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Many have noted the authoritarian and hierarchical character of Chinese social relationships. Such characteristics have often been traced to the Confucian political order of late imperial days. The political scientist Lucian Pye, for instance, holds the view that in the Chinese mentality there was special sensitivity to the importance of authority, which was evidenced in familial as well as political relationships.[11] The literary critic Fredric Jameson observes that in Chinese texts, just as in other Third World texts, "the story of the private individual destiny is always an allegory of the embattled situation of the public third-world culture and society." But unlike Pye, Jameson does not see this as the product of Chinese cultural traits. He attributes it instead to the oppositional relationships between the First and Third Worlds.[12] The fusion of individual experience with that of the nation-state and an absence of a distinct sense of the self nonetheless remain key characteristics of modern Chinese intellectual identity.
In his essay reexamining the political and philosophical ideas of Zhang Taiyan, Wang Hui takes on the question of the place of the individual in modern Chinese political thinking. Wang focuses on the crucial period between 1906 and 1908, when many of Zhang's most influential ideas—such as his call for a Han ethnic revolution against the Manchus and his unique brand of ethnically based modern Chinese nationalism—were taking shape. Wang goes about his task through a close analysis of the discursive mode in Zhang's writings and argues that Zhang's affirmation of the individual was the product of a process of negative reasoning. It stemmed from his rejection of the ontological reality of collective entities such as the "nation," the "state," and the "people," all seen as constructs in abstraction. Furthermore, the autonomy of the individual was seen as actualizing itself not in terms of inalienable rights but in terms of an ability to stand apart and say no— to resist collective demands on individual allegiance as misplaced, denounce universal principles as partial, reject the imperatives of social norms as coercive, and place the individual above and beyond the collectivity.
Implicit in Zhang's rejection of the collectivity, Wang Hui suggests, was thus a much broader rejection of the ontological assumptions and epistemological positions that naturalized the rise of nation-states as a universal historical process for
Wang's objective in this essay, however, was not to rewrite intellectual history so that Zhang could be presented as a champion of indigenous Chinese notions about the absolute autonomy of the individual. On the contrary, Wang goes on to show that Zhang's individuated self was freed from the materially determined collectivity only to be subsumed in a broader stream of subjectivity. Zhang's ultimate concern did not, according to Wang, rest either with issues of metaphysics or individuality, but with the revolutionary politics of the late Qing. To the extent that his treatises on Buddhism were meant to supplement his political pronouncements, his espousal of the concept of the individual was delimited, conversely, by the discursive practices that defined the burning political issues of his day.
Zhang's concept of the absolute autonomy of the individual, Wang Hui argues, thus did not necessarily exhaust the full logical potential of the notion. Instead of a three-way consideration of relationships among self, society, and the nation-state, Zhang followed a binary logic that opposed the individual exclusively against the nation-state. This particular positioning of the self, Wang believes, was a direct result of Zhang's intellectual rivalry with his political opponents, chiefly Yan Fu and Liang Qichao. The latter, as they sought the wealth and power of the Chinese nation, had accepted the political legitimacy of the Qing state. They pressed for reform rather than revolution, and were willing to strengthen the political center at the expense of the locale, despite the fact that the ruling house was ethnically Manchu. The debates between Zhang and Liang were thus not only debates over fundamental philosophical principles but also manifestations of tangible political struggles between the Constitutionalists (Liang) and the Revolutionaries (Zhang). It was a contest between two different strategies of mobilization: a top-down model that would enhance the state's capacity to extract resources and tighten up control, and a bottom-up model that would call into being, in the process of revolutionary change, the power of the people consisting of a multitude of individuals.
May Fourth individualism, which had played such a crucial role in the iconoclastic attack against China's cultural past, was, according to Wang Hui, different from Zhang's individualism, and the product of a different genealogy. Zhang's concept of
But even more important, Zhang's intellectual biography speaks directly to a number of critical issues. It demonstrates, first of all, that modern Chinese acceptance of the authority of the collectivity, far from being a matter of tradition, was a relatively recent development spurred by the quest for national wealth and power. Second, it shows that this acceptance was the product of specific historical circumstances rather than essentialized cultural attributes. The binary opposition between the collectivity and the individual, between the nation-state and the individuated subject, Wang shows, followed no logical necessity, let alone cultural imperatives. It was the product not only of the political goals and intellectual tasks that Zhang had set for himself—a matter of strategic choice rather than logical necessity—but also of the linguistic constraints and discursive mode of the moment, which were themselves shaped in time.[13]
The implications of Wang Hui's critical and revisionist interpretive position within the current Chinese intellectual context can hardly be exaggerated. In rereading Zhang, Wang has identified, in the intellectual life of the 1900s, an alternative conception of the individual in the formation of modern Chinese identity. This discovery helps to throw into sharp relief the intellectual genealogy of the much celebrated May Fourth conception of the individual, exposing the latter's materialistically deterministic foundation and its politically coercive nature at the same time. The ontological issues raised in the essay thus help to denaturalize the primacy of the nation-state as the one and only uncontested and conceivable subject of modern Chinese history.[14] In that sense, the essay delivers a forceful critique of a misplaced ardor for the wealth and power of the nation-state, a willingness to sacrifice the individual for the sake of the collectivity, and a tendency to compromise the moral for the expediency of the political.
Wang Hui does not deny the authoritarian and hierarchical nature of modern Chinese social relationships. Nor does he deny that Zhang Taiyan's conception of the individual was instrumental in nature. A recognition of these characteristics serves, in fact, as a point of departure in his search for an alternative genealogy of Chinese modernity. The conclusion that he offers points to viable strategies for escaping that past.
It is worthwhile to note that the critical spirit, which informs Wang's essay, is in itself a product of China's intellectual climate in the 1980s. In the post-Cultural Revolution decade, a whole new generation of Chinese scholars and intellectuals has come forward, willing to reexamine China's revolutionary history in this century from a critical perspective.
Much of this critical reflection has resulted in an intense search for the place of the individual and the meaning of human existence in Chinese society. Wang Hui's work, along with that of many others, including the philosopher Li Zehou, the literary critic Liu Zaifu, and the Marxist thinker Wang Ruoshui, is a fine example along these lines. How the individual has fared in China's twentieth century is, of course, a function not merely of metaphysical thinking, but also of discursive practices and cultural politics. The fate of the individual in this century of war and revolution has been inextricably bound to, above all, the rise of nationalism and socialism as hegemonic discourses, to the disciplining of a modern citizenship by the power of the party-state, and to the growth of a political culture of violence that these practices have spawned.
This culture, as chapter 8 by David Wang and chapter 9 by Frederic Wakeman illustrate, has been expressed in manifold ways, ranging from a festive celebration of bloodshed in class struggles against the landlords to the citizen patriots' cult of "blood, sweat, and tears" during the War of Resistance against the Japanese. Wang and Wakeman explore this culture from different perspectives—by rereading some of the most celebrated fictional works conventionally honored in standard literary history textbooks published in post-1949 China, and by an archival reconstruction of the lives of Shanghai's proresistance assassins who set upon Chinese collaborators. These essays take us beyond the charmed circles of municipal reformers, urban professionals, ingenious entrepreneurs, and sophisticated urbanites into the minds of comrade revolutionaries and citizen patriots. They permit us a glimpse into the darker side of Chinese modernity, where the political parties and the state, with the help of print media and new technology, worked toward disciplining the masses.
David Wang's essay, which examines scenes of crime and punishment in Chinese literary works from the late Qing to the late 1940s, addresses the issue of critical intellectual stances vis-à-vis the state and outlines a literary trajectory that progressed from a representation of violence to the transformation of literature into sites of violence. Wang begins with an analysis of Liu E's turn-of-the-century novel Lao Can's Travels, and notes the appearance of a modern consciousness of violence and injustice in its pages. Violence and injustice sprang from where they were least suspected, in the ostensibly impartial courtroom presided over by the incorruptible judge Gang Yi. This disparity opens up a literary space that enabled the author to set up a contest between poetic justice and legal justice, displacing the latter with the former and thereby renegotiating the terms of justice and violence in real lives as well as in literary representation.
A major thrust in the writing of modern Chinese literature, Wang notes, has been this compulsion to address social justice—a "high-strung, contentious call for justice" that turned the printed pages into veritable courtrooms of public appeal. This impulse to expose wrongs and this self-assigned mission to indict injustice in China's modern literature had much to do with its moment of birth in the midst of the May Fourth Movement, Wang suggests, as well as with May Fourth proponents'
In the 1930s, as sparks of cultural iconoclasm gave way to a full-blown ideology of socialist revolution, left-wing literary attacks on the past grew increasingly violent in imagery and imagination. Social justice became progressively fused with literary violence. Chinese literature under the auspices of leftist aesthetics, which began as a literary crusade against social injustice, evolved into a form that embraced violence.
After the outbreak of the War of Resistance, many left-wing writers joined the Chinese Communist Party in its wartime base areas in the various border regions of north and northwestern China. In the Communist capital of Yan'an, under the governance of the party, many lent their voices to the service of the Chinese Communist Party. The pen was mobilized not only to serve the politics of opposition in a war of resistance but also to launch attacks in partyled class warfare. With the transformation of the writers from critics into champions, poetic justice was subsumed by revolutionary justice.
Through a rereading of Ding Ling's The Sun Shines over the Sanggan River, David Wang makes his case about the total identification of the authorial voice with the grand narrative of a Communistled socialist revolution. In the pages of Ding Ling's much celebrated contribution to the genre of revolutionary literature, class enemies were subjected to "the arbitrary will of the newly empowered," and "punishments are performed with an aim to arouse bloody festivity." Ding Ling's novel on land reform fuses the theater, the courtroom, and the site of punishment. The animal instincts exhibited by the newly empowered in this piece of fiction are shown "as a logical outcome rather than a momentary human reversion to the bestial." The ink, in other words, was spilled not to lament, but to demand bloodshed as a historical necessity. Modern Chinese literature in this sense has espoused the socialist revolution as a final and total solution of all the crimes and injustices that deserved punishment. It fused poetic justice with class struggle and celebrated violence as justice. As the writers blended their voices with that of the party, their writings lost the critical dimension of self-reflection.
The new revolutionary literature of the left wing, David Wang argues, ultimately facilitated the disciplining of a new citizenship by reducing the role of "the man of the new era" to "the role of the woman of the prerevolutionary era." The "hero" becomes, at best, an emasculated male—someone who earns his place in the master narrative through continuous acts of self-sacrifice, self-denial, and selfless penitence for the higher goals of the collectivity: in other words, he displays virtues conventionally gendered female rather than male. Such a hero is honored for his willingness to permit the loss of his individuality and humanity to the inexorable forces of the law of history. With protagonists such as these taking center stage, literary crusades against social injustice came to an end, and violence in modern Chinese literature was finally stabilized, Wang concludes, "in the form of self-imposed crimes and self-inflicted punishments."
The crime and punishment in Wang's essay, which tested the mettle of the revolutionary hero, were the exploitative deeds of one's class and ensuing fire and death in the purgatory of class warfare. The crime and punishment in Wakeman's essay, which explores the phenomenon of hanjian in the context of the War of Resistance, were fused with collaboration and resistance, and the hero, who loved his country instead of the people, fought the collaborators instead of the landlords. However, the war hero was no more a master of his own deeds in the patriotic campaigns of resistance than was the revolutionary hero in the struggles for justice, as Wakeman so aptly shows with his analysis of the discursive context of hanjian.
A hanjian in the twentieth century, Wakeman tells us, is an ethnic Chinese who had gone over to the enemy and betrayed his own people. The term combined ethnic transgression with political betrayal: it connected "ethnocultural treachery and the crossing of boundaries by collusion with foreigners," which was "linked in turn with bestiality, sexual violation, and demonic behavior." In other words, popular attacks on hanjian were grounded in two sets of understanding. The term suggested, first, the primacy of a communal identity that was ethnocultural, instead of socioeconomic, ethical-religious, or political. Second, as it fused deeds of treachery and transgression, it blurred the distinctions between issues of citizenship and identity.
Identity, in the discursive practices centered upon the campaigns against hanjian, was, as Wakeman demonstrates, not only a matter of communal belonging on the basis of ethnicity but also the very foundation of one's claim to humanity. Those who had transgressed the bounds had gone beyond the pale of the civilized world and were no longer human, and thus were the rightful targets of elimination. Conversely, those who remained within the ethnic bounds not only were the cherished members of a blood brotherhood, but they could claim superior human understanding.
Chinese citizenship in this discourse of hanjian was, by Wakeman's analysis, thus a product of one's ethnic identity. Ethnic allegiance not only determined one's civic obligations but also functioned as a substitute for the latter. Meanwhile, to the extent that those within the ethnic bounds could claim superior human understanding, the duties of citizenship necessarily entailed a moral imperative to launch attacks on the traitors, since by committing treason the latter had forfeited their claims to humanity. "Hanjian," Wakeman writes, "did not deserve to be killed only because they were 'treacherous merchants' smuggling black market rice and driving up the price for decent Chinese; or because they opened up opium supply bureaus to 'poison' (duhua) their compatriots; or because they heedlessly 'extorted' (sougua) higher and higher taxes from the farmers the Japanese permitted them to govern; or because they sold out Chinese economic interests to their masters in Tokyo. They deserved to be killed just because they were hanjian, and that was all there was to it."
Those who performed deeds of patriotism, as they followed a logic of ethnic identity couched in terms of moral obligation, thus could hardly claim moral agency and individual autonomy. But the heroes of resistance, Wakeman argues, were products of larger forces in yet another sense.
The term hanjian, Wakeman shows, did not originate with the twentieth century. Its first usage can be traced back to the Song dynasty, when it described Han Chinese officials who spied for the Jurchen Jin dynasty. In the twentieth century, as a matter of discursive practice the meaning of the term did not stabilize until after the retreat of the Nationalist government from Wuhan in December 1938—in an atmosphere of loss and defeat—when many Chinese appeared to have wavered on their resolution to fight the Japanese. The Nationalists and the Communists, allies in the United Front, consciously resolved to polarize the distinction between the "traitors" and the "heroes" in an effort to mobilize popular support for armed resistance. Under the orchestration of the state and the two major political parties, resistance fighters were portrayed in the press as good heroes, while pacifists, would-be collaborators, and collaborators alike were branded as villains. This stark opposition between the heroes and the villains grew out of a willful determination to overlook the complexity and ambivalence of collaboration. The good and the evil, once separated, were then accorded sharply dichotomized treatments. "Those who continued to be traitors to the people (minzu pantu), who continued to act publicly as puppets or to behave clandestinely as hanjian, not only risked the wrath of Heaven, but they also faced public elimination by their fellow citizens." A whole generation of young men were taught, meanwhile, not only to love their country, but also to set upon the traitors.
In a richly textured account based on the files of the Shanghai Municipal Police, Wakeman offers a close look at patriotic deeds on the streets of Shanghai as wild-eyed young men were recruited as assassins for the military intelligence service of the Nationalist government in Chongqing. There was a certain glamour to the deeds of violence and the lore of heroic assassins in popular culture on Shanghai streets, Wakeman shows. The committed killers included a destitute printer completely dependent upon relatives, a teenager unable to find a job since graduating from primary school, a waiter with a friend in the guerrillas, a laid-off clothing salesman, and a number of country folks in the city who shared an attic with bosom friends. These men gunned down, hacked open, chopped up, clubbed to death doctors, writers, journalists, financiers, industrialists, politicians—eliminating anyone suspected of dealings with the enemy. Most of these assassins also died young themselves, captured, tortured, and killed either by the Japanese military police or agents in the service of Chinese collaborators.
Even as these young men were spilling blood to defend the community's ethnic integrity, the top leaders of the war in Chongqing, Nanjing, northern Jiangsu, and Tokyo were subtly adjusting themselves to the changing dynamics in the battlefields. The leaders struck deals and formed tactical alliances that redrew political boundaries. The firm lines drawn between the hero and the traitor, the good and the evil, Wakeman concludes, were fully subject to redefinition by expediency.[15]
Wang Hui's essay, as we have seen, is a search for the standing of the individual vis-à-vis the collectivity in modern Chinese life. The essays by David Wang and Wakeman underscore, in contrast, the largely collective and authoritarian characteristics
Not everyone, of course, strove to be a hero. Few, however, could elude the disciplining power of the hegemonic discourse. Socialist revolution and nationalist resistance, according to the analysis by Wang and Wakeman, each produced its version of a tragic hero. But modern hegemonic discourse shaped public as well as private lives, and reconfigured domestic as well as civic spaces. Both socialism and nationalism demanded undivided allegiance of all Chinese. The emergence of such discursive practices not only forcefully rearranged the distribution of symbolic resources but also—much as did the power of commodification analyzed by Leo Lee—altered the semiotics of everyday life. The modern nation-state, working through a variety of means at its disposal, not only posed a powerful challenge to all established forms of corporatist power and authority; it structured a whole system of representation and set the terms of individual self-representation. It was within this context that the traditional patriarchal system of authority, as Prasenjit Duara in chapter 10 and Paul Pickowicz in chapter 11 suggest, was significantly reconfigured in modern times. The new nationalist discourse had a large part to play not only in the lives of men but also of women.
Duara's essay, which explores the representation of women in modern Chinese nationalist discourse, examines at the same time the subversion of such discourse by the women themselves. Two very different nationalistic representations of women have emerged in China, according to Duara. On the one hand, there was the May Fourth representation of the radically anti-Confucian, antifamilial, nationalist woman, and on the other, the varieties of more conservative constructions of woman as the representative of the soul of tradition. Politically, the former was associated with the Communists, while the latter was more commonly aligned with the Nationalist and social reformers. The iconoclastic woman, liberated as she appeared to be, turned out to be a political liability: communism itself was delegitimized by its association with such representations in the 1920s and 1930s, because radical women and their behavior threatened to corrupt the inner purity of Chinese culture. By contrast, conservative women, tradition-bound as they seemed to be, were brought into the modern world and established at the center of a "new nationalist patriarchy."
Why did the political fallout from these two female representations sort itself out as it did? The answer, Duara suggests, lies in the larger question of the construction of national identity, especially the authentication of an interior space
Just how exactly were Chinese women supposed to personify the essence of the national tradition? This, Duara shows, was of course a matter of many pragmatic possibilities and diverse political ramifications. Leading Republican figures, from Sun Yatsen and Wang Jingwei to Lu Xun, each had their thoughts on the subject. The critical consideration in this context, Duara notes, was how nationalist patriarchy came into being by appropriating the categories of traditional patriarchy to serve the nation. Thus a woman might be able to affirm her traditional attributes—steadfastness and compassion (qualities that Chinese men presumably did not have), hence public-mindedness and patriotism—in the new discursive context of the nation-building project.
How the categories of traditional patriarchy were appropriated to serve the purposes of the new nationalist patriarchy was examined further at close range in the context of the emergence of the Morality Society, a middle-class elite association, as it operated in Manzhouguo under Japanese sponsorship in the 1930s. An elite association closely supervised by the Japanese authorities, the Morality Society boasted a membership including top officials, merchants, and landowners at all levels of Manzhouguo society from the major cities to the subcounty townships. It was, Duara acknowledges, a jiaohua (moral education) agency with a strong propagandizing urge, spreading messages of peace, morality, and spiritual salvation of the world by Confucian East Asia. It countered the West, characterized as material, with an East that was moral rather than spiritual in the sectarian tradition, in part as a result of its close relation with the state. It sought no radical break with the cults of chaste widows and virtuous wives. Its middle-class patriarchal
Duara agrees that this pedagogy was far from meaningless. Buttressed by the educational institutions and the propaganda machinery at the command of the state and the middle-class patriarchy, nationalist patriarchy placed constraints on the permissible for women and gave them the terms in which to think of their own subjectivity. Not all was lost, however. Through a close reading of over three hundred pages of personal narratives and testimonials—of the female leaders and teachers of the Morality Society who taught in its charitable schools and went around the country in the mid-1930s giving lectures on morality—Duara shows that a gap existed between women as the constituted subject and the enunciating subject. The very fact that these women participated in the Morality Society, Duara argues, was itself an ideal way to "control their activities outside the home." Furthermore, the positive evaluation of the realm of the social or public in modern ideologies created opportunities for women to define as their proper space of action an expanded community of moral service. Women as enunciating subjects were thereby able to construct a sphere of autonomous activity outside the prescribed traditional feminine domain, even as they were represented in these terms once again in the new nationalist patriarchy. The women lecturers of Manzhouguo's Morality Society were thus people who maneuvered the language in the same moment as they were constituted by it, successfully defying the latter even as the bonds remained.
The construction of women in modern Chinese nationalist discourse, by Duara's analysis, thus cuts both ways. While the logic of national identity and nationalistic patriarchy demanded that women be represented as the repository of female virtues according to the categories generated in the traditional system of patriarchal authority, the very valorization of the nation in a patriarchal discourse opened up a new space for female action and autonomy. This inner connection between nationalism and patriarchy, which, in Duara's presentation, was simultaneously a product of the opposition between the First and the Third Worlds and of the imperatives of nation building, resulted in new dynamics that defied simple dichotomized divisions phrased either as "tradition versus modernity" or as "progressive versus conservative."
The historical connection between modern nationalism and traditional patriarchy was, of course, operative in a variety of contexts. While Duara sees it in the representation of women by the morality associations of the Manzhouguo middle-class elite, Pickowicz finds it in the popular Shanghai films made in the late 1940s on China's wartime experience. Duara, as has been noted, sees in this connection certain irreducible psychological imperatives plus an epistemological necessity—he argues, in other words, that the connections are necessary so that the national subject recognizes himself or herself in an evolutionary scheme of time,
Disillusionment and despair were facts of postwar life in China, Pickowicz shows. The majority of Chinese endured utter devastation, which occurred over large parts of China during the War of Resistance. They emerged from the battlefields feeling dislocated and defeated, despite China's final victory over Japan.
A series of postwar films appeared in the late 1940s that confronted the problem of such malaise in the Shanghai area. Following a formulaic representation that recounted China's war experience in the form of epic narratives about how Chinese families endured, these films were immediate box office successes that sold out to full house capacity for months on end. The films, which captured a pervasive urban mood in the late 1940s, helped to articulate a sense of injustice and dislocation in postwar China that turned victory into an experience of defeat. Although the Nationalist government was not blamed, many negative characters in the films were Chongqing-bound wartime profiteers. Thus the films most likely contributed to the mounting criticism of the Nationalist regime and its eventual collapse. For this reason they have conventionally been labeled as politically "progressive" in film histories produced after 1949.
Pickowicz's close analysis of the classics in this genre—notably Far Away Love, Eight Thousand Miles of Cloud and Moon, and A Spring River Flows East—shows, however, that there was nothing revolutionary in them when it comes to the representation of the family. The family values and cultural politics expressed in them were in fact decidedly conservative. The patriotism and unselfish public-spiritedness of all the positive characters were natural extensions of their old-fashioned, neo-Confucian cultural orientation. All negative characters, however, were simply the ones who had betrayed these time-honored family values. The villains had transgressed cultural boundaries, become corrupted by Western styles and alien ways, and given themselves to greed, decadence, callousness, and selfishness that virtually prepared them for collaboration with the enemy—much as the hanjian traitors described in Wakeman's essay. There was, Pickowicz notes, an unmistakable anti-mercantile and antibourgeois thrust that informed all these films. All the positive characters, by contrast, had endured and persevered through thick and thin, their sense of self and of Chineseness remaining intact whether in life or at the moment of death, thanks to the traditional norms that authenticated their sense of worth and being. Thus, instead of spearheading cultural iconoclasm, these postwar "progressive" films had in fact aligned themselves with a nationalist discourse that
We should note, however, that the postwar films about families in war were not simply allegories about the nation; they were allegories about a nation in distress. The family relationships that the films depicted were not simple expressions of traditional patriarchal norms either, but showed the patriarchal order in disarray. War films capture the crisis by showing a redistribution of attributes between men and women. In the examples offered by Pickowicz, decency, strength, loyalty, and dedication were often exhibited by women but not men. Moral degeneration, emotional weakness, failure to resist colonialism, and evidence of wavering and withdrawal were the sins of men but not women. The war, Pickowicz notes, appeared to have brought out the best in Chinese women and the worst in Chinese men.
The strain placed on patriarchal order in moments of national distress might have brought forth admirable heroines, discredited male characters, and disrupted the familial institutions. But it did not necessarily delegitimize patriarchal authority, nor did it endow women with greater autonomy. Those who survived the war by drawing strength from traditional feminine virtues such as patience, endurance, self-sacrifice, and caring for others, Pickowicz shows, were not rewarded with triumph at the end of the war. These women emerged from trial and tribulation heroic in moral stature, only to be betrayed and rejected by their impure spouses. Heroines who denounced the immorality of their kin and broke the bonds of their bourgeois families fared no better, if a higher degree of autonomy was among the objectives. The logic of their own moral superiority dictated that they join a new patriotic collective and submit themselves to its patriarchal authority. Their virtue thus won them an expanded space for selfless service and total dedication. As much as they appeared to have stepped out of the confines of the home to join the public, the communal, and the collective, women as the constituted subject in a positive role continued to be represented by those very qualities traditionally gendered as feminine.
Whether Chinese women had fared better or worse with the emergence of a nationalistic patriarchal system of authority is, of course, an issue for further research and debate. Pickowicz and Duara, through examinations of different sets of materials under separate circumstances, have mapped out comparable sets of problems. Both essays offer the suggestion that, with the rise of a new nationalist discourse, women's space for action had expanded beyond the domestic confines traditionally prescribed. The valorization of the nation and public opened up new spheres for women's activities. The disruption of the family and the rise of the collectives, however, also placed them under the patriarchal authority of the state in an unprecedented way. Unlike the middle-class Manzhouguo women lecturers in Morality Society, women in collectives depicted in the films were no longer housewives endeavoring to extend the bounds of their prescribed space. They were, through their devotion to the fatherland, desexualized women comrades and warriors
The discursive practices that Pickowicz has exposed shed light on the representation of the female subject as pedagogically constituted. They raise questions about how the three-way realignment of power relationships among the nation, the patriarch, and the woman played themselves out in China's century of war and revolution. Whether the realignment resulted in a regendering of the feminine and a recoding of social spaces in the context of Chinese modernity is a question, as Leo Lee's essay suggests, that awaits further exploration. What Duara and Pickowicz have eloquently shown, along with Wang Hui, David Wang, and Wakeman, is the steady and unrelenting rise—whether by logical necessity or by sheer happenstance, with benevolent intent or authoritarian command—of the power of the nation-state and its ever-expanding capacity to intervene in the production of modern Chinese identity.
The expanding state, as we learn from Kirby and Strand, was able, on its way up, to muster the service of a whole generation of modern professional elites while claiming their allegiance. These individuals built the institutional foundation of the modern Chinese polity. Yet despite the overseas exposure and maritime contacts in their social and educational background, they were far less effective in articulating an alternative set of principles that posed a challenge to entrenched cultural and political norms.
In Shanghai and other coastal cities, meanwhile, forces unleashed by the trade of goods and ideas worked steadily to redefine social relationships and the material foundation of everyday life. The cosmopolitan flair and the entrepreneurial drive, so central to a vision of Shanghai modernity in the 1930s, brought to life a new era of public culture and civic activism in the years leading up to the War of Resistance. Yet barely a decade later, the energy and sophistication of this prewar urban efflorescence seemed, from the perspective of a wartorn China, remote and removed indeed. Nonetheless, as the chapters in this volume will show, the high hopes for enlightenment as well as the deep despair over war, the streetcorner poetry as well as the state-sponsored violence, were irreducible parts of modern Chinese historical experience. As we follow the passages of middle-class elites sojourning across a fragmented landscape from the coast to the interior and back, we can explore both the meaning of becoming Chinese and the legacies of that quest.


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St. Sylvester Catholic Church will hold its annual Blessing of the Animals event on Oct. 8 at 10 a.m.
The event will honor the feast day of St. Francis of Assisi, who is known as the patron saint of animals and the environment. All are welcome to bring their pets (leashed or caged, please) to St. Sylvester Catholic Church, 6464 Gulf Breeze Parkway.
"We hope to expect a lot of people this year, for our number is increasing each year," said Holly Hoskamer who organized this year's blessing. "Many churches across the country have festivals. I would like our community to know that all are welcome to attend with their pets, so come out and meet some of the great people of our parish."
For more information, please call St. Sylvester at 939-3020.

subset: commoncrawl


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The Top 13 Broadcasting Bloopers of 2013
Ah yes, it's that most wonderful time of the year - the time to look back on all the best gaffes, blunders, screw-ups, and all around funny moments of 2013 with the top broadcasting bloopers of the year. Since we've somehow made it as a website for another year, the list of broadcast bloopers is bigger and better than ever before with 13 clips for your enjoyment.
13) George Stephanopoulos mistakes Bill Russell for Morgan Freeman
At President Barack Obama's second inauguration, Celtics legend Bill Russell was in attendance. ABC news type person George Stephanopoulos somehow mistook him for famed actor Morgan Freeman, in spite of Russell's white Celtics hat. Thank goodness he didn't make the same mistake for coverage of Nelson Mandela's memorial service.
12) "Today we're honoring and supporting Qualcomm"
New York Mets pitcher Matt Harvey is the only current athlete to make our list. He went on The Dan Patrick Show in September for what was supposed to be a normal, everyday interview. What transpired was the most passionate and bizarre product pitch in recent memory. Harvey blocked DP's questions about his arm injury and instead insisted "today's about Qualcomm" because that's what is really important. Qualcomm. It's always about Qualcomm. Just wait until Qualcomm is named next MLB commissioner.
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Onion Creek Club - Original/ North Course
2510 Onion Creek PkwyAustin, TX 78747
Phone: (512)282-2162Fax: (512)280-4574
This club features an eighteen hole regulation course and a nine hole regulation course. The eighteen hole North Course is considered the birthplace of the Senior PGA Tour. This is not a long course, but it does require a variety of shotmaking abilities. The greens are small and undulating, and water comes into play on several holes. The Original Course was reopened in June, 1996. Water comes into play on two holes, and most of the greens are well-bunkered. Hole #7 is a long 601-yard, par 5, with a narrow fairway all the way to the green. Hole # 2 is a short par 3, measuring 131 yards from the back tees. The green is well-protected with sand bunkers on the front and left sides.
Holes: 18 | Greens: Bermuda Grass | Fairways: Bermuda Grass |
Greens Fees: | $50-$79 |
Course Type: | private |
Dress Code: | No denim, collared shirt and bermuda shorts required |
Season: | Open all year (closed on Mondays) |
Guest Policy: | Reciprocal |
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If you think Subaru is just a small niche automaker who doesn't have global aspirations, their Global Design Team will make you think again.
Kevin Kamooneh parked his Nissan LEAF at the Chamblee Middle School in the Atlanta area to pick up his son from tennis practice.
The 2015 Ford Mustang will be offered with three different engines and two transmissions and while we will talk about the other engines and the transmissions in a bit, the biggest piece of drivetra
As I first reported back in mid-November, Hyundai's chief technology officer resigned in the wake of increasing vehicl
In August Torque News reported on Toyota's plans to create and all-new Prius. This was not a speculation story.
Now that I've further distanced myself from personal friends that own and claim to love their Toyota Prius, I apologize to the Honda loyal that have opted to purchase the Insight, quite possibly th


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This was a great place for our Grandson's Wedding to a beautiful young Lady. Every thing was great except for a few minor things like a outdated TV (middle 80's) and we were told by the people at check-in that they did not serve breakfast, we would have to drive 10 miles to get it. However, we did the next... More
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10 Steps to a Positively Pleasant Pregnancy
Learn how to make the best of this incredible journey
Love Your Body
Even if your body more closely resembles National Geographic than nude and pregnant Demi Moore, you can and should enjoy it. Invest in a few quality maternity outfits that suit your coloring and style. Forget the muumuu styles and flaunt that belly with a few tighter outfits, or even a half shirt that shows your belly if that suits your personality. (Stretch marks? Try a temporary tattoo for fun!) Get your spouse or a friend to play photographer and have a photo shoot—indulge in costume changes, creative angles, and new poses; put on a swimsuit and photograph your silhouette; or (if you're really daring) pose for a few nudes.


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The Impact of Trauma on the Developing Child - Webinar
03/17/2011 - 2:00pm
Sponsoring Agency:
U.S. Department of Health and Human Services
What every health and social service provider needs to know about the importance of providing trauma-informed services to women and girls across the lifespan.
The impact of violence, abuse, neglect, disaster, war, and other harmful experiences continues long after the traumatic event has ended. Exposure to trauma is a pervasive issue that has significantly impacted the health and well-being of millions of Americans and nearly everyone seeking services in the public health and social services systems. Understanding how trauma affects the emotional, behavioral, cognitive, social, and physical functioning of the people we care for can improve our services.
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<3 <3 <3 <3
I think tumblr should buy a country so all of us can relocate there permanently. It'll have nation-wide free wireless internet. We can live in houses according to blog categories/fandoms and we'll stalk the good looking people on tumblr from an awkward distance. The only foods on our diet will be pizza and nutella. And we'll all have a gazillion cats who dance. Of course, a HP Marathon once a week with the regular Misfits and Spongebob. Unicorns will be our chosen form of transportation. At tumblrland, we'll embrace each others' awkwardness and best of all, our humors will finally be properly appreciated. And we'll all be forever alone, together.
along with Michael Jackson themed parties
this deserves more notes god dammit.


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Ombudsman Ewropew
Dokumenti relatati
Dear Mr. Diamandouros,
It is our understanding that you have inquired about information on the situation of people with disabilities worldwide. The institution that I am working for, the Center for International Rehabilitation, is realizing a project to monitor disability rights in partnership with international and grassroots organizations of disabled people as well as individual disability advocates. Our first Regional Report on the Americas will be published on August 23rd and the first report on the Asia Pacific Region will be released on December 3rd. (Please, find details of the International Disability Rights Monitor Project IDRM on the attached summary). I am sending a copy of our IDRM Compendium. This publication contains a survey of disability legislation in 52 countries of the world and the results of the field-work conducted to test the IDRM research tool.
I will send you a copy of our Regional Report on the Americas when it is completed. However, if you have any question before that I will be more than willing to respond on behalf of the CIR.
Kind regards,
Maria Veronica ReinaInternational CoordinatorCenter for International Rehabilitation1900 L Street NW, Suite 500Washington, DC 20036Phone: 202-223-3576Fax: firstname.lastname@example.com
Program Description: The creation of a reporting network, database and annual report on the conditions of people with disabilities and the barriers and problems that they face.
Background: Remarkably little is known about the extent or the nature of the challenges faced by persons with disabilities in the world today. Even the most rudimentary statistics are unavailable. Estimates of the number of persons with disabilities range from 4 to more than 15 percent of the world's population. An absence of statistical clarity should not distract from the crux of the problem -- hundreds of millions of people in the world today are disabled and many of them are deprived of even the most basic human rights. Historically, disability has been defined and treated solely as a medical condition. Now the global paradigm is shifting, in large part because people with disabilities are the subjects of profound political and social discrimination. The international community is increasingly focused on those aspects of disability that are deeply interconnected with human rights. When disability is understood in these terms, it is clear that the rights of people with disabilities are not adequately protected by current international law although there has been an encouraging trend in recent years toward the creation of domestic laws and policies that commit governments to promoting access, ensuring inclusion and providing necessary services. As yet however, no civil society mechanism exists for monitoring and promoting these efforts.
Discussion: The International Disability Rights Monitor (IDRM) project is an annual report documenting and assessing the condition and treatment of people with disabilities internationally. The IDRM project documents, in a coordinated, systematic and sustained way, the problems and barriers experienced by people with disabilities. To accomplish this, the IDRM utilizes a network of local and regional researchers drawn not only from the disability community but also from other elements of civil society including human rights organizations, journalists and scholars. The major components of the IDRM are a regional report, a disability research guide, an international reporting network, a central database and an annual report card. The creation of the reporting network, comprised of local researchers in each country, is central to the IDRM methodology. In 2003, the Center for International Rehabilitation (CIR) completed Phase 1 of the IDRM project and published the International Disability Rights Compendium, a review of current practices and analysis of disability laws in 52 countries. A 90-item research tool was developed and field-tested to survey the rights and conditions for people with disabilities worldwide. Finally, a research network was formed covering 24 countries of the Americas and, in collaboration with Disabled Peoples International, 7 countries in the Asia Pacific region. As the project moves forward the IDRM will develop an annual report card and publish regional reports in August and December of 2004 to monitor the progress made on behalf of international disability rights.


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I'm Related to Mario Batali? Unearthing Our Hidden Histories Through Our DNA
Do we ever really find out who we are? Maybe not, but 23andMe helps us get a little closer by revealing our genetic secrets.
For those of us not returning to school this fall, let's pretend like we are. Here's some ways to set the mood.


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The Justice Department then filed a civil rights suit against the officers, alleging "deprivations of federal rights under color of law," and two were convicted in 1993. A court sentenced them to 30 months in federal prison.
Weinstein said the Justice Department can't file similar charges against Zimmerman because he is a private citizen instead of a police officer or government official of any kind.
"There are no other relevant sections under which to prosecute him" other than the hate crime statute, which covers "offenses involving actual or perceived race, color, religion, or national origin," Weinstein added.
However, Martin's family can still file a civil wrongful death lawsuit against Zimmerman to seek penalties and damages. Such a legal move carries no criminal penalty or prison time.


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You do realise like 5% of the people here actually like sports right?
"We have a very daring and skillful opponent against us, and, may I say across the havoc of war, a great general."
-Winston Churchill
Hey man I just don't like balls that much.
Also since it's football, I have to give you the obligatory 'LOL US PLAYING FOOTBALL LOL".
Have a nice day <3
I play paintball, even in a league for a while. And I watch world cup hockey and some of the Olympics. About as far as my love of sports goes. Hard to root for a local pro team when most of the players are from everywhere but that city, and when GMs don't put together a good team because they will sell out seats regardless.
A special thanks to MissCapnCrunch for the sig!
And another special thanks to Tick for the avatar!
You guys rock my Casbah!
Roleplays I GM
The Elder Scrolls: Vengeance of the Deep (Co-GMing with O|NoSoul)
Mass Effect: Nova (Collaborative GM project among all players)
I hate sports, but I love it when Mexicans lose to anyone in soccer.
Act my age? What the fuck is that, act my age? What do I care how old I am?
The Ocean is old as fuck.
It will still drown your ass with vigor.
I love playing sports, but I hate watching them. Soccer is one of those sports that puts me to sleep when I watch it, but when it comes to the world cup...GAME ON.
I relish any chance I get to paint myself red, white and blue, get hammered, and scream at the television as my home country competes against other countries. Especially when It comes to us beating them at sports we don't care about, but they love.


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Hollywood's biggest names kicked off April with work this week. George Clooney gave his cast two thumbs-up on the set of The Monuments Men in Berlin, as Jennifer Lawrence dressed to the nines in Boston for David O. Russell's latest project with Bradley Cooper. Nicole Kidman braved the chilly London weather on the set of Before I Go to Sleep, and her Paperboy costar Zac Efron was in LA while filming Townies.
Click through to see all of this week's stars on set.


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The Volume of the Sphere in Arabic Mathematics: Historical and Analytical Survey
1 | 2 | Next
By Professor Dr. Mustafa Mawaldi1
Table of contents
1. Introduction2. Historical survey 2.1. The volume of the sphere in Greeks mathematics: Archimedes 2.2. The volume of the sphere in Chinese mathematics3. The volume of the sphere in Arabic mathematics 3.1. Banu Musa 3.2. Abu 'l-Wafa al-Buzgani 3.3. Al-Karaji 3.4. Ibn Tahir al-Baghdadi 3.5. Ibn al-Haytham 3.6. Ibn al-Yasamin 3.7. Ibn al-Khawwam 3.8. Kamal al-Din al-Farisi 3.9. Al-Kashi 3.10. Bahā' al-Dīn al-'āmilī 4. Conclusion
* * *
Large image
Figure 1: A sphere circumscribed in a cylinder: the sphere has two thirds of the volume and surface area of the circumscribing cylinder.
Basically, this research is concerned with the cubic measure of the volume of the sphere in the mathematical tradition of the Arabic civilization. We begin by surveying the ancient contribution with a presentation of Archimedes' results in the Greek tradition on this issue, besides a survey of the development of cubic measure of sphere in Chinese mathematics. The fundamental points of our study discuss the following subjects. After a historical introduction on the volume of the sphere in Greek and Chinese mathematics, we present a thorough survey of the same topic in the mathematics of the Arabic-Islamic civilization from the 9th to the 17th century, especially in the works of Banu Musa, Abu 'l-Wafa al-Buzgani, Al-Karaji, Ibn Tahir al-Baghdadi, Ibn al-Haytham, Ibn al-Yasamin, Al-Khawam al-Baghdadi, Kamal al-Din al-Farisi, Jamshid al-Kashi, and Baha' al-Din al-'Amili. Finally, a set of conclusions is deduced.
2. Historical survey
2.1. The volume of the sphere in Greeks mathematics: Archimedes
Figure 2: Two manuscript pages of the Greek text of Archimedes' Sphere and Cylinder (Source).
His book The Sphere and Cylinder [3] is composed of two parts. In the first one, Archimedes presented a number of definitions and postulates. Then he discussed the surfaces and volumes of some solids, such as the surface area of the sphere as well as its volume. In the second part, he developed some constructions and demonstrations related to the theories that he had mentioned in the first part.
Archimedes gives a rule of the volume of the sphere in comparison with the cone and cylinder. In the words of Nasir al-Din al-Tusi's edition and recension of his book The Sphere and Cylinder, Archimedes' first formula is formulated as follows:
"Each sphere is equal to four times a cone whose base is equal to the greatest circle in that sphere, and the height [of this cone] is equal to the radius of that sphere. [4]"
We may write such a rule as follows: V = 4V1; assuming that S1 = S4 and r = H4. This formula corresponds to the eighth formula of Al-Kashi, as we will see below.
Afterwards, Archimedes expressed the second formula as follows:
"Each cylinder of which the base is equal to the greatest circle that exists in a sphere, and its height is equal to the diameter of its base, [such a cylinder] is equal to one and a half of the sphere [5]."
That is, in symbolic language: 3/2V = V2; assuming that S1 = S2 and d = H2. This formula corresponds to the seventh formula of Al-Kashi.
In the Arabic edition of Archimedes' treatise composed by Nasir al-Din al-Tusi, we find the complete demonstration of these two formulas [6]. In addition, the modern mathematical analysis of the Archimedean theorem of the volume of the sphere is developed by Marshall Clagett in his article on Archimedes in the Dictionary of Scientific Biography [7].
2.2. The volume of the sphere in Chinese mathematics
Figure 3: Modern imaginary portrait of the mathematician Muhamad al-Bujzani known as Abu 'l-Wafa (940-997 CE) (Source).
The Chinese gave special interest to the cubic measure of the volume of the sphere. Thus, we find in the fourth chapter of The Arithmetic Art in Nine Chapters two problems related to the calculation of the diameter of a sphere that has a definite volume, then, the solution was obtained by finding the following cubic- root:
We may formulate the above relation as follows: V = (9/16)d3. Certainly, this is a wrong formula of the cubic measure of the volume of the sphere, as it is greater than the real volume by the amount (13/336 d3).
The historians refer the origin of that formula to different sources and analyses such as:
1. The practical method: An unknown interpreter of the book The Arithmetic Art in Nine Chapters reached the above formula by a trial of the cubic measure as follows: a cubic weight of copper, its diameter being one inch/+/16x200g, and the weight of a sphere of copper having a diameter 9x200g; from here the two numbers 16 and 9 were deduced.
Besides, it is curious to find that the theory of the practical method to make a cubic measure of the volume of the sphere of Al-Karaji corresponds to the practical method used in the Chinese treatise, although it differs from it in certain details, as the Chinese mathematician made the diameter of the sphere equal to a cube diameter, whilst Al-Karaji made the diameter of the sphere equal to one side of the cube. Consequently the volume of the sphere in the Chinese treatise by the practical method was greater than the real volume –as mentioned above– by the amount of (13/336 d3); whilst the volume of the sphere in Al-Karaji by the practical method was greater than the real volume by the amount of (31/315 d3).
Both approaches led to a greater value than the exact one for the calculation of the volume of the sphere, but the Chinese practical method is closer to the real volume of the sphere. We need to mention here that we don't know the history of the Chinese practical method.
2. The value of π. Some historians of mathematics [9] link the original formula found in the Chinese calculation of the volume of the sphere to the history of π value. Hence, the author of the Arithmetic Art in Nine Chapters would use π with the value 25/8. Actually, the value of π in this book is considered roughly as 3 in general.
Finally, we find that the Chinese author made a thorough study and after several arduous attempts got the formula of the correct volume of the sphere.
3. The volume of the sphere in Arabic mathematics
3.1. Banu Musa
Figure 4: Figures of the geometrical proof of the Pythagorean theorem by Abu 'l-Wafa al-Buzgani and its application in ornamental tiles: two equal squares are easily combined into a bigger square; Abu 'l-Wafa's method works even if the squares are different (Source).
The book consists in an introduction and eighteen theorems. In general, the book investigates the rules to calculate the areas of the spherical and plane surfaces with their volumes. It also discusses a set of geometric problems such as the division of angles into three equal portions, placing two quantities between two quantities in order to create series of one proportion. Hence, the book includes a method to find the approximate cube root of any figure required by the calculator [10].
The book is ascribed to the three brothers Banu Musa Muhammed, Ahmed, and Al-Hasan, who were known as the Banu Musa. They excelled in mathematics, astronomy, mechanics, music, and philosophy. They were among the best Muslim scientists during the 3rd century H / the 9th century CE. As a result of our recent study of the book, we mostly relate it to the three brothers in common, but Al-Hasan, the mathematician of the group, had the biggest share in its authorship [11].
Banu Musa gave a rule of the volume of sphere, then they proved it in the 15th theorem of their book. We present hereinafter this theorem:
[Theorem 15]: "For each sphere, the product of multiplying its radius in the third of the area of the sphere surface is equal to its volume [12]."
As a result of this statement, Banu Musa gave the correct rule of the volume of the sphere as follows: V = 1/3 r.(S). Thereafter, this theorem was considered as identical with Abu 'l-Wafa al-Buzgani's second formula for the volume of the sphere. It was also mentioned by Ibn Tahir al-Baghdadi, and it corresponds to the first formulas of Al-Kashi and Al-'Amili, as we shall see later. Furthermore, the Banu Musa used the proof by contradiction (also known as burhan al-khulf or reductio ad absurdum) to prove the rightness of the above mentioned formula. Before them, Archimedes gave the volume of sphere with reference to the volume of the cone. He said:
"Each sphere has four times the volume of a cone of which the base is equal to the greatest circle that may be inscribed in that sphere and of which the height is equal to half the radius of that sphere [13]."
Accordingly, Al-Dabbagh confirms the importance of the assumption that Banu Musa defined the volumes like magnitudes and not by comparing them with other volumes as Archimedes did. In other words, they used arithmetic operations to find the geometric magnitudes, and this approach may be considered as an important step to extend the numeric system so that it comprises natural as well as rational numbers [14].
On the other hand, Banu Musa's demonstration differs from that of Archimedes. This feature was remarked by Roshdi Rashed, who referred to it as a feature stressing the importance of the mathematical achievements of Banu Musa [15].
Also, we notice that Kamal al-Din al-Farisi depended on the book of Banu Musa so that he could correctly find the volume of the sphere. He corrected the wrong formula used to measure the volume of the sphere in his time, referring to the 15th theorem in the book of Banu Musa [16].
3.2. Abu 'l-Wafa al-Buzgani
Figure 5: General view of the western and southern courtyards of the Friday Mosque in Isfahan where Abu 'l-Wafa's figure is applied (Source).
Al-Buzgani divided his book into seven parts or chapters devoted to the following subjects: the proportion, multiplication and division, surveying, taxation, division of inheritances, several varieties of arithmetic that are needed by secretaries (state employees), and calculations for commercial transactions [18].
Concerning the volume of the sphere, Al-Buzgani gave a rule that he included in the chapter on the surface area of the cone. He states:
"We get the surface area of a sphere by multiplying by four the area of the greatest circle inside it, the resultant is the surface area of the sphere. As for the surface area of the solid, Archimedes used to multiply the diameter of the sphere in itself and he added the periphery of the greatest circle on it, then he takes its sixth; the result is the surface area of the sphere. Another method: we obtain the area of the sphere by multiplying the diameter of the greatest circle that exists on it by the periphery of that circle, the product will be the area of its surface. Furthermore, we get the surface area of the solid by multiplying the third of the surface area by the radius of the sphere, the product will be the surface area of the sphere [19]."
Consequently, Al-Buzgani gives a rule for the volume of a sphere by two correct formulas:
1. The first formula: Before giving the first formula, Al-Buzgani gives the surface area of the sphere as follows: S =4S1. Then, he gives the rule of the volume of the sphere referring to Archimedes: V = 1/6 d2.p. This formula corresponds to the fifth formula of Al-Kashi.
2.The 2nd formula: Then Al-Buzgani gives, first, the surface area of the sphere surface, then its volume. The surface area of the sphere is S = d.P; the rule of the volume of the sphere is V = 1/3 S.r. This formula corresponds to the first one of Al-Kashi; it was also mentioned by Banu Musa who proved it.
3.3. Al-Karaji
Figure 6: Two cases of the theorem of Al-Kashi or the law of cosines applied in the case of an unknown side and unknown angle by the method of "cutting and pasting". In trigonometry, Al-Kashi's law or the 'cosine formula' is a statement about a general triangle which relates the lengths of its sides to the cosine of one of its angles (Source).
Al-Karaji discussed the problem of the volume of the sphere in his mathematical treatise Al-Kafi fi 'l-hisab (The sufficient book in arithmetic) [21]. This book is particularly assigned to employees and to the public in general, and to those interested in the calculation of Islamic welfare (al-zakat) and legacies. While being of a prominent scientific level, the book was structured with methods that could be understood by those for whom it was written. Basically, Al-Karaji didn't use numbers such as the hand calculation of his age, but he expressed them by words. Moreover, the book was classified as one of by-hand calculation books. It discusses subjects such as arithmetic, geometry, and algebra.
Al-Karaji gave a rule for the volume of the sphere in the case of solids. He said:
"The third part: the sphere and its surface area. You should multiply its diameter in itself, then the sum is multiplied by the diameter, then you subtract the seventh and a half from the product, and you subtract the seventh and a half from the remainder. If you take a body of wax erected at right angles with three equal dimensions and you weigh to find it equal to thirty dirhams, then you make a solid sphere from it such that its diameter is equal to one side of the solid, so that you find that it weighs roughly less than eighteen and two-thirds, this requires that the diameter of sphere to be cubed and you subtract approximately a third and two fifths of its ninth from it. Consequently, we find a close distinction between the two works, but I believe that the first is the correct one [22]."
Al-Karaji gives the volume of the sphere by two methods: the first is theoretical, and the second is practical.
The theoretical method obtains the formula:
V = [d3 - (1/7+1/2.1/7)d3] – (1/7+1/2.1/7)[d3 - (1/7+1/2.1/7) d3]; i.e.: V = (11/14)2.d3.
When compared with the correct volume of the sphere (11/21).d3, we find that Al-Karaji's formula produces a value greater than the correct volume by the amount (55/588.d3).
Al-'Amili [23] gives the same rule as Al-Karaji of the volume of the sphere, but Ibn Muhammed al-Khawam [24] credits the same wrong rule of the volume of the sphere mentioned by Al-Karaji. Furthermore, we find the following statement in the treatise Al-kafi fi 'l-hisab: "The surface area of the sphere = (1 – 1/7 – 1/2.1/7), (the diameter) = (1 – 1/7 – 1/2.1/7)d3." Baha' al-Din al-'Amili considers that the surface area of the sphere = 11/14. (the diameter)3 [25], that is = (11/14)d3 (note that the equation is not meant to be dimensionally correct). This contradicts what was mentioned by Al-Karaji in his book Al-kafi fi 'l-hisab recently edited, and also what was mentioned by Al-'Amili who said the following in this concern: "Or you subtract the seventh and a half of its seventh from the cube of the diameter, then do the same with the result [26]."
The practical method: with this method, we obtain:
V = d3 - (1/3 + 2/5.1/19)d3 = d3(1 – 1/3 – 2/5.1/9) = (28/45)d3. Comparing with the correct volume of the sphere, which is (11/21)d3, we find that the rule of the volume of the sphere of Al-Karaji with the practical method gives a value greater than the correct volume by the amount of (31/315)d3.
By comparison with the distinction of the first method and its amount (825/8820)d3 = (55/588)d3, with the distinction of the second method and its amount (868/8820)d3 = (31/315)d3, we may conclude that the rule of the practical method is more erroneous than that of the theoretical method. This is confirmed by Al-Karaji himself when he said: "There is a slight discrepancy between the two methods, and I believe that the first is the correct one". Thus, by calculating the distinction between the two methods we find it equal to the following amount: (868/8820)d3 - (825/8820)d3 = (43/8820)d3.
Finally, we note that Al-Karaji gives two rules to calculate the volume of the sphere, and both are wrong. Saidan mentions an opinion of an interpreter of the book of Al-Karaji about the volume of the sphere as follows [27]: "Al-Shahrzuri [28] justifies the first rule that the square of the circle is (11/14)d3, and thus the volume of the sphere should be 11/14.11/14.d3, and he objects to the amendment mentioned by Al-Karaji as it differs from what was stated by the ancients!"
3.4. Ibn Tahir al-Baghdadi
Figure 7: Portraits of Ibn al-Haytham on two stamps issued by Qatar in 1971 and Pakistan in 1969 (Source).
The book comprises the following seven chapters of arithmetic: in the knowledge of Indian arithmetic figures, calculation on the board, whole numbers and revealing their numeric figures, calculating fractions figures, calculating degrees and minutes figures, hand calculation figures; particular sections of roots and cubes; the different properties of numbers, some specific arithmetic operations, on transactional arithmetic, and finally a chapter on base derivation [30].
Concerning the volume of the sphere, Ibn Tahir al-Baghdadi gives a rule of this mathematical problem in the chapter devoted to the area of solids (i.e., their volumes). He said:
"In order to know the volume of the sphere solid, third of surface area of the greatest circle on it should be multiplied by its radius, thus, all of its volume will be known by calculating the surface area related to this circle, as it is quarter to all of its area of sphere surface. Allah knows best [31]."
Specifically, the volume of the sphere is given as follows: V = (S).r/3, and this is a correct formula. Thus, to calculate the surface area of the sphere, Ibn Tahir al-Baghdadi gives the following connection: S1 = S.1/4 (assuming that S1 = the area of the greatest circle). Thus, Ibn Tahir al-Baghdadi defined the rule of the volume of the sphere in its correct form, and it is identical with that of Banu Musa for this mathematical problem.
3.5. Ibn al-Haytham
Figure 8: Manuscript view of the opening of the mathematical poem of Abdullah ibn Muhammad Ibn al-Yasamin (d. 1202) al-Urjuzah al-Yâsamîniyya fî l-jabr (Source).
The treatise of Ibn al-Haytham on misahat al-kura is still unedited. It is extant in several manuscripts. One is a manuscript copy held at the National Algerian Library in Algiers under no.1446 (pp. 113r and 119v). The text consists in 14 manuscript pages, each page contains 21 lines. Another manuscript source of this treatise is preserved at Istanbul, Atif Library, under no. 1714/20 (pp. 211v-218r; 14 pages). Each page consists of 25 lines. The treatise comprises a proof of the formula for the volume of the sphere. Professor Ali al-Ayeb presented recently the proof of Ibn al-Haytham in two congress articles [32].
Ibn al-Haytham gives the formula of the volume of the sphere as follows:
"Each sphere is two thirds of a rounded cylinder of which the base is the greatest circle located in the sphere and its height is such as the diameter of the sphere [33]."
This relationship can be expressed in symbolic language as follows: (the volume of the sphere) V = 2/3 V2 (volume of the cylinder), the diameter of the sphere d being = height of cylinder H2, the area of the greatest circle in the sphere s1 = area of the base of the cylinder s2; thus, the volume of the sphere is:
V = 2/3 (V2) = 2/3 (πr2.H2) = 2/3 (S1.d).
By this transformation, we find that the above formula corresponds to the second formula of Al-Kashi.
Professor Ali al-Ayeb mentioned in the introduction to his study of the treatise of Ibn al-Haytham that his work "is related to one feature of the Arabic mathematical activities in infinitesimal quantities… This subject became subsequently a basic introduction of the chapter of integral calculus which provided easy solutions to many difficult problems and complicated operations, furnishing thus a great help to the [mathematical] discovery and invention [34]."
[1] Dean of the Institute for the History of Arabic Science, Aleppo University, Aleppo, Syria.
[2] Marshall Clagett, "Archimedes", Dictionary of scientific Biography, Charles Scribner's Sons, New York, 1970, vol. 1, pp. 213-232.
[3] Archimedes, Kitab al-kura wa-'l-ustuwana (The book of the sphere and the cylinder), edited by Nasir al-Din al-Tusi, Haydarbad: Da'irat al-ma'arif al-'Uthmaniya, 1359H. See also James Gow, A Short History of Greek Mathematics, Chelsea Publishing Company, N.Y., 1968, pp. 227-229; Marshall Clagett, "Archimedes", Dictionary of Scientific Biography, edited by C. Gillispie, New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, vol. 1, 1970, pp. 213-231.
[4] Archimedes, Kitab al-kura wa-'l-ustuwana, op. cit., p. 65.
[5] Archimedes, Kitab al-kura wa-'l-ustuwana, op. cit., p. 67.
[6] Archimedes, Kitab al-kura wa-'l-ustuwana, op. cit., pp. 65-67.
[7] M. Clagett, "Archimedes", op. cit., pp. 220-221.
[8] Karine Chemla, "Theoretical Aspects of the Chinese Algorithmic Tradition (First to Third Century)", Historia Scientiarum, No . 42, (1991), p. 75.
[9] Martzloff, Histoire, op.cit, pp. 269-270.
[10] M. Mawaldi, "Ilm al-handasa inda abna' Musa bin Shaker" (Geometry of the sons of Musa Ibn Shaker), in The special book for the celebration of scientists Muhammad, Ahmad, and Al-Hasan, the sons of Musa Ibn Shaker, The 36th Science Week, Aleppo University, 2-7 Nov. 1996; Ministry of High Education, High Committee of Sciences, Damascus, 1998, pp. 99-125; p. 104.
[11] M. Mawaldi, "Ilm al-handasa inda abna' Musa bin Shaker", op. cit., pp. 100, 103.
[12] Banu Musa, Kitab ma'rifat masahat al-ashkal al-basita wa-'l-kuriya (Book on the areas of of plane and spherical figures), edited by Nasir al-Din al-Tusi, published in Haydearabd by Da'irat al-ma'arif al-uthmaniya, 1359 H, p. 19; see also Banu Musa, Kitab ma'rifat masahat al-ashkal al-basita wa al-kuriya, University of Tehran, Heritage Institute Collection, 720, p. 133.
[13] Archimedes, Kitab al-kura wa-'l-ustuwana, edited by Nasir al-Din al-Tusi, 1st edition, incl. messages of Al-Tusi, Haydarabad, 1359 H, p. 65.
[14] Dabbagh, "Banu Musa", Dictionary of scientific Biography, Charles Scribner's Sons, New York, 1970, vol. 1, pp. 444-445.
[15] R. Rashed, "Les autres disciplines mathématiques", Le Matin des Mathématiciens, Paris: Belin - Radio France, 1985, pp. 163-164.
[16] M. Mawaldi, L'Algèbre de Kamal al-Din al-Farisi. Édition Critique, Analyse mathématique et Étude historique, en 3 Tomes. Thèse du Nouveau Doctorat. Université Paris III, 1989, vol. 1, pp. 573-574.
[17] Saidan, Tarikh 'ilm al-hisab al-'arabi [History of the Arabic arithmetic]. Vol. 1: "Hisab al-yad" (hand calculation), a review to the book of "Al-manazil al-sab'a" (the seven arrangements) of Abu 'l-Wafa al-Buzgani, with an introduction and a comparative study with Al-Kafi book in arithmetic of Al-Karji, Amman, 1971, pp. 58, 268.
[18] Saidan, Tarikh 'ilm al-hisab al-'arabi, op. cit., p. 65.
[19] Saidan, Tarikh 'ilm al-hisab al-'arabi, op. cit., p. 268.
[20] Al-Karaji, Al-Kafi fi al-hisab, op. cit., pp.18-19.
[21] Al-Karji, Al-Kafi fi al-hisab, study and editing by Sami Shalhoob, published by the Institute for the History of Arabic Science, Aleppo University, 1406 H/1986, p. 7.
[22] Al-Karaji, Al-Kafi fi al-hisab, op. cit., p. 149.
[23] Baha' al-Din Al-'Amili, Al-a'mal al-riyadiyya li Baha' al-Din al-'Amili [The Mathematical works of Baha' al-Din al-'Amili], editin, explanation and analysis by Jalal Shawki. Beirut and Cairo: Dar al-Shuruq, 1981, p. 93.
[24] M. Mawaldi, L'Algèbre de Kamal al-Din al-Farisi, op. cit, vol. 1, p. 573.
[25] Al-Karji, Al-Kafi fi al-hisab, op. cit., p. 281.
[26] Al-'Amili, Al-a'mal al-riyadiyya li Baha' al-Din al-'Amili", op. cit., p. 93.
[27] Saidan, Tarikh 'ilm al-hisab al-'arabi, op. cit., p. 445.
[28] The title of his book is Al-sharh al-shafi li-kitab al-kafi fi al-hisab" (The sufficient explanation to the book of al-Kafi in calculation) by Muhammed bin Abdullah bin Abi al-Hasan bin Ahmed bin Abdullah al-Shahrzuri (Saidan, op. cit., p. 56).
[29] Abdul Qahir ibn Tahir al-Baghdadi, At-takmila fi 'l-hisab [The Completion of arithmetics], edited by Ahmed Salim Saidan. Kuwait: the Institute of Arabic Manuscripts, 1985, pp. 10-11.
[30] Ibn Tahir al-Baghdadi, At-takmila fi 'l-hisab, op. cit., p. 31.[31] Ibn Tahir al-Baghdadi, At-takmila fi 'l-hisab, op. cit., p. 364.[32] Ali al-Ayeb, Taqdim wa tahlil risalat Ibn al-Haytham fi masahat (hajm) al-kura [Presenting and analysing the letter of ibn Al-Haytham in the survey of (volume) of the sphere], The Proceedings of the 1st National Meeting About the History of Arabic Mathematics, Gherdayeh, April 1993, The Algerian Association for the History of Mathematics, 1996, p. 178.
[33] A. al-Ayeb, Taqdim wa tahlil risalat Ibn al-Haytham fi masahat (hajm) al-kura, op. cit., p. 187.
[34] A. al-Ayeb, "Al-ta'yinat al-lamutanahiya fi al-sighar min khilal risalat Ibn al-Haytham fi masahat al-kura" [The infinitely small determinations in the treatise of Ibn al-Haytham on the surface area of the sphere]. The Second Maghribi Meeting about the History of Arabic mathematics, Tunisia 1-3 December 1988. Tunis: University of Tunisia, The Higher Institution of Education and Continuous Formation, 1990, p. 68.
by: Professor Mustafa Mawaldi, Mon 06 April, 2009
In this important article, Professor Ahmed Djebbar, the renowned scholar and specialist of the history of Arabic sciences, especially in the Islamic West, presents a general survey on mathematical activities in the Medieval Maghrib since the 9th century. Relying on his own studies and on a direct knowledge of the original sources, the author draws a rich picture of scientific activity in the Islamic west and thus shows the importance of the contribution of Maghribi mahematicians to the Arabic and Islamic mathematical tradition. Glimpses in the History of A Great Number: Pi in Arabic Mathematics by: FSTC LimitedThe Greek letter pi (symbolized by p) is defined as the ratio of the circumference of the circle to its diameter. It is considered to be a vital element in the calculations of areas and sizes of several mathematical figures: the circle, the cube, the cone and the sphere, from which infinite practical applications have sprung. As a result, mathematicians in many civilizations (Greek, Chinese, Indian, Arabian and European) have been highly concerned with calculating p as carefully as possible. This article by Professor Moustafa Mawaldi, the Dean of the Institute for the History of Arabic Science in Aleppo, sheds light on the contribution of some mathematicians of the Islamic civilisation in refining the value of pi. The works surveyed are those of Al-Khwarizmi, Al-Biruni, Al-Quhi, and Al-Kashi. Logical Necessities in Mixed Equations: 'Abd Al-Hamîd Ibn Turk and the Algebra of his Time by: FSTC LimitedThe famed Muslim scholar Al-Kwarazmi has long been known as the father of Algebra. In this article, Aydin Sayili presents an alternative view of the inception and development of Algebra in the works of of 'Abd al-Hamid Ibn Turk, a well known mathematician of the early 9th century, probably contemporary to al-Khwarizmi. The author raises an outstanding hypothesis according to which Ibn Turk may have written the first Arabic book on algebra in Islam, and not Muhammad ibn Mûsâ al-Khwârazmi.


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Mr And Mrs Smith details
Formats: | 15 DVD, Blu-ray |
Starring: | Adam Brody, Kerry Washington, Chris Weitz, Vince Vaughn, Keith David, Angelina Jolie, Brad Pitt, William Fichtner |
Director: | Doug Liman |
Genres: | Action/Adventure, Comedy, Thriller |
Studio: | 20TH CENTURY FOX HOME ENTERTAINMENT |
Collections: | 100 Feisty Females, Release The Tension, Top 400 All-Time Rentals |
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Mr And Mrs Smith |
15 Feature |
DVD Information
Run time: | 1 hour 55 minutes |
Rental release: | 25 Nov 2005 |
Main languages: | English |
Hearing impaired subtitles: | English |
LOVEFiLM Review
By Tom Charity from LOVEFiLM
Brad Pitt and Angelina Jolie play a seemingly normal couple when in actual fact they are both legendary assassins working for competing organisations. Uh oh.
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Instantly forgettable, extremely enjoyable
By Tim Turner from Manchester , 11 Jun 2005[Highly rated reviewer]
No-one will win any Oscars for this one, and I'll probably have forgotten about this movie in a week. But while it's on, 'Mr and Mrs Smith' is a cracking piece of entertainment. We went to see it on the basis that Doug Liman had made three good pictures ('Swingers', 'Go' and 'The Bourne Identity') and the two stars are usually good value for money. The logic is sound. If you don't like Pitt's excitable boyish persona and Jolie's smouldering, slightly perverse image, you won't like this film. Virtually plotless, with one-liners instead of proper dialogue and built around a succession of effective set pieces, the film is built on the enormous charisma of the two stars, and that turns out to be more than enough. There are a few real surprises (like the ferocity of the Smith's fight with each other halfway through), some genuinely hilarious moments (listen carefully for the joke about 'Fantasy Island'), and it moves along at a cracking pace without ever really drawing breath. It's no classic, but who cares, the film's job is to entertain and it does that perfectly well.- Was this review helpful to you?
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(897)Fantastic Film
By a customer , 21 Mar 2013This film is brilliant, I don't understand why no one else thinks the same. It's funny, sad and exciting. I love that they are both living in a typically suburban American house and living a lie. A brilliant film, I would watch it again.- Was this review helpful to you?
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Rubbish and un-funny
By a customer , 31 Dec 2012Rubbish - Just an excuse for some meaningless shoot-em up action. Barely any plot and totally un-funny. A waste of time watching it.- Was this review helpful to you?
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fun james bond ,but dont expect to much
By mickles (15 reviews) , 25 Oct 2012THIS REVIEW CONTAINS SPOILERS Show review anywayHide
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Bit overrated
By gianino (648 reviews) from London , 10 Aug 2012But good. I like Angelina; however I think she takes herself far too seriously in this and she should let herself go a bit. Brad Pitt though is excellent; very funny very sexxxxy and bit crazy. What I like about Brad hottie Pitt is that he doesn't take himself too seriously and he is a very versitile actor. Mr & Mrs S is a bit overrated falling ino some boring cliches but it's still fun- Was this review helpful to you?
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Utter Rubbish
By DickJones1 (2 reviews) from Barnham Broom , 01 Apr 2012Complete waste of time. Tedious, overlong 'action' sequences. Nothing funny in it at all.- Was this review helpful to you?
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what does myotrophic ratio of 12 mean on the rpn havoc
bottle? All i know is that myotophic means increasing
the weight of muscle and myotrophy means Nutrition of
muscular tissue.
It is the ratio of anabolic:androgenic rating as compared to a standard (usually testosterone).
This would mean it is 12 times as anabolic as it is androgenic, which will greatly reduce undesirable side effects.
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It has a score of 12 on the anabolic:androgenic scale.
M.Ed. Ex Phys
It means Havoc PWNS.
I think that numbers mean nothing in vivo in humans.
For example, halo has lower Q ratio than havoc, so theoretically, havoc must be milder than halo, but "in the real world" halo is milder than havoc for almost everybody (for example, hairloss is more frequent with havoc than with halo)
Gotcha....as mentioned you also have to look at absolute numbers. Havoc, having an androgenic rating at around 90% as androgenic as Methyltest but 1100% as anabolic (1100/90=12 - aka the Myotrophic ratio) makes it very mild on the side effect scale while being extremely potent, MG for MG.
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