text:
Whereas a convention assembled in the State of South Carolina have passed an ordinance by
which they declare "that the several acts and parts of acts of the Congress of the United States
purporting to be laws for the imposing of duties and imposts on the importation of foreign
commodities, and now having actual operation and effect within the United States, and more
especially" two acts for the same purposes passed on the 29th of May, 1828, and on the 14th of
July, 1832, "are unauthorized by the Constitution of the United States, and violate the true
meaning and intent thereof, and are null and void and no law," nor binding on the citizens of that
State or its officers; and by the said ordinance it is further declared to be unlawful for any of the
constituted authorities of the State or of the United States to enforce the payment of the duties
imposed by the said acts within the same State, and that it is the duty of the legislature to pass
such laws as may be necessary to give full effect to the said ordinance; and
Whereas by the said ordinance it is further ordained that in no case of law or equity decided in the
courts of said State wherein shall be drawn in question the validity of the said ordinance, or of the
acts of the legislature that may be passed to give it effect, or of the said laws of the United States,
no appeal shall be allowed to the Supreme Court of the United States, nor shall any copy of the
record be permitted or allowed for that purpose, and that any person attempting to take such
appeal shall be punished as for contempt of court; and, finally, the said ordinance declares that the
people of South Carolina will maintain the said ordinance at every hazard, and that they will
consider the passage of any act by Congress abolishing or closing the ports of the said State or
otherwise obstructing the free ingress or egress of vessels to and from the said ports, or any other
act of the Federal Government to coerce the State, shut up her ports, destroy or harass her
commerce...and that the people of the said State will thenceforth hold themselves absolved from
all further obligation to maintain or preserve their political connection with the people of the other
States, and will forthwith proceed to organize a separate government and do all other acts and
things which sovereign and independent states may of right do; and
Whereas the said ordinance prescribes to the people of South Carolina a course of conduct in
direct violation of their duty as citizens of the United States, contrary to the laws of their country,
subversive of its Constitution, and having for its object the destruction of the Union--that Union
which, coeval with our political existence, led our fathers, without any other ties to unite them
than those of patriotism and a common cause, through a sanguinary struggle to a glorious
Independence; that sacred Union, hitherto inviolate, which, perfected by our happy Constitution,
has brought us, by the favor of Heaven, to a state of prosperity at home and high consideration
abroad rarely, if ever, equaled in the history of nations:
To preserve this bond of our political existence from destruction, to maintain inviolate this state of
national honor and prosperity, and to justify the confidence my fellow-citizens have reposed in
me, I, Andrew Jackson, President of the United States, have thought proper to issue this my
proclamation, stating my views of the Constitution and laws applicable to the measures adopted
by the convention of South Carolina and to the reasons they have put forth to sustain them,
declaring the course which duty will require me to pursue, and, appealing to the understanding
and patriotism of the people, warn them of the consequences that must inevitably result from an
observance of the dictates of the convention...
If this doctrine had been established at an earlier day, the Union would have been dissolved in its
infancy. The excise law in Pennsylvania, the embargo and nonintercourse law in the Eastern
States, the carriage tax in Virginia, were all deemed unconstitutional, and were more unequal in
their operation than any of the laws now complained of; but, fortunately, none of those States
discovered that they had the right now claimed by South Carolina. The war into which we were
forced to support the dignity of the nation and the rights of our citizens might have ended in
defeat and disgrace, instead of victory and honor, if the States who supposed it a ruinous and
unconstitutional measure had thought they possessed the right of nullifying the act by which it was
declared and denying supplies for its prosecution. Hardly and unequally as those measures bore
upon several members of the Union, to the legislatures of none did this efficient and peaceable
remedy, as it is called, suggest itself... To the statesmen of South Carolina belongs the invention,
and upon the citizens of that State will unfortunately fall the evils of reducing it to practice.
If the doctrine of a State veto upon the laws of the Union carries with it internal evidence of its
impracticable absurdity, our constitutional history will also afford abundant proof that it would
have been repudiated with indignation had it been proposed to form a feature in our
In our colonial state, although dependent on another power, we very early considered ourselves as
connected by common interest with each other. Leagues were formed for common defense, and
before the declaration of independence we were known in our aggregate character as the United
Colonies of America. That decisive and important step was taken jointly. We declared ourselves a
nation by a joint, not by several acts, and when the terms of our Confederation were reduced to
form it was in that of a solemn league of several States, by which they agreed that they would
collectively form one nation for the purpose of conducting some certain domestic concerns and all
foreign relations. In the instrument forming that Union is found an article which declares that
"every State shall abide by the determinations of Congress on all questions which by that
Confederation should be submitted to them."
Under the Confederation, then, no State could legally annul a decision of the Congress or refuse
to submit to its execution; but no provision was made to enforce these decisions. Congress made
requisitions, but they were not complied with. The Government could not operate on individuals.
They had no judiciary, no means of collecting revenue.
But the defects of the Confederation need not be detailed. Under its operation we could scarcely
be called a nation. We had neither prosperity at home nor consideration abroad. This state of
things could not be endured, and our present happy Constitution was formed, but formed in vain
if this fatal doctrine prevails. It was formed for important objects that are announced in the
preamble, made in the name and by the authority of the people of the United States, whose
delegates framed and whose conventions approved it. The most important among these
objects--that which is placed first in rank, on which all the others rest--is "to form a more perfect
union." Now, is it possible that even if there were no express provision giving supremacy to the
Constitution and laws of the United States over those of the States, can it be conceived that an
instrument made for the purpose of "forming a more perfect union" than that of the Confederation
could be so constructed by the assembled wisdom of our country as to substitute for that
Confederation a form of government dependent for its existence on the local interest, the party
spirit, of a State, or of a prevailing faction in a State? Every man of plain, unsophisticated
understanding who hears the question will give such an answer as will preserve the Union.
Metaphysical subtlety, in pursuit of an impracticable theory, could alone have devised one that is
calculated to destroy it.
I consider, then, the power to annul a law of the United States, assumed by one State,
incompatible with the existence of the Union, contradicted expressly by the letter of the
Constitution, unauthorized by its spirit, inconsistent with every principle on which it was founded,
and destructive of the great object for which it was formed.
The preamble rests its justification on these grounds: It assumes as a fact that the obnoxious laws,
although they purport to be laws for raising revenue, were in reality intended for the protection of
manufactures, which purpose it asserts to be unconstitutional; that the operation of these laws is
unequal; that the amount raised by them is greater than is required by the wants of the
Government; and, finally, that the proceeds are to be applied to objects unauthorized by the
Constitution. These are the only causes alleged to justify an open opposition to the laws of the
country and a threat of seceding from the Union if any attempt should be made to enforce them.
The first virtually acknowledges that the law in question was passed under a power expressly
given by the Constitution to lay and collect imposts; but its constitutionality is drawn in question
from the motives of those who passed it. However apparent this purpose may be in the present
case, nothing can be more dangerous than to admit the position that an unconstitutional purpose
entertained by the members who assent to a law enacted under a constitutional power shall make
that law void. For how is that purpose to be ascertained? Who is to make the scrutiny? How often
may bad purposes be falsely imputed, in how many cases are they concealed by false professions,
in how many is no declaration of motive made? Admit this doctrine, and you give to the States an
uncontrolled right to decide, and every law may be annulled under this pretext. If, therefore, the
absurd and dangerous doctrine should be admitted that a State may annul an unconstitutional law,
or one that it deems such, it will not apply to the present case...
The wisdom of man never yet contrived a system of taxation that would operate with perfect
equality. If the unequal operation of a law makes it unconstitutional, and if all laws of that
description may be abrogated by any State for that cause, then, indeed, is the Federal Constitution
unworthy of the slightest effort for its preservation. We have hitherto relied on it as the perpetual
bond of our Union; we have received it as the work of the assembled wisdom of the nation; we
have trusted to it as to the sheet anchor of our safety in the stormy times of conflict with a foreign
or domestic foe; we have looked to it with sacred awe as the palladium of our liberties, and with
all the solemnities of religion have pledged to each other our lives and fortunes here and our
hopes of happiness hereafter in its defense and support. Were we mistaken, my countrymen, in
attaching this importance to the Constitution of our country? Was our devotion paid to the
wretched, inefficient, clumsy contrivance which this new doctrine would make it? Did we pledge
ourselves to the support of an airy nothing -- a bubble that must be blown away by the first breath
of disaffection? Was this self-destroying, visionary theory the work of the profound statesmen, the
exalted patriots, to whom the task of constitutional reform was intrusted? Did the name of
Washington sanction, did the States deliberately ratify, such an anomaly in the history of
fundamental legislation? No; we were not mistaken. The letter of this great instrument is free from
this radical fault. Its language directly contradicts the imputation; its spirit, its evident intent,
contradicts it. No; we did not err. Our Constitution does not contain the absurdity of giving
power to make laws and another to resist them. The sages whose memory will always be
reverenced have given us a practical and, as they hoped, a permanent constitutional compact. The
Father of his Country did not affix his revered name to so palpable an absurdity. Nor did the
States, when they severally ratified it, do so under the impression that a veto on the laws of the
United States was reserved to them or that they could exercise it by implication. Search the
debates in all their conventions, examine the speeches of the most zealous opposers of Federal
authority, look at the amendments that were proposed; they are all silent, not a syllable uttered,
not a vote given, not a motion made to correct the explicit supremacy given to the laws of the
Union over those of the States, or to show that implication, as is now contended, could defeat it.
No; we have not erred. The Constitution is still the object of our reverence, the bond of our
Union, our defense in danger, the source of our prosperity in peace. It shall descend, as we have
received it, uncorrupted by sophistical construction, to our posterity; and the sacrifices of local
interest, of State prejudices, of personal animosities, that were made to bring it into existence, will
again be patriotically offered for its support...
The Constitution has given, expressly, to Congress the right of raising revenue and of determining
the sum the public exigencies will require. The States have no control over the exercise of this
right other than that which results from the power of changing the representatives who abuse it,
and thus procure redress. Congress may undoubtedly abuse this discretionary power; but the same
may be said of others with which they are vested. Yet the discretion must exist somewhere. The
Constitution has given it to the representatives of all the people, checked by the representatives of
the States and by the Executive power. The South Carolina construction gives it to the legislature
or the convention of a single State, where neither the people of the different States, nor the States
in their separate capacity, nor the Chief Magistrate elected by the people have any representation.
Which is the most discreet disposition of the power? I do not ask you, fellow-citizens, which is
the constitutional disposition; that instrument speaks a language not to be misunderstood. But if
you were assembled in general convention, which would you think the safest depository of this
discretionary power in the last resort? Would you add a clause giving it to each of the States, or
would you sanction the wise provisions already made by your Constitution? If this should be the
result of your deliberations when providing for the future, are you, can you, be ready to risk all
that we hold dear, to establish, for a temporary and a local purpose, that which you must
acknowledge to be destructive, and even absurd, as a general provision? Carry out the
consequences of this right vested in the different States, and you must perceive that the crisis your
conduct presents at this day would recur whenever any law of the United States displeased any of
the States, and that we should soon cease to be a nation...
On such expositions and reasonings the ordinance grounds not only an assertion of the right to
annul the laws of which it complains, but to enforce it by a threat of seceding from the Union if
any attempt is made to execute them.
This right to secede is deduced from the nature of the Constitution, which, they say, is a compact
between sovereign States who have preserved their whole sovereignty and therefore are subject to
no superior; that because they made the compact they can break it when in their opinion it has
been departed from by the other States. Fallacious as this course of reasoning is, it enlists State
pride and finds advocates in the honest prejudices of those who have not studied the nature of our
Government sufficiently to see the radical error on which it rests.
The people of the United States formed the Constitution, acting through the State legislatures in
making the compact, to meet and discuss its provisions, and acting in separate conventions when
they ratified those provisions; but the terms used in its construction show it to be a Government in
which the people of all the States, collectively, are represented. We are one people in the choice
of President and Vice-President. Here the States have no other agency than to direct the mode in
which the votes shall be given. The candidates having the majority of all the votes are chosen. The
electors of a majority of States may have given their votes for one candidate, and yet another may
be chosen. The people, then, and not the States, are represented in the executive branch.
In the House of Representatives there is this difference, that the people of one State do not, as in
the case of President and Vice-President, all vote for the same officers. The people of all the
States do not vote for all the members, each State electing only its own representatives. But this
creates no material distinction. When chosen, they are all representatives of the United States, not
representatives of the particular State from which they come. They are paid by the United States,
not by the State; nor are they accountable to it for any act done in the performance of their
legislative functions; and however they may in practice, as it is their duty to do, consult and prefer
the interests of their particular constituents when they come in conflict with any other partial or
local interest, yet it is their first and highest duty, as representatives of the United States, to
promote the general good.
The Constitution of the United States, then, forms a government, not a league; and whether it be
formed by compact between the States or in any other manner, its character is the same. It is a
Government in which all the people are represented, which operates directly on the people
individually, not upon the States; they retained all the power they did not grant. But each State,
having expressly parted with so many powers as to constitute, jointly with the other States, a
single nation, can not, from that period, possess any right to secede, because such secession does
not break a league, but destroys the unity of a nation; and any injury to that unity is not only a
breach which would result from the contravention of a compact, but it is an offense against the
whole Union. To say that any State may at pleasure secede from the Union is to say that the
United States are not a nation... Secession, like any other revolutionary act, may be morally
justified by the extremity of oppression; but to call it a constitutional right is confounding the
meaning of terms, and can only be done through gross error or to deceive those who are willing
to assert a right, but would pause before they made a revolution or incur the penalties consequent
on a failure.
Because the Union was formed by a compact, it is said the parties to that compact may, when
they feel themselves aggrieved, depart from it; but it is precisely because it is a compact that they
can not. A compact is an agreement or binding obligation. It may by its terms have a sanction or
penalty for its breach, or it may not. If it contains no sanction, it may be broken with no other
consequence than moral guilt; if it have a sanction, then the breach incurs the designated or
implied penalty. A league between independent nations generally has no sanction other than a
moral one; or if it should contain a penalty, as there is no common superior it can not be enforced.
A government, on the contrary, always has a sanction, express or implied; and in our case it is
both necessarily implied and expressly given. An attempt, by force of arms, to destroy a
government is an offense, by whatever means the constitutional compact may have been formed;
and such government has the right by the law of self-defense to pass acts for punishing the
offender, unless that right is modified, restrained, or resumed by the constitutional act. In our
system, although it is modified in the case of treason, yet authority is expressly given to pass all
laws necessary to carry its powers into effect, and under this grant provision has been made for
punishing acts which obstruct the due administration of the laws.
It would seem superfluous to add anything to show the nature of that union which connects us,
but as erroneous opinions on this subject are the foundation of doctrines the most destructive to
our peace, I must give some further development to my views on this subject. No one,
fellow-citizens, has a higher reverence for the reserved rights of the States than the Magistrate
who now addresses you. No one would make greater personal sacrifices or official exertions to
defend them from violation; but equal care must be taken to prevent, on their part, an improper
interference with or resumption of the rights they have vested in the nation. The line has not been
so distinctly drawn as to avoid doubts in some cases of the exercise of power. Men of the best
intentions and soundest views may differ in their construction of some parts of the Constitution;
but there are others on which dispassionate reflection can leave no doubt. Of this nature appears
to be the assumed right of secession. It rests, as we have seen, on the alleged undivided
sovereignty of the States and on their having formed in this sovereign capacity a compact which is
called the Constitution, from which, because they made it, they have the right to secede. Both of
these positions are erroneous, and some of the arguments to prove them so have been
The States severally have not retained their entire sovereignty. It has been shown that in becoming
parts of a nation, not members of a league, they surrendered many of their essential parts of
sovereignty. The right to make treaties, declare war, levy taxes, exercise exclusive judicial and
legislative powers, were all of them functions of sovereign power. The States, then, for all these
important purposes were no longer sovereign. The allegiance of their citizens was transferred, in
the first instance, to the Government of the United States; they became American citizens and
owed obedience to the Constitution of the United States and to laws made in conformity with the
powers it vested in Congress. This last position has not been and can not be denied. How, then,
can that State be said to be sovereign and independent whose citizens owe obedience to laws not
made by it and whose magistrates are sworn to disregard those laws when they come in conflict
with those passed by another?...
The unity of our political character (as has been shown for another purpose) commenced with its
very existence. Under the royal Government we had no separate character; our opposition to its
oppressions began as united colonies. We were the United States under the Confederation, and
the name was perpetuated and the Union rendered more perfect by the Federal Constitution. In
none of these stages did we consider ourselves in any other light than as forming one nation.
Treaties and alliances were made in the name of all. Troops were raised for the joint defense.
How, then, with all these proofs that under all changes of our position we had, for designated
purposes and with defined powers, created national governments, how is it that the most perfect
of those several modes of union should now be considered as a mere league that may be dissolved
at pleasure? It is from an abuse of terms. Compact is used as synonymous with league, although
the true term is not employed, because it would at once show the fallacy of the reasoning. It
would not do to say that our Constitution was only a league, but it is labored to prove it a
compact (which in one sense it is) and then to argue that as a league is a compact every compact
between nations must of course be a league, and that from such an engagement every sovereign
power has a right to secede. But it has been shown that in this sense the States are not sovereign,
and that even if they were, and the national Constitution had been formed by compact, there
would be no right in any one State to exonerate itself from its obligations.
So obvious are the reasons which forbid this secession that it is necessary only to allude to them.
The Union was formed for the benefit of all. It was produced by mutual sacrifices of interests and
opinions. Can those sacrifices be recalled? Can the States who magnanimously surrendered their
title to the territories of the West recall the grant? Will the inhabitants of the inland States agree to
pay the duties that may be imposed without their assent by those on the Atlantic or the Gulf for
their own benefit? Shall there be a free port in one State and onerous duties in another? No one
believes that any right exists in a single State to involve all the others in these and countless other
evils contrary to engagements solemnly made. Everyone must see that the other States, in
self-defense, must oppose it at all hazards...
Fellow-citizens of my native State, let me not only admonish you, as the First Magistrate of our
common country, not to incur the penalty of its laws, but use the influence that a father would
over his children whom he saw rushing to certain ruin. In that paternal language, with that
paternal feeling, let me tell you, my countrymen, that you are deluded by men who are either
deceived themselves or wish to deceive you. Mark under what pretenses you have been led on to
the brink of insurrection and treason on which you stand. First, a diminution of the value of your
staple commodity, lowered by overproduction in other quarters, and the consequent diminution in
the value of your lands were the sole effect of the tariff laws. The effect of those laws was
confessedly injurious, but the evil was greatly exaggerated by the unfounded theory you were
taught to believe, that its burthens were in proportion to your exports, not to your consumption of
imported articles. Your pride was roused by the assertion that a submission to those laws was a
state of vassalage and that resistance to them was equal in patriotic merit to the opposition our
fathers offered to the oppressive laws of Great Britain... Look back to the arts which have
brought you to this state; look forward to the consequences to which it must inevitably lead!
Look back to what was first told you as an inducement to enter into this dangerous course. The
great political truth was repeated to you that you had the revolutionary right of resisting all laws
that were palpably unconstitutional and intolerably oppressive. It was added that the right to
nullify a law rested on the same principle, but that it was a peaceable remedy. This character
which was given to it made you receive with too much confidence the assertions that were made
of the unconstitutionality of the law and its oppressive effects... Let those among your leaders
who once approved and advocated the principle of protective duties answer the question; and let
them choose whether they will be considered as incapable then of perceiving that which must have
been apparent to every man of common understanding, or as imposing upon your confidence and
endeavoring to mislead you now. In either case they are unsafe guides in the perilous path they
urge you to tread. Ponder well on this circumstance, and you will know how to appreciate the
exaggerated language they address to you. They are not champions of liberty, emulating the fame
of our Revolutionary fathers, nor are you an oppressed people, contending, as they repeat to you,
against worse than colonial vassalage. You are free members of a flourishing and happy
Contemplate the condition of that country of which you still form an important part. Consider its
Government, uniting in one bond of common interest and general protection so many different
States, giving to all their inhabitants the proud title of American citizen... See education spreading
the lights of religion, morality, and general information into every cottage in this wide extent of
our Territories and States. Behold it as the asylum where the wretched and the oppressed find a
refuge and support. Look on this picture of happiness and honor and say, We too are citizens of
America... For what do you throw away these inestimable blessings? For what would you
exchange your share in the advantages and honor of the Union? For the dream of a separate
independence, a dream interrupted by bloody conflicts with your neighbors and a vile dependence
on a foreign power? If your leaders could succeed in establishing a separation, what would be
your situation? Are you united at home? Are you free from the apprehension of civil discord, with
all its fearful consequences? Do our neighboring republics, every day suffering some new
revolution or contending with some new insurrection, do they excite your envy? But the dictates
of a high duty oblige me solemnly to announce that you can not succeed. The laws of the United
States must be executed. I have no discretionary power on the subject; my duty is emphatically
pronounced in the Constitution. Those who told you that you might peaceably prevent their
execution deceived you; they could not have been deceived themselves. They know that a forcible
opposition could alone prevent the execution of the laws, and they know that such opposition
must be repelled. Their object is disunion. But be not deceived by names. Disunion by armed force
is treason. Are you really ready to incur its guilt? If you are, on the heads of the instigators of the
act be the dreadful consequences; on their heads be the dishonor, but on yours may fall the
punishment. On your unhappy State will inevitably fall all the evils of the conflict you force upon
the Government of your country. It can not accede to the mad project of disunion, of which you
would be the first victims. Its First Magistrate can not, if he would, avoid the performance of his
Fellow-citizens of the United States, the threat of unhallowed disunion, the names of those once
respected by whom it is uttered, the array of military force to support it, denote the approach of a
crisis in our affairs on which the continuance of our unexampled prosperity, our political
existence, and perhaps that of all free governments may depend... I rely with equal confidence on
your undivided support in my determination to execute the laws, to preserve the Union by all
constitutional means, to arrest, if possible, by moderate and firm measures the necessity of a
recourse to force; and if it be the will of Heaven that the recurrence of its primeval curse on man
for the shedding of a brother's blood should fall upon our land, that it be not called down by any
offensive act on the part of the United States.
Fellow-citizens, the momentous case is before you. On your undivided support of your
Government depends the decision of the great question it involves -- whether your sacred Union
will be preserved and the blessing it secures to us as one people shall be perpetuated. No one can
doubt that the unanimity with which that decision will be expressed will be such as to inspire new
confidence in republican institutions, and that the prudence, the wisdom, and the courage which it
will bring to their defense will transmit them unimpaired and invigorated to our children...
In testimony whereof I have caused the seal of the United States to be hereunto affixed, having
signed the same with my hand.
[Seal] Done at the city of Washington, this 10th day of December, A. D. 1832, and of the
Independence of the United States the fifty-seventh.
Andrew Jackson, by the President: Edw. Livingston, Secretary of State.
APStudent.com | www.apstudent.com


text:
Amit jain wrote: > Hello All, > > We are using postgresql version 8.1 and our database size is 7gb. Ram Size > is 2 GB. > > while trying to take backup through pg_dump i am getting following error. > > oka97: pg_dump amtdb > amtdb.out > pg_dump: ERROR: invalid memory alloc request size 4294967293 > pg_dump: SQL command to dump the contents of table "atbs2_logs" failed: > PQendcopy() failed. > pg_dump: Error message from server: ERROR: invalid memory alloc request > size 4294967293 > pg_dump: The command was: COPY public.atbs2_logs (sno, request_time, msisdn, > phone_make, error_code, error_desc, reply_message, request_query, > responce_time, request_type) TO stdout; > > When I tried to take a single table backup i.e is mentioned in the error > named* "public.atbs2_logs" then again getting following error. > * > > pg_dump: SQL command failed > pg_dump: Error message from server: server closed the connection > unexpectedly > This probably means the server terminated abnormally > before or while processing the request. > pg_dump: The command was: FETCH 100 FROM _pg_dump_cursor > > > So we are unable to take backup , we have tried the vacuum and reindex but > not of any use. It seems to me that you have corrupted data in that table for some reason, perhaps bad hardware? I bet that a simple "SELECT * FROM atbs2_logs" will fail as well. Which server version is this exactly? 8.1.what? How far did the pg_dump get before the crash? Is there any output at all? -- Heikki Linnakangas EnterpriseDB http://www.enterprisedb.com
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subset: commoncrawl


text:
By Kenny Levy, NFTY-Southwest President. He delivered this D'var Torah to his congregation, Temple Chai in Phoenix, on Rosh Hashanah.
Good morning and Shanah Tovah. For those of you I have not met, my name is Kenny Levy and I am the president of NFTY-SW. As we enter this new year, we ask G-d to forgive us for the sins we have committed in the past year. We thank G-d for the blessings G-d has given us. And we pray for a happy, healthy, and sweet year for our family and friends. As we enter this year, 5774, we in NFTY will address our responsibility to others. This year's NFTY Study Theme is "Hashomer Achi Anochi"- Am I My Brother's Keeper? NFTY Studies Our Responsibilities Toward Others. We will be focusing on building and making connections within our "Kehilah Kedoshah," which is a phrase that seems to make its way into many Jewish speeches and d'vrei torah. This phrase translates to "holy community." But what does that mean? Who is in your "holy community?" Are your teachers? Your best friend? Your rabbis? Must your "holy community" include the members of your temple? My holy community encompasses many aspects of my life. It includes my family, my friends, my teachers, my rabbis, my advisors, and many others.
When we moved to Arizona 16 years ago, we left all of our family in California. My parents worked hard to build a community here for us to feel a part of and to be able to connect with others. Everyone in your circle plays a role in your life. Different friends mean different things to you. I have school friends and golf friends and I enjoy my time with all of them. I also have my Temple Chai community. I know that the rabbis, teachers, and families here are a strong support system for me. It is through this Temple Chai community that I came to NFTY. The core of my holy community centers around my NFTY and temple life. When I am in a room full of NFTYites, there is a very different presence. Half the room may not know anyone, and as you look around, everyone is accepted and has someone to talk to. When a task needs to be accomplished, the group figures out a way to work together. This is one of the things I love about NFTY.
During late October, Temple Chai will be hosting NFTY-SW's Fall Kallah. At this event we will learn about what it means to be responsible for others in our community and how to help. Out of NFTY's 19 regions, and countless temple youth groups nation-wide, Temple Chai's Temple Youth group has grown to be the 4th largest and 3rd most active temple youth group in all of NFTY. Last year over 40 teens on average attended NFTY-SW events solely from Temple Chai. It is amazing to be a part of such a large community that wants to be involved.
"Alone we can do so little, together we can do so much." This quote by Hellen Keller teaches us how important it is to work together. A community cannot be created with only one person. TCTY has grown so large, with the help of so many. Each and every one of you has contributed to the growth of this community.
I would like to leave you on this new year with a thought. Shevuot 39a states that "All of Israel is responsible for one another." What will you do for your community to demonstrate your responsibility in the coming year?
Shanah Tovah.


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Tracklist: The Local Hang With Playlister P, Vol. 1
Thanks to all the area musicians, DJs, local music fans, and, well, everyone else who stopped on in The Libertine last night to check out the little experiment we're calling The Local Hang with Playlister P. It was a night not without flaws--I'll admit that it took me a while to figure out the sound levels in the room (it'll be better next time, promise!) and at least one song got caught off midway through--but, for the most part, I'd say it was a rousing success, thanks in large part to those who came out to support it. Turns out, just maybe, there is an audience for local music in Dallas--especially when folks are looking for something to do on the way home from the Sunny Day Real Estate and Dead Weather shows.
Anyway, thanks again to all who came out. Couldn't make it yourself? Well, after the jump, see what you missed via our list of all 71 songs played last night, in order of appearance. We'll see you again on Monday, November 2.
- Red Monroe -- "Pat Mayse Lake"
- A.M. Ramblers -- "Seven Shots of Tequila"
- RTB2 -- "Yer Fool's Suite (Pt. II)"
- Centro-matic -- "Rat Patrols & DJs"
- Baboon -- "Airplane"
- Fergus & Geronimo -- "Powerful Lovin'"
- Fungi Girls -- "Pacifica Nostalgia"
- Dem Southernfolkz -- "Sunday Morning"
- Mount Righteous -- "Sea Man"
- Matthew and The Arrogant Sea -- "The Wizard"
- Dove Hunter -- "Well Wisher
- Slider Pines -- "The Pinch"
- Whiskey Folk Ramblers --"Moanin' Rag"
- This Old House -- "At Risk"
- Telegraph Canyon -- "All The Good News"
- Shiny Around The Edges -- "This Apocalypse"
- Jonathan Tyler & The Northern Lights -- "Slowtrain"
- Kim Lenz & The Jaguars -- "That's The Breaks"
- Eleven Hundred Springs -- "Every Time I Get Close To You"
- The Baptist Generals -- "Alcohol (Turn and Fall)"
- Bosque Brown -- "Train Song"
- 100 Damned Guns -- "Livin' On Easy Street"
- Centro-matic -- "Triggers and Trash Heaps"
- The Southern Sea -- "These Things Always End Badly"
- The New Year -- "The Company I Can Get"
- The Happy Bullets -- "Vice and Virtue Ministry"
- Ben Kweller -- "Commerce, TX"
- Macon Greyson -- "Pushing Strings"
- St. Vincent -- "Actor Out of Work"
- The Buck Pets -- "More and More"
- Fair to Midland -- "Dance of the Manatee"
- Old 97's -- "Barrier Reef"
- The Strange Boys -- "Heard You Wanna Beat Me Up"
- School of Seven Bells -- "Iamundernodisguise"
- Scuba Team Go! -- "Yew Kant Spell Kewl Like Us"
- Max Moon -- "Urban Outfitters"
- Fizzy Dino Pop -- "Chiyo Chiyo"
- VEGA -- "No Reasons"
- GalleryCat -- "Say Say Say"
- The Hood Internet -- "Fire Ant Paint Job (Dorrough vs Bibio)"
- Faux Fox -- "Nothing Gold"
- Hoyotoho -- "Beasts Out In The Wild"
- Teenage Cool Kids -- "Poison Sermons"
- The Secret Machines -- "Atomic Heels"
- The Frontier Brothers -- "Space Punk Starlet"
- Jonathan Tyler & The Northern Lights -- "Pardon Me" ***SONG DEBUT***
- Air Review -- "Chasing Corporate"
- P.P.T. -- "Who's That Girl"
- Neon Indian -- "Terminally Chill"
- The Nervebreakers -- "My Girlfriend Is A Rock"
- The Lash Outs -- "The Kids Don't Wanna Dance"
- Slow Roosevelt -- "Boys Lie, Girls Steal"
- True Widow -- "AKA"
- The Phuss -- "Preacher, Preacher"
- Last Rites -- "You're So F*cking Great"
- The Paper Chase -- "Said The Spider To The Fly"
- PlayRadioPlay! -- "Loco Commotion"
- The Secret Handshake -- "T.G.I.F."
- Roy Hargrove Big Band -- "Ms. Garvey, Ms. Garvey"
- Black Tie Dynasty -- "Seawall"
- Funland -- "Angry Girl"
- Toadies -- "Possum Kingdom"
- Ghosthustler -- "Parking Lot Nights"
- Shock of Pleasure -- "Not My Angel (Left/Right vs. DJ Merritt Remix)"
- PVC Street Gang -- "Cutlass"
- The Crash That Took Me -- "Julianne"
- They Were Stars -- "Every Now and Then"
- Febrifuge -- "Adjusting Bodies"
- Rhett Miller -- "I Need To Know Where I Stand"
- I Love Math -- "Josephine Street"
- PlayRadioPlay! -- "Texas"
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J23: Ready 4 AnythingWe must move forward. Learn, Improve, Evolve
This vid made me LOL, so unlucky.
three letters for this descriptionFML
AHEAD: watch for falling banshees
lol did exact same thing on same map
very smooth =p
© 2017 Bungie, Inc. All rights reserved.


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mournfully waiting - 29 (Toronto)
Date: 2011-11-07, 2:46PM EST
Location: TorontoI recently lost the love of my life to union decertification. I am at a loss of what to do with myself.
Seeking someone to help fill the void in my heart from November 2011 till May/June 2012. Looking for someone who is fair, but not 'Stern'. Must like the outdoors, but is not a 'Hunter' or 'Fisher'.
If you think this could be you, then let's try to connect.
PostingID: 2690173365


text:
Actor Govinda used Dawood's help to defeat me in 2004 polls: UP Guv Ram Naik
Wed, May 04, 2016, 08:54 AM
Uttar Pradesh Governor Ram Naik has alleged that Bollywood actor Govinda took underworld don Dawood Ibrahim's help to defeat him in 2004 elections. 82-year-old Naik has made the stunning allegation in his book in Marathi which describes his 60 years in politics. However, Govinda has refuted allegations of Ram Naik. The actor said that he was being targeted from so many years.


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text: DOWNERS GROVE, IL—Local man Karl Weist told reporters Wednesday his girlfriend Celia Page owns more than 200 products designed to serve the sole function of calming her. "Twice a week she comes home from the mall with these body creams, aromatic candles, yoga DVDs, you name it," said Weist, watching Page apply an oatmeal facial mask while simultaneously reading a memoir of one woman's life-changing journey across India. "She's got, like, 10 different kinds of soothing teas, and I've only ever seen her drink tea when she's sick." Weist added that he hasn't broached the subject with Page because she remains a seething cauldron of anger and fury.


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On Thu, 2002-11-07 at 05:30, YC Nyon wrote: > I am trying to run Postgresql's psql using Exec() command. > The code is below > > <? > $convert_sql_2 = "\"C:\postgresql\bin\psql.exe -d Geoprocessing -f > C:\\postgresql\\bin\\g126.sql"; > exec($convert_sql_2,$ds); > ?> > > It didn't insert the data I hope it would. I tested it from the dos command > line and it works fine. > also i used > $convert_sql_2 = "\"C:\postgresql\bin\psql.exe --help"; > passthru($convert_sql_2,$ds); > It works, giving me the help options. I know that if I tried such foolery on Linux it would not let me because it would be a different user running the psql - one which was not allowed to access the database. Presumably on "DOS" the same sort of thing is happening. Why not use the pgsql module in PHP and run your commands into PostgreSQL directly anyway? Doing it the way you suggest here just seems a recipe for a disaster! Regards, Andrew. -- --------------------------------------------------------------------- Andrew @ Catalyst .Net.NZ Ltd, PO Box 11-053, Manners St, Wellington WEB: http://catalyst.net.nz/ PHYS: Level 2, 150-154 Willis St DDI: +64(4)916-7201 MOB: +64(21)635-694 OFFICE: +64(4)499-2267 Survey for nothing with http://survey.net.nz/ ---------------------------------------------------------------------
Next: From: Andrew McMillan Date: 2002-11-07 09:42:33 Subject: Re: Spaawn another process Previous: From: Andrew McMillan Date: 2002-11-06 20:05:08 Subject: Re: Handling timestampz datatype


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so sorry to hear of Elese's passing.
Elsie Frances Repass, age 94, of Dublin, died Friday, Jan. 11, 2013, at her home surrounded by her loved ones.
She was born Jan. 22, 1918 in Wythe County, and was the daughter of the late Maude Lefler Repass and John Robert Repass. Elsie served as treasurer for the town of Dublin for over 40 years. She was a member of the Board of Appeals for Pulaski County, and was a member of the Dublin Planning Commission. She was a long-time member of Dublin Presbyterian Church, where she was a member of the Session, and was a teacher of the women's Sunday school class. She also attended Junior Intermont College.
In addition to her parents, she was preceded in death by her sister, Florence Elizabeth Repass.
She is survived by her family, Ken and Dreama Haga, Jimmy and Penny Lane and their children, Emily, Samantha and Adam. She is also survived by her caregivers, Whitney Jackson, Linda Taylor, Elsie Cox, Wanda Terry, and Alan and Tammy Nagy, along with her special friend, Lib Nye.
Graveside services will be held Monday, Jan. 14, 11 a.m., at Highland Memory Gardens, with the Rev. Jim Linkous officiating. The family will visit with friends briefly following the graveside committal service. Elsie requested no visitation at the funeral home.
Online condolences may be sent to the family by visiting www.seaglefuneralhome.com. Arrangements by Seagle Funeral Home, Pulaski, 980-1700.
so sorry to hear of Elese's passing.
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The 2013/14 season included a lot of important milestones for professional U.S. ski and snowboard athletes, including the new freeskiing and women's events at Sochi. It also marked an anniversary for Bill Marolt, the long-time leader of the organization behind athletes U.S. Ski and Snowboard Association (USSA), who in 2014 celebrated 50 years as a snow sports athlete, coach and leader. SIA honored Marolt last month at its spring board of directors meeting with the Snow Sports Recognition Award for his contributions to USSA, dedication to the snow sports industry, willingness to support and partner with industry suppliers, leadership and creativity within the industry.
"Bill's perseverance towards a vision has uplifted the entire industry through the success of great snow sports athletes," said David Ingemie, SIA president. "He saw the U.S's potential to become the best in the world and met that goal by focusing on athletics and cultivating valuable partnerships with suppliers and resorts."
Since he became CEO of USSA in 1996, Marolt's vision was to make the United States "Best in the World" in Olympic skiing and snowboarding. During his tenure in the '80s and since 1996, the USA won 70 of its 95 Winter Olympic medals since Winter Games began in 1924. At the 2010 Vancouver Olympics, the U.S. Ski Team was the best in the world. The team won 17 medals in Sochi, including a record eight gold. In recent years superstars like Bode Miller, Lindsey Vonn, Ted Ligety, Mikaela Shriffin, Hannah Kearney and Kikkan Randall have achieved global fame. Snowboarders like Shaun White, Kelly Clark and Gretchen Bleiler have made history. In Sochi, new stars like Sage Kotsenburg and Kaitlyn Farrington soared to the top as did freeskiers like David Wise, Maddie Bowman and Joss Christensen, who led a Team USA slopestyle sweep.
Marolt, who retired after the 2014 Winter Olympics in Sochi, left infrastructure legacies like the USSA Center of Excellence in Park City and the U.S. Ski Team Speed Center at Copper Mountain. A member of the U.S. Ski and Snowboard Hall of Fame, Marolt remains active in the International Ski Federation and the U.S. Olympic Committee. He was elected by his peers to the USOC Board of Directors in 2012 as a representative of National Governing Bodies, where he continues to serve.
"The Best in the World success U.S. skiers and snowboarders have achieved is a testament to our entire industry coming together as a team to provide the support our athletes needed to reach their goals," said Marolt. "I'm proud to receive the SIA Snow Sports Recognition Award, but even prouder to have worked hand in hand with innovative suppliers who have played vital roles in our mutual success."
That partnership was evident in the recent growth of freeskiing, where SIA joined the USSA in global lobbying efforts to bring the new events into the 2014 Olympics.
In addition to leading the USSA, Marolt has also been an Olympian, a coach and alpine director of the U.S. Ski Team. Marolt grew up ski racing in Aspen, Colo., went on to win three U.S. championships, compete in the Olympics and, after retiring as an athlete in 1968, coached ski racing in Colorado. For more than 10 years before he became the CEO of USSA, he was the athletic director at Colorado University where he helped the Buffaloes become national champions.
"The international success American ski and snowboard athletes have enjoyed during Bill's career as a coach and USSA leader has generated consumer interest and excitement for the products and sport that our industry couldn't do without," said Bob Gundram, SIA board chair and president of C3.
In addition to the Snow Sports Recognition Award, SIA also recognizes specialty retailers, sales reps and industry suppliers in the United States and Canada who have had a significant impact on the growth of the snow sports industry with the SIA SnowSports Regional Rep and Retailer of the Year Awards.


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I decided to put more effort in my collections and I need to make them bigger ==> asking for your contributions (but please read the description of each collection beforehand, and no people shots!).
So far I have:
Fossils Collection
Wood Shavings Background Collection
Wheat in Nature Collection
Drangonfly Collection
Eliane Haykal
Kousba El Koura, LB
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BP Comment Quick Links
|Strength of Schedule Report
May 26, 2009
You Could Look It Up
Bad Offense Recital
A kind of special, depressing thing happened to the Giants on Memorial Day: they scored eight runs. The villain of the piece was Travis Ishikawa, who went 4-for-4 with a home run, which was not only his first shot of the season, but the first by a Giants' first baseman this season. He scored three times and drove in three runs. The eight runs were not a season high for the Giants, but the tally was unusual for this edition of the team. Collectively hitting just .250/.309/.360, the club was averaging 3.8 runs per game, the second-worst rate in the National League to the San Diego Padres. The Padres, though, have a far more difficult home park to deal with, so the Giants rate behind them after the adjustments.
The Giants' eight-run outburst is depressing because if the offense just keeps on doing what it has been best at so far (making outs), it could be, if not historic, pretty darned special. Through Sunday, the Giants had a team Equivalent Average (EqA) of .236. Adjusted for all time, it was .240. Any team can be merely good or merely mediocre in some department of the game, but it takes a special combination of luck and planning, or its absence, to be extreme, be it an extreme loser like the 1935 Braves or an extreme winner like the 1998 Yankees. In this case, the Giants, last in the NL in both on-base and slugging percentage, are an extremely poor, well-nigh historically poor, offensive club.
The list of the worst-hitting teams of all time changes depending on one's guiding statistic, so rather than be systematic in this instance it's preferable to ballpark things and supply a few key examples. In terms of the sustained non-hitting, the Pittsburgh Pirates of the early 1950s were probably the worst unit of the postwar years, with EqAs in the .230s each year from 1952 through 1955. Not coincidentally, they lost over 100 games in the first three seasons before enjoying some good luck and losing only 94 games in 1955. (Their Pythagorean record called for 99 losses, so another 100 losses in a 154-game season was a realistic possibility.) This was the period in which Branch Rickey spent years arguing to Pirates ownership that the team could be reinvigorated if it just swapped Ralph Kiner while the getting was good. He won the argument a year too late, and Kiner's value had slipped just enough in the interim that when he was finally moved in 1953, Rickey didn't get much value for him.
In these years, the Pirates tended to top out at two above-average offensive players a year; even the current Giants can claim a bit more balance than that. On the other hand, Pittsburgh's best offensive players, first Kiner and then the original Frank Thomas (who batted .277/.335/.480 with 161 home runs in a half-dozen seasons as a Pirate regular) were both more potent hitters than anything the Giants can currently muster. Notable negative batting performances: in 1952, 20-year-old first baseman Tony Bartirome hit .220/.273/.265 in 124 games, a figure not even Tony Muser could love, while 19-year-old outfielder Bobby Del Greco, a player Rickey was convinced was a budding star, hit .217/.301/.279 in 99 games. In 1954, shortstop Gair Allie ("Gair" really was his given name) hit .199/.294/.268 in 121 games-the team was patching for Dick Groat, who was in the Army.
Honorable mention for the period goes to the 1951 Cincinnati Reds, a team which possessed several players who would one day hit-Ted Kluszewski, Joe Adcock, Wally Post, even shortstop Roy McMillan-though none of them were ready yet and the club bombed, posting a .229 EqA. The top offensive player was outfielder Johnny Wyrostek, who hit .311/.376/.391 with two home runs in 142 games.
Closer to our own time, the worst offensive team of the years 1970 to the present might have been the 1971 Cleveland Indians, a 60-102 team that hit .238/.300/.342 in a league that batted .247/.317/.364. The Indians had a fistful of players who weren't automatic outs, but none were at their best in '71. Ray Fosse was the catcher and was roughly a league-average hitter. Chris Chambliss, the 22-year-old rookie first baseman, held his own. Graig Nettles was the club's best offensive player, batting .261/.350/.435 with 28 home runs. The Indians also had Vada Pinson, whose time had passed, though he was just 32; Hawk Harrelson, ditto (though only 29); and John Lowenstein, whose time had not yet come. The team's mix at shortstop that year, primarily Jack Heidemann and Fred Stanley, batted .221/.301/.268. As things stand now, the current Giants are a deeper ballclub. Clay Davenport's translated statistics state that if they played in the same time and place, the 1971 Indians would hit .237/.296/.356, the Giants .256/.310/.380. Intriguingly, both Nettles and Pablo Sandoval have the same EqA, .277.
A more apt fit, and one contemporaneous with the current Giants, is the 2004 Arizona Diamondbacks, or what history might term "Bob Brenly's Last Stand." This 111-loss club had translated rates of .244/.302/.375 and a team EqA of .237. This was a special club given both its ballpark and the offensive era in which it played. Diamondbacks catchers, principally Juan Brito and Robby Hammock, with a healthy sampling of Chris Snyder and Brett Mayne, hit .226/.286/.365. Third basemen batted .257/.314/.380; Chad Tracy did most of the work and was passable (.283/.339/.402), but the team also gave 175 plate appearances at the position to various fill-ins who struggled to hit .200. Shortstop was mainly Alex Cintron's show, and he lived down to the team's level by chipping in at a .259/.300/.365 clip, although Jerry Gil did a lot of damage in a little playing time, hitting .165/.172/.212 in 87 PAs. Denny Bautista was the everyday right fielder and batted .286/.332/.401. Like the 2009 Giants, the 2004 Diamondbacks had three regulars who were, at least to some degree, decent offensive contributors: Shea Hillenbrand, Luis Gonzalez (the team's best hitter at .250/.373/.493), and Steve Finley.
Unlike all of these teams, the Giants have superior pitching, which serves to keep them interesting and on the fringes of the races for a playoff spot despite their weak hitting. Even so, they're unlikely to unseat the Dodgers for the division lead, so they are urged to focus on more achievable and truly historic goals, like making more outs. Trading a veteran outfielder like Aaron Rowand or Randy Winn and replacing him with another Emmanuel Burriss would help in this matter a great deal. After all, we haven't had a team EqA below .230 since the 1981 Blue Jays, a team with an infield that hit .226/.283/.317, and that's including the best hitter on the team, John Mayberry). The Giants can get there by defying the mushy homogenization of league offenses. Besides, it's only fair that the team of Barry Bonds be the one to re-enact the Deadball Era.
Steven Goldman is an author of Baseball Prospectus.
15 comments have been left for this article.
BP Comment Quick Links
I think the Giants should trade Rowand and Winn and replace them with Torres, Schierholtz and Bowker not due to the desire to field an historically bad hitting team, but because Rowand and Winn should still have value to a contender and net a couple of B level prospects (or better with some throwins) that will complement Cain, Lincecum, Bumgarner, Alderson, Posey, Gillaspie, Crawford, Thomas Neal, Angel Villalona, and Nick Noonan when they are ready in 2011 or so. They clearly aren't going to catch the Dodgers this year. On the other hand, if they did acquire a legitimate bat and sneak into the playoffs, you can't discount the possibility of a team with Lincecum and Cain as startesr winning a short series or two. Still, I'd stick with the rebuilding program. Molina should be on the block too.
May 26, 2009 09:48 AM
The unmentioned backstory to this wonderfully sarcastic piece is the historically bad GM they have. Brian Sabean is truly a man incapable of a plan. He just seems to compulsively plug away at the team in an ADHD style, with a time horizon of a couple of months at best. The man simply has no clue how it's done.
May 26, 2009 10:12 AM
He absolutely had a plan, demanded of him by ownership. WIN NOW!, and on a limited budget, so long as Barry's here, then worry about picking up the pieces later. Ownership's now letting him pick up the pieces, as a reward for sticking with the earlier plan. Given his earlier budget constraints, he's accumulated some mighty fine pieces, actually.
May 26, 2009 10:33 AM
You call $126 million to Barry Zito a limited budget?
May 26, 2009 11:09 AM
Steven Goldman
BP staff
While I haven't agreed (and have sometimes been puzzled by) with everything Sabean has done, I felt like it would be unfair to single him out in the piece given that, unlike most of the clubs that I encountered when researching this article, the Giants are clearly not a 100-loss club, or worse. The D'backs going 51-111 in 2004, THAT's deserving of censure. The Giants are a mess to be certain, but not a mess completely without redeeming qualities. Sabean has four postseason teams with the Giants, including the 2002 pennant winners. While 2005 to present have been more problematic, especially the seemingly obsessive focus on aged players, I don't think Sabean's record is reducible to "good" or "bad" within the context of a piece like this one. He requires his own carefully researched and argued history.
May 26, 2009 11:00 AM
What he said.
May 26, 2009 11:48 AM
David Coonce
You forget though - Pierzynski's been a "starting MLB catcher for many years now" on teams other than the Giants. Trading those three guys - Nathan's been terrific for 5 seasons now, Liriano was lights-out for a season before his elbow blew up (and is still only 25) and Bonser was at least a league-average pitcher for a season (and is still only 26) - for a single season of Pierzynski is the real problem. You're talking about 6 seasons of great pitching for one season of league-average catching.
May 26, 2009 12:46 PM
Yep, but maybe still not as bad as George Foster for Frank Duffy...
May 26, 2009 13:30 PM
Oh, and Ishikawa, the subject of the sarcasm, may actually be able to hit. J.T. Snow was very high on him when I asked. Ishikawa is a wizard defensively, and had 24 home runs last year between AA/AAA, including 16 in only 171 at bats in AAA. Obviously, little pop so far for S.F., but .333 with his one dinger in the last ten games.
May 26, 2009 13:52 PM
Jeff Evans
The Twins announcers like to bring up that trade quite a bit, possibly to brag up how they WON such a smart transaction. Funny, I never hear them mention nearly as much the trades involving Santana or the duo of Garza and Bartlett. Bartlett's no historical great shakes, but I think most people would rather have him playing short than Punto.(Yeah, that's an understatement, I guess).
May 26, 2009 18:49 PM
Jeff Evans
The above was supposed to follow up either eighteen or Dave Koonce's comment- no matter.
May 26, 2009 18:53 PM
Haren was worth more 'cuz he had a great contract. With Johan, everyone knew you were getting only 1 year of him, after which he'd sign with one of the big-market clubs. So Haren could be shopped around to over half the league, with the As under no obligation to trade him at all, and Johan to only a handful of teams.
May 26, 2009 20:58 PM
Mike W
The nice thing about this paticular bad team is you can trade some pieces (Molina, Rowand or Winn) and plug in younger, just as good or better players (Posey, Schierholtz).
May 26, 2009 14:31 PM
Gotta mention the '72 Rangers, managed by Ted Williams: .217/.290/.290. They actually outscored the Angels, but finished last in hits, doubles, triples, and homers, batting average, on base percentage, slugging percentage. First in caught stealing, though.
May 26, 2009 21:31 PM
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BUFFALO, N.Y. and WASHINGTON, June 5, 2013 (GLOBE NEWSWIRE) -- Synacor Inc. (Nasdaq:SYNC), the leading provider of next-gen startpages, award-winning TV Everywhere solutions, and cloud-based Identity Management (IDM) services, across multiple devices for cable, satellite, telecom and consumer electronics companies, will be showcasing its latest offerings and innovations at NCTA's The Cable Show 2013 in Washington, D.C., June 10-12, 2013, Booth #1241. Show attendees will see Synacor's newest developments in TV and TV Everywhere, including a glimpse at what's coming next in consumer-friendly Search and Discovery, Cloud ID Social Login, and its Carbyn Cross-Device platform. Plus, Synacor is offering by-appointment-only presentations of its next-gen consumer experiences that make finding favorite TV shows, movies, and music seamless, fun and fast. "What's next is what you'll see from Synacor at NCTA Cable Show this year—in our products and services," said George Chamoun, EVP of Sales and Marketing, Synacor. "Synacor is dedicated to continual, ground-breaking innovation around our next-gen solutions for pay-TV providers, focusing on the goal of seamlessly getting consumers to their favorite TV shows, movies, music, games and news, on the device of their choosing—all on behalf of our cable and telecommunication customers. The Cable Show is the perfect venue for us to showcase these solutions." More on the Synacor Cable Show Line-Up: TV and TV Everywhere: Synacor will showcase the latest developments in its TV and TV Everywhere solutions, related to its recent news in expanding TVE offerings with the likes of BendBroadband and Cable ONE, as well as Verizon, with which Synacor announced its expanded TVE relationship to offer the company's nearly 5 million Verizon FiOS TV subscribers access to live linear and on-demand programming through one online destination from top providers like HBO, Cinemax, Showtime, Syfy, USA Network, CNBC, Telemundo, Bravo, Oxygen, Golf Channel, mun2, E!, Sprout, Style Network, MSNBC, NBC, NBC Local, NBC Sports Network and NBC News. Cloud ID: Synacor will be demonstrating the new capabilities of its Cloud ID Social Login. An industry first, recently named TMC Cable Spotlight Product of the Year, and just featured at Google's Developer Sandbox at Google I/O 13, Cloud ID Social Login gives Synacor customers the flexibility to offer subscribers access to online pay-TV content with their favorite social accounts, like Facebook, Twitter and Google+, while simultaneously authorizing with the subscriber's pay-TV provider or billing account. Synacor's Cloud ID Management Platform provides authentication services for TV Everywhere, Messaging, Value Added Services and Identity Management Services, which help cable, satellite, telecom, consumer electronics companies, app developers, and programmers provide a secure and trusted identity management solution for their end-consumers. Carbyn Cross-Device: Synacor's Carbyn cloud-based, cross-device platform, which provides customers a branded platform where their subscribers can seamlessly enjoy a variety of entertainment content and HTML5 apps including video, music, games, newspapers, and magazines all in one place by simply signing into their subscriber account on any device, regardless of operating system (OS), including Apple iOS, Google Android or Microsoft Windows.
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An analysis by the Africa Rice Center (AfricaRice) shows that average rice yield in sub-Saharan Africa (SSA) jumped by about 30 percent from 2007 to 2012, and that it is increasing at a faster rate than the global average.
The analysis by AfricaRice revealed that the paddy rice production growth rate in SSA shot up from 3.2 percent per year before the rice crisis (2000–2007) to 8.4 percent per year after the rice crisis (2007–2012).
High rice prices in late 2007 and 2008 sparked food riots in several African cities. As a result of this "rice crisis," African governments, assisted by the international donor community, embarked on ambitious programs to boost their rice production capacity.
AfricaRice Director General Papa Seck, Ph.D., said the production numbers are very encouraging. "The surge in SSA's rice production and yield is a result of key investments made by farmers, governments, the private sector, the research community and donors to develop Africa's rice sector."
Seck underlined that it is crucial to maintain this trend, because rice consumption continues to increase in SSA at an annual rate of 5 percent.
The analysis revealed that average rice yield in SSA increased by about 11 kg per hectare per year from 1961 to 2007 and by a spectacular 108 kg per hectare per year from 2007 to 2012, despite drought and floods in several African countries in 2011 and 2012.
AfricaRice Deputy Director General Marco Wopereis, Ph.D., explained that such growth rates are comparable with cereal yield growth rates after World War II in the United Kingdom and the U.S. Rice yield worldwide—driven by the Green Revolution in Asia—increased by 52 kg per ha per year over the period 1960–2010.
"Currently, 71 percent of the increase in paddy rice production in SSA can be explained by yield increase and 29 percent by area expansion, whereas before the rice crisis, only 24 percent of production increase could be attributed to increases in yield and 76 percent to increases in harvested area," Wopereis added. "This is evidence of increased use of technological innovation, such as improved varieties and improved crop management in general."


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Crystal's review published on Letterboxd :
Goodness gracious. The first time I saw this movie I was blown away because so many of the scenes looked exactly how they did in the graphic novel. Seeing a book I had admired for so long literally come to life on the screen in front of me was a singular experience. Unfortunately, as soon as the lights came up I realized that as exciting as some of it was, it simply was not a good movie. With the exception of Jackie Earle Haley and Jeffrey Dean Morgan, the film is hilariously miscast and a LOT of important elements from the novel were altered or eliminated entirely, most notably the ending is completely reworked and botched, in my opinion. Alan Moore is famously quoted as calling this novel "unfilmable" and he may have been proven right.


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What makes open source really tick? And, more importantly, how long can it keep ticking before some kind of time bomb explodes?
I pondered these questions this week as I roamed the halls of the LinuxWorld trade show at the San Jose Convention Center.
I'm not alone in my musings. At the show, open-source backers expressed concern regarding whether participation in their movement by corporate players like Compaq, Dell Computer, Hewlett-Packard, IBM and Sun Microsystems will wreck the geek paradise they've built.
Indeed, much of the solidarity of open source's cross-cultural, cross-country membership is attributable to a common "Fight the power" attitude -- the attitude that makes open source such an appealing idea to folks who are rooting for David to triumph over Goliath.
But more and more, I'm thinking it may not be the Fortune 500's new-found love for Linux that could be the undoing of open source. Instead, it might be the parochialism of the open 'sorcerers' themselves.
Amidst the pony-tailed, multi-pierced, roller-blading attendees of this week's conference is an underlying air of tolerance. Open source is premised upon the equal participation of any and every hacker, regardless of gender, race, religion or hair-color choice.
But if tolerance is the watchword in the open-source world, why is the community so hard on newbies?
Anyone who mispronounces "GNOME" or "Linus" (it's actually "Lee-nus," not "Ligh-nus," like one of the Peanuts characters) is immediately ridiculed. Folks who don't get the humor behind some of the geekier open-source t-shirts and bumper stickers that proliferate at open-source events are branded as outcasts.
The prevailing attitude, as one Linux backer's e-mail tagline expressed so succinctly, is: "If it's not pro-Linux, it's FUD (fear, uncertainty and doubt)." Many open-source backers seem to take the position of "If you're not with us, you're a Microsoft-loving, Intel-bought-and-paid-for shill."
It's one thing to revel in insider jokes; it's another to ostracize the very business-oriented customers that the open-source movement needs to challenge the status-quo industry powerhouses.
Open-source vendors don't need to dumb things down to the point of stupidity for the "fresh meat." But they do need to be a bit more patient in allowing the uninitiated to come up to speed. They need to acknowledge the shortcomings in Linux that have made it less-than-intuitive for the masses and move beyond that point. And they need to encourage, not slam, the open-source-friendly developers who are toiling away in the recesses of the big corporations.
I'd like to see open source flourish as an alternative to proprietary software. It would be amazing if a movement fueled by "trust, not antitrust" (to paraphrase a VA Linux t-shirt) could shake up the software world as we know it. But the movement's attitude needs some readjustment before this can happen, in my opinion.
What do you think? What needs to change -- if anything -- if open source is to thrive and survive? TalkBack below and let me know.


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Sunny day, sweepin' the clouds away….
Everyone knows that good picutre can make or break a listing, and of course perhaps the essential ingredient of a good picture is proper lighting, both indoors and out. There's nothing like a flickering flourescent bulb to make that lovely basement rec room look like a serial killer's dungeon, and nothing like a iron-grey sky to make that spacious roof deck look like something the buyer will want to jump off of rather than barbecue out on.
On the other hand, when the market's hot and the buyers are biting, there's no time to wait around for weeks for the weather to clear in order to snap a few photos. So what's a real estate agents in a pepetually cloudy, misty place like Seattle to do?
Import sky, of course. Czech sky, in particular. There's something about that middle-European air that just screams sophistication.
Or at least, that's the solution that seems to have been dreamed up by some agents using a West Coast Real estate photography agency called Vicaso. One of the sharp-eyed geeks over at Redfin spotted something a little fishy in some of the MLS photos archived on the site. He's managed to collect a pool of over 300 examples of different listings using the same stock photo shot "Czech sky" over at Redfin's Pinterest-like photo-collection site, Redfin Collections. Once you spot the trick, it's sort of shocking how bad the mismatch between the sky and the other light sources in the picture are. Maybe photoshop isn't a listing agent's best friend after all.