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Training and Event Calendar
This event calendar is provided as a service to our members and the public. An event may be cancelled at any time. Please confirm the event with the sponsor prior to making travel plans. To submit an event, please contact us.
December 2013 – January 2014
For more information and to register: https://www4.gotomeeting.com/register/173749087
Speaker: Dr. Steve Albrecht, PHR, CPP, BCC
When we assess the risk of school or workplace violence, we always want to be able to talk to the person making or posing the threat. Or do we? This session looks at the threat assessment process in two ways: when we actually met with the subject or when we don't. There may be many reasons why we want to – to get his or her perspective, to read his or her body language, tone, seriousness, targeting, or plans and preparations – and why we may not want to or be able to meet with the subject prior to making our assessment – the subject or the threats are anonymous, he or she refuses to meet, or the meeting may actually spur the subject into action because he or she feels trapped or that time is running out. While clinicians may insist that they must meet with the subject in order to conduct a full violence risk assessment, it may not always be easy, possible, or necessary.
Learning Objectives:
Know when it is a good idea to meet with a threat subject and when it is not.
Know how to develop, collect, and interpret threat-related data and put it into context.
Discuss the limitations of threat assessment when you don't meet with a subject.
Discuss how, where, and when to hold a threat assessment meeting.
Presenter Bio: Dr. Steve Albrecht, PHR, CPP, BCC, is internationally-known for his writing and training efforts in school and workplace violence prevention. In 1994, he co-wrote Ticking Bombs, one of the first business books on workplace violence. His San Diego firm provides training, consulting, and HR support. He is board certified in HR, security, and coaching. He holds a doctorate in Business Administration, an MA in Security Management, a BS in Psychology, and a BA in English. He worked for the San Diego Police Department for 15 years, as fulltime officer, reserve sergeant, and DV investigator. He has written 15 books on business and criminal justice subjects.
Jointly hosted by Iris Domestic Violence Center, LCADV, and the National Stalking Resource Center
Stalking–a dangerous and potentially lethal crime–is often misunderstood, minimized or missed entirely. This training will address the crime of stalking: prevalence, dynamics, the use of technology to stalk, and the effect on victims. Focused sessions will be provided on the law enforcement response to stalking as well as the intersection of stalking with dating violence and sexual assault. Participants will be provided with concrete strategies for working with stalking victims, including threat assessment and safety planning.
For more information and to register: http://lcadv.org/2014-stalking-training/
Robert Bardo. Arthur Jackson. Mark Chapman. John Hinckley. All are stalkers who
targeted well-known celebrities. Chances are that you have heard their names, but are you aware of the significance of their crimes in respect to your safety in (and out) of the workplace?
This webinar will educate personal / executive assistants (as well as front of the line staff) working for anyone in the public eye (including celebrities, politicians, executives, community leaders, etc.) about how to better protect themselves and their workplaces. While effective threat assessment requires intensive training and years of experience, the material presented is informational in nature and meant only as a general overview of the basics of stalking, in the context of fan mail / strange communications often received by executives and their staff. We will be reviewing various stalking cases, looking at the elements in a threat assessment, learning
how to identify communications / people of concern, seeing what information can be obtained from communications (stated intentions, investigative information, etc.), dealing with such troublesome individuals, and then knowing what to do with the information before it escalates.
Some takeaways include:
* Stalking behaviors
* Why you should be concerned about strange communications
* Some common red flags
* Case histories
* Tips on how to better protect your privacy
* General strategies to help you deal with people of concern
To register: https://www4.gotomeeting.com/register/306591679


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Related Topics
North American Free Trade Agreement
North American Free Trade Agreement (Encyclopedia of Environmental Issues, Revised Edition)
The North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA), an unparalleled trade accord among the United States, Canada, and Mexico, was signed on December 17, 1992. Once ratified by the legislative bodies of the three nations, the agreement went into effect on January 1, 1994. Although the United States and Canada had established open bilateral trading terms in 1988 (the Canada-United States Free Trade Agreement), NAFTA not only aimed at expanding the earlier agreement, particularly in terms of liberalization of conditions for cross-border private investment, but it also sought to integrate terms of trade and investment between two highly developed national economies and a third emerging, or developing, country. An important aspect of Mexico's role in NAFTA was an expectation that the steps toward liberalization of the Mexican economy begun in 1985 (that is, privatization of traditionally state-run companies and increased emphasis on market-oriented economic activity) would continue at a regular pace.
A first and major aim of NAFTA was to eliminate tariff-based trade "barriers" that historically had shielded domestically produced goods, whether agricultural or industrial, from competition from lower-priced foreign imported goods. High tariffs automatically raise prices for imports. An equally important goal was to eliminate, as much as possible, individual national laws hampering the free flow of labor and capital across the signatories'...
(The entire section is 1169 words.)
Further Reading (Encyclopedia of Environmental Issues, Revised Edition)
Cameron, Maxwell A., and Brian W. Tomlin. The Making of NAFTA: How the Deal Was Done. Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press, 2000.
Gallagher, Kevin. Free Trade and the Environment: Mexico, NAFTA, and Beyond. Stanford, Calif.: Stanford University Press, 2004.
Grinspun, Ricardo, and Yasmine Shamsie, eds. Whose Canada? Continental Integration, Fortress North America, and the Corporate Agenda. Montreal: McGill-Queens University Press, 2007.
Hansen, Patricia Isela. "The Interplay Between Trade and the Environment Within the NAFTA Framework." In Environment, Human Rights, and International Trade, edited by Francesco Francioni. Portland, Oreg.: Hart, 2001.
Hufbauer, Gary Clyde, and Jeffrey J. Schott. NAFTA Revisited: Achievements and Challenges. Washington, D.C.: Institute for International Economics, 2005.
McPhail, Brenda M., ed. NAFTA Now! The Changing Political Economy of North America. Lanham, Md.: University Press of America, 1995.
(The entire section is 125 words.)
North American Free Trade Agreement (Great Events from History: North American Series)
Article abstract: Reducing barriers to the flow of goods, services, and investment among Canada, Mexico, and the United States, the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) and its effects are hotly debated.
Summary of Event
Approval of the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) in 1993 was one in a long series of policy actions reflecting a commitment by the United States government to relatively unrestricted international trade and finance. This commitment began in 1934, when, in the depths of a deep depression, the United States adopted a policy of reciprocal trade agreements. Agreements were negotiated by which the United States reduced tariffs on the products of other countries that agreed to the do the same for U.S. products. This helped trade to expand and gave each country an opportunity both to sell more exports and to buy more imports. At the end of World War II, this policy was extended by the formation of the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT), which involved many countries negotiating at once. GATT negotiations involved a series of "rounds," with the Uruguay round ending in new agreements in 1994.
Policy toward international trade has always been controversial. Most economists argue that relatively free international trade encourages each country to specialize in the products it can produce most efficiently—that competition is intensified and innovation encouraged,...
(The entire section is 1375 words.)
North American Free Trade Agreement (West's Encyclopedia of American Law)
The North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) was made between the United States, Canada, and Mexico, and took effect January 1, 1994. Its purpose is to increase the efficiency and fairness of trade among the three nations.
At the heart of NAFTA is a simple goal: the elimination of tariffshe taxes each nation imposes on the others' importsnd other bureaucratic and legal barriers to trade. In addition to its central terms, the massive, highly detailed agreement also includes so-called side agreements intended to ensure that each nation enforces its own labor and environmental laws. The bulk of its regulations are to be phased in over the course of 15 years.
The impetus for NAFTA developed in the 1980s. Its roots lie in the United States-Canada Free Trade Agreement of 1988mplemented by the United States-Canada Free Trade Agreement Implementation Act (19 U.S.C.A. § 2112 note [Supp. 1993])hich, by the mid-1990s, had already eliminated most trade barriers between the United States and Canada. With the world gradually becoming divided into large regional trading blocs where goods and services move freely, as in the European Union, NAFTA's supporters saw the inclusion of Mexico as necessary for North America to compete internationally.
In the United States, debate over NAFTA threatened to derail it. Proponents saw economic benefits for all three nations...
(The entire section is 1151 words.)
North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) (Encyclopedia of Small Business)
The North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) is a treaty that was signed on August 12, 1991 by the United States, Canada, and Mexico; it went into effect on January 1, 1994. (Free trade had existed between the U.S. and Canada since 1989; NAFTA broadened that arrangement.) On that day, the three countries became the largest free market in the worldhe economies of the three nations at that time was more than $6 trillion and directly affected more than 365 million people. NAFTA was created to eliminate tariff barriers to agricultural, manufacturing, and services trade, remove investment restrictions, and protect intellectual property rights, all while addressing environmental and labor concerns (although many observers charge that the three governments have been lax in ensuring environmental and labor safeguards since the agreement went into effect). Small businesses were among those that were expected to benefit the most from the lowering of trade barriers since it would make doing business in Mexico and Canada less expensive and would reduce the red tape needed to import or export goods.
Highlights of NAFTA included:
- Tariff elimination for qualifying products. Before NAFTA, tariffs of 30 percent or higher on export goods to Mexico were common, as were long delays caused by paperwork. Additionally, Mexican tariffs on U.S.-made products were, on average, 250 percent higher than U.S. duties on Mexican products. NAFTA addressed this imbalance by phasing out tariffs over 15 years. Approximately 50 percent of the tariffs were abolished immediately when the agreement took affect, and the remaining tariffs were targeted for gradual elimination. Among the areas specifically covered by NAFTA are construction, engineering, accounting, advertising, consulting/management, architecture, health-care management, commercial education, and tourism.
- Elimination of nontariff barriers by 2008. This includes opening the border and interior of Mexico to U.S. truckers and streamlining border processing and licensing requirements. Nontariff barriers were the biggest obstacle to conducting business in Mexico that small exporters faced.
- Establishment of standards. The three NAFTA countries agreed to toughen health, safety, and industrial standards to the highest existing standards among the three countries (which were always U.S. or Canadian). Also, national standards could no longer be used as a barrier to free trade. The speed of export-product inspections and certifications was also improved.
- Supplemental agreements. To ease concerns that Mexico's low wage scale would cause U.S. companies to shift production to that country, and to ensure that Mexico's increasing industrialization would not lead to rampant pollution, special side agreements were included in NAFTA. Under those agreements, the three countries agreed to establish commissions to handle labor and environmental issues. The commissions have the power to impose steep fines against any of the three governments that failed to impose its laws consistently. Environmental and labor groups from both the United States and Canada, however, have repeatedly charged that the regulations and guidelines detailed in these supplemental agreements have not been enforced.
- Tariff reduction for motor vehicles and auto parts and automobile rules of origin.
- Expanded telecommunications trade.
- Reduced textile and apparel barriers.
- More free trade in agriculture. Mexican import licenses were immediately abolished, with most additional tariffs phased out over a 10-year period.
- Expanded trade in financial services.
- Opening of insurance markets.
- Increased investment opportunities.
- Liberalized regulation of land transportation.
- Increased protection of intellectual property rights. NAFTA stipulated that, for the first time, Mexico had to provide a very high level of protection for intellectual property rights. This is especially helpful in fields such as computer software and chemical production. Mexican firms will no longer be able to steal intellectual property from companies and create a "Mexican" version of a product.
- Expanded the rights of American firms to make bids on Mexican and Canadian government procurement contracts.
One of the key provisions of NAFTA provided "national goods" status to products imported from other NAFTA countries. No state, provincial, or local governments could impose taxes or tariffs on those goods. In addition, customs duties were either eliminated at the time of the agreement or scheduled to be phased out in five or 10 equal stages. The one exception to the phase out was specified sensitive items, for which the phase-out period would be 15 years.
Supporters championed NAFTA because it opened up Mexican markets to U.S. companies like never before. The Mexican market is growing rapidly, which promises more export opportunities, which in turn means more jobs. Supporters, though, had a difficult time convincing the American public that NAFTA would do more good than harm. Their main effort centered on convincing people that all consumers benefit from the widest possible choice of products at the lowest possible pricehich means that consumers would be the biggest beneficiaries of lowered trade barriers. The U.S. Chamber of Commerce, which represents the interests of small businesses, was one of the most active supporters of NAFTA, organizing the owners and employees of small and mid-size businesses to support the agreement. This support was key in countering the efforts of organized labor to stop the agreement.
Analysts agree that NAFTA has opened up new opportunities for small and mid-size businesses. Mexican consumers spend more each year on U.S. products than their counterparts in Japan and Europe, so the stakes for business owners are high. (Most of the studies of NAFTA concentrate on the effects of U.S. business with Mexico. Trade with Canada has also been enhanced, but the passage of the trade agreement did not have as great an impact on the already liberal trade practices that America and its northern neighbor abided by.)
Some small businesses were affected directly by NAFTA. In the past, larger firms always had an advantage over small ones because the large companies could afford to build and maintain offices and/or manufacturing plants in Mexico, thereby avoiding many of the old trade restrictions on exports. In addition, pre-NAFTA laws stipulated that U.S. service providers that wanted to do business in Mexico had to establish a physical presence there, which was simply too expensive for small firms to do. Small firms were stuckhey could not afford to build, nor could they afford the export tariffs. NAFTA leveled the playing field by letting small firms export to Mexico at the same cost as the large firms and by eliminating the requirement that a business establish a physical presence in Mexico in order to do business there. The lifting of these restrictions meant that vast new markets were suddenly open to small businesses that had previously done business only in the United States. This was regarded as especially important for small businesses that produced goods or services that had matured in U.S. markets.
Still, small firms interested in conducting business in Mexico have to recognize that Mexican business regulations, hiring practices, employee benefit requirements, taxation schedules, and accounting principles all include features that are unique to that country. Small businesses, then, should familiarize themselves with Mexico's foundation of business rules and traditionsot to mention the demographics culture of the marketplaceefore committing resources to this region.
Much organized opposition to NAFTA centered on the fear that the abolishment of trade barriers would spur U.S. firms to pack up and move to Mexico to take advantage of cheap labor. This concern remains strong among labor unions and other worker organizations. Opposition to NAFTA was also strong among environmental groups, who contended that the treaty's anti-pollution elements were woefully inadequate. This criticism has not abated since NAFTA's implementation. Indeed, both Mexico and Canada have been repeatedly cited for environmental malfeasance.
Controversy over the treaty's environmental enforcement provisions remained strong in the late 1990s. In fact, North American business interests have sought to weaken a key NAFTA side accord on environmental protections and enforcement. This accordne of the few provisions welcomed by environmental groupsllows groups and ordinary citizens to accuse member nations of failing to enforce their own environmental laws. A trinational Commission for Environmental Cooperation is charged with investigating these allegations and issuing public reports. "That process is slow, but the embarassment factor has proven surprisingly high," noted Business Week. As of mid-2000, the U.S. government has expressed opposition to revisions in the NAFTA agreement. But the Canadian government and many businesses in all three countries continue to work to change this accord.
Since NAFTA's passage, American business interests have expressed general satisfaction with the agreement. Employment, productivity, and trade have all surged in the 1990s, although analysts point out that these increases can be attributed to myriad factors, of which NAFTA is only one. Moreover, job losses in the U.S. that can be attributed to NAFTA have been minimal. As of 1997, only 117,000 Americans had signed up for the benefits offered to workers displaced by NAFTA.
Change has been most dramatic in Mexico. U.S. firms are setting up joint ventures in Mexico that, for the first time, use local firms for materials and parts. The quality of goods produced in Mexico has gone up, and the biggest beneficiaries are Mexican consumers. Wages and working conditions have also improved in many areas.
Allen, Mike. "NAFTA Is a Good Treaty, But Could Be Better." San Diego Business Journal. July 21, 1997.
Edmond Jr., Alfred. "Making the Most of NAFTA: Here's What to Do when the Barriers to Mexico's Markets Come Down." Black Enterprise. February 1994.
"A Green Thumb in NAFTA's Eye?" Business Week. June 12, 2000.
Holzinger, Albert G. "Why Small Firms Back NAFTA." Nation's Business. November 1993.
Krueger, Anne O. "NAFTA's Effects: A Preliminary Assessment." World Economy. June 2000.
Ostroff, Jim. "Report: NAFTA Helped Both U.S. and Mexico." WWD. July 14, 1997.
"Taking the Green Out of NAFTA." Business Week. May 29, 2000.
"What NAFTA Means to Small Businesses: Mexico Is an Important Market for Small and Medium Sized U.S. Businesses." Arkansas Business. November 15, 1993.
"When Neighbours Embrace: the NAFTA Effect." The Economist. July 5, 1997.
North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) (Encyclopedia of Business)
The North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) is an international agreement among the United States, Canada, and Mexico. Much has changed in the years since NAFTA took effect on January 1, 1994. The biggest effect of NAFTA has been on trade volumes. From 1993 to 1997, US.-Canadian trade increased more than 80 percent and U.S.-Mexican trade increased more than 90 percent. Mexico is now the second-largest trading partner of the United States, being second only to Canada.
NAFTA phases out tariffs among the three countries over a period ending in 2009, and it liberalizes rules related to investment in Mexico. NAFTA's adoption was supported strongly by most businesses and investors in the United States. Many other citizens, however, opposed its adoption and continue to be wary of its consequences. Debate continues as to whether NAFTA's effects have been negative or positive. Labor representatives say that NAFTA has encouraged more U.S. companies to move their operations to Mexico, where wages are lower than in the United States, workers receive fewer protections in terms of occupational safety and health, and enforcement of environmental laws is less stringent in many, but not all, cases.
Many, but not all, environmental groups opposed NAFTA prior to its adoption, and such opposition continues. As a result of opposition prior to Congress's approval of NAFTA, side agreements on labor, the environment, and import surges were negotiated. Following heated debate and serious concern about whether NAFTA would be approved, NAFTA and the side agreements were approved by the U.S. Congress in November 1993. As we enter the 21st century, environmentalists allege that increased trade resulting from NAFTA has led to further degradation of the environment in Mexico and the Southwest United States.
NAFTA liberalizes rules for investment by businesses from one NAFrA country in another NAFTA country. It also eliminates tariffs and other barriers to trade among the United States, Canada, and Mexico over a 15-year period that began January 1, 1994. Thus, it creates what some commentators are calling "the world's largest trading bloc." As of December 31, 1993, there were tariffs on approximately 9,000 products being traded between the United States and Mexico. Approximately 4,500 tariffs were eliminated on January 1, 1994, and by 1999 tariffs remained in effect on only about 3,000. The remaining tariffs will be gradually phased out, with the last of them being terminated by the year 2009. NAFTA is a two-volume document covering more than 1,200 pages with extremely detailed, complex provisions specifying how tariffs and other barriers for a multitude of different industries will be altered. The following description of NAFrA summarizes some of its salient provisions with respect to selected sectors of the economy.
NAFTA removes certain investment barriers, protects NAFTA investors, and provides process for settlement of disputes between investors and a NAFTA country. Coverage includes anticompetitive practices, financial services, intellectual property, temporary entry for businesspersons, and dispute settlement procedures. One of the most significant aspects of NAFTA is that it minimizes or eliminates many requirements of foreign government approval, which formerly posed significant barriers to investment.
NAFTA includes provisions on anticompetitive practices by monopolies and state enterprises as well as on such practices by privately owned businesses. It also sets out principles to guide regulation of financial services. Under NAFTA, financial service providers from one NAFTA country may establish banking, insurance, securities operations, and other types of financial services in another NAFTA country. The advantage of this for investors is that they are able to use the same financial service providers for both domestic and international transactions.
NAFTA provides U.S. and Canadian firms with greater access to Mexico's energy markets and energy-related services. Pursuant to NAFTA, U.S. and Canadian energy firms are now allowed to sell their products to PEMEX, Mexico's state-owned petroleum company, through open, competitive bidding. Under NAFTA, for the first time Mexico is allowing foreign ownership and operation of self-generation, cogeneration, and independent power plants.
Transportation among the three countries is becoming more efficient and less costly due to changes in investment restrictions. Pursuant to NAFTA, Mexico is removing its restrictions on foreign investment for trucking firms. Since 1995, U.S., Mexican, and Canadian trucking companies have been allowed to establish cross-border routes. Bans on such routes prior to NAFTA made shipping across the U.S.-Mexican border costly and inefficient; goods had to be unloaded from one truck and put onto another truck as they were moved from Mexico to the United States, or vice versa. As we enter the 21st century, trade is flowing more freely between the United States and Canada for a variety of reasons. For example, as of January 1999, a driver-record database is available for use by law enforcement officers in each of the three NAFTA countries. But crossing procedures at the U.S.-Mexican border continue to be inefficient. In January 1996, an agreement was to take effect that would allow U.S. and Mexican carriers to pick up and deliver international shipments in states adjacent to the U.S.-Mexican border, but the agreement was blocked by the United States. Commentators believe that the decision was based on organized labor's opposition to NAFTA. In addition, the United States and Mexico are still working to harmonize safety standards for motor carriers.
Under NAFTA, Mexico's pharmaceutical market is being opened to U.S. investors. Mexico has removed its import restrictions on pharmaceutical products, and it will phase out tariffs on such products by 2004. Mexico has opened its government procurement contracts for pharmaceuticals to bids from U.S. and Canadian companies.
NAFTA builds on the work of the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT), providing substantial protection for intellectual property. Covered are copyrights, including sound recordings; patents and trademarks; plant breeders' rights; industrial designs and trade secrets; and integrated circuits (semiconductor chips). NAFTA includes details regarding procedures for enforcement of intellectual property rights and for damages in the event of violations of such rights. Mexico divides its intellectual property laws into two areas: intellectual property and industrial property. Mexico adopted its new Industrial Property Law as of 1994 and its new Federal Copyright Law took effect in 1997. Mexico has a history, however, of weak enforcement of intellectual property rights, and this area of law is developing slowly.
NAFTA does not create a common market for movement of labor. Thus, provisions in NAFTA deal with temporary entry of businesspeople from one NAFTA country into another. On a reciprocal basis, each of the three countries admits four categories of businesspersons: (1) business visitors dealing with research and design, growth, marketing and sales, and related activities; (2) traders and investors; (3) intracompany transfereesrovided that such transferees are employed in a managerial or executive capacity or possess specialized knowledge; and (4) specified categories of professionals who meet minimum educational requirements or possess specialized knowledge.
NAFTA's provisions on farm products were of great concern to agriculture businesspeople in the United States. Pursuant to NAFTA, tariffs on all farm products will be phased out, but producers of certain "sensitive" products will be allotted extra time to adjust gradually to competition from products of other NAFTA countries. Tariffs for those sensitive products will be phased out over a period of 15 years ending in 2009. "Sensitive products" receiving such treatment include corn and dry beans for Mexico, and sugar, melons, asparagus, and orange juice concentrate for the United States.
Provisions related to the automobile industry were also of special concern in the United States. Pursuant to formnulas set out in NAFTA, as of 1995, cars must contain 50 percent North American content to qualify for duty-free treatment. By 2002, they will be required to contain 62.5 percent North American content to receive such treatment. Also, U.S. automobile manufacturers have gained greater access to Mexican markets. During a transition period, limits on numbers of vehicles imported to Mexico are being phased out, as are duties on automobiles, light trucks, and automobile parts. As of 1999, according to Brenda M. Case," The auto industry is already one of the great success stories of the Mexican economy, and most of the world's auto makers have plans to make it bigger and better. Auto plants, suppliers, and dealers make up 20 percent of Mexico's exports and 2.5 percent of its gross domestic product (GDP)."
Mexico's telephone system was severely underdeveloped prior to NAFTA. Prices were high, service was irregular, and private customers often waited for years to get telephones installed. As of NAFTA's effective date, Mexico abolished tariffs on all telecommunications equipment except telephone sets and centralswitching equipment, and tariffs on even those products were phased out by 1998. Now, U.S. companies compete for certain contracts for Mexico's telephone system. In addition, foreign investors are allowed to form joint ventures with Mexican companies in the area of telecommunications, although foreign participation in telecommunications is limited to 49 percent in most cases. As a result of the new joint ventures and lowered tariffs, the quality of telephone service in Mexico has improved tremendously.
Administration of NAFTA is handled by a commission composed of ministers (cabinet-level officers) designated by each NAFTA country. A secretariat serves the commission and assists with the administration of dispute resolution panels.
Whenever a dispute arises with respect to a NAFTA country's rights under the agreement, a consultation can be requested at which all three NAFTA countries can participate. If consultation does not resolve the dispute, the commission will seek to settle the dispute through mediation or similar means of alternative dispute resolution procedures. If those measures are unsuccessful, a complaining country can request that an arbitration panel be established. The panel is composed of five members selected from a trilaterally agreed upon list of trade, legal, and other experts. After study, the panel issues a confidential initial report. After receiving comments from the parties, a final report will be prepared and conveyed to the commission. If the panel finds that a NAFTA country violated its NAFTA obligations, the disputing parties have 30 days to reach an agreement. If none is reached, NAFTA benefits may be suspended against the violating country in an amount equivalent to the panel's recommended penalty until the dispute is resolved.
NAFTA has more provisions relating to the environment and, at least on paper, is more protective of the environment than any other international agreement or treaty ever before entered into by the United States. Former U.S. Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) Administrator William K. Reilly observed that it is "the most environmentally sensitive free trade agreement ever negotiated anywhere." Yet consideration and adoption of NAFTA led to a painful division within the environmental community. A coalition of eight major environmental organizations supported it, yet other major environmental groups opposed its approval.
NAFTA's environmental provisions are complex, lengthy, and yet-to-be interpreted as they are implemented. Questions arise in two directions. First, does NAFTA do enough to safeguard existing environmental laws and standards? Second, does NAFTA require or at least promote upward harmonization of the environmental laws of the three NAFTA countries?
The environment and the pursuit of what is called "sustainable development" are mentioned three times in NAFTA's preamble. Nevertheless, in NAFTA's Statement of Objectives, which is part of the agreement itself, they are not mentioned at all. Thus, sustainable development is a goal of NAFTA, but there are no substantive provisions in NAFTA to require its pursuit or achievement. "Sustainable development" is a term used often in environmental discussions today. It refers to measures designed to ensure that the needs of the present are met without compromising the ability of future generations to meet their own needs.
In terms of our ability to safeguard the "status quo" in environmental regulation in the United States, there are two key articles in NAFTA: Articles 7 and 9. Article 7 covers sanitary and "phytosanitary" measures. ("Phytosanitary" refers to measures related to plant and food safety.) Article 7 reserves to each party (the United States, Mexico, and Canada) the "right" to set its "appropriate level of protection" for human, animal, or plant life or health. It confirms that a party may adopt a measure more stringent than an "international standard, guideline or recommendation." Further, adoption of these "more stringent" measures may be by federal, state, or local governments.
A major concern of U.S. environmental groups is the ability of the United States to maintain its own health and environmental standards. For example, Article 7 says that any trade measure used to achieve a party's level of protection must be "necessary" for the protection of human, animal, or plant life. Some environmentalists are concerned that the term "necessary" might be interpreted very narrowly, as has been the case recently under interpretation of GATT.
Article 9 of NAFTA gives each party the right to establish the levels of protection that it considers to be appropriate so long as the choice is made based on a "legitimate" objective. Environmental measures cannot be used to promote unfair discrimination or to serve as a disguised barrier to trade. NAFTA allows only those trade regulations involving "product characteristics or their related processes and production methods." Thus, a process standard must be related to the characteristics of a product, and a party can't prohibit trade in products grown or manufactured using "unsustainable" methods. Analyzing such provisions of NAFTA, environmentalists fear that specific, individual U.S. environmental laws or regulations might be challenged under NAFTA as being a nontariff barrier to trade without a legitimate objective.
The North American Agreement on Environmental Cooperation, also known as the "Environmental Side Agreement," was adopted as a part of NAFTA along with two other side agreements, covering labor and import surges.
Part one of the Environmental Side Agreement lists two objectives: (1) to promote environmental concerns without harming the economy, and (2) to open discussion of environmental issues to the public.
Part two outlines the obligations of the three countries. It confirms that each party has the right to set its own standards and states that the governments of each country are responsible for monitoring and enforcing their environmental laws. It also states that private parties can request government intervention and can seek remedies through the courts of their respective countries.
Part three establishes a Commission for Environmental Cooperation (Environmental Commission) that is based in Montreal, Canada. The Environmental Commission consists of a council, a secretariat, and a Joint Public Advisory Committee. The council consists of cabinet-level representatives who will meet at least once a year. Its function is to implement the environmental side agreement. The secretariat provides a support system for the Council.
Nongovernment organizations or private citizens may assert that a country "has shown a persistent pattern of failure to effectively enforce its environmental laws" by filing a complaint with the commission. Thus, private citizens can serve as watchdogs for the commission. This is important to U.S. environmental groups because such groups have played an active role in overseeing enforcement of U.S. environmental laws and regulations.
The Joint Public Advisory Committee may advise the council on any relevant matter and may provide relevant technical information. The committee consists of 15 members, 5 of whom are appointed by each of the NAFTA countries.
Pursuant to part four of the Environmental Side Agreement, each party agrees to cooperate and to provide information to the secretariat upon request.
Part five allows a party to request consultation with a second party concerning the party's failure to enforce its environmental laws if such a failure is shown to be part of a persistent pattern. If a mutually satisfactory resolution is not reached within 60 days, a party can request a special session of the council, which must meet within 20 days. If the council is unable to resolve the dispute, it can convene a panel for arbitration of the dispute. The panel will issue an initial report within 180 days, and the parties are allowed to submit comments within 60 days. Next, the panel will submit a final report, which will be made public within 5 days after it is received by the council. The parties are given an opportunity to reach their own settlement based on the report, and if they cannot reach an "action plan" within 60 days, the panel can be reconvened to establish one. If the offending country does not follow the plan, a fine can be imposed. If the fine is not paid, NAFTA benefits can be suspended.
Thus, the Environmental Side Agreement allows citizeiis and their organizations to serve as "watchdogs" by bringing complaints to the attention of the Environmental Commission. Nevertheless, citizens do not have standing to take action on their own. A NAFTA party, however, can file a complaint with the council in cases in which another party has shown a persistent pattern of failure to enforce its environmental laws and regulations. Ultimate sanctions against an offending party may include suspension of trade benefits; such sanctions, however, have not been used during the first six years of NAFTA, and it is unlikely that they will be invoked in the near future.
At the time NAFTA and the Environmental Side Agreement were adopted, commentators predicted that suspension of trade benefits would seldom be invoked as a sanction. That prediction "come true" over NAFTA's first six years. As of mid-1995 the Environmental Commission had not issued even a draft of its procedures for handling complaints from citizens. As of 1999 it is clear that the Environmental Commission is poorly funded (with a budget of under $10 million for all three countries), its complaints process makes it difficult for private citizens to file and pursue complaints, and it lacks authority to force member countries to participate in many of its activities. For example, in 1998, the Environmental Commission issued a detailed pollution report detailing types and quantities of hazardous substances emitted into the air in the United States and Canada. Mexico, however, was not included in the report, because data on emissions from that country were not available.
The Environmental Commission's accomplishments have been limited to date. Its greatest accomplishment so far has probably been that it has promoted communication about environmental problems among governments, citizens, and environmental groups from the three NAFTA countries.
The North American Agreement on Labor Cooperation, commonly known as the "Labor Side Agreement," was negotiated in response to concerns that NAFTA itself did little or nothing to protect workers in Mexico, the United States, or Canada. U.S. labor groups have maintained their opposition to NAFTA even with the addition of the Labor Side Agreement. Representatives of labor groups assert that the Labor Side Agreement does little to protect workers in the United States, Canada, or Mexico. The structure and provisions of the Labor Side Agreement parallel those of the Environmental Side Agreement. Included are a preamble, objectives of the agreement, and obligations of the parties. There are also provisions for a Commission for Labor Cooperation, dispute resolution mechanisms, and sanctions against a NAFTA country found to be in violation of the agreement's provisions.
The preamble affirms the three parties' desire to create new employment opportunities and to protect, enhance, and enforce basic workers' rights while, at the same time, affirming their respect for each party's constitution and laws.
Part one lists the objectives of the agreement. Its basic goals include the desire to improve labor conditions and encourage compliance with labor laws. Another goal is to encourage open sharing of information (transparency) among the three countries regarding their respective labor laws and their enforcement of those laws.
Part two of the Labor Side Agreement discusses the obligations of the parties. Each party is responsible for enforcement of its own labor laws, but the parties agree that proceedings dealing with enforcement of labor laws will be "fair" and tribunals will be "impartial." Labor laws and information about their enforcement are to be made public, and public education will be promoted.
Part three establishes a Commission for Labor Cooperation. It will consist of a council and a secretariat. The council meets at least once a year or upon the request of one of the parties. Its primary tasks are to oversee implementation of the Labor Side Agreement and to promote cooperation among the parties on various labor issues.
The secretariat is headed by an executive director, and that position is rotated among the three countries. The secretariat's tasks are to assist the council, make public the labor policies of each country, and prepare studies requested by the council.
The United States, Mexico, and Canada have each established a National Administrative Office (NAO) led by a secretary. NAOs are responsible for gathering information within their respective countries and conveying it to the secretariat and the other two NAFTA parties. In addition, the Labor Side Agreement allows the NAOs in each country to review each other's labor laws (and enforcement) in response to complaints from workers.
In the event of a dispute related to the Labor Side Agreement, the leader of one of the NAFTA parties may request a meeting with another leader to attempt to resolve the dispute. The allegation cannot be based on a single failure to enforce its own laws. Instead, any complaint must be based on a "persistent pattern of failure by the Party complained against to effectively enforce its occupational safety and health, child labor, or minimum wage technical labor standards." All three NAFTA parties are allowed to participate in such a meeting. If the matter is not resolved by those leaders, a party-country may request that an Evaluation Committee of Experts (ECE) be established. The ECE will study the matter and submit a report to the council. The purpose of this report is to allow a party to obtain information about the practices and enforcement of labor laws by another NAFTA party.
After the ECE's report is presented, the parties will try to resolve any dispute between themselves. If this fails, the council may attempt to assist the parties in resolving the dispute. Finally, if the matter is not resolved, the council may convene an arbitration panel, chosen from a roster of 45 people chosen pursuant to qualifications outlined in the Labor Side Agreement. The panel convenes, receives input from each of the disputing party-countries, and prepares an initial report. After reviewing comments from each of the parties, a final report is prepared. If it is found that a party "persistently failed" to enforce its laws, the disputing parties will prepare an action plan. If the parties do not agree or if the plan is not fully implemented, the panel can be reconvened. If the panel finds that the plan was not implemented, the offending party can be fined. If the fine is not paid, NAFTA trade benefits can be suspended to pay the fine. As of 1999, however, such a sanction has not been ordered.
Thus, the Labor Side Agreement provides a mechanism for dealing with a party-country that shows a "pattern of practice" of failing to enforce its occupational safety and health, child labor, or minimum wage technical labor standards. The Labor Commission is supposed to pressure NAFTA countries into enforcing their own labor laws, but it lacks a meaningful method for punishing them. For example, managers at the ITAPSA brake parts factory in the State of Mexico, Mexico, fired assembly-line workers in retaliation for voting for an independent union. The U.S. and Canadian NAOs issued reports recommending that the former workers be restored to their jobs, but, according to Robert Donnelly, that has not happened.
As we enter the 21st century, organized labor in the United States continues to oppose NAFTA; labor representatives view the Labor Side Agreement as an ineffective mechanism that is unenforceable. The most significant achievement of the Labor Side Agreement to date is similar to that of the Environmental Side Agreement: complaints before the Labor Commission and the NAOs of the three countries have attracted media attention. And that media attention, in turn, may be compelling countries to enforce their own labor laws to a greater extent than might otherwise occur.
NAFTA is facilitating an unprecedented level of economic integration in North America. It is creating opportunities for investment and growth by private business, and it is promoting more stable relations between and among the United States, Mexico, and Canada. Nevertheless, NAFTA is not welcomed by all people in the three countries. Overall, NAFTA is neither a complete success nor a complete failure. Its benefits vary for each of the three countries.
The effects of NAFTA on trade between the United States and Canada have not been as dramatic. The U.S.-Canada Free Trade Agreement was enacted in 1989, and tariffs between the United States and Canada were completely eliminated (with a few minor exceptions) as of 1998. Therefore, under NAFTA, trade observers have focused on effects on Mexico.
Mexico has benefited from NAFTA in substantial ways including, but not limited to, the following: First, as of 1998 Mexico passed Japan to become the second-largest trading partner of the United States. Second, exports from maquiladoras (in Mexico) to the United States are up about 135 percent comparing 1994 to 1999. (The maquiladora program was established pursuant to an agreement between the United States and Mexico. The agreement allows U.S. businesses to operate manufacturing facilities in northern Mexico, with restrictions, including the condition that all products produced be returned to the United States.) Third, direct foreign investment in Mexico has grown tremendously. It was at about $4 billion before NAFTA and reached over $10 billion in 1998. Fourth, Mexico is beginning to enjoy a more diversified economy. Before NAFTA, oil production was its primary source of revenue; now the manufacturing sector is becoming its primary source.
NAFTA's effect on the United States has not been as dramatic. In 1993, in his book Save Your Job, Save Our Country, former U.S. presidential candidate and businessperson H. Ross Perot (1930-) warned workers of a "giant sucking sound" that would be the flow of American jobs to Mexico. In reality, NAFTA's effect on jobs in the United States has varied. The jobs that have been most vulnerable are those that require unskilled labor and those that were, in the past, protected by high U.S. tariffs. Such industries include the clothing industry, glassware, and manufacture of ceramic tiles. The American Textile Manufacturers Association strongly opposed and continues to oppose NAFTA because lower labor costs in Mexico make it hard for U.S.-manufactured clothing to compete with low-priced garments made in Mexico. On the other hand, it is reported that NAFTA led to the creation of 100,000 jobs in the United States during the first half of 1994, and that as of January 1995 there were at least 700,000 U.S. jobs that depended on exports to Mexico. Trade officials say that 2.6 million U.S. jobs were supported by exports to Mexico and Canada in 1998.
Economic consequences of NAFTA for Mexico are more significant than those for the United States because Mexico has a much smaller economy. As of 1993, the $6 trillion American economy was 20 times the size of Mexico's. As of 1998, U.S.-Mexico trade totaled $173.3 billion in a U.S. economy with a GDP of $8.5 trillion. In contrast, Mexico had a GDP of about $381 billion in 1998.
NAFTA does not represent a blessing for Mexico's unskilled workers and their families. Workers are obtaining employment at low wages in new manufacturing facilities. Their wages, however, are not sufficient to enable them to purchase decent housing, clothing, and good food for their families. Due to a lack of potable water, inadequate sewage facilities, inadequate or unavailable electricity, and other inadequate or unavailable services in the areas around new industrial facilities, life for workers and their families is often a miserable existence. Diseases and illness due to a lack of sanitary facilities and due to industrial pollution are prevalent and are increasing.
There have been scandals within Mexico's government. On March 23, 1994, Luis Donaldo Colosio, the leading candidate for election to Mexico's presidency, was assassinated during a political rally. In August 1994, Ernesto Zedillo was elected to the presidency. His election was reassuring to investors who were awaiting the results of the election, because he advocated economic and political policies similar to those of former President Carlos Salinas, who led Mexico in approving NAFTA. During 1995, however, there were additional scandals within Mexico's government. The brother of former President Salinas was arrested in March 1995 and convicted in 1998 of planning the murder of Jose Francisco Ruiz, who had been governor of the Mexican state of Guerrero from 1987 to 1993. In the aftermath of his brother's arrest, and accusations Salinas himself embezzled millions of dollars, he left Mexico and went into exile in Europe.
In addition, on January 1,1994, the effective date of NAFTA, there was an uprising in Chiapas, Mexico, led by Zapatista rebels. (The rebels take their name from the early 20th-century Mexican revolutionary leader Emiliano Zapata [1879-1919].) After the initial fighting, which resulted in at least 145 deaths, the rebellion has continued to simmer, with occasional armed conflicts, for over six years. The Zapatistas are protesting political injustices, extreme poverty, and ethnic oppression of the indigenous people of Chiapas. They are also protesting NAFTA and the environmental degradation resulting from increased industrialization of Mexico.
Foreign investments in Mexico have been stemmed by Mexico's financial crisis of 1995-96 and its continuing financial problems since then. In November 1994, the Mexican peso was trading for slightly over three pesos per U.S. dollar. But the exchange rate had dropped to a low of 7.7 pesos per dollar as of March 9, 1995. Further, inflation in Mexico reached an annualized rate of 64 percent as of February 1995. In March 1995, the United States extended $20 million in loans and loan guarantees to Mexico. In return, Mexico instituted an economic plan that included sweeping budget cuts, increased taxes, and approved provisions allowing the United States to oversee Mexico's handling of its economy. The loans have been repaid, but the agreement caused Mexican citizens accuse President Zedillo of" trading his nation's sovereignty" for American dollars.
Meanwhile, Mexico's response to the debt crisis included creation of an official bank bailout program called Bank Fund for Savings Protection (Fondo Bancario para Proteccin de Ahorrolso known as Profoba or Fobaproa). But, according to Angelo Young, the program has been plagued by scandal and allegations of illegal practices. In early 1999, the Mexican Congress passed a set of reforms to replace Profoba with a new Bank Savings Protection Institute (IPAB) that is modeled after the Federal Deposit Insurance Corporation in the United States. IPAB is charged with administering a debt-relief package that will discount amounts owed on loans from 16 percent to 60 percent, depending on the type of loan. It is expected that business, agricultural, and small domestic debtors will benefit from the plan.
Environmentalists, business representatives, and the governments of the three NAFTA countries agree that environmental contamination has reached serious proportions in northern Mexico, where U.S. businesses have been operating for nearly three decades under the maquiladora program and where industrial development has continued to grow under NAFTA.
The hazardous waste treatment industry was expected to be a major area for U.S. investors under NAFTA. The United States could offer experience and expertise that Mexicans lacked. Sadly, however, "five years into NAFTA, Mexico's hazardous waste industry is in total disarray," as reported by Sam Quínones. Of seven major waste-treatment projects in which tens of millions have been invested, all are "stalled." "As it stands, Mexico has less landfill infrastructure than it had before NAFTA," Quínones related.
A few observers are guardedly optimistic that, in the long term, NAFTA may result in better environmental conditions in Mexico and in the U.S.-Mexican border area. Such optimism rests on the belief that the success of NAFTA itself will help the environment. If jobs are created in Mexico, and wages increase, and Mexico's economy improves, there should be more money available for what is needed environmentally. Money is needed for personnel to enforce Mexico's environmental laws; money is needed for infrastructure, including waste disposal facilities, water treatment and sewage facilities; and technology and equipment are needed to create safer working conditions inside and outside the walls of industrial facilities.
What happened during the first six years of NAFTA? The effects of NAFTA on trade between Canada and the United States were visible but not unexpected, because the United States and Canada already had a free trade agreement that eliminated nearly all tariffs as of 1998. Meanwhile, Mexico has seen significant increases in trade with the United States and Canada since 1994.
On the other hand, NAFTA has not been a success for labor interests and the environment. The Labor Commission created under the Labor Side Agreement has had little success in improving the status of workers. And the Environmental Commission has had similar limited results. Further, the environmental contamination in Mexico is escalating.
Meanwhile, NAFTA is being watched closely by observers throughout the world, because it is being used as a model for other agreements. For example, in December 1994, the United States and 33 other Western Hemisphere countries met in Miami, Florida, for a "Summit of the Americas." At the summit, the 34 countries agreed to create a Free Trade Area of the Americas (FTAA) by the year 2005. The FTAA will be modeled after NAFTA. As an immediate step, at the close of the 1994 Summit of the Americas, the United States, Canada, and Mexico announced their plans to admit Chile to NAFTA by 1996, but that did not happen for a variety of political and economic reasons.
Therefore, NAFTA's provisions and its implementation will continue to be watched closely. NAFTA must be monitored to determine whether its provisions need modification and to determine whether its provisions provide a suitable model for additional trade agreements, such as the FTAA.
[Paulette L. Stenzel]
Alexander, Dean C. "The North American Free Trade Agreement: An Overview." International Tax and Business Lawyer 11, 1993,48-71.
Case, Brenda M. "Two Speed Industry: The Automobile and Auto Parts Businesses Are Booming, but Only for Some." USI Mexico Business, November 1998, 48-49.
Davis, Bob. "Some Questions and Answers Concerning NAFTA." Wall Street Journal, 19 November 1993, 14.
Donnelly, Robert. "On the Side: Nafta's Side Accords on Labor and the Environment Struggle to Have an Influence." MB, April 1999, 28-34.
Guillermoprieto, Alma. "Zapata's Heirs." New Yorker, 16 May 1994, 52-63.
Hofgard, Kurt C. "Is This Land Really Our Land?: Impacts of Free Trade Agreements on U.S. Environmental Protection." Environmental Law 23, 634-81.
Jamar, Christen, and Angelo Young. "Nafta at Five." MB, April 1999, 26-34.
North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA). Washington: GPO, 1993.
Oppenheimer, Andres. Bordering on Chaos: Mexico's Guerrillas, Stockbrokers, Politicians, and Road to Prosperity. Boston: Little, Brown, 1996.
Quinones, Sam. "Mexico's Wastelands." MB, April 1999, 38-46.
Torres, Craig. "How Mexico's Behind-the-Scenes Tactics and a Secret Pact Averted Market Panic." Wall Street Journal, 28 March 1994, AIO.
Young, Angelo. "Settling the Bill: The Nightmarish Specter of Debt Left from the Crash is Finally Confronted." MB, March 1999, 14-17.
Source: Encyclopedia of Business, ©2000 Gale Cengage. All Rights Reserved. Full copyright.
Source: Encyclopedia of Small Business, ©2002 Gale Cengage. All Rights Reserved. Full copyright.
Source: West's Encyclopedia of American Law, ©2005 Gale Cengage. All Rights Reserved. Full copyright.
Source: Great Events from History: North American Series, ©1997 Salem Press, Inc.. All Rights Reserved.
Source: Encyclopedia of Environmental Issues, Revised Edition, ©2011 Salem Press, Inc.. All Rights Reserved.


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Tetra Koi Vibrance Floating Pond Fish Food - 2.42 lb. Bag
Tetra Koi Vibrance Floating Pond Fish Food - 2.42 lb. Bag
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This floating stick blends animal and vegetable proteins, making it a completely digestible diet for all sizes of koi. Its natural color enhancers and stabilized vitamin C are great for all pond fish. Use in the warmer months of late spring, summer and early fall. It blends both animal and vegetable proteins to ensure complete nutritional value. The sticks soften immediately in water to release strong appetite stimulants and remain edible in water for a long time- for less mess and water pollution.
Formula Color Enhancing
Feed at least 2-3 times daily as much as your fish will consume within a few minutes. Do not feed if pond water temperature falls below 50º F.
Wheat starch, fish meal, corn flour, dehulled soybean meal, feeding oat meal, wheat gluten, wheat germ meal, potato protein, monobasic calcium phosphate, soybean oil, ascorbic acid, riboflavin-5-phosphate, inositol, niacin, A-tocopherol-acetate, L-ascorbyl-2-polyphosphate, D-calcium pantothenate, thiamine mononitrate, pyridoxine hydrochloride, vitamin A palmitate, cyanocobalamin, cholecalciferol, manganese sulfate, zinc sulfate, ferrous sulfate, cobalt nitrate, artificial colors, ethoxyquin.Crude protein (min) 31%
Crude fat (min) 5%
Crude fiber (max) 2%
Moisture (max) 7%
Phosphorus (min) 1.1%
Ascorbic Acid (min) 100 mg/kg
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October 10-10, 2013
Joint Seed Central & Food Central FORUM
Add event to my calendar
Seed Central
Conference Center, UC Davis - Davis, CA, United States
4:30 to 7:00 PM - Monthly networking event on the 2nd Thursday of the month, with featured speaker Dr. Bart Weimer, Professor, School of Veterinary Medicine, UC Davis - Topic: Microbial genomics in food and plant interactions
September 30, 2013 - October 4, 2013
Seed Business 101, Field Seed
Seed Biotechnology Centre at UC Davis
Guelph, ON, Canada
Attracting and retaining talented new employees is a critical challenge for the seed industry. The Seed Business 101 course was created, with input from industry executives, to accelerate the careers of promising new employees and young managers.
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HttpMakeCall - Wiki
About #
This application is triggered by an inbound HTTP request to the Cisco Unified Application Environment server and which in turn places an outbound call to a configurable IP Phone Directory Number. Upon receiving the acknowledgement that the call has been answered, the application will play a text message and the call will remain active until the destinaton (callee) phone hangs up.
Note: This application is slightly modified version of the MakeCall test app bundled with the Cisco Unified Application Environment.
Environment Setup #
This application assumes that you have a Unified Communications development environment configured according to the description on the following page: 3.4 Examples - Reference Environment
Instructions #
Click one of the links below for step-by-step instructions for development using the tool of your choice.
Once you complete this example you should be able to: #
- Build an application.
- Package and install the application using the cuae command line interface "package" and "install" functionality.
- Verify a successful deployment of the application to the CUAE by logging into the CUAE Admin console, selecting the 2.5 applications tab to retrieve the list of available applications and verifying that the "HttpMakeCall" application appears in the list.
- Select the "HttpMakeCall" application and click on the "default" partition.
- Verify that the default "Installer" options that were set are auto-populated into the configuration form.
- Select "Applications -> Triggers" from the top menu, click on the "HttpMakeCall" and add a to trigger
- Verify a successful addition.
- Launch a browser and trigger the test application using the URL that was defined to trigger the application
- Verify that a call is placed to the application configured 'To' IP Phone directory number.
- Verify that upon answering the call the proper voice message is heard
Diagramatic Representation #


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Brooks Laich left the Capitals' 2-1 shootout win over the New York Islanders on Thursday with an undisclosed injury. Coach Adam Oates said Washington's utility forward was "aching all over" but added that the injury was "nothing major". Laich, 29, didn't take a shift in the final 15 minutes 26 seconds of the game, including overtime. Oates said the injury was unrelated to when Laich took a puck to the groin in the second period. He missed the first 28 games of the season with a groin injury suffered in November while playing in Switzerland during the NHL lockout. Laich made his return to the Capitals lineup March 19 at Pittsburgh and has played in every game since. "Coming back, what he did, he's kind of aching all over. He's really crammed a lot of hockey into a short span of time, and he looked a little sore all over," Oates said. "He got hit and [trainer Greg Smith] kind of looked at me and said, 'You know, you might want to shut him down right now because we've got two games coming up,' because he was fighting it a little bit. Nothing major. You know, just make sure he's OK for the weekend." Oates said he noticed Laich laboring even before Smith brought it to his attention.
Brooks Laich leaves Capitals' win over Islanders with undisclosed injury
POSTED: 10:43 AM PDT Apr 05, 2013
UPDATED: 10:43 AM PDT Apr 05, 2013
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lafarge sa (LG:Euronext Paris)
Executive Profile*
Bruno LafontExecutive Chairman and Chief Executive Officer, Lafarge S.A. |
Age | Total Calculated Compensation | This person is connected to 83 board members in 9 different organizations across 11 different industries. See Board Relationships |
56 | €2,948,400 As of Fiscal Year 2012 |
Mr. Bruno Lafont has been the Executive Chairman and Chief Executive Officer at Lafarge S.A, a parent company of Ashakacem Plc and Lafarge Canada Inc. and a subsidiary of Lafarge North America Inc. since May 3, 2007 and January 1, 2006, respectively. Mr. Lafont serves as Chairman and Chief Executive Officer of Lafarge Minerals Limited of Lafarge Aggregates Limited. He serves as the Chairman and Chief Executive Officer of Lafarge Group of Lafarge India Private Limited. ...
Corporate Headquarters*61, rue des Belles Feuilles Phone: 33 1 44 34 11 11Paris, Ile-de-France 75782 France Fax: 33 1 44 34 12 00 Board Members Memberships*Director, Member of Finance Committee, Senior Executive Vice President of Lafarge S A and Chief Operating Officer of Lafarge S A Chairman Chairman of the Board 2003-Present Chairman of the Board, Chief Executive Officer, Member of Finance Committee, Co-Chief Operating Officer of Lafarge SA and Senior Executive Vice President of Lafarge SA 2005-Present Executive Chairman and Chief Executive Officer 2008-Present Director and Chairman of Nominations & Compensation Committee 2011-Present Independent Director and Member of Audit Committee
Education*Unknown/Other Education 1982 Institut D'etudes Politiques And Ecole Nationale D'administration Unknown/Other Education 1977 Ecole des Hautes Etudes Commerciales de Montreal
Other Affiliations* |
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Myles Lee BE, FCA | Group Chief Executive Officer, Director, Member of Acquisitions Committee and Member of Finance Committee CRH plc | €1.5M |
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Johan Karlström | Chief Executive Officer, President and Director Skanska AB (publ) | kr17.2M |
Ian K. Meakins | Group Chief Executive Officer, Director, Member of Disclosure Committee, Member of Treasury Committee and Member of Major Announcements Committee Wolseley plc | 1.6M GBP |
Bernd Scheifele LLM | Chairman of the Managing Board, Chief Executive Officer and Head of Investor Relations, Development, Human Resources, Communication, Legal, Compliance, Internal Audit & Strategy HeidelbergCement AG | €2.9M | Compensation as of Fiscal Year 2012. |
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Getting Around Cinque Terre is relatively easy: By Train: The regional train that serves the five villages runs between La Spezia Centrale and Sestri Levanti or Genoa. Fares are cheap at Euro 1.80 one-way, and the difference between a 5 km trip and a 10 km trip is only Euro 20 cents. The tickets are valid for 6 hours in each direction. So if you're at Riomaggiore and heading north, you can stop at all the other four villages within a 6-hour time-frame. Your return trip requires a separate … [Read more...]
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Magnify your bust size by 2! This strapless bra gives you everything you are looking for in a bra; the cups center & increase your cup size giving you that extreme push up you adore. Super high quality design for its contour cups made of an ultralight incorporated padding with memory form - flexibility to adapt to your bust shape. Wear it strapless! Anti-slip silicone elastic along bustline, underbust and back to keep bra firmly in place.
It's a super comfortable bra and increases your bust size and you can wear it without straps - it's super!!
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This bra is spectacular. It has all the characteristics that a woman would want: strapless, lifts your bust, comfortable, light and it's easily spectacular.
This Bra is out of this world...love it!!I bought the one in blue, it's beautiful!
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To avoid altered measurements, wear an unpadded/lightly lined fitted bra.
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it's very good, but would be better if it came in more colors
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Super invisible!! this is the best panty I ever bought.
When I read the ad I didn't believe it, but I decided to buy one, it surprised me because it's no show, it doesn't ride-up, and it feels extra comfortable and it fits well under my clothes, excellent!
This soft control classic panty with a high waist design has subtle elastic bands around the waist and legs for a better fit as well as ultra flat seams for no-show wear. The design on the back helps to slightly lift the hips.
This panty is great to use under shapewear and tight pants. It doesn't show through your clothes.
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Excellent product, you will want to wear it every day, you can't see it through your clothes, you can wear it with whatever clothing
I like this product,it is wonderfull.


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SOURCE Sun-Canadian Pipe Line
SARNIA, ON, Sept. 13, 2013 /CNW/ - Progress continues to be made to manage a leak that occurred Tuesday at Churchill Road and Vidal Street in Sarnia of approximately 200 barrels of diesel fuel.
"We apologize to the people of Aamjiwnaang First Nation, Walpole Island First Nation, Sarnia, Wallaceburg and St. Clair Township for the incident that has occurred," said Tony Waters, General Manager of Sun-Canadian Pipe Line. "Sun-Canadian, supported by a team of external experts from local municipalities and neighbouring industry, is working 24 hours a day to resolve the issues caused by the leak. We are committed to ensuring that issues are addressed and that you feel reassured that we are responding appropriately to this situation."
Specifically, Sun-Canadian Pipe Line reports the following progress:
"Our immediate priorities are execution of the remediation plan, restoration of the affected areas, and keeping the public up to date with our progress," Waters said. "We appreciate everyone's patience and understanding while we complete the clean-up."
Citizens with questions are encouraged to call: 1-800-263-6641 or email: firstname.lastname@example.com
Sun-Canadian Pipeline Company Limited Backgrounder
The Pipeline
The Sun-Canadian Pipeline was built in 1953 to transport refined petroleum products from refineries in the Sarnia area to fuel distribution terminals in the London, Hamilton and Toronto areas. The 637-kilometer pipeline consists of 212.1 and 323.9 mm lines running through five pump stations located in Sarnia, Kerwood, London, Paris and Waterdown. The operating pressure of the pipeline is 9,900 kPa (1,440 psi). In 2012, approximately 6.5 million cubic meters of petroleum products were transported through the pipeline.
Emergency Response Capabilities
Sun-Canadian's emergency response plan is equipped to handle all potential spills regardless of size. The company is an active member of the Chemical Valley Emergency Coordinating Organization, which co-ordinates emergency response to events in the Sarnia and Lambton areas. It also has the ability to call on assistance from industry co-ops sponsored by the Canadian Petroleum Products Institute, and the Great Lakes Response Centre for marine spills. The Sun-Canadian Oil Spill Manual and Contingency Plan includes a number of third party contractors available to provide equipment and services in the event of an emergency.
Health, Safety & Environmental Management
Sun-Canadian is ISO 14001 Environmental Management System certified. ISO 14001 sets out a framework for companies to implement an effective environmental management system. Managers are responsible for providing a safe work environment and developing policies and procedures that minimize losses and foster safe and environmentally sound workplace attitudes. In the last 16 years, Sun-Canadian has had zero lost-time incidents.
The company runs a public awareness program that educates municipalities, landowners, contractors and developers about the pipeline and its hazards. It also offers a no-charge line locating service so that the community can safely work around the line without risking injury or a potential spill.
Community Support
Sun-Canadian is a platinum donor with the United Way and supports the St. Matthew's House Adopt-A-Family program each Christmas.
©2012 PR Newswire. All Rights Reserved.
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Customizing SMF > Modifications and Packages
FlashChat Integration
Joey Smith™:
Link to Mod | Rate this Mod | Puchase FlashChat
FlashChat Integration
Version 1.0 released! Note that if you had version 0.1 installed, you will NEED to uninstall it before installing the new version!
This mod will seamlessly integrate FlashChat into your SMF installation. It adds a 'Chat' link to the top menu, and users that are logged in to the chat appear under Users Online as "Users currently in chat" (and optionally at the top of the forum). This mod also fixes a small bug in FlashChat :)
Screenshots of it in action
The main chat window (click for larger view):
"Users Online" display:
You must have already purchased and installed FlashChat into the chat directory (as per the instructions for integrating with SMF), and it must be working. Also note that you do not need to edit the Themes/default/index.template.php file to add a button (like the instructions say to), as this mod does that automatically.
FlashChat can be purchased from http://www.tufat.com/s_flash_chat_chatroom.htm
Support for this mod is given in my forum, at http://www.daniel15.com/.
Note that I do not provide support for FlashChat, that is up to http://www.tufat.com/! I just provide support for this mod.
NOTE: For anyone with the 'Googlebot and Spiders' mod installed, you may install this mod, but two of the edits (SSI.php and BoardIndex.template.php) will fail (due to both the Googlebot and Spiders mod and this mod editing the same code). You may continue to install this mod (it will install successfully), but please see this post for what to do after installation.
Edit: This is currently NOT up-to-date. Please check back later for updated instructions on installing this mod alongside the Googlebot mod!
Theme Changes
Please see http://www.daniel15.com/forum/index.php/topic,856.html for the theme changes required to support this mod.
1.0 (Final)
* Several new features:
* Option to open chat in new window.
* Option to show chat seperate from forum (full-page), like standard FlashChat.
* Option to show users in chat at top of forum.
* Option to show number of users in chat on chat button (eg. "Chat [2 Users]").
* A few very minor bugs (including the "logout bug") fixed
0.1 Beta
Initial release (beta!)
Just what I was looking for. Only in my case I am getting :
4. Execute Modification ./SSI.php Test failed
6. Execute Modification ./Themes/default/BoardIndex.template.php Test failed
MkPortal 1.1
Various Mods Installed
Any suggestions or workaround?
Elegant John:
I got the same errors but they were simple to fix by manually modding the effected files.
Look in install.xml to find the changes.
Works perfectly now though.
I would make the comment that more people should go the extra mile as Bloc does when he writes the manual mod instructions for his mods. Some of these here are complex and it makess it very easy to screw the pooch.
But, excellent mod
Sorry about the errors, the package seems to work fine on a fresh SMF installation... Do any of you have the 'Googlebot and Spiders' mod? Since both that mod and my mod edit the "Users Online" section, that's what could be causing the conflict.
--- Quote ---I would make the comment that more people should go the extra mile as Bloc does when he writes the manual mod instructions for his mods.
--- End quote ---
In that case, I'd point you to http://server.daniel15.com/smf/package.php :D
--- Quote from: Daniel15 on January 05, 2007, 09:22:56 PM ---In that case, I'd point you to hxxp:server.daniel15.com/smf/package.php [nonactive] :D
--- End quote ---
LOL.. yeah.. I'd call that a DAMNED good tutorial. ;) WAS very cut and dry!
Now then..ass kissing aside.. I have an issue pls. ;)
Im using a v.1.1.1 template called "Spikey" found here: http://custom.simplemachines.org/themes/index.php?lemma=81
When you said this:
"Theme Changes
To install this on your custom theme (so it shows the users in the chat under Users Online), open Themes/[theme name]/BoardIndex.template.php"
The problem is.. on "Spikey", there isn't a BoardIndex.template.php.
Yet, even though I AM able to see who is in chat at bottom, there is no link found anywhere at the top to get to chat.
Have any thoughts here?
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Cesar Millan Tickets
Looking for Cesar Millan tickets? Well you have come to the right place! GoTickets.com specializes in locating all kinds of tickets - even for sold out events! GoTickets.com features a wide variety of Cesar Millan tickets and can help you find the seats you want! Whether you want to sit first row, or just have a specific section in mind, GoTickets can help you find Cesar Millan tickets that suit your needs. So get your Cesar Millan tickets from our list of premium seats today and experience your show the GoTickets way!


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Votes Are in: All Clear for Debian Lenny
Debian developers have determined the outcome: proprietary components are acceptable, paving the way for Lenny, the next free distro of Debian GNU/Linux 5.0.
Votes from project members have finally put to rest the Lenny Release General Resolution and thereby confirmed specifics of the Debian Free Software Guidelines (DFSG). The debate had raged over whether to accept proprietary firmware in Debian. The furor over the various options proposed by project secretary Manoj Srivestava had culminated last month in his resignation. Bdale Garbee, in his role as acting secretary, was the bringer of good news: the voting developers decided on Option 5, "Assume blobs [microcode driving hardware components] comply with GPL unless proven otherwise." Garbee's announcement goes into specifics about what this means.
Even so, many developers have requested further clarity. As Garbee writes, "[Debian project leader] Steve [McIntyre] and I have discussed it, and we think it's pretty clear. This result means that the Debian Lenny release can proceed as the release team has intended, with the kernel packages currently in the archive."
The complete General Resolution results are summarized here.
Issue 158/2014
Buy this issue as a PDF
Digital Issue: Price $9.99
(incl. VAT)
Tag Cloud
New Mint Minted
Version 16 of the popular Linux desktop reveals new tools, edge-snapping, and performance improvements.
New Worm Attacks Linux Devices
Symantec says Linux-Darlioz burrows in through PHP.
Project Sputnik Gets a Boost
Dell renews its quest for the ultimate developer machine.
Sneaky New Linux Attack Discovered in the Wild
Innovative back door looks like normal SSH traffic.
CeBIT Call for Papers
One of CeBITs most successful forums opens the new year with a new name. The popular Open Source Forum continues in 2014 under the name Special Conference: Open Source. This year, the forum will be bigger and offer a wider range of possibilities for sponsors.
Linus Announces Linux Kernel 3.12
New release offers better graphics drivers and expands filesystem support.
Dark Alliance Reinvents Email Security
New mail protocol will shut out the NSA and prevent snooping on metadata.
DDos Attack Map Charts Denial of Service
A new web application helps users visualize distributed denial-of-service attacks.
Saucy Salamander Gets Legs
Ubuntu 13.10 takes a step toward convergence, with lots of mobility, but Mir only partly here.
Intel and Arduino Create Pi-Like System
Galileo board is targeted to embedded developers and educational institutions.


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There are no user reviews for this movie. Be the first to review this movie!
Ahmadpie786 @BellaAngel93 ahahahahah i saw life of pi today n the whale reminded me of u.... Ahahahahah
1 days ago.
Hannyingg Life of pi is way too good, it's like the only movie I have watched that moved me I cried.
feemeonn Just watched Life of Pi for the third time in 2days
sarahatirah_ life of pi was a good movie
laurarogers24 Finished my book, it was soooo goood #Lifeofpi
Exclusive Cast Interviews Director Ang Lee talks about adapting the book into a 3D film while star Suraj Sharman talks about taking on the role and Lee as his mentor. More Films on Fandango's Award Watch An inside look at Hollywood's race to the Oscars!


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- Company Address/Location:
- 5178 Wheelis Dr Ste 8, Memphis, TN 38117
- Services:
- Real Estate Listings
Thanks for writing a review! You can view it below...
Thanks for writing a review! You can view it below...
Incognito Custom Closets was started in Memphis, in 1994 (by a couple of Memphians), and since then has served both the residential and commercial needs of the community. From custom closet to organizational business solutions, Incognito Custom Closets does what it can to help organize and de-clutter the best of the Bluff City. The company has recently decided to take what we know to the masses—through the internet. The company's blog, written by "Closet Blogger" is a corporate blog with a personal touch. It is a weekly blog (with daily social media updates) that give organizational tips and tricks that everyone can use.
Whether you need a family or divorce attorney to help resolve emotionally charged conflicts with family members or a business attorney to draw up effective contracts, the skilled attorneys of Breakstone & Associates can help.


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Disclosure: This is a sponsored post. *My family and I received a box of school supplies from Elmer's.
We did not receive any additional compensation to write this post.*
My lovely friends over at Elmer's were generous enough to send me and the girls
some back to school supplies to get us off to the right start for this school year!
Good news for you my lovely Pink and Green Mama readers...
Elmer's is giving away a
Back to School Prize kit to one of my readers!
The kit will include:
- The all-new Elmer's X-TREME School Glue Stick
- Small foam tri-fold
- Project Popperz
- Mini bi-fold foam
- Disappearing purple glue sticks
- Gel school glue sticks
- School glue
- School glue dual tip pen
(love this for Science Fair posters!)
Comments are now closed for this giveaway.
Elmer's is embarking on a new partnership to help children in need get essential school supplies this back-to-school season through the Kids In Need Foundation, a national, non-profit organization dedicated to providing free school supplies to economically disadvantaged school children and under-funded teachers.
Good Luck!
pink and green mama, MaryLea
Help Elmer's Help Kids in Need!
Millions of kids go without school supplies every year.
Millions of kids go without school supplies every year.
Elmer's is partnering with the Kids In Need Foundation
to provide essential school supplies to students who need them the most.
For every "like" on the Elmer's Facebook page <http://www.facebook.com/elmers> through Sept. 1,
the company will donate one Elmer's product.
Plus, they will make an additional donation
for every unique view the video receives on the Elmer's Kids In Need tab.
With just one click, you will help a child in need!
*My family and I received a box of school supplies from Elmer's.
We did not receive any additional compensation to write this post.*


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Two days after Islamist militants abducted an undetermined number of hostages -- including Westerners -- at a gas plant in a remote section of Algeria, "ongoing activity at various locations" was continuing, a British official said Friday.
It was not clear whether that activity represented "mopping up and checking" or "something more active" being carried out by Algerian forces against the abductors, the official told CNN.
Algerian forces launched their operation upon noticing the hostages being moved toward "a neighboring country," where kidnappers could use them "as a means of blackmail with criminal intent," Algerian Communications Minister Mohamed Said told state television on Thursday.
The British official said there was a "significant" number of British victims and others were unaccounted for.
British Foreign Secretary William Hague was to release more information Friday from Australia, and a parliamentary statement will be issued, the official said.
The official's account was in line with Prime Minister David Cameron's warning of "bad news ahead" issued late Thursday
Algerian troops fired on at least two SUVs trying to leave the kidnapping site, Algerian radio said, citing local sources. And an Algerian reporter saw clashes near the site, the Algerian Press Service and radio reports said.
"There were a number of dead and injured, we don't have a final figure," Said reported.
Earlier, Algeria's state media reported that all Algerian nationals who had been held hostage were free: some had fled, while others were released. The hostages still detained are foreigners, Algerian Interior Minister Dahou Ould Kablia said.
In addition to the hundreds of freed workers, 30 Algerian workers escaped and were picked up by helicopters, the APS report said.
Nearly 600 workers and four foreign nationals -- two Scots, a Kenyan and a French citizen -- were free by late Thursday after the Algerian military operation, the state-run Algerian Press Service reported.
But some hostages were still presumably being held. "It is a fluid situation, it is ongoing," Cameron told the Reuters news agency. "I think we should be prepared for the possibility of further bad news, very difficult news, in this extremely difficult situation."
The Algerian military operation led to numerous casualties and was over by Thursday evening, the Algerian Press Service said.
But U.S. and British officials predicted it would resume Friday during the day.
"There are still hostages, and there are still terrorists," a senior U.S. official said. "So tomorrow is another day."
Two people -- an Algerian and British national -- died Wednesday when the Islamist militants attacked, the same news agency said.
The Algerians and foreign workers were taken hostage early Wednesday in an assault carried out apparently in response to France's offensive in neighboring Mali. The gas field is 60 kilometers (40 miles) west of the Libyan border and 1,300 kilometers (about 800 miles) from the Algerian capital, Algiers.
The kidnappers were equipped with AK-47 rifles and put explosives-laden vests on some of the hostages, a U.S. State Department official said.
On Wednesday, the attackers had put the number of hostages at "more than 40," including seven Americans, two French, two British and other Europeans. Another Islamist group told the Mauritanian News Agency there were 41 "Westerners."
The APS, though, reported that slightly more than 20 foreign nationals were being held.
Officials from Norway, the United States, Japan and Britain said some of their nationals were among the hostages.
Three workers for a Japanese engineering company that was working on the site had been contacted and were safe, said Takeshi Endo, a senior manager for JGC Corp. But the company had not been able to contact 14 others, he said.
"There is so much conflicting information on safety of the hostages," Chief Cabinet Secretary Yoshihide Suga told reporters in Tokyo. "Safety of 14 Japanese citizens still remains unknown."
He said Japanese officials had urged the Algerian government to avoid exposing the hostages to danger. "We are terribly disappointed about the Algerian's military operation," he said.
Nine Norwegian employees of Statoil were unaccounted for, while five Norwegian nationals -- as well as three Algerians -- who work for the company were safe, the company said in a statement.


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Dying Fetus
Killing On Adrenaline
It is not too often that I come across a band within my musical tastes that consumes me with their lyrical content. Politics and "societal ills" are usually at the end of my list as far as interesting topics go, but Dying Fetus has set themselves apart from the majority of death-grind-core bands in the lyrical content aspect of their songs, not to mention the flat out awesomeness of the music that carries their words. Fetus has a brand of music all their own. They successfully combine catchy structure w/ punishing double bass blast beats, head bopping power grooves, gutteral low end vocals, and strategic guitar solos to "berth" an album that packs a pretty powerful punch. I am continually amazed EVERY time I listen to this album (quite often) at the ability of guitarists John Gallagher and Brian Latta's ability to manipulate natural and artificial harmonics into twisted pig-squeals and interesting "whistles". Combine these with slow, grinding, groove-oriented breakdowns and sudden tempo changes, and you have a recipe for mandatory moshing......straight from Grandma Fetus' cookbook. Ex-Political science major Jason Netherton has a knack for combining intelligent lyrics with gutteral belching vocals and mid-range "Phil Anselmo-esque" shouting, very similar to your local foundry's blast furnace. Some songs, however, just consist of testosterone-driven urges to use nu-metal punks as punching bags. He makes it a pleasant process from the beginning of the song to the very end. Overall, this is a GREAT album, and one that gets alot of rotation in my cd player. The production is good, but it is a little too much on the "bassey" side. A quick adjustment of the "bass" control knob will prove a remedy to this problem. Nearly every song on this album presents a musical surprise here and there.......check it out and you will know what I mean.
Dying FetusReign Supreme
6/19/2012 Dying Fetus
History Repeats...
7/19/2011 Dying Fetus
War of Attrition
3/6/2007 Dying Fetus
Stop At Nothing