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What would be the best combo and dose for a first timer?
I want a mild trip at least to start with but nothing too intense...
So what do you guys recommend for ingredients and how much of each?
Thanks. :)
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What would be the best combo and dose for a first timer?
I want a mild trip at least to start with but nothing too intense...
So what do you guys recommend for ingredients and how much of each?
Thanks. :)
3 grams of Peganum Harmala and 10 grams of mimosa hostilis.
Be sure to get some half-decent mimosa though.
Yes and make sure you follow the recipe: make thea out of the rue, make tea out of the mimosa. Drink the rue, wait 15-20 minutes, drink the mimosa. Try to drink ALL the mimosa, dont make the mistake of thinking you will be able to drink more once it starts working since very few are able to (not me anyway :) )Quote:
Originally Posted by DevXavier
My opinion would be to go with another psychedelic than Ayahuasca and come back to it when more "experienced", but of course it's just my 2 cents !Quote:
Originally Posted by bobmarleyfan
But the dosage listed here, 3 grams of rue with 10 grams of mimosa, are not intense at all. At least, thats my experience. Depending on the quality of your bark, the ingested DMT will range from 50-180 mg. (180 is you have best quality bark). When I did it this way, I had a mild tho visual trip, comparable to shrooms but with a very specific character (goddess of the rain forest :) ). It was never overintense or too much to handle. At various times, I wanted to take more but the rue didnt allow me (as in making me throw up when I tried to drink more).Quote:
Originally Posted by Tiax
Could somebdoy point me in the direction of a reputable source for mimosa in the USA?
Not to get all nit-picky but rue +mimosa does not make ayahuasca. It's a much cheaper way to experience oral dmt but it is very different from using caapi vine which (for me) is the ingredient that gives any meaning to the trip.
Don't get me wrong, Jurema (mosa,rue) can be one hell of an experience, but I would almost equate it to the way I feel about salvia. You will have some wild ass visions, puke your guts out and be spun for a good couple hours but you won't feel the incredibly positive vibe and lasting impression that only aya can give. I've used the mimosa rue combo 4 times with the same effect; when it's over, it's over. A 2-3 day ayahuasca session leaves me feeling brand new for at least a month afterwards.
but that's me
to answer your question: if you have a paypal account, there's plenty of places on ebay to get mimosa and rue. But I think a few people will agree with me that (even tho they're out of Holland) Maya Ethnobotanicals has some quality product. They're my new source for caapi anyways.
What part of the country you at, Bob?
So where did the incredible positive vibe and lasting impression come from that I got from rue/mimosa?Quote:
You will have some wild ass visions, puke your guts out and be spun for a good couple hours but you won't feel the incredibly positive vibe and lasting impression that only aya can give.
Originally Posted by HeartCore
yourself :)
oh and mayba ethnobotanicals is a good one indeed
Like I said, that's only my experience. I shouldn't have said "YOU won't get the blah blah blah". I'm sure some will
But in defense, I think anyone who has tried both aya and jurema can tell the difference. Most people say that aya feels more knowledgeable/ older and wiser, like there is a familiar force guiding your experience. Using rue (again, just me) is more like an acid trip as far as the visuals go; geometric swirling open eye visuals. When using a lot of caapi vine, it produces much more realistic hallucinations that affect all of your senses; it can create feelings of movement, sensations of actually turning into, or becoming a different life form. The visions may become very realistic landscapes, individuals or animals that one can interact with, not just pretty, melting patterns.
DMT in ANY form has always been a pleasant experience in my book, but when it comes to oral dmt+maoi; there's no substitute for the power of the caapi vine.
I hear you Brew. Its just that what you decribe as characteristics of aya, I have experienced with jurema. I should order some caapi ;)
It was exactly that, nothing like acid. To me it was like, omg, its true everything they say about aya. I was visited by the goddess, she showed me many things. It really was an entheogenic experience.Quote:
like there is a familiar force guiding your experience
Interesting to note may be that that the time, I was not aware of differences between aya and jurema and the notion that there is a difference between them.
I dont know, they say expectations play a large role when you are tripping, for me jurema is the real thing because it felt like that for me and to be honest, I believe that to be true. Anyway, I'm not too stubborn to try it out so in your opinion Brew, would caapi/chaliponga be the real thing? Cause in that case I only have to get the caapi ;)
You're right, expectations and preconceived notions can deffinitely play a big role in any trip.
But yes, caapi and challiponga is a good way to go. Your peeps over at Maya sometimes have the "Super Excellent" red caapi vine in addition to the regular, plain old "Excellent" :D I bought it once and was quite pleased but it wasn't in the last time I tried to order.
One thing I've noticed, that I really don't like about rue, is the fact that the sickly feeling stays with me even after the purge. This is probably my biggest beaf with it. With caapi, after the purge, I feel fucking fantastic; light as a feather. I can also have a booster dose an hour or so later. But as you mentioned earlier, trying to drink a second cup of mimosa after rue, can be quite difficult. It's like the shit stays with you and doesn't want anything coming back INTO your stomach.
Just wondering....have you ever drank tea from cabrerana? Tastes a lot better than mimosa IMO.
But I experienced the purge as they call it. Very sick, nauseous, shortly, then throwing up violently, then energetic, bliss, it really began. But yes I was discussing with a friend yesterday that with regular aya, people often take more while into the trip, something that is impossible with rue in my experience.
I read something interesting about the purge, have the link @ work so I'll post that later. The point was that it had this argument explaining how the purge that has taken on mythical proportions in the ayahuasca ritual, can be completely avoided. This was stated by someone with many years of experience making traditional ayahuasca. It had something to do with the long boiling and a substance emerging from that process that is comparable with soap. Supposedly that is what makes you sick. The guy claims that when he discovered that, he changed the way he brews ayahuasca and no one gets sick from it anymore. His conclusion: the purge is a coverup story for someone who isnt competent enough to cook up a decent brew ;)
Help me remember to post the link tomorrow please, I found it very interesting :)
As for rue, I am going to try an extraction on the rue I have here. Taking extracted rue in combination with either mimosa tea or extracted DMT, has none of the negative sideeffects of rue when taken the usual way. If all works out, I think I will make a journey on christmas night.
I never tasted Carbrerana but I found drinking Mimosa tea a challenge :D
Hey Im from the midwest.
Sounds from Brew's description that aya is more what im looking for in the trip.
It also sounds as if I should buy my ingredients off of maya-ethnos...no?
East coast here. Yeah, Maya's been treating me pretty good...when they have what I need.
As far as the purge goes, I've heard that tannins can be released when boiling so it's best to only simmer the ingredients. This made sense to me being a home-beer brewer. When adding adjunct grains to change the consistency of the beer, or to change the color; it's important to only simmer below 215 degrees or tannins will be released, ruining the beer. This is how I make my aya now; bring the water to a boil and reduce to simmer before throwing in all your leaves and vines.
It doesn't help. :D I for one don't mind the purge. For me it only lasts a minute at the most, usually only like 20 seconds. It doesn't feel like a sick, drunk, nauseaus sensation; it's more of a quick stomach spasm or convulsion. I have a couple friends that have done this with me on more than one occasion and they used to try and suppress puking by taking dramamine, or pepto bismul or some other agent to settle the stomach; always without luck. My opinion is that it's part of the experience, and that it adds to the positive feeling after it's over with. With all the times I've puked from being shit-faced drunk, it's really nothing.
Should I use chaliponga or chacruna?
How much b caapi and (chali/chac) should i use?
Also which kind of caapi should i get? There seems to be a lot of different kinds
I've had the best times with red vine. Either one, chacruna or challiponga, will be good. The latter contains 5-MeO-DMT in addition to DMT but it's unlikely you'd notice a difference. Challiponga is reputed to be quite a bit stronger (and Amoak will say the same) but I've always used at least 30g of either one. Maybe I'm not doing something right, but I've used it many times; you may, perhaps want to start with less.
Allow me to refer you to the conversation a couple weeks ago. Good stuff. There's a bit of discussion (argument) in there about dosage.
http://www.psychonaut.com/index.php?opt ... b9&lang=nl
As I said in that thread, my best advice is to make it a 2 day affair if not longer.
Update (kind of):
I decided that I will be trying this over the summer this year. Me and some good friends are going on a road trip and as of now I plan on doing this at Yellowstone at a campsite.
Does this sound like a decent setting or not?
And what time do you guys think would be best to do it at? Im thinking drink it around 4-5pm...
I also decided to go with a 50/50g mix of B Caapi and P Viridis.
Another question I have is about the brewing process. Anyone have a good link or can tell me how to do it the right way?
I figured I should break the ingredients up, boil them for a few hours and repeat a few times?
Also should I make the two together or boil each thing seperately?
This also presents me with the problem of where I will make it...Im thinking I should make it before I leave and just keep it in a cool place until I decide to use it (which will be about 4-7 days after I leave) because it might be hard to make it at a campsite (if thats where I do it).
Anyways any advice or suggestions would be very nice. :lol:
Honestly, I couldn't think of a better spot on god's green earth to trip than Yellowstone (except maybe the desert). I go on about how much I love Virginia but the national parks out west are just so damn beautiful. Before we got hitched, the wife and I spent 6 weeks living in Yosemite, just hiking around the back country, eating whatever we could find in the woods, catching fish out of the river for dinner every night and only stumbling into a general store once a week for necessities. That was the best time of my life.
* sorry about your post, I'm on a rant. See Heartcore's thread for brewing directions. And yes, you should brew it before you leave; you never know what the conditions are going to be when you get there. It might be raining or it might be extremely dry, in which case they frequently ban open fires. As far as time of day, I only do it at night because it's more condusive to having visions; So we usually start chugging as the sun's going down. My only advice would be not to go too far off the beaten trail when you're going to be doing this, you don't want to have to fend off any bears, coyotes or god forbid wolverines while your tripping.
For you folks that have never been or never heard of it, check out some of these pics (if I was at home, I'd try posting my own). This is what makes this country so fucking great, not because we've dubbed ourselves as a world "super power" or that it used to be the "land of opportunity" but because it's so incredibly beautiful.
not that I'm putting down anyone else's home; I've been to Dutch country and I'll be returning because I love it there. It's just that places like these are the one thing that makes me proud to live in America.
* end rant. Please return to original topic.
50 grams of Banisteropsis caapi and / or 50 grams of Psychotria viridis is to much . The recomended dose of B.caapi is 13 - 14 grams with 25 - 30 grams of Psychotria virids or 3 - 4 grams of P.harmala . Dry it , powder it as fine as you can and cook it up with fresh water 3 or 4 times . There is no need to use any added acids . Filter it through an old t shirt or similar , boil it down to about 50 - 100 ml. per dose and drink it . You dont realy have to cook the P.harmala seeds you can just eat / take them whole . 20 minutes before is good . The MOAIs open an effect window , i dont know how lomg it stays open for . = for a second dose you might not need more MOAIs . P.harmala is definatly not dangerous in these doses . The storys of overdoses and halucinations on P.harmala are probably psychological , caused by fear and hearsay . It does not make a big diference if you cook them together , wich is easyer , or not . It is best to use a preasure cooker at home to make it . I have never had any ayahuasca and not wanted , and had , a 2nd and 3rd dose .
The emesis = violent puking a few people get is probably psychological , fear and / or exitement , or poisoning . It is not the tanin , its more likely to be the fat content , wich is a magnet for germs to grow on / in and can go rancid . The south american churches say it usualy hapens because people have not taken the diatry and / or other rules seriously or that its their own psychological crap comming out . They say if your charakter , spirit is clean you dont puke and it does not taste bitter or bad . Its not like puking your guts up on hard drugs such as alcohol or heroin , or travel sickness . Its a freeing , a liberation , enjoy it . Usualy at sessions every one has their own bucket . I have never seen anyone realy throw up , just burp and spit a little . The minimum precaution is not to eat for at least 4 hours before . I am of the opinion that the diferences some people see in the effects of one ayahuasca analog and another are psychological , the same with B.caapi and P.harmala . The dose and the physical and mental set and setting . Most of the effects some people claim to have with these things are placebo , expectation , ignorance or fear . The chemicals are neutral humans are not .
Not wishing to slag anyone off but personaly i go nuts when i am confronted with racists or other scum . I was not sure what was meant earlyer untill someone explained it was suposed to be ment as sarcasm . I did not think that it was funny . Maybe its better to not say things like that as senile old farts like me dont always understand . As was said earlyer , its not about words but about comunication .
13-14g of caapi isn't going to be enough if you're using the most potent vine on the planet.Quote:
Originally Posted by GOD
___ "They say if your charakter , spirit is clean you dont puke and it does not taste bitter or bad"___
This is what Native Americans say about Peyote, not huasca. Every Shaman I've talked and worked with says that the purge is a necessary and vital aspect of the medecine. Granted, what you said is true, that it's usually a lot of burping and spitting but that's still "la purga".
___"Not wishing to slag anyone off but personaly i go nuts when i am confronted with racists or other scum . I was not sure what was meant earlyer untill someone explained it was suposed to be ment as sarcasm . I did not think that it was funny . Maybe its better to not say things like that as senile old farts like me dont always understand . As was said earlyer , its not about words but about comunication ."___
If this was in regards to something I said, you should really try not to be so easily offended. :bear:
"13-14g of caapi isn't going to be enough if you're using the most potent vine on the planet."
I dont want to argue . In "The encyclopedia of psychoactive plants" on page 87 , Christian Rätsch says a dose of Banisteropsis caapi bark is 13 - 14 grams . In "Ayahuasca analoge" page 44 J.Ott says Banisteropsis caapi contains 0.5% alkaloids , mostly Harmalin , but that it is variable . On the pages after that he offers other analysis results that are very variable . The man who sells it to me says 100 grams is the right dose , so i dont know . = Try it and see , the only problem that i think you could have is if you dont take enough . = Eat more later . = Wait 45 minutes after eating the DMT part and if nothing happens eat more B.caapi. The DMT window stays open for about 4 hours .
"This is what Native Americans say about Peyote, not huasca."
I dissagree . Both do . I mix with people , some of who are 65 years old , who have dedicated their lives to what we are doing , who have been taking ayahuasca since the end of the 60s . Members and exmembers of all the south american churches i know . They say what i said to . It`s what i have allways been told and what i have read in books , quotes claimed to come from sebasteao(?) himself and other church leaders .
"If this was in regards to something I said, you should really try not to be so easily offended"
I understand you , i often make the same mistake ( as you see in lots of my posts here ) , but people decide for themselves what they get offended by . If one wants to get a message across , to comunicate , one needs to talk to people on their level and not expect them to come to our own . I think you , and me , are intelligent enough to explain anything to anyone . One needs patience and love as the world is full of frightened and hurt people who missunderstand everything that is not imediatly clear and / or understandable . I think life is about comunication = for us , spreading the love and understanding that we are so priveliged to be recieve by corectly using magic plants .
I partly take back what i said about ( I think what you said about tanin ??? ) tanin . I suppose that as the tanin is already in the ayahuasca it has bound itself with the fat / toxins . = the tanin gunk does make you sick . But not tanin .
The bit i think you said about a cold water extract was good . If you think about it a little more i think you can , very easily , greatly improve the effectiveness of the extraction method you have done . Hint , hint ???


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By special request for Makeover Monday, a low carb, gluten-free version of the Starbucks Pumpkin Cream Cheese Muffins. A perfectly healthy fall treat!
As some of you may already know, my husband Tim was hit by a car this past Friday morning. Let me say first that he is okay, and we are eternally grateful that things aren't worse. But his right ankle was badly dislocated and broken in several places and he is in the hospital for orthopaedic surgery (this morning) and several more days of observation. After that, he will have a few months of rehabilitation. It's a long road to full recovery, but given the circumstances, we are beyond thankful that his injuries are limited thusly. I will spare you all the details, but as it happened right outside our house, there were a few terrifying moments where I thought I might have lost the love of my life and my best friend. Words fail me. Accurately describing the emotions of the past few days is beyond my ability.
Needless to say, my attention to All Day I Dream About Food may suffer somewhat over the next few weeks as we figure out how life is going to go. Juggling the household, Tim and the kids will inevitably tax much of my resources, mentally and physically. Thankfully, we have many good friends who are ready to step up at a moment's notice, and I won't hesitate to call on them. And quite honestly, I welcome the opportunity to take care of my husband in this way. We have been through a lot in the past few years and he has been there for me in ways I never could have imagined when we started our life together. But he sometimes has trouble accepting help from others and tends to take far too much upon himself. Well, now he has no choice and I get to take care of him in ways he never could have imagined when we started our life together. So there!
I do have a few recipes stored up and I hope that will see me through for now. Or who knows, I could find myself baking and cooking madly in an effort to feed my man healthy, wholesome foods to strengthen his recovery. Regardless, forgive me if I keep things on the short side and take longer in answering any of your comments and questions. Please read nothing into my reticence but a lack of time and energy.
This recipe was made last week prior to the accident, specifically with Makeover Monday in mind. The funny part is that it had been in my mind to make some sort of low carb pumpkin cream cheese muffin, when a reader requested a makeover of the Starbucks version. It gave me just the push I needed to get into the kitchen and whip them up.
Pumpkin Cream Cheese Muffins – Low Carb and Gluten-Free
By special request for Makeover Monday, a low carb, gluten-free version of the Starbucks Pumpkin Cream Cheese Muffins. A perfectly healthy fall treat!
Pumpkin Muffins
- 3/4 cup pumpkin puree
- 3 cups almond flour (Honeyville)
- 1/3 cup unflavoured whey protein powder
- 2 tsp baking powder
- 1/2 tsp baking soda
- 1/2 tsp salt
- 1 1/2 tsp cinnamon
- 1/2 tsp ginger
- 1/4 tsp cloves
- 1/4 cup butter, softened
- 1/2 cup Swerve Sweetener or other erythritol
- 3 large eggs
- 1/2 tsp vanilla extract
- 1/4 cup unsweetened almond milk
Candied Pepitas
- 1/2 tbsp butter
- 1/4 cup pepitas
- 1 tbsp Swerve Sweetener or other erythritol
- 1/4 tsp cinnamon
Cream Cheese Filling
- 8 oz cream cheese, softened
- 1/4 cup powdered Swerve Sweetener or other powdered erythritol
- 2 tbsp cream
- 1/2 tsp vanilla
- On a plate lined with two layers of paper towel, spread out pumpkin puree and blot with another layer or two of paper towels. Let sit while making pepitas and cream cheese filling.
- For the candied pepitas, melt butter in small skillet over medium heat. Add pepitas and toss to coat. Add sweetener and cinnamon and toss to coat. Remove from heat and set aside.
- For the cream cheese filling, beat cream cheese with powdered sweetener, cream and vanilla extract until smooth. Set aside.
- For the muffins, preheat oven to 325F and line 15 muffin tins with paper liners (if you only have one muffin pan, like I do, you can do the last three muffins after the first batch is cooked).
- In a medium bowl, whisk together the almond flour, protein powder, baking powder, baking soda, salt and spices.
- In a large bowl, beat butter with sweetener until well combined. Beat in pumpkin puree, eggs and vanilla extract.
- Beat in almond flour mixture in two additions, alternating with almond milk.
- Drop a spoonful of batter into the bottom of prepared muffin tins and use a spoon to make a well in the center. Drop a tablespoon of cream cheese filling into the well, then top with more batter to fill muffin tins about 3/4 full.
- Sprinkle each muffin with some candied pepitas.
- Bake 23 to 25 minutes, or until tops are set and edges are just browned. Let cool in pan 15 minutes before transferring to a wire rack to cool completely.
- Repeat with any remaining batter, filling and pepitas.
Recipe Notes
Serves 15. Each serving has 7 g of carbs and 3 g fiber. Total NET CARBS = 4 g.
249 Calories; 22g Fat (74.9% calories from fat); 9g Protein; 7g Carbohydrate; 3g Dietary Fiber; 75mg Cholesterol; 238mg Sodium.

subset: commoncrawl


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U.S. cycling athlete, Martin, receives sanction for rule violation
Martin, 40, failed to appear to provide a sample at the New Jersey Criterium Championships on May 18, 2014, in Evesham Township, N.J. Failure to appear for testing is a violation of the applicable rules under the USADA Protocol for Olympic Movement Testing and the International Cycling Union (UCI) Anti-Doping Rules, both of which have adopted the World Anti-Doping Code and the World Anti-Doping Agency Prohibited List. Martin's two-year period of ineligibility began on August 15, 2014, the date the sanction was imposed. As a result of the violation, Martin has been disqualified from all competitive results achieved on and subsequent to May 18, 2014, including forfeiture of any medals, points, and prizes.
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USADA is responsible for the testing and results management process for athletes in the U.S. Olympic and Paralympic Movement, and is equally dedicated to preserving the integrity of sport through research initiatives and educational programs.
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This Article Updated August 19, 2014 @ 10:58 PM For more information contact:


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So many films, so little time. Ever feel like that? I look at the array of cinematic glory available in Toronto Rep Cinemas this week, and I know there aren't enough hours in the day to see everything I want to see. Enjoy, Toronto!
Bloor Hot Docs Cinema
On Monday, March 26 is a replay of some of the Bloor's Sunday programming; For the Love of Movies: The Story of American Film Criticism (2010) and Everyday Sunshine: The Story of Fishbone (2010). The new documentary Eames: The Architect and The Painter telling the story of American designers Charles and Ray Eames, and Tabloid , the latest from doco master Errol Morris will both screen from March 27 to 29.
There's lots of special stuff on this weekend; The Guantanamo Trap , the award-winning new film from Canadian filmmaker Thomas Wallner begins a week-long theatrical run at the Bloor on March 30. Wallner, his producer Amit Breuer and writer Manfred Becker will be in attendance for March 30 and 31 showings. Also screening is The Disappearance of McKinley Nolan and director Henry Corra will be in the house on March 31 for a Q&A. And the afternoon of Saturday, March 31 features an Errol Morris classic, The Thin Blue Line (1988), a film that got a man off of Death Row in Texas. Check their website for all the details and showtimes.
Fox Theatre
Continuing this week at the Fox are Monsieur Lazhar , the recent winner of the Genie for Best Picture, The Descendants starring George Clooney, the 2012 Best Picture Oscar winner The Artist , Steve McQueen's Shame , and Glenn Close in Albert Nobbs . Also returning this week is the 3D ballet documentary Pina , from director Wim Wenders. Check their website for all the details and showtimes.
Projection Booth
The Projection Booth will have multiple screenings of Pink Ribbons Inc , Newlyweds , Battle Royale , and Black Butterflies from Monday through Thursday this week. As of the time this post, there was nothing scheduled for the weekend. Be sure to check back at their website soon to see what's coming up.
Revue Cinema
Up this week at the Revue will be several screenings of Cold War thriller Tinker Tailor Solider Spy and the new Genie winner, Monsieur Lazhar . Beginning on Saturday, March 30 is the recent Margaret Thatcher biopic The Iron Lady starring Meryl Streep, and the new Iranian domestic drama, A Separation . The next Epicure's Revue is on Thursday, March 29 at 6:30 pm with a screening of A Matter of Taste: Serving up Paul Liebrandt profiling the celebrated New York chef. And as part of the Toronto Silent Film Festival, the Revue will be screening Blood and Sand (1922) starring Rudolph Valentino at 4:00 pm on Saturday, March 31. Check out the Revue website for all the details and showtimes.
The Royal
The Royal will run screenings of Canadian filmmaker Michael Dowse's hilarious new hockey movie Goon on Tuesday, March 27. And then, the rest of the week will be taken up by screenings from the Canadian Film Fest, making its first return to the city since 2008. The festival runs from March 28 to 30, and will open with Thom Fitzgerald's new film Cloudburst at 8:00 pm. You can see the entire schedule at the Canadian Film Fest website or check out the Royal's website for details and showtimes.
Toronto Underground Cinema
This week at the Underground, on Friday, March 30 at 8:00 pm is a screening of Warren Ellis: Captured Ghost (2011), the new documentary from Patrick Meaney. The film profiles the prolific writer of novels, television and comics, and Ellis gives his most extensive interview ever. He wrote the graphic novel Reds , which was recently adapted into the film of the same name starring Helen Mirren and Bruce Willis. Also on that same night is an 11:45 pm screening of cult favourite Rocky Horror Picture Show . Check their website for all the details and showtimes.
Original Artwork of the Projection Booth by Bennett O'Brian.
This Week at the Rep Cinemas is published weekly, bringing you a snapshot of what's going on at Toronto's repertory cinemas.


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Kleen Products LLC
Technology-assisted review case law summary
More than a year ago, Magistrate Judge Andrew Peck of the U.S. District Court for the Southern District of New York issued the first judicial opinion recognizing technology-assisted review as a legitimate discovery tool.
7 lessons to guide you through the e-discovery landscape
As the e-discovery march goes on, litigants continue to wrestle with questions and disputes both familiar and novel
E-discovery: Resolving issues through a collaborative approach
Every so often, a court case makes you look at a particular issue in a new way.
E-Discovery: Predictive coding decisions may signal change in identifying relevant evidence
The options available for identifying relevant and responsive electronically stored information (ESI) are increasing.


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Dream Interpretation
Need Dreams Interpreted? Ask a Dream Interpreter ASAP
One way to look at the dream is from its emotional and psychological standpoint. In your dream, there is a sense of catastrophe (him driving and having a mishap that ultimately leads to going down into the hole) The change of scenes from him driving to having the accident to going down show the inevitable that comes as a result of outside influences over which we do not always have control. The man hole may be look from its symbolic angle to be associated with the Netherworld or in ancient Greek mythology Hades where those who leave the physical dimension went to. Then, in your dream you also reach out and are able to pull him out can be because a part of you (emotionally is still not ready to let go and is still grieving over his departure)


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Meet 4-year old fashion designer Mayhem. Well, okay, Mayhem's not her real name – it's the name her mom Angie gave her daughter once she started posting pictures of the paper dresses she and her daughter started creating.
This all started when Angie noticed Mayhem wasn't all that into princess dresses, but she was all excited about wrapping herself in scarves and bedsheets to create dresses for herself. Which must have led to a serious increase in laundry and ultimately led to a new construction material.
Wrapping paper, construction paper, tissue paper, even plastic bags depending on what they wanted to make. Angie says that the designs are a 50/50 split, and Mayhem helps as much as possible with the taping and gluing. Even when Angie's doing some of the outfit building, Mayhem's right there, watching and learning.
The results are pretty amazing.
Between their website and Instagram, Angie and Mayhem sure have a lot of fans and I'm pretty sure they're inspiring all sorts of budding fashionistas all over the world.
Check out more of Mayhem's killer fashion after the break.


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Police foil jewelry store heist at Park Royal
Eight men are in custody after a brazen jewelry store robbery attempt at Park Royal Shopping Centre on Thursday night was foiled by undercover police.
Members of the Burnaby RCMP Strike Force were apparently at the shopping centre surveilling the group of men when the attempted robbery occurred at around 8:30 p.m.
Three males were arrested inside Birks after police witnessed one of the men pointing a firearm at an employee.
In a release, Sgt. Ed Pearce of the West Vancouver Police Department said four other males were arrested in a getaway car and one more in a separate vehicle.
He said no shots were fired and nobody was injured.
Store employees involved in the incident were offered victim services counselling, police said.
We encourage an open exchange of ideas on this story's topic, but we ask you to follow our guidelines for respecting community standards. Personal attacks, inappropriate language, and off-topic comments may be removed, and comment privileges revoked, per our Terms of Use. Please see our FAQ if you have questions or concerns about using Facebook to comment.


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St. George Downtown
The downtown area of St. George is a vibrant and exciting area comprising of these sections.
• The Boulevard (The main road through downtown)
• Main Street (Dissects the Boulevard in the town center)
• Tabernacle Street (Runs parallel to the Boulevard - one block south)
• Diagonal Street (connects to a round-a-bout on north main street and runs northwest to Bluff Street)
Historic Buildings
The tall spire in this picture belongs to the St. George Tabernacle, a historic building that was one of the first to be constructed when the pioneers arrived in the 1860's. The multi-level building in the center of the picture is office space, shops and a parking terrace for the downtown area.
The domed building in the foreground is the historic courthouse now utilized by the St. George Chamber of Commerce for offices and an information center.
New Town Square
The grass area and some of the structures are actually a brand-new addition to St. George, Utah. The grass is surrounded by existing historic buildings and other new buildings that have been constructed to match the historic style of the other buildings. The town square is already utilized for many activities and offers a splash pad and streaming water and other play areas for children.
Main Street
The west side of main street is filled with shops and restaurants housed in the original historic buildings.
Main Street and Ancestor Square are the home of many art galleries and restaurants.
Click here to see a list of art galleries in this area and throughout the St. George area.
Click here to see a list of area restaurants.
Ancestor Square
This is the center court of Ancestor Square in St. George. There is an old jail in the middle of the court that is said to have house some of the famous outlaws of the west.
Restaurants and art galleries comprise the many shops of ancestor square.
St. George Courthouse
The historic courthouse in St. George is now a visitor information center, open during normal business hours. The courthouse is located on St. George Boulevard between main street and 100 east (north side of the road).
Historic District
St. George has a small but very interesting historic district. This is the home of Brigham Young, the great colonizer of the west. The home is open for tours daily and during the summer months costumed actors and actresses will welcome you and guide you through this and other downtown historic sites.
Click here to learn more about St. George "LIVE"


text: BIOGRAPHY Dimitri has been absorbing and sweating music from a very early age. His first releases date from his ending revolting puberty and got well tasted by the big techno names like Carl Cox, Mark Broom, Luke Slater and many others. His first stepping-stone was the release of his 'Panther EP' on the prestigious and artistically highly appreciated label MUSICMAN. The EP sold well, received many positive critics and got him invitations to DJ at major European parties like I Love Techno. More releases followed and Dimitri continued working and producing on a range of collaboration..Dimitri Andreas' biography Dimitri Andreas Musician


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First 300: Rise Of An Empire Poster
As Warners touts Gravity & more...
With Warner Bros. in Las Vegas at CinemaCon this week touting its upcoming slate, a lot of talk was naturally around the new Man Of Steel trailer, which you can see here. But it wasn't all about Superman, oh no. There were new looks at The Great Gatsby, Pacific Rim, The Hangover Part III and more, including 300: Rise Of An Empire, for which producer Zack Snyder has debuted a new poster on Twitter. Take a gander below.
Footage from Rise Of An Empire (which is not, sadly, a biopic of this very movie magazine; that would be much more violent and sweary), was introduced by director Noam Murro, who cautioned the crowd that a lot of what we would see was unfinished. Still, it was fun to see Eva Green in particular play the tough Big Bad.
Alongside the big guns such as Pacific Rim (with Guillermo del Toro showing off the same footage as at WonderCon, boasting plenty of Jaeger vs Kaiju action) and The Hangover III (for which director Todd Phillips mostly showed the latest trailer), there were a variety of other movies on display.
Kidnap drama Prisoners is still shooting, but we got a look at a couple of quick moments with an emotional Hugh Jackman becoming furious about his missing daughter.
There was also some impressive 3D footage from Alfonso Cuaron's Gravity, which sees George Clooney and Sandra Bullock as astronauts trapped in space when their shuttle and space station are destroyed in a freak accident. That one looks particularly astounding, and we want to see more.
Pot comedy We're The Millers screened some extended moments, and there were some definite chuckles to be had as Jason Sudeikis, Jennifer Aniston, Emma Roberts and Will Poulter play a fake family smuggling pot from Mexico to the US. Poulter in particular looks set to be a highlight in that one, and it's always good to see Nick Offerman bringing the funny.


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|From: Jos Koot (jos.koot at telefonica.net)
Date: Sat Sep 13 10:10:39 EDT 2008
Very nice indeed. Thanks. Would it be possible to allow return to be entered in the search/replacement line? (as was possible in the old docked search) Now return does "search next" and to enter a return in the search/replacement text I have to copy paste it. May be control/return if you want to maintain the search-next function of the return key. Jos ----- Original Message ----- From: "Robby Findler" <robby at cs.uchicago.edu> To: "PLTScheme List" <plt-scheme at list.cs.brown.edu> Sent: Friday, September 12, 2008 1:41 PM Subject: Re: [plt-scheme] Replace & Find in v4.1 > I've made a few changes to the way search works and redone the replace > bit. (The nightly build should contain the changes.) Thanks for your > comments. > > Robby > _________________________________________________ > For list-related administrative tasks: > http://list.cs.brown.edu/mailman/listinfo/plt-scheme >
|Posted on the users mailing list.


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Federal and State election laws prohibit the use of member dues for political contributions. Funds for political contributions must be raised separately from Society funds. Contributions from S corporations and C corporations are not permitted by Ohio law.
Neither does CPA/PAC. In addition to supporting candidates, political contributions simply help an organization get "a foot in the door" for communication purposes. Like you, a senator's or representative's schedule is extremely busy. We, the accounting profession, must compete with the dozens of other groups around the Statehouse for an opportunity to voice our concerns. It's only human that an elected official would be more likely to schedule an appointment with a supportive group as opposed to one he or she doesn't know. If CPA/PAC ever tried to "buy" a vote, our effectiveness and credibility would evaporate immediately.
Your fellow CPAs who serve on Ohio CPA/PAC's Board of Trustees. These trustees, from cities across the state, are responsible for establishing policy and determining how CPA/PAC will distribute contributions. Recipients are selected on their voting record, stance on issues of importance to the accounting profession, legislative committee assignments, working relationship with OSCPA, position within legislature, financial need, and ability to be elected.
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Affiliate Links for "arcadata"- September 2012
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Talent Is Overrated: What Really Separates World-Class Performers from Everybody Else
by Geoff Colvin from Nicholas Brealey Publishing (£1.29) is the Amazon UK
Kindle Deal of the Day
(September 28) *Wait for price to reflect discount before 1-clicking
Product Description
Asked to explain why few people truly excel, most of us offer one of two answers: hard work or natural talent. However, scientific evidence doesn't support either of these notions. According to author Geoff Colvin, the key to achieving greatness is how you practice, how you analyse the results of your progress and learn from your mistakes.
The Prague Cemetery
by UMBERTO ECO from Houghton Mifflin Harcourt ($1.99) is the NOOK Daily Find (September 28)
Product Description
Today the NOOK Daily Find brings you a thought-provoking, rewarding mystery and a bona fide literary masterpiece. Controversial and captivating, The Prague Cemetery is Umberto Eco's (The Name of the Rose, Focault's Pendulum) journey through a nineteenth-century Europe where conspiracy and prejudice lie around every corner.
Yes We Can: A Biography of President Barack Obama
by Garen Thomas from Feiwel & Friends ($2.99) is the NOOK Daily Find: Election 2012 (September 28)
Product Description
From his childhood in Hawaii and Indonesia to his historic victory in 2008, Barack Obama's life forms the basis of this adulatory biography by Garen Thomas. The author focuses on key qualities of the President's personality that have helped him succeed, including his exuberant optimism, fierce determination, and unshakable faith in the power of change.
FYI, Amazon has matched this Nook deal:
Yes We Can: A Biography of President Barack Obama
by Garen Thomas also $2.99
Black April: The Fall of South Vietnam, 1973-75
by George J Veith from Encounter Books ($2.99) is the Kindle Deal of the Day (September 28) *Wait for price to reflect discount before 1-clicking
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The defeat of South Vietnam was arguably America's worst foreign policy disaster of the 20th Century. George J Veith's expertly researched and enlightening account gives a complete understanding of the endgame--from the January 27, 1973, signing of the Paris Peace Accords to South Vietnam's surrender on April 30, 1975.
Silly Tilly by Eileen Spinelli
by Mike Lupica from Amazon Children's Publishing ($1.99) is the Kindle Kids Daily Deal (September 28) *Wait for price to reflect discount before 1-clicking
Product Description
The barnyard animals feel that Tilly is just too silly. However, when she stops entertaining her friends with her antics, the farm becomes a quiet and unhappy place. David Slonim's acrylic, pencil, and ballpoint pen illustrations add to the hilarity in this story about a one-of-a-kind goose.
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You're a liberal. You've identified a problem -- the massive loss of manufacturing jobs in the United States; a net loss of 4.6 million jobs over the last 20 years. You've even done a decent job of identifying the causes of the problem: "Companies lose market share to foreign low-cost producers . . . or move their operations overseas in search of lower wages . . . or apply production techniques that require fewer workers."
So, what's your solution? Measures like reducing taxes and regulation to make U.S. manufacturers more competitive, perhaps? Of course not! Remember, you're a liberal. No, your solution is what you yourself describe as a "massive" new welfare program for affected workers and communities that will contribute to making U.S. manufacturers even less competitive and destroy even more jobs!
That is the approach proposed by Gary Chaison in his Boston Globe column of this morning, Disaster relief needed for manufacturing:
The best answer is to treat the closing of major manufacturing plants as the emergencies that they are. This means providing the intensive, comprehensive aid similar to what is given in disaster-stricken communities.
A massive nationally coordinated and community-focused relief program for job losses in manufacturing has never been attempted. But federal departments, including those for emergency relief, health and human services, commerce, environment affairs, and transportation must work together to devise specific plans to make declining communities attractive and thriving again.
Relief plans should include extended unemployment insurance and healthcare benefits for displaced workers as well as assistance to help them meet rent and mortgage payments. Special low-interest and forgivable loans should be provided by the Small Business Administration to keep downtown merchants afloat. Federal grants should be directed at rebuilding schools and modernizing hospitals, and training and raising the pay of teachers, firefighters, police, and healthcare workers. To be judged successful, a comprehensive plan should not only attract employers but also rebuild and revive entire communities, from their schools to their shopping.
So there it is. A "massive" new welfare program that is part of a "comprehensive plan" for "entire communities." Say, why not give it a name? "Five Year Plan for Aiding Hero Workers and Rebuilding Entire Communities for Glory of Motherland" has a nice ring.
Does Chaison even attempt to calculate the cost of his proposals, or how such additional costs will translate into higher taxes that will discourage economic growth and kill more jobs? How many times do I have to tell you? We're talking about a liberal here.
Oh, and not just any old liberal. This isn't a college sophomore indulging his utopian big-government fantasies. It's the guy who's teaching that college sophomore. As we're informed at the foot: "Gary Chaison is professor of industrial relations at Clark University's Graduate School of Management and the author of 'Unions in America.'" Comforting to know that fellows like this are molding the minds of tomorrow, no?


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White Lion
Ash Magna
Postal town: Whitchurch
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Reviews of White Lion (Average Rating: 8½ of 10) see review guidelines
Please Note: This review is over a year old.
Joe Hoyles left this review about White Lion
A Great small Village Pub doing Great Food. Bass/Worthington plus 2 guests.Food Mon/Tues/Thur/Fri,/Sat.evenings.
On 14th December 2010
- rating: 10
[User has posted 15 recommendations about 15 pubs]
Please Note: This review is over a year old.
Oggwyn Great left this review about White Lion
Two room village local a couple of miles outside Whitchurch run by an eccentric German Lady , small lively bar and slightly larger lounge , not really much changed in years , 4 handpulls Bass , Worthington and 2 guests all well kept . Proper local well worth a visit
On 18th April 2010
- rating: 7
[User has posted 682 recommendations about 582 pubs]
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Pub Details
Pub details supplied by members of this site to the best of their knowledge. Please check with pub directly before making a special trip.
- Beer Garden : Yes last updated 12 August 2013 by Oggwyn Great
- Car Park : Yes last updated 11 August 2013 by Oggwyn Great
- Hot Food : Yes last updated 11 August 2013 by Oggwyn Great
- Real Ale : Yes last updated 11 August 2013 by Oggwyn Great
Last inspected: March 17th 2016


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Achieve a perfect, flawless finish for your skin with Iris Angelica Sublime Beauty Cream by L'OCCITANE. Offering all the benefits of a moisturizer and foundation, this BB cream does it all:
The Sublime Beauty Cream is made with a patented combination of two Angelic flowers: White Iris and Angelica. A symbol of pure beauty, the velvety and luminous White Iris offers its powers of sublimation. Known for its incredible hydrating properties, Angelica gives the skin vitality. Organic extracts from these two flowers leave skin looking and feeling perfect.
Apply every morning to clean, dry face and neck.For dry skin: apply after a Milky Lotion or a daily cream.For normal to combination skin: apply alone like a daily cream.
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Home > Wellness Resources > Health Library > Underbite
An underbite is a condition in which the lower front teeth sit farther forward than the upper front teeth. It can cause your chin to jut out, and you may have trouble chewing. An underbite can be corrected with orthodontic treatment, such as braces, or with surgery.
Current as of:
August 9, 2016
Healthwise Staff
Medical Review:
Adam Husney, MD - Family Medicine & William F. Hohlt, DDS - Orthodontics
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Penguins notebook: Letang nominated for Masterton Memorial Trophy
Kris Letang is in the running for another NHL award.
He is a nominee for the Masterton Memorial Trophy, given annually to a player that best exemplifies qualities of perseverance, sportsmanship and dedication to hockey. Letang, 26, was diagnosed with a stroke in late January. He has not played since but is practicing with the Penguins.
"It's not the award you ever want to be up for," Letang said, "but it's also a great honor."
The award honors the late Bill Masterton, who died in 1968 after suffering an injury during a game. Lowell MacDonald (1973) and Mario Lemieux (1993) are previous Masterton winners for the Penguins. A player from each of the league's 30 clubs is nominated for the Masterton Trophy by that city's chapter of the Professional Hockey Writers' Association.
Teams are not mandated to provide detailed specifics about injured players, but Letang lobbied the Penguins to make his condition public to raise awareness about strokes. He said Tuesday that "it would be great" if the Masterton nomination bring a greater spotlight to the medical condition.
Letang was a finalist for the Norris Trophy as top defenseman last season. He has played in 34 games, scoring 10 goals and eight assists.
There is no time frame for his return to play, but Letang is practicing without limitations.
• Injured defenseman Paul Martin (right hand), is hopeful he can play Thursday at Winnipeg. Martin said Tuesday he will lobby team doctors for clearance because he wants to play in as many games as possible before the Stanley Cup playoffs. The Penguins have six games remaining before the postseason, and Martin has missed the past 18 contests and 44 overall.
• Forward Bryan Rust signed a two-year, entry-level contract. The 80th overall pick in the 2010 NHL Entry Draft, Rust scored 17 goals this season with Notre Dame.
• Backup goalie Jeff Zatkoff teamed with the Penguins Foundation to raise money for the Lupus Foundation. His mask, designed specifically for the Penguins' outdoor game at Soldier Field, and a game-used stick are up for auction through April 11 (www.auctions.nhl.com).
— Rob Rossi


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The American Bankers Association reacted harshly Monday to President Obama's proposal to levy a 10-year tax on the banking industry that would raise $61 billion to help U.S. homeowners refinance.
Obama had previously proposed a "financial crisis responsibility fee" on financial firms with assets exceeding $50 billion. That idea has been changed into a proposal to tax banks to help underwater U.S. homeowners refinance.
"The banking industry strongly opposes the $61 billion bank tax included in President Obama's budget proposal," the ABA said in a press statement issued shortly after the president unveiled details of his $3.8 trillion spending plan.
The ABA's reaction seemed tailored more toward the president's original plan to levy a "financial crisis responsibility fee" than to assist homeowners whose homes are worth far less than they owe on their mortgages.
The ABA statement said that despite claims to the contrary, taxpayers have profited $13 billion from their investments in banks through the Troubled Asset Relief Program, or TARP, and Treasury predicts they will see a lifetime positive return of more than $20 billion.
"Given that non-bank programs are responsible for all of TARP's losses, this would simply be an arbitrary tax with no regard to where losses actually occurred."
The American Bankers Associated said that while Obama's plan may make for a good political sound bite, the proposed tax would needlessly damage the economy by reducing credit availability and driving capital out of the banking industry.
"A 10-year tax of $61 billion means that up to $600 billion in loans would not be made over that same time period," the association said. "Millions of small business loans would be in danger of not being funded, borrowing costs would likely increase and consumers and businesses would have less credit availability as the economy struggles to find its way forward."


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Shaping Strategy:
This file is also available in Adobe Acrobat PDF format
Chapter One
IN MAY 1967 EGYPT'S President Nasser initiated a crisis with Israel that would end in a war he was bound to lose. The crisis began when Nasser received a report that Israel was sending forces to its border with Syria. Despite soon learning the report was false, Nasser nevertheless escalated tensions by requesting the United Nations withdraw its forces stationed in the Sinai Peninsula to make way for deployments of Egyptian troops.1 Shortly thereafter, on May 22, Egypt's president took the even more dire step of closing the Straits of Tiran to Israeli shipping. On the morning of June 5, Israel attacked Egypt's airfields. Egypt's role in the ensuing war ended just a day and a half later in a devastating defeat that changed the complexion of Middle East politics forever.
Curiously, despite the potential stakes involved, Egypt's decisions to initiate and later hold firm to its demands that spring were taken in an internal environment ill-prepared for the gravity of the situation. Decision making was reportedly sorely lacking on Egypt's political and military situation. Historical accounts reveal that Nasser was competing with his military chief for control of military policy. Intelligence was politicized, and coordination between political and military authorities inadequate. As a result, and by his own admission, Nasser went to war with a poor assessment of how miserably Egypt's military would fare in the conflict and the devastation his regime would bear as a result.
In striking contrast, Nasser's successor, Anwar Sadat, was able to plan and implement a series of political and military initiatives in the 1970s aimed at achieving his security goals. He developed, in consultation with military authorities, a sophisticated, limited war plan based on analysis of Egypt's strategic situation. He was able repeatedly to overrule his military chiefs and implement unpopular plans, including the controversial plan for the October 1973 war, subsequent disengagement agreements, and a peace treaty with Israel. Unlike Nasser, Sadat appeared to benefit from a decision-making environment that allowed him and his military leaders to evaluate critically Egypt's strategic and military options and their consistency with political objectives.
Why are some leaders, at some times, able to assess their capabilities and reconcile their political and military objectives? Why are others prone to poor estimates and disintegrated policies? In sum, why do some states excel at strategic assessment while others fail miserably?
A major reason is the nature of states' civil-military relations. Domestic relations between political and military leaders shape the institutional processes in which leaders evaluate their strategies in interstate conflicts. Those processes affect how leaders appraise their state's military options, plans, and the broader diplomatic and political constraints that bear on them. In short, civil-military relations affect how states engage in strategic assessment.
Strategic assessment is vital to state security and to international peace and stability. Egypt provides a vivid illustration why. Nasser's poor assessment of his capabilities and his devastating loss in the ensuing war in 1967 exposed to the world the failings of his regime and its military. Nasser's claim to regional leadership was irrevocably damaged. The war the leader precipitated also ended with Israel occupying critical areas of Syria, Palestine, and Egypt—areas today, with the exception of the latter, that remain the subject of dispute and a catalyst for tensions in the region. In the 1970s, in contrast, Egypt's strengths in strategic assessment proved an enormous advantage to Anwar Sadat. Egypt got the Sinai back, repositioned itself in the Western camp, and in the process signed the first peace treaty between Israel and an Arab state.
Today the United States must contend with the results of its own debacle of strategic assessment: the failure to evaluate adequately the postwar security environment and prepare accordingly for the 2003 Iraq War. Many analysts focus on rivalries between the State Department and Pentagon or on Secretary of Defense Rumsfeld's abrasive personality to explain weaknesses in postwar plans. Less understood are how civil-military relations predisposed the country to poor strategic assessment. As I argue in chapter 7, the underlying structure of power and preferences in U.S. civil-military relations was a major cause of inadequate planning for the security vacuum after the fall of Saddam Hussein's regime. The absence of comprehensive contingency plans and the ensuing breakdown of security alienated the population and fueled a nascent insurgency against American forces.
In these cases, as in the other empirical studies in this volume, failures of strategic assessment had enormous consequences for the states involved. In this book I explain why these failures occur and discuss the conditions under which we are likely to get better strategic assessment.
The Argument in Brief
In its approach to studying strategic assessment, this book bridges the disciplines of comparative and international politics. It begins with insights from comparative politics about the importance of the military's domestic relationship with political leaders. Comparativists have long recognized that the balance of power and intensity of substantive disagreements between political and military leaders can differ significantly across and within states, over time. These moreover can affect the military's bargaining power within ruling regimes and consequently the institutional features of states, broadly defined and specifically in security-related areas.2 Civil-military relations are vital from this perspective in understanding the internal features of states.
Janus-faced, civil-military relations also have a significant international dimension. During interstate conflicts, military leaders provide advice to a country's political leader about the state's relative capabilities. They guide him or her in assessing the utility of different military plans and options. Military leaders have important informational advantages about these issues, both as a result of their expertise in "the management of violence" and because of their regular contact with the military organization. Political leaders are in charge of a much broader array of policy concerns—not just military and security issues—and therefore even if they, for personal or professional reasons, are well versed in military matters, must rely on those who run the armed forces on a daily basis for information and analysis.3
A state's processes for strategic assessment intersect these domestic and international facets of civil-military relations. Clashes over security and other corporate issues and the balance of power between military and political leaders affect the routines through which they share and analyze information, consult with one another, and make decisions at the apex of the state. These processes, in turn, constitute the environment in which political leaders evaluate and select their strategies in interstate disputes—the institutions in which they engage in strategic assessment.
This book explores the causes and consequences of these institutions for strategic assessment. Theoretically, it seeks to explain why states' assessment institutions vary, in the process drawing on the insights of comparative and other scholarship on civil-military relations. In turn, empirically, in each of eight case studies, the book demonstrates how these processes mattered for understanding outcomes of critical importance to international relations.
As I elaborate in chapter 2, in developing this book's theory about how civil-military relations affect strategic assessment, I rely on what I term a "distributional approach": an approach that emphasizes the effects of individuals' and groups' distributional conflicts on the features of institutions. Institutions in this view emerge from the interactions of actors, with varying resources and interests, competing to advance rules and structures that advantage their preferred outcomes. In the current context, I anticipate that studying underlying conflicts between political and military leaders and how these are shaped by their preferences and relative power will illuminate the processes through which they interact in strategic assessment.
Specifically, two variables are key to my theory. The first, the intensity of preference divergence over corporate, professional, or security issues, determines military and political leaders' underlying incentives to contest processes essential to strategic assessment. The second causal variable, the balance of civil-military power, shapes how these conflicts are resolved. Both variables interact, generating particular "logics" that drive the emergence of institutional features in assessment within the state at any given time.
In my theory, I disaggregate strategic assessment into four constituent attributes, or sets of institutional processes: routines for information sharing between political and military leaders about military capabilities and plans, which vary in whether they facilitate fluid exchange or compartmentalize information; strategic coordination, or the structures in existence for assessing alternative political-military strategies, and whether or not they promote rigorous debate about costs and risks and help to coordinate military activity with political and diplomatic objectives and constraints; the military's structural competence in monitoring its own internal activities and procedures for evaluating foreign militaries and the degree to which these promote self-critical analysis about the state's capabilities and sound analysis about its adversaries' forces; and the authorization process, or the mechanisms for approving and vetoing political-military strategy and activity, which vary in whether they promote clearly defined, coherent decision-making processes or contested, ambiguous procedures. Each category reflects formal as well as informal processes; in fact, the "institutions" associated with assessment are much more likely to be unwritten patterns of interaction, conventions, and routines than formalized or legislated phenomena.4
In chapter 2 I hypothesize about how various configurations of power and preference divergence affect these four attributes and therefore the overall quality of strategic assessment in the state. I anticipate, for example, that when political leaders dominate and preference divergence is low, such that divergences over security and corporate issues are not entrenched and profound, important obstacles to strategic assessment are absent. Both political and military leaders lack incentives to contest assessment processes. This allows relatively functional institutions to emerge. Consequently, information sharing should be relatively fluid. Strategic coordination is eased as political dominance facilitates the integration in advisory processes of the military with the political offices of the state. The authorization process is also clearly defined, providing structure to decision making. Overall, in these environments debate between political and military leaders can flourish, without risk of it devolving into disputes over control of decision making, or being undermined by mutual alienation born of deep-seated and enduring differences over corporate or security issues: civil-military relations provide the structural preconditions for the sort of rigorous deliberation essential to assessing state strategy. These are the best conditions for engaging in strategic assessment.
The worst conditions occur when political and military leaders are sharing power and their preferences diverge. Assessment institutions become implicated in underlying substantive disputes between political and military leaders and themselves become objects of competition; each side tries to ensure that routines and conventions of interaction protect their preferred strategies or policy outcomes. Military leaders guard access to their private information and favor institutional processes that allow them to do so, compromising routines for information sharing. The authorization process also becomes convoluted as political and military leaders vie for the right to approve and veto military plans and strategy. Strategic coordination deteriorates as military leaders grow wary of participating in joint forums with political representatives and engaging in open-ended analyses. Intraregime competition also corrupts the military's organizational processes for intelligence and internal monitoring. Consequently, in interstate disputes capabilities estimates are apt to be poor, and the analysis of military options and their integration with political objectives superficial. Leaders also struggle to make authoritative decisions about state strategy and ensure they are implemented. These states are devastatingly unprepared to manage their international relations.
I anticipate strategic assessment will be also be poor—but not quite as atrocious—when power is shared and preference divergence is low. Although military and political leaders have few incentives to try to control access to their private information about security issues, and therefore information sharing is relatively unproblematic, the military's autonomy from the diplomatic apparatus of the state weakens joint consultative entities, undermining strategic coordination. Civil-military relations also generate ambiguities in authorization processes, as ultimate rights of veto and approval over military activity remain ill-defined. Together these weaknesses complicate both the quality of deliberation and clarity of decision making about state strategy in international disputes.
Other civil-military relations generate divergent trends and, overall, fall between the extremes in their competencies in strategic assessment. For example, political dominance and high preference divergence generates clarity in the authorization process and provides tools to political leaders that mitigate problems in information sharing. Improvements in structural competence are also possible. However, the oversight methods leaders employ in this setting to protect their interests can truncate dialogue with military leaders and therefore compromise strategic coordination. The balance sheet for the four attributes of assessment is therefore mixed in these states: we should observe clear strengths in three critical areas essential to gathering and sharing information and making decisions, but also notable weaknesses in one—in the comprehensiveness and rigor of debate in advisory forums.
Finally, cases in which the military dominates politically also exhibit strengths as well as notable weaknesses. Here, regardless of the intensity of preference divergence with political leaders over substantive issues, much of the evaluative and decision-making process is internalized within the military organization. This clarifies the authorization process, giving the military ultimate control over political-military strategy. One negative byproduct of this setting, however, is that analysis of these strategies may be insulated from the political apparatus of the state, which impairs strategic coordination. In short, a specific pattern in assessment should be observed in these settings: flaws in how military and political considerations are integrated in deliberative processes, but strengths in the capacity to decide and implement strategy in interstate conflicts. See figure 1.1 for an overview of these hypotheses.
In chapter 2 I develop the theory and explain these hypotheses in greater detail. Before proceeding, however, I elaborate on the importance of studying strategic assessment.
The Problem of Assessment: Why Study It?
Why should scholars study strategic assessment? The main reason is to understand why states sometimes succumb to strategic failure. Analytical completeness requires studying successes as well as failures, but the latter are especially important if we are to understand the causes of war and conflict in the international arena. Accordingly, in this section I highlight a number of particularly dangerous weaknesses in strategy and pathological international outcomes that may result from poor evaluation and decision making at the civil-military apex.
First, poor strategic assessment can generate failure by undermining states' estimates of their relative military capabilities. In crises and wars, leaders are often tasked with comparing their military capabilities with their adversaries' and allies' resources. They rely on these estimates to judge the likely outcome of armed confrontation, and therefore to evaluate the utility of alternative political strategies they might adopt in the dispute. Such capabilities estimates are complicated endeavors and involve comparing everything from a state's own and its adversaries' material resources (weapons and equipment), communications, logistics, and other systems to intangibles such as training and leadership. Given this complexity, no assessment structure can provide complete and infallible information about a state's capabilities. The precise outcomes of war are never fully knowable a priori. But estimates can be better and worse. Some can be based on more complete and comprehensive information and intelligence, and more rigorous and open-ended analysis. In particular, where military and political leaders withhold private information from each other, fail to analyze that information, or have poor information about their own and adversaries' capabilities in the first place, these capabilities estimates are likely to be seriously flawed.
These capabilities misestimates are important, in turn, because they can predispose leaders toward destabilizing strategies in international conflicts. Following the logic of bargaining models of war, for example, if political leaders overestimate their capabilities and make unwarranted demands in a dispute, their opponents must choose between granting those undeserved concessions or fighting a war in which they anticipate they will perform relatively well.5 In effect, the intransigent state pushes its adversary over its threshold for war. As this and other theoretical literature that stresses the importance of "miscalculating" capabilities suggests, when states misjudge their military power they put themselves at risk for war. Because civil-military relations and states' assessment institutions can affect their propensities to misestimate their capabilities, they are implicated as a cause of those risky strategies.
Second, poor strategic assessment can create problems in anticipating the political constraints that govern the use of force in an international dispute. One attribute of assessment in particular, strategic coordination, reflects how much the broader international political, diplomatic, and economic context is incorporated into evaluations of a state's military strategy and capabilities. Where strategic coordination is poor, leaders may discount the regional repercussions and other possible political side effects within a target state of using military action, or a particular strategy, to resolve a dispute. Take, for example, a case in which a state is contemplating launching a military offensive in a highly polarized and competitive region of the world. Although feasible militarily, the plan also threatens to destabilize the region or inspire third parties to intervene. If the military and political apparatus of the state is poorly coordinated, these broader strategic responses by other states may be discounted or poorly analyzed. The technical/operational details of implementing the military action may trump its political ramifications in the analytical process. The state consequently risks provoking unanticipated hostility from its competitors. It risks finding itself in a longer or costlier war than originally anticipated.6
Third, a state's process of strategic assessment can compromise its ability to translate political goals into supportive military strategies and activities. The two pathologies discussed above—capabilities misestimates and disintegration due to neglect of political constraints on military action—stem from weaknesses in information sharing and strategic coordination, and therefore the deliberative dimension of strategic assessment. This third problem originates in weaknesses in its decision-making component; it derives from ambiguities in the authorization process—from deadlock over the processes for choosing among alternative military options in interstate disputes.
At the end of the day, when the deliberative process has been exhausted, state leaders need to make definitive decisions about strategy if the state is going to pursue a clear course of action. When military and political leaders disagree and neither can overrule the other—neither can outvote nor out-veto the other—they may revert to a least common denominator compromise, or simply react to events on the ground without ever articulating a principled course of action. In sum, where the authorization process is contested, states may be unable to pursue coherent strategies in international crises.
Last, ambiguity in a state's processes for strategic assessment can complicate the peaceful resolution of disputes by increasing the chance that other states will miscalculate its priorities in an interstate conflict. Where a state's preferences are hard to read—perhaps because competition between political and military leaders makes it difficult to monitor how decisions are being made in the security arena—its adversary may misjudge its resolve and make overly ambitious demands in a dispute. The crisis may escalate. Conversely, if a state has an extremely clear authorization process, in which the decision-making process is "readable," it might bolster the credibility of its threats and promises in a dispute: adversaries can assess for themselves the level of commitment a state has to an issue or course of action. In short, through their effects on the information they supply (or fail to supply) about its goals, a state's own strategic assessment processes can shape its adversaries' strategies in international disputes and therefore the outcomes of their strategic interactions (see table 1.1).
The Role of International Outcomes in the Causal Chain
The primary focus of this book is explaining why states vary in their processes for strategic assessment. These assessment institutions are important, as I articulate above, because they can lead to strategic failure; they generate poorly informed and executed military strategies and activities in a state's international relations. In turn, the state risks its own security, it allies' safety, and potentially the stability of the international arena.
To underscore the international importance of these internal processes, in each empirical case study, after exploring the effects of civil-military politics on strategic assessment, I discuss how those processes shaped the state's strategy and international relations in a significant interstate dispute. Once again, I do not expect that poor process always yields pathological policy and poor international outcomes. States can and do get lucky in muddling through conflicts even when they make tremendous mistakes in internal assessment. Their adversaries, for example, may make mistakes that compensate for a state's own strategic failings, rendering a happy ending to an otherwise precarious situation. Alternatively, even states with solid assessment and well-informed strategy can lose wars and fail in their international ambitions. Good strategic assessment does not render a state infallible. It just lessens its chances of making large strategic errors.
In fact, in nearly every case in this book there is a clear correlation between the quality of strategic assessment, the incidence of well-informed and well-executed strategy, and international success or failure. In those cases in which the causal link between assessment, strategy, and outcomes is weak, intervening factors often shaped internal or international developments in ways that neutralized the advantages and disadvantages afforded by strategic assessment. In short, this book suggests that pathologies in how states evaluate and choose their strategies merit our attention if we want to understand the sources of conflict and stability in the international arena. Understanding when states are prone to weaknesses (and strengths) in strategic assessment is critical (see fig. 1.2).
The Study of Strategic Assessment in Political Science
In advancing a theory of civil-military relations and strategic assessment, this book makes several important contributions to scholarship in both areas. First, it underscores the importance of states' civil-military relations for understanding their international relations. Of course, scholars have long recognized that interaction between political and military authorities is vital to the management of interstate conflicts. Nevertheless, most studies analyze military doctrine and activity as the principal outcomes of civil-military relations (Snyder 1991a; Posen 1984; Sagan 2000; Avant 1994; Kier 1997; Biddle and Zirkle 1996; Legro 1995; Van Evera 1991, 2001; Belkin 2005; Zisk 1993). In contrast, this study links those relations to a relatively unexamined, yet critical, outcome: the processes through which political and military leaders consult and choose their state's strategies in international disputes.7 It identifies the conditions under which civil-military relations produce better and worse processes for strategic assessment. Moreover, it does so in a comparative context. The book analyzes strategic assessment in a variety of historical and contemporary cases, representing diverse regions and regime types.
In the process the book also speaks to a central debate in international relations: whether democracies as a class of states are inherently better than others at evaluating their international environments. Recent scholarship argues that democracies should trump autocracies in strategic assessment (Reiter and Stam 2002; also see Peceny et al. 2002). This book is skeptical of that finding. Democracies too can regularly succumb tostrategic failures. The reasons have to do with the nature of their civil-military relations. As I elaborate in chapter 2, even when political leaders clearly dominate their militaries, as is commonly observed in democracies, intense, underlying conflict over substantive issues can truncate debate in advisory processes and invite serious strategic failure.
While questioning the inherent advantages of democracy, this book also challenges the corollary of the democratic-supremacy thesis: that autocracies are necessarily inferior at strategic assessment. In fact, autocracies should, at times, perform perfectly well at strategic assessment. When political leaders are solidly in charge and their preferences converge with those of military leaders on security issues, as, for example, in North Vietnam during the Vietnam War, they can cooperate in advisory processes: Civil-military relations pose no obstacle to sound strategic assessment.8 Holding all other factors equal, these states are quite capable of evaluating their international environments and military capabilities.
In fact one contribution of this study is to demonstrate how states can vary in strategic assessment with shifts in their civil-military relations independent of their regime type. The empirical studies show, for example, how the quality of strategic assessment varied considerably in Egypt in the mid1960s and early 1970s with changes in the civil-military balance of power, despite the fact that the regime remained autocratic throughout the period. The case study of Britain exhibits similar variation: Civil-military relations generated major differences in strategic assessment prior to and then during the First World War in the democratic state.
Finally, the book speaks to scholars interested in how variation in executive advisory processes affects foreign policymaking or crisis decision making. The extant scholarship generally points to psychological phenomena and leaders' personalities to explain why consultative processes vary. For example, one strand of theorizing found in studies of American foreign policymaking emphasizes how a president's personal style affects how that president manages foreign policy advisors in international conflicts.9
This study stresses an alternative cause of strategic assessment: states' civil-military relations. It argues that relations between political and military leaders shape consultative processes, independent of a leader's personal proclivities in managing his or her subordinates. Leaders may "want" a particular advisory system—one that provides them with comprehensive information and affords them definitive decision-making power—but political realities may militate against it.10 This was certainly true for Egypt's president Nasser in the mid-1960s.
A second strand of theorizing focuses on how cognitive, emotional, and other psychological stimuli affect how leaders process incoming information and decide strategy in crisis.11 These approaches often assume that information is objectively available to leaders and the obstacle to good strategic assessment resides in the individual's processing of it. But information may not be so readily available to leaders in the first place because of domestic political factors, like states' civil-military relations. In turn, even the most well-adjusted, seasoned, and lucid leader is going to have problems judging his options when he has poor information and analysis at the start. Conversely, a sound assessment process could help counteract leaders' tendencies to resist new data, react emotionally, or otherwise compartmentalize and interpret information through preexisting cognitive schema.12 Strategic assessment processes in fact may be an important remedy to these psychological pressures in decision making. Variation in assessment institutions may, moreover, explain why the cognitive and emotional problems highlighted by the literature in international relations often seem more acute in some cases than others.13
Plan of the Book
In the next chapter I elaborate the theory of civil-military politics and strategic assessment introduced above. I begin by orienting the argument theoretically, explaining my "distributional approach," and then discussing the causal variables, power and preference divergence, as well as the dependent variable, strategic assessment. Hypotheses about how strategic assessment varies in five civil-military settings follow. I conclude chapter 2 with the study's research design. Especially crucial, there I lay out the rationale for choosing the empirical cases on which I focus in this book and explaining how these control for alternative explanations and provide coverage for all the major hypotheses introduced in chapter 2.
Chapter 3 begins the first of two comprehensive studies of Egypt's civil-military relations and strategic assessment that constitute the empirical core of this book. It analyzes the period under Gamal Abdel Nasser in the early and mid-1960s, before the 1967 Arab-Israeli War. Chapter 4 picks up the story with the accession of Anwar Sadat as president in 1970 and examines strategic assessment in Egypt in the ensuing decade. In the next three chapters I undertake a series of six briefer studies, which are intended to complement my research on Egypt. I focus in chapter 3 on three cases: Britain and Germany before the First World War, and Britain during the war. Chapter 6 contains two studies of Pakistan and Turkey in the latter 1990s. Chapter 7 applies my theory to U.S. war planning for the 2003 Iraq War, explaining how civil-military relations contributed to inadequacies in strategic assessment, especially in preparing for the war's postconflict phase. Finally, chapter 8 concludes the analysis, first with a summary of the book's empirical findings, and second with a discussion of some of its key implications.
File created: 3/6/2008
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