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chapter xvii.: parliamentary law and usage.—the speaker.—two houses.—the veto. - Francis Lieber, On Civil Liberty and Self-Government [1853]Edition used:On Civil Liberty and Self-Government, 3rd revised edition, ed. Theodore D. Woolsey (Philadelphia: J.B. Lippincott & Co., 1883).
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chapter xvii.parliamentary law and usage.—the speaker.—two houses.—the veto.34. It is not only necessary that the legislature be the sole judge of the right each member may have to his seat, but that the whole internal management and the rules of proceeding with the business belong to itself. It is indispensable that the legislature possess that power and those privileges which are necessary to protect itself and its own dignity, taking care, however, that this power may not, in turn, become an aggressive one. In this respect are peculiarly important the presiding officer of the popular branch, or speaker, the parliamentary law, and the rules of the houses. The speaker of the English commons was in former times very dependent on the crown. Since the revolution of 1688 his election may be said to have become wholly independent. It is true that the form of obtaining the consent of the monarch is still gone through, but it is a form only, and a change of the administration would unquestionably take place were the ministers to advise the crown to withhold its consent. Were the refusal insisted on, disturbances would doubtless follow, which would end in a positive declaration and distinct acknowledgment on all hands that the choice of the speaker "belongs, and of right ought to belong," to the house of commons. There is no danger on that score in England, so long as a parliamentary government exists there at all. The growth of the commons' independence in this respect is as interesting a study as it is historically to trace step by step any other expanding branch of British liberty. The Constitution of the United States says that "the house of representatives shall choose their speaker and other officers," and, so chosen, he is speaker, without any other sanction. The charter granted by Louis XVIII. of France prescribed that "the president of the chamber of deputies is nominated by the king from a list of five members presented by the chamber." This was altered by the revolution of 1830, and the charter then adopted decreed that "the president of the chamber of deputies is to be elected by the chamber itself at the opening of each session." It need not be added that, according to the "constitution of the empire," the emperor of the French simply appoints the president of the "legislative corps." In all the states of the Union the speakers are within the exclusive appointment of the houses In the British colonial legislatures the speaker must be confirmed by the governor, but, as was observed of the speaker of the commons, if consent were refused it would be a case of disagreement between the administration and the legislature, which must be remedied either by a new administration or a new house—that is, by. new elections. The presiding officer of the upper house is not made thus dependent upon it. In England, the chief officer of the law the lord chancellor or keeper of the seals,1 presides over the house of peers. There seems to be a growing desire in England wholly to separate the lord chancellor from the cabinet and politics. At present he is always a member of the administration, and, of course, leaves his office when the cabinet to which he belongs goes out. It will be an interesting subject to determine who shall preside over the lords, if the change thus desired by many should take place. The United States senate is presided over by the Vice-President of the United States, who is elected by the Union at large, as the President is. It must be observed, however, that the chancellor on the woolsack, and the Vice-President of the United States as president of the senate, exercise no influence over their respective legislative bodies, that can in any degree be compared to that of the speakers over their houses. The American senate and the British house of lords allow but very little power, in regulating and appointing, to the presiding officer, who interferes only when called upon to do so.1 The power of the houses of parliament over persons that are not members, or the privileges of parliament, or of either house, so far as they affect the liberty of individuals and the support of their own power, constitute what is called parliamentary law—an important branch of the common law. Like all common law, it consists in usage and decisions; there are doubtful points as well as many firmly settled ones. It must be learned from works such as Hatsell's Precedents, etc. Townsend's History of the House of Commons, and others. As a general remark, it may be stated that, with the rise of liberty in England, the jealousy of the house of commons also rose, and continued during the period of its struggle with the executive; and that, as the power of the house has become confirmed and acknowledged, the jealousy of the house has naturally abated. I very much doubt whether at any earlier period the committee of privileges would have made the same declaration which it made after Lord Cochrane, in 1815, had been arrested by the marshal of the king's bench, while sitting on the privy councillor's bench in the house of commons, prayers not yet having been read. The committee declared that "the privileges of parliament did not appear to have been violated so as to call for the interposition of the house."1 The two American houses naturally claim the "power of sending for persons and papers and of examining upon oath," and they have also exercised the power of punishing disturb ances of their debates by intruders, and libellers of members or whole houses. But no power to do so is explicitly conferred by the Constitution of the United States.2 Of far greater importance is the body of the rules of procedure and that usage which has gradually grown up as a part of common law, by which the dispatch of parliamentary business and its protection against impassioned hurry are secured, and by which the order and freedom of debate, fairness, and an organic gestation of the, laws are intended to be obtained. Parliamentary practice, or rules of proceeding and debate, such as have been developed by England, independently of the executive, and, like the rest of the common law, been carried over to our soil, form a most essential part of our Anglican constitutional, parliamentary liberty. This practice, as we will call it for brevity's sake, is not only one of the highest importance for legislatures themselves, but serves as an element of freedom all over the country, in every meeting, small or large, primary or not. It is an important guarantee of liberty, because it serves like the well-worn and banked bed of a river, which receives the waters that, without it, would either lose their force and use by spreading over plains, or become ruinous by their impetuosity when meeting with obstruction. Every other nation of antiquity and modern times has severely suffered from not having a parliamentary practice such as the Anglican race possesses, and no one familiar with history and the many attempts to establish liberty on the continent of Europe or in South America can help observing how essentially important that practice is to us, and how it serves to ease liberty, if we may say so.1 It is not a French "règlement," prescribed by the executive with but little room for self-action; nor does it permit legislative disorder or internal anarchy. It has been often observed that the want of parliamentary practice created infinite mischief in the first French revolution. Dumont mentions that there was not even always a distinct proposition before the convention; and the stormiest sessions, which frequently ended by the worst decrees-the decrets d'acclamation—were those in which there were speeches and harangues without propositions. Sir Samuel Romilly1 says: "If one single rule had been adopted, namely, that every motion should be reduced into writing in the form of a proposition before it was put from the chair, instead of proceeding, as was their constant course, by first resolving the principle, as they called it, (décréter le principe,) and leaving the drawing up of what they had so resolved (or, as they called it, la rédaction) for a subsequent operation, it is astonishing how great an influence it would have had in their debates and on their measures."2 The great importance of the subject and the general superiority of the English parliamentary practice have been acknowledged by French writers, practically acquainted with it; especially by the author of a work the full title of which I shall give in a note, because it shows its interesting contents.3 Foreigners frequently express their surprise at the ease with which, in our country, meetings, societies, bodies, communities, and even territories,1 constitute and organize themselves, and transact business without violence, and without any force in the hands of the majority to coerce the minority, or in the hands of the minority to protect itself against the majority. One of the chief reasons of this phenomenon is the universal familiarity of our people with parliamentary practice, which may be observed on board of any steamboat where a number of persons, entire strangers to one another, proceed to pass some resolution or other, and which they learn even as children. There are few schools the members of which have not formed some debating society, where parliamentary forms are observed, and where the rigorously enforced fine impresses upon the boy of ten or eleven years the rules which the man of forty follows as naturally as he bows to an acquaintance.2 The Constitution of the United States says that "each house may determine the rules of its proceedings, punish its members for disorderly behavior, and, with the concurrence of two-thirds, expel a member." If, however, the parliamentary practice had not already been spread over the colonies, like the common law itself, this power, justly and necessarily conferred on each house, would have been of comparatively little advantage. Parliamentary practice-that ars obstetrix animanum, as Mr. Bentham calls it, although it ought to be called the obstetric art of united bodies of men, for in this lies the difficulty—is not a thing to be invented, nor to be decreed, but must be developed.1 It is not only a guarantee of the free share of every representative in the legislation of his country, but it is also, as has been indicated, a guarantee, for the people, that its legislature remain in its proper bounds, and that the laws be not decreed as the effects of mere impulse or passion. It is a psychological fact that whatever interests or excites a number of separate individuals will interest or excite them still more when brought together. They countenance one another; and that psychical reduplication which, for bad or good, produces so great an effect wherever individuals of the same mind or acting under the same impulse come in close contact, must be guarded against in representative assemblies. Parliamentary practice, as we possess it, is as efficient a means to calm and to regulate these excitements, as the laws of evidence and the procedure of courts are in tempering exciting trials and impassioned pleadings. These remarks may fitly conclude with the words of Judge Story, which he uttered when he left the speaker's chair of the Massachusetts house of representatives, to take his seat on the bench of the supreme court of the United States. They ought to be remembered by every one on both sides of the Atlantic that prizes practical and practicable liberty: " Cheered, indeed, by your kindness, I have been able, in controversies marked with peculiar political zeal, to appreciate the excellence of those established rules which invite liberal discussions, but define the boundary of right and check the intemperance of debate. I have learned that the rigid enforcement of these rules, while it enables the majority to mature their measures with wisdom and dignity, is the only barrier of the rights of the minority against the encroachments of power and ambition. If anything can restrain the impetuosity of triumph, or the vehemence of opposition—if anything can awaken the glow of oratory, and the spirit of virtue—if anything can preserve the courtesy of generous minds amidst the rivalries and jealousies of contending parties, it will be found in the protection with which these rules encircle and shield every member of the legislative body. Permit me, therefore, with the sincerity of a parting friend, earnestly to recommend to your attention a steady adherence to these venerable usages."1 35. If parliamentary practice is a guarantee of liberty by excluding, in a high degree, impassioned legislation, and aiding in embodying, in the law, the collective mind of the legislature, the principle of two houses, or the bicameral system, as Mr. Bentham has called it, is another and no less efficient guarantee. Practical knowledge alone can show the whole advantage of this Anglican principle, according to which we equally discard the idea of three and four estates, and of one house only. Both are equally and essentially un-Anglican. Although, however, practice alone can show the whole advantage that may be derived from the system of two houses, it must appear, nevertheless, as a striking fact to every inquirer in distant countries, that not only has the system of two houses his torically developed itself in England, but it has been adopted by the United States, and all the states, as well as by the single territories, and by all the British colonies, where local legislatures exist We may mention even the African state of Liberia. The bicameral system accompanies the Anglican race like the common law,1 and everywhere it succeeds; while no one attempt at introducing the unicameral system, in larger countries, has so far succeeded. France, Spain, Naples, Portugal,—in all these countries it has been tried, and everywhere it has failed. The idea of one house flows from that of the unity of power, so popular in France. The bicameral system is called by the advocates of democratic unity of power an aristocratic institution. This is an utter mistake. In reality it is a truly popular principle to insist on the protection of a legislature divided into two houses; and as to the historical view of the question, it is sufficient to state that two houses have been insisted upon and rejected by all parties, aristocratic and popular, according to the circumstances of the times. In this the principle resembles the instruction of the representative by his constituents. This too has been insisted on and rejected by all parties at different periods. Attempts were made in our earlier times to establish a single house, for instance in Pennsylvania,2 but the practical and sober sense of the Anglican people led them back to the two houses. The danger was perhaps not trifling. "During the American revolution, there grew up a party in every state who, ignorant of this great political truth, opposed the notion that our state constitutions should be conformed to the English model. No less a person than Dr. Franklin was of this party. And through his influence, in a great measure, Pennsylvania adopted a government of a single legislative assembly. When he went to Paris, he took with him the different American constitutions. Mr. Turgot, to whom he showed them, disregarding, as Dr. Franklin had done, the voice of history, approved that of Pennsylvania, and condemned those framed after the English constitution. In a letter to Dr. Price of England, Mr. Turgot says: 'I am not satisfied with the constitutions which have hitherto been formed for the different states of America. By most of them, the customs of England are imitated without any particular motive. Instead of collecting all authority into one centre, that of the nation, they established different bodies, a body of representatives, a council, and a governor, because there is in England, a house of commons, a house of lords, and a king. They endeavored to balance three different powers, as if this equilibrium, which in England may be a necessary check to the enormous influence of royalty, could be of any use in republics founded upon the equality of all the citizens, and as if establishing different orders of men was not a source of divisions and disputes.' This notion of a single national assembly began to gain ground so rapidly in America, that the elder Adams, in order to counteract it, in the beginning of the year 1787 published his Defence of the American Constitutions. In the September of the same year, the national convention changed the federal constitution from the single assembly of the confederacy, to a government formed after the English model. Pennsylvania changed her government also: and all the states and territories of this vast confederacy have now governments framed on the plan of the English."1 Mr. de Lamartine pronounced the true reason why we ought to hold fast to the bicameral system, although he spoke against it When in the last French constituent assembly Mr. Odillon Barrot had urged with ability the adoption of two houses, Mr. de Lamartine replied that the great principle of unity (he meant, no doubt, of centralization) required the establishment of one house, and that, unless the legislature was vested in one house alone, it would be too difficult to make it pass over from a simple legislature to an assembly with dictatorial power. This is precisely the danger to be avoided.2 Parliamentary practice and the two-house system are subjects of such magnitude that it is impossible here, where they are mentioned as guarantees, to enter upon details; but I cannot dismiss them without recommending them to the serious and repeated attention of every one who may have looked upon them as accidents rather than essentials. The French acknowledge as the first thing to be obtained, power, force; and their philosophical writers, such as Rousseau, seek, almost exclusively, a philosophical or legitimate source of that power. Hence their view of universal suffrage, and the power, be it that of an all-powerful Cæsar, or of a concentrated single chamber, all-providing and all-penetrating, when once established, arising out of it Hence the prosecution of Mr. de Montalembert, as having attacked the legitimate power of the emperor, when he had written against the French view of universal suffrage. The Anglicans seek, first of all, for freedom, for self-government; and then for guarantees of these. Experience has proved to the English and Americans that to have a measure discussed entirely de novo by a different set of men, with equal powers, and combined upon a different basis-that this, and the three readings, with notice and leave of bringing in, and the going into committee before the third reading, have a wonderful effect in sifting, moderating, discovering, and in enlightening the country. Take the history of any great act of parliament or congress, and test what has been asserted. This effect of two houses, and the rules of procedure just mentioned, are indeed like so many pillars to the fabric of liberty. The question has been asked, Why should there be two chambers? What philosophical principle is there enshrined in this number? All we would answer is, that it has been found that more than one house is necessary, and more than two is too many. Three and even four houses belong to the medieval estates, and to the deputative, not to the modern national representative, system. The mischief of three houses is as great as that of three parties. The weakest becomes the deciding one by a casting vote. And one house only belongs to centralization. It is incompatible with a government of a co-operative or concurrent character, which we hold to be the government of freedom. I cannot agree with the opinion expressed by Lord Brougham in his work on Political Philosophy, that it is essentially necessary that the composition of the two houses should be based upon entirely different principles, meaning that the one ought not to be elective, and that it ought to represent entirely different interests. A thorough discussion of this subject belongs to the province of politics proper, but I ask the reader's indulgence for a few moments. If the two houses were elected for the same period, and by the same electors, they would amount in practice to little more than two committees of the same house; but we want two bona fide different houses, representing the impulse as well as the continuity, the progress and the conservatism, the onward zeal and the retentive element, innovation and adhesion, which must ever form integral elements of all civilization. One house, therefore, ought to be large; the other, comparatively small, and elected or appointed for a longer time. Now, as to the right of sitting in the smaller or upper house, of longer duration, there are different modes of bestowing it. It may be hereditary, as the English peers proper are hereditary; or the members may have seats for life and in their personal capacity, as the French peers had under the charter. This is probably the worst of all these methods. It gives great power to the crown, and keeps the house of peers in a state of submission, which hereditary peers generally do not know. Or, again, the members may be elected for life by a class, as Scottish representative peers are elected by the Scottish nobility for the British house of peers; or the members may be similarly elected for one parliament alone, as the Irish peers are that sit in parliament; or the people may elect senators for life, or for a shorter time, as the senators of Belgium and all the senators in our states are; or, lastly, the members of the house we are speaking of may be elected, not by the people in their primary capacity, but by different bodies, such as our senators of congress are. The senators of the United States are elected by the states, as states; consequently an equal number of representing senators is given to each state, irrespective of its size or population. It would be very difficult to pronounce the one or the other principle absolutely the best, without reference to circumstances, and we are sure that Lord Brougham would be the last man that would maintain the absolute necessity of having a hereditary peerage wherever two houses exist. As to the different classes, or interests, however, which ought to be represented, I would only state that the idea belongs to the middle ages, and, if adopted, would lead at once to several estates again. It is hostile to the idea of two houses only. Why represent the different interests of the nation in two houses? Are there not more broad, national interests? It would be difficult indeed to understand why the land-owner in present England should have his house, and not the manufacturer, the merchant, the wide educational interest, the sanitary interest, the artisan, the literary interest, with that of journalism. The excellence of the bicameral system in our representative (and not deputative) government does not rest on the representation of different interests, but on the different modes of composing the houses, and their different duration.1 On the other hand, we may observe that when, in 1848, the French established a legislature of one house, they found themselves obliged to establish, by the constitution, a council of state, as the Athenians established the council (boule) to aid the general assembly (ecclesia). The French know, instinctively if not otherwise, that a single house of French representatives would be exposed to the rashest legislation. The council of state, however, is not public, the members are appointed by the executive; in one word, what was gained? Much indeed was lost. Whether the representative is the representative of his immediate constituents or of the nation at large, whether he ought to obey instructions sent him by his constituents—on these and other subjects connected with them I have treated at great length in my Political Ethics. I shall simply mention here the fact that civil liberty distinctly requires the representative to be the representative of his political society at large, and not of his election district. The idea that he merely represents his immediate constituents is an idea which belongs to the middle ages and their deputative system,—not to our far nobler representative system. The representative is not a deputy sent with simple powers of attorney, as the deputy of the middle ages was.1 36. I hesitate whether I ought to mention the Veto as an Anglican guarantee of liberty, I hold it to be in our political system a check upon the legislature, and therefore a protection of the citizen; one that can be abused, and probably has been abused; but everything intrusted to the hands of man may be abused. The question concerns its probable average operation. Although the veto is thus acknowledged to be an important part of our polity, it may be said no longer to exist in England. It has been mentioned before, that should parliament pass a bill from which the ministers believe the royal assent ought to be withheld, they would not, according to the present usage, expose the king to an open disagreement with the lords and commons, but they would resign, upon which an administration would be formed which would agree with parliament; or parliament would be dissolved, and an "appeal to the country" would be made. Yet we have received the veto from England; and it is all these considerations which make me hesitate, as I said before, to call the veto an Anglican guarantee. The use of the veto can become very galling, and at such times we often find the party, whose favorite measure has been vetoed, vehemently attacking the principle itself. It was thus that the whigs in the United States earnestly spoke and wrote against the principle, when General Jackson declined giving his assent to some measures they considered of great importance, and the democrats were loud in favor of the veto power because it had been used by a president of their own party. In treating this whole subject, much confusion has arisen from the ill-chosen word veto, after the term used by the Roman tribune The veto of the Roman tribune and the so-called modern veto are not the same. The tribune could veto indeed. When a law was passed he could wholly or partially stop its operation, by the tribunitial auxilium, the personal prevention of the action of magistrates in particular cases. To this was added, at a later period, the intercessio, by which the tribune could prevent a decree of the senate or a rogation before the comitia from becoming a law. The dispensatory power claimed by the Stuarts would have been the full veto power. The chief of the state in the United States or England, however, has no such power. The law, so soon as it is law, says to every one: Hands off. What we call the veto power is in reality a power of an abnuent character, and ought to have been called the declinative. But this declinative is possessed in a much greater degree by each house against the other. To make a bill a law, the concurrence of three parties is required—that of the two houses and the executive, and this concurrence may be withheld as a matter of course, otherwise it would not be concurrence. It is a wise provision in our constitution which directs that a bill not having received the president's approval nevertheless passes into a law if two-thirds of congress adhere to the bill. Many of our state constitutions do not require the concurrence of the executive. This is not felt in many cases as an evil, because the action of the states is limited; but in my opinion it would be an evil day when the veto should be taken from the President of the United States. It would be the beginning of a state of things such as we daily observe with our South American neighbors. The American conditional veto is in a great measure a conciliatory principle with us, as the refusal of supplies is of an eminently conciliatory character in the British polity.1 The only case in which our executives have a real vetitive power is the case of pardon, and most unfortunately it is used in an alarming degree, against the supremacy of the law and the stability of right-both essential to civil liberty. I consider the indiscriminate pardoning, so frequent in many parts of the United States, one of the most hostile things, now at work in our country, to a perfect government of law. In the only case, therefore, in which we have a full veto power, we ought greatly to modify it.2 [1.]A keeper of the seals, whom usage does not require to be a peer, is now appointed as the chief officer of the law, only when, for some reason or other, no lord chancellor is appointed. The keeper of the seals, nevertheless, presides in the house of lords, or "sits on the woolsack." The chancellor is now always" made a peer if he is not already a member of the house of lords; and he is always a member of the cabinet. This mixture of a judicial and political character is inadmissible according to American views; yet it ought to be remembered, as an honorable fact, that no complaint of partiality has been made in modern times against any lord chancellor in his judicial capacity, although he is so deeply mixed up with politics. Lord Eldon was probably as uncompromising, and perhaps as bigoted, a politician as has ever been connected with public affairs, but I am not aware that any suspicion has existed on this ground against his judicial impartiality. There is at present a traditional fund of uncompromising judicial rectitude in England which has never been so great at any other period of her own history or excelled in any other country. [1.]This difference in the position of the presiding officers appears, among other things, from the fact that the members of the house of lords address "My lords," and not the chancellor, while usage and positive rules demand that the member of the other house who wishes to speak shall address "Mr. Speaker," and receive "the floor" from him. The chancellor would only give the floor if appealed to in case of doubt. In the United States senate, the president of the senate is, indeed, directly addressed, although occasionally "senators" have been addressed in the course of a speech. That body, however, appoints its committees, and leaves little influence to the presiding officer, who, it will be remembered, is not a member of the senate, and has a casting vote only. [1.]I would refer the general reader, on this and kindred subjects, to the article Parliament, in the Political Dictionary, London, 1846. [2.]This is not the place for discussing the doubts which some have entertained regarding the power of the houses of congress to do that which is possessed by every court of justice, though the lowest, namely, to arrest and punish disturbers. The doubt is simply on the ground that it has not been conferred. But there are certain rights which flow directly from the existence of a thing itself, and some that are the necessary consequence of action and life, and without which neither can manifest itself. A legislative body without the power of sending for peisons to be examined by committees would be forced to le islate, in many cases, in the dark. It is true that legislative bodies have become tyrannical; but it must not be forgotten that wherever, in the wide range of history, any struggle for liberty has taken place, we find that a struggle to establish the habeas corpus principle has always accompanied it, and that this struggle for securing personal liberty is always against the executive. I do not remember a single case of an established and separate guarantee of personal liberty against parliamentary violence. [1.]The ancients had no parliamentary law and usage. The Greek agora could of course not have it. Mass meetings cannot debate; they can only ratify or refuse proposed measures. [But there was debate on the probouleumata of the senate at Athens, which might be added to or modified as well as rejected, and free discussion took place on other subjects. The laws of order also were not bad.] It is the same in the democratic Swiss cantons, where the people meet in primary assemblage. (See Political Ethics.) In the Roman senate there was no debating piopei. There was rather a succession of set speeches; and I may be permitted to state here that in debating oratory, in replying on the spot vigorously and clearly to an adversary, the best orators of the last and present centuries are greatly superior to the ancients. [1.]He was himself of unmixed French descent, as Lord Brougham observes, although his family had resided for generations in England. [2.]Memoirs of the Life of Sir Samuel Romilly, etc., 2d edit., vol. i. p. 103. [3.]A Treatise on the Formation of Laws, (Traitè de la Confection des Lois,) or an Inquiry into the Rules (Règlements) of the French Legislative Assemblies, compared with the Parliamentary Forms of England, the United States, Belgium, Spain, Switzeiland, etc. by Ph. Vallette, Advocate, etc. and Secretary of the Presidency of the Chamber of Deputies, and by Benat Saint-Martin, Advocate, etc., 2d edit., Paris, 1839; with the words of Mr. Dupin, who long presided over the chamber, as motto: "The excellence of laws depends especially upon the care taken in the elaboiation of the bills. The drawing up of laws constitutes a large share of their efficiency." [1.]As a striking instance may be mentioned the whole procedure of the people of Oregon, when congress omitted to organize the territory, and ultimately "Organic Laws" were adopted "until such time as the United States of America extend their jurisdiction over us." They were printed by the senate, May 21, 1846, and, although consisting of a few pages only, form a document of great interest to the political philosopher in more than one respect. A French statesman of mark wrote to the author, years ago, from Algeria: "I wish your way of organizing distant territories, or of allowing them to organize themselves., could be transplanted to this colony." Justice requiies to add now (1859) that our Kansas troubles had not then occuned. [2.]An excellent book of its kind is the small work of Judge L. S. Cushing, Rules of Pioceeding and Debate in Deliberative Assemblies, Boston, Mass. It has gone through many editions. The same author published in 1855, Law and Practice of Legislative Assemblies in the United States. [1.]Mr. Jeremy Bentham's Tactique des Assemblées Legislatives, edited by E. Dumont, Geneva, 1816, is no pure invention, and could have been written by an Englishman or American only. [1.]Life and Letters of Joseph Story, Boston, Mass., 1851, vol. i. p. 203. [1.]No instance illustrating this fact is perhaps more striking than the meeting of settlers in Oregon territory, when congress had neglected to provide for them, as has been mentioned in a previous note. The people met for the purpose of establishing some legislature for themselves, and at once adopted the principle of two houses. It is to us as natural as the jury. [2.]It was at the period when Dr. Frankin asked why people would put horses not only before, but also behind the wagon, pulling in opposite directions. The true answer would have been, that whenever a vehicle is pulled down an inclined plane we actually do employ an impeding force, to prevent its being dashed to pieces. [Georgia, also, and the Confederation itself, had but one chamber. Franklin wished (Curtis's Hist., i. 435) to introduce the same system into the Constitution in the Convention of 1787.] [1.]I have quoted this long passage from the First Report of the Commissioners, appointed by the General Assembly of Maryland, to revise, simplify, and abridge the Rules of Practice, Pleadings, etc. in the courts of the State, Frederic City, Md., 1855,—a work important also with reference to the subject of codification. This first report is believed to have been written by Mr. Samuel Tyler, one of the commissioners, a gentleman alike distinguished as advocate and writer on philosophy. His last work, on the Progress of Philosophy in the Past and the Future, entitles him to a place among the profoundest writers on philosophy. His friend, the late Sir William Hamilton, acknowledged his great merits. [2.]The speech was delivered on the 27th September, 1848. Mr. de Lamartine speaks of a division of the sovereignty into two parts, by two houses! Poor sovereignty! What strange things have been imagined under that word! If the reader can find access to that speech, I advise him to peruse it, for it is curious from beginning to end, especially as coming from a person who for a lime was one of the rulers of France. His exact words are these. Speaking of domestic dangers, he says: "To such a danger you must not think of opposing two or three powers. That which ought to oppose it is a direct dictatorship, uniting within its hand all the powers of the state." "He adds more of the kind, but this extract will suffice. [1.][Compare the defence of representation and protection of interests by Mr. Calhoun, Works, i., beginning.] [1.][The same is shown ethically by the consideration that the constituents, if collected, would be bound to regard the general welfare. The representative takes their duties on himself with their power.] [1.][The suspensive veto in Norway, which three successive Storthings by a majority can make of no effect, deserves consideration, as avoiding some of the evils of our qualified veto.] [2.]I shall append a paper on pardoning—a subject which has become all important in the United States. |


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Completion of the commissioning of the turbines is a major milestone for SSE. It is a substantial operating asset contributing a significant amount of electricity to help meet consumer demand and further diversify the UK energy portfolio with a carbon free electricity source in support of low carbon energy objectives.
Click the image above to watch the video on YouTube!
Wind turbines produce electricity by using the natural power of the wind to drive a generator.
More of our projects and assets

subset: commoncrawl


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- Part of the Montana and Dakota stable, this romantic haven on the Richmond riverside is the ideal place to wind down with a loved one. There's seating both on the heated terrace and in the garden, accessible by the full-length glass doors in the dining room. The view of the river is unsurpassed, and you'll be able to enjoy it from inside the restaurant as well. Canyon's south-western cuisine offers similar dishes to those found in its sister restaurants, like Huevos Rancheros, an American-style fry-up with chorizo, corn tortilla, black beans, fried eggs and rancheros sauce. The wine list features an excellent range of Californian vintages.
- © wcities.com 2013
Ask a local about Canyon Restaurant
Locals have answered 120 questions about London.
Ask London Locals about Canyon Restaurant
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- Petersham Road
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- London, England TW10 6UJ
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Calculating Costs and Benefits
Written by Libby A. Nelson
New federal requirements have lately been likely to draw groans and complaints from college and university officials who feel deluged by ever-changing rules and regulations. But one change taking effect later this year has found many colleges ready, even eager, to comply.
The requirement that colleges display "net price calculators," which prospective students can use to estimate how much they will have to pay after federal or institutional grants, has become the rare mandate that many colleges have embraced — and that a small private industry has sprung up to help fulfill.
The calculators are seen as a boon for admissions officers, who want to use them to reach prospective students, and for financial aid advisers, who see them as a starting point; they are even seen as a way to reshape institutional aid and pricing policies by making practices more transparent. (Some admissions experts are more skeptical. See this Views essay from Inside Higher Ed that ran last year.)
Whether they will accomplish any of that, or just become another tool for students already savvy about the admissions and financial aid process, is not yet clear. "We are very much in the early stages here in terms of really understanding how best to use this," said Peter S. Bryant, a senior vice president with Noel-Levitz, a consulting firm offering its own version of the net price calculator.
Still, with more than a month left before the Oct. 29 deadline, the calculators — often relabeled "financial aid estimators" — are already prominently displayed on websites for many colleges and universities, whose officials say they want to have them ready when this year's high school juniors and seniors begin their college search as they return to school.
"Generally, colleges are not very enthused when new federal mandates come down," said David Hawkins, director of public policy and research at the National Association for College Admission Counseling. "I can't think of another that has had the kind of uptake that this one has."
Balancing Acts
The net price calculator requirement, which came about as part of the Higher Education Act reauthorization in 2008, is intended to give students and parents a better idea of how much college costs. On average, college tuition was discounted 42 percent in 2010, meaning that most students actually paid well over half of the sticker price.
But students often don't learn how much they will pay until they've already applied, been admitted and had an aid application evaluated. While some colleges provided financial aid estimates in the past, the federal regulations will standardize the terms and costs included for easier comparison shopping.
The calculators' proponents hope they can help prevent sticker shock by showing students what they're likely to actually pay. Skeptics argue that the results are too vague to be truly helpful, and that students who experience the worst sticker shock are unlikely to look closely enough at institutions they believe to be out of reach to get to the calculators at all.
For colleges, creating the calculators has entailed a balancing act. Should they estimate only need-based aid, which is relatively straightforward, or include aid based on factors other than need, which in some cases is more subjective? Should they go for the most accurate estimate possible, which requires collecting more data, with the risk that students will be overwhelmed and quit before they get to the end?
"Depending on how they implemented their net price calculator, it might be very accurate for students or it might be very general for students," said Justin Draeger, president of the National Association of Student Financial Aid Administrators. "There's sort of a tradeoff."
As colleges roll out the calculators, a few patterns have emerged: Many institutions have purchased calculators from an outside company. Most ask relatively detailed questions about parents' income and assets. Some, but not all, ask for grade-point averages, SAT or ACT scores and other factors in awarding non-need-based scholarships. Beyond that, most of the calculators are "relatively generic," not incorporating institution-specific practices in awarding aid, said Lucie Lapovsky, a consultant who specializes in higher education economics.
Still, how colleges use the calculators varies widely, even within sectors. Some public flagships, including the University of Florida, ask for SAT and ACT scores and G.P.A.s; others, including the University of Minnesota-Twin Cities, provide information only on need-based aid, although Minnesota does note prominently that non-need-based scholarships are available.
Private liberal arts colleges are split on whether to ask about academic information, and some estimates, including Grinnell College's, say they include grants not based on need, even if the college didn't request information on other qualifications. More selective institutions usually do not include questions about grade point averages or SAT scores in their calculators, even if there are some merit scholarships available. Rice University and Duke University, which both offer grants based on academic ability, research aptitude or other factors, only offer information on need-based aid in their calculators, perhaps because admission alone at those universities is extremely competitive.
Some universities have chosen to note scholarship opportunities in other ways. Syracuse University, which launched its calculator in August with information on need-based aid, added information boxes around the calendar's edge with notes about merit scholarships, financial aid for local residents and other programs that the calculator does not take into account.
Whether to include merit aid can be a thorny question: Including aid that isn't based on need might make college seem more affordable and provide a better means of reaching out to low-income students who are highly academically qualified — a coveted group. But at many institutions, merit aid isn't awarded based on a formula alone, and several analysts said colleges should be wary of overpromising.
"I think the most desirable way is looking at a students' total accomplishments, not just reducing students to a number and saying, 'If you have this, then you get this,'" said Youlanda Copeland-Morgan, associate vice president for enrollment management at Syracuse. "You want to allow for merit to be defined more broadly."
Syracuse is pleased with its result — Copeland-Morgan said the calculator was surprisingly fun for college officials to develop. "We're focused on telling the Syracuse story, but clearly in our language we make it clear that anybody can benefit" from financial aid, she said. "We see it as a service to students and communities."
Interest From Admissions
Most federal mandates are handled within the confines of the financial aid office. The net price calculator has had crossover appeal, with broad interest from admissions officers who say it has promise as a recruiting tool. The upcoming NACAC conference includes three sessions on how to use the calculators in admissions, Hawkins said.
The calculators will lead to more applicants if they fulfill their intended purpose: showing students that a college could be within reach, even if its sticker price is high. But admissions experts see other possibilities, including gathering information on prospective applicants.
Admissions offices are seeing an increase in "secret shoppers," students who apply to colleges without any previous contact with the admissions office. Many calculators begin with a request for students' personal and contact information, although providing those details is frequently optional.
"It really represents a new opportunity for institutions to be able to identify students and families early in the process that are interested in the institution, and to be able to qualify affordability for those students who really have some concern about the ability to pay," Bryant said.
At colleges where calculators are already in use, marketing officials believe they're having some effect. In a Noel-Levitz survey on marketing and recruiting practices released earlier this year, officials at 51 percent of private four-year institutions surveyed that were using the calculator said net price calculators were "very or somewhat effective" at recruiting students. (At the time, just under half of respondents from those colleges had a calculator on their respective websites.) At four-year public colleges and universities, 55 percent were using calculators and 53 percent of those respondents said they were "very or somewhat effective."
Still, there were plenty of skeptics: 47 percent of four-year public institutions, and 49 percent of four-year private institutions, said the calculators were "minimally effective." At public two-year colleges, they were rated among the least effective practices, with 75 percent saying they were minimally effective. And some consultants cautioned against requiring students to give out any information, saying it could discourage them from playing with the calculator and getting the biggest benefit.
Unforeseen Consequences
The calculators will also lay bare some institutions' methods for distributing financial aid and could lead to conversations about how those methods reflect colleges' values. Students — and parents, faculty members, board members or anyone else — can experiment with the calculator to see whether an improvement in test scores or grades, or a change in a family's financial status, would make a significant difference.
And prospective students can do the same at other colleges where they might apply, leading to an increase in comparison shopping and making a competitive financial aid policy important earlier in the process than it might otherwise have been.
"This is a win for the consumer, and I think long-term it's a win for institutions that actually do provide competitive financial aid," said Daniel Lugo, dean of admission and financial aid at Franklin & Marshall College, which recently launched its calculator for need-based aid. "There's going to be a shaking out. There are a lot of places that maybe on paper, from their sticker price, look like an affordable choice. Once people see what their package looks like, they're going to get the truth about their institution."
In the past, the details of financial aid awards — or even their broad outlines — were available to only the admissions and financial aid offices. With the calculator, and some curiosity and persistence, anyone could put together a chart of how aid is awarded, generally speaking: the difference between the award for a wealthy but high-achieving student versus an average student with more financial need, or the monetary value of a tenth of a grade point or 100 points on the SAT.
The results can sometimes be surprising.
"You often find very little difference in the award, whether you're rich or poor, very academically talented or somewhat less academically talented," Lapovsky said.
In an ideal scenario, the calculators would call more attention to whether financial aid awards are aligned with the institution's goals, she said. And perhaps they would even force a slowdown in the ever-increasing cost of college: If the general public becomes aware that sticker price is frequently meaningless, maybe colleges will "jump off this merry-go-round together," Lapovsky said.
Still, some doubt whether the calculators will have that much influence, even on prospective students. The Education Department is working on standardized guidelines for financial aid award letters, which Draeger said are likely to have a bigger effect. "What helps a student to decide is what they get in their award letter," he said.
Some of the biggest boosters of the calculators' possibilities agree that, in the end, price is only one part of the picture.
"I think the great majority will use this as a way to narrow down their choices early in the process," Bryant said. "If the institution is perceived to be one the student and the family would really hope that they could attend, then value and other issues are certainly going to enter into the final decision."
Related articles
- Deadline Approaching for U.S. Colleges To Post Online "Net Price Calculators" (prweb.com)
- Is My Child Eligible for Financial Aid? If so, How Much? (education.com)
- Think Hard Before Borrowing for College (usnews.com)
- Part 4: Answers to Your Back-to-School Admissions Questions (thechoice.blogs.nytimes.com)
- The Choice Blog: The Net Price Calculator: Financial Aid 'Game-Changer'? (thechoice.blogs.nytimes.com)
- Paying the Bill: CSS PROFILE (College Scholarship Service Financial Aid PROFILE) (education.com)
- 4 Things You Need to Know About College Cost Calculators (usnews.com)


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Multi-culti World Cup?
By Guest Contributor Hira Nabi
As the 2010 FIFA World Cup nears its' end, we begin to look at the undercurrents of the tournament, held for the first time at the African continent, in South Africa, and the continued crossing-over of sports pop culture – spanning over languages, borders, time zones in search of markets and audiences. Take Coca-Cola's World Cup "anthem," K'naan's "Wave Your Flag."(Not to be confused with FIFA's jingle, Shakira's "Waka Waka.")
There were six different versions of the song released and aired during the event, each featuring K'naan and the same cheering crowds, bright colours, contagious excitement, obligatory celebration of nationalism and of course, all of them celebrate "the" flag. But the flag in each was different: K'naan collaborates with Nancy Ajram to produce the Arabic version, with David Bisbal to produce the Spanish version, with Jacky Cheung and Jane Zhang for the Chinese version, with Féfé for the French version, and, last but not least, teamed up with Skank on a Portuguese version for Brazil.
It gets better! There's an Alvin & the Chipmunks version, even.
This "official" World Cup version, which seems to have been taken up by everyone, is a compromised, co-opted, Coca-cola-ized version of the original. The original lyrics speak more to struggle against poverty and violence, in pursuit of freedom. Were they too real for the World Cup?
I'm fundamentally against flags and the problematics they posit. I'm against the usage of flags to whip entire populations into a jingoistic hyper-exclusive frenzy. It is dangerous to attribute so much emotion to fluttering pieces of cloth or paper, especially when imbued with ripe emotion and ego. Flags have in recent times become markers of gauging national pride; public sentiment declares that whoever doesn't hoist the national flag on Independence Day, or some other day of national celebration or during moments declared as national crisis, is not supporting the nation. Those who do are celebrated for their loud visible, albeit unimaginative commitment to the nation. The flag needs to be recovered from this simplistic binary of exhibition and absence.
However, before attempting to reclaim the flag, certain fundamental questions must be asked and answers or further questions must be sought and examined. Who does the national flag of a nation really represent? Who does it serve and protect? Who does it actively and passively reject? How many people can actually claim ownership of a flag that claims to represent them? In conflicted times, the flag represents a determined conviction in 'We, the People.' The tireless question remains though – who are these people?
Watching FIFA 2010 matches for the past several weeks has most certainly been ironic: different lineups for different teams, wearing national colors, roused by flags – a celebration of multiculturalism is what the sponsors would have us believe. The matches have shown USA being represented on the field mostly by men of colour, of African-American and/or Latino heritage, Britain and France being represented by men of African descent, Germany's side being carried by Turkish starters and one man of African descent. Is this the end result of "nationalism" in a transnational world, where some of the best players of western countries are migrants and/or minorities?
One will note that in some of the national Western teams such as England, France, Switzerland, USA, etc. the player lineups are ethnically, racially and religiously diverse, indeed representative of immigration patterns to the Western Hemisphere. While the player lineups are heralded as the success of multiculturalism, one must consider the repressive immigration laws and fear of immigration groups' inability to assimilate as a real threat to paralyzing any kind of significant integration. Which communities based upon their nationalities, ethnicities, races, and religions are being included under the fold of the flag and which are being excluded?
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Soon will be the theatrical release of the Ethan Hawke-starring spine tingler Sinister, arriving in UK cinemas nationwide on October 5th through Momentum Pictures.
Premièring at this year's Film4 FrightFest on Sunday 26th August at 9pm with writer C. Robert Cargill in attendance, it is most definitely set to become "One of the most memorable horror films of the year." (Dread Central)
From the producer of 'Insidious' and 'Paranormal Activity' comes a supremely creepy horror, full of dread, shocking images and almost unbearable tension, this one is pretty much guaranteed to give audiences nightmares. It also features a superb central performance by Ethan Hawke. Think "8MM" meets "The Shining"!
Here is the UK Trailer -


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- Highlights
Manufacturer's SKU TR22-1G UPC 719307400511 Weight 2.4000 Brands Trijicon - Description
The largest and most powerful Trijicon riflescope on the market, the TR22 AccuPoint has extreme light gathering capabilities with a huge 56mm objective lens, 30mm tube and the highest quality glass available. The scope is illuminated though the use of fiber optics and tritium, providing a vivid aiming point without the need for failure-prone batteries. If your hunting calls for long distance shots, this AccuPoint is for you.
The TR22-1G also includes:
1 Trijicon Logo Sticker (PR15)
1 Set of Lenscaps
1 AccuPoint Manual
1 Warranty CardSpecs
Magnification 2.5x-10x Objective Size 56 Bullet Drop Compensator No Length (In) 13.8 Weight (oz) 20.7 Illumination Source Fiber Optics & Tritium Reticle Pattern Standard Crosshair Day Reticle Color Green Night Reticle Color Green Eye Relief 4.1 to 2.8 Exit Pupil 16.3 to 5.6 Field of View (Degrees) 7.18 to 1.94 Field of View @ 100 yards (ft) 37.6 to 10.1 Adjustment @ 100 yards (clicks/in) 4 Tube Size 30mm Housing Material 6061-T6 aluminum, hard coat anodized per MIL-A-8625, Type III, Class 2 dull & non reflective Dimensions Click here for chart. Adjustment Range ± 30 MOA (± 8.9 mils) minimum - Reviews
Write Your Own Review
- Product Tags


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does anyone know a way to convert chars to IA5 encoding? I think java doesnt
support IA5 encoding yet...
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Easy Web Services with SQL Server 2005 HTTP Endpoints JavaOne 2005: Java Platform Roadmap Focuses on Ease of Development, Sun Focuses on the "Free" in F.O.S.S. Wed Yourself to UML with the Power of Associations Microsoft to Add AJAX Capabilities to ASP.NET IBM's Cloudscape Versus MySQL |


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Our faith is faith in someone else's faith, and in the greatest matters this is most the case.
This quote is about faith. Search on Google Books to find all references and sources for this quotation.
We don't have a biography.
I'm male, say nothing
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Frequently Asked Questions
1. Why we chose to make this site?
We as a group decided to make a website on blood because when we looked at the other websites on think quest we noticed that there was not a site on blood.
2. How we can up with the name AllBloods+Team.
We came up with our name because in the website we tell about many different types of blood also the part that has +team stands for our team so we decided to name it AllBloods+Team.
3. What our site is useful for?
Our site is meant to be helpful to those that are searching for a fun website that includes helpful information about blood.


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, ,
Black calf leather and goat skin ballerina pump from Lanvin featuring a closed almond cap toe and a low heel. Item ID:10324218
Lining Composition: Goat Skin 100%,Sole Composition: Goat Skin 100%,Outer Composition: Calf Leather 30%,Outer Composition: Lamb Skin 70% Brand Style ID : AW52CFMEGP7A1010
Need help? Click here to contact our Customer Services team.


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Unanswered Popular My Latest « Back
Tagged "sculpt"
Q: Which program to start next? Cardio Sculpt or Move?
I'm finishing my first 28 days of the TBT program (which I loved!) but I love variety and don't think I want to do another full month of TBT. I'm looking to shred a few pounds and tone up before v...
Q: Why can't I view the entire calendar for the program?
When I click on the calendar, it only took me to my very first day of the program. I couldn't see past that day. Am I doing something wrong? I started the Cardio Sculpt program on Saturday. I'd ...
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If you have a technical question about DailyBurn, you should contact our support team.
DISCLAIMER: This Daily Burn Community is a user forum for discussion purposes only and is not a medical resource. Any content or advice contained herein, should not be substituted for that of your medical professional or for any treatment that may have been prescribed by your doctor. If you suspect that you have a medical problem, we urge you to seek competent medical help.


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This page is part of the first version of The Eyes Have It which is no longer being updated. All legacy posts as well as all new material can be found at the new WordPress-powered version located at http://www.leepotts.com/tehi/. Please update your bookmarks.
Before Prohibition
"Images from the preprohibition era when many psychotropic substances were legally available in America and Europe.
Many of the substances prohibited today were legally available in the past. This small exposition contains samples of the many psychoactive medicines widely available during the late-19th century through the mid-20th century. Some of the pictures are oversized to improve legibility. Additional photographs are available for some products in the author's private collection."
From the Addiction Research Unit of the Department of Psychology at University at Buffalo.
[via Dublog]


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Because of Labor Day, I'm all messed up in my weekdays, and I keep thinking it's Monday. I suppose it will lead up to being pleasantly surprised when I get to the end of the (shortened) week, but I still did absolutely nothing yesterday, and feel simultaneously good and awful about that. So, here's a random poem that coursed through my head this morning. I'm not sure how much more needs to be said about it, save that it's unpolished and I'll come back to it at some point, maybe?
Algebra [Kissing in the Dark]
Before she knew she was a lesbian,
she'd dig a mechanical pencil into my math book's
unstained pages, filling the margins with love.
Or at least, what we pretended was love,
fourteen coming on to fifteen, dancing on tables
and pressing up against the lockers,
that sort of thing. The first girl I half came out to
pushed our heads together into the first kiss
that meant anything. Teenage sexuality has so much
in common with the rigor of algebra:
parentheses and the unpredictability of power,
the long strings of add and subtract,
a manipulation of nameless things you can't see,
but you know are there. I only remember math class
because she dug her pencil deep. Every binomial
begins with the crude diagram of a heart.
And there is so much difference, too: during lecture
the elegant x of two people crossing lies cold
on the paper, but it becomes naked flame outside,
once you push its sweet unknown to the chapel wall
and try to solve it. Try to solve it; try to solve it.


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Quotes from authors that died on Sep 20th
Justice for crimes against humanity must have no limitations.
Simon Wiesenthal
There's something I've been wanting to say for a long time. I'm a liberal, and I'm proud of it. In fact, I was probably a little more liberal than Hubert was. I just wanted to say that.
Muriel Humphrey
The history of man is the history of crimes, and history can repeat. So information is a defence. Through this we can build, we must build, a defence against repetition.
Simon Wiesenthal
Refusal to believe until proof is given is a rational position; denial of all outside of our own limited experience is absurd.
Annie Besant
I know I am not only the bad conscience of the Nazis. I am also the bad conscience of the Jews. Because what I have taken up as my duty was everybody's duty.
Simon Wiesenthal


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Problems Brewing In The 'Peg? Swaggerville to Stressed-ville
My, what a difference 6 months makes! Swaggerville has gone to Stressedville. Winnipeg Blue Bomber players Jonathan Hefney and Deon Beasley turned to Twitter to express their disappointment in General Manager Joe Mack's effort to improve the football team.
The players used explicit language, complaining the Bombers have not signed any new team mates since free agency started on Wednesday, while other teams are stock-piling. They also are upset former Bombers Brandon LaBatte and Greg Carr signed as free agents with the Roughriders and Eskimos respectively. Both are concerned the team will not be able to make a second consecutive Grey Cup appearance if additional effort is not made to improve the roster.
Joe Mack responded in a media conference stating his disappointment with both players choice to vent their anger in a public forum like Twitter. He wished they would have done so to him in private. Mack also stated one of the players already has apologized to him and they are looking to fine both of them for their comments.
How will this affect the Winnipeg Blue Bombers going forward? Will this be an issue that carries into the 2012 CFL season and affects the team's on-field performance? What will their teammates think of their actions? Will both of these players be sent packing off the squad because of their comments? Do they both face additional fines from the Canadian Football League? I'm sure the answers to these questions will be revealed in due time.
Canadian Football League players have been in hot water with Twitter before. Two seasons ago, Argo lineman Rob Murphy tweeted an offensive comment insulting French Canadians while with his team on a train entering the Province of Quebec to play the Montreal Alouettes. Murphy was fined by the CFL for his comments.
This is a big issue in 2012 that not only does the CFL have to deal with, but all professional sports leagues and teams must address. I believe social media protocols and rules have to be established that all athletes are expected to follow when referring to their respective league or team, or when they are at a sanctioned team activity. Not only do these negative issues reflect poorly on the involved player(s), it also looks bad on the team too.
The issue also embarrasses the Winnipeg Blue Bomber organization. Perhaps if their Head Coach, Paul LaPolice, lead by example and treated others they way he wanted to be treated (the elementary "Golden Rule" applies to adults, too), instead of running up game scores like in the 2011 Eastern Final, the team would not have these issues. Just remember, LaPolice still can't count.
What do you think?
…and that is the last word.


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After last summer's shooting in Aurora,Colorado and last month's shooting at Sandy Hook Elementary School in Connecticut,anti-gun advocates want you to believe that America is a nation infected with violent crimes and murders. They want you to believe that we are one,if not the,most violent nation in the world and that we have to rid the nation of guns to solve the problem.
But what are the real facts?
Amidst the Noise released a video on You Tube that provides some very stunning facts about violent crimes in the US and Great Britain that anti-gun advocates don't want you to know this.
For instance,according to the FBI's Uniform Crime Reports:Crime in the United States Table 1,violent crimes in the US have dropped by nearly 50% in the last twenty years. In 1992,there were 757.7 violent crimes per 100,000 people. In 2011,there were only 386.3 violent crimes per 100,000 people. That's a reduction of 49%.
In the same Table 1,we also see that there were 9.3 homicides per 100,000 people in 1992 and that number dropped to 4.7 homicides per 100,000 in 2011. That's a reduction of 49.4% in the homicide rate in the past twenty years.
Read More at godfatherpolitics.com . By Giacomo.


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We'll be emailing runners throughout today letting them know whether or not they made it in the 2014 NYC Half drawing. Read more here.
Check out the race calendar, race results, and member history.
Get access to the information and tools most vital to your running life.
Learn how you can get started running, run a marathon, or run with your family.
Learn more about how we champion the benefits of a lifetime of running.
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Christian'Dee - Society's Lullaby
Artist: Christian'Dee
Producer: Christian'Dee
Album: SHVPXRT
Avg Rating: 3.9 ( 7 total votes )
Whether we're talking skin color, sex or economic class, often-superficial differences between individuals carry expectations that are far from insignificant. For those who fall into one or more underprivileged categories, it's hard to say which is more dangerous: playing along with society's wishes, or opting out. The latest mixtape single from Christian'Dee, Society's Lullaby finds the Shreveport, L.A. rapper/producer illustrating the Catch-22s produced by cultural mores through the stories of three individuals: a woman who doesn't fit the popular feminine ideal, an ex-con deprived of a job and a family, and a sex worker whose job makes her a target. Fans can find this thought-provoking jam, as well as previously-featured video single Nxnchalxnt and much more on SHVPXRT, scheduled for free digital release October 29.
Listen to More: Christian'Dee , Downloads, Alternative Written by richard
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Introduction Foreword Flash Introduction (Macromedia Flash 5 Required)
What is Sleep? Stages of Sleep Why do We Sleep? Sleep Deprivation
Sleep Disorders Excessive Daytime Sleepiness Narcolepsy Sleep Apnea Sleep Walking Insomnia Circadian Rhythm Disorder
Sleep Apnea
The Greek word "apnea" literally means "without breath". Sleep apnea is an illness whereby people suffer from pauses in breathing many times during each night's sleep. Those suffering from it often complain about of excessive daytime sleepiness or bad sleep. It can occur to anyone at any age, and is a serious and life-threatening disorder which affects more men than women, and those with narcolepsy (see Narcolepsy) also are more prone to getting sleep apnea. Once developed, the illness seems to remain for life, where in some cases the symptoms reach maximum severity very quickly while in other cases the symptoms commences gradually and require years before reaching its most serious level.
There are three types of sleep apnea, central sleep apnea, upper airway or obstructive sleep apnea and mixed sleep apnea. Central sleep apnea is a rare central nervous system disorder. People suffering from this type of sleep apnea when asleep, the diaphragm stops moving because the sleeping brain fails to send impulses through the nerves which control the movement of the diaphragm. When the diaphragm stops functioning, breathing stops as well. Upper airway or obstructive sleep apnea is a more common and serious type of apnea. This type of apnea does not affect the diaphragm, but there is an abnormal loss of tone in the muscles of the tongue, throat, larynx during sleep. The result is that at the onset of or during sleep, the throat collapses and blocks the airway. During a apneic episode, the diaphragm continues to contract rhythmically with a progressively greater effort against the closed airway until a partial or complete awakening occurs and normal breathing is resumed. Mixed sleep apnea is a combination of the above two types. This is more common in people who also have narcolepsy. These apneic episodes always begin with central sleep apnea, then turning into upper airway sleep apnea. However, the reverse order is not seen.
A Better Night's Rest Aromatherapy Meditation Home Decoration Additional Tips
DreamzzZ Types of Dreaming Dreams Interpretation Dream Folklore
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Saramura de Aripioare served with polenta is a traditional Romanian recipe that is famous especially in the southern part of the country. So simple and so tasty!
The other version of the recipe that is even more famous is the grilled fish 'saramura'. It is well known in Dobrogea, a region located between the lower Danube river and the Black Sea. This includes the beautiful Danube Delta as well which is the second largest river delta in Europe… I have yet to visit this natural paradise (planning on doing this in the Fall ).
Time: 50 min, Prep: 10 min. Cook: 40min.
Servings: 3 [Read more...]


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Ohio Removes 8-Year-Old Boy From Parents for Being Too Fat
Authorities in Ohio, last week, determined that an overweight (unnamed) 8-year-old boy was too fat, so they took him away from his parents in Cleveland Heights, Ohio. Officials told the parents that they were not controlling his weight well enough.
The boy was reportedly over 200 pounds, well into the severely obese category, according to Cleveland Plain Dealer. That extra weight puts people at risk for diabetes, hypertension and other weight-related disorders, doctors say.
The state's Department of Children and Family Services insisted that the third grader was being neglected, and that his mother was not following doctors' orders to control his weight.
The family's lawyer disagrees, claiming that the state is overstepped its role in taking the boy, and that his health risk factors do not pose an imminent threat.
Over 12 percent of children in Ohio are obese, the Cleveland Plain Dealer noted. The third grader is the first child in Ohio to be taken from his parents for being overweight.
For more info and news on diabetes, please go to BattleDiabetes.com.
Yes, if your child is
moon123 - May 2 2012 - 8:47pm
Yes, if your child is overweight or obese, he or she is more likely to develop not only serious health problems, but also be affected by many psychological damages that children and adolescents with weight problems often suffer from. Low self-esteem, discrimination and isolation in connection with obesity can be just as devastating as the physical aspects. Parents would do well to provide moral support to their children to help resolve and/or avoid such problems.
vision quest
Obesity and over weight in
moon123 - Mar 19 2012 - 3:45am
Obesity and over weight in children is very serious problem in present situation and large number of children have serious health problems because of over weight. I thing parents should need to take care of there child and do regular council and provide mental help to there children and monitor there activity.
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If you don't want to go on a
deepikasnv - Dec 12 2011 - 1:09am
If you don't want to go on a diet then use a food calorie counter to count the calories you take in and try to burn more calories through physical activities.
Weight Lifting Gym Equipment http://www.workouthealthy.com/weight-lifting-strength-equipment.html
Taking child from there
airmed123 - Dec 10 2011 - 10:04pm
Taking child from there parents really is extreme or maybe making a law or enforcement with parents obesity or the like.
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An eight year old who is that
CRW - Nov 29 2011 - 1:19am
An eight year old who is that much overweight is guaranteed to have some very long term health problems unless the problem is corrected now. This is no different than parents refusing to seek treatment for a life threatening disease.
The Anti Obesity drug makers
lightandson - Nov 28 2011 - 10:02am
The Anti Obesity drug makers and diabetes drug makers take in 10 billion$$$$ every year with no cure!!
Food Chemicals are the cause of the diabetes and obesity crisis
The FDA and Drug makers know this and are laughing to the Billionaire$$$ bank
The food chemicals break the gut(insulin) and this is the cause of the diabetes and obesity crisis
A filmmaker has been reversing diabetes and Obesity in now 10 countries and the drug makers do not promote the story type 2 diabetes diet
just google SPIRIT HAPPY DIET
It's true that some terrible
Mark D - Nov 28 2011 - 10:22am
It's true that some terrible junk is put into heavily processed foods. But, by a very long way, the main cause of obesity is a surplus of calories over a long period of time. Or to put it another way, a combination of too much high-calorie food and too little calorie-burning exercise over many years. You can talk about things like food additives and genetics all you you like, but if you want to lose weight, the main thing you need to do is consider this simple equation:
Obesity = (calories in - calories out) X time
To get to a healthy weight, the only effective method is to reduce your calorie intake (smaller portions of healthier foods) and increase your calorie output (exercise). Ask any doctor, dietician, gym instructor or sports coach.
Taking a child into care
Mark D - Nov 28 2011 - 9:59am
Taking a child into care seems quite extreme, unless every reasonable means of forcing his parents to take proper care of him had been tried without success. However, if his parents are incapable/unwilling to control his weight, the state owes it to the child to intervene in his best interests.
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What happened: The commissioners Tuesday approved a new health insurance agreement for the county's 800-plus employees. By a 4-1 vote, commissioners chose a plan by Blue Cross Blue Shield of North Carolina. Commissioner Tim McNeill was the lone dissenter, preferring a separate plan offered by Blue Cross.
Why it matters: The plan includes potential savings of 5 percent to the county for 2013 if several wellness goals are met.
What they said: "What's important to me is putting the money in the pocket of the employees of Harnett County," McNeill said of the commissioners' health care decision.
Other business: Commissioners encouraged Harnett County Emergency Management Director Gary Pope to explore software options to relieve billing problems, approved grant requests to aid in construction of Campbell University's College of Osteopathic Medicine, and received updates on the progress of the Good Hope Inpatient Psychiatric Facility and on expansion plans at the Harnett Regional Jetport.
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Utah State Flag
Color the Utah state flag with this fun and informative coloring page! Geography students can learn a bit about the symbols on the flag as they add in the correct colors.
Updated on Jul 11, 2012
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UT names classroom after Peyton Manning
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KNOXVILLE, Tenn. (AP) - The University of Tennessee has named a classroom after NFL quarterback Peyton Manning, who started a new endowment for his alma mater. Manning was the top speech communications graduate in spring 1997 and he received the College of Communication and Information's Hileman Distinguished Alumni Award in 2007. The college said the new endowment is called the Peyton Manning Communications Enrichment, which will provide funding support for educational initiatives within the college. The classroom is located in room 317 of the Communications Building. Manning also has a road named after him near the university's football stadium and a scholarship for freshman participating in the UT Honors Program. (Copyright 2010 by The Associated Press. All Rights Reserved.) AP-NY-09-30-10 1040EDT
Copyright © 2012 JacksonsNewsTalk.com. All Rights Reserved.
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Home / Groups / ColdFusion Builder
set up severTry going and selecting the project, and using the RMB on the project name select ColdFusion server. From here double check that you have selected the server to use. -- Regards, Andrew Scott WebSite: http://www.andyscott.id.au/ Google+: http://plus.google.com/108193156965451149543 > > Hi, I just installed ColdFusion 2 beta 1. i am having trouble setting up a > server, and few the files in the browser. > Here are some images that I am using to set up the server, when I try to > view in safari, I get an error that no server is configured for this file. > > Here is the set up: > Image 1 - http://dl.dropbox.com/u/1775689/cf1.png > image2 - http://dl.dropbox.com/u/1775689/cf2.png > image 3 - http://dl.dropbox.com/u/1775689/cf3.png > > Any help would be great, just trying to set up a localhost server, so I > can start setting up projects, and view them in the browser for testing. > > thanks so much, > Johnny > > |
December 11, 2013


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An atom is an extremely small particle of matter that retains its identity during chemical reactions. During the latter nineteenth century a series of experiments showed that atoms are comprised of smaller particles. An atom consists of a nucleus and one or more electrons surrounding the nucleus. The nucleus, the core of the atom, has the majority of the mass of the atom, and a positive charge. An electron is a very light particle which circles the nucleus. It has a negative charge. In an electrically neutral atom, the number of electrons equals the positive charge on the nucleus. The nucleus of the atom is composed of two smaller particles called neutrons and protons. A proton has a positive charge equal in magnitude to the negative charge of an electron. This means that in an electrically neutral atom (one with an equal number of protons and electrons), the postive charge of the protons, combined with the negative charge of the electrons, would result in no charge because they would cancel each other out. A proton's mass, however, is a whopping 1836 times that of the electron. A neutron has a mass almost identical to a proton's, but it has no electrical charge associated with it.
A molecule is a definite group of atoms that are chemically bonded together. They are tightly connected by attractive forces. A molecular formula is a chemical formula that gives the exact number of different types of atoms in a molecule. Some simple molecular substances are carbon dioxide, CO2; ammonia, NH3; and water, H2O. The atoms that are in a molecule are not just stuffed together without any order. The atoms are chemically bonded to one another in order to form a definite arrangement. A structural formula is a chemical formula which shows how the atoms are bonded to one another to form a molecule. A good example is the structural formula for water, H-O-H. Those two horizontal lines connecting the H with the O (hydrogen and oxygen) represent the chemical bonds joining the atoms.
An ion is an electrically charged particle obtained from an atom or chemically bonded group of atoms by adding or removing electrons. Now what this means is that an ion is the result of taking away, or adding, electrons to an atom or a chemically bonded group of atoms. By taking away, or adding, these electrons, the particle takes on an electrical charge. Atoms are electrically neutral as they contain an equal number of positive and negative charges. An atom that adds an extra electron to it becomes a negatively charged ion. This type of ion is called an anion. An atom which loses one or more of its electrons now has a positive charge, and is called a cation. For example, a sodium atom can lose one of its electrons and form a sodium cation. Now, instead of being Na, it would be Na+1. This means that the sodium atom has an overall positive charge of +1. Another example would be a neutral atom of Sulfur, S. If this atom of S were to gain two electrons it would become S-2. The sulfur atom would now have a total negative charge of -2.


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We build sales tools here.
And lately our man Michael has been grinding away on a new product to help the community. We think we might have stumbled upon a good one. We're calling it the Auto-Prospector. It allows you to easily build a sales list from Google and LinkedIn data. So check out the next free tool from SalesLoft, available for anyone to use. Today. Hope you enjoy our cheesy video:
Export LinkedIn results to your spreadsheet: Add SalesLoft to Gmail Watch this first…
Brand New Sales List Building Tool from SalesLoft, Sales Intelligence
Hey everybody, Kyle Porter here from SalesLoft. We've got some super exciting stuff (brand new sales list building tools) happening back at the sales lab. Follow me. Hey whats up Michael? Hey! Want to show 'em that new (sales) tool we just cranked out? Yeah, we've got something pretty exciting. Let's put it up on the big screen. So it's a simple (b2b sales) tool that allows you to take LinkedIn results and export them to a spreadsheet. Let me show it to you. Let's begin at prospecting.salesloft.com where we'll download the Chrome plugin. Click add to chrome to begin and follow the prompts. You'll be re-directed to a SalesLoft page that gives you tips and tricks to use the sales tool. Now clicking the chrome plugin is going to bring up a search box. I'm searching VP Sales Software in the Greater Atlanta area. Now look what happened. These are Google results with LinkedIn data. Clicking the plugin again is going to tabulate this information, capturing first, last, company, title and LinkedIn public profile. Last step click the export to Google spreadsheets button and all this data will be exported to a spreadsheet so you can use it to run campaigns and sell faster. Pretty simple, pretty easy. Hope you enjoy!


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After a long journey from England, we were dismayed to arrive at this seedy, overpriced hotel. The children cried and we felt like fools for being duped by the online photo and description. Shabby is the word. There are hints of a grander past - large grounds, now left unmown and untended, a defunct slide going into the lake. There... More
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