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Legitimacy and Power Politics:
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Chapter 1
As if anyone could forget that the sovereign power resides in my person only . . . that public order in its entirety emanates from me, and that the rights and interests of the nation, which some dare to regard as a separate body from the monarch, are necessarily united with my rights and interests, and repose only in my hands.1
This book examines a major transformation in both domestic and international politics: the shift from dynastically legitimated monarchical sovereignty to popularly legitimated national sovereignty. In the 1770s, a loosely federated band of colonies succeeded in winning independence from one of the principal great powers in the European international system. In the 1790s, a new and inexperienced revolutionary regime in France was able to muster the resources for a major series of military campaigns--resources that had eluded the financially bankrupt "absolutist" monarch which that regime overthrew. A transformation of the terms of political legitimacy lay at the heart of both these events.
I seek to show how this transformation of political legitimacy came about and how it influenced the conduct of international politics. The best way to explain both the transformation and its consequences is to rigorously examine the complex interplay between elite discourses about political legitimacy and strategic struggles for power within and among states. In other words, I show not only that culture, power, and interests matter, but precisely how they matter in a crucial case of international change. I draw on the insights of constructivist scholars who have shown that "anarchy is what states make of it" but go on to show how political actors can remake anarchy. My goal is not only to contribute to our growing understanding of the limitations of liberal and realist theories of international relations, but also to demonstrate how they can be integrated with insights derived from the constructivist approach to explain major change.
The key to this undertaking is to develop a better understanding of two major and often misunderstood or neglected concepts in international relations: political culture and legitimacy. Political legitimacy is conceptualized and contested through the medium of political culture. Insofar as legitimacy has international as well as domestic dimensions, the international system can be said to have a distinct, systemwide political culture. The political culture of the international system is that set of implicit or explicit propositions, shared by the major actors in the system, about the nature of legitimate political authority, state identity, and political power, and the rules and norms derived from these propositions that pertain to interstate relations within the system. In other words, we should use the term "culture" to refer to the shared knowledge of rules and norms that constructivist theorists argue is constitutive of the structure of the international system.3 Those rules and norms are grounded in political legitimacy conceptions.
Political legitimacy--or the terms by which people recognize, defend, and accept political authority--is important to international as well as to domestic politics. Political legitimacy is a critical component of political power, because a government perceived as illegitimate by its own subjects will have more difficulty mustering the resources for international competition than a legitimate one--as the troubled reign of Louis XVI demonstrates. The terms by which people define political legitimacy also constitute the polity. Monarchs and their supporters legitimated their rule by reference to blood and divine sanction; they saw the sovereign realm as the king's patrimony, to be cared for and cultivated as such. Democratic governments legitimate themselves by the consent of the governed and conceptualize the polity as the body of the people, or a nation, making laws and governing itself through its representatives. The mode of political legitimacy defines the identity of the polity.
Political legitimacy also requires external recognition. When other states recognize a sovereign state they lend it legitimacy, and hence the capacity to engage in external relations: making treaties, engaging in trade, making war. In short, sovereignty is conditioned by legitimacy, and this has international as well as domestic implications. How one form of legitimacy ceases to be dominant in an international system and another comes to take its place is a question little explored in international relations; it deserves more attention.4
Explaining the Transformation
From the mid-eighteenth century onward, the political struggles of European and American aristocrats against the perceived despotism of their monarchs yielded a profound shift in how both leaders and subjects came to view the sources and terms of legitimate political authority. Bloodlines and divine sanction began to lose their symbolic power as sources of legitimacy; popular will--however nebulously defined--began its ascent as the ultimate source of legitimate authority. In their power struggles, monarchists and those who challenged them deployed the material and cultural resources at their disposal. A central resource for all sides was the complex and diverse body of discourse known as Enlightenment thought.
Enlightenment discourse gave meaning and content to domestic struggles for power within the state and to international struggles for power between states. That discourse facilitated a transformation in thinking about the terms of legitimate political authority. Because key late eighteenth-century political struggles--especially the American and French revolutions and the wars that accompanied them--were articulated in terms of Enlightenment discourse, one of the outcomes of those struggles was a new template for political legitimacy, grounded in the notion of popular sovereignty. That template was visible in both practical institutional changes and changes in political discourse in the wake of the revolutions and the accompanying wars. The challenge posed by the revolutions was not to specific monarchs, but to dynastic monarchy itself. Over time that challenge came to penetrate the entire Euro-Atlantic states system and beyond.
We live in an era accustomed to taking Enlightenment conceptions of political legitimacy for granted. Equality, individual rights, the power of reason to resolve political and administrative issues, the necessity of checking the powers of government to allow civil society to flourish, and the notion that political authority--or sovereignty--ultimately resides in the people of a nation: all these notions, however imperfectly realized in practice, have come to dominate global political discourse. They are enshrined in the Charter of the United Nations as standards toward which all member states should strive. But historically, these standards of legitimacy emerged within a context dominated by a distinctly different notion of legitimate authority: that of dynastic, monarchical sovereignty legitimated by blood and divine sanction. How did this transformation from dynastically legitimated monarchical sovereignty to popularly legitimated national sovereignty come about?
Outside the field of international relations, standard explanations for the emergence of democratic legitimacy focus, in varying degrees, on the rise of markets, industrialization, and the ascendancy of the bourgeoisie in Europe. All these macrosociological phenomena may have been important factors, viewed in retrospect from a broad historical perspective, but they are not the focus of this book. The American and French revolutions are also seminal events in the emergence of democratic legitimacy, and therein lie some interesting puzzles. These revolutions occurred prior to the age of industrialization, and their "bourgeois" character has been challenged or at least qualified by the current generation of historians.5 Further, the Enlightenment ideas that these revolutions attempted to put into practice predate the revolutions by several decades. How could these ideas simply be the reflection of changing material conditions or a newly empowered class interest when those new conditions were not yet apparent, when that class had not yet risen to power, and when the ideas themselves seemed to be far more popular with the nobility than with the bourgeoisie? In my view, transformations of legitimacy are not fully explicable by reference to social transformations such as the rise of the bourgeoisie or material transformations such as the emergence of capitalist markets.
In addition, the American and French revolutions were strongly influenced by, and in turn influenced, international politics; if we analyze them only as discrete "domestic" phenomena while neglecting their international dimensions we will not find satisfactory answers to the question of how democratic legitimacy came to challenge monarchical legitimacy in the international system as a whole.6 In fact, if we take the international context into account, the assertion that democratic legitimacy was the strongest legacy of these revolutions becomes questionable. International relations theory ought to contribute something to our understanding of the transformation of legitimacy that was initiated by the late eighteenth-century revolutions.
International relations theory offers two broad perspectives to explain the late eighteenth-century emergence of democratic legitimacy or, more accurately, popular sovereignty. From a liberal perspective rooted in the Kantian tradition, the development of democratic legitimacy and the rule of law represents the progressive unfolding of human reason to create the political and legal conditions for greater and greater self-conscious human freedom. One by-product of this process is the progressive bureaucratization and rationalization of political life as described by Max Weber. Another is the spread of democratic peace. From a realist perspective, the innovations in late eighteenth-century political thought and practice--particularly the development of mass armies and the centralization and bureaucratic streamlining of the modern nation-state--yielded success in international competition, and were thus emulated in what amounts to a systemwide process of "natural" selection.
Although each of these perspectives provides a compelling explanatory schema, each is also limited in its capacity to shed light on the process and mechanisms by which the transformation of legitimacy came about. Nor do the liberal and realist approaches agree on what precisely emerged from the revolutionary period of the late eighteenth century. For liberals, democratization seems to be the main legacy; for realists, the outcome is better characterized in terms of mass mobilization, state centralization, and nationalism. Perhaps we are, in a very broad sense, approaching the "end of history" and the triumph of liberal democracy over other forms of governance, although this conclusion has provoked much debate.7 Perhaps the sporadic, circuitous, violent, and often apparently irrational character of the process by which we are approaching the end of history may be explained away by Immanuel Kant's thesis that strife among men and among nations over time teaches them the necessity of coming to live peacefully under the rule of law.8 But even for those who have faith in liberal progress, the Kantian perspective leaves many questions about the trajectory of the development of democracy unanswered.
Democratic legitimacy did not emerge victorious from the eighteenth-century revolutions, but neither was dynastic legitimacy reasserted in its traditional form. Rather, it was the idea of popular sovereignty--the notion that legitimacy must come from the will of the people--that proved the most potent, immediate legacy of the revolutionary wars and domestic struggles, though that legacy was strongly challenged by conservatives. Closely linked to this development was the idea that the people, rather than the monarch, constituted--and ought to constitute--the nation. Popular sovereignty and nationalism were not inextricably linked to the notions of democratic rule or even the rule of law. Although many revolutionary thinkers and actors did try to maintain those linkages, those in favor of dynastic legitimacy tempered by traditional noble rights could also justly claim to be on the side of the rule of law. Nor was monarchical rule, if checked by some version of representation and separation of powers, antithetical to Kantian notions of republicanism. Further and most important, the practical experiences of the domestic and international politics of the late eighteenth and much of the nineteenth century favored populist nationalism--often supporting authoritarian rule--as much as republican checks and balances and the rule of law. Whatever faith one might have in progressive liberalism, and however one might choose to define it, the specific contours of the changes in legitimacy that were born in the mid-eighteenth century and came to dominate the nineteenth and twentieth centuries are not adequately described, let alone fully explained, by the notion of liberal progress.
The realist view of a systemwide natural selection process working through international power struggles is difficult to discard in its broadest contours, yet this perspective also blurs rather than clarifies the process and mechanisms by which the transformation of legitimacy came about. In particular, the "natural" selection idea fails to to examine the origins and early survival of the new variation of legitimacy--popular sovereignty--in the midst of the apparently hostile environment of dynastic legitimacy. In the eighteenth century, absolutist monarchy appeared to most strategists as the most effective way to mobilize the state for war. Contemporaries initially thought that the American and French revolutions would weaken rather than strengthen the military power of each state. Further, the defeat of Napoleonic France yielded neither a restoration of traditional forms of legitimacy nor an unambiguous victory for popular sovereignty, so if there was a selection mechanism at work it was not very precise. Even granting that over time the appeal to popular sovereignty proved an effective tool of military mobilization, we are still left with the puzzle of how this new variation of legitimacy managed to appear and survive long enough to prove its efficacy in a world dominated by absolutist, dynastically legitimated regimes. Finally, as I will discuss further below, realists fail to give an adequate account of the character of the system in which the selection process takes place, neglecting its cultural or ideological dimensions. An incomplete picture of the international system necessarily yields an incomplete picture of the mechanisms by which "selection" may occur.9
Both liberalism and realism provide broad templates by which we may organize our knowledge about international politics; this book does not challenge the power and utility of these templates. What I do challenge is the ability of either approach to adequately describe and explain the transformation of legitimacy from dynasticism to popular sovereignty that took place in the mid-eighteenth century, and that triggered a process of systemic transformation toward democratic legitimacy that continued into the twentieth century. The remedy I propose is fairly simple: by paying close attention to the discourses about political legitimacy, on the one hand, and the strategic struggles for power within and among states, on the other, we can develop a fuller descriptive and explanatory scheme for the late eighteenth-century transformation of political legitimacy.
International Political Culture
International political culture is essentially a complex of rules about the conditions for legitimate rule and international behavior.10 It is also the culture of the rulers or governments that are perceived as the strong players in the international system at any given time. Political culture legitimates the rule of those perceived as strong or efficacious; it also helps constitute the conditions for efficacy, because it is through cultural discourse that human beings register and interpret experiences regarding the exercise of authority, producing propositions about the reasons for success or failure that may then become lessons or norms for the future. Of course, an international system may display numerous forms of political legitimacy; it may be heterogeneous. But we will generally find some sort of common denominator whereby authority to rule and to conduct the external relations of the polity is recognized by other rulers. Mutual recognition is an essential feature of sovereignty. Even heterogeneous international systems have a political culture delimiting the conditions for being considered a legitimate "player" in the system. For example, even though a variety of regimes exists in the international system today, all are expected to have formal heads of state, embassies, armies, trade ministries, and so on. Nor, most important, does the fact of heterogeneity preclude the existence of a dominant regime type that is considered the most powerful and legitimate. Republics and monarchies coexisted in eighteenth-century Europe, but republics were generally thought of as weak and unstable, whereas monarchies were seen as better equipped to hold the place of "great power."
The existence in the system of a form of rule considered to be the most powerful and legitimate involves not only material but also cultural conditions. I will argue that cultural conditions help facilitate the accumulation of material preponderance; legitimacy is not reducible to material power but is in fact a crucial aspect of power. The existence of a dominant form of legitimate authority in the international system is a feature of its culture, and that culture is a feature of its structure.11 The existence of a dominant form of legitimate authority thus indicates the presence of hegemony in the system. In my use of the term, hegemony does not simply signify the presence of a preponderantly powerful state; rather, it signifies the existence of a dominant form of legitimate authority.
Not all international systems are hegemonic in this "thick" sense, but even if a dominant regime type cannot be identified, the system can still be said to have a culture centered on shared legitimacy conceptions. Discourses legitimating political authority constitute a set of parameters that may be broad enough to encompass a variety of regimes. For example, international political culture today converges on the idea of "the people" as the ultimate source of political authority. But this does not necessarily mean that only democratic regimes are part of this culture. Communist and even some authoritarian regimes have also claimed to derive their authority from the people. During the cold war, for example, the Soviet Union and the United States accepted certain common parameters in the discourse on legitimacy by competitively claiming that each respective political system best represented and provided for the interests of its people. Both regimes accepted and furthered the proposition that legitimacy ultimately derived from the people, while at the same time displaying very different--and in some cases deeply cynical--interpretations of how that proposition should be put into practice.
Although this example suggests that the parameters for what constitutes legitimacy may be quite broad, they are not so broad that "anything goes." This idea is perhaps best illustrated if we consider modes of legitimating political authority that are no longer thinkable. What ruling authority during the cold war or today (especially an authority governing a major power) would be able to claim that succession should be determined by heredity? Did even the most authoritarian leader in the twentieth century dare to rely solely on heredity as the legitimating principle allowing him to put a son or grandson on the throne? What state today would use the mechanism of dynastic marriage to extend its territorial holdings? What ruling authority today dares to rely primarily on claims such as the right of the conqueror, or papal sanction, to legitimate its rule? All these were once considered legitimate claims. Although the parameters of legitimacy delimited by the notion of popular sovereignty may seem broad (and the breadth of any legitimacy parameters will vary across different types of international systems and regional subsystems), they are parameters nevertheless. The empirical chapters of this book will examine the process by which these parameters were transformed, and also the changes brought on by the transformation--changes that may be discerned by considering what became unacceptable as much as by considering what became legitimate.
Political culture is not simply a property of individual states, delimiting the structure of political authority within each; it also constitutes the terms of their external relationships. Monarchical rule was legitimated domestically but also internationally, and the same is true of democracy. In a system of monarchies, domestically the monarch was the absolute authority; among other monarchs he or she was an equal, a rival, a potential ally or adversary, and furthermore a mother or father, sister or brother, cousin, aunt or uncle, niece or nephew. The monarch's absolute authority and his dynastic ties made others perceive him as a strong, viable participant in international relations. Absolute authority, honor, prestige, and dynastic ties were common currencies of power. But the monarch behaved, and was perceived, differently when interacting with his or her international "family" than when parading among his or her subjects. So although domestic and international legitimacy may be rooted in the same conceptions of political authority, the rules and norms emanating from these legitimacy conceptions will differ in the international and domestic realms; the links between international and domestic legitimacy thus need to be investigated empirically.
Democratic legitimacy today, like monarchical legitimacy in the past, is thought to constitute strong, wealthy, and viable polities in the international system. Despite the fact that the notion of popular sovereignty has not eliminated contests about which regime type best serves the interests of the people (witness the unwillingness of China to democratize or to recognize democracy as the most viable and legitimate form of government), democratic legitimacy today contends for hegemony in the international system within a broader shared framework centered on popular sovereignty. The international political culture of popularly legitimated regimes is not so prestige or dynasty oriented as that of the eighteenth century; it embodies different purposes and rules.12 This culture is hardly democratic; it remains elite driven despite the fact that the underlying legitimacy conceptions supporting the positions of the relevant elites remain "popular"--whether democratic, populist, or communist. Thus the linkage between democratic legitimacy as a domestic phenomenon and the international dimensions of this form of legitimacy requires empirical investigation.
The linkages between domestic and international legitimacy are deep, but complex and variable. The two domains are clearly co-constituted, but at the same time one cannot logically deduce the international rules from the domestic form of legitimacy or vice versa. For example, the Kantian tendency to reason deductively that, because of the nature of republican legitimacy at home, international relations among republics will inevitably reflect the logic of such legitimacy and be peaceful, does not do justice to the real-world complexities of the issue.13 Each domain of interaction, domestic and international, exercises influence on conceptions of legitimate authority in a semiautonomous way, thus challenging the sort of reasoning engaged in by Kant when he argued that republican constitutions would yield peaceful, legally constrained relationships between republics.14 Much as empirical cases might challenge the purity of Kantian logic, however, the core insight that domestic and international legitimacy are co-constituted remains compelling, and worth investigating further.
International political culture shapes strategic interaction because the terms of political legitimacy define who the dominant players are and what the stakes of their interactions will be. The terms of legitimacy are parameters by which certain means of acquiring and exercising authority--by heredity, dynastic marriage, and conquest, for example--are not accepted by domestic constituencies and other actors in the international system. To understand how political culture shapes strategic relationships in the international system, we need a way of conceptualizing the systemic dimensions and patterns of that culture. Much of the work involved must be empirical; the analyst must investigate the dominant rules and institutions of the period she chooses to study--in my case the mid- to late eighteenth century. But we need to gain some sort of analytical purchase on this complex phenomenon, a sense of what sorts of patterns to look for. Following a line of thinking opened up by the sociologist Margaret Archer, I argue that the political culture of the international system should be understood in terms of relationships of contradiction or complementarity between its key elements, which are legitimacy conceptions and the rules that political actors derive from them.15
In the cases presented here, I show how through the eighteenth-century revolutions and the responses to them, Enlightenment culture began to penetrate and transform international politics. At this time, Europeans in some regions began to experience and engage in a struggle that ultimately led to a shift in the terms of political authority: absolute monarchical sovereignty became less legitimate, and popular sovereignty became more legitimate. The initial challenge was not brought forth primarily by bourgeois advocates of popular sovereignty, however, but rather by advocates of constitutional checks on monarchical authority; these were usually the nobility or members of the upper strata of highly stratified societies. These challengers exploited contradictions between Enlightenment thought, particularly its republican aspects, and more traditional modes of legitimating monarchy.
At the same time, some absolutist monarchs cultivated complementarities between their absolutism and Enlightenment rationality. Thus changes in international political culture--the spread of Enlightenment ideas--led to changes in strategic relationships between key political actors--between king and nobles, king and bourgeoisie, bourgeoisie and nobles, and finally bourgeoisie and "lower orders." These changed relationships produced new alliances, new rivalries, and new discourses and legitimating ideas. Those new strategic relationships and alignments would not have been possible were it not for the cultural medium and, in particular, the "discovery" of potent contradictions and complementarities in European political culture. To analyze international political culture, then, we should first study the relationships of either contradiction or complementarity between its various elements, especially when new elements penetrate that system. Second, we must identify the political actors who mobilize around the contradictions and complementarities of the cultural system in pursuit of their strategic interests. The theoretical focus of this book is thus the interplay of political culture and strategic interaction.
Plan of the Book
Chapter Two develops in some detail the theoretical framework introduced here. I refine the concept of international political culture, discuss how we identify such culture, and defend the analytic utility of the concept. I argue that culture is not an epiphenomenal residue of more "basic" material structures. We should not attempt to reduce culture to some specific configuration or power or class interest. But we should also avoid idealist reductionism: power configurations and power struggles can and do reshape culture. Ideas and power politics interpenetrate each other, but neither should be reduced to the other. Chapter Two both develops a conceptual "tool kit" to analyze the interplay between culture and strategy and defends the general theoretical viability and utility of this tool kit. The chapter generates propositions about the conditions under which we might expect the interplay between culture and strategy to produce either systemic continuity or systemic change, and ends with a discussion of the interpretive methodology deployed herein.
I then turn to the empirical application of my analytical approach. Chapter Three analyzes the political culture of old regime Europe, as it was penetrated by the Enlightenment. The culture of European monarchies was distinctive and Europe-wide; international relations in this period was more a "domestic" matter between dynasts than "external" relations between "foreigners." Just because it was domestic hardly means it was peaceful. Domestic disputes have their own brutality. After sketching out the contours of this system, I argue that several absolutist monarchs managed to co-opt Enlightenment thought to expand their administrative capacity, and allow the state to penetrate more deeply into society than it had before. But social groups marginalized by this process also found fodder in Enlightenment thought, and used Enlightenment ideas to launch counterattacks on the legitimacy of the expansion of absolutist power. The chapter maps out key contradictions and complementarities between Enlightenment thought and traditional notions of monarchical rule, and identifies the political groups that mobilized around these contradictions and complementarities. This map of old regime European political culture highlights the seeds of transformation which were present even prior to the revolutions that shook the latter half of the eighteenth century.
Chapter Four examines the American Revolution in the context of a broader European political culture and international strategic struggles, especially between Britain and France. The Americans took up and reconfigured European political culture to suit their colonial context. In the struggle to gain and maintain independence, several possible models of how the United States should relate to Europe competed; how some came to be dominant and others marginal is a key focus. The Americans reconstituted European political culture through their domestic political struggles and their ambivalent, politically charged efforts to simultaneously gain access to European economic resources and disentangle themselves from Europe politically. Domestic and international political struggles of the early United States polarized along the fault lines of key cultural contradictions and complementarities regarding the nature of legitimate authority and the proper relationship between state and society. Those struggles facilitated the resolution of the question of how the United States should relate to Europe; they tipped the balance toward one form of resolution--nationalism and exceptionalism--rather than another--cosmopolitan universalism. The Americans developed innovative resolutions to contradictions present in a broader, Europe-wide political culture. News of such resolutions filtered back to Europe, though the effects were muted by distance. Nevertheless, the impact of the American Revolution on European political culture is undeniable, and the long-term consequences significant.
Chapter Five turns to the French Revolution. I review how that revolution was an outgrowth of the stresses and strains in prerevolutionary political culture, and how those stresses and strains were felt across Europe and not just in the French state. But the loss of old regime legitimacy was most glaring in France. I outline the specific cultural contradictions and complementarities that fueled the legitimacy struggle as the French ancien régime stumbled toward revolution. I then analyze the interactions of revolutionary France and Europe, assessing the nature and impact of the revolutionary wars and Napoleon. Because a number of competing explanations of the role of ideology in the revolutionary wars may be found in the historical literature, I address these and reassert the central significance of political culture, even though liberal revolutionary ideology clearly gave way to a more militarized, nationalistic discourse. But the latter was ideology too, and it is important to show how, among the competing ideas of revolutionary political legitimacy, militarized nationalism came to win out over the more liberal cosmopolitan perspectives also present in the Revolution.
The concluding chapter builds on the theoretical perspective developed in Chapter Two and sketches out the longer-term international legacies of the eighteenth-century revolutions in legitimacy. I analyze the Concert of Europe, and argue that it cannot simply be understood as a reaction or restoration in the face of revolutionary challenges; rather, the statesmen of the Concert system drew important lessons about legitimacy from the revolutionary era and to some extent attempted to apply them. This holds true even as the forces unleashed by the eighteenth-century revolutions in legitimacy came to undermine the Concert system over time. I suggest how the complex view of political culture, developed here, can account for both apparently distinct outcomes. The chapter then reviews the way in which my approach relates to and extends current debates in international relations theory. I end with a discussion, derived from my analytical framework, of some potential sources of transformation in today's international system.
File created: 8/7/2007
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text: That's probably fair to say that there is a certain amount of pressure to deliver your next role when you do have a fan base as potent as the 'Battlestar Galactica' family. There was certainly a lot of curiosity to all of us on that show - what are you going to do next? Where can we see you next? That was a question we got more often than not.

subset: commoncrawl


text:
Cloudflare Faces Lawsuit For Aiding Pirate Websites
In recent months CloudFlare has been called out repeatedly for offering its services to known pirate sites, including The Pirate Bay. These allegations have now resulted in the first lawsuit after adult entertainment publisher ALS Scan filed a complaint against CloudFlare at a California federal court.
Chanzo: TF, kwa maelezo karibuni juu ya hati miliki, file-sharing, torrent sites na ANONYMOUS huduma VPN.[php snippet=11]


text:
My nostril is seriously, "deeply hollow" due to an aggressive septoplasty done by an ENT doctor. Too much was taken out! Is it possible to fix this? I'm going to see a well-known plastic surgeon and a well-known ENT/rhinologist too. Can plastic surgeon correct this? Or is it best to go to a fully qualified ENT surgeon?
Who's Most Qualified to Fix Nose After Septoplasty?
Doctor Answers 9
Most Qualified to Fix Nose After Septoplasty
The distinction between being a board certified in plastic surgery or otolaryngology is less important than the individual. The surgeon to choose should be an experienced and expert rhinoplasty surgeon who is passionate about the surgery and understands your objectives/needs.
Learn more: http://www.drkrisreddy.com/West_Palm_Beach_Septoplasty.html
Plastic surgon or facial plastic surgeon
The secialty is unimportant..The experience is important.Select a respected revision nasal specialist. Feel confident with him then go for it.
Best Specialist to Repair Nose after Surgery
The very best specialist for repairing the nose after a prior nasal surgery is a revision rhinoplasty specialist. There are many rhinoplasty surgeons but not many revision surgeons. The skills necessary are different. The best way to find out is to just ask. Most plastic surgeons will tell you that they do not perform revision rhinoplasty.
You might also like...
Functional and Aesthetic Issues
The best physician to correct a nose with both functional and aesthetic issues is a surgeon who specializes in rhinoplasty and has a background in Otolaryngology.
Learn more: http://www.shahfacialplastics.com/nose.html
Specialty is Not As Important as the Surgeon's Rhinoplasty Experience
Your rhinoplasty surgeon should be Board Certified in either Plastic Surgery or Otolaryngology (Ear, Nose, & Throat Surgery). Not all "cosmetic surgeons" have completed the rigorous training that is required to become Board Certified in either one of these specialities. It is important to find a surgeon who understands both the aesthetic (cosmetic) aspects of nasal surgery as well as the functional aspects.
Choose a Surgeon Who Specializes in Nasal Surgery: It is important to realize that not all plastic surgeons, nor all ENT surgeons, routinely perform rhinoplasty in their practices. It is imperatice to find one that does. Rhinoplasty takes considerable experience and training to get predictable results. Inquire about what percentage of the doctor's practice is devoted to nasal surgery.
Learn more: http://www.rhinoplasty-usa.com/html/meet-dr-cochran.html
ENT facial plastic surgeon with extensive rhinoplasty experience
It is best to go to a qualified ENT facial plastic surgeon who has many years of experience and performed thousands of rhinoplasties. It is best to go to someone who has lots of experience in this area so as not to have any further nostril damage.
Rhinoplasty expert
Either the plastic surgeon or facial plastic surgeon can do the surgery. FInd someone with experience and good results. Your concern is an interesting one, but I am not sure what you mean by hollow?
Who is Qualified to Correct
Hi Gladiator,
A well trained and experienced ENT, facial plastic surgeon, or general plastic surgeon would be qualified to correct your deformity. Good luck and be well.
Dr. P
Choose surgeon with more Rhinoplasty experience
Both are fine. What matters is the experience with secondary rhinoplasty. It is a fair question to ask. You have to choose the surgeon with more experience in rhinoplasty surgery.
These answers are for educational purposes and should not be relied upon as a substitute for medical advice you may receive from your physician. If you have a medical emergency, please call 911. These answers do not constitute or initiate a patient/doctor relationship.


text:
I saw Al Jarreau live about two years ago at an outdoor festival, and if Mother Nature would have kept away the small scale typhoon that hit Bethlehem, Pennsylvania that evening, I would have stayed for the whole show. As it was, the show was filled with good music, great scatting, and some amusing little bits of stage humor, such as Al threatening his bass player after said bassist scatted some lines to end one tune. Al said, "You didn't tell me you were going to do that. I'll see you in payroll on Monday." This album keeps up with the standard of entertainment set by Jarreau and his band on that damp evening, and for that reason, I have nothing but praise for it.
Tomorrow Today is full of great tracks that mesh together brilliantly to form a very hip hour of music. It begins with a mid-tempo groove, "Just to Be Loved," featuring some smooth Stevie Wonder-esque harmonica work. The funky "In My Music" offers up a treasure trove of wickedly good wah-guitar and slap-bass parts, while the vocals and lyrics on "Tomorrow Today" are both wonderfully intense.
Vanessa Williams makes a guest appearance on "God's Gift to the World," and her voice melts into Jarreau's beautifully. I would not have expected as much from a solo artist with a perceived need to dominate a track. Williams shines at her points, but never overshadows Jarreau. It makes for a classy sounding tune, and slightly elevates my opinion of Williams.
The vocal and handclap only tune "Puddit (Put It Where You Want It)" is a great album closer. Al goes through two and a half minutes without mentioning what the "it" in the title is, only to let us know at the very end that "it" is the groove. If Al's intent was to put "it" all over this album, he's definitely succeeded.
The majority of the music is somewhat slow, very soulful and extremely smooth, with only a few up-tempo numbers to keep Tomorrow Today from becoming monotonous. Jarreau's vocals are consistently superb, and the arrangements are just as consistently tasteful and complimentary of Al's style. Really there's nothing bad to say about the entire album. And there's nothing wrong with that.
Published at: http://www.popmatters.com/pm/review/jarreaual-tomorrow/


text:
ash instead of bash -- getting it to work by hand after installation
I just finished a Slackware 14.1 install but instead of installing bash I installed ash. When my I booted my finished system I was unable to login because the OS had been incorrectly configured to look for bash. I know that one can change their shell using the chsh command once they have logged into their system but this does not help me.
I'm totally comfortable with booting the installation DVD, mounting the hard drive and editing the necessary files by hand but I don't know which ones I should. Does someone happen to know?
Welcome to LQ and to the Slackware sub forum.
ash is included in Slackware as is bash, furthermore ash, not bash, is used during installation.
But in Slackware, /bin/sh is a symlink to /bin/bash.
So, if you want to use ash in your own scripts, just use the good shebang:
or call you script like
ash <my_script>
You can also change the aforementioned symlink to point to /bin/ash, but then you'll have to take care yourself of the bashisms that could be used in the existing scripts you want to run.
Oh, and in any case you should install bash. This doesn't prevent you to use another shell, of course. Moreover, it is highly recommended that newcomers in Slackland make a full installation of Slackware.
Of course you can set the default shell of every user as you see fit. The "adduser" script comes handy for these settings. This notwithstanding you can specify another shell for logins setting the FAKE_SHELL parameter in /etc/login.defs, see "man login.defs".
Bash is more formally used for system low-level administration due to its functionality abilities than other shells. Some shells lack abilities Bash does, which is why scripting is often termed as Bash Shell Scripting. You can use ash, dash, zsh, csh, or any other Posix or compatible shell for basic stuff and daily usage, but Bash is just different.
Thanks for the reply but before I read it, I modified the /etc/passwd file and changed my users shell from bash to ash. After doing that I was able to log into my system but I got the following error:
version 2.88 booting
cannot execute /etc/rc.d/rc.S
Entering runlevel: 3
cannot execute /etc/rc.d/rc.M
Proc related stuff was not functional too. I did some reading online and I learned that many of the RC scripts break without bash being at least installed (as you mentioned). I definitely consider this a bug because one should not have to install two shells just to use another. In any case, I will make sure bash is installed and change my shell to ash using the chsh command.
BTW, I'm not a GNU/Linux beginner. I've been using a UNIX-like operating system since 1999 and MSDOS before that. I go through phases when I want to get my hands dirty and leave the comfort of those other GNU/Linux distributions. :cool:
Bash must be present for the system to boot properly.
Nevertheless, using Slackware you are much more in control of what's included in your own system than with other distributions, IMO. For instance, each packages series includes a "tagfile" indicating which packages are considered by Slackware's maintainer as mandatory (tag ADD, as is the case for bash), recommended (tag REC) or fully optional (tag OPT) and you can customize yourself these tagfiles so that you can for instance easily clone a customized installation.
PS IIRC there have been efforts to "de-bashify" Slackware init scripts, if you're interested you could try to find a thread about that in this forum. It could be many years old.
i got it booting with ash once
don't remember rc.S/M problems, but inet script i'm sure didn't work so try without it
You would have to edit all the rc.d scripts to make them run with ash and update the scripts with new slackware versions. Overall, it isn't worth the effort, so just install bash and use ash for your personal scripts.
i think what i did was something like:
go to http://pubs.opengroup.org/onlinepubs...cu_chap02.html
go through rc.S line by line and check what is not POSIX (ash is only posix)
boot to single user first, rc.M can wait
(lies; i commented out parts till it worked then backtraced, but this is a more proper way)
bdw i learned shell scripts from slackware ones (y)
Some useful links, but note that these are old attempts:
Here's a link to a pretty-complete set of POSIX-compatible scripts available which would work for you:
Change the suffix of the file from .tpkg to .tar.xz and then unpack it to see the scripts.
Those are a result of hy-briding some of the code linked to earlier from tuxdev and grapefruitgirl which I combined, replaced or added to for my own system. The "accessory" rc scripts which come separately with their own package are found in the same source/package tree as above.
I am using a bit later version of the package here, but that should give you enough to start with. Note that some of the 'advanced' accessory scripts may still require bash and my set there is by no means complete. I use the scripts with the dash shell, which I would recommend over the ash shell. In the scripts, the shell shebang actually is /bin/initsh, with /bin/initsh being a link to dash. The link could also point to /bin/bash -and they surely would work at least partially, with the link pointing to /bin/ash.
My scripts are not direct translations of the Slackware rc scripts. They are mostly re-written from scratch, but generally follow a similar boot scheme as the normal slack boot process. They do contain lots of usable snippets for anyone wanting to use a POSIX shell for init. My method of having /bin/initsh allows me to still have /bin/sh linked to /bin/bash so 'normal' shell scripts run as expected. And I don't use dash as my login shell.
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21 May 2012
2ergo Group plc
Key agreements support the launch of 'TikTap™', its local commerce contactless coupon redemption technology
2ergo Group plc (AIM: RGO, "2ergo" or "the Group"), the mobile solutions company, has today launched "TikTap™", its local commerce contactless coupon redemption technology. The Group has also announced its first five key agreements for TikTap™with councils in Preston, Southport, Skegness, Salford and Blackpool.
These agreements are the first in a phased national roll-out in partnership with Local Government, Retailers, Business Forums and City Centre Management Groups, which will ultimately create a network of local loyalty programmes.
TikTap™ offers SMEs the ability to generate a brand presence through the TikTap™ mobile application, available on iOS and Android operating systems. It enables retailers to promote local, relevant, reliable and sustainable offers and to initiate fast, contactless transactions via any smartphone by a consumer simply tapping their smartphone over in-store pods, which are attached to the retailer's cash till.
Until now, a key challenge that has prevented the mass adoption of mobile couponing, mobile loyalty and mobile payments within the retail sector, has been the difficulties surrounding redemption of the offer at the cash till or point of sale. TikTap™ provides a simple "plug and play" solution which enables retailers to embrace mobile marketing in a cost-effective manner, making use of their existing cash tills, whist also being provided with extensive analytics of their customer's transaction.
The system is automatic, requires no manual intervention by the shop staff, and is based on 2ergo's recently launched podifi™ contactless technology platform, which is fully compatible with the majority of EPoS systems currently in use. It has also been fully endorsed by all major UK EPoS manufacturers and distributors.
2ergo will accrue a one-off fee for each installed pod and further recurring revenues from monthly licence fees per pod, as well as transaction fees.
TikTap™ will roll-out its first programmes in Preston, Southport and Skegness, closely followed by Salford and Blackpool, where the Group has garnered enthusiastic support from both national and local merchants and traders. Following the launch this month, visitors, residents and shoppers within these areas will benefit from redeeming highly targeted and valuable local offers and deals through an installed network of podifi™ pods in and around those towns and cities.
Neale Graham, CEO of 2ergo, said:
"TikTap™ puts the power of mobile marketing in the hands of the retailer, allowing them to initiate coupon based campaigns within minutes. TikTap's™ unique service delivers a highly targeted local audience and user-friendly technology to deploy, track and, crucially, measure those campaigns.
"By encouraging consumers to visit retailers to redeem offers, TikTap™ is helping to counter the current trend of buying online, which has been identified as leading to a decline in town centres and the loss of many household brands from the high street.
"We look forward to announcing further City programmes during 2012 as part of our detailed roll out plan for TikTap™."
As a result of the advanced analytics and reporting available through TikTap™, participating merchants will be able to improve the relevance and success of their promotions by learning more about their customers, and in turn will be able to deliver offers of greater relevance which will help to generate customer loyalty. Partners such as Local Authorities, Retail Groups and Town Managers, will also be able to learn more about where visitors are coming into the area from, and where they are spending.
Hazel Blears, MP for Salford and Eccles commented
"The problems of high streets and town centres are well known. I believe that this ground breaking technology provides the platform for local authorities and business leaders to make the fundamental changes needed to consumers on our high streets.
"I'm delighted that a company from my own constituency will help local businesses fight back to create towns and cities that people are compelled and rewarded to live, visit and shop in."
Peter Rankin, Council Leader of Preston City Council said:
"TikTap™ is really exciting innovation, in fact just what the High Street needs currently. It should be a real fillip to local shops and it's great news that Preston will be in the vanguard for the launch of this product."
Stefan Krause, Town Centre Manager of Skegness added:
"Shoppers have taken advantage of the internet to search for deals and buy online which has had a detrimental effect on the Skegness High Street - a trend we would like to reverse. TikTap™ builds the bridge between, mobile, online and town centre shopping to help get shoppers back into our local businesses."
Peter Hampson, Chair of Southport Tourism Business Network, commented:
"TikTap™ will not only attract new visitors to the area, but it is also a long-term solution, as the technology enables retailers to understand exactly who has redeemed each offer, at what time, and at what frequency. This will form the basis for an effective marketing strategy to make sure visitors continue to return to the area and keep local businesses flourishing."
Neale Graham, CEO
Tel: +44(0)161 874 4222
Jill Collighan, Group Finance Director
Numis Securities
Stuart Skinner, as Nominated Adviser
Tel: +44(0)20 7260 1000
David Poutney, as Corporate Broker
College Hill
Adrian Duffield/Jon Davies
Tel: +44(0)20 7457 2020
About 2ergo
2ergo Group plc (AIM: RGO, "2ergo" or "the Group"), the owner and international provider of innovative, proprietary contactless mobile technology podifi™ delivers coupons and vouchers, loyalty, proximity and payment solutions to organisations of all sizes in order to help them to develop and execute their mobile strategy.
Market leading brands such as Aviva, Ladbrokes, PizzaExpress, Rightmove, O2, Orange, Talk Mobile, Transport for London, Phones4U, Procter & Gamble and Visit England have all benefited from 2ergo's end-to-end mobile solutions to increase sales, mobilise business processes, reduce costs and enhance customer relationships. podifi™ is the culmination of 12 years' experience in delivering customer acquisition technology for clients including Orange Wednesdays, reputed to be the world's most successful mobile loyalty programme.
Headquartered in the UK, 2ergo has been a pioneer of enabling innovative mobile business solutions since 1999. 2ergo is an exclusive Mobile Partner for Microsoft's Innovation Outreach Programme.
For more information visit www.2ergo.com
About TikTap
"TikTap™" is a local commerce contactless coupon redemption technology developed specifically to help retailers and hospitality outlets generate a mobile brand presence and attract customers to their store. It comprises a specially developed "TikTap™" app (available on both iOS and Android platforms) and associated in-store "pods" attached to each participating outlet's cash till. These pods enable the customer to redeem offers selected in the TikTap app simply by tapping their smartphone over the pod at point of sale.
The TikTap™ pods are compatible with existing smartphones and plug seamlessly into the vast majority of existing electronic cash tills, including units up to 15 years old. The pod sits at point of sale and recognises any device on the iOS or Android platform (including tablet devices). The system is based on 2ergo's recently launched podifi™ contactless technology platform, and has been designed not only to work with existing devices but also to interact seamlessly with near field communications (NFC) handsets as and when they are made available.
The TikTap™ pods are plug and play devices, connected to the retailer's cash till by means of a simple cable, using either a USB or a Serial port. While simple in its installation, the pod recognises the presence of offers in the device which have been 'Tik'd' into the app's digital wallet. A simple 'Tap' over the pod validates and redeems the offer, instantly reducing the bill on the EPoS terminal by the promotional amount, creating a more reliable redemption experience for consumers, and providing a full audit trail of redemptions for businesses.
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ST. LOUIS (KMOX) – A local pediatrician says not to let your child's doctor prescribe the powerful painkiller codeine without talking about alternatives first.
Codeine has been linked to rare but life-threatening complications in children, including breathing difficulties that could lead to death.
"I can't remember the last time we prescribed codeine at Cardinal Glennon that I know of," says SLU Care pediatrician Dr. Ken Haller at Cardinal Glennon Children's Medical Center. "It's not something that's given in the emergency department, we don't really use it on the floor."
Here's the problem.
"You can give the same dose of codeine to two kids the same size, and one kid will do fine but the other kid might end up having respiratory depression and stop breathing," Haller says.
Haller says there are better alternatives that have more predictable effects in children.
"Some of them are things like ibuprofen, naproxen, which are the non-steroidal antidepressants," he says. "Other things like oxycodone and so forth, which are more the narcotics for severe pain. Everyone feels that pain should be dealt with effectively, but codeine is just a really bad agent in children and it's something that should not be used."
Despite that, a new study finds codeine is being prescribed for kids in at least a half million ER visits each year.
(TM and © Copyright 2014 CBS Radio Inc. and its relevant subsidiaries. CBS RADIO and EYE Logo TM and Copyright 2014 CBS Broadcasting Inc. Used under license. All Rights Reserved. This material may not be published, broadcast, rewritten, or redistributed.)
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- Anti-Smoking Campaign Endorses Using E-Cigarettes
- SLU Tests New Stronger Flu Vaccine
- Opioid Crisis Has Lowered U.S. Life Expectancy, Study Finds
- Teacher's Gross Bread Experiment Gets Kids To Wash Their Hands


text:
A Study to Evaluate the Efficacy and Safety of Meptin® Swinghaler and Berotec N® Metered Aerosol in Mild to Moderate Stable Asthma Patients
This study has been completed.
Taiwan Otsuka Pharm. Co., Ltd
Information provided by (Responsible Party):
Taiwan Otsuka Pharm. Co., Ltd
ClinicalTrials.gov Identifier:
First received: March 15, 2010
Last updated: January 15, 2013
Last verified: January 2013
- Full Text View
- Tabular View
- No Study Results Posted
- Disclaimer
- How to Read a Study Record
This is an open-label, randomized, cross-over, active-controlled study to evaluate the efficacy and safety effects using Meptin® Swinghaler and Berotec N® Metered Aerosol in stable asthma patients
|Drug: Meptin swinghaler Drug: Berotec
|Phase 3
|Study Type:
|Study Design:
|Allocation: Randomized
Intervention Model: Crossover Assignment
Masking: None (Open Label)
Primary Purpose: Treatment
|Official Title:
|An Open-label, Randomized, Cross-over, Active-controlled Study to Evaluate the Efficacy and Safety of Meptin® Swinghaler and Berotec N® Metered Aerosol in Mild to Moderate Stable Asthma Patients
Further study details as provided by Taiwan Otsuka Pharm. Co., Ltd:
Primary Outcome Measures:
- The change of Forced Expiratory Volume in 1 second (FEV1) value [ Time Frame: 12 months ]
Secondary Outcome Measures:
- The change of Peak Expiratory Flow Rate (PEFR) [ Time Frame: 12 months ]
- The change of Forced Vital Capacity (FVC) [ Time Frame: 12 months ]
- Device acceptance [ Time Frame: 12 months ]5-point score of evaluation form to test preference on Meptin swinghaler/ Berotec device by investigator or patient
|Estimated Enrollment:
|Study Start Date:
|March 2010
|Study Completion Date:
|October 2012
|Primary Completion Date:
|September 2012 (Final data collection date for primary outcome measure)
|Assigned Interventions
|Experimental: Meptin swinghaler
Drug: Meptin swinghaler
|Active Comparator: Berotec
Drug: Berotec
|Ages Eligible for Study:
|18 Years and older (Adult, Senior)
|Sexes Eligible for Study:
|Accepts Healthy Volunteers:
Inclusion Criteria:
- Male or females outpatients aged ≥18 years old with uncontrolled or partly controlled asthma; Stability was assessed during the past 14 days the patients remained in the same severity class by 2006 GINA guideline (uncontrolled, partly controlled) and had no acute exacerbations by investigator judgment;
- Pulmonary function test: Improvement ≥12% reversibility in FEV1 or FVC following administration of an inhaled β2-agonist before the study or ; Positive result of Brocho-provocation test;
Exclusion Criteria:
- Hypersensitivity to β2-agonist or lactose;
- Hospitalization due to asthma during the previous 3 months;
- Respiratory tract infection requiring treatment with antibiotics in the previous 4 weeks;
- Oral or systemic corticosteroids in the previous 4 weeks;
- Inadequately controlled hyperthyroidism;
- Subjects with any clinically significant disorder of the cardiovascular, neurologic, hematologic, gastrointestinal, cerebrovascular, or immunologic system or respiratory disease other than asthma(e.g. COPD), or any other disorder which may interfere wth the study evaluations or affect subject safety;
- Patients receive an investigational drug within 30 days prior to admission to the study;
- Patients with significant alcohol, drug or medication abuse as judged by the investigator;
- Females who are pregnant or breast-feeding; (exception: Females of child-bearing age might be included, if in the opinion of the investigator, they are using adequate contraceptive precautions);
- Subjects who are heavy smoker (more than 10 packs year) or who are smoking within previous 6 months.
Contacts and Locations
Choosing to participate in a study is an important personal decision. Talk with your doctor and family members or friends about deciding to join a study. To learn more about this study, you or your doctor may contact the study research staff using the Contacts provided below. For general information, see Learn About Clinical Studies.
Please refer to this study by its ClinicalTrials.gov identifier: NCT01095016
Please refer to this study by its ClinicalTrials.gov identifier: NCT01095016
|Chang Cung Memorial Hospital
|Taipei, Taiwan
Sponsors and Collaborators
Taiwan Otsuka Pharm. Co., Ltd
|Principal Investigator:
|Yu-Hsiu Chung, MD
|Chang Cung Memorial Hospital
More Information
Additional relevant MeSH terms:
ClinicalTrials.gov processed this record on September 21, 2017
|Responsible Party:
|Taiwan Otsuka Pharm. Co., Ltd
|ClinicalTrials.gov Identifier:
|NCT01095016 History of Changes
|Other Study ID Numbers:
|Study First Received:
|March 15, 2010
|Last Updated:
|January 15, 2013
Additional relevant MeSH terms:
Bronchial Diseases
Respiratory Tract Diseases
Lung Diseases, Obstructive
Lung Diseases
Respiratory Hypersensitivity
Hypersensitivity, Immediate
Immune System Diseases
Bronchodilator Agents
Autonomic Agents
Peripheral Nervous System Agents
Physiological Effects of Drugs
Anti-Asthmatic Agents
Respiratory System Agents
Tocolytic Agents
Reproductive Control Agents
Adrenergic beta-2 Receptor Agonists
Adrenergic beta-Agonists
Adrenergic Agonists
Adrenergic Agents
Neurotransmitter Agents
Molecular Mechanisms of Pharmacological Action
ClinicalTrials.gov processed this record on September 21, 2017


text:
Genomic Structural Variation in Cancer Susceptibility
|Tracking Information
|First Received Date ICMJE
|October 15, 2009
|Last Updated Date
|October 5, 2016
|Start Date ICMJE
|October 2009
|Estimated Primary Completion Date
|October 2017 (Final data collection date for primary outcome measure)
|Current Primary Outcome Measures ICMJE
|To determine the frequency of de novo germline copy number variants (CNVs) in cancer affected probands using an ascertainment of "trios" consisting of cancer patients and their unaffected biologic parents [ Time Frame: 2 years ]
|Original Primary Outcome Measures ICMJE
|Same as current
|Change History
|Complete list of historical versions of study NCT00996710 on ClinicalTrials.gov Archive Site
|Current Secondary Outcome Measures ICMJE
|To explore the role of germline homozygosity in cancer susceptibility by determining the frequency and length of autozygous regions in patients with cancer [ Time Frame: 2 years ]
and mechanisms of Mendelian inheritance, such as autosomal recessive, autosomal dominant, and X-linked, which upon initial ascertainment may be difficult to decipher.
|Original Secondary Outcome Measures ICMJE
|To explore the role of germline homozygosity in cancer susceptibility by determining the frequency and length of autozygous regions in patients with cancer [ Time Frame: 2 years ]
|Current Other Outcome Measures ICMJE
|Not Provided
|Original Other Outcome Measures ICMJE
|Not Provided
|Descriptive Information
|Brief Title ICMJE
|Genomic Structural Variation in Cancer Susceptibility
|Official Title ICMJE
|Genomic Structural Variation in Cancer Susceptibility
|Brief Summary
This study will look for new types of gene changes that may be related to cancer in some patients. Some gene changes (mutations) are passed on from parents to offspring (child). Other gene changes are new and are seen for the first time in a child. They are not seen in the parent.
Some of these gene changes may cause cancers in the offspring. We will look for gene changes by studying patients with cancer their parents and family members without cancer. In this study, we will be able to find gene changes that occur in the cancer patient but not in the rest of the family. Knowing the role that new gene changes play in cancer risk may help us find people at a higher risk of getting cancer.
|Detailed Description
|Not Provided
|Study Type ICMJE
|Study Design ICMJE
|Observational Model: Family-Based
|Target Follow-Up Duration
|Not Provided
|Retention: Samples With DNA
blood or saliva sample
|Sampling Method
|Non-Probability Sample
|Study Population
|The majority of eligible probands will be identified prospectively through the clinics of the Clinical Genetics, Medical Oncology and Pediatric Oncology Services of MSKCC by the patient's physician, the protocol investigator, or a research team member.
|Condition ICMJE
|Intervention ICMJE
|Not Provided
|Study Groups/Cohorts
|Not Provided
|Publications *
|Not Provided
* Includes publications given by the data provider as well as publications identified by ClinicalTrials.gov Identifier (NCT Number) in Medline.
|Recruitment Information
|Recruitment Status ICMJE
|Enrolling by invitation
|Estimated Enrollment ICMJE
|Estimated Completion Date
|October 2017
|Estimated Primary Completion Date
|October 2017 (Final data collection date for primary outcome measure)
|Eligibility Criteria ICMJE
Inclusion Criteria:
Exclusion Criteria:
|Child, Adult, Senior
|Accepts Healthy Volunteers
|Contacts ICMJE
|Contact information is only displayed when the study is recruiting subjects
|Listed Location Countries ICMJE
|United States
|Removed Location Countries
|Administrative Information
|NCT Number ICMJE
|Other Study ID Numbers ICMJE
|Has Data Monitoring Committee
|Not Provided
|U.S. FDA-regulated Product
|Not Provided
|IPD Sharing Statement
|Not Provided
|Responsible Party
|Memorial Sloan Kettering Cancer Center
|Study Sponsor ICMJE
|Memorial Sloan Kettering Cancer Center
|Collaborators ICMJE
|Investigators ICMJE
|PRS Account
|Memorial Sloan Kettering Cancer Center
|Verification Date
|October 2016
ICMJE Data element required by the International Committee of Medical Journal Editors and the World Health Organization ICTRP


text:
Welcome to the Original RodSox™
Fight The Fish Not Your Rods
Rod Sox™ was created by pros that love fishing and want to spend as much time fishing when they're on the water as possible. Rod Sox™ has a proprietary unique feature, a snag proof, hook resistant rubber type mouth making loading and unloading your rods quick and easy.Tired of untangling your fishing rods, and the tangled mess inside your rod locker? We have the solution for you the Original Rod Sox™ that covers your rod and keeps everything in place so your fishing rod is ready to use when you need it.
Why Get the Original Rod Sox™?
Protect Your Rods - Rods can be your most expensive fishing equipment investment. Rod Sox™ will protect your rods from guide damage, chips in carbon fibers, scarring and wear from rod locker tubes.
No More Tangled Rods - Rod Sox™ keep your rods and your fishing lures from getting tangled in your boat, in your truck or in your shop. No more need to loop your line around your rod, potentially causing line damage.
Be Tournament Ready
- Prevent Line Damage
- Prevent Rod Damage
- Save Time by Not Untangling Messes
- Be Organized and Efficient
RodSox™ are UV resistant, breathable, mildew resistant and flexible rod covers that use a "push-on" - "push-off" motion that minimizes the guide or hook hang-ups.
News & Events
Fight the Fish, Not Your Rods
Introducing our two brand new lines Pro-Series Casting & Pro-Series Spinning. Whether you have a casting or a spinning rod these new lines have brand new features including being breathable, new easy identification, safety tip, mesh density, improved mouth, tangle free, and the new option to be able to hang up your rod. Check out the new features today!


text:
An Arizona Department of Public Safety officer directing traffic was injured Wednesday in accident involving a semitrailer.
DPS said Officer Greg King was directing traffic when the semi lost control on the roads and hit King's car, pushing the car at him.
King was flown to Flagstaff Medical Center with severe internal injuries. DPS said Thursday that he is making great progress and is able to move both arms.
The DPS Vehicular Crimes Unit is investigating the collision that happened about 1 p.m. on Interstate 40, west of Williams.
King is a reserve officer who recently retired from DPS. He has been with the agency since 1985.
Copyright 2012 CBS 5 (Meredith Corporation). All rights reserved.


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:crying :yay :crying :yay :crying :yay
I was sure TK and Rachel were gone. I'm so happy this was a NEL, but considering how much time they'll have to make up and the speedbump ahead it's a mixed blessing.
Still, Nate and the bitch weren't as bad as usual today, and they didn't arrive first. I guess there's a silver lining after all. :teeth


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Live the San Fermin festival like a local!
Download your COMPLIMENTARY
Pamplona Travel Guide
About the Travel Guide:
A complete insider's guide so you can experience the San Fermin Festival like a local. The guide includes …
- Tips on how to plan your trip
- Description and information about the festival events
- Pointers if you want to run
- List of what to see and do
- Where to eat and how to order
- Information about Pamplona's nightlife
- Detailed map of Pamplona streets and other locations


text: The New Mutants crash headlong into the pages of JOURNEY INTO MYSTERY when a forgotten hero returns! He's mightier than Thor himself, but will the truth behind his exile consume them all? Gods are made mortal, with mutants their only hope for survival! Undead cannibals are on the loose, and San Francisco turned inside out by forbidden magic! A thrilling mythological mystery adventure in the Mighty Marvel manner! $16.99 Cover price.


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They called it the blockhouse, and from the outside at least, it lived up to its name. It was a windowless square with no distinguishing features except for a single beige stripe around its middle.
The four-story building was constructed of lead-reinforced concrete and was tucked behind a hill on a United States Air Force base in this small town 60 miles north of New York City. Since the building was hard to camouflage, the designers did the next best thing, making it so nondescript that few but those with a security clearance to get inside knew what went on there.
Now, the structure and its mysterious past have captured the imagination of two residents of the nearby town of New Paltz.
The two residents -- Susan Zimet, 47, co-director of the Hudson Valley Media Arts Center, and Karl Rodman, 65, the president of River Valley Tours, an educational travel organization -- hope to turn it into a museum to commemorate what they see as the next era ripe for nostalgia: the cold war. They will call it the Cold War/Peace Museum.
''People need to see this and know what was going on right in their own backyard during that time,'' Ms. Zimet said.Continue reading the main story
Beginning in 1958, the building, once known as the Semi-Automatic Ground Environment Direction Center and called SAGE, played a crucial role in America's defense against a possible Soviet air attack. It housed part of the military's first major computer-based command and control system.
Data from far-flung radar sites were transmitted over phone lines to computer consoles at this and 21 similar centers nationwide, where Air Force personnel scanned the skies, prepared at the touch of a button to intercept enemy planes with remote-controlled surface-to-air missiles.
After serving as the hub of Northeast air defense for more than a decade, the SAGE Center on the Stewart Air Force Base closed in the late 1960's, its technology made obsolete by the proliferation of intercontinental ballistic missiles. Tracking ICBM's required more sensitive radar and faster computers. It has sat ever since, largely empty and deteriorating, on the grounds of what is now Stewart International Airport.
Ms. Zimet and Mr. Rodman envision a museum that would not only explain the building and its technology, but also examine the impact of the cold war on all aspects of life in both the United States and the Soviet Union. It might also have a full-size theater that would show continuous screenings of cold war movies like ''Dr. Strangelove or: How I Learned to Stop Worrying and Love the Bomb'' and ''Seven Days in May.''
Other potential exhibits include a life-size reconstruction of a family's backyard bomb shelter and a collection of oral histories from military personnel and civilians.
Ms. Zimet and Mr. Rodman are trying to raise $200,000 by Dec. 1 to finance feasibility and concept studies. They have been discussing their plans with Ralph Appelbaum Associates, a Manhattan museum design firm best known for the Holocaust Museum in Washington, and Economics Research Associates, an entertainment consulting firm.
The museum project is among a growing number of efforts to preserve sites related to the time when fear of nuclear annihilation gripped America.
Francis Gary Powers Jr., son of the U-2 pilot whose reconnaissance plane was shot down over Russia in 1960, plans to open a museum on a former Nike missile base in Lorton, Va. On Long Island, a group wants to save the nation's last remaining intact Air Force radar tower and antenna, situated on state-owned land at Montauk Point. In New Jersey, the federal government is restoring another former Nike missile site at Fort Hancock on Sandy Hook peninsula in hopes of turning it into a national park.
America is increasingly fascinated by the cold war, partly because enough time has passed for most people to truly consider it history, said Robert Sharlet, the Chauncey H. Winters professor of political science at Union College in Schenectady. Yet the cold war is still a vivid memory for nostalgia-prone baby boomers who participated in duck-and-cover drills at school and monitored the space race, he said.
''In a sense, everyone who lived through the cold war is a cold war veteran,'' Professor Sharlet said. ''Now that all the unpleasantness is history and the memories are sanitized, I foresee cold war toys, T-shirts and bus tours of old'' Strategic Air Command bomber sites. ''Nostalgia is a terrific marketing tool, and pop culture is a great earner.''
Nevertheless, those interested in saving cold-war-related sites are not finding their task easy. Built to be functional, not beautiful, old radar towers, hulking concrete computer centers and outdated missile bases can be a hard sell for those who favor preserving them.
Also, many of the properties have been stripped of the electronics that were arguably their most interesting feature. At the New Windsor site, one floor is now home to a company that makes chocolate lollipops by hand.
Upstairs, all that remains of the storied technology are the hulking air-conditioning units that once cooled two identical computer systems, each with approximately 50,000 vacuum tubes. In the command center, where air defense strategy was plotted, are two painted Plexiglas maps indicating the status of potential targets of enemy bombs.
In its heyday, the system featured the largest and most expensive real-time computer program every built. Designed by the Massachusetts Institute of Technology's Lincoln Laboratories and constructed by I.B.M., it pioneered technology that modern computer users now consider standard, including dial-up telephone modems and the mouse. Its advancements helped create today's airline reservation systems.
''The SAGE computer was a marvel not seen in civilian circles,'' said Chris McWilliams, a retired Air Force major who worked as a radar operator at the New Windsor site from 1957 to 1960. ''Compared to the older manual radar consoles, the SAGE consoles looked like something out of Buck Rogers.''
Ms. Zimet and Mr. Rodman hope that the New Windsor building's role in history and its contributions to modern computing will help draw a crowd. They believe that a cold war museum in New Windsor will tie in with existing local historic military sites, particularly the United States Military Academy at West Point, which attracts 2.5 million visitors a year.
''I took one look at this and knew that its history and significance were too great to do anything but make it into a museum,'' Ms. Zimet said. ''The goal is to have them walk out with their hair standing up on the back of their necks and realizing that at any given moment, we could find ourselves back in that situation again.''Continue reading the main story


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Rays set roster: Cruz, McGee + Ramos make team
Manager Joe Maddon said the "roster is set," so that means RHP Juan Cruz and LHPs Jake McGee and Cesar Ramos have made the team.
Cruz, a veteran who was in camp on a non-roster deal, showed he was recovered from 2010 shoulder surgery with a strong spring, allowing one run in 9 exhibition outings and only three hits, for an .097 opponents average.
McGee, one of the Rays top prospects, allowed 10 hits in 12 spring innings but only one unearned run.
Ramos, acquired from San Diego in the Jason Bartlett trade, looked rough at some times and good in others during the spring, but the Rays like his versatility. He had a 6.17 ERA.
Those three join RHPs Kyle Farnsworth, Joel Peralta, Adam Russell and Andy Sonnanstine in an almost totally made over bullpen.


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A step back in time: a tiny 19-century castle clad in hand-painted tiles inside and out, set in gardens and with its own private chapel. There are nine rooms to choose from in the original castle and a further 16 more modern rooms in the gardens. There's no restaurant for dining, but there is a generous buffet served at breakfast time, in a beautifully preserved 19-century room. What makes this hotel so special however is its enchanting atmosphere; a world away from the hustle and bustle of city life.
This very central, well-run hotel is just off the beautiful Avenida dows Aliados, with its impressive city hall and Art Noveau façades. It looks like a private English country house with palatial Portuguese touches: an art collection, stained-glass stairwells, ornate lifts. There are 70 small and cosy rooms (although the hotel itself feels much smaller), all with ultra-stylish colourways. The elegant terraced restaurant Boca do Lobo serves sophisticated regional cuisine, and the small but excellent spa provides a much-needed feeling of tranquillity.
The old-fashioned luxury hotel that the guidebooks routinely recommend is the Infante Sagres. Now, old-fashioned is one thing, but gloomy, over-stuffed and almost suffocating is quite another. If chandeliers and chintz are not your thing, better to plump for this simpler and far less pretentious - as well as cheaper - alternative, which is situated on Porto's bustling version of London's Regent Street.
This unbeatable property is set on the riverfront in several 16th-, 17th- and 18th-century buildings in Porto's beautiful World Heritage Site. It is simply decorated, but perfectly comfortable, spotlessly clean and with very sweet staff. The three suites and 45 rooms are old fashioned but have very comfortable beds with feather pillows and soft cotton duvet covers. The restaurant serves a number of traditional dishes, which you may take to your room if you do so prefer. The views are spectacular and the central location make it a perfect place to stay for those who wish explore the heart of the old city. The only think that lets it down are the lobby and the bar, which are shabby and uninviting.
Opened in November 2003, this is the newest and flashiest addition to the city's rather lacklustre hotel scene. A gleaming paean to full-frontal modernism, the Sheraton has made its next-door neighbour the Meridien Park Atlantic (erstwhile número uno for luxury, and where the Rolling Stones stayed on their last tour) look tatty and dated. The design is impressive - check out the startling all-glass lift, with its silvery innards exposed. Following a minor local tradition, the hotel restaurant, Porto Novo, offers a superb buffet lunch on Sundays. The only drawback might be the hotel's location, which is not convenient if you intend to hang around the old town.
On the Avenue da Boavista, the main avenue of the business district, near the Casa da Música. A large but friendly hotel with an airy, elegant lobby, expensive decorative details and welcoming staff. All 190 rooms and 42 suites are large, stylish and comfy, with desks and sumptuous marble bathrooms stocked with Hermès products. Restaurant Poivron Rouge serves top-quality international dishes with a local accent, and a rather indulgent in-room spa, offers four-handed massages and chocolate body wraps. Clientele includes the Swedish royal family and visiting musicians such as BB King.
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Sat, Jan 28, 2012 at 3:53 AM
arianna star bizzle playbrother
keep it on the low cus you my liltte secret love is all good um always gon to keep it even if i fall in love with another umaa always need you cus you my play broher.i be dancing with your sister kick it with your momma we always be cool cause you never start no drama. talking on the phone yea we chillen at the crib.we always no each other cause next door iss were we live . known you for my whole life now um gettin older booty gettin bigger cause my hair a little lother.cathin at sapain yea you always make me laugh you call me play sister but you know you want me bad
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Dr. Laura-Ann Petitto, co-PI and scientific director of the National Science Foundation Science of Learning Center, Visual Language
and Visual Learning, VL2, speaks about early language acquisition and bilingualism at the Gallaudet Research Expo on March 24, 2016.
On Thursday, September 29, 2016, VL2 staff and scientists and PEN students will present new scientific understandings about language and the young human brain, as part of activities celebrating Roberta Cordano's inauguration as president of Gallaudet University. More information is available here.
tweets by @VL2Science