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tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-193086582014-10-04T23:25:32.257-07:00THE LUMBOKA STARThe postings on The LUMBOKA STAR are mainly derived from the Lumboka discussion forum. These articles will later be uploaded to a Lumboka website now under construction. Unauthorized re-printing of these or any articles herein is strictly prohibitedLumboka firstname.lastname@example.com:blogger.com,1999:blog-19308658.post-1160236798496699262006-10-07T08:57:00.000-07:002006-10-07T09:10:41.113-07:00SAUTI YA LUMBOKA - HIVI SASA NI............

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Nairobi

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Nairobi

/a>Lumboka email@example.com:blogger.com,1999:blog-19308658.post-1133617037467701802005-12-03T05:33:00.000-08:002005-12-26T05:34:52.806-08:002005: Back to the video tapeMEMORUNDUM was to 2002 as REFERENDUM was to 2005. None sustained.

ELSEWHERE

REFERENDUM:KENYANS AT THE POLLS

REFERENDUM:PRESIDENT KIBAKI AND LUCY CAST THEIR VOTE IN NYERI

REFERENDUM:RAILA ODINGA CASTS HIS VOTE IN KIBERA

REFERENDUM:KENYANS PARTICIPATED - SOMALI LADY ABOVE AND A MASAAI GENTLEMAN BELOW

REFERENDUM:KENYANS SPEAK ORANGE

PRESIDENT KIBAKI DISSOLVES CABINET

PRESIDENT KIBAKI NAMES NEW CABINET LINEUP

KOMBO AND NGILU TAKE KIBAKI ON BY TURNING DOWN CABINET APPOINTMENTS

KIRWA READS FROM THE CORRECT SCRIPT

OTHERS READING THE WRONG OATH OF OFFICE

 A PERSPECTIVE.

THE DAY KIBAKI YIELDED TO KOMBO AND NGILU.

PRESIDENTIAL COMMENDATION 2005: Christopher Khaemba. OTHERS WHO RECIEVED THE HEAD OF STATE COMMENDATION (Civilian section) and not in the pic were - Mr. Joseph Wafula Matanda, Mrs Dinah Wattimah Nafula, Mr William Nyongesa Khayota.

NAIROBI SKYLINE

LIKULUKULU's DEMAND: WAS IT SETTLED?

BUTONGE PRIMARY AND SECONDARY SCHOOLS

LUMBOKA HOSTS: 1ST ANNUAL LUMBOKA MEMORIAL GAMES AT BUNGOMA HIGH SCHOOL. GREAT APPRECIATION TO RIX BUTAMA

MEANWHILE IN LONDON, AFRICANS STRAT THEIR STUFF

NAITIRI JAZZ BAND?

BELOW - GUESS WHO IS COMING FOR DINNER!

FROM THE EDITOR'S DESK: MAY LOVE AND UNDERSTANDING PREVAIL IN 2006 AND BEYONDLumboka firstname.lastname@example.com:blogger.com,1999:blog-19308658.post-1133105072970684102003-09-18T06:54:00.000-07:002005-12-19T00:48:20.786-08:00Social Policy and implicationsSocial Policy and its implications: Baengele Revisited
By Kukubo Barasa Monrovia, Liberia, 18 September 2003

Did Baengele subject late Hon Michael Wamalwa, the vice president of Kenya, to indignity and humiliation? I was not in the country at the time when the vice president passed away, and during the periodof mourning, to the funeral and the aftermath.

I was only able to get a glimpse of the big Kenyan story through electronic Daily Nation and EastAfrican standard. Now that Kenyans have had ample time to reflect on the question at various intellectual levels I wish to share with you some thoughts on the subject.

I discuss aspects of three socia lpolicy landmarks representing the Bukusu, the Kikuyu and the Luo. I compare Wamalwa's case with that of former Provincial Commissioner John Mburu. I use the case of S. M. Otieno as a triangulation factor. The discussion is an attempt to broaden the space within which the actions of Baengele and Bukusu relating toMichael Wamalwa's affair could be critiqued.

My discussion is not about whether or not the late vice president was subjected to indignityby his "clan". It is a tour of three landmark examples of social policy transformation in a more collective Kenya. My exploration goes beyond the issues that were raised in the press in order to place beacons in other areas of our national social policy evolution that sadly remains undirected at both the government and academic levels. I hope that my humble views will serve to broaden the context to this legitimate debate.

I have the feeling that, increasingly, ranging from the earlier debates around Provincial Commissioner John Mburu and later the more dramatic debate around SM Otieno, and now MichaelWamalwa, Kenyans wish to discuss, debate and give direction to their collective social policy. Unfortunately the essential debate has been left to newspaper reporters whose terms ofreference require them to bring to the newsroom sensational interpretations of events surrounding public figures.

In a way the cases of Mburu, Otieno and Wamalwa are instructive. In the case of Mburu it was a debate that seemed to seek answers relatingto inheritance of property in a predominantly, but rare, Kikuyu social case. The case was complicated by the fact that Mburu was a rare Kikuyu, polygamous with three wives. A further complication was that one of the wives, the one with the highest formal education, was not just a Muluyia, but also a Munyala - Ndombi.

The Banyala, like the Bukusu have a strong indigenous social policy system. The Munyala wife was also the Principal of the best girls'school in Western Province, therefore a respected personality of considerable status in her own right. The case came up when Mburu was dead and therefore could not use his immense power as a Kenyatta Provincial Commissioner to suppress the matter.

He was in the mortuary for many months, much to the embarrassmentof the Kikuyu community who would have preferred to associate such a saga to the Luo and Luyia. In other words the community felt that the Mburu case was unusual and highly embarrassing, considering that the majority of the cast was Kikuyu, and that the community had no resources from within the community's indigenous social policy to guide them on the matter.

The casewas a jab on the sensibilities of the Kikuyu community who, more than any other Kenyans generally prefer "Western Christian Civilization"in their expressed social policy and practices. They left the matter to the perceptive skills of the advocates and judges, and what was a vailable from English common law elementsin the Kenyan formal legal wisdom.

The Kikuyu were greatly relieved when Mburu was finally buried. They wish, up to this day, that the story should never have happened and should just go away, and go away for good. The Kikuyu depend heavily on the English and Scottish Christian social traditions to deal with issues related to marriage and death. Theywould have liked these standards to guide the Mburu affair, but the rest of Kenya, particularly Bunyala-Ndombi, was watching with interest.

The Mburu saga set the pace for a tradition of court injunctions relating to death and inheritance that have now become routine. Hundreds have followed the precedent from among socially less prominent citizens in virtually all communities, including the Kikuyu as well as the Masai and Kalenjin who generally have minimum engagement with the aftermath of death.

S. M. Otieno's case had inevitable referenceto Mburu's, but the casting was new and potentially more sensational. Otieno was a very important and well-known Luo. His widow was a very important Kikuyu, being a Waiyaki. The sensation in the case was to hinge on the perennial question among the "North and SouthKavirondo": Should a Kavirondo man marry aKikuyu woman? Otieno had defied this thinking and, in life, gave an impressive account of his position that a Luo man could marry a Kikuyu wife and live happily ever after.

Perhaps live happily ever after, but after life the test case became extremely complicated and emotive. It led to riots in the streets of Nairobi. When the matter was subjected to the Luo social policy accounting system, when theLuo community took it for granted that Otieno would be buried as a Luo, it was not to be that straightforward. Wamboi, an adult citizen with rights, had as take and wished invoke larger human rights principles to ignore the Luo social policy, although she did not seem able to articulate the principle to back up her personal position adequately.

Those who sided with her depended on her rights as an individual and on pseudo Victorian Christian values. In the process of the debate huge worms were unearthed, the largest and most hideous coming much later in 2003 when Wamboi Otieno defiantly applied the somewhat diffuse Kikuyu contemporary social policy by marrying[in the discourse of the Kavirondo]"her grandson" while she was regardedby the Kavirondo to be a "Luo wife".

I will return to the question of social accountability later. If she thought that her affair with the Luo community had ended with Otieno's burial inNyalgunga she was gravely mistaken. Her dismissal of the Luo social policy had been entrenched in the beliefs of the Kavirondo who took sides with the Kager clan that, sooner or later, she was bound to engagein an "abominable" act.

If S. M. Otieno had been a Kikuyu, Wamboi's marriage to Mbugua would have been a non-issue, not just to the Kikuyu but also to the whole of Kenya. In this case the Kavirondo interpreted her marriage to Mbugua as the inevitable abomination that they were expecting. The Kavirondo were as delighted as they were disgusted by her act.

They took interest in the new marriage for the sake of S. M. Otieno, and hoped that"he can now see for himself" what they had all along been concerned about in a Kikuyu wife.

The Vice President of Kenya Hon Michael Wamalwa went through a very ordinary Bukusu funeral, supplemented by state ceremonies. As a leading opposition figure in a district that was particularly terrorized by the KANU regimes most of his political activities were carried out at funerals in Bungoma and Trans Nzoia. He therefore attended many Bukusu funerals, and participated in managing many of them. He would, therefore, have been aware of and approved of all the procedures that Baengele exercised [not to him]for him.

He would have been proud of the deep feelings expressed in standard practices and the dignity accorded to him in death. He would have expected and accepted the compulsory post death accounting procedures that were performed. He would have given a detailed and eloquent explanation of every action taken by Baengele and Bukusu to his wife. If his widow had spent enough time in Bukhayo she would have recognized that theBaengele practice does not differ widely from the Bukhayo one.

If, on the other hand, Wamalwa's widow was surprised or alarmed, she is not alone. When Wamalwa was her age he would probably have been equally alarmed by these community procedures. As a youngman Wamalwa probably had no time for the rather rigorous social accounting systems of the Bukusu. He had been socialized through school and the white settler neighbourhood to alienate from his community social practices. Later on when his father died and he started to shoulder the responsibilities of his father's unwieldy family he began to appreciate the value of collective social responsibility.

This realization grew manifold when he found himself suddenly shouldering the political responsibilities of first the Baengele, then the Bukusu and later the Abaluyia. He gradually developed the firm belief that it was this powerful uniquely Bukusu social system that paved his way to the high office of Vice Presidentof Kenya.

This was the subject of a conversation I had with him for wellover three hours at the Park Villa Hotel in Webuye on the day we had performed one of those standardceremonies on the grave of ElijahMasinde, at which Wamalwa was the chief guest. I distinctly remember the grin on his face as we were made to crawl in oursuits [Wamalwa was in a crisp whiteKaunda suit] along the floor recently polished with fresh cow dung in Elijah Masinde's holy temple.Wamalwa noticed that the Bukusu community gave him undivided support after that ceremony.

Prior to that there were misgivings about his ability to take on the challenge of running for the seat of president of Kenya. In the Bukusu practice, on the third day after the burial of every Bukusuman or woman who has a family, all the accounts are put on the table. Done the day before or the dayafter, the accounts would be null and void.

It is a well-tested standard procedure. Every interested person is welcome to the forum and they have the right to pay a nominal registration fee and present their case openly and unambiguously. The community will collectively make fair judgments on the issues raised, and often they would volunteer to support the settlementof debts. If there were social issues relating to the dead person that would have been embarrassing to the individual or family had they been brought to the surfac eearlier, it is on this day and in this forum [mulufu] that they are settled openly, transparently andf airly once and for all.

Once this forum takes a decision on a matter the entire communityis bound by the decision and must hold their peace on the matter forever. For instance if a man, say, had an"outgrower" child whom he had not accounted for to the wife then the matter is taken up just on this on eday collectively by the communityand the decisions taken are firmand binding.

Those who break this social rule can be sure to be caught, in life or indeath. They will certainly have the issue brought up in their own mulufu. When a Bukusu of high status dies, the community recognizes that their social affairs are likely to be complex. For example the Bukusu community would be aware Wamalwa was a huge attraction to many women right from his youthful age until he was quite high up in the political system. TheBukusu social system recognizes that, and arranges a more elaborate procedure mulufu. The person receives the higher honour of kumuse [khuswala kumuse].

Prior to the community court hearings a specialist in the history, religion, sociology, and politics of the community addresses the court audience. Oswala Kumuse is aspecially trained individual who gives a long non-stop rendition,discussing in poetic, sometimes obscure and often explicit language, matters of contemporaryconcern to the entire Bukusu community. Things will be said in this presentation, which range from very kind to the deadperson, to very obscenely provocativeto the family and friends the deadperson has left behind.

The presenter enjoys enormous poetic license as a privilege of his position, and a safety net for his difficult responsibility. Obviously those who do not possess the license may quote him in subsequent conversations to their own advantage. In that way the community has the opportunity to discuss certain matters dispassionately, which they would otherwise have been prohibited by other sanctions in the social policy to discuss. What is the connection between theMburu, Otieno and Wamalwa cases?

The Kikuyu and the Luo were very uncomfortable with the manner in which their important people were"mourned". In Wamalwa's case the rural community was comfortable with the "mourning" of their important son. Some urban Bukusu were embarrassed by the matter when it was discussed by other Kenyan communities. Itwould certainly be interesting to delve in a deeper and more systematic analysis of these diametric cases.

To conclude I wish to first ask whether the collective national social policy should be guided by the Bukusu example, with a strong indigenous base, or bythe Kikuyu with a mixture of English protestant traditionsand a weak indigenous Kikuyu base. Secondly I wish to suggest that people who are interested in social practice and social policy transition should take keener interest in the emerging situations and provide leadership using the collective Kenyan cultural resources.

Thirdly I wish to question why people who happen to belong to communities that have lost a lot of their indigenous social policy should take it upon themselves to thump Baengele, a rather small community among the Bukusu. I wonder whether they are up to challenging the larger Bukusu communities like Bakhone and Batukuyika.

Copyright © 2004 Lumgoka, All rights reserved.
posted by The LUMBOKA Star @ Monday, December 13, 2004 Lumboka email@example.com:blogger.com,1999:blog-19308658.post-1133102976018121252003-11-13T10:38:00.000-08:002005-12-18T23:04:52.586-08:00Bungoma Professional Group (BPG)An overview of Bungoma Professional Group(BPG)
By Tim Wanyonyi.

This group was formed in 1991 as part of effortsto involve enlightened people in the politics ofBungoma and end the mediocrity that characterised the Nyayo era.

The founding chairman was Prof Edward Kasili. It had three broad objectives which were;
(i) to review and put into perspective the globaldevelopment of Bungoma -- economic, social and political-- over the last 3 decades of independentKenya;. (ii) to examine the reasons underlying the marginalistion of Bungoma district in independent Kenya; and (ii) to forge ties between professionals fromBungoma and other parts of Kenya to participate inthe political shaping of the country for the benefit of future generations.

It should be remembered that this was at the zenith of the struggle for more democratic space in Kenya. It was also a time of great suffering for people in Bungoma brought on by the infamous land clashes. This group endeared itself to the grass roots by helping displaced victims of the clashes -- proving food,shelter and free treatment.

In 1994, the group organised a seminar in Bungoma attended by who is who in Bungoma's world of politics, academia, agriculture, medicine, business etc. Among those who presented papers were Profs SimiyuWandibba and Henry Mutoro, Dr Adrien Mukhebi, Dr RichardBarasa, Dr H. Masambu and Dr G. Siboe. The result of this great Indaba was a book, Bungoma Development: Yesterday, Today, Tomorrow ... 21stCentury. This book is recommended, nay, a must reading for anybody interested in the social,political and economic problems of Bungoma and how to solve them.

Indeed, it was meant to galvanise the whole community and more so its leaders into some positive action. That this did not happen to the satisfaction of the majority is a story for another day. The next big project for BPG came in 1996 and involvedthe organisation of celebrations to mark 100 years ofthe Lumboka-Chetambe uprising. I had the privilege of being involved in this projectby editing a commemorative newspaper for the event.

Titled Lumboka-Chetambe, it was very well received inBungoma and sold close to 10,000 copies in just two days. On the political front, I think BPG was hugely successful, particualry in 1992. All those who gotelected in Bungoma and Trans Nzoia, may be with the exception of Lawrence Sifuna in Kanduyi, were members of this group, or were backed by it. They included Dr Kituyi in Kimilili, Mr Kombo in Webuye and the late Mr Wamalwa in Saboti. I think this group lost its way when it started concentrating too much on politics at the expenseof other development fields.

In the beginning its leaders like Prof Kasili (first chairman) and Maj Sirengo (second) had a vision for the holistic development of the district and how this group was to relate to the rest of Kenya. They also had the stature to resist politicianswho wanted to control them for their own selfishends.

Sadly, some of those who came after them were not as visionary.

There are some who are saying that BPG was fatally wounded when it backed Dr Kituyi for Ford-K leadership and Eugene Wamalwa for Narc Saboti and lost. I say it is too early to write its orbituary. It may yet bounce back — but only under a newleadership with a broader understanding of not just Bungoma but national issues.

 Copyright © 2004 Lumboka, All rights reserved.
posted by The LUMBOKA Star @ Monday, December 13, 2004 0 Lumboka firstname.lastname@example.com:blogger.com,1999:blog-19308658.post-1133108113458907752004-07-30T03:07:00.000-07:002005-12-18T23:04:31.123-08:00KAMALOBAMY RESPONSE TO COMMENTS ON KAMALOBA
By Mwalimu Wangila Mukhwana
Australia, July 30, 2004.

Baana befwe, Mulembe mwesi mwesi buli niho muli
nga bemu Lumboka.

Naaye sima lukali po khukoosi niko
mulabolanilanga. Mwikumia murio mala mutinyilisie babandi.
Mukhakelaho mwaba nga "Bungoma Professionals" tawe.
Yaba bamenyeela mu khwifumia busa.

Kalolelekha enywe (Bemu Lumboka) mulikho lukano.
Khwinye wamanyakho liosiliosi, akhayole
ne ekesiangakho babasie be Tolondo ye Lumboka.
Kamuchuli somanya ta, busia buri balala khwifwe
khwalotile nihe Babefwe bachia.

Niko kakila nemubolelakho niko ese khebulila.
Nekakandi kaindiba. Khulwako malala ngamaanyiila
khwinywe sikila mukila nemukhebusia. So please,
allow me to pay glowing tribute to some of you
particularly Babalimu befwe Fulbert Namwamba, wo
Mukananachi Kukubo Barasa, Wafula Okumu, nende
Wandabwa, Ben, John Wafula, Mitati Kinisu, papa
Henry Soita, yaya Edith Musukuya, Jane Namusia,
Sara, Eve Wamalwa, nomusakhulu simakulu we
Bakananachi, wandayase Zephaneah Wekesa.

All of you have stimulated our minds in different
ways. Consequently, I share the following with
the entire Lumboka membership from the best of my
recollection and knowledge. I have stated same
related matters in the past with academic
colleagues such as Babanyange namukhalaki
Omukwangwa Chris Wanjala Lukorito, Omukolati
Vincent Simiyu Sudi, and Omumaina Samwel Makinda.
Except, nemusiima ndugu, I humbly decline
the suggestion or proposal that I chair the
committee on our "Bukusu History."

Those you mentioned for inclusion in the committee
(including Profs. Vincent Barasa Khapoya – Oakland,
MI, and Simeon Waliaula Chilungu – Buffalo, NY)
are the very people I had told you to contact
for the purpose unless you did not read my initial
communication with members. It is not my discipline.
I am business management trained. But I admitted
that I am a politics practitioner. That is what
I have been known for since my early G.A.S
Kakamega School days.

Mwakhanywa kwete, enguli, endali, namwe tusker
mala mwekura Banabefwe, mukhebilila KAMALOBA
KE BAKUKA Babukusu naitiriani nga bapanila
bali nyanga Chinjibuulo chie munyanga chichiayo
bakhapa sibi tawe. Therefore, I was very
disappointed to read one of our members saying
that "Kamaloba ke Babukusu kakamila busa khu
Kamukuywa.

Nakorwa aba naye kakhulila wahe? Another one
asked "Baluhya sina babakula kimikunda (kamaloba)
kie Babukusu?" Nebasia, lundi nauka ndi,
aba oyo naye amanyiile "Musyamba kuu?" All
this was in response to Zeph Wekesa's valid
and indisputable comments. Then recently, I was
touched by the story about Noah Wekesa's
farm and how our people used to wait for
"Posho mu Bibaa on Mondays and Wednesday."
Very true.

Our people went through that throughout 1900 to
1961. Senge wange olonda papa mukha Muswasula,
yaba bamenya bario khu Zewa Estates when my
father took me there in 1947 for the first time.

Kamasika kalengalenga mumoni change as I read
that piece of history indicative of our people's
long journey in social and economic development,
leaving the political one aside. Niko Omubuya
Zeph Wekesa amubolela khu Baluhya kali kario,
Baana ba Wele, enda ya Mubukusu.

Basakhulu naitiriani takha basiule sichangi
khu luchi lwa Kuywa mala basiile musilo bakhomekhe
lundi khu luchi lwa Kamukuywa, oli Banapere
becha babareba bali khwara ano Sichangi.
Nenabo bali ta, mwatimile, enywe fwana mwara
Sichangi esyo khu luchi lwe Kamukuywa.
Khe mukhake khukhebulila bulayi. Banepere
bafukilila bela khulola Kamukuywa.
Ngabababolele pebe, basinyola.

Nono takha bakhole bukesi , namwe bubunwasi
obwo, andi Kamaloba kefwe katiba kamakali.
Ne chikholo chilichana especially Basonge
ne Barefu, basakhulu babwe Bakhulu be Bitukhu
nibo bareeba babiala Chitiangi niho basiula
khu Kuywa nende niho basimikha khu Kamukuywa.

These elders did this so you and I, and our
children could have vast land. In that struggle,
Babukusu bakhalabananga bario halala nende
Batachoni, Bakabrasi, nende Banyala.

Prior to this incident, our people were still
well settled in right into present Markwet –
Pokot (Ebusuku ne Kachiliba). That is why we
still have our Bukusu people there to this day.
We have common names such as Sudi, Namihinda,
Nang'ole, Kibirenge, etc. Banandi ne Basuku have
often fought battles and co-existed. Each group
has held captives especially women and children
plus cattle from the other.

If you scrutinise both sides you will find
"mbo babandu bafwananakho lukondo." Our people
learned certain things from these warring
neighbours and rivals for the scarce land.
For example, khukhala chinjika che chikhafu,
Babukusu nende Baluhya bamia kumwima okwo
khu Basuku ne Banandi, whom we collectively
refer to as "Barwa." Naboo bakhupaka efwe bali
"Kitosh" meaning simply "our enemies."
Ne balanga Babesukha ne Babedakho whom they
fought the other side, "Chikakamega" meaning
"whose houses we have burned.. Nenabo chikhafu
chabwe chimali tii, bachamia khu Babukusu ne
Baluhya in general. Otherwise, they did not
have black cattle at all.

Khulwako babandu befwe babamenya "Musyamba",
used to say "njiakho e-kitosi (namwe mbo mu
risafu)." So, please, any Mluhya in Trans Nzoia
from Peter Shiyuka, Pius Gumo, Priscila Abwao,
Martin Shikuku, Maleches, etc including
Bajaluo ne Basebe baliyo, bakhoyele ne
bafumianga Wele we Mwikulu na Aasi, nekhusima
Bababukusu halala nomu Naitiriani wabwe
Omusakhulu omukoosi watiba Masinde Muliro.

Yet they hardly do, or reflect on it, as
owefwe Zeph Wekesa correctly pointed out
previously. Naaye from my underatanding of
the situation, khu bandu befwe benabo, Baragoli
baliyo (mu Trans Nzoia), are the worst thankless
towards our people – Bakabalasi, Banyala,
Batachoni ne Babukusu). Basikhukhoma mbo
efwe Bamusambwa kaba mbo mukhamanya tawe.

Reba be libukana liefwe lie Basaale
(Friends or Quakers) mubone. In February 2004,
a delegation of Friends Church members
from Trans Nzoia, Bungoma and areas of
Bunyala, and Kabras were to depart for New
Zealand and attend the World Friends Conference.
They were left behind in Nairobi by the
Executive. Through their own initiatives,
they managed to depart for New Zealand and
arrived three weeks late. Baragoli Basaale
(Friends) babakholela kamenaako, chisoni
chiabahamba. Ne Baragoli boosi, sebali babi
tawe. Balala balayi paka.

For instance, Omusakhulu Solomon Adagala
ayeta babandu befwe lukali elalabusa. When he
was North Nyanza and later on Elgon Nyanza
District Education Officer, he upgraded many
primary schools in our area for Kenya Government
funding. Any discarded teacher or interdicted
ones in Kakamega district, he hired them to
teach in Bukusu where we experienced a critical
shortage of trained teachers during the 1950's
and 1960's.

He established many D.E.B Schools. Our Bungoma
Secondary School came from this humble
beginnings. Arising from his good efforts in
helping our people, Omusakhulu Chief Henry Kerre
Sudi gave him 30 acres of land free of charge in
appreciation. But Solomon Adagala never wanted to
settle in Bukusu. A fact he regretted many years
after. He told me about it in 1973. Then much later,
his older children who had grown up in Bungoma,
e.g. Bakoki Ngaywa, Bilha and Ebby Adagala
bemoaned the fact that their dad had not
grabbed that opportunity in the 1950's.

Another good Omulogoli, amongst several, is
omusakhulu Peter Kibisu. He was very supportive
of Muliro in politics without wavering right
to the end. For instance, Muliro told a few
of us visitors in the Members Lounge of
Parliament before they voted on "J.M. Kariuki
Committee's Report." He said, "Basoreri, embuko
elumila khufwa" as he walked with Kibisu into
the chamber, and Kibisu added in Lulogoli
gesturing "Mnya, niho omusakhulu afwila, niho
sesi fwila."

I will never forget that moment as I climbed
upstairs to take my seat in the Speaker's
gallery. Muliro as Cabinet Minister and Kibisu
as Assistant Minister voted for acceptance
of the report against the wish of their
colleagues and President Kenyatta's directive
to respect parliamentary custom of collective
responsibility. After the vote, Jomo Kenyatta
sacked both of them immediately. That same
evening, Muliro was asked to vacate his
government rented accommodation of Opembe's house in
Hurlingham.

On hearing this the following day, I offered
Muliro my University accommodation at Golf
Course as a temporary immediate measure. Three
days later, he declined the offer when Opembe,
as land lord, refused to go along with the
government directive that Muliro vacates the
house for a cabinet replacement. Masinde Muliro
explained his conscious vote to me as we both
sat before a fire in my house keeping ourselves
warm.

He explained with emotions, and said, "Ese
ndoba khupa ekura ndio ta, andi bwang'aali
sebulimanyikha tawe. Nelundi, Wasike, ne
bemukometi yewe aba Omukikwameti achia
khubanania, abulala ababowe." I still recall
vividly how relieved he was that he and Kibisu
had voted that way to save the members of
the committee and enable Kenyans, at large,
to know the truth surrounding Josiah Mwangi
Kariuki's death.

Some of you had said that "we should bring out
the truth (both positive and negative
information to educate our people." I have stated
what I know so as to share this with you
Bemu Lumboka.

Again, in 1920's and 1930's, many of our people
Babukusu and Basebeyi) were driven out of present
Trans Nzoia. One batch of many Bukusus camped
in the meadow of Sosio, had it not been for Sudi
Namachanja who insisted that because they knew
nobody and had nowhere to go, they should be
returned to their lands. But Namutala Mayeku said
that they should seek out relatives and settle
with them.

Sudi's opinion prevailed and the Colonialists
returned our people back conditionally. They were
to agree to live on these farms as squatters.
Not owners of the land any more. The other batch
comprising Babukusu and Basebeyi were taken to
camps in Yembe and Bukwa (the land quite beyond
of present Endebess). The present Endebess and
Kwanza areas were heavily settled by "Basebeyi,
Balagu and Babukusu." So omusakhulu Rais Daniel
arap Moi ne kaboola ali bakalukhe, (if you recall
he announced publicly that their descendants be
returned), there was an outcry from our
parliamentary leaders e.g. George Welime Kapten
and Michael Simiyu Wamalwa.

They felt that President Moi was giving away
the Bukusu land to Kalenjins. Therefore, it was
unfair. I assure you they were wrong. Babandu
abo, Banabefwe, nga Bakoloni babatimania sikila
benya babukule kamaloba kabwe kali "very fertile",
liakila babandu abo bamenya busa bario eyo
nabwila Uhuru bwola mu Kenya. Then Mzee Jomo
Kenyatta and his government could not decide to
have them back for fear of where to settle them
since their land had been taken over by the White
settlers. And they were many.

Prime Minister Milton Obote, before becoming
President of Uganda, got tired of reminding Kenya
to have their people whom he administered from
Mbale, the headquarters of Bugisu district..He
created Sebei district for them. In turn, their
political activists like Chemongess of Bukwa,
teamed up with Balagu to demand reunification
with their kind living in Elgon location. This
idea never materialised.

Both Kenya and Uganda governments felt
uncomfortable with it. In early 1920's, both
Protestant and Catholic missionaries trained
young men to recruit converts. These lay-preachers
were sent out to establish mission stations
or churches across Bukusu and Buluhya land.
The selected people were helped in acquiring
land free of charge so they could settle on it
with their families. For instance, Canon Jeremiah
Awori established Nambale Anglican Church,
Pascal Nabwana left Khachonge to establish
Kimilili and Misikhu Catholic churches, Daniel
Amudavi from Maragoli, was sent to Espala from
where Ford sent him to establish Kimilili Friends.
Baliuli bewa Temba, adopted him.

Then Augustine Meka who had been adopted as a
teenager by Peter Wanyama of Lugulu was sent to
establish Chesamisi Friends Church, Jonah
Neyole was sent from Kamusinde to establish
Maeni Friends Church, and Naphtael Walumbe was sent
from Kibingei to Suku (the present Pokot) for
the same purpose.

Bukusu people had already settled in many numbers
in Poko-Markwet areas before European explorers
traversed that part of modern Kenya. In fact the
latter's eldest son, Basakwa Samwel Simiyu, the
Electoral Commissioner, is fluent in Lusuku as
he is in Lubukusu. Balebee, nenya mumanye mbo
kamaloba kefwe stretched far and beyond.

That is why you still see babukusu bakali e Suku ne nabo
bosi basikenihanga ne Balebee nibo balekha engo Emakunda.
Mulikhebana mubonanga busa babana bapa chinyimba bali
bachia khulanga Musyamaba ne Suku.

Niko kakila Omujumbe Kirwa nali ne kumulembe
nende babandu befwe Cherengen.

There were not any tribal clashes in 1992 in
the area including Pokot-Marakwet between Barwa
and Babukusu ne Baluhya.

Khwatibia Kitale at the time of independence
khubeela lack of Muliro's strong but persistent
lobby. And partly because Basungu and some
Baluhya political activists did not want Muliro
glorified by its inclusion in Western Province.
Khwa Makinia omwene akanianga Basakhulu ne
Bajumbe basie bewefwe ali "Mukhayila
delegations tawe, ese namalile kamakhuwa nabo."

I still recall this.

Our elders believed him and relied on his word.
But towards the end the entire community lost
out. When the boundaries of new provinces were
announced and our people discovered that Kitale
(Trans Nzoia) was not included in Western
Province, it really hurt Muliro and Bukusu people
of all ages.

So he left his small farm in Saboti and bought
a bigger farm in Cherangan which had been
owned by Queen Elizabeth's cousin or nephew.
She even stayed in that house during her visi
to Kenya as Princess Elzabeth. He moved political
base there, too. He contested the seat
successfully and lost it, next round of election.

Why? You might want to know.

Very simple, Baana befwe. We, the Bukusu
activists around him, at the time, devised a
plan to have our people in Suku Kitale West
register in Cherengany to counter the lobby
of Baluhyas who had ganged with Barwa to
vote against Masinde Muliro en-mass. This plan
was leaked to the Government of the day.
Consequently, our people were prevented to
cross-register for voting purposes.

Oli Muliro akwile chikura ario, Baluhya chana
barakikha khukhoma bali lola, "Babukusu
basiilu, obalaka khukhwipotia mbo Kitale yefwe,
wapi!"

Politics do change indeed.

Nenembona munyanga chaluno, namwe oli soma mu
Internet mbo basakhulu Baluhya balalakho chana
engeyo bachiile khukambila Musikari Kombo, Chairman
wa Ford Kenya, mala oli Omubukusu, mbuka busa,
sikila during Muliro's life, nibo yaba bakhulanga
buli sise bali "Abamasiaba."

Bananywe, sendi bilila niko J.D. Otiende ne
Burudi Nabwera bakholelanga babefwe tawe.
Murebanga Wafula Khaoya, Munoko nende Mark Barasa
ke nyiinga-echio. Ata bakila bonaka nebusaale
bwabao akari wa Wafula Wabuge ne Masinde Muliro.
That is how some of them lobbied for the creation
of Tachoni District that is now Lugari District.

One of you in our Lumboka exchanges talked about
"Lirango lie Njofu." Truly, I tell you,
these people really hated that saying in reference
to Muliro by our people. Ese omubolela oyu.
If you have heard that, at the time, "Peter
Sifuma Namisi" annoyed our people and drew their
wrath towards Batachoni when he stated that
"Babandu babandi becha ne kumukhula."

That was it.

Bataayi befwe baloma bali "wakania kebilila,
ne wakaswala naaye khaba tawe."
Bachuma ne Bibingilo bimulondakho,
Mukhebulilenge murio.

Mwararire lukali khu Baluhya nibo omusakhulu
Muliro kayeta. Kayeta Baluhya swa, nefwe
fwabene mundu khaba khukhuyetakho, hela ta.
Baliho batiti busa nibo ayeta mubefwe nga
namubolela mataayi. Kaba ne kumwoyo ali nayeta
Baluhya aba baliba nebusime khu Babukusu.
Khaane yaba abamwata emabohu nabo "Bakhupiila efwe akonde."

Pius Gumo oyo mulalakho khunibo kayeta. Kamurusia
mu Elgon Hotel in Nairobi which he managed.
This hotel was a beehive of Baluhya politics
in the 1950's to 1960's. It was where the brass and
elites of Buluhya sub-tribes socialised and
caucused under the "Baluhya Welfare Society"
and the "Baluhya Political Union."

We mounted the campaign to support Nathan
Fedha for the position of Town Clerk of Kitale
County Council from this hotel and Muliro endorsed
it. Nga Baluhya baba bachumi bakali mu Nairobi,
they were able to respond to Muliro's call
urging them ali "Chia mukule kimukunda."

Babukusu befwe munyanga echo sebaba basiro
mubuchumi abwenaho tawe, lundi baba bakekhe.
Then another mistake, Omusakhulu khwa Makinia,
omwene naaye akosa, khubolelanga babefwe ario
tawe.

In 1965, our association, the "Bukusu Brotherhood
East Africa" of which I was their General
Secretary, had a conference in Bungoma. Mulala khu
balomalomii, kaba papa Omukananachi Senior Chief Jonathan Barasa.
In his address, he bemoaned that fact. The delegates who
had come from various towns
in Kenya and Uganda, resolved to take up the
matter with Muliro. It was when omusakhulu yuno
nenase nekhwamanyana in person because we had
exchanged letters only on Bukusu matters.

Despite this, he had been aware that his
older children – Wycliffe Wasilwa, Alice
Namachanja, and Richard Wanambisi including
his nephews Robert Wanambisi and Mang'eni
Kukubo were my acquaintances. He liked my speech,
too, and implored me to face up to Muliro on
these issues of concern to Bukusus.

I did so no avail, after I returned to Nairobi.

HENRY MASINDE MULIRO NE WILLIAM WAMALWA NGEYWA BALOMANANGA,
AKHABA NE BAJUMBE BEFWE BABANDI.

Kali ng'aali, Bakinyikeu Masinde Muliro ne
William Wamalwa balomanaga, ne bakendanila.
Bakhamubehaa mbo yaba bapana sikhonde namwe mbo
sebalia alala tawe. Akhaba Nathan Munoko nende
Masinde Muliro ne Joseph Wafula Khaoya, balomanaga
mu Nairobi sya Bunge, nebakachula nga Babukusu basalwa..
Sebabakho ne sikhonde ta, elio ngania baana
Babukusu.

Omundu akhabainga lilienelio ta. Ne Masinde
nende Wamalwa balomanilanga khu Lwakha lwe Bulime.
Muliro lundi elochanga ali kamalilo ke babandu
befwe be Trans Nzoia (Kitale) andi kamuchilanga
khuniye nganilwo kabechanga Waziri mu serekali ne
Wamalwa ta. Wamalwa naaye ali ese sesi ndi
Omujumbe wa Kitale. Babandu ne banjekesie
kabamina aba bubi sina? Munoko yesi elilaanga
ali sekali bali Muliro yeng'ene okhoyeele nasoola
babandu befwe ta. A stand I agreed with and
embraced whole heartedly.

So did our Bukusu Brotherhood executive members
such as Zablon Maruti Mola (President), George
Macheso, etc. Except Joseph Makhanu (
Organising Secretary) strongly felt that other
MPs should use Muliro as the only conduit by virtue of him
being a Minister.

Actually, from my observation as a Bukusu man
in Nairobi who presented our people's problems
to our MPs all the time upon request, I found
each claim valid with a little difference. Mbona
busa mbo omusakhulu Muliro just wanted to shine
alone all the time.

This led Wamalwa to tell us (Babukusu be Nairobi
as a delegation ye khubahambasia) "Niiye ali
Bakoki busa khumuria khurie." Joseph Wafula Khaoya
naaye babirananga ne Muliro partly along the
old political lines cha KANU (as Wafula Khaoya had
been a KANU supporter from the beginning), and
KADU (of which Muliro and John Marie Seroney
had been the architects). Nga bakhulu bakeleka
bali, Eeningilo ya tekha Namaka, sewechangamo
Bululu tawe", Khane balebe, bapaa abwene.

Kabechanga busa kario.

Ne Wafula Wabuge baba basaale ne Muliro paka
khu khwama nga basoma bombi Tororo Secondary
College. During KADU, Muliro plucked him from
Kenya Farmers Association in Nakuru. He
eventually became the President of Western
Regional Assembly. Amongst KADU members in
Coast Province, Wafula Wabuge was just known
as Muliro's young brother. Both were supposedly
the sons of Mulama, Nabongo Mumia's brother.

But the politics of Tachoni and regrouping
as championed by Peter Sifuma and Burudi Nabwera
led to disagreement with Muliro. Then Daniel
arap Moi clawed Wabuge into his fold and later
made him Kenyan High Commissioner in Kampala.

It was at this time that many of our Bukusu
people realised that Wafula was not Omubukusu
save Omutachoni after all. Wafula Wabuge spoke
Lubukusu at all times even to his Tachoni
fellows. A very clever disguise that worked for
him.

I was introduced to Wafula Wabuge early in
1961 in the KADU office, Jeevanje Street, Nairobi
by bakoki Omukitang'a Richard Watila Wetosi
now a resident of Nalondo Location. . He had been
acquainted with Wafula Wabuge in Nairobi
during my School days at Kakamega.

As bickering continued amongst our
parliamentarians, Wafula Khaoya had to say "Po,
kha Muliro akaame Kitale". A line of thought
that Omukikwameti Phillip Mwangale had been
pushing for sometime (within the family).

It eventually culminated in soured relations
between his son, Elijah Wasike Mwangale MP for
Bungoma East constituency, and Masinde Muliro
MP for Kitale East, later known as Cherengen.

By this time, the three MPs: Munoko, Wabuge and
Khaoya had amicable relations between them.
They wooed Mwangale into their camp. Muliro
was increasingly isolated, but his tremendous
and unflinching grass-root support within the
people from Bungoma to Trans Nzoia still
left him the undisputable "Lirango lie Njofu."

Elijah Mwangale who had been known to lie to
many people in the same style, bragged that
it was his money that got him elected at every
general election in Kimilili. He stated
loudly that Muliro should confine his politics
in Kitale (Trans Nzoia). Furthermore, he even
dared him (Muliro) to contest against him in
Bungoma East, these days called (Kimilili).

Muliro took up the challenge and started
renovating his house at Matili farm in
readiness "to teach Wasike a lesson, sikila
omwana wa Mwangale akholele e mbelekeu."
When it became known to elders across Bukusu
land that Muliro was preparing to run against
Mwangale because of what he had declared
believing that nobody would ever defeat him,
they condemned bakoki Elijah Wasike Mwangale
left, right and centre.

In turn, the elders pleaded with Muliro not
to come back and contest." Just show us a
competent person you wish to support to contest
against Elijah," they begged Muliro. From
that time onwards, Mwangale's popularity
plummeted, and there was no rescue in sight.
My interpretation of what was unfolding, it
was sheer family gossip and sweetened by
rumour mongering among the families in Matili that
led being socialised into a Bukusu issue.

Elijah Wasike Mwangale should not have been
dumped regardless of what he did, his terrible
lying and a tendency for corruption.

Then William Wamalwa died. Some people felt that
his eldest son should run. Muliro welcomed
the opportunity amend the rift that had existed
between them. To demonstrate this, he
barracted for Michael Kijana Wamalwa and
urged him to stand or contest. He told the
Saboti electorate that it was the deceased's son
who should inherit the seat. I was amongst
the few people to whom Omusakhulu Muliro
explained his rationale why he was
supporting and campaigning for Michael.

He said, "Rarawe khwalomananga nga bemenywa.
Ne akhaba babandu befwe ne bamuloma bali kaba
Chifu omubi, naremakaka kamaindi ke babandu,
ese senyala naloba khuhunga mukono omwana wewe
tawe." He stressed this repeatedly to me in his
house in Nairobi each time we talked about the
race and candidates that included Wafula Wabuge.

It was simply on this ground alone that
Masinde Muliro threw his full weight behind
Michael Simiyu Wamalwa all the way. Not that
because Michael was an eloquent person in
English language due to elocution training
he had taken while attending Cambridge
University in England. At this time, Kijana
Wamalwa had moved close towards Moi camp
and was,at times, rumoured to claim that
his ancestry was Kalenjin merely on the
basis of his grandfather's name "Ngeywa."

The claim was malicious and baseless.
It was just because Michael was, for a short
period, getting on well with Moi at the
time the opportunity for politics presented
itself. Therefore, Muliro wanted to outfox
Moi in the support for the parliamentary race,
lest President Moi throw the regime machinery
behind Mike. By the same token also, Mike
got into politics accidentally and out of
misfortune. He had been a lecturer in
International Law at University of Nairobi.

Towards the end of the academic year, he lost
examination scripts in Starlight Night Club.
He had gone there for relaxation to cool
off after the pressure of marking, like all
of us do at any tertiary institution anywhere
in the world, when trying to meet the dead
lines. During the UON investigation into the
circumstances that led to the Law exam scripts
getting lost and some being found in the
Starlight, Kijana flew to London to meet with a friend.

Unfortunately Dr. Joseph Karanja, the
Vice – Chancellor at the time, met Mike on
the street in London. He told Mike that he
could not remember signing for his leave –
papers, and wondered why Kijana was in London.
Upon return to Nairobi, he was summarily fired.
His marriage to Dr. Njoroge Mungai's daughter,
Muthoni, did not work out from the start.
Njoroge had bluntly refused to give away his
daughter had it not been for the late Mzee
James Gichuru, former Minister of Defence.

Mzee James Gichuru, also made it possible
that the late Mzee Senator William Wamalwa
could be allowed to speak at the wedding
reception in Ngong. Not only that, even
Udi Gechaga had been pressured not to be the
best man at the wedding of his friend since
their Strathmore School days. Moreover, it
was commonly rumoured that Mungai had made
it difficult for Michael to secure
employment in Kenya nor to leave the
country.

Njoroge was our Minister of Foreign Affairs
at that time. I recall these events because
I attended the wedding and was on speaking
terms with Wamalwa Senior though not a close
friend to Mike. This eventuated in later years.

At the wedding reception, Gichuru gave a
moving speech that touched the audience.
"He called on tribes in Kenya to tolerate
and understand one another and allow their
children to intermarry as a way of
building a strong Kenyan nation in future."

People like Paul Nakitare could voucher
for this as we traveled together to attend
the wedding. The wedding had been presided
over properly at the University of Nairobi
chapel regardless of what was written or
Lumboka members read in the local newspapers
prior to his fairy tale sort of wedding to
Yvonne.

So inheriting his father's seat was a
blessing in disguise, and a precedent
in making for Masinde Muliro when his
time came, in my view. Sadly, Mukasa Mwambu,
the eldest son, as some of our people
speculated, did not inherit Muliro's seat.

Regarding Wamalwa senior buying the farm
with minority shareholders whom he
swindled, I can state this. The guys and
others were taken advantage of due to
their weakness as members in our society.
Perhaps some of them were without relatives
with the clout or influence. Admittedly, some
of these fellows were settled elsewhere long
before mzee William died.

Again, Mike inherited the father's problem
that had been well known by our people
in Trans Nzoia. Today, the young Wamalwa
brothers like Eugene, etc have that problem
on their hands. It might not go away and
it is unfair and unjust.

Copyright © 2004 Lumboka, All rights reserved.

posted by The LUMBOKA Star @ Sunday, December 19, 2004Lumboka email@example.com:blogger.com,1999:blog-19308658.post-1133107643692421862004-11-27T00:35:00.000-08:002005-12-18T23:03:58.790-08:00Elijah Masinde, OmubichachiKHU BUNG'OOSI BWA ELIJAH MASINDE, OMUBICHACHI.
By Prof. Julius Wangila Mukhwana
Australia, 2004

On the question of Elijah Masinde's prophecy,
as asked by some of our Lumboka members
particularly Omukiyabi Mwalimu Kukubo Barasa,
I have this to share with all of you and thereby
contribute to responses by many members.

I hope you do not mind my lengthy explanation.
I knew about Elijah Masinde when I was growing
up in Kibingei. His religion "Dini Ya Musambwa"
had intensified and gathered speed across our
Masaaba community (Babukusu and Bagisu) and
beyond in what is now Kibingei Location.
He used to preach to people that gathered on
Kitayi Hill in our village. All herd-boys
in the village would bring around "Bibiaayo"
(grazing cattle, goats and sheep) to hear
him along side the adults.

I was one of those who brought my maternal grand
mother's goats and sheep as well so to listen
to his preaching. I believe, and presumably with
the other boys of my age not yet attending
school,the attraction was not what he preached.
It was rather the spectacular crowd of people
that were all dressed in white, long garments.
That fascinated me. The adults said he spoke in
parables and told them about what the community
should do for the days ahead in future.

His inner circle of followers, we told, used
to go up-stream to the sources of Lwakhakha,
Kuywa, Kibisi, Kibingei, and Kamukuywa rivers
to pray and conduct traditional rites.
They slaughtered sheep and supplicated to
ancestral guardian spirits of our community.
He did the same thing in various caves and
climbed the foothills of Masaaba (Mount Elgon)
to worship Wele Mukhobe we Bakuka (the Almighty
God).

His following grew and eventually all
Christian churches in Bukusu shrank in
membership because they had joined "Dini Ya
Musambwa." A religion that was described by
colonialists and other Christians,
the non-believers (who included our own
Babukusu, Bagisu, and Batachoni) and those far
away in Buluhya and Kalenjin as worshipers
of devils.

Yet they were not.

Dini Ya Musambwa dedicated itself to ancestral
spirits, and accepted the power of super
natural force in the universe or the world in
which we live. Something that our people
traditionally related to well from time
immemorial. Suddenly, we heard that Elijah had
gone into hiding. They looked for him every
where. As we were children, adults never told us details.
I started school a year after he
was arrested. It was then that I learned more
about him from my Quaker parents, villagers
and other School children.

It was reported that the Kimilili police found
him in a well dug out hole around Chesamisi.

As he left with them, he allegedly "cursed"
an old man called Isaya and his family for
revealing his hideout. He also "cursed" Chief
Namutala for accompanying and guiding them to
that hide-out. It is well known that told him,
"When I return you, Mayeku's son, will no longer
be around as Chief of Kimilili; Location.
Our religion as a movement for chasing away
these evil people you are protecting will have
assumed different dimensions."

Chief Namutala countered that he was crazy and
gave orders to his aides to give Elijah Masinde
some more flogging. As he was led away and
driven in an open police land-rover, flanked
both sides by police men, throngs of our people
stood by the road side from Chesamisi to Kimilili
and cried. Elijah just waved all the way, as he
assured them of his return and reminded them of
undertaking the "Offerings and rites to rid
themselves and the community off the bad spirits
(Mwihosia ki wele kimibii, mukheebilila ta."

All these things have been said over and over
in Bukusu. My father told me, and while working
in Nairobi, Omukinyikeu Willis Wangila Wanyonyi
told me after he returned to Nairobi to work as
an accountant with Treasury in the late 1960s.
Also, mzee Isaya's son who was kuka Mark
Barasa's driver when he was an MP, and stayed at
my flat in Nairobi when parliament was in
session, told me, too.

As Omukananachi Elijah Masinde had predicted,
when he was released from detention in
Kismayu, he found mzee Isaya economically
badly badly off. Omukolongolo Chief Namutala
khwa Mayeku was no longer Chief of Kimilili
(which had then split into Bokoli, Kimilili,
and Ndivisi). The prevalent politics were of
KADU and KANU demanding independence. All the
protestant and and catholic churches were full
to the brim with members as before the peak
of Dini Ya Musambwa during 1945 – 1948.

However, our Bukusu Brotherhood East Africa
(BBEA) based in Nairobi had split to
reluctantly create Bukusu Welfare Society
that was based in Bungoma. The former received
Omusakhulu Omukananachi yuno in March 1962
after he had been released from detention.
The split was as a result of the late Willis
Wangila Wanyonyi going to Bungoma in 1960 as
Treasurer of the African District Council of
Elgon Nyanza.

As president, he believed that the association
was best run from home in Bungoma. Ordinary
members and the Executive disagreed. So from 1961
onwards, Bakokiwe Alfayo Wekesa Lurare from
Muchi and his supporters refused and continued
to run the Bukusu Brotherhood E.A from Nairobi
as before. The Bukusu young fellows, including
myself, from various Secondary Schools and
working in Nairobi, did not like the way it
was run by the older generation. We felt that
they were not radical enough.

On one hand, Willis and Tom Katenya, who
was Organising Secretary for the Bukusu
Welfare Society, had the enormous backing
of the Chiefs and elders who mattered most
in Bungoma district. They collectively promoted
the Bukusu Welfare Society amongst our people.
They argued that older generations preferred to
have their own association. They claimed that
Bukusu Brotherhood E.A suited mainly young and
urbanised Bukusus working in various towns of
East Africa. In effect, that is how we
operated.

Anyhow, our BBEA executive met with Elijah
Masinde, Israel Khaoya, etc in Nairobi.
We discussed the prevalent KANU-KADU politics.
Masinde Muliro had already received him at home
in Bungoma with a big party. He had bought
Elijah a modern transistor radio that he loved
so much that wherever he went he carried it.
I remember how he asked each one of us after
the meeting started, "to first of all, state our
clans and our fathers' names and their
circumcision sets, plus what side of politics
we supported."

After hearing what he requested and that all
of us were for KADU, he looked at kuka Israel
Khaoya, turned to us and said, "You must ask
your fathers to tell you what I told them
before Europeans imprisoned me. Tell Masinde
Muliro and his friend from the Coast, near
the Ocean, that their party will not win
government." All of us executive members
believed in KADU and so his revelation
shocked us.

There was silence in the room.

Then he added, ""Muliro should have no
political association with Kenyatta because
this man had brought too much blood shed in
the country." He asked us whether we had u
nderstood all that he had said. When we
replied in affirmative, Elijah Masinde stood
up and said that the meeting was finished.
We were kind of confused. However, after that
meeting, Bernard Barasa Cheloti, who now
resides in Cherengany, and I went with
our visitors to Nimmi Photograghers Studio
at the corner of Duke Street and River
Road to have a photograph with them.
I gave that photo to Wandayase Fred Makila
in the late 1960's when he was researching
for a book on "Elijah Masinde and Musambwa."
If any of our Lumboka historian needs a
copy of it, I suggest that you check with
him or Bernard B. Cheloti.

Admittedly, I have not seen a publication
on Elijah Masinde by Fred Makila or
anybody since then.

Anyway, when the General Election results
of May 1963, under the Lancaster House
conference Constitution were declared,
KADU had lost. And KANU was victorious.
In effect fulfilling Elijah Masinde's
prophecy or prediction. I still recall
vividly how Tom Mboya and Mwai Kibaki hugged
each other and performed a bear-dance in
Jevanjee Street in jubilation. Since the
offices were opposite each other,
those of us gathered in KADU office
looked like people at some wake and observing
vigil. Despite that euphoria, KANU did not
want to form government without Jomo Kenyatta.

Governor MacDonald asked KADU to form the
required "Responsible Government" which
ultimately brought Kenyatta Home Again.
Hence Ronald Ngala's and Masinde Muliro's
cars, and a similar one given to Kenyatta
were registered with plate numbers KHA 2,
and KHA 3, and KHA 1 respectively.

Prior to the General Election of May 1963,
a number of elders and chiefs in Bungoma
led by my uncle Pascal Nabwana, had been
urging Masinde Muliro to side with the
Luos on grounds of Arithmetic and Geography.
Uncle Pascal Nabwana used to tell me
that he kept telling Muliro, " Khuuba ne Barwa
nende Baswahili, Papa, aba olinga oweikame
mumurongoro, efula nekwaa. Soli munju ta."
Apparently these were same sentiments Elijah
Masinde had expressed to Masinde Muliro when
the latter sought his support for KADU policy.

Elijah Masinde refused to support any political
party or endorse KADU's policy.

Then in 1964, Elijah Masinde, who had fallen
out with Muliro earlier before the General
Election, stated that "Masinde Muliro nali
owulila, Baana Babukusu, ahambane ne Bajaluo,
nyanga balimuwa Bubwami." And in 1965/66 he said
in Kimilili that " Nabone omwana aselukhe mu
Babukusu. Omwana mwenoyoo aliamiha." He continued
as the gathering grew bigger around him, "Omwana
wefwe alichaa amihe, ne Muliro akhapanila bali
ele khu sisala sya Kenyatta tawe. Alekha busa
okundi elekho, eye kamafuki khundebe ng'eneyo.
Mala owililekho oyo, aliaahachililisia babandu
barekane mumaya."

At that time, Elijah Masinde also returned
from his visit to Bugisu. He had gone to confer
with his Musambwa flock and Omuyinga, the Bagisu
ruler/king, and other Kombololo (County) Chiefs
especially Wanambwa. But Prime Minister Apollo
Milton Obote ordered his arrest. Upon release
from jail in Uganda, he was escorted to the
Kenya border. He looked for "Sihuna" from the
shrubs, uprooted it, and dragged it along.
It gathered rubbish behind him. Then he told
those around and accompanying him "that he
had gathered Obote's power together that would
soon end."

He travelled peacefully to his home in Maeni,
Kimilili. Later when briefing his flock, he
declared that it had been revealed to him in
the previous night that "Omulang'o emwalo sye e
Matore, mbone karurire khu Bwami. Lundi mbone
karerire kamafuki musibala. Chia mwekesie ba
Befwe e Mbale." Indeed, our people went and
communicated the tidings to Bagisu elders
and Omuyinga together with the County Chiefs,
and returned to Maeni. Obviously, you all know
what happened to President Obote of Uganda when
Major General Iddi Amin Dada staged an army
coup in 1971.

That fulfilled Elijah Masinde's prediction.
Prior to this stage, our leaders had dismissed
him and called him names just as they did in
1948 before the colonialists subsequently
arrested and detained him in Kismayu.
Everywhere Elijah Masinde appeared, our
political leaders and some of the elders in the
community avoided him. These leaders described
him as psychotic and called on the Administration
to control his movements. Suddenly he was
restricted to Maeni village only and not allowed
to meet with people from other villages. Some
leaders outside the community did not heed this
government requirement.

Notably Jaramogi Oginga Odinga maintained his
close contact with him. So did uncle Pascal
Nabwana who had not gone along with government
restrictions. Pascal Nabwana argued that
Elijah Masinde was once more being persecuted
for his views by an independent Kenyan Government
as the colonialists did. The parliamentarians
in our community from Bungoma to Trans Nzoia
distanced themselves as Elijah Masinde
snarled and yelled out insults at President
Jomo Kenyatta publicly.

After all, he had not liked Kenyatta since he
came out of detention. Eventually Elijah was
arrested and charged. Like before, he would
tell the magistrate trying him, "Ewe omwana
wananu. Ne rarao singilo si? Niko nabolelanga
bararao wenywe nebakhawulila ta. Bona wesi
solikho owulila ta. Ngosile sina Papa, kila
wunjimia ano. Sowolaana khukhumbocha kumuse
tawe. Ndekhenjengo."

To those enforcing the law, they took this
to mean Elijah had no respect for the
law and Government leadership. So he was
additionally charged with "contempt of
court." He was jailed for a bundle of these
petty misdeeds at Kamiti maximum security
prison. He was then later transferred to
Mathari Mental Hospital in Nairobi where
he stayed without treatment.

For he was not mentally sick. Cosma Makhanu's
young brother, who was a Spdt.Officer of
Prison at Kamiti, was very understanding.
He treated Omusakhulu kindly, and at times
gave him tea and bread, and cigarettes.
This gentleman used to allow us and other
special visitors enough time to converse
with him.

During this time, Bakananachi Kuka Israel
Khaoya, Omukitanga khurura e Matili and
papa Wekunda, Omubichachi we e-Maeni, and
their Secretary, from Ndivisi, visited him
regularly at Kamiti and Mathari Hospital.
I hosted them on each visit. Later they told
me that he had demanded that I accompany
them whenever they visited on weekends
since during the week I was unable to visit
with them on account of my employment.
From that time onwards, they empowered me
to be visiting him on their behalf and
convey messages both ways including messages
to Odinga and Pascal Nabwana.

They had travelled to Kisumu and informed
Jaramogi Oginga Odinga of the arrangement.
Jaramogi told them that him and I had been
friends for a long time and he knew that
I was a nephew of Pascal Nabwana. Every time
I visited Omusakhulu Omukananachi at Kamiti
or Mathari, he showed concern all the
time for our people. He repeatedly told me
his previous advices to Bukusu community
that have come to be known as or referred
to in Kimilili, "Elijah Masinde sekwaboola.
Elijah, wase, kang'oola khaale busa."

I wrote to Chairman Michael Wamalwa
reminding him of "Elijah's sayings or
prouncements" when he became Vice President.

In short, to me, based on what I outlined
earlier, Michael Simiyu Wamalwa fulfilled
Elijah Masinde's prophecy. It would have
been complete, in this regard, had he been
around with us now. Obviously he would have
succeeded President Mwai Kibaki. Balii ka
Wele sekamanyikhanga, fwana khuliba nokundi.
Those of you who pore over his archival
records, you are bound to see my correspondence
with him. Previously, I had shared with
him over the phone on many occasions before
anybody knew that he would be a V-P in Kenya
one day. This was during my usual chats of
advice regarding the politics in our
community and Kenya at large.

Despite this constant communication with
Mike, he apparently paid inadequate attention
to viewpoints from various Bukusu friends and
colleagues both at home and in diaspora.
They include people like omusakhulu Omubuya
Zephaneah Wekesa with whom I coordinated
effectively the "Sichikhi & Lumuli" politics
from 1975 through the demise of President Jomo
Kenyatta in 1978 up to the end of 1980.

Undoubtedly, none of you would ever know what
that refers to or means within Bukusu politics.
Not even the present or the previous politicians
know it save one. You will need to ask Zeph and
I about that in future, God willing.

Copyright © 2004 Lumboka, All rights reserved.Lumboka firstname.lastname@example.com:blogger.com,1999:blog-19308658.post-1132955405654695462004-12-12T10:35:00.001-08:002005-12-11T07:23:21.003-08:00Bukusu Political Leadership:An overviewBUKUSU POLITICAL LEADERSHIP: AN OVERVIEW.
By Wafula Buke. Nairobi, 2004

Belumboka: I was asked to kick-start a discusion on Bukusu political leadership.
I thought, the bestkick-off needed to be more historical than analytical.
Sorry, it's a bit longer than advised. I hope it serves the purpose. So as to also gain from this discussion, I decided to confine myself to the period before the rise of NARC.

What I considered a short transition period, actually a multi-party general election political hangover, stayed on for rathertoo long.The new political actors in Kenya turned ethnicity, lies and manipulation of issues and events into an ideology that guided political practice. Ethnic evangelism became the norm and politicians only seemed to differ in their degree of sophistication in progating the same. Unlike their counterparts in Zambia, who understood the essence of democratic struggles and joined forces to defeat the ruling party, the new elite awakened the communal wisdom of yester-years after 1992 to strengthen the walls of ethnic cocoons.

Kiswahili, our national language, was regarded as a symbol of foreignness and a cog in the conveyance of community schemes for its share of the national cake. Politics became an ethnic activity whose goalwas to outdo other communities in the struggle for national leadership. All the political parties quickly evolved into vehicles for ethnic struggles for power. They called it"real-politick"Subsequently election campaigns were characterised by ethnic appeals.

Political party manifestos were rarely used or mentioned. In a party's stronghold, that inmost cases coincided with an ethnic community, party policies were replaced with learned and ethnicized lies. Selected speakers reduced the nation to the community and portrayed other communities as 'foreign'nations working in alliance with them to foster their community designs or in the alternative enemies. Political alliances were not based onpolitical beliefs but on the extent towhich the community schemes for powerand access to national resources mutually reinforced each other.The most vociferous ethnic elite were those who compared badly as role model sat the national scene. Because they had nonational democratic credentials, they could only seek support from their ethnic bases.

The late Masinde Muliro saved my home region from this renegade brand of politicsin the early 1990s. Muliro left a legacyof nationalism by his utterances and political alliances. He had appealed for reconciliation in the tussle for control of the original FORD. I felt Jaramogi merited support as the leader of the democratic forces since the sixties. Upon launching his campaign, Muliro emphasised to his own constituents in Kitale that anybody could lead regardless of his orher tribal affiliation.

Sunday, December 12, 2004
The 1991-92 ethnic murders did not reduce him to an ethnic chauvinist or warmonger. He retained his independence of mind and a commitment to national rather than ethnic interests. His demise therefore left a legacy ofnationalism and the new 'democratic' forces took advantage of to sway the peoples'support to FORD-Kenya. After the demise of Jaramogi Odinga, hisVice-Chairman, Michael Kijana Wamalwa roseto the chairmanship of FORD-K. Wamalwa's rise marked the change of generation from the elderly pre-independence one to a younger one.

There was a radical change in policies from the centrists' point with a nationali stand Pan-Africanist perspective, to rightwing and inward looking policies. With his rise a new fashion surfaced; ethnic lense in political vision. For example, when Wamalwa spoke to Luos after Jaramogi's death, he referred to them as nationalists who will not take from him the leadership of FORD-K. This eventualitysaw the people's nationalistic consciousnesseroded by the political elite of the Bukusuin Bungoma and Trans Nzioa districts, where the community's geographical span ends. The downward drift of our peoples' consciousness was justified by the apparent belief that"one of their own was going to be president."Sisio aba sio. Siakhabola so mwata tawe"(What is yours is yours and even if it rots youdo not throw it away) became a fashionable proverbwhich every speaker had to idenify with.

Politics similarly acquired a new definition: A Bukusu activity aimed at getting one of their own to the presidency. The measure for political correctnesswas determined by the stand one took with regard to the goals captured in the above definition. The most rabid ones could at times go sectional and attack other Luhyasub-tribes. In the 1995 Webuye by-election campaign,for example,the late George Welime Kapten,then Kwanza Member of Parliament, said that"Biluhyia bia Kakamega bino bie korokoro busa"(these Kakamega Luhyias are just worthya tin of maize).

Matthew Okwanda, a FORD-K official and laterLabour Party of Kenya national chairman, who was present, was so enraged that he went back to Kakamega. Those with high academic credentials argued that there was no harm for any of them to speak their own language in State House the waythe Kikuyu had done, and the Kalenjin were doing. John Munyasia, a rustic politician and Sirisia constituency M.P, crowned it all by oftensaying: "the Kikuyu ate, the Kalenjin are eating,and you mean we Luhyas have no stomachs. "Wamalwa Kijana became a king surrounded byBukusu cheerleaders with Dr. Kituyi being the chief strategist. Saulo Busolo's brief stint at parliament was marked with occasional digressions from the Bukusu political creed when he called for an honest review of the performance of the Ford- Kenya national leadership under the chairmanship of Kijana Wamalwa. He took the lead in suggesting that F.K.enters into cooperation with KANU.

He was subsequently dubbed a supporter of Raila Odinga and voted out of parliament through with Wamalwa's influence. The leaders could move from one division to another telling the people that all Kenyans communities were supporting Wamalwa Kijana for presidency. And"just as one cannot stop a cow from delivering a calf when the time has come,Wamalwa was headed to State Housewhether anybody liked it or not."Munyasia once said.

They took advantage of the peoples inability to traverse Kenya to cheat them. While working at the Kenya Human Rights Commission, I encountered a person who claimed that his land had been grabbed by Wamalwa. Wamalwa told the fellow to wait till they got power; he would be allocated when Wamalwa got the presidency. He was promised alternative land. Constructive thinking about developmentin the many facets of life ground to anall time low with Saboti constituency leading the pack as the presidential dream engulfed the Bukusu.

When youth for Kanu '92 chairman Cyrus Jirongo fell out with Kanu power barons, Bungoma MPs public vowed to "defend one of their own if and when the state attacked him." Jirongo all over a sudden became 'one of their own'. The government-engineered murders in Mount Elgon got transformed into an invaluable propaganda weapon in consolidating the Bukusu into a political unit for use inthe national inter-ethnic struggles for political power.

While the Kikuyu political elite supported their own by highlighting the suffering of their clash victims in Molo, ours were left alone. Wamalwa never organized a single charitable activity while the late Kapten demanded Ksh.15,000 from FERA suspects.These perceptions slowly but steadily prepared the ground for the political rehabilitation of established politicians, as it became apparent that the substance of their politics was the same.

Wamalwa Kijana even had the guts to appeal to former minister Elijah Mwangale, a man who had been accused of fleecing a farmers'company- Nzoia Sugar, to defect and get a'gift' by being elected back to parliament to replace the renegade Mukhisa Kituyi. The issue of political credibility shifted from the content of a person's politics and track record to association with and propagation of Wamalwa's presidential dream. In a sense, the rise of Wamalwa to the leadershipof FK narrowed the intellectual horizons of the Bukusu elite who everywhere gathered to discuss their 1.5 million or so people.

Development projects through fund raising started being viewed and explained as attempts by the economically mighty within KANU to derail the 'Grand March to State House.' The wait we take power first before we develop was a declaration of bankrupcy. They could have organized their people to address their problems using the human and material resources available to initiate development. This is what progressive MPs in other parts of the country did. Munyasia for example, instead held meetingswith old men at his Bungoma residence so as to enrich his stock of Bukusu sayings and proverbs for its manipulative application in public rallies.

For this pre-occupation, he earned himself a nickname, Manguliech, a respectedBukusu sage. While I would have expected them to strive to be nicknamed after modern intellectuals deeply involved in contemporary issues, the Bukusu leaders were busy competing to amass the Bukusu wisdom associated with the old communal mode ofproduction. What they consciously disregarded was that communal system was based on a certain mode of production and that society's development of tools to control the laws of nature.

In the struggle with nature, the society started settling for farming; land became scarce leading to both inter- ethnic co-operation and conflicts. Communities either co-operated orattacked each other and at this time, peopleforgot about their internal differences and related as members of a community. The same happened when a wild animal broke into their residence.

This in my opinion, is theorigin of the bukusu saying "Sioo aba sisio. Siakhabola so si mwata tawe".(Ours is ours even if it rots; you do notthrow it away). Help if I am wrong. But in modern Kenya the mode of production is capitalism with its emphasison property relations. There are a few rich people, a small urban-based working class and the majority who are rural peasants. In this reality unity ought to take a class format as conflicts take a class bearing with the elite impoverishing sugarcane, tea, coffee, dairy,cotton, maize and cashew nuts peasant farmers?

The few who control most of the land also happen to be largely represented in the foreign owned transitional corporations as directors, or as suppliers of office stationery. This is the reality on the ground all overKenya. And instead of preaching horizontal alliances and the ideology that captured their common predicament, Bukusu leaders opted for a failed and unsustainable verticalunity of the exploiter and the exploited.

This could explain why they found it easy to commemorate the Chetambe war of resistance over a century ago, but failed to commemorate Muliro whose politics towawards theirs. No wonder it took the unknowns to get Kanduyi stadium re-named after Masinde Muliro. Earlier, at the height of ethno-blood letting, all the elite in the district came together to raise funds to assist the victims. This voluntary organisation later metamorphisized into Bungoma Professionals Association.

Though the initial aims and objectives were noble, the structure of BPA made it an exclusive club for the economically well to do. The club hadbeen constituted specifically to organise the resources, human and material, for development in Wamalwa's presidential bid. Whenever they attended rallies one could hear interesting introductions. 'The person before you is a doctor. Do you know who a doctor is?' And the crowd shouted in the negative. ' A doctor or a Ph.D. holder is one who has read all bookson earth including newspaper piece you use for folding cigarettes. Doctor, come forward and advice our people'. The doctor could then step forward and pump lies into the trusting masses.

Whenever they were together, they talked about appointments to various positions if and when Wamalwa took power. Just as it happened at independence, the Bukusu middle class, that preached Bukusu chauvinism despite the presence of other ethnic communities in the region, were waiting to display their prominent positions inthe Wamalwa led government. To them appointmentsto these positions was to be a measure of social development. Ideally the elite were supposed to be custodians of wisdom having benefited most from the peasant mothers and fathers. Unfortunately this clubviewed the Bukusu peasants as objects formanipulation in their competition with other elites from other communities for their enrichment as is currently happening.

They also considered themselves as the stock from which leaders could be drawn; theirs was representation of class aspirations.

Copyright © 2004 Lumboka, All rights reserved.
posted by The LUMBOKA Star @ Sunday, December 12, 2004  Lumboka firstname.lastname@example.com:blogger.com,1999:blog-19308658.post-1133101968818749402004-12-13T06:10:00.000-08:002005-12-11T07:22:56.410-08:00Kimienya ne selukhoBEMU LUMBOKA: MUMANYE MULI, KIMIENYA NE SELUKHO.
By Prof. Julius Wangila Mukhwana. Australia.
December 13, 2004

Babandu befwe balomanga bali "Buli selukhoo, Namwenya kwayo." Sekali kario bana befwe, namwe mukhaulilakho murio? Bemu Tolondo ye Lumboka, mwama khuloma kamakali khu Bakhupi-etungu ewefwe eyo, ne khukhwoola e Buluhya, baiba bakali busa buli eselukho yinyokha.

Mwateka mwakanakana khuima engila ekhola kimienya kiefwe kibeho khubuli selekho yichaayo erekeresia nio nayo emanya kakabaho khaale namwe mataayi aho. Sindu ngesio sibaho, andi kimienya kiekamatungu nikio babefwe bapanga nebakhina kamabeka, ne basuna singorio, ne betikita, nebafumia nicho babaya, namwe nebakhebulila nibo beraana nabo bakwaa mububukoo, andi kimienya ekio kisiliho. Muchuba muhenje chingila nga mwakachula. Liakila naboola ndi mukhebusie kakandi khubakhupi e-tungu babandi nelisubila mbo semundolela bubi tawe.

Nga mwabakhebulila, sebali "Waske Musungu ne Nyongesa Mukanda, Fwoti, nende Laisa bong'eene ta." Mwebilila Omulagu Chelobani khurura e Cheputais namwe khane e Wamono. Mumukhebulila? Owamwekesia khukhupa e guitar naye kaba Laisa. Khuli ne kimienya kimikali kisomesia buli mundu ne khukhilaho kili kia marehemu Wasike Musungu. Lundi kilimo bifuno. Usually the music reflects, at times, the social concerns, politics, and developments of the artist's society including his/her own life experiences. May I furnish you with some more information on what you provided concerning the following: Omuliuli Laisa bewa Temba, kumwenya kwewe mbo "E-Bung'oma mu Spinning" was based on the Government promotion of homecraft and women education in our district that was (first North Nyanza and later Elgon Nyanza).

In various villages during 1950's - 1960's and location centres at that time, women congregated and were urged to attend regularly to sew table clothes, crotchet, make their own dresses and sweaters, cooking, etc. Those who performed better, went on for upgrading at Bungoma Homecraft Centre. From there they were selected to attend the Kenya Institute of Administration at Kabete. Ne wekesia Laisa khukhupa e guitar kaba wandaaye William khwa Ben Maka. He had a big head as someone said. But he was not 5ft 4ins as reported in Lumboka.

He was nearly my height 5ft 9ins. Nomwene kaba omwiwana Musonge, khu Basonge be Wachipo. Semwalomakho Masinde Nalobile tawe, namwe abundi mwaloma nebilile. Nayee khukhwama e Makheele, Kamusinga Anglican Church. Ali omusoreri wembeelanga babandu kumwenya mbo "Omukhana Sarah Khatioli." Nomwene kafwa lulumbe nilwo balanganga Kimilili bali "Nylon." It was, perhaps a precursor to what today our people every where call "Bwembeo."

Ne okundi niye mwebilila kaba Peter Wekhomba Mwangale. Naaye kemba kumwenya mbo "Bayinda be Kimilili" when he was a student in Uganda. Wamwikisia khukhupa e guitar kaba wandaaye omukhulu Absalom Wekhomba Omukinyikeu wa 44. Omuloosi wamwibula niye waba omukhulu. Peter's song soured relationship between him and his father. The father felt that as a staunch Quaker, he had been shamed by the son for playing a guitar recording a song in tribute to him and others as farmers. Many Christian families or parents felt the same at that time e.g. Mwinamo's father in Liranda in Isukha, disowned him for same reason.

However, Masinde Nalobile, Laisa ne Peter Wekhomba baba Babanyange 1950 – 1948. In that category of their music, there was another remarkable artist at the Coast, called Fadhili Williams. He sang the original "Malaika Nakupenda, malaika….." Another very famous artist was Omutachoni Lusamoya from Ndivisi. Kumwenya kwewe nikwo babandu bakhiina for a long time was "Munandi." It was the equivalentof "Bumping."

Okundi kaba Lutubula from the same place. Naye kapanga "Limoyi". But Omukananachi Kilikinji owe bawa Matere wa Lumonya khurura e Kamukuywa, naye oyo kapanga sinanda sichanula (the cordion) nende syekhumunwa (the harmonica). Yaba naaye kimienya kiewe kiaba bali "Ekorasi" ye Lulumbuchu (the waltz).

The reason for this was the second world war influence. Our people who were conscripted into the army (King's African Regiment) to serve in this war as pioneers (Panyako) brought back memories of the music they experienced being danced to by the British soldiers. Related to this, the squaters on European farms across Kamukuywa river and the music they played and danced to imitating their masters, was Waltz. The returned soldiers with their squeaky boots-on danced waltz. Hence, the common saying in Bukusu that "Yaba neba kenda, biraro bilomaa busa bili miaa, khamusini, miaa khamusini."

So omusakhulu Kilikinji mirrored that generation's music. It's popularity among the Bakananachi to Bakinyikeu caused Kilikinji to continue playing even for Babanyange generation. I listened and danced to a few of his live music performances at one of the Kimilili location festival events during 1950 – 1956. These events or functions used to feature older artists like Kilikinji and younger artists like Laisa and Masinde Nalobile.

The promoter of such social activities was a community social worker, my cousin, Emanuel Nabwana under the direction of Major Ryland, a British colonial Community Development Officer from Kakamega. He taped the artists' music. A nationally well known musician of Kilikinji's generation in Kenya, was Paul Mwachupa, from the Coast. He sang "Simba Matata, and Simba.." in 1940's and 1950's. He died three to four years ago aged in late 80's.

Before the generation of Bakananachi, a very notable artist was my grand father, Omukolongolo Munyatibu Machio Silenge, "Wapanga Litungu." Almost no Mukananachi and Mukikwameti in Bukusu would say that they never heard of him.

It is said by our clans men that he started playing "Litungu" (the harp) at the age of 10. He was the only one in Bukusu who played an eleven stringed harp. In his adolescent years, Nabongo Mumia (King Mumia) had him play before him and his visitors. From then onwards, they said, Kuka Machio regularly entertained mainly "Nabongo Mumia and his royal family members at Elureko (the present Mumias). Sometimes his father Silenge Mukhasokho would refuse his adolescent son to travel that far to delight the king with his talented blend of music. This would annoy the king and cause him to order that the boy music artist be brought to play.

When he was initiated into manhood through circumcision in 1906, Machio was ordered by the king to live near-by so he could entertain the king's family and visitors daily within a short notice. He was given a farm at e-Matungu (that is now under the current Mumias sugar cane plantation). The mosquitoes became a nuisance for him. So in 1912, he settled at Kibisi and Bituyu (the present Bewa Silenge and Nebolola) in Kibingei and Kimilili locations.

Kibisi was considered close to Shibachi's settlement in Teremi, and Bituyu was close enough to Waluchio's and Murunga's homesteads in Kimilili since they were the rulers (kind of governors representing Nabongo Mumia) in that part of Bukusu. From this base, he moved around with other royal family members playing his music. He entertained mostly Murunga and Waluchio and their families.

These were the princes, the king's brothers who had established their rule over Babukusu in the East with Kimilili town as their headquaters. Machio's music was inspirational and informative. Thus far, uncle Pascal Nabwana told me one evening in 1962 before we left for Gatundu the following morning. He was to visit his old friend, who had been released from detention and restriction and was now relaxing at home among his people. That was the future Prime Minister and President of Kenya, Jomo Kenyatta.

Pascal Nabwana told me, "Papa, oli kukao Machio karakikha khukhupa litungu, naye we chimbeengele afundeela, kukao embaa ali "Nikhaala ne mubolela ndi silibaao, nanywe muli ta. Khubolela mwana Shihundu, Basoreri enjeeyi balikho bakhaaba. Ewe lilaakho elala. Nyanga niyo Babukusu balikhu-kalukhaanakho, olindeeba, Naluliingo…."

After Machio repeated the chorus twice, and as he started the third one, Waluchio stopped him. Pascal said that he would have struck Machio's harp down breaking it, had it not been for Murunga's intervention. The overall senior chief/ruker grabbed Waluchio and told him, "Lekha omwana wa Silenge embee kumwenya kwewe. Enywe rekeresia niko kumwenya kuboola."

According to uncle Pascal's narrative, Machio finished his song. Then played three more that evening before Murunga and his royal family members retired to sleep. He also ordered Machio to go and rest, presumably to sleep, too. In those days, Babukusu were organising themselves to rebel and overthrow the Bawanga rule and dominance over them. Within six months, Pascal explained, Bukusu delegation went to Kakamega to petition the Colonial Administrator. They demanded that a ruler be selected from their own Babukusu tribes men.

The name they put forward, as a possible candidate, was rejected by the colonial authority. They wanted someone literate and conversant with government affairs. The delegates then argued that if that was what was required, they proposed Omukolongolo Namutala Mayeku. He was then a young man working as an office messanger and Kiswahili interpreter in the Colonial Administrator's office in Kakamega. Murunga and Waluchio returned to Elureko as Namutala was installed the Chief of Kimilili. After that Gatundu visit, I went home at Kibingei towards the end of the month. I told my father about our visit and above all, the story that was narrated to me by uncle Pascal Nabwana. Arising from my father's confirmation of it, I realised how instrumental my grandfather had been in the struggle to overthrow the Bawanga dominance and rule through his music.

It made sense then why each time adults inquired of who I was when I was growing up, and I said son of "Henry Mukhwana Machio." Then the usual statement that came back as a reply was, "Khaane ewe Omwichukhulu wa Machio Silenge, owapangaa Litungu." Trust me, I tried to access Machio's music tapes and failed.

I would, therefore, appreciate immensely, if any of you guys in Lumboka, have accessed or know how to uncover such music that colonialists taped and never showed to our music artists of the generations of yesterday

posted by The LUMBOKA Star @ Monday, December 13, 2004 0 Lumboka email@example.com:blogger.com,1999:blog-19308658.post-1133108558962755042004-12-19T01:16:00.000-08:002005-12-11T07:22:29.253-08:00BIFUSIKHUKHUPA BABANDU BIFUSI (CHINGUMI).
By Mwalimu Wangila Mukhwana
Australia, 2004

Kenjingumi, babandu befwe bainala khulefuma
babasie bifusi. Khana sina.

Nono niko Omukiyabi Kukubo Barasa niko areeba
amanye, kakholekheela Nakuru during KADU
Executive meeting 1964 regarding whether they
should cross to join KANU.

Omusakhulu we Chimuka kenya bambukhee khangu
bekhaale ne babasie bemu KANU. The others
especially Martin Shikuku wanted further
discussions and wide consultations amongst the
electorates before crossing the floor to join
the KANU government voluntarily. Nio wefwe,
pebe, lirima liamuhamba alefuma wasie khwa
Meyule sifusi. Kaba busa kario wase Kukubo,
wo Mukananachi.

But naaye omwene in 1962 during the Responsible
Government (Madaraka) of six months, yaba banywa
kamalwa in Queens Hotel, Nairobi ne Baluhya
babandi. Mala baingana ne Nobert Okare a
staunch KANU from Kisa/Marama, and was a well
known news reader as another one called Sammy
Osore from Bunyore or same area. Anyway, out of
that parachialism, Nobert kwenaa kwapa sifusi omusakhulu
ka-kwasi.

Babukusu ne Baluhya nebahulila kakekholekhe,
besamamba busa oli bayile bunoro. They declared
war on KANU. Oli khusilingi khurio, within the
same week, banyoola omusakhulu we sikhore,
ekofia ye bibiuma, bamupa bifusi yesi aweela
asi khu Government Road known as Moi Road.
Basi, ne Lihe liarakikha.

Kano kakila Bukusu Brotherhood East Africa
executive yabisia mbo Basoreri be kamani balinde
Omusakhulu khwa Makinia syanju yewe Kilimani
hembi State House. Yesi afukilila mala akhukulila
Kamapanga, Chihaywa ne Kimibano kimikisu,
Kamakabuti ne Kamarungeti. Our men kind of
reinforced the security that was already in
place, the official police man to guard
Masinde Muliro's house since he was the Minister
of Commerce and Industry during the Madaraka period.

That is also the time, khasakhulu kha Kinyikeu
kha 44/46 bali Khaemba Sikenga khukhwama e
Namarambi (near Misikhu Catholic) khabolela
kumukhung'ano kwa KADU e-Bung'oma using the
phrase "Khwa Makinia" in addressing affectionately,
Masinde Muliro, that our people started calling
him "Khwa Makinia" as a code name to those who do
not know it culturally.

For example, Khwa mesache or Omusuta amuka,
Basebe or Omusebe namwe We kamapwondi, namwe
Wabunwasi, Khaswahili, etc so that ba pelelesia
munyinga echo balobe khumanya who you are referring
to both in personal chats or over the telephone
conversations. Nono abolikho olooma nosinyiila,
babemenielesia balobe khumanya. Liakila
Babukusu mu Nairobi khwaba ne BUNA. Ese ne Barasa Cheloti
nibo khukhwanjisia BUNA ng'eeneyo, nikhwokhubola
mbo Bukusu News Agency.

Then in 1963, when Omukhone omusakhulu Henry
Kerre Sudi suddenly crossed the floor to
join KANU, every one from Bungoma and Trans
Nzoia was outraged. They hounded Kerre to
lynch him. Our Executive met with him, Mark
Barasa,and John O'Washika in Maurice Mukanda's
house (Khwa Mukanda wandaye wa kuka Sudi
Namachanja) in Jerusalem Estate. During the
heated discussion, Kerre explaining why he
crossed purely in Bukusus' interests.

Kuka Mark Barasa, who used to stay at my flat
in Eastleigh Section 7, Hobbley Street, was
not satisfied with Kerre's rationale for crossing
the floor. He said angrily, "Ewe Kerre, olikho
otiba kumusi busa." Naaye Kerre, ali "Mark,
okhanjekeselelaa lulwala tawe." Nga Mark ahulila
ario, ne enaha wasie, hembi amupe engumi.
Takha Omusakhulu John Washika akwe akari, abakaya.
Ese nase nabasaya khubelanila mala barangilile
babandu befwe mu Bunge bulayi.

All those present liked my little speech.
From that time, no Omusakhulu Kerre ekhaala
naboolela babandu ali "Omwana Wangila akhukambila
bulayi mu Parliament, neechile". Nakelaho
andiukha lisina alindinga, "Mheshimiwa wa Bungoma bila
Kiti." And that nick-name stuck amongst our
Nairobi dwellers. Unfortunately, it was not
long after that incident when Omusakhulu Henry Kerre got into
a domestic family argument.

It was with a cousin, one of the Mukanda sons
at a beer place at Chebukwa market. This young
man landed a blow on his forehead. Omusakhulu
papa Henry Kerre fell down, and was carried away
unconscious. But died later. This incident nearly
split the Sudi and Mukanda families. Masinde
Muliro wept over his "brother's" death. Kasooma
ango wa Kerre aho, hata babandu babecha kamasika
from Bukusu and many parts of Buluhya and Kenya,
bauka bali khane yaba basimana.

To me this was very important because the
untimely death would have meant that KADU
supporters killed him for crossing the floor
to join KANU. As to what really influenced
Kerre to cross the floor, I shall one day tell
you. But that was the genuine Masinde Muliro
in typical funeral mourning his colleagues
and friends. He often mourned the dead in a
Bukusu traditional way, as far as I remember.
"Eboha lirungeti nalila nasoma."

Incidentally, he did exactly that in 1969
during Tom Mboya's burial on Rusinga Island.
It was unbelievable. That changed the Luos'
perception of Masinde Muliro and his disagreement
with Tom in politics. Believe it or not, after
1969, Masinde Muliro became the spokesman and
representative, at large, for the Luos in
parliament and outside it because the Kikuyus
and Luos were at each other's throat in cold war.
Oginga odinga had formed Kenya Peoples Union
(KPU) and with Tom Mboya's death linked to a
Kikuyu assassin, it mudded their relations more.

Engo wefwe Bungoma, Makhaso yesi apakho owasie
sifusi mu County Council meeting. "Ali ese
omusecha ndikho mbola naaye bali we Kimilili
ambinga." Lundi akhaba Jackson Sirengo yesi
nga aba Member of Regional Assembly e Kakamega.
Kapakho sifusi ebweneyo owasie.

During the 1964 or 1965 Limuru Conference,
KANU nga yakhola burobosi to accommodate KADU,
Masinde Muliro apisana ne Tom Joseph Mboya
mala Tom khamubira chikura. Omusakhulu
Oginga Odinga enya Muliro abire though
himself was also sidelined because of being
aligned to China. Tom Mboya was known to be
leaning towards the United States.

Ne nga babala mala batangasia chikura bali
Mboya niye obirire khubaa, General Secretary
wa KANU, no omusakhulu Nathan Munoko amwikhuma
khumabeka araja naye, namukesia. Omusakhulu
Masinde Muliro auka, lundi alila po ali
"Munoko bakoki mala ekhume Omusinde." Kenya
bali amureekho sifusi babefwe as delegates
from Bungoma, bakania busa ne baukauka,
nekhukwayila bali, Tawee, Musakhulu, Poela,
Eeitaanga ebira".

Basoreri ne Bakhana bemu Lumboka, akano
kamahandalafu. I doubt whether Muliro forgave
Munoko in the few years that followed.
From my perspective, and based on "kabari" and most
importantly, what Muliro shared with me in
confidence, that marked the beginning of their disagreement.

Mu Baluhya namwo, Peter Kibisu apakaa Omusungu
ochuma mu Kenya Shell bifusi bamutimiaka mu
Nairobi Hospital khubeela Lukhobe. Ne James
Osogo ne Peter Okondo boosi balefumana bifusi.
Nono ke bifusi oboola, wakamaala kuu. In
modern times, naulila mbo Wanyonyi
Wamunying'inyi, omujumbe wa Kanduyi,
apakho omundu bifusi mu Kenya Parliament.
Naba oli mbolelakho bakoki wase mulala Kitale
ngaali khu Bakambisi ba Mike,ndi akanie
Chairman Michael Kijana Wamalwa khuunga mukono
omujumbe mwene-oyo for re-lection
in 2002.

I had advised Mike over the phone against it
as well. Later on, I followed it up with
him again, as one of his advisors. Ne bakoki
mwene-oyo angania neburafu ali "Chairman
sakana kamenako ta, oyo niye omulinda mu
parliament, naapa chingumi bakhamwenya ta."

Nakeelaho nekesiakho owefwe omukoosi
Omumaina Samwel Makinda, yesi auka khumenako
paka.

Ke bifusi ne chingumi se mwakaulila nono,
akhaba nekhamubolele mu Lukiyabi.

Copyright © 2004 Lumboka, All rights reserved.

posted by The LUMBOKA Star @ Sunday, December 19, 2004Lumboka email@example.com:blogger.com,1999:blog-19308658.post-1133003840579037252004-12-25T14:01:00.000-08:002005-12-11T07:22:03.223-08:00LEADERS SOLD MULIRO'S LEGACYBy Wafula Buke.
Thursday, August 26, 2004

Last week's commemoration of Michael WamalwaKijana by the Ford-Kenya leaders raises substantive issues around ethnicity, Statepower and progressive national politics. Can Ford-Kenya with Musikari Kombo at the helm, be a rallying point for national politics? Kombo and the late Wamalwa are political orphans of the late Masinde Muliro. But if existence in death is symbolized by the reign of one's legacy, then Masinde's successor shave assassinated his political being.

Indeed, a casual glance at the politics of Muliro through Wamalwa and Kombo shows a clearly marked ideological divide. And that is why Muliro's anniversary has never been marked by his regional successors. Both Muliro and Wamalwa died in August, Muliro on August 14 and Wamalwa on August 23. But sadly, the day Muliro died did not justsignify the death of an individual.

It marks the death of nationalistic politics and the birth of ethnicized politics in Muliro's home ground.

For after Muliro's demise, the ascendant Ford-K leadership, with Wamalwa at the helm, turned ethnicity, personality-cult and manipulation into an ideology. Ethnic evangelism became the norm and the difference between politicians was only in the degree of sophistication. Under the weight of this parochialism, Bukusu peasants who had voted for Jaramogi underwent retrogressive metamorphosis. Wamalwa's greatest achievement was the creation of a Luhya political unit.

It's not surprising, therefore, that Wamalwa's legacy of ethnic parochialism is real and has heavyweight bodyguards under Kombo. This legacy, however, is opposed to Muliro's nationalism. Muliro appealed for reconciliationin the tussle for control of the original Ford, and emphasised to his own constituents in Kitale that "anybody could lead regardless of his or her tribal affiliation." He refused to dance to ethnic bigotry after the 1991-1992 ethnic murders in the Mt Elgon area; he declared the Saboat community innocent and boldly pointed fingers at theMoi government.

That contrasts sharply with Kombo's twisted political perspective. Last week, while addressing a crowd at Patrick Wangamati's home, Kombo blamed `a certain community', a euphemism for Saboats, for the clashes. Moreover, unlike Muliro, who saw leadership and State power as a commitment to serve the sovereign, Wamalwa and his team saw power, or proximity to it, as an opportunity to consolidate largesse and patronage.

Thus, the downward drift of the people's consciousness was justified by the apparent belief that "one of their own was going to bepresident. "What is yours is yours even whenit rots you do not throw it away," becamethe clarion call.In Wamalwa's home region, politics became anactivity aimed at getting one of their own to the presidency; indeed, one's political worth was measured against their commitment to this clarioncall.Where Muliro would have weaved his political positions around agriculture, Kombo isfighting for Luhya supremacy.

Where Mulirowould have appealed for national unity,Wamalwa's political orphans consider ethnicity an insurmountable reality that should provide alaunching pad for attempts at closeness to theruling Mafioso.Not surprisingly, after his election asFord K leader, Kombo launched the contest forLuhya supremacy.Kombo has unquestioningly supported theshoot-to-kill-policy.

A month ago, the minister pilloried Katiba Watch supporters and urgedthe government to take tough action againstthem. For his `loyalty', the powers-that-be appointed him to the Ministry of Local Government. It didn'tmatter that the products of the "tough" measures were deaths of Kenyans in Kisumu during Saba Saba.

Muliro, rejected opportunistic ladders to political power in 1975, when he quite the Cabinet insolidarity with the Parliamentary Select Committee inquiring into the death of JM Kariuki. The writer is a human rights activist.Copyright © 2004 Lumboka, All rights reserved.

posted by The LUMBOKA Star @ Sunday, December 12, 2004 Lumboka email@example.com


text:
It's the decompression time after San Diego Comic-Con, and we've got a rundown of the cool stuff we found out at the panels. Welcome to the 107th edition of The Book Report podcast – unfortunately fraught with annoying sound problems thanks to the Skype connection, but if you can power through the weirdness, you'll get some new information from SDCC reporter Andy Hunsaker and some solid comic book recommendations – not to mention Iann Robinson's unexpected rant against the concept of "steampunk."
Among the books reviewed are Before Watchmen: Minutemen, Captain America, Avenging Spider-Man, Batman, Punk Rock Jesus, New Avengers, Dark Avengers/Thunderbolts, Uncanny X-Force, Venom, Scarlet Spider and SPAAAAAAAAACE PUNISHERRRRRRRRRR! Not to mention that little thing you may have heard of called Walking Dead #100. That was kind of a big deal.
Subscribe to The Book Report on iTunes and follow us on Twitter (@CraveBookReport) whenever you can. Also, be sure to check out Crave Online's other podcasts for all your entertainment needs – there's the "The Idiot Box" for TV, "The B-Movies" for film, "Next Gen News" for video games and "This is REALLY Happening" for comedy. Crave Online's got you covered.

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