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An anti-GMO rally in Seattle. (Flickr/Alexis Baden-Mayer)
Simple concept: people who consume food should have information about what's in their food.
And if foods contain genetically modified organisms, consumers surely have a right to know.
Who could disagree? Most senators, that's who.
While sixty-four countries around the world require labeling of foods with genetically engineered ingredients, while the American Public Health Association and the American Nurses Association have passed resolutions supporting this sort of labeling in the United States, the Senate voted 71-27 to keep Americans in the dark.
US Senator Bernie Sanders proposed an amendment to the federal farm bill that would have allowed states to require clear labels on any food or beverage containing ingredients that have been genetically modified. Sanders said, "I believe that when a mother goes to the store and purchases food for her child, she has the right to know what she is feeding her child."
Fearing lawsuits from multinational biotechnology, agribusiness and food production firms—which also maintain some of the most efficient lobbying teams in Washington—even states with long histories of consumer protection and right-to-know legislation have been cautious about introducing this sort of food labeling. The Sanders amendment addressed that threat, establishing a clear federal policy that states are allowed to require clear labels so that consumers know what they're eating.
"Monsanto and other major corporations should not get to decide this, the people and their elected representatives should," said the independent senator from Vermont, where the state assembly recently voted 99-42 to call for labeling.
When the Senate vote came on Thursday, however, only twenty-four Democrats, two independents (Sanders and Maine's Angus King) and one Republican (Alaska's Lisa Murkowski) backed the labeling amendment. As Food & Water Watch's Patty Lovera noted, many of the "yes" votes came from senators who "represent states with active grassroots campaigns to pass state laws on GE labeling, including both senators from Alaska, California, Connecticut, Hawaii, Maryland, Oregon, Vermont, Washington and West Virginia, as well as Senator Bennett from Colorado, Senator Tester from Montana, Senator Reid from Nevada, Senator Heinrich from New Mexico and Senator Schumer from New York."
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Of the 71 "no" votes, twenty-eight came from Democrats—many of whom fancy themselves consumer advocates and backers of the public's right to know. The other forty-three "no" votes came Republicans, almost all of who say they want to free up the states to experiment and innovate.
Unfortunately, some of the loudest lobbyist voices in Washington say different.
John Nichols is the author (with Robert W. McChesney) of the upcoming book Dollarocracy: How the Money and Media Election Complex Is Destroying America. Hailed by Publisher's Weekly as "a fervent call to action for reformers," it details how the collapse of journalism and the rise of big-money politics threatens to turn our democracy into a dollarocracy.
(Reuters/Lucas Jackson)
America is experiencing a rare and dramatic moment of grassroots advocacy for fundamental reform of our elections.
Unfortunately, the political and media elites that define our discourse are doing their best to ignore it.
So it remains in America as it has ever been; Thomas Jefferson was indeed right when he told George Mason, "More attention should be paid to the general opinion."
And the general opinion is that the money power, which has come to dominate our politics, must be checked and balanced.
With little in the way of financial resources and frequently dismissed even by pundits and politicians who claim to respect its goals, this movement to amend the Constitution to address the crisis of money in politics has secured official endorsements from thirteen states and close to 500 counties, cities, villages and towns nationwide. And when the boldest proposals of the movement to overturn the US Supreme Court's ruling in the case of Citizens United v. FEC are placed on the ballot, they win by overwhelming margins.
That was confirmed again Tuesday by the voters of the nation's second-largest city. Los Angeles electors were asked: "Shall the voters adopt a resolution that there should be limits on political campaign spending and that corporations should not have the constitutional rights of human beings and instruct Los Angeles elected officials and area legislative representatives to promote that policy through amendments to the United States Constitution?"
The Los Angeles Times, arguably the dominant media outlet in the community, actively opposed the measure, "Proposition C," with editorials and signed opinion pieces ripping it as "a primal scream about the role of money in politics."
The voters decided to scream. As loudly as they could.
Seventy-seven percent of them voted "yes"; just 23 percent voted "no."
That's a reasonably typical result—similar to the levels of support seen in Colorado and Montana when the those states weighed in on the issue last fall.
The LA resolution is not binding. But it is influential. Organizers for the city's "Yes on C/Overturn Citizens United" campaign—including the city's active Common Cause group (which has been a leader on both money in politics and media-reform issues), the California Public Interest Research Group (CALPIRG) and the Money Out/Voters In Coalition—secured plenty of support from local and national reformers. They also got backing from national groups such as Free Speech for People, which is working with Common Cause to expand the recent discussion of scandals in Washington to include "the other scandal"—the obliteration of rules and regulations governing money in politics that has resulted from the Supreme Court's interventions.
The LA campaigners may not have gotten the local paper's support. But they got the backing of LA's newly elected mayor, Eric Garcetti, and the newly elected city attorney, Michael Feuer. And they worked especially hard to get endorsements from the members of Congress who have the power to advance a constitutional amendment—securing significant support from US Representatives Karen Bass, Tony Cardenas, Janice Hahn, Lucille Roybal-Allard, Adam Schiff, Brad Sherman and Henry Waxman.
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They also got another California representative to sign on: Nancy Pelosi.
The House Democratic leader has voiced her objections to the Citizens United ruling before. But getting her to sign on as a backer of the "Yes on C" campaign offers a reminder of why these grassroots initiatives matter. They ask something of members of Congress in a way that is hard to ignore.
As Derek Cressman, who directs the Common Cause "Only People Are People" campaign to reverse Citizens United, notes: "Congress members may respect the opinions of the city councils, but councilors are not their 'boss.' Having voters directly instruct members of Congress, their 'employees,' carries a certain obligation to respect."
John Nichols is the author (with Robert W. McChesney) of the upcoming book Dollarocracy: How the Money and Media Election Complex Is Destroying America. Hailed by Publisher's Weekly as "a fervent call to action for reformers," it details how the collapse of journalism and the rise of big-money politics threatens to turn our democracy into a dollarocracy.
Attorney General Eric Holder. (Reuters/Jonathan Ernst)
Democrats and Republicans working together in Washington to address abuses of basic liberties? Bipartisan responses to the challenges that arise in the gray area where balances are struck between constitutional guarantees and national security demands? Impossible. Can't happen. There is no way in these days of fury and scandal-mongering.
Actually, there is a way.
A genuine left-right coalition has developed over the past several days in response to the revelation that the Department of Justice seized Associated Press telephone records in its recent investigation of a CIA leak. And that coalition is likely to strengthen in light of the news that the DOJ investigated the reporting activities of Fox News's chief Washington correspondent as a potential crime—"solicitation" of leaks. The latter development, in many senses more troubling than the former, calls into question whether basic protections for both reporters and whistleblowers are crumbling after more than a decade of Patriot Act abuses, Bush and Obama administration excesses and the politicization of debates about what were once accepted standards for protecting the public's right to know and the privacy rights that underpin it.
In moments so rigorously partisan as these, many members of Congress will retreat to their corners, mounting attacks or making excuses. But there are some serious legislators, libertarian-leaning Republicans and progressive Democrats, who understand the urgency of the moment.
They get that the revelations about DOJ overreach reveal a threat not just to freedom of the press but to the most necessary of press functions: the work of revealing for citizens the details of what their government is doing in their name but without their informed consent. None of these members are foolish or casual in their approach; they understand that it is necessary for the government to protect against the leaking of information that could endanger people. But they also understand that it is possible to provide that protection within a constitutional context.
Perhaps most importantly, they get that the best way to protect the First Amendment guarantee of a free press is to protect the Fourth Amendment guarantee of privacy. Journalists do not need—and should not seek—an array of special protections to do their jobs. But journalists and their sources do need to know that information can be shared without the threat of unwarranted—and self-serving—government surveillance of necessary conversations.
It is with this in mind that four very different members of Congress (Michigan Republican Justin Amash, South Carolina Republican Mick Mulvaney, California Democrat Zoe Lofgren and Colorado Democrat Jared Polis) have proposed a precise and appropriate response to the overreach by the Department of Justice. While the White House and key members of the Senate are backing a Shield Law, which protects journalists from being required to reveal sources, the House members are going deeper—to protect not just journalists but all citizens from "unreasonable searches and seizures." They seek a Telephone Records Protection Act, which requires court approval when the government demands telephone records from service providers.
"The Justice Department's seizure of the AP's phone records—likely without the sign-off of a single judge—raises serious First and Fourth Amendment concerns," says Amash, who has emerged as a hero to libertarian-leaning conservatives. "Regardless of whether DOJ violates the legitimate privacy expectations of reporters or ordinary Americans, we deserve to know that the federal government can't seize our records without judicial review."
Polis, a member of the Congressional Progressive Caucus, says, "Americans of all political stripes were shocked to find out that the Department of Justice had been accessing telephone records of reporters at the Associated Press. The Department of Justice claims that they operated within the confines of the law, which makes it abundantly clear that we need to provide a higher level of protection against government intrusion into an individual's private records."
This is an essential equation for all Americans who value the right to privacy outlined in the Fourth Amendment. But it is especially essential when it comes to constructing a press system that serves the intention expressed by the founders: to inform citizens so that they can, with their votes, steer the affairs of state.
This is what Thomas Jefferson recognized more than 227 years ago when he wrote to John Jay, "Our liberty cannot be guarded but by the freedom of the press, nor that be limited without danger of losing it."
In the same letter, Jefferson wrote: "No experiment can be more interesting than that we are now trying, and which we trust will end in establishing the fact, that man may be governed by reason and truth. Our first object should therefore be, to leave open to him all the avenues to truth. The most effectual hitherto found, is the freedom of the press. It is, therefore, the first shut up by those who fear the investigation of their actions."
Associated Press President Gary Pruitt updated the Jeffersonian premise when he explained that the Justice Department's actions were not just "unconstitutional" but destructive to the public's right to know, insofar as such monitoring of media makes sources less willing to talk to journalists and reduces the likelihood that citizens will learn what their government is up to.
"If they restrict that apparatus [of newsgathering about controversial government actions] the people of the United States will only know what the government wants them to know and that's not what the framers of the Constitution had in mind when they wrote the First Amendment," explained the head of the country's largest news service.
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Pruitt's right. No matter what action is taken, or not taken, journalists will continue to clog the corridors of the Capitol and crowd into White House press briefings. The question is whether those journalists will be present to challenge the status quo or as mere stenographers to power.
That's a distinction that members of Congress who take seriously their oath to support and defend the Constitution of the United States understand. Indeed, it is the distinction that James Madison, the essential player in the drafting of the core document and of the Bill of Rights, was getting at when he said, "A popular government without popular information or the means of acquiring it is but a prologue to a farce or a tragedy, or perhaps both. Knowledge will forever govern ignorance: And a people who mean to be their own Governors, must arm themselves with the power which knowledge gives."
Justin Amash and Jared Polis are not going to agree on most issues. Neither are Mick Mulvaney and Zoe Lofgren.
But they can agree on the basic outlines of the American experiment and how it must operate.
This is as the founders of that experiment intended: a free press providing a free people with the information they need to be their own governors.
John Nichols is the author (with Robert w. McChesney) of the upcoming book Dollarocracy: How the Money and Media Election Complex is Destroying America. Hailed by Publisher's Weekly as "a fervent call to action for reformers," it details how the collapse of journalism and the rise of big-money politics threatens to turn our democracy into a dollarocracy.
Why trade happiness for anti-government malcontent? Read Tom Tomorrow's scoop.
Karl Rove addresses the Virginia Chamber of Commerce. (Steve Helber)
Karl Rove is offering America a super-sized serving of political cynicism.
Since the controversy over the targeting of grassroots tea party groups for extra scrutiny by the Internal Revenue Service arose, Rove has engaged in the sort of political sleight of hand that could only be practiced in a country where elite media have no skepticism—and no memory.
Just a few months ago, after the 2012 election, Rove was widely portrayed as having declared war on grassroots conservatives in general and the Tea Party movement in particular. The former White House political czar was frustrated: During the 2010 and 2012 election cycles, Republicans had been positioned to win control of the US Senate. Yet, in each cycle, they fell short after the party's grassroots activists upended the candidacies of relatively more moderate candidates in Republican primaries. The Tea Party favorites frequently proved to be weaker contenders and—in the cases of candidates such as Delaware's Christine O'Donnell in 2010 and Indiana's Richard Mourdock in 2012—were seen as having snatched defeat from the jaws of certain victory.
Rove had enough of that. So in February of this year he declared his intent to use his gold-plated political operations to police the party. Specifically, the veteran operative who says his hero is "Gilded Age" political boss Mark Hanna, declared his intention to "avoid having stupid candidates who can't win general elections. Who are undisciplined, can't raise money, aren't putting together the support necessary to win the general election campaign—because this money is too difficult to raise to be spending it on the behalf of candidates who have little chance winning in the general election."
That stirred an outcry from Tea Party activists and their allies:
Fox News' Sean Hannity described "a battle between conservatives and the GOP establishment."
Conservative talk-radio host Mark Levin asked: "Who made Karl Rove queen for a day."
Conservative commentator Erick Erickson said that Rove's "American Crossroads is creating a new Super PAC to crush conservatives, destroy the tea party, and put a bunch of squishes in Republican leadership positions."
Newt Gingrich wrote of Rove's plan: "No one person is smart enough nor do they have the moral right to buy nominations across the country. That is the system of Tammany Hall and the Chicago machine. It should be repugnant to every conservative and every Republican."
The Tea Party Patriots announced that "Karl Rove believes he can raise hundreds of millions of dollars, crush the Tea Party movement and protect the big-government status quo in Washington from millions of freedom loving Americans."
What a difference three months makes.
Now Rove is racing from studio to studio to cry crocodile tears about the abuse of, well, the people he was determined to abuse. He decried "the IRS's thuggish behavior" in a Wall Street Journal column. He told Fox's Greta Van Susteren, "This smacks of a greater, you know, sort of effort inside the IRS to punish conservative groups."
You would have thought Karl Rove was a Tea Party Patriot himself.
But, of course, he's the guy the patriots said was "out to crush the Tea Party movement."
So what gives?
Rove is playing a particularly cynical game. He recognizes that there is going to be a Tea Party movement—and that it may actually be stronger as a result of the current controversy. And he knows that the grassroots groups that are seeking tax-exempt status are unlikely to be able to counter the financial and strategic might of his American Crossroads combine.
So Rove is joining the outcry on behalf of the little folks, recognizing that he can only benefit by being seen as an ally of conservative activists who, before they were enraged with the IRS, were enraged with Karl Rove.
But there is more going on than mere "The Enemy of My Enemy is My Friend" positioning.
Rove understands something else. If the IRS is under attack for scrutinizing grassroots groups unfairly—and, make no mistake, it is unfair to target any group based on its ideology—that could create a climate of official caution where it becomes less likely that there will be scrutiny of what the Center for Responsible Politics describes as "the heavy hitters of the multicandidate outside spending groups": Rove-tied groups such as Crossroads GPS, a 501(c)4 nonprofit "social welfare" corporation, and American Crossroads, a so-called "super PAC."
This is where Rove's shows his smarts.
He understands that the current wrangling over the IRS is going to result in changes, some of them structural, some of them relating to the focus and intensity of inquiries into alleged abuses by tax-exempt groups.
Everyone who has steered a 501(c)4 into the political fray— conservativesand liberals; Republicans like Rove and Democrats with close ties to President Obama—knows that the best possible circumstance for them is one where the rules governing political activity by supposedly "charitable" groups are weak and unclear. And it gets even better for Rove and his ilk if battered-and-bruised IRS agents are disinclined to challenge any individual or group that might accuse the agency of targeting them.
Rove recognizes that the real debate is not about whether discrimination based on political ideology will be aggressively addressed and appropriately constrained. That's going to happen, as it should. The Congress and the White House will see to it; indeed, President Obama sounds every bit as ardent on the issue as Speaker John Boehner, R-Ohio.
The question that remains is a bigger one.
Will Congress and the Federal Election Commission establish clear and unequivocal standards that IRS auditors can follow? Will we finally, in the aftermath of the Supreme Court's Citizens United v. FEC decision, and a host of other rulings, have some definition of the new political playing field? That definition would, necessarily, be fair to conservatives and liberals, Democrats and Republicans. But it could still place limits on the ambitious activities of Mr. Rove and his compatriots on both sides of the political aisle.
Only the most naïve observer would imagine that Karl Rove is concerned with protecting the grassroots activists with whom he was so recently sparring. Every evidence suggests that it is Rove's plan to thwart their activism in 2014 and beyond. What concerns Rove is taking advantage of a political moment. A master of gaming whatever opening occurs, Rove is busily attacking Democrats in the Senate and President Obama for having suggested that clear standards ought to be established.
"Hey, look, the president in some degree is responsible for some of these acts. Remember in September and October of 2010, he went out and denounced…conservative 501(c)(4) groups as enemies of democracy," says Rove. "You can't tell me some IRS bureaucrat in Cincinnati, Washington, California—all of which were conducting investigations of conservative groups—were not hardened by the president going out declaring the groups they were looking at quote, 'enemies of democracy.'"
That's not exactly an accurate characterization of what the president said. Obama's remarks on money in politics, made in Philadelphia several months after the Supreme Court's 2010 Citizens United v. FEC decision knocked down barriers to corporate campaign giving, made no mention of grassroots conservative groups. Rather, what Obama said was:
[Thanks] to a Supreme Court decision called Citizens United, they are being helped along this year by special interest groups that are spending unlimited amounts of money on attack ads… just attacking people without ever disclosing who's behind all these attack ads. You don't know. It could be the oil industry. It could be the insurance industry. It could even be foreign-owned corporations. You don't know because they don't have to disclose.
Now, that's not just a threat to Democrats—that's a threat to our democracy. Every American business and industry deserves a seat at the table, but they don't get to a chance to buy every chair. We've seen what happens when they do. They put the entire economy at risk and every American might end up suffering.
So you can't let it happen. Don't let them hijack your agenda. The American people deserve to know who's trying to sway their elections. And you can't stand by and let special interests drown out the voices of the American people.
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Obama wasn't telling the IRS to go after grassroots activists there. He was talking about the need for Congress to enact the mild reforms of the Disclose Act, which proposed to "amend the Federal Election Campaign Act of 1971 to prohibit foreign influence in Federal elections, to prohibit government contractors from making expenditures with respect to such elections, and to establish additional disclosure requirements with respect to spending in such elections, and for other purposes."
Just days before Obama spoke, in October, 2010, an effort to advance the legislation had failed by one vote in the Senate.
It is hard to imagine a better circumstance for Karl Rove than one in which any effort to control the flow of corporate money into the political process, and to assure at least a measure of transparency, is decried as somehow inappropriate.
Then, Rove would be a man without limits.
He could use his vast resources to beat the candidates favored by grassroots conservatives in Republican primaries and to secure November victories for his favored contenders.
Then the threat to democracy that the president described would be complete—as sincere activists on the right and the left would be shunted to the sidelines of a new political landscape where corporate cash decides the day and the boss is not a CEO but a cynical political operative named Karl Rove.
John Nichols is the author (with Robert w. McChesney) of the upcoming book Dollarocracy: How the Money and Media Election Complex is Destroying America. Hailed by Publisher's Weekly as "a fervent call to action for reformers," it details how the collapse of journalism and the rise of big-money politics threatens to turn our democracy into a dollarocracy.
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Justice Department employees at an event with Attorney General Eric Holder (left) and Michelle Obama. (AP Photo/Susan Walsh)
"The burden is always on the government when they go after private information—especially information regarding the press or its confidential sources."
—Senate Judiciary Committee chairman Patrick Leahy
When John Lindsay was elected to the US House of Representatives in 1958, the Republican lawyer from Manhattan arrived on Capitol Hill as a man on a mission. "Often alone on the House floor," recalled Nat Hentoff, "Lindsay wielded the Bill of Rights against its enemies."
Lindsay was absolutely determined to reinvigorate the bill of rights, especially the First Amendment. After a decade of "red scares" and McCarthyism, he spoke up for dissidents. He hailed the right to assemble and to petition for the redress of grievances. And he championed a free press as the essential underpinning of a free society.
Lindsay developed a reputation for disregarding party lines. He was a Republican, but if the Republican president was wrong, he would not allow party ties to temper his objections. And if the members of his caucus disregarded civil liberties, they were more likely to get an earful from Lindsay than from the Democrats.
Around the time that Lindsay was elected mayor of New York, California Democrat Don Edwards, a former FBI agent, arrived to take up the fight. For three decades, Edwards checked and balanced not just Republicans but Democrats who failed to recognize the rights of citizens and the essential role of a watchdog press. When his Democratic colleagues in the House of Representatives went after reporter Daniel Schorr for revealing details of an intelligence committee report, Edwards ripped his colleagues. "The freedom of the press is very much involved here," the congressman declared. "By bringing it up this way and naming Mr. Schorr, there is a very chilling effect on a reporter's right to receive classified information."
We remember Lindsay and Edwards because of the standard they set. They understood that the defense of the Bill of Rights in general, and freedom of the press in particular, must never be compromised by partisanship.
That's why it was so very important when, after it was revealed that the Department of Justice had obtained the phone records of Associated Press journalists, both Patrick Leahy and Bob Goodlatte spoke up.
Leahy, the Vermont Democrat who chairs the Senate Judiciary Committee, and Goodlatte, the Virginia Republican who chairs the House Judiciary Committee, come from different political parties, different ideological perspectives and different experiences.
Yet, they essentially agreed after learning that federal prosecutors stood accused of secretly obtaining two months' worth of telephone records from the journalists—in what the news agency described Monday as "a serious interference with AP's constitutional rights to gather and report the news."
Both men are well aware that the Justice Department was pursuing alleged leaks by a government official, and that national-security issues had been raised. But they are also aware of the guidelines established in the Watergate era to balance national security and First Amendment concerns. And in the spirit of Lindsay—who said, "Those who suppress freedom always do so in the name of law and order"—Leahy and Goodlatte have both recognized an essential duty to defend press freedom.
The wrangling over government intrusion on what is supposed to be a free press is as old as the Republic. John Adams and Thomas Jefferson clashed over the issue before the Bill of Rights was ten years old, and no decade has passed since then without a dispute. As recently as 2008, the FBI apologized to The Washington Post and The New York Times when it was revealed that the agency had improperly obtained the phone records of reporters in Indonesia.
Even if the fight is an old one, however, it is essential that officials with oversight authority move immediately when it rises anew.
That's why the rapid responses of Goodlatte and Leahy were as encouraging as they were necessary.
Both Leahy and Goodlatte raised real concerns and demanded real answers from Department of Justice officials who seem to have forgotten that a free press must be free from arbitrary and overreaching government surveillance.
"Any abridgement of the First Amendment right to the freedom of the press is very concerning," said Goodlatte. "The House Judiciary Committee will thoroughly investigate this issue and will also ask Attorney General Eric Holder pointed questions about it at Wednesday's oversight hearing."
Goodlatte's statement was valid—and important.
But it was even more important that Leahy voiced his parallel concern.
"The burden is always on the government when they go after private information—especially information regarding the press or its confidential sources," said the Senate Judiciary Committee chairman. "I want to know more about this case, but on the face of it, I am concerned that the government may not have met that burden. I am very troubled by these allegations and want to hear the government's explanation."
Attorney General Holder's testimony Wednesday before the House Judiciary Committee was hardly revealing, as Holder explained that he had recused himself from the matter.
But that can't be the end of the inquiry—or the response to it.
Strikingly, Leahy was backed up in his call for answers and action by an angry Senate Majority Leader Harry Reid, D-Nevada, who described the Justice Department's seizure of the phone records as "inexcusable" and added, "There's no way to justify this." Reid went even further, saying Tuesday, "In my career, I've stood consistently for freedom of the press from encroachment by the national security community and will continue to do that. It's an issue I feel very strongly about and will look further whether more legislative action is needed in this regard to secure freedom of the press."
What might that mean? With encouragement from the White House, Senator Chuck Schumer, D-New York, is preparing to reintroduce the media shield law that in 2009 died in the Senate. Among other things, the proposed law gives journalists who have been served subpoenas the option of appealing to a federal judge when they don't want to reveal their sources. It then falls to the jurist—as opposed to the Department of Justice—to determine whether the public interest in a story trumps the government's demand that sources be revealed,
"This kind of law would balance national security needs against the public's right to the free flow of information," argues Schumer. "At minimum, our bill would have ensured a fairer, more deliberate process in this case."
When the Department of Justice in a Democratic administration is accused of wrongdoing, it is vital that Democratic leaders in Congress step up to ask the tough questions—just as it is vital for Republican members of Congress to be out front to check and balance Republican administrations.
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Congressional oversight often comes with a partisan edge, and that's not entirely inappropriate. Partisanship animates and energizes oversight committees, ensures that inquiries are pursued and rejects bureaucratic responses.
Ultimately, however, congressional oversight is most effective when it comes from members of the party that controls the executive branch. The United States does not have a parliamentary system of government. Rather, our Constitution outlines a separation of powers between the branches of government. The separation was not designed to encourage partisan division but to assure that there would always be a checking and balancing of power—regardless of party affiliation or allegiance.
Intense partisanship often leads members of Congress to "go to their corners." And rarely has the partisanship been more intense, more bitter, than now.
But Patrick Leahy has rejected the defensive position into which the weakest of partisans collapse. Instead, he has gone into the same checking-and-balancing stance that has been adopted by Bob Goodlatte. This is as it should be. When it comes to defending the freedom of the press, the chairs of the House and Senate Judiciary Committees should, regardless of party, regardless of ideology, be positioned firmly and unequivocally on the side of the First Amendment.
Political cartoonists are still powerful provocateurs of people in power. Victor Navasky explains why.
Voters stand in line in North Miami, October 30, 2012. (AP Photo/Alan Diaz)
Supreme Court Justice Antonin Scalia made a point of emphasizing during the Bush v. Gore arguments in December 2000 that there is no federal constitutional guarantee of a right to vote for president. Scalia was right. Indeed, as the reform group FairVote reminds us, "Because there is no right to vote in the U.S. Constitution, individual states set their own electoral policies and procedures. This leads to confusing and sometimes contradictory policies regarding ballot design, polling hours, voting equipment, voter registration requirements, and ex-felon voting rights. As a result, our electoral system is divided into 50 states, more than 3,000 counties and approximately 13,000 voting districts, all separate and unequal."
Mark Pocan and Keith Ellison want to do something about that.
The two congressmen, both former state legislators with long histories of engagement with voting-rights issues, on Monday unveiled a proposal to explicitly guarantee the right to vote in the Constitution.
"The right to vote is too important to be left unprotected," explained Pocan, who announced the initiative at the state capitol in Madison, Wisconsin, where the Republican state assembly speaker recently announced plans to enact restrictive "voter ID" legislation before the 2014 election. "At a time when there are far too many efforts to disenfranchise Americans, a voting rights amendment would positively affirm our founding principle that our country is at its strongest when everyone participates. As the world's leading democracy, we must demand of ourselves what we demand of others—a guaranteed right to vote for all."
Without that clear guarantee, argues Ellison, politicians continue to propose and enact legislation that impedes voting rights. Noting recent wrangling over voter identification laws, burdensome registration requirements and reduced early voting opportunities in various states, as well as a challenge to the Voting Rights Act that is now under consideration by the US Supreme Court, the Minnesota Democrat, who co-chairs the Congressional Progressive Caucus, says, "Even though the right to vote is the most-mentioned right in the Constitution, legislatures across the country have been trying to deny that right to millions of Americans, including in my home state of Minnesota. It's time we made it clear once and for all: every citizen in the United States has a fundamental right to vote."
If approved by the Congress and then ratified by three-fourths of the states, it would add to the founding document this declaration:
SECTION 1: Every citizen of the United States, who is of legal voting age, shall have the fundamental right to vote in any public election held in the jurisdiction in which the citizen resides.
SECTION 2: Congress shall have the power to enforce and implement this article by appropriate legislation.
There is nothing radical about that language. It outlines a basic premise of the American experiment, and a concept that the United States has proudly exported. Indeed, when the US has had a hand in shaping the destinies of other lands, as well as international agreements, the primacy of the right to vote has been well understood and explicitly stated.
The constitution of Iraq guarantees that "Iraqi citizens, men and women, shall have the right to participate in public affairs and to enjoy political rights including the right to vote, elect, and run for office."
In Afghanistan, the constitution provides every citizen with "the right to elect and be elected."
The German constitution crafted in the aftermath of World War II declared that every adult "shall be entitled to vote."
In Japan, the constitution announced, "Universal adult suffrage is guaranteed."
And, of course, when former first lady Eleanor Roosevelt chaired the commission that outlined a Universal Declaration of Human Rights, the document declared:
1. Everyone has the right to take part in the government of his country, directly or through freely chosen representatives.
2. Everyone has the right of equal access to public service in his country.
3. The will of the people shall be the basis of the authority of government; this will shall be expressed in periodic and genuine elections which shall be by universal and equal suffrage and shall be held by secret vote or by equivalent free voting procedures.
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Americans have considered right-to-vote amendments in the past. But the frequency with which contentious debates are erupting nationwide—just this year, according to the Brennan Center for Justice, more than eighty bills to restrict voting have been introduced in more than thirty states—has already inspired significant activism on behalf of constitutional reform.
"The right to vote is the foundation of any democracy," says FairVote executive director Rob Richie. "Adding an affirmative right to vote to the US Constitution is the best way to guarantee that the government, whether at the federal, state, or local level, cannot infringe upon our individual right to vote. Building support for this amendment offers an opportunity to inspire a twenty-first-century suffrage movement where Americans come together to protect voting rights, promote voter participation and debate suffrage expansion."
John Nichols is the author (with Robert w. McChesney) of the upcoming book Dollarocracy: How the Money and Media Election Complex is Destroying America. Hailed by Publisher's Weekly as "a fervent call to action for reformers," it examines a host of voting rights and democracy issues—including the case for a right-to-vote amendment to the Constitution.
Ed Schultz at a motor home in Fargo, North Dakota. (AP Photo/Dave Samson)
Saturday morning's editions of The New York Times report that "the nation's unemployment rate would probably be nearly a point lower, roughly 6.5 percent, and economic growth almost two points higher this year if Washington had not cut spending and raised taxes as it has since 2011, according to private-sector and government economists."
That's headline news in the nation's newspaper of record.
But Ed Schultz could have told you that a couple years ago.
That's because Ed consults with the folks who really understand the economy: the working men and women who do their research on Main Street—as opposed to Wall Street.
I've known Ed since he was making his name as a populist radio host, broadcasting out of Fargo, North Dakota, on a handful of small stations. He is now consistently ranked by Talkers magazine as one of the ten most important talk radio hosts in America.
Ed built his national following on the strength of what he referred to as "straight talk from the heartland." And he remains distinct from most other hosts in that he's still rooted in the upper Midwest, not just as a proud Minnesotan but as a host who is genuinely interested in what the whole of America is talking about.
When Ed joined the MSNBC cable television network, he kept doing his radio show—an uncommon move in an industry that tends to focus on television gigs. Ed wanted to keep talking with people across the country, especially the listeners in what media insiders on the East and West coasts deride as the "flyover country" between New York and Los Angeles.
As he has moved through various time slots and hosting duties with the cable network, Schultz has had more demands on him. Yet he has always kept the radio show, doing three hours a day, when other cable hosts were, for the most part, focused solely on television. Ed never wanted to lose the connection to the working people who formed his base of listeners: the farmer in North Dakota, the factory worker in Illinois, the snowplow driver in Minnesota, the teacher in Wisconsin. As his prominence has grown, that base has expanded to include the baggage handler at LaGuardia, the taxi driver in Washington, the small business owner in Denver, the retiree in the Florida panhandle.
When I do Ed's radio show, I am always struck by the calls—from all those listeners, in all those small towns and cities across the country. No matter what the issue of the moment might be, they tend to remain focused on fundamental economic concerns. Washington spin doesn't sway them: They've got no taste for "grand bargains" that would cut Social Security cost-of-living increases with a chained CPI scheme. They know Paul Ryan's austerity economics don't add up.
The listeners care, a lot, about grassroots struggles for jobs and the rights of working people. And they're enthusiastic about Ed's talk of using his new weekend gig on MSNBC to tell more of their stories. But he's not doing them a favor. He is adding an essential element to a national discourse that is being overwhelmed by the false prophets of austerity.
What Ed understands is this: "There's a lot more economic common sense on Main Street than there is on Wall Street."
The new weekend show debuts at 5 pm EST Saturday. And the plan is to do a lot more of what he did in 2011 and 2012, when he took his show on the road to Freeport, Illinois; Des Moines, Iowa; Toledo and Columbus, Ohio; and Madison, Wisconsin, to tell about the real-life struggles of working Americans.
The weeknight slot that Ed occupied until March is now filled by Chris Hayes, a friend and colleague of mine from The Nation. Over the past year, Chris has used a Saturday and Sunday morning program on MSNBC to break a lot of new ground. I've been a frequent guest with Chris and I've enjoyed the way he's upended the conventional wisdom regarding political talk on cable—we recently had a smart, civil discussion featuring a progressive, a liberal, a moderate and a conservative on the necessity of renewing the Republican Party. Chris is continuing to push boundaries, and that's exciting.
But, as someone who has long argued that major media neglect the stories of the great mass of working Americans, I'm particularly appreciative of Ed Schultz's ideas for making his new weekend show a forum for discussing what's really going on with the American economy. Ed's talking about using his program to highlight stories from across the country—many of them from town hall gatherings, like the one he hosted May 2 at the Barrymore Theatre in Madison.
The event sold out. Teamsters and teachers, postal workers and firefighters came from as far away as Iowa and Illinois, many with hand-made signs highlighting labor struggles that rarely get the attention of national media. The crowd's approval was thunderous when Ed declared, "I've got to tell these stories!"
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Prime-time shows tend to follow a relatively well-defined format, with tight segments that focus on the latest twists and turns in Washington. But Ed's great skill as a broadcaster has always been his ability to recognize and communicate the stories of working Americans. He will have a lot more freedom to do that on the weekend. And he'll also be well positioned on his Sunday show to rip apart the spin that the DC insiders peddle on the Sunday morning talk shows.
Cable television is not an exact science. But one thing should be clear: There are enough hours in the day and week for many voices. The voice Ed Schultz has perfected on a populist radio program, and that he has brought to cable programs that have followed stories to locations far from New York and Washington, amplifies the stories that don't otherwise get told: those of working families struggling to keep factories open, union members rallying for collective bargaining rights, urban Americans fighting "emergency manager" takeovers of local government, rural Americans fighting to keep post offices open.
Now Ed's talking about using that voice to bring to television more of the conversations with working Americans, struggling Americans, active and engaged Americans. To the extent that Ed Schultz succeeds in challenging the manufactured assumptions of Wall Street and official Washington, he'll contribute mightily not just to the evolving definition of cable TV but to a national discourse that desperately needs to hear more from America.
Why does the press still take the Heritage Foundation seriously? Read Eric Alterman and Reed Richardson's take.
Peter DeFazio (Flickr/Oregon DOT)
Congressman Peter DeFazio has always been a stalwart defender of the United States Postal Service. As a veteran lawmaker and one of its most determined advocates for public services in the House, he knows that the postal service is an essential asset. But he also knows that the USPS "is in a financial death spiral, caused largely by congressional and bureaucratic ineptitude and inaction."
"Over 70 percent of USPS financial losses are due to a Congressional mandate to prefund retiree healthcare for future employees for the next 75 years. This requires the post office to prefund the healthcare of future employees that have not yet been born. This is stupid and unacceptable," explains DeFazio ."Rather than avoiding this financial crisis they face, USPS bureaucrats have only offered short-sighted proposals that fail to address their long-term issues and would accelerate the demise of the Postal Service."
The congressman has battled the bureaucrats with some success. Along with Vermont Senator Bernie Sanders and Wisconsin Congressman Mark Pocan, DeFazio was in the forefront of the successful fight to block the postmaster general's wrongheaded proposal to end Saturday mail delivery. He even found some rural Republican allies for that skirmish.
But the Oregon Democrat knows it's going to take more than defensive moves by Congress to save the USPS.
To that end, DeFazio has introduced the Postal Service Protection Act, a detailed proposal to "sustain the postal service, avoid unnecessary closures that hurt rural communities, and save American jobs."
Now, he wants to up the ante by enlisting President Obama in the struggle—or, to be more precise, he's come up with a strategy to get the president more engaged with saving the postal service.
Obama has sent some good signals; indeed, his budget borrows ideas advanced by Sanders and DeFazio for making the USPS more competitive.
But the congressman is right to want the president to play a more pivotal role in saving post offices and sorting centers, rural routes and urban facilities, from a death by slow cuts. The stronger and louder the support from Obama, the greater the likelihood that the Postal Service Protection Act—which has the potential to gain support from disengaged Democrats and reluctant Republicans—could be enacted.
So DeFazio has taken the rare step—as a congressman—of posting a petition on the Obama administration's "We the People" website.
DeFazio's "Save the Postal Service-Save American Jobs" petition reads:
About 80% of USPS financial losses since 2007 are due to a Congressional mandate to prefund 75 years of future retiree health benefits over 10 years. In 2012 USPS lost a record $15.9 billion, but $11.1 billion of that loss went to prefund healthcare. This must change.
USPS shouldn't move to 5-day delivery. This would only save 3%, risk further revenue losses, and slow mail delivery.
USPS needs to re-establish overnight delivery standards to ensure the timely delivery of mail and prevent the closure of mail plants.
USPS needs to generate more revenue by ending a 2006 ban prohibiting USPS from offering new products and services.
Does the Administration support HR 630 and S 316 to make these changes, save American jobs, and allow USPS to remain competitive?
To get a formal response from the White House, the petition must gather 100,000 signatures by May 23.
Almost 20,000 people have already signed. But now it's crunch time.
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"If you support the postal service and want Congress and the White House to consider legislation that would fix the serious financial challenges it faces," says DeFazio, "please sign the petition and tell your friends to as well."
President Obama faces plenty of pressures these days, but this is one intervention he can and should make on behalf of American workers and communities.
The USPS cannot take many more cuts. Nor can it shoulder the financial burden that's been imposed on it. This is a time for urgency. And Peter DeFazio, with his White House petition, has figured out how to focus the energy that is needed to beat the proponents of privatization and to save an essential public service.
Lobbyists are snagging top jobs in Congress—a boon for their former employers. Read Lee Fang's report.
Mark Sanford. (AP Photo/Mary Ann Chastain)
Mark Sanford's comeback bid was never so audacious as America's political gossip columnists would have us believe.
Yes, the conservative Republican once boomed as a presidential prospect, before drawing national headlines in 2009 when it turned out that he had not gone missing on the Appalachian Trail but had instead snuck off to visit a woman friend in Buenos Aires. Yes, revelations about the affair led to his resignation as chairman of the Republican Governors Association, to his being censured by the South Carolina General Assembly after a State Ethics Commission investigation into allegations that he had misused state travel funds and to his divorce from a popular South Carolina politico.
But Sanford had a prominent name, an easy-going style and a carefully crafted message about forgiveness and redemption. He was, as well, an on-message conservative. That got him through a competitive Republican primary and a not-so-tough Republican runoff for his old US House seat, which had come open when Congressman Tim Scott, R-South Carolina, was appointed to the US Senate.
Once he had the Republican nomination, the numbers were on his side.
Even though he stumbled several times in his special-election race against an able and well-financed Democrat, Elizabeth Colbert Busch, Sanford won Tuesday with a solid 54-45 majority. Colbert Busch was competitive. In a district that gave Republican presidential contender Mitt Romney an eighteen-point advantage over President Obama last fall, she came within nine points this spring.
That's not bad for a Democrat running in a congressional district that, in various incarnations, has been sending Republicans to Washington since 1980.
But Sanford still enjoyed the advantage that most winners of congressional races in the United States have. He was nominee of the party that the district was drawn, with painstaking attention to collecting all the Republican and Republican leaning support that could be found on the South Carolina coast, to support.
Partisan redistricting—not just classic gerrymandering but a variety of structural factors—assures that the vast majority of congressional districts in the vast majority of states produce predictable results. Even if the candidate of the dominant party is flawed, even if a challenger has financial advantages, FairVote executive director Rob Richie reminds us that "partisanship is the dominant factor in determining election outcomes."
Another reform group, Common Cause explains, "For decades partisan wrangling has led to gerrymandered redistricting maps, collusion among the major political parties to create safe Congressional and state legislative districts, and the packing and splitting of concentrations of voters to weaken or strengthen their influence to gain partisan advantage."
Common Cause notes, correctly, that the circumstance is growing worse, explaining that "advances in information and mapping technology has enabled a level of precision in district drawing that in effect, enables legislators to choose the voters they wish to represent and makes it difficult for voters to hold their elected officials accountable."
There's always been gerrymandering, but we are not at a place where the general process of drawing and redrawing district lines has become definitional: If a district is drawn to elect Republicans, it almost always elects Republicans. If a district is drawn to elect Democrats, it almost always elects Democrats.
Money is influential, personality is a factor.
But nothing comes close to redistricting when it comes to defining the results of elections.
"In 2010, Democratic incumbents went 139 and 0 in the most Democratic districts but were swamped in Republican districts," notes Richie. In 2012, "Democrats won 176 of the 177 most Democratic districts, but Republicans didn't need to win a single Democratic-leaning seat to keep their majority."
This is the structural reality that shapes our politics.
And it shapes the governing that extends from that politics. Almost everything about what's happening now in Washington can be linked to the design of our congressional districts, and to the elections that shape the House of Representatives.
"On Nov. 6, Democrats won the most votes in contested House races," explains Richie. "FairVote's post-election analysis of partisan voting trends suggests an underlying national preference toward Democrats of 52 percent to 48 percent. (If there had been no incumbents and each party had run a candidate in every district, the Democrats would have won 52 percent of the votes.) With a comparable edge in 2010, Republicans gained sixty-four seats to take the House. But this year, winning a House majority would have required a much bigger swing toward Democrats, as much as 55 percent of the vote, a historical high."
This brings us back to Tuesday's special election in South Carolina's 1st district. Colbert Busch's capable campaigning—or, perhaps, Sanford's imperfect campaigning—resulted in a significant swing by voters to the Democratic column. But the district was designed to withstand a significant swing.
In 2012, the Democratic nominee took just 29 percent of the vote. Colbert Busch took 46 percent. So, in what was probably a best-of-all-worlds scenario for the Democrats, their candidate raised the party's percentage of the vote by almost sixteen points. But she needed a swing of more than twenty-one points.
What happened in South Carolina will keep happening there and in the vast majority of American congressional districts for so long as those districts are drawn to advantage one party or the others.
Groups such as Common Cause argue for a host of redistricting reforms that make sense in a democracy including the creation of independent commissions to conduct redistricting and the establishment of strict criteria for how districts must be drawn.
FairVote's Richie argues for going even further.
"The best way to remove the structural unfairness inherent in the current House of Representatives is to get rid of winner-take-all elections," Richie argues in a recent report (written with Devin McCarthy). "FairVote has a plan to do just that, grounded in our Constitution and American electoral traditions. The first requirement is an act of Congress. The more ambitious plan would be for Congress to prohibit winner-take-all elections in all states that elect more than one House Member. A more modest step would be to repeal the congressional mandate for states to use single-member districts that was established in a 1967 law."
FairVote's proposes building a new model for electing members of Congress. They'd like to see American states follow the model of countries around the world and move to a system of proportional representation, in which "existing congressional districts would be combined into multi-seat 'super districts' of between three and five members, in which members would be elected using fair-voting systems—American forms of proportional representation based on voting for candidates."
That's a smart proposal that would result in a far-more representative Congress.
As such, it will be hard to enact—as, frustratingly, are even the most simple redistricting reforms.
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But Americans who favor representative democracy don't have a choice. Along with all the reforms that are needed—overturning Citizens United, eliminating the Electoral College, establishing a constitutionally defined right to vote—working to make congressional elections genuinely competitive is necessary to curing what ails the political process.
And it sure beats trying to come up with deep and meaningful explanations for why Mark Sanford is headed back to Congress. This one isn't complicated. It's structural.
John Nichols is the author (with Robert w. McChesney) of the upcoming book Dollarocracy: How the Money and Media Election Complex is Destroying America. Hailed by Publisher's Weekly as "a fervent call to action for reformers," it details how the collapse of journalism and the rise of big-money politics threatens to turn our democracy into a dollarocracy.
Representative George Miller. (Flickr/Nancy Pelosi)
It is rare that a member of Congress calls out a major industry, especially one with a powerful presence in his home state.
It is rarer still that a senior member of Congress, with a ranking position on a powerful committee, does so.
But Congressman George Miller has gone after a fashion industry that relies on low-wage workers in unsafe factories to produce clothing with "blood on their labels."
The California Democrat is speaking to the heart of the matter.
As the death toll at the Bangladesh garment factory that produced clothing for US stores passed 650, the powerful California Democrat who has for the better part of forty years made workplace safety his congressional brief did what few in Congress or the media have the guts to do.
He explained in blunt, unapologetic language, who was really responsible.
"The reason factory managers keep their workers in unsafe buildings on the verge of going up in flames or collapsing is fear," declared Miller. "Fear that the Western brands and retailers will take their orders elsewhere because of a missed day of production, late delivery or a minuscule increase in production costs. The brands know this. That's why I believe they bear the ultimate responsibility for these horrendously unsafe working conditions."
The senior Democratic member of the House Committee on Education and the Workforce minced no words. And he made his statement in a forum where the fashion industry could not miss his message: a Monday morning column in Women's Wear Daily, the industry "bible."
To their credit, the editors of WWD placed Miller's remarkable statement front and center, making it the top story on the publication's website.
Though he comes from a state where many apparel firms are located, Miller offered a stark assessment not just of the horrors that have already been reported in a factory that served global brands but of the horrors to come if action is not taken.
"The death toll in Bangladesh's garment industry is staggering, with 1,000 dead over the past several years. In the latest tragedy, an eight-story building that housed five garment factories collapsed, killing more than 500 so far, injuring more than 1,000 and leaving an unknown number of people trapped in the rubble of the Rana Plaza. And just five months earlier, a devastating fire at the Tazreen Fashions factory killed at least 112 garment workers," wrote the congressman, whose influence with the Democratic leadership in Congress, with responsible Republicans and with the White House means that he is taken seriously by corporate executive who are all too adept at neglecting pressure to change their practices. "These two tragedies are not isolated. Since Tazreen, at least 40 incidents causing death and injuries as the result of fires and explosions at garment factories have occurred. Undoubtedly more will follow unless the major fashion brands change their business models."
To change those business models, Miller is calling on the corporations that produce major brands and that sell them to sign on to an initiative backed by the Bangladesh Center for Worker Solidarity, the International Labor Rights Forum and other groups that have for years struggled to focus attention on conditions in the garment factories of southern Asia.
"American consumers and leaders in the fashion industry have a moral imperative to ensure that these tragedies do not happen again. The only way forward for the global brands to improve conditions and worker safety is an effective, enforceable and binding commitment. That is why I have asked a number of retailers and brands to join together and sign the Bangladesh Fire and Building Safety Agreement, developed by nongovernmental organizations to prevent these types of disasters from occurring," says Miller.
The agreement is a vehicle for addressing "the most urgent elements necessary to tackle these dangers." As such, it includes requirements for:
detailed public reporting of fire and building audits conducted by independent safety experts
timely repairs to unsafe workspaces and buildings
termination by brands of contracts with factories that defy obligations to keep workers safe
a right of workers to refuse unsafe work without retribution
union access to factories
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The great debates about global trade, conditions for workers and a just economy rarely get the attention they deserve. And, too often, as Miller notes, corporations lay low hoping for the attention of governments and the media to turn to other issues.
But the congressman, by speaking directly to the fashion industry, and by making all the noise he can about the issue, is seeking to keep the economic, political and moral debate focused on concerns that are too fundamental to neglect any longer.
"The major global brands now face a choice: They can attempt to weather the storm, leaving workers in continued danger, or they can take a different road—one that includes healthy profits without the human death toll by signing onto an enforceable safety agreement," writes Miller. "It is time that American consumers understand which brands will accept blood on their labels and which will not."
When will free-traders-gone-wild own up to their complicity in global workplace disasters? Read William Greider's take.


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Pope Benedict XVI has appointed Bishop Kevin W. Vann of Fort Worth, Texas, to take over the much more populous Diocese of Orange from Tod D. Brown, who is retiring after 14 years.
Brown held a news conference Friday morning -- upstaged by the Space Shuttle Endeavour crisscrossing local airspace -- to publicly announce his retirement and introduce the 61-year-old Vann, a native of Springfield, Ill., who became bishop in Fort Worth seven years ago and will become Orange County's fourth bishop in December.
Before attending seminary in 1976, Vann worked as a medical technologist, according to a biography on the Fort Worth diocese's website.
After taking over the Fort Worth diocese, Vann sharply criticized his predecessor, saying the late Bishop Joseph Delaney's handling of sex-abuse allegations against priests was a "huge moral failure."
In 2006, Vann told the Fort Worth Star-Telegram, "All my life, I have always tried to respect my predecessor wherever I've been. But I can't defend the indefensible."
Vann has encouraged immigration reform in Texas and nationally, according to a Diocese of Orange press release. He is fluent in Spanish and Italian and is developing his Vietnamese language skills, officials said. He is also an accomplished pianist and expert in canon law.
Vann told City News Service he was notified two weeks ago that his next assignment would be in Orange County. He said he's learned to adapt to the church practice of uprooting priests from time to time.
"I thought: I guess I'm being sent somewhere else again," he said. "I just have to trust in God's judgment."
Vann declined to state any goals he might have for the diocese since Brown will remain in charge until December. "I'm not here yet, so it's premature to say anything yet," Vann said. In the meantime, "I have to kind of live in two worlds" between Texas and California.
The diocese Vann is leaving has a flock of 562,000, compared to nearly 1.3 million Catholics in the Diocese of Orange, the country's 10th largest and fastest-growing, having doubled in size and turned considerably more diverse during Brown's watch.
In welcoming Vann on Friday, Brown said: "The Diocese of Fort Worth has enjoyed a dynamic period of growth and the demands for comprehensive pastoral services there are not unlike those we have experienced here in the Diocese of Orange. Bishop Vann enjoys an enviable record of success and I am exceedingly pleased by his appointment as my episcopal successor."
and submitted his resignation to the Vatican. Much of his tenure was dominated by the priest abuse scandal, and his role drew both praise and criticism.
In 2005, Brown agreed to a $100-million settlement -- the largest payout of its kind ever -- with 90 victims who alleged abuse by priests, nuns and lay teachers in Orange County.
Brown also presided over the acquisition of the former Crystal Cathedral in Garden Grove, which has since been renamed Christ Cathedral and will become the diocese's new headquarters in a few years.
-- City News Service and OC Patch staff reports

subset: commoncrawl


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Posted: Feb 22, 2013 3:23 PM by Monica Chavarria firstname.lastname@example.com
Updated: Feb 22, 2013 5:53 PM
CORPUS CHRISTI - Police are looking for a woman who tried to pay with funny money at a local convenience store Thursday.
It happened around 11:40 a.m. at the Times Market on Baldwin near Cloyde St.
Police say a Hispanic female between 20 to 30 years of age, with a cast over her left arm, tried to pay for merchandise with fake $10 and $20 bills.
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The woman chose to take off without the stuff she was trying to buy.
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Published on 31 - May - 2012
Emulsion paint: value up, volume down
According to the latest figures from GfK, 5% fewer litres of emulsion paint have been sold in the UK during the first part of 2012 compared with the same period last year, but 6% more UK pounds have been spent on it.Even bathroom and kitchen paint is decreasing in popularity after "solid growth" in 2010-2011
GfK attribute the drop in volume demand to the decline in movement in the housing market, reporting "a significant correlation between property transactions and quantity of paint sold." The very wet spring also inhibited sales of outdoor paint as well as that for interior walls, due to the need to apply with ventilation.
The statistics body reported: "Unsurprisingly, leaving windows open in a downpour is unappealing to consumers. It is also worth noting that Easter 2012 occurred entirely within the April period, while in 2011 the second half of the Easter weekend, as well as the royal nuptials, fell in May data, thus casting a rose-tinted light over 2012 year to date figures."
Despite many décor retailers recently reporting that emulsion was an item that "would always sell well," when questioned for DIY Week's recent decorating issue, the wall covering's sales results don't paint a pretty picture for the market. Volume drops were reported across all sectors of emulsion, with former areas of optimism now in decline as well. This includes kitchen and bathroom paint, which with its anti-mould and anti-fungal properties, saw solid growth through 2010 and 2011. In bleak contrast, January to April 2012 saw -8% volume decline. In the same period there was an 8% increase in value for this segment.
GfK added: "[Kitchen and bathroom paint] is well over double the price of standard emulsion paint, which may be too great of a difference for many consumers in the current economic circumstances."
By Chris Fosbury, Eifion Stores
Perhaps the 10% price hike has something to do with it!
31/05/2012 14:30:00
Paint salesBy Chris Fosbury, Eifion Stores
Perhaps the 10% price hike has something to do with it!
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Poyet stays cool as Vicente linked with Spain return (From The Argus)
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Poyet stays cool as Vicente linked with Spain return
5:00pm Friday 29th June 2012 in Albion By Brian Owen
GUS POYET last night remained relaxed over the future of his star playmaker – as reports linking Vicente with a return to Spain gathered pace.
Second division Elche are willing to offer the former Valencia man a two-year deal should he engineer a way out of his current commitment with the Seagulls.
Albion have invoked a clause keeping Vicente at The Amex for another season after failing to negotiate a new deal.
The player is thought to be unhappy about that and his agent Victor Oñate met with Albion's head of football operations David Burke yesterday.
Oñate said he "expressed our position" and hopes to hear back from the Seagulls in the coming days.
Vicente's team feel Albion went back on a promise not to hold Vicente to the extra year.
Poyet wants to build a team around Vicente and last night said: "At the moment there is nothing strange.
"There are too many rumours in Spain and those rumours don't help us but nothing has changed."
Spanish sources insist Elche's interest is far more than a rumour and that Vicente wants to play for them.
Vicente, whose partner recently gave birth to their second child, remains at home in nearby Valencia awaiting developments.
He was a huge hit at The Amex last season after Albion patiently restored him to full fitness.
However a former colleague has emerged as a key player behind his perceived change of heart.
Fran Escriba took over at Elche recently, his first appointment as head coach.
Escriba was on the coaching staff at Valencia when Vicente was in his prime and gets on well with the player.
Elche are ready to satisfy Vicente's wage requirements but are unwilling to pay a transfer fee and are relying on Vicente's representatives to find a way out of his current extension.
Meanwhile two of Albion's home games in the forthcoming season have been rescheduled.
Sheffield Wednesday's first visit to The Amex will come on Friday September 15 (7.45pm) rather than the following afternoon.
Charlton's visit has predictably been moved from Easter Monday and will now be played on Tuesday, April 2 (7.45pm).


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Designed for the big boys - like 3/4-ton and 1-ton pickup trucks, motor homes, and commercial trucks - LoadLifter 5000 air springs provide high-quality, full-time load support. They level your Chevrolet Express Van, improving braking and ride comfort.
Air Lift's LoadLifter 5000 was designed with an exact purpose: to provide full-time, first-class support to your 3/4- or 1-ton pickup, motor home, or commercial truck. With this kit, you get a safer ride and simultaneously protect your Chevrolet Express Van from the strain that comes with hauling massive loads.
Carrying heavy cargo in your truck bed or trailer puts tremendous stress on your Chevrolet Express Van. Your brakes erode faster, your tires wear unevenly, and handling suffers severely. When towing, you might also experience excessive sway, bottoming out, and even improper and unsafe headlight aim. Fortunately, there is a solution to these problems. By pairing your existing suspension with the LoadLifter 5000, you can seriously beef up your suspension, ensure equal load distribution, and give your Chevrolet Express Van the support it desperately needs. Air Lift's LoadLifter 5000 provides up to 5,000 pounds of load-leveling capacity and distributes the weight of your payload to all four wheels. As a result, the stress on your OEM suspension is significantly reduced.
LoadLifter's air bags are adjustable from 5 to 100 psi for precise support, and they can be inflated independently of one another for front-to-rear and side-to-side leveling. They are made of high-quality, two-ply, fabric-reinforced rubber. Most air bags lose air at the ends, where the bag is enclosed with a steel cap, because the steel can rust and corrode over time, creating small holes. The endcaps on Air Lift air bags are fashioned from corrosion-proof Zytel nylon, a material that is both stronger and lighter than steel, ensuring that the air bags won't lose air. Also, LoadLifter 5000 comes with Air Lift's exclusive roll plates, which both protect your air springs and beef up the load capacity of the springs.
The system installs easily, with many kits requiring no drilling at all. Just install, inflate and ride. And using the system is easy too. To inflate the LoadLifter springs, you just have to pump air in through the inflation valves. A line kit is included with the springs so that you can install the valves (one for each spring) in an easily accessible area - typically they are installed on the bumper. If you want to make the springs even easier to use, you can get a compressor and gauge system (sold separately).
Air Lift kits are designed to keep your Chevrolet Express Van at normal ride height. You can find the normal ride height of your Chevrolet Express Van by unloading it and measuring the distance between the bottom edge of your wheel well and the center of the hub. After you find and record this distance, you can regulate the amount of air that you put into your air springs to maintain normal ride height - even when you are hauling a heavy load. You will need to adjust the air pressure in your air bags according to the size of your load.
Along with a lifetime warranty that has no mileage restrictions, Air Lift offers a 60-day satisfaction guarantee. Just install and use LoadLifter 5000 springs for 60 days, and if you are not satisfied at the end of this time, you can remove them from your Chevrolet Express Van and return them for a full product refund. Now that's confidence.
Ask the Experts about this Air Lift Vehicle Suspension
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26 April 2007 - 2:39pm
I don't think Mrs. Koch caught her own pun yesterday when she completed her interview with a TV crew from the Finnish Broadcasting Company.
That's right ... Finnish as in Finland.
Here's Mrs. Koch showing Mika around the Santa Claus Museum she opened last summer (it reopens for the season this weekend and is located in the shopping plaza, two doors down from the Santa Claus Post Office).
Mika promises to let us know when the story airs, as it will then be on their website for a week. We'll pass along the link when we get it.
Privacy Policy Jobs firstname.lastname@example.com 812-937-4401 or 877-463-2645 Entire Contents © 2013 Santa Claus, Indiana


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OAT 8*. head pressure control making a loud vibrating noise. Is this a sign of internal damage to the valve or diaphram or is it common at this low of ambients
I have no experience with that particular valve, but two of my supervisors have told me of instances where a ridiculously loud noise was found to be coming from a headmaster.
I would say yes. Have seen it once on a Hoshizaki IM. Replaced valve, noise is gone.
Local 597 Service Fitter Metal Trade Journeyman PAY ME NOW OR PAY ME LATER It was working when I left... Liberalism-Ideas so good they mandate them
i've heard noise come from them on start up or pump down, what is the discharge and liquid pressures at?
Just shut down ckt 1, to dang cold out with windchill at -17* f. Will return at end of week to investigate. Customer happy and occupants in office below condenser happy with noise gone .
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According to our May 2013 survey, 85% of American adults use the internet. These are some of the things they do online.
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Kyle celebrates his victory
Kyle Leduc celebrates on the podium after winning the Rockstar Energy Drink Challenge Cup and a $30,000 event purse prize
Todd LeDuc
Media: Wayne Hart Communications Manager Makita U.S.A. (714) 522-8088 x 4410 firstname.lastname@example.com
Consumer: (800) 4-MAKITA makitatools.com
The 2010 Lucas Oil Off Road Racing Series wrapped up this past weekend with the final race of the season at Firebird Raceway in Phoenix, AZ. Race fans packed the stands both days for some of the most exciting racing of the season. The Rockstar Makita LeDuc Racing team of Curt, Todd and Kyle LeDuc came into the weekend ready for battle and ran strong and up front all weekend.
Kyle Leducs race winning Pro 4 Truck
Saturday's racing saw Curt and Kyle LeDuc battle it out in the Pro 4 Unlimited class. They were each able to put their Makita Tools-tuned trucks up near the front early in the race and were swapping positions with the other drivers. After all the dust settled, Kyle ended up with a hard fought second place finish and Curt finished just inside of the top five.
With all of the points tallied and all of the championship decided for the season, it was time for the most anticipated race of the season on Sunday, The Rockstar Energy Drink Challenge Cup. The Challenge Cup is a once-a-season race that matches up the best Pro 2 and Pro 4 drivers in the world to compete in a one race battle for some big money! The whole Rockstar Makita LeDuc racing team ran well in the race but Kyle LeDuc was on fire! He was the fastest guy on the track and no one could match his speed. He claimed a convincing victory over the rest of the field winning by a sizeable margin. Fellow teammate and brother, Todd LeDuc ran a great race as well and finished the Challenge Cup with a hard fought fourth place finish.
Champions Choose Makita!
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Hotels.com ゲスト評価
Hotels.com ゲスト評価
トリップアドバイザー ユーザ評価
I took my girlfriend for a nice 2 day weekend getaway in Flagstaff. I bought the room on hotels.com. So what do i have to say about Sonesta ES... Suites?? Service was great, room was clean. Great location. My three overall issues were 1. outdated appliances and furniture for the price, and 2. popcorn ceilings (Whoever thought this was a good idea was way wrong- makes it so dated) and 3. Overall cost- I paid $119 for the night, the room should have been in the $80-90 range in my opinion. I was overall pleased except for everything listed above. I would recommend Sonesta ES to others if their rates were like $20-30/less a night. Most of my complaints are about aesthetics I realize so that's why the ratings are still high, just had a few things I personally did not like which slightly affected my view on our stay. -X X - Tempe さんのコメント ( 2013/11/29)


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Bras Shop
Made with love and attention to every detail, the Aerie Bra Collection is designed for the naturally sexy girl next door.
Aerie creates pretty, soft, comfortable bras that feel sexy and look beautiful under everything you wear. Find your new love in our endless collection of pushup bras, made with soft lace, delicate mesh and finished with the prettiest details. Levels of lift go from perky to double whoa... perfect perkiness for every girl!
Go for comfort and coverage with our lightly lined bras. This collection is made for everyday and is perfect under dresses and tops. Our lacy bandeaus are a must-have under tanks and camis. Need a workout bra? Find support in our light and airy sports bras, too.
Don't forget to use the the Aerie bra guide to help find the perfect size or come see us anytime in Aerie stores for a free bra fitting with one of our bra experts. And while you're at it, make sure to check out our entire collection of panties and other lingerie to go with your new bra! Shop your heart out!


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Clock changes in Entebbe
Entebbe, Uganda | |
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Fall 2013 Commencement
96th commencement
December 14, 2013 at 10:00 a.m.
Lawson-Fulton Student Center Pavilion
Founded in 1928, Hope International University will celebrate its 96th commencement on December 14th, 2013. The Fall 2013 graduates come from a student body of more than one thousand students drawn from 27 states and over 40 countries. The commencement speaker will be Dr. E. LeRoy Lawson, Professor of Christian Ministry, Emmanuel Christian Seminary.
The graduates illustrate the University's mission of preparing both professional and voluntary servant leaders for congregations and communities. They also illustrate the University's expanding commitment to adult learners and international students who want to make a positive difference where they will serve. These individuals join over 8,400 alumni who carry Hope International University's legacy of service and ministry to the church and society. Their achievement has been facilitated by a faculty qualified by both academic credentials and Christian service at a top Southern California Christian university.
This commencement will celebrate Hope International University's 39th academic year in Fullerton. Here, as earlier in Long Beach and Los Angeles, the University has maintained a diligent commitment to advance the mission of Christ around the world.


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We booked our weekend get a way to the Petoskey area and we were a bit nervous because of the mixed reviews. Well, we were more than pleasantly surprised. From check in to check out, were were treated very well by the friendly and courteous staff. Kristy, at check in was wonderful, gave us wonderful suggestions and vouchers for the... More
- Also Known As:
- Hometown Hotel
- Official Description (provided by the hotel):
- Located in Beautiful Indian River, close to the trails, rivers and lakes. Easy access off I-75, or M-68. Golf, kayaking and biking packages available. Free continental breakfast, indoor, heated pool and hot-tub. Jacuzzi rooms available. ... more less
- Reservation Options:
- TripAdvisor is proud to partner with Booking.com, Hotels.com, Priceline, Travelocity, Orbitz, Cheap Tickets, Expedia, Venere and Tingo so you can book your Hometown Inn reservations with confidence. We help millions of travellers each month to find the perfect hotel for both holiday and business trips, always with the best discounts and special offers.


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Kutt Calhoun "Black Gold" Available Now!
The Kansas City Chief is back and blazing on Black Gold!
With tracks like "I Been Dope", "Same Thing" and "See What Had Happened Was", along with features such as Tech N9ne and Brotha Lynch Hung, Black Gold is sure to be what you've been waiting for!
Purchase your copy now on iTunes!
Tech N9ne's Independent Powerhouse Tour 2013 VIP Packages Now Available!
TECHNICIANS!!! We're pleased to announce Tech N9ne's Independent Powerhouse Tour 2013.
Don't miss your chance to experience the Independent Powerhouse Tour like a VIP! For $150 plus shipping you can roll like a VIP – you'll get complimentary admission with front of line access to the show of your choice, a one-hour Meet & Greet with the artists, a limited edition VIP shirt (XL only), along with other kick-ass merchandise worth over $350! Don't miss your chance to experience the hottest tour – VIP style!
Click here to order your Tech N9ne's Independence Powerhouse Tour 2013 VIP Package now!
Kutt Calhoun - Strange $ - Official Music Video
Kutt Calhoun - Bottle Service - Official Music Video
Kutt Calhoun "Kelvin" EP Now Available!
Kutt Calhoun has been hard at work in the lab and is ready to unveil his newest creation – Kelvin! The Kansas City Chief has already given you the hottest in B.L.E.V.E. and now returns with the coldest EP out there – Kelvin. Kutt's EP, Kelvin, is now available! Click here to order your copy today!
Kutt Calhoun EPK 2012
Kutt Calhoun "Red-Headed Stepchild" EP In Stores Now!
Featuring appearances by Big Scoob, BG Bulletwound and JL of B.Hood, this EP is sure to heat up your summer. So click here and get your copy of Kutt Calhoun's Red-Headed Stepchild so you don't wind up feeling like one.
"Raw And Un-Kutt" Album In Stores Now!
The Kansas City Chief gets "Raw And Un-Kutt", the newest release from Kutt Calhoun will have heads nodding with the street-savvy sound that is truly "Raw And Un-Kutt". Featuring the singles "Naked (Boom Boom Room)" and "Get Kutt", and featuring Tech N9ne, Brotha Lynch Hung, Joe Budden, E-40, Too Short and more, "Raw and Un-Kutt" will definitely set your summer off right. "Raw And Un-Kutt" is now available on iTunes or you can orderyour copy today!
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Posted 3:41 PM 3/15/2013 : Video games make seniors happy
There have been dozens of studies about video games and how they might be causing our youth population to be less active. There's some new research shedding positive light on digital games; however, the age group is not what you would typically find playing them.
"Oh I got a strike," said Jed.
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2003 Toyota Corolla
More Toyota Corolla News and Reviews
Toyota GT 86 (Scion FR-S) Gets the Four Door Treatment
December 02,2013
The Scion FR-S/Subaru BRZ/Toyota GT 86 is one of our favorite cars of 2013. Problem is, if you're looking for a sports coupe that seats four, this isn't it; the back seats are all but nonexistent....
Read Full Review -
Toyota's production fuel cell vehicle to wear Prius badge?
December 01,2013
Like the very slow drip of water coming from the tailpipe of a hydrogen fuel-cell electric vehicle, information about the first production fuel-cell model from Toyota – slated for 2015 – is coming...
Read Full Review -
2014 Toyota Highlander Takes the Hybrid Road to New Heights in L.A
November 27,2013
Earlier this year, Toyota showed off the newest generation of its Highlander midsize crossover (CUV) at the New York International Auto Show. This month, the Japanese automaker unveiled the crossover&...
Read Full Review -
Toyota MR2 shows why we still love the 1990s
November 27,2013
Was there a better time for Japanese performance than the 1980s and 1990s? It seems like looking back, Japan was on a roll, producing cars that were affordable, economical, reliable, fast and lightwei...
Read Full Review


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Latest GT Briefings
GT Briefing December 2013: 10 Key Trends to Watch for 2014 (Trends 6 to 10)
December 2013: Last month, we started our coverage of the 10 Trends to Watch for 2014 by introducing the notion of a "Moore's Law of Change." In a world of accelerating and radical changes there will...
10 Key Trends to Watch for 2014 (Trends 1 to 5)
November 2013: When Moore's Law was published, its model of exponential rates of change seemed unbelievable. Today it still guides the semiconductor sector. The accelerating global pace of change...
GT BRIEFING: October 2013: The shifting geopolitical landscape
October 2013: The geopolitical landscape has changed dramatically since 9/11 and the global financial crisis. These two events have driven dramatic government action from West to East and North to...


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George Clooney sneaks Renee Zellwegger a little kiss at the Leatherheads premiere in LA Monday night.
Posts for March 2008
Smart Girls
Sarah Jessica Parker and Ellen Page stop to pose together on the red carpet at a screening for Smart People on Monday night in New York.
Solo Snack
A newly single Pink grabs a quick bite to eat at Noah's Bagels in LA on Monday.
Rain or Shine
Kate Hudson and Anne Hathaway go for a run in the rain Monday on the set of Bride Wars in NYC.
Toy Time
Brad Pitt and Angelina Jolie leave Shiloh at home and bring the rest of the kids to the toy store in Houston on Monday.
Guess Who?
Kate Hudson and Anne Hathaway Save the War for the Cameras
Kate Hudson and Anne Hathaway may be getting ready to duke it out on screen in Bride Wars, but it looks like they were having a lot of fun together shooting in Central Park today. We're sure lots of women will relate to stepping up the fitness in the weeks and months pre-wedding. They can get ideas about that and much much more at IDoSugar. Neither actress is walking down the aisle anytime soon in real life, but with Anne's long term boyfriend and Kate's rekindled love, you never know.
More of Kate and Anne running around in their sweats, so just read more
All Natural
Heidi Klum took her mother and three children on a trip to LA's Natural History Museum on Monday.
Gathers No Moss
Kate Moss wasn't slowing down after her chaotic arrival in LA, and on Monday she went out to do a little shopping with her pal James Brown.
In Step
Nicky Hilton and her boyfriend David Katzenberg went out for a stroll in LA on Monday.


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Time Syncronization.
Many of your questions may have already been answered in earlier discussions or in the FAQ. The search results page will indicate current discussions as well as past list serves, articles, and papers.
Judd Tracy jtracy at ist.ucf.eduFri Sep 7 07:58:14 PDT 2001
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On Wed, 5 Sep 2001, alvin wrote: > I have a hand full of machines that I am using rdate to synchronize. > > rdate seems to work reasonably well except for one macine that seems to > gain about 30 seconds a day. The problem I find is that when rdate is > run the date is just set back 30 seconds. Most times this is not a > problem but is looks like it has broken inetd and then until I restart > inetd nobody can use any services from there. > > I am sure someone on this list has solved this problem. I have used NTP > in the past but have had mixed luck with various implemntations. I have > a feeling that some combinaton of rdate and adjtimex may work. > > Any pointers or help greatfuly appreciated. NTP works great for syncing the time and correcting the clock rate. I would also suggest that you use the broadcast mode of NTP if all of your machines are on the same subnet. Otherwise you end up with a lot of traffic on the network just for keeping the time. -- Judd Tracy Institute for Simulation and Training jtracy at ist.ucf.edu
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J Brand
Denim Jacket
J Brand proves that the denim movement toward straight and skinny is hardly a trend. With an absolutely clean, anonymous back pocket and sophisticated lines, these jeans are already a classic set for the ages.
- 66% tencel 34% cotton
- Button front closure
- Front flap pockets with button closure
- Button cuffed sleeves
- Styled with T by Alexander Wang Slub Classic Tank in Charcoal.
- Styled with Citizens Of Humanity Chloe Cut Off Short in Distressed Viper.
- Styled with Giles & Brother Skinny Railroad Spike Cuff in Rose Gold Finish.
- Styled with gorjana Delaney Square Ring in Gold.
- Styled with gorjana Infinity II Ring in Rosegold.
- Styled with gorjana Star Ring Small in Gold.
- Modeled in size S. See fit guide for model's dimensions.
- Revolve Style No. JBRA-WO15
- Manufacturer Style No. 4030243