Janeiro: Topbooks.
________. 1996. Antologia do bom senso. Rio de Janeiro: Topbooks.
DAHL, R. 1989. Democracy and Its Critics. New Haven: Yale University.
GENNARI, A. 1990. A lógica da subordinação: aspectos do conservantismo brasileiro as idéias de Roberto de Oliveira Campos. São Paulo. Dissertação (Mestrado em Economia). Pontifícia Universidade Católica de São Paulo.
LAFER, C. 1970. The Planing Process and Political System in Brazil: A Study of the Kubitschek's Target Plan (1956-1961). Cornell. PhD Thesis (Political Science). Cornell University.
MACHIAVELLI, N. 1996. Discourses on Livy. Chicago: The University of Chicago Press.
MADI, M. C. 1985. A vanguarda do pensamento conservador Um estudo sobre as idéias econômicas de Roberto Campos no período 1950-1964. Campinas. Dissertação (Mestrado em Economia). Universidade Estadual de Campinas.
MORAES, R. 1995. Celso Furtado o subdesenvolvimento e as idéias da Cepal. São Paulo: Ática.
MORAES, R. 1987. Planejamento: democracia ou ditadura? São Paulo. Tese (Doutorado em Filosofia). Universidade de São Paulo.
PEREZ, R. 1999. O pensamento político de Roberto Campos. Rio de Janeiro: Fundação Getúlio Vargas.
PETTIT, P. 1997. Republicanism: A Theory of Freedom and Government. Oxford: Oxford University.
SILVA, R. 2000. Planejamento econômico e crise política: do esgotamento do plano de desenvolvimento ao malogro dos programas de estabilização. Revista de Sociologia e Política, Curitiba, n. 14, 77-101, jun.
SKINNER, Q. 1999. Liberdade antes do liberalismo. São Paulo: Unesp.
SPINDEL, A. 1985. O que são ditaduras. 5ª ed. São Paulo: Brasiliense.
THOMPSON, J. 1995. Ideologia e cultura moderna. Petrópolis: Vozes.
VIROLI, M. 2002. Republicanism. New York: Hill and Wang.
Received on April 25, 2006.
Approved for publication on August 22, 2006.
Ricardo Silva (firstname.lastname@example.com) holds a Doctoral Degree in Social Sciences from the Universidade Estadual de Campinas (Unicamp) and is currently Professor of the Department of Sociology and Political Science at the Universidade Federal de Santa Catarina (UFSC).
1 Campos was one of the main formulators of economic politicy during the 1950s and 60s. He was superintendent and president of the BNDE during the Kubitschek government (1956-1960) during which time he headed the successful planning team that was behind the "Plano de Metas" and the unsuccessful Plan for Monetary Stabilization of 1958. After the 1964 military coup, he became Minister of Planning for the Castelo Branco administration (1964-1967), during which time he was one of the main formulated of the PAEG (Plano de Ação Econômica do Governo 1964-1967), or Government Plan for Economic Action, and the ambitious Ten Year Plan (1967-1977), that was never put into practice. On experiments in economic policy and their vicissitudes in the political context that begins with the Kubitschek Plano de Metas and ends with the Three Year Plan of the Goulart administrations, see Silva (2000).
2 An analysis of the influence of religious rhetoric on Campos' thought can be found in Moraes (1987, p. 211-215).
3 This "pragmatic" aspect of Roberto Campos though during the period under consideration here did not escape the analyses of Perez (1999) and Gennari (1990). The latter author characterizes that trait in Campos' thought as "dynamic eclecticism".
4 This cultural type corresponds to Weber's man instilled with the Protestant Ethic. Nonetheless, it is worthwhile to keep Campos' divergences with the Weberian conception in mind. For Campos, the Protestant Reform, although it could be considered a moment of expansion of the capitalist ethos, should not be seen as a cause but rather as a result of such expansion. On the other hand, he situates the true eclosion of what Weber supposed had happen during the Reform in another historical moment (the Renaissance period). "This [the Reform] was not the cause of the irruption of the capitalist ethos, but the result of a growing institutional tension located exactly in the fervent vigor of capitalism's advance". And this was explainable as "the sociocultural impact of the Renaissance and the portentous economic mutation brought about by Discovery and by the revolution in prices generated new pressures, that could not be contained by the institutional structure of the Church. As a result of these pressures the Reform was born" (CAMPOS, 1964a, p. 33-34).
5 It is worth noting that this highly negative judgement of the degree of rationality of Brazilians is someting that accompanies the author through his mature work, that in many senses can be considered to contain more continuity than rupture in relaction to the writings from the period we are acovering here. In effect, in his voluminous book of memories, Campos continues to insist on the "irrationalism in Brazilian behavior". (CAMPOS, 1994, p. 159, 225). Even later, in a 1996 text of his, we see that Campos continues to consider it a "rarity to find a Brazilian remotely capable of linking cause and effect" (CAMPOS, 1996, p. 317).
6 We were referring to the conjuncture of the early 1960s, since during the previous decade Campos debate with the CEPAL can be considered as more of a dialogue between close relatives than as a conflict between fierce antagonists. The fact remains that during the 1950s Campos was integrally devoted to development tasks, as president of the BNDE e formulator (together with Lucas Lopes) of the Kubitschek government's Target Plan. At that time, to accentuate the absolute priority of restrictive policies to combat inflation would not have been a good attitude for someone who meant to remain at the center of economic policy control. Neither should we forget that Campos was one of the founders of the ISEB. It was only at the end of the 1950s, with the crisis of developmentalist ideology and the re-orientation of CEPAL theses toward the question of deeper reforms did Campos come to insist on the issue of stability. On this matter, see Bielshowski (1995).
7 In his examination of the Roman dictatorship, Rousseau also called attention to the need the Romans had perceived for established a very strict time limit to the period of dictatorship. "Whatever the reason for establishing this important position, it must have a very short duration and under no circumstances should it be prolonged [...] Once the urgent need has subsided, dictatorship is tyrannical or of no avail" (Rousseau apud BOBBIO, 1987, p. 161).
8 "The associative market economy is an institutional model that has presided satisfactorilly over recent growth in the non-socialist world. Within it, different groups, such as enterprises and unions, place themselves between firms and trade unions, on the one hand, and public power, on the other. Thus it is different from the market economy, which is characteristic of libral capitalism, and centralist planning, characteristic of the socialist state. Within the associative economy, the State has a guiding function, co-participatory and interventionaist, but it does not monopolize production nor does it hand over all power to the planner elites" (CAMPOS, 1979, p. 211).
9 We should note that Campos' option for a gradualist treatment to combatting inflation, in spite of the rigid monetarist recommendations of the IMF (International Monetary Fund) for shock treatment, is actually due more to his conviction that orthodox formulas are not viable than to the technical superiority of the gradualist treatment.
10 "The crude reality is that no serious program to combat inflation can dispense with the coordination of three elements containment of government déficit, wages and credit which are the three elements that are responsible for the excessive search for money" (CAMPOS, 1968, p. 121).
11 "In general terms four different types of reform can be differentiated: those of a properly economic nature, such as the various types of fiscal reform; the implantation of new tax codes; the law of capital markets; revision of foreign trade law, mining law and legislation on electricity; those of a socio-economic nature, such as the creation of Funds for Workers' Protection in relation to years of service, Program for Social Integration, the founding og the National Housing Bank, Educational Reform and Agrarian Reform; instrumental reforms such as the creation of the Central Bank and the Ministry of Planning; and administrative reform; political reform such as the reinforcement of the authority of executive power, indirect election for president, the institution of a two-party system and the reformulation of the functions and powers of the legislature" (CAMPOS, 1979, p. 45-46).
12 In recent times, numerous scholars have devoted themselves to reconsidering republicanism as a tradition of thought that is geared toward the appreciation and defense of freedom in terms that diverge from the liberal tradition. While liberalism conceives of freedom exclusively as the "non-interference" of external forces (particularly the State) in the private terrain of the individual, republicanism interprets freedom as independence and the "non-domination" of particular individuals or groups of individuals over others in society. From this point of view, there is no necessary antagonism between freedom and law, as there would be according to thinkers such as Isaiah Berlin (2002). As long as law is formulated with the participation or consent of citizens and is geared toward inhibiting the possibility of social domination it is not only compatible but actually necessary for republican freedom. Of course we refer here to a normative concept of freedom. In the international literature, studies by Pettit (1997), Skinner (1999) and Viroli (2002) have made noteworthy contributions.


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Thanks, Craig.
Of course they do. Right?
Oracle Database performance tuning and analysis has come a long way in the last 20 years. First there was the "just add more resources" approach and tuning the blatantly poor SQL. Then there was ratio analysis, followed by wait event analysis, time based analysis, and unit of work time based analysis. In addition to the performance diagnosis and analysis evolution, the Oracle Database as a product has changed, and architectures are more diverse. Yet with all this change, some things are in many ways timeless. They relate to complexity, basic mathematical statistics, efficiency, and doctrinal purity. Over the next few weeks, I'll post four different "myths." I have recently posted about complexity (better tools) and basic mathematical statistics (average SQL elapsed times). This posting centers on a cloud vendor's desire for efficiency.
Myth #3
The third myth is Infrastructure-as-a-Service (think: cloud) vendors want efficient systems. Fact: A cloud vendor generates revenue when they charge you for CPU cycles, I/O operations, IO space or network activity. Therefore, cloud vendors who charge you for computing resources want you to consume more CPU cycles, perform more I/O operations, consume more disk space, and send/receive more network packets. If that doesn't convince you, think about the marketing messages promising that all the computing resources you will ever need will be easily available.
The solution to "buy more hardware" has become very, very easy. There are no additional contracts; no one to call to install more hardware; no approvals, purchase orders, or approval chain of command; and on and on. This is a vendor's dream!
The message here is "Eat more and be happy, for tomorrow we die," not "Eat healthy and prosper" (or something like that).
But there is good news! Now performance specialists can more easily quantify their work monetarily. Instead of saying the business process dropped from 2 hours to 2 minutes, we can also say we have saved the company $2 million each year!
How can we make such an outlandish statement? It's because the quantitative performance analyst knows how much less CPU time will be consumed and how many fewer I/O operations and network transfers are required. And the analyst knows how much CPU, I/O, and network resources cost! (If you don't know how much they cost, then ask.)
This is yet another reason to get good—very good—at quantitative Oracle performance analysis! We need to understand that it's now very easy to acquire more computing capacity, so the pressure and priority to optimize can be allowed to decrease ... but tomorrow we die. Focus on the ability to quantify our performance work monetarily, and the priorities will more likely align properly.
Now for the commercial: Where can you get the best quantitative Oracle database performance analysis training in the world? OraPub of course and here is the link to get started: www.orapub.com. (Not just Oracle database performance tuning training, but quantitative Oracle database performance analysis training.)
Thanks for reading!
If you enjoy my blog, I suspect you'll get a lot out of my courses; Oracle Performance Firefighting, Advanced Oracle Performance Analysis, and my One-Day Oracle Performance Research Seminar. I teach these classes around the world multiple times each year. For the latest schedule, go to www.orapub.com . I also offer on-site training and consulting services.
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Books I Love: Beyond the Fall
The latest installment "Books I Love." The concept is very simple. Find a book in my collection, photograph it, then share it with you. The idea being to share what I love about the book or why I have it. The books will range from traditionally published, POD and handmade. The only stipulation is that I love the book. Most of them have a backstory, which I will also share. Books and photography are forever linked, so why not explore the relationship through my bookshelf. Hope you enjoy.
In short, I don't think you can find a better book of reportage. "Beyond the Fall" by American photojournalist Anthony Suau is a ten-year look at the former Soviet Bloc in transition. TEN YEARS for those of you who came of age in the "modern" photography world of weekend essays, isn't an exaggeration or typo. He spent TEN YEARS working on this book, and one look at the images living on those pages and you will very clearly see what that kind of time does when it comes to the quality of reporting. Suau covers it all, politics, family, war, high-society and everyday life. When I think of documentary photography books, it's publications like this that set the bar. You have to remember something very, very important. This is a book of moments. The vast majority of these images are one frame moments. Just think about that. Just think about how much time and focus that requires. Now think about doing that over a ten-year period. So many of the documentary books I see today are the "abstract urban landscape book" void of people(So no need for interaction or model release) or the "portrait series" documentary book which can be done VERY quickly(There are a few stellar books in this category however). Forget it, this book was like an ultra-marathon.
Now, books like this rarely get the credit they deserve because for whatever reason work like this is considered too reality based and the art world doesn't seem to know what to do with it(Something that has been written about by a fair number of art-world folks), but for me this work is SO DIFFICULT, so RARE and so TIME CONSUMING it deserves it's own wing in the museum world. Forget the gallery world, this work it more important than MOST of those spaces(There are worthy galleries.)
I KNOW there are so many of you out there living under the ultra-romantic notion of photographer. The loner walking the back streets of a crumbling empire, Leica in hand, pouring their life into their contact sheets. Well, in this case, that is in some ways what you had, but I will remind you of the DATE these images were taken, and the reality that this lifestyle is EXTREMELY rare today because the industry that supported photographers at this time is basically gone. Even during the time this book was made it was a supreme struggle to do this work. Today, nearly impossible. The time isn't being spent, the work is made digitally now and it just doesn't have the same cache or impact, nor do folks want to slow down and actually appreciate the work. The reason I'm telling you this is to slow YOU down when you consider a book like this. This is a treasure. A gem. Give yourself, and the photographer, some respect and sit down alone, sans mobile phone umbilical cord, TV, laptop, iPad, etc., and just look at the work, start to finish, front to back. Trust me, it's worth it.
I simply can't tell you the range of what this book offers. I'm not even going start with design or materials, which are both very good, because I still can't get over the quality of the photographs. The alarming thing is that each photograph represents what has to be an archive of other work. You see an image of a destroyed downtown Grozny during the height of the Chechen War and you think "What ELSE does he have?" You realize to get that one image there had to be MONTHS of preparation and sacrifice. This work is "classic" in all the right ways, and could or should be used in photojournalism schools to illustrate the kind of work being done by one motivated individual with time and resources. Perhaps not as much as he would have liked, actually don't know, but I'm guessing. This book gets better with age.
Don't walk, RUN, and go by this thing.


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This is part 1 of an article written from the perspective of a program director/MD focusing on the creation and submission of materials for college radio – as a radio promotion company, and independently – though many of these points can be extrapolated and applied to areas both inside and outside of the music industry.
1. It's called a one-sheet for a reason.
Things may be different now, but the one-sheet being one page in length hasn't changed. The one-sheet, known in other industries as the pitch-sheet or sell-sheet, when executed properly, provides program directors and others with absolutely essential information about you and your record in an easy-to-read, concise format no more than one page in length. You can find these things piled up in the trashcan at most radio stations or squeezed in between the casings of physical promo CDs. More and more often they're coming via download packages with the record's .mp3's/.wav's or even directly inside of emails linking to content.
If you can't stand to have only one sheet, just don't send anything – it will be ignored.
2. Know your objective – catch, keep, inform.
Typically the objective is to get the record played on air, added to the library, charting, or to coordinate interviews and performances.
Whatever your objective is, make it clear; don't just send in materials – tell the MD exactly what you want to happen.
In order for your one-sheet to make an impact, you need to catch, keep, and inform. Catch the attention of the music director, keep them reading, and inform them of any unique details, dates, records, contact information, etc.
There are many different approaches to catching, and keeping, the attention of a program director/MD – find out what works best for the project and it's artistic vision.
A story, humor, visual art, absurdness – the list goes on; make it an experience.
The Heath Bros. authored a phenomenal book, "Made To Stick", in which they illustrate that the most effective ideas and pitches include more than one of the following attributes: Simple, Unexpected, Concrete, Credible, Emotional, and Story-telling (http://heathbrothers.com/books/made-to-stick/).
3. The layout is crucial – make it easy.
The layout and content must be complimentary. Everything must be easy to find, and easy to read. Great content with a poor layout will be ignored. A great layout with poor content may make it a bit further, but will ultimately be ignored. Think of it as the home page of your website, front page of a magazine, or even the first date – you want someone to care, to keep reading, wanting to experience more, after a very quick glimpse. A great layout (whether clean, unique, etc.) is an excellent way to catch the attention of a music director inundated by mediocre materials.
4. Aesthetic alignment.
Your one-sheet should look like you.
5. Watch the text.
Say only what needs to be said, and remain tastefully consistent with fonts, colors, and sizes of text on the sheet.
6. Proofread.
If you don't care enough to take the time to proofread, I can't even imagine how little you care about the art you're sending me!
7. If you're not playing within a 100-mile radius of my location, please don't tell me about all of your tour dates.
Create another version of your one-sheet, for example, one without any tour dates or stating that the band is not touring in the stations general territory, but that more information can be found at [bandname].com.
8. I don't care what WFJN, WKAK, AFNV, LocalCityNews, Friendsblog.com, or any other mediocre, run-of-the-mill "media" outlet has to say about you.
Unless Rolling Stone, SPIN, Pitchfork, NPR or some other hugely influential media outlet has something to say about you, I really don't care. And even they're beginning to lose traction.
9. Your music is the reason I should care, not because of someone who worked on the record.
Especially when that someone has no track record.
10. What's really necessary?
This is part 1 of "Submitting materials: one-sheets and college radio promotion."
To read more, visit: c∆ve-b||home


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Photo: Neon Tommy via Flickr
Walmart workers are striking again for the first time since Black Friday, Josh Eidelson at The Nation reported.What are they mad about this time?
The workers, part of labour group OUR Walmart, allege that the company is exploiting a recent settlement to "unleash a new round of intimidation against workers," according to Eidelson.
The settlement was reached between the National labour Relations Board and the United Food & Commercial Workers Union, which backs OUR Walmart, last week. The UFCW agreed to refrain from picketing Walmart for 60 days and clarify that it's not demanding recognition as a union from Walmart.
After that, both sides declared victory. Workers said they won because the settlement didn't limit the right to hold strikes and other forms of demonstrations. Walmart proclaimed vindication, saying that OUR Walmart's protests were indeed illegal.
Walmart managers reportedly read out a memo in mandatory meetings that said that the strikes had been illegal and that the labour group was being dissolved, according to The Nation.
"They said that anybody who associates themselves with OUR Walmart, and the leaders, and the organisation as a whole, could face disciplinary actions," Colby Harris, an employee and OUR Walmart activist, told The Nation.
The activists are not happy about what their employer is doing.
"What we're hoping to accomplish is that Walmart would come out and recognise us as an organisation," Harris told The Nation. "Because we do exist. And that they would adhere to what they said they would do, which is not violate our federal rights and try to silence workers."
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Rosie Holmes, Director
Telephone: 616-819-2165
Fax: 616-819-3675
The LOOP program provides elementary and middle school kids a safe, fun place to learn about themselves and the world around them.
LOOP is free in the Grand Rapids Public Schools (GRPS) and offers academic support (tutoring, homework assistance, etc.) by certified teachers. The program also has an array of youth enrichment activities including recreation, arts and cultural activities, field trips, and more.
Camp Fire USA, United Methodist Community House (UMCH) and the YMCA of Greater Grand Rapids manage the after school sites in collaboration with GRPS. These providers have expertise in youth development and coordinate with many other community partners to provide a variety of youth enrichment activities.
The goal of LOOP is to meet the out-of-school time needs of area children. In a recent community survey, 90 % of parents said after school programs are an important part of helping their children achieve academically and personally, and 87% of parents said they would like to see an after school program for kids in every public elementary and middle school.
The LOOP after school program was developed through the Expanded Learning Opportunities (ELO) Initiative in partnership with the Grand Rapids Public Schools. The ELO Initiative is a coalition of over 120 community partners.
For more information or to register your child, please call GRPS Office of Extended Learning at 819-2165.
To enhance the academic, personal and emotional success of our students during after-school programming.
Mission Statement:
To build on school day academics, positive behavior interventions, collaborate with the community in providing enrichment opportunities for our students while promoting a sense of belonging and working with the whole child.
Program Components:
The Loop is a school year program. Programs are offered 32 weeks during the school year for 2.5 to 3 hours a day, 5 days a week. In addition, students may participate in 6 to 8 weeks of summer program offered 5 hours a day. School year programs begin immediately following the final bell and ends between 5:30 and 6:00 pm. A typical schedule includes:
· Attendance and Snack
· Academic Support Hour-homework help, Tutoring, Loop curriculum, Lego, Computers
· Enrichment Hour-health and fitness activities, character education, youth development
· Field trips
· Transportation home for students attending 3 or more days a week
Contracted youth development professionals (YMCA, Camp Fire USA) are hired to deliver site management and enrichment programs. GRPS hires certified teachers to deliver and supervise academic support services.
Service Delivery Model:
The Loop program staff is expected to adhere to adult/child ratios at all times:
First grade -18 yrs / 1:18.


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Phillies fall short in Hamels' return
LOS ANGELES -- The Phillies are a better team with Cole Hamels on the mound, no question about it.
It should show over the next five months.View Full Game Coverage
LOS ANGELES -- The Phillies are a better team with Cole Hamels on the mound, no question about it.
It should show over the next five months.View Full Game Coverage
It showed after he left Wednesday night's 5-2 loss to the Dodgers at Dodger Stadium following the sixth inning. He had thrown just 86 pitches, but Phillies manager Ryne Sandberg said he had pitched enough in his 2014 debut and handed the game to a bullpen that finished the night with the highest ERA in the Majors.
A close game turned into a three-run loss.
"I had plenty in the tank," Hamels said. "It was [surprising]. I don't make the decisions. I just have to go out there and pitch, and not really think about, oh, I've hit a certain pitch count, or this is the pitch count for me. It's just going out there and trying to be competitive and trying to keep the team in the ballgame."
Sandberg recently said Hamels would have no restrictions in his start.
"Well, no restrictions, but also first time out, he did his job right there," Sandberg said.
Hamels believed he could have pitched deeper and said he politicked for the opportunity.
"I guess as much as I'm allowed to," he said.
"I've been good to go for the last month," he said. "Every time I go out there I'm able to go a little bit beyond the pitch count they had set forth for all the rehab starts. Therefore I know when I was able to pitch today, I was able to go up to 100, 105. But that's their decision and I have to abide by it."
The Dodgers took a 1-0 lead in the second inning when Matt Kemp doubled, advanced to third on a single from Scott Van Slyke and scored on Juan Uribe's sacrifice fly. The Phillies tied the game against Dodgers right-hander Zack Greinke in the fourth when Jimmy Rollins doubled, advanced to third on a groundout by Chase Utley and scored on Ryan Howard's single to left.
Howard continues to swing a hot bat, extending his hitting streak to five games. He entered the night with an .880 OPS, which ranked 35th out of 199 qualifying hitters.
"I didn't try to keep him from scoring," said Greinke, who allowed five hits, two runs, one walk and struck out 11 in seven-plus innings. "As long as you limit it to one run, it's not that big a deal. That's the mindset, and it's been working."
Hamels struck out the first two batters he faced in the fifth, then allowed a single to right to Drew Butera on a 1-2 fastball. Butera entered the plate appearance just 2-for-15 this season. Hamels then walked Greinke on five pitches, which sent Yasiel Puig to the plate. Puig struck out in his previous two at-bats, but hit a first-pitch fastball to left field to score Butera to make it 2-1.
"You can't walk the pitcher," Hamels said. "I understand Greinke is a good hitter, but you have to let him hit his way on. You can never walk the pitcher. And that decided the ballgame. It set up what transpired over the next inning and not being able to … it racked up the pitch count."
Maybe if Hamels had an easier fifth he would have been sent back out for the seventh, instead of the bullpen. Phillies right-hander Jeff Manship entered Spring Training as a non-roster invitee on a Minor League contract, but he is one of just two remaining right-handers from the Opening Day bullpen, with Brad Lincoln outrighted and Justin De Fratus and B.J. Rosenberg optioned to Triple-A Lehigh Valley.
Not having reliable right-handed relievers has hamstrung Sandberg.
"That's how it's gone so far with three guys not being here right now," he said.
Manship allowed a two-out double to Greinke and a triple to Puig to make it 3-1. He left with a 7.94 ERA in seven appearances. The run looked bigger after Jayson Nix hit a solo homer to left-center in the eighth to make it 3-2. Phillies left-hander Mario Hollands and right-hander Shawn Camp then combined to allow two runs in the eighth to make it 5-2.
The Phillies' bullpen has a 5.64 ERA. It pitched splendidly in Tuesday's 10-inning victory over the Dodgers, but failing to keep games close or hold leads continues to be a problem.
"Everyone has their job, and they all need to be used and there's different situations to use different guys, so it's important for guys to step up," Sandberg said.
Todd Zolecki is a reporter for MLB.com.


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Yamaha's Motorcycle Demo Tour is on now!
Yamaha's Motorcycle Demo Tour is on now!
Complete anchor system in a class by itself. Designed for temporary mooring of small boats, sailboats, personal watercraft, inflatable boats, canoes, and float tubes.
The Complete Folding Anchor System (MWV-A2000-00-10) also fits these units. Search by model to be sure of Required Parts for your unit.
When finished building your cart, click on 'View Cart'.Continue Shopping
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Friday, June 24, 2011
NFL Labor Talks a Day at the Beach
When I attended a wedding at Nantasket Beach Resort in Hull, Mass., in 2008, the spacious hotel rooms and breathtaking ocean views made me think one thing: This place would be perfect for NFL labor negotiations.
In keeping with the Patriots' tradition of not really playing in Boston, Thursday's session took place in this seaside town about 20 miles from Boston.
Now that the players and owners have given the lawyers coloring books to amuse themselves, it seems the talks are finally on the right track and the season might actually start on time. But I'll believe it when I see it.
Thursday would have been the perfect day to reach an agreement, because Roger Goodell and DeMaurice Smith could have celebrated by holding hands and going for a nice, long walk along this beach across the street from the hotel.
The last picture in this post is of a shirt I bought from a little roadside stand. On their way out of Hull, I hope the millionaire players and billionaire owners gave some of their business to this guy, because the words on this shirt are going to be my message to them if a deal doesn't get done soon.
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OAKLAND — Murder charges have been filed against a man suspected of fatally shooting an acquaintance last December in West Oakland in a dispute over a woman, authorities said Thursday.
Investigators said video surveillance in the area recovered by police played a key role in identifying the suspect, Lyle "Jersey" Johnson, also known as Isiah Lowery, 23. He was arrested in Las Vegas June 26 by U.S. Marshals.
Johnson is charged with the Dec. 27, 2013 fatal shooing of Aubert Gholston, 26. Besides the murder count he is charged with possession of a firearm by a felon. He has a prior 2009 drug conviction, authorities said.
Officer Jason Andersen said the two men knew each other and were having a dispute over a woman they both knew who was close to Gholston. Andersen said that on the day of the killing, Johnson was in a liquor store in the 1600 block of Eighth Street when he saw Gholston park his car across the street. He went to the car and confronted Gholston, who was inside the vehicle. After and argument, Johnson shot Gholston, Andersen said.
Gholston was able to drive away but crashed in the 900 block of Campbell Street and died at the scene.
Andersen said police found witnesses to the shooting but the key piece of evidence in the investigation was video surveillance recovered from the scene of the shooting.
Johnson fled and Andersen was able to get a probable cause warrant for his arrest. Information was developed that he was in Las Vegas. He was arrested at a relative's home there without incident and is facing extradition from Nevada.
Police said Johnson admitted the shooting but claimed it was self-defense, which police dispute.


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FORRESTON - Eastland didn't feel like it matched Milledgeville's intensity early in Wednesday's regional semifinal showdown.
But an increase in energy level towards the end of the first half helped spark the Cougars (22-4) in a 51-42 victory over the Missiles that sent them to Friday's 1A Forreston Regional championship game.
Eastland closed the first half on an 11-2 run, capped by a Skylar Paulson buzzer-beater, and scored the first eight points of the second half to take control of the game for good.
"We talked at halftime that our biggest concern was our energy level," Eastland coach Tony Dunlap said. "We spent the last few minutes of the first half getting our energy level where it belonged and we had to go there or higher the rest of the game."
Eastland kept it up after halftime, and while Milledgeville (21-5) never went away, the Cougars never relinquished the lead.
"Energywise I think they were on a higher level than us in the first half," said Eastland senior Dalton Shaner, who scored a game-high 20 points. "I think we closed (the first half) pretty good. I think that last-second shot really boosted us so that second half I thought we came out with more energy and executed better."
The Missiles struggled with rebounding and turnovers early in the second half, which played a role in them falling behind the Cougars. They turned it over five times in the third quarter when they were outscored 12-5. Milledgeville tried to battle back from a nine-point deficit in the final quarter but couldn't get closer than three.
"I can't say enough about our kids," Milledgeville coach Brian Rahn said. "We got down and we weren't done. We kept pushing. That's a testament to them and that's part of the reason they've been successful is there's no quit."
Aquin 44, Polo 39
After brutal first half shooting the ball put the Marcos (23-6) in an 11-point halftime hole, Polo staged a terrific third-quarter run that gave them a lead heading to the fourth. But the Bulldogs (24-5) had just enough in them to survive and pull out a gutty victory to advance to the title game.
"Every game is do or die so survive is the right word," Aquin coach Rich Chang said. "I think that's what happened to tonight."
Aquin used a 9-0 fourth quarter run to turn a three-point deficit into a six-point lead with two minutes left. After the Marcos countered by scoring the next five points to pull within a point at 40-39 with 43 seconds left, the Bulldogs came up with some clutch free throws and one very big offensive rebound.
With the ball and nursing a one-point lead with under 25 seconds left, Andrew Martin missed a jumper, but Anthony Townsend was there to corral the clutch offensive board and Polo was force to foul him with only 19.3 on the clock.
"Andrew's been hitting that shot all season so I said if he gets it he's got to take it," Chang said, "You can't play scared we've got to go out and win the game and then Anthony flying through and getting that rebound that was huge and that was the difference."
It was the difference after Townsend calmly sank both free throws to put his team up by three.
"I didn't play too well offensively so I figured I needed to step up now," Townsend said. "It was my time."
After Polo missed its final shot at tying the game on a 3-pointer, Martin was there to pull down his game-high 12th rebound with under five seconds remaining. He then iced the win with two more free throws. Martin finished with 14 points, second-most behind Aiden Chang, who poured in a game-high 20. And it was Chang's 3-pointer from well beyond the arc with 4:32 left that gave the Bulldogs back the lead for good.