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Can Diabetics Have Sweet And Low
can diabetics have sweet and low. Understand can diabetics have sweet and low, warning signs, symptoms, diagnosis, and treatment options. New potential method of can diabetics have sweet and low. Management of can diabetics have sweet and low. Desire to of diabetes treatment is always to stop you in addition to possible, and reduce the chance of damage. A Cure for Type 2 Diabetes? A current study suggests there could be an improved treatment for one of many world's most frequent diseases.
Online Made Easy: Follow These Tips
In today's global market|the global market of today}, the world wide web is a essential part of the strategies of almost any successful small business these strategies of almost any business that is successful any successful any business' strategies. The ideas and information contained within this article will help you understand, even understand if you're only a beginner. {As your confidence in Internet grows, You can start {implementing more complicated strategies as your confidence in Web develops, as your confidence in Internet grows. You should start implementing strategies that are more complicated, as your confidence in Internet grows|You can start implementing strategies that are more complex. As your confidence in Internet develops, you should start implementing strategies that are more complex.
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{Use real life acquaintances to gain online subscribers. Tell family, your friends and anyone you know, that you've got a site and that you would love for them to {check it take a look and for them to let others understand. Can Uncontrolled Diabetes Cause Pancreatitis Some of the greatest and most prosperous companies today began with a small group of determined people.
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Although Internet advertising can seem tricky, it uses many ideas from traditional advertising and strategies|It uses {ideas from conventional strategies, Though Internet advertising can seem catchy|It uses many ideas although Internet can seem tricky! Use what you learned from this article and look for more Internet tips before you launch your online business.
A Brief Guide To On The Internet
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Have a day away. Internet can really consume your entire day, as you're sitting in front of the computer|Since you're sitting in front of the pc, internet can really easily consume your whole day|As you're sitting in the front of the computer internet can very easily consume your entire day. This can cause you to be tired, irritable and someone who is not good to be around. Just take some time to exercise or clear your mind and you're going to return to work, well-rested and invigorated.
To promote what you are promoting, write a review of the goods. Be sure to use the name of the product and the word review on your title. People searching for the key word'review' will locate your web page and odds are they are thinking about purchasing the item, if they {were searching for a review.
To target your audience you should track where every single trip came out, and in which the individual ended up if they clicked on an ad and purchased a product. You can achieve this thanks to visitors tracking tools easily. This permits you to see what directs people to your website.
When designing a site to advertise a product or service online, add a tools section. Adding a resources department attracts potential clients to your site customers by increasing your search engine rank. It also usually means that viewers of your website are more likely to return to see those resources, and might end up buying your product.
When advertising your products and services on the internet, always world wide web respond to e-mails out of clients and respond to {them quickly. Should they complain about a error, fix it. If there is a connection is there is that is broken is get that fixed fast. Always react in a professional and personal manner. Don't argue with the customer. Building customer relationships is important, even.
Contain a website banner which contains your mission statement or slogan, or maybe both slogan or your mission statement, or maybe both or slogan, or maybe your assignment statement. This will allow people know precisely who you are and help them to remember you. A banner is a superb way to highlight your business.
If your customer base is around the world wide web and you would like to reach out to them stay in constant contact. However, do not be overly burdensome either. Send out emails on a regular basis emails on a regular basis out reminding them of service or your product, or even of new specials. This should make certain you keep your existing clientele and could quite may possibly help you expand your clientele.
One method for increasing your website's exposure is to include the URL to the Open Directory Project at. Submissions are evaluated for quality, however if your site is approved, it'll be part of a huge, comprehensive human-edited Web directory and be listed in Google's index, opening the doorway to a whole new audience of potential clients.
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Ensure that the colours you use on your website that do not make it hard for users to find navigation links. If your website is in black but your navigation links are in blue users may not find them and that will mean less time they will spend on your website.
Don't expect {visitors to buy items to be bought by visitors, convince them to! You can not just post a list of the products you want for Christmas and hope that your customers will blindly agree and purchase them. You need to write an explanation of why you want each item, detail its usage, include a photo, and mention.
Keeping up with your competitors is another important aspect of Internet . You have to be current with what your opponents are doing. There's a great deal is which you can get from watching others. And perhaps above all, find out from other people's mistakes so that you do not make them yourself!
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You've now spent some time reading about search tips studying. Some of them you probably already knew, though some may have been new to you. Hopefully you found these tips helpful and will be able to save time searching and more time working on your strategies utilizing the web.


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Released by EMI in 2007, The Hollies - The Dutch Collection is a CD/DVD import from Holland. The audio half of this set is the usual collection of hits, from "Here I Go Again" to "The Air That I Breathe," plus (for some unfathomable reason) the band's shameful attempt at disco, "Wiggle That Wotsit." It's the other disc that serves up something Hollies fans have been praying for years: An official visual documentation of the band's career, including live performances, TV appearances, interviews, and what amount to rock videos years before the dawn of MTV.
When I talked to Hollies guitarist-vocalist Terry Sylvester at the Fest For Beatles Fans in Chicago a few years back, I mentioned The Dutch Collection and he agreed it was great that this material was finally being made available. Unfortunately, the DVD is in the PAL format, so it's not compatible with many players in the U.S. I have a portable model by Insignia that does accept PAL, but I'd love to see The Dutch Collection on a big screen.
Surprisingly, The Hollies were making promotional films for their songs as early as 1965, as evidenced by the clip for "I Can't Let Go," which shows the musicians lip-synching on a dock that presumably overlooks The Thames. "Stop Stop Stop" gives the lads a chance to engage in some Beatlesque silliness as they hang out in a local pub, tossing darts and downing pints. The best part is guitarist Tony Hicks winding up the key on top of a limo shortly before the band is driven away. The antics are reminiscent of The Monkees, but it's quite possible this clip pre-dates that TV show.
I remember seeing a clip for "Carrie Anne" on a local UHF TV show hosted by WLS DJ Art Roberts back in 1967, and I had been trying to find a copy of it for years. It's on The Dutch Collection, and it's just as wacky as I remembered. Graham Nash frolics in an open field wearing a kaftan, bassist Bernie Calvert wakes up by a pool surrounded by beautiful women, and lead vocalist Allan Clarke dresses up as cowboy and shoots his doppelganger in a duel. The clip for "Dear Eloise," which was filmed outdoors around a gazebo, is more straight forward. When I interviewed Nash for the Illinois Entertainer (see Archives, December 2009) he acknowledged that it was unusual for bands back then to create rock videos. He explained that The Hollies had no real say in the creative aspect of these clips; they pretty much did as they were told.
Two of the clips, "On A Carousel," and the much later "Magic Woman Touch," featuring Clarke's short-term replacement Mikael Rikfors, offer an interesting peek at The Hollies at work in the recording studio. By far, the worst clip is the one for "Blowin' In The Wind," which mixes footage of the band lip-synching the Dylan tune with footage of a what looks like a guy and his girlfriend making an amateur porn film. Nothing explicit, but very cheesy in way that would have been funny as a Monty Python's Flying Circus bit. In fact, Monty Python did do something quite similar.
The Dutch Collection also offers a few short, vintage interviews conducted in Holland with band members at various point in the 1960s, as well as an appearance by Hicks and Sylvester on a 1970s English TV show. The disc is more interesting early on, with The Hollies appearing on Top Of The Pops and at a New Musical Express sponsored event. Later TV performances of songs like "Hey Willy," "The Day That Curly Billy Shot Down Crazy Sam McGee," and "Daddy Don't Mind" only illustrate how lackluster the band's material could be in the late 1970s.
The reunion of Nash, Clarke, Hicks, drummer Bobby Elliott, and original bassist Eric Haydock singing the hits medley "Holliedaze" on Top Of The Pops in the early 1980s, ends The Dutch Collection on a happy note.

subset: commoncrawl


text: e9rkzkjdlsc-fabian-oelkers February 5, 2017 Leave a Comment Written by Hughie Devore Hello, I'm Hughie! I'm a senior software developer and when I'm coding in my free time I'm usually contributing to the open-source WPGraphQL WordPress plugin, building my GraphQL/Apollo financial planning software or helping maintain friends WordPress sites and contributing to other's Javascript apps. When I'm not coding, I can usually be found reading, playing music, hiking, biking, snowboarding, backpacking, hunting or doing one of the many other things else that helps me decompress and grow. Previous Story e9rkzkjdlsc-fabian-oelkers No Comments Leave a Reply Cancel ReplyName * Email * Website Notify me of new posts by email.


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Judge rules for families in Gillette drinking deaths
Two women killed after tailgating in parking lot
A lawsuit stemming from the deaths of two women who had been drinking in a Gillette Stadium parking lot can go to trial, a judge ruled Friday
The Kraft companies in charge of parking and security at Gillette stadium have a duty to reasonable care of the patrons on their premises, including when the patrons are engaged in risky and illegal activity that contributes to injury or death.
That was the ruling of Norfolk County Superior Court Judge Patrick Brady in the deaths of Debra Davis, 20, and Alexa Latteo, 19. The women were ordered off the Gillette stadium property five hours after they had been drinking heavily in the parking lot outside the Country Music Festival in 2008.
The ruling from Brady means that a jury will have a chance to decide if the Kraft companies are legally responsible in the deaths and injuries of the women.
An attorney for the defendants had argued that Davis, Latteo, and a third person, Nina Houlihan, 20, were engaged in criminal activity and trespassing because they did not have tickets for the festival. Signs are posted at Gillette stadium that only patrons with tickets are allowed in the parking lots, the attorneys argued.
After the concert was under way, the three women left the parking lot, got into Latteo's car and crashed into a tree. Only Houlihan survived.
Brady ruled it was entirely foreseeable that teenagers with no intentions of entering the concert would engage in excessive drinking on the premises. He added that Gillette security did not adequately check patrons in the parking lot for tickets or adequately patrol the lot for underage and excessive drinking.
When contacted, the defendants had no comment on the ruling.


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Invariably, we lead lives of almost constant comparison. Our most recent drive to work was much better/worse than yesterday's. The last episode of Game of Thrones was way gorier/hotter than last week's. Taylor's boyfriend this week is, like, totally hotter/more sensitive than last week's.
So in the spirit of the inevitable, the focus of a number of upcoming posts here will focus on what it's like living in Montreal (and Canada in general) versus Amsterdam (and Europe in general).
Today, we're starting off on a bit of a downer note for those on the Canada side of the ledger. It has to do with rampant, almost out of control patriotism and jingoism.
Admittedly, I've arrived just before the Olympics, where the volume on national pride in most countries is turned all the way up.
But still, if national backslapping and synchronized self-congratulation were Olympic sports, Canada would take gold, silver and bronze.
TV ads running non-stop during the past two weeks say things like "The World Needs More Canada" (Air Canada), with Molson Canadian beer and Royal Bank expressing similar hubris. Barf.
A recent New York Times piece on Canada's welcoming of Syrian refugees mentions the amount of sharing on social media that volunteers are doing, as they express the sheer awesomeness of their own volunteering.
|Flags Gone Wild
Driving around town these first few weeks, I've seen more flags on cars (note - this is also pre-Oympics) than I saw in six years in Holland. I don't know even know if they exist in Europe, these mobile symbols of chest-thumpery.
And well before my return to the motherland, I realized on my travels that Canadians are the only ones sewing their flags on their backpacks as they travel the world. No overt harm in this of course - but it looks like a cry for attention cloaked in national pride that seems unseemly. I doubt the flagless Italian or Kiwi backpackers are any less proud of their countries - they just don't need to shout it from the rooftops.
It's one thing to be with a great friend. It might get a tad annoying if that friend keeps saying "wow, aren't I great?"


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Excl. VAT and delivery costs
VAT free explained*.*1
Our VAT free* events
We love to treat our customers by holding VAT free events over the course of the year. For more information on how VAT free discounts are calculated, delivery options and any terms and conditions that may affect your order, please read below.
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For example, if you order an item costing £100.00 excl. VAT, the total you would normally pay is £120.00 including VAT. When we run a VAT free promotion, we discount the price of the item to £83.33. Then, when we add VAT the total you pay is £100.00, which would be the original price excl. VAT.
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In some cases, the discount and VAT amount do not match. A likely reason for this will be that your basket contains items exempt from the VAT free* promotion, for example: REM or student kits.
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The VAT free* discount is deducted from your order subtotal before the VAT is applied, so if your order subtotal is £50.00, it will be taken down to £41.67 which then disqualifies you from free delivery. To ensure you receive free delivery over the VAT free* event, your order subtotal must be over £60.00.
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*VAT free promotions cannot be used in conjunction with any other promotion. It excludes existing discounted products, multi-buy deals, customers with special terms, REM, student kits and Academy courses. We reserve the right to exclude any brand from promotion without prior notice.
VAT is still applied to the order at the current rate but the discount applied is equivalent to not paying VAT. If you are a VAT registered salon you can still reclaim your VAT.
Adjuster and corrector pack.
- Silicone based formula ensures the ultimate natural finish
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- Only a light application necessary
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- Dark golden rod
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Please note, to qualify for finance and leasing solutions, your order should reach a minimum spend of £1000 on equipment/furniture.


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In the moment, Newtown�s children became our own.
Staring at photographs of their freckled faces, hair tucked into barrettes and baseball caps, a country divided by politics, geography, race, class and belief was united in mourning. And as their deaths confronted Americans with vexing questions about guns and violence, there were calls to turn that shared grief into a collective search for answers.
�These tragedies must end,� President Barack Obama said, two nights after the mass shooting left 20 first-graders and six educators dead. �And to end them, we must change.�
Now, a year has passed. But the unity born of tragedy has given way to ambivalence and deepened division.
Striking discord
Today, half of Americans say the country needs stricter gun laws � down since spiking last December, but higher than two years ago. And the ranks of those who want easier access to guns � though far fewer than those who support expanding gun control � are now at their highest level since Gallup began asking the question in 1990. Even when the public found some common ground, widely supporting expanded background checks for gun purchases, lawmakers could not agree.
In our towns, in our neighborhoods, the discord is striking.
In Webster, N.Y. � where two firefighters were shot and killed last Christmas Eve � an advocate of gun control is discouraged by the hostile response to his effort to get people to rethink old attitudes. In Nelson, Ga., each of two men who took opposite sides in the debate over a local law requiring everyone to own a gun says the other side won�t listen to reason. In Newtown, itself, a gun owner says the rush to bring the town together has left people like him marginalized.
People are digging in
�I wish people could come to a table and say we all want the same thing. We want our kids to be safe. Now how are we going to do that?� says Carla Barzetti of Newtown, who backs her husband�s support of firearms ownership, yet feels personally uncomfortable around guns. �I don�t think the grown-ups are setting a very good example.�
Unique requirement
With 1,300 people in Nelson and so little crime that officials have debated whether it needs a full-time police officer, the north Georgia town was an unlikely flashpoint for the gun debate.
Then Bill McNiff, a retired accountant and local tea party activist, suggested to councilman Duane Cronic that the town should have a law requiring everyone to own a gun. By the time council members unanimously approved, news cameras jockeyed for position in the chambers.
The spotlight didn�t last. After the Brady Center to Prevent Gun Violence sued the town in support of Lamar Kellett, the law�s most vocal critic, the council agreed in late August to revise the measure to make clear that gun ownership is a choice and that a requirement could not be enforced.
But the disagreements that breached the small-town quiet haven�t gone away. Instead, they�ve added to tensions on a wooded bend in Laurel Lake Drive, where McNiff and Kellett live two doors apart. Coming and going, they�re apt to pass Cronic, the councilman, who lives in the house between them. Edith Portillo, a councilwoman who also backed the ordinance, lives across the street.
�He�s my neighbor and he knows my feelings,� McNiff says of Kellett. �We go to city council meetings regularly and I see him there. I chat with him and we see our neighbors, there�s conversation ... or as I�m prone to say, he�s an idiot, so I just put up with him.�
Asked about his neighbor, Kellett declines to use McNiff�s name or give credence to his argument.
Mixed victory
Most people in this old marble quarrying center � itself named for a long-ago farmer and rifle maker � believe in a right to own guns, McNiff and Kellett agree. But Nelson�s gradual redevelopment as an outlying bedroom community for metro Atlanta has drawn families with different attitudes, they say. Each sees the outcome of Nelson�s debate as a mix of victory and disappointment.
McNiff says the ordinance declares values ignored by gun control advocates in big cities.
�They don�t go through and say I need a rifle, I need a gun because I have 55 acres and occasionally a coyote walks through,� he says. Critics �looked at (Nelson�s law) from their ideological point of view, which is that they�re anti-gun. They didn�t look at it from the point of view that we wanted to prevent the government� from taking away people�s guns.
Kellett, meanwhile, says the outcome did little to reshape a debate that leaves many people cowed into keeping quiet.
As in many other civic discussions, �a small percentage of the people make a lot of the noise,� he says.
�I talked to people who had not owned a gun in 50 years and didn�t intend to get one and I talked to people who had always had a gun forever. ... That�s why I didn�t want the city of Nelson to be blown out of proportion, like we�re some sort of an armed camp.�
Walking the centerline
More than 20 years ago, Frank Higgins delved into the debate over guns by trying to thread the middle.
After a former University of Iowa graduate student shot and killed four faculty members and a rival student in 1991 before killing himself, a local theater company hired Higgins to write a play about guns. He devised a series of vignettes populated by characters with clashing views.
When �Gunplay� opened in 1993, a few gun rights activists protested outside. The director invited them in to talk; they approved of some scenes and disapproved of others, he says. The company spent a year staging the play around Iowa, mostly in small towns, where audiences were largely receptive.
After that, though, Higgins� play drew little interest. He recalls that a Florida director wanted to produce it and take it to local schools. A year earlier she�d done the same thing with a play about AIDS. But school board members deemed the gun play too incendiary.
After Newtown, though, the Kansas City, Mo., resident got a call from a friend in Boston who wanted to stage a reading. The play�s renewed relevance led to a call from The Kansas City Star, which ran a story in its arts section in late April.
By 9 a.m. that Saturday, Higgins� home phone started ringing. Over the next couple of hours, he answered a dozen calls, all about the play.
Half and half
�About half the people who read this article ripped me to pieces because the play should be fervently anti-gun ... and the others were exactly the opposite,� Higgins says.
Some were just �30 seconds of rant and hanging up,� Higgins says. Others were longer, including one from a woman who told him her husband had been shot to death a few years earlier during a mugging.
Higgins� number is listed. But none of his plays � including �Gunplay� � had ever prompted strangers to look him up. Something has changed.
�It seems as if part of what Newtown did is that there�s a greater sense of �we�re not going to back down, we�re going to speak out more.� So what does that do? It just amps it up more.�
At the end of Higgins� play, as many 10 actors take the stage, all talking over each other, until the debate is cut by a single gunshot. It was supposed to be a dramatization. Now, though, Higgins has to wonder.
Controversial billboard
Paul Libera went to college on the money his state-trooper dad earned in the gun-and-fishing-tackle store he ran on the side. Libera was �raised with guns under my bed and in my closet and with bird shot coming out of the food we were eating,� he says. He grew up duck hunting on Lake Ontario.
When Libera moved away from upstate New York, he also left behind his father�s love for guns. But the lake eventually drew Libera back. Each summer he gathered area kids for a water skiing camp at a friend�s yard on the waterfront in Webster.
That peace was broken early last Dec. 24 when an ex-con, William Spengler, set his own house on fire and sprayed gunfire at responding firefighters, killing Michael Chiapperini and Tomasz Kaczowka. The blaze destroyed seven homes, including the one where Libera�s campers met.
Webster grieved. But to Libera, that wasn�t enough.
In January, he spent $600 for an 8-foot-wide sign, lettered in red, and planted it in the frozen ground next door to the site of the ambush.
�How many deaths will it take �til we know too many people have died?� the sign asked.
Soon after, he heard that the message had sparked a week of class discussion at the local high school.
�It made me feel really grateful that there was intellectual dialogue going on,� he says.
Harsh criticism
But when a photo of the sign was posted to a Facebook page honoring the firefighters, it drew more than 70 comments, many critical. There were those who said the sign was �repulsive,� that it politicized the firefighters� deaths. Officials told him the sign had to be removed because he lacked a permit; he took it down in the spring.
Meanwhile, signs sprouted in some yards demanding repeal of the new state gun control law pushed through by Gov. Andrew Cuomo. And in October, American Tactical Imports, a firearms importer and manufacturer based in nearby Chili, announced it was moving to South Carolina, a �state that is friendly to the Second Amendment rights of the people.�
The pro-gun response discouraged Libera, who worried fighting to keep his sign up would distract from its message and the memory of the firefighters. And he was troubled when parents of some of the children he instructs, not knowing he was responsible for the sign, remarked that its message was so horrible they avoided driving by.
�I think they just want to shut it out and pretend it didn�t happen and hope it goes away,� he says.
Earlier worries
Newtown�s conversation about guns began six months before the attack at Sandy Hook Elementary.
It started around the time Andrea Ondak, a translator who shares a home in town with husband, Jim, wrote local officials about prolonged gunfire by target shooters at a farm next door. She was not alone � from mid-2010 until August 2012, Newtown police fielded 85 complaints about gunfire.
The Police Commission crafted an ordinance restricting hours and locations of target shooting. But at a hearing in August 2012, about 60 gun owners criticized the proposal as a breach of Second Amendment rights. Jim Ondak was the only one who rose to support it.
�As a result of the pressure ... the Legislative Council just really allowed the thing to die on the on the vine,� says Joel Faxon, a Police Commission member, lawyer and gun owner who drew up the measure. �The lead from a high-velocity round from a rifle can travel miles. I�m not talking a slingshot. So it had to be addressed.�
Adam Lanza�s rampage � and the grief it unleashed � changed everything. Now there was incentive �to say you need to stand up and do the right thing about this,� says Eric Poupon, who formed Parents for a Safer Newtown to push for limits on target shooting.
That led to a tense new round of hearings, with people on both sides reminded to let opponents speak without interruption and to direct comments to the council rather than each other.
Gun owners described target shooting as a prized tradition in their rural community. Opponents noted that Newtown is no longer so rural; the population has grown 45 percent since 1980.
Finally, council members approved a law in September limiting target shooting to four hours and requiring gun owners to call police beforehand. But they dropped a requirement that such shooting take place at least 2,000 feet from another home, letting stand the current 500-foot limit.
Troubling revelations
Poupon said he hears fewer shots and thinks maybe people have decided on their own to reign in shooting. But people on both sides are troubled by what the debate revealed.
The intensity of gun owners� opposition and the pressure they put on local officials �was a real wakeup call,� Andrea Ondak says.
Meanwhile, Dave Barzetti, a welder and target shooter who lives less than a mile from the Ondaks, says the debate reflects troubling changes. He says since Sandy Hook, officials are determined to build more facilities and offer more programs. It�s a big-government approach to bringing Newtown together, he says, and he feels the target shooting ordinance is part of it.
�I think there was a sense of urgency to bring the town together, to coalesce,� says Barzetti, a father of two. �They�re pushing an agenda that�s dividing the town and certain people are leaving and I�m going to be one of them.�
His wife, Carla, says the family built their dream home on 18 acres here. But a large tax hike, compounded by the divide over guns, convinced them they no longer belong. In September, they bought 150 acres in Tennessee.
Recalling Newtown as it was, before last Dec. 14, she starts to cry.
�It still had people who were nice to each other, working together and no one was talking about guns,� she says. �Then (the attack) happened and it became either you have guns or you don�t have guns.�


text:
WHEN I returned to New York in 1906 after resigning from the Consular Service, I had a definite plan worked out in my mind for my future. I wanted first to complete my education, get admitted to the bar, and then enter public service.
On my return to New York, I found it hard to get a job. The experience I had gained abroad was of little value in connection with available jobs in the United States. I soon realized that I would have to start at the very bottom of the ladder. I got a temporary job with the Society for the Prevention of Cruelty to Children, translating parts of the French penal code pertaining to children. This paid me $10 a week. Then I got a job with a steamship company at $15 a week. I found that if I learned stenography I could earn more money. An ad in the newspapers offered a complete course in stenography for $7.50 at the Pratt School. I paid my $7.50 and at the end of six weeks got a job as stenographer with Abercrombie & Fitch, where I received $20 a week, which was considered good pay in those days.
In the meantime I had taken the United States Civil Service examination for interpreter at Ellis Island, Robert Watchhorn was then Commissioner of Immigration in New York. He was most helpful to me. Because I knew Croatian as well as Italian and German, my name was placed high on the eligible list, and soon Mr. Watchhorn was able to assign me to an interpreter's job at Ellis Island at $1200 a year. This enabled me to go through law school in night classes relatively free from economic worries.
On applying for entrance to New York University Law School I learned, much to my chagrin, that the certificates I had from the Arizona schools were not satisfactory to the Regents of the State of New York. I was therefore required to take Regents' examinations for the equivalent of pre-law school courses, and I had to do some boning. In one group of examinations I made all the points needed except four, and completed those the next term. The New York Preparatory School, which I entered for the purpose of studying for Regents' examinations, poured the stuff into us as fast as any individual could absorb it. My stay in Europe had not been entirely wasted, for besides my knowledge of languages, the general reading I had done in history came in handy.
I entered New York University Law School in 1907, taking my courses in the evening after my full day's work over on Ellis Island. The work on the Island was difficult and strenuous. For two years we worked seven days a week, for immigration was very heavy at this time. All of us were glad, however, to have the jobs, despite the long hours and tiring tasks. Immigrants were pouring in at the average rate of 5000 a day, and it was a constant grind from the moment we got into our uniforms early in the morning until the last minute before we left on the 5.30 boat in the evening.
Under the Immigration Law, contract laborers who have been induced, assisted, encouraged, or solicited to migrate to this country by offers or promises of employment are excluded. The application of the contract labor provision of the law during my day in the Immigration Service was anything but uniform. Some of the inspectors were clever about questioning the immigrants and trapping them into admitting that they had offers or promises of jobs.
It is a puzzling fact that one provision of the Immigration Law excludes any immigrant who has no job and classifies him as likely to become a public charge, while another provision excludes an immigrant if he has a job! Common sense suggested that any immigrant who came into the United States in those days, to settle here permanently, surely came here to work. However, under the law, he could not have any more than a vague hope of a job. In answering the inspectors' questions, immigrants had to be very careful, because if their expectations were too enthusiastic, they might be held as coming in violation of the contract labor provision. Yet, if they were too indefinite, if they knew nobody, had no idea where they were going to get jobs, they might be excluded as likely to become public charges. Most of the inspectors were conscientious and fair. Sometimes, I felt, large batches of those held and deported as violating the contract labor provision were, perhaps, only borderline cases and had no more than the assurance from relatives or former townsmen of jobs on their arrival.
While the application and interpretation of the contract labor law might seem on the surface to be extreme, even illogical, the history of immigrant labor in this country fully justified such a law. Before its enactment in the eighties, our country went through a period of exploitation of labor which is one of the most sordid and blackest pictures in our entire history. The railroads and our young industries were built by exploited immigrant labor brought here under contract. They were built with the blood and tears and sweat of underpaid, ignorant immigrants. The padrone system flourished for more than twenty-five years before it was weakened by our immigration laws. For some twenty years thereafter, the padrone system continued to operate in a milder form but in just as cruel and greedy a manner, and with just as disastrous results for the poor ignorant immigrants who were subjected to it. Though we have outlived systematized exploitation of labor, the contract labor provision still serves a useful preventive purpose.
Shipload after shipload of immigrants was brought into this country by contractors, or padrones, who had already made contracts with the railroads and other large corporations for their services. The wages, at best, were disgracefully low. In the eighteen-nineties these wages averaged $1.25 to $1.50 a day. The padrone was paid by the corporation. In addition to the low wages he paid the laborers, he took a rake-off from their meager daily earnings. In addition to that, be gave the immigrants board, for which he often made exorbitant charges, deducted, too, from their small pay. Often he had a company store as well, in which he sold them supplies at excessive prices. How they ever managed to save enough to send for their families is a wonder. The twelve-hour day was not unusual, and the seven-day week was common.
The parents of some of our splendid citizens went through a life of hardship and sacrifice. It is no wonder that so many of their children have made valuable contributions to American life, for they valued what they and their parents got after such effort. It annoys me greatly whenever I hear thoughtless people, often raised the easy way, who have never known any of the hardships these immigrant families endured every day, hurl insults at American citizens who have in many cases contributed much more to the welfare of this nation than those who turn their noses up at them. Look around you in any part of this country: the immigrants have contributed more than their share to building its power and its wealth.
The time is not distant when our country will want more immigrants. Within a few years there will be great need for more unskilled workers, domestic help, and manual laborers. Perhaps we shall have to work out a system of seasonal immigration for some workers. Before long there will be a shortage of labor in our coal mines, and these immigrants will have to be permanent residents. I hope that we shall learn from our past experience and build staffs of understanding, considerate men and women interpreting a careful, consistent body of immigration law adequate for the new immigration we shall require.
DURING the last year of my three years' service at Ellis Island, I was assigned to the Night Court as an interpreter. This was very helpful to me, for it permitted me to take my last year's work at law school in the daytime and saved me time going back and forth to Ellis Island.
The Night Court at that time, 1910, dealt exclusively with cases of commercialized vice. The Immigration Service was interested in aliens who were engaged in such practice. I had to interview defendants brought into Night Court and to ascertain from them their place of birth, and, if they were foreign-born, the dates of their arrival. If any of them had been here less than five years, warrants were issued, and upon proper proof they were deported. I interviewed an average of thirty to forty such persons every night for a whole year.
Some of these cases were very pathetic. In this work I got a liberal education in the ways of the Police Department, experience that was very helpful to me later on. I venture to state that the suppression of commercialized vice during my administration as Mayor was more efficient than at any previous time. We just did not tolerate police corruption and were determined to wipe it out.
That some of the police were corrupt in 1910 was easy to see. It was not at all unusual for a patrol wagon full of women to draw up to the Night Court. The policemen and the victims would suddenly learn that there had been a substitution of judges. A "jail judge" was sitting instead of a "fining judge." The clamor among the girls was then great. I used to see police officers reluctantly return money to the girls. When a "fining judge" was sitting, more cases were brought into court. The grafters were thus able to maintain their record for arrests and do a thriving business.
I can still see the faces of numerous men who practiced at the bar of this Women's Night Court. To me it was clear that thin was a dirty trade. Some of the lawyers were eventually disbarred. But, surprisingly, some made good. They would take cases in those days for anything from two dollars to about twenty-five, which was usually the fee for defending a woman on the charge of "keeping and maintaining" a house of prostitution. Some of these former gentlemen of the Night Court bar in 1910 hold high office today. One whose name I recall has an important judicial post. It was strange to me then, and it is strange to me today, how these individuals could justify their way of making a living. Though the procedure has been improved since 1910, it is by no means perfect. At least, there is an opportunity today of ascertaining disease and providing for proper cure, which did not exist when I was a young interpreter.
The probation system, too, was in its infancy at that time. Though it was unorganized, it was effective, and there was not so much so-called scientific approach. However, the system was tender and humane. Miss Alice Smith was the probation officer in the Night Court in 1910. She is the mother of probation in New York City. Miss Smith sat in a side room off the courtroom. In the back of the courtroom sat the representative of the Florence Crittenton Mission.
Welfare and religious organizations did not go in for that kind of work in those days, and nothing that exists today can take the place of the kindliness, hospitality, and understanding of that Florence Crittenton League of those days. It had a little home in Bleecker Street. Young girls who were immature first offenders were turned over to Miss Luther, of the Florence Crittenton Mission Home, at the end of the court session. Miss Luther would toddle off with them. There were no guards, no locked doors in that little house in Bleecker Street. That is why the girls didn't run away. There was always a pot of coffee on the stove.
Miss Smith, the probation officer of Night Court, would get to work to find the girls jobs in the effort to rehabilitate them. No public funds were available, but Miss Smith had friends who would always provide the money for a new outfit of clothes, shoes, dental work, or whatever else the girls desperately needed before they could get respectable work.
Among the people who supplied Miss Smith with funds for this worthy cause were Jules S. Bache, John D. Rockefeller, Andrew Freedman, and Miss Kelso, who was one of the editors of Street & Smith publications.
The percentage of girls who were salvaged by this simple, humane probation work was very high. The hardened cases, the repeaters, would be the first to say to a "kid" in the station house, the patrol wagon, or the detention cell at Night Court, "Hey, kid, get out of this while you can. Tell the judge you want to talk to Miss Smith."
From my experience in the Night Court I would say that 95 per cent of such cases brought into court then were the results of economic pressure. Provided there is increasing economic security, and provided enforcement agencies keep after the professional procurers who exploit these unfortunate girls, there will be less and less commercialized vice in New York. Of the hundreds and hundreds of cases I interviewed, I do not believe that there were more than four or five above average intellect, or who had more than fifth or sixth grade schooling. The living wage now paid to many unskilled women workers is the greatest factor in reducing the number of these victims of social evil.
The White Slave Division of the Immigration Service was constantly on the alert for persons who imported immigrants for immoral purposes. Such systematized importation was pretty well broken up by the time I entered the service. It had flourished during the eighteen-nineties, but with the amendment of the Immigration Law, putting teeth in it and broadening the powers of the Immigration Service on deportation, organized importation of white slaves was rare in 1910, although there were some stray cases.
One of the Assistant United States Attorneys who prosecuted white-slave cases, and whom I got to know and remained friendly with thereafter, was a young lawyer of ability and sincerity. His name was Felix Frankfurter.
The inspector in charge of the White Slave Division of the Immigration Service was a man named Andrew Tedesco. He knew many languages, was unkempt and unprepossessing in appearance. But to Tedesco belongs most of the credit for preventing importation of white slaves from foreign countries on a systematized basis. He faced the opposition of hotels, resorts, and politicians. To all in those trades this white-slave traffic was potentially profitable. A lot of them weren't worried about how widespread the traffic became, so long as it went on quietly and did not interfere with the comfort or disturb the feelings of their other patrons, who did not know it was going on under the same roof where they were spending their holidays or leading their more respectable lives. Tedesco cleaned up the red-light district along Sixth Avenue, which was part of the notorious Tenderloin.
When I was first assigned to Night Court, Tedesco said to me: "You can get experience in this job, or you can make a great deal of money. I don't think you'll take the money. But, remember, the test is if you hesitate. Unless you say 'No!' right off, the first time an offer comes your way, you're gone."
I always remembered that bit of advice throughout my career. It is the first, instinctive reaction to dishonesty or indecency that always counts, and I have repeated Tedesco's advice to many men entering public service where they are subject to temptation.
I profited greatly by my studies at New York University Law School. I had plenty of incentive to study law rather than merely to cram for a bar examination as many of my classmates were doing. It seemed to me then, as it has ever since, that too many lawyers were being turned out like so many sausages every year. It was obvious that many of the young men in our classes had neither the mental equipment nor the educational background needed to make good lawyers. Yet there they were, being turned out and going into active practice. After my three years of study at NYU, I had no trouble passing the bar examination and was satisfied that I had learned how to use "the tools of the trade."
I started in the law business on the first day I was admitted to the bar in October, 1910. I had two weeks' salary from my job at Ellis Island, amounting to a total capital of $65. I rented office space at $15 a month in the law offices of McIlheny and Bennett. I managed to get some letterheads and some secondhand furniture. The firm had a good law library, and I had a good legal education. I was hopeful, but I had no particular passion for the practice of the law. My practice, however, was most useful and gave me an opportunity to learn a great deal about conditions in New York courts and New York politics in relation to the courts, which came in handy later when I held office in New York City.
The more I got to know about lawyers and their ethics, the less respect I had for them. I needed business about as badly as any young lawyer in the game, but I look back now and am happy in the knowledge that I never took a case that I did not believe in.
I never accepted a retaining fee unless I was convinced of the rights of my client. I found that nine persons out of ten who consult lawyers have either no need for a lawyer or no case. I refused to take cases when I thought the client had no case or did not need a lawyer but could settle his differences himself. I lost many, many clients who became fine friends of mine in later years. They would seldom believe me when I advised them that they had no case, and would run to other lawyers, who would sometimes exaggerate the importance of their cases, talk a lot of legal gibberish to impress them, and take a fee which the client, in time, would have to charge off to experience. It would have been easy to build up a large practice if I had done the same as they, but I liked it better the other way.
Later, when I went to Congress, I saw how easy it was to exploit public office to get law business. But I thought there was only one thing to do and that was to devote my time to my Congressional duties. Even lawyers tried to retain me to appear in government cases or before government departments. Members of Congress are forbidden by law to engage in such practice. However, strangely enough, a great deal of it was going on during the seven terms I served in the House of Representatives.
Soon after I began to practice law, I got some familiarity with the workings of our courts in New York City. One of the first things that one noted was that knowing the judge did not injure any lawyer. I remember still my first case in the Municipal Court. I prepared it carefully, and the facts were properly presented. The judge decided it against me. I could not figure out why. The judge called me up to the bench. He knew I was a young lawyer recently admitted to the bar. He congratulated me on my presentation of the case. "Well, if I did so well, why didn't you decide in my favor?" I asked. "Oh, young man, I'll give you a break some other day," he said. What a hell of a way to dispense justice! I thought. This same judge is now on the bench of the New York Supreme Court.
I did not go in for criminal case, and I don't suppose I ever had more than ten or twelve such cases to try. I do not remember ever having taken a fee for a criminal case. Most of those I tried were either assigned to me by the court or cases I accepted because friends or settlement house workers solicited my interest when the families involved hand no money to retain a lawyer.
The personality of the judge affected some of the interesting civil cases I tried. Because of the personal traits of judges one could never be sure that a case would be decided on its merits. I remember one case of breach of warranty in which there was a perfectly good defense because the goods sold and delivered by a wholesale grocery firm were defective, and the vendor had refused to accept return of the merchandise, which was a total loss to the purchaser.
At the end of the trial, however, the judge said to the jury: "Now, gentlemen, if you want to retire, you may, but I don't think it is necessary. There is a very clear case of goods sold and delivered and not paid for." But the jury did want to retire. The judge expressed surprise. It was late in the afternoon. Two or three times I noticed the court attendant come up and talk to the judge. The lawyer for the plaintiff was a former partner of this judge. Finally, the jury brought in a verdict for the plaintiff. I learned a few years later from one of the jurymen, whom I happened to meet, that the judge had sent word to the jury to hurry up with the decision and come in with a verdict for the plaintiff.
In another cue I was trying, for a woman who was injured through the gross, negligence of a motorman on a Brooklyn trolley car, the judge was pretty rough to our side all the way through. The jury went out. I was in the hallway. The judge, on his way from the courtroom to his chambers, accosted the lawyer for the trolley line. "Was it all right, Joe?" he asked. Perhaps he didn't see me, but he ignored me if he did, and did not care whether I heard him or not. Then he added to his friend the traction lawyer: "Well, Joe, don't worry. If they bring in a verdict against you, I will set it aside."
Later I studied the system by which judges were selected for nomination and found that most of them were hand-picked by politicians. The bar association would go through the motions of endorsing or refusing to endorse candidates. I learned that any judge who had a chance of election was pretty sure to get the endorsement of the bar associations.
When I was Mayor, I consulted the bar associations on one of my first judicial appointments. I found that three out of five of the members of the bar association committee on appointments were candidates themselves for this judgeship! I thought maybe that was just a coincidence. But I did not get much help from the bar associations during my years as Mayor.
I also discovered, when I looked into the situation on selection of judges, that any judge who had served a term, no matter how bad he might be, had ninety-nine chances out of a hundred of getting an endorsement for renomination by the bar associations. I hate to say that. I have so many good friends who are prominent in the bar associations of New York City, and who are fine, upstanding men, a credit to their profession. Yet the fact remains that the caliber of the judges in New York State, on the whole, through the years, bears out what I say. Oh, yes, there are some excellent judges, scholarly, upright, hard-working, fair. They are the exceptions. Later, when I was a Congressman, I brought impeachment proceedings against several Federal judges. Some of those men in our high Federal courts were neither upright nor scholarly, and some of them bore no resemblance to Caesar's wife.
I often sought in later times to have a "Who's Who" of judges' secretaries drawn up and published. It would have been a shock to most citizens. My idea was never taken up. Some of the secretaries of judges, drawing around $10,000 a year in salaries, know no law. Most of them know the district leaders. Some of them have very little education of any kind. Some even have criminal records themselves. They are selected for their politics and their friendships, and this is one of the most pernicious results of the patronage system.
Someday the whole method of selection of judges, and of determination of their qualifications and those of their assistants in New York State, will have to be changed, if we are to attain an approach to decent justice.
I PRACTICED law actively from 1910 to 1916 and sporadically in later years when my political activity permitted. I did not accumulate much money, but I managed to live, found time for study and research, and certainly learned a great deal about the political and economic conditions in my city.
I joined the Republican Party because I could not stomach Tammany Hall. Let it be understood that when I say Tammany Hall I mean the Democratic political machine in all five boroughs of Greater New York. They are all alike.
I lived in a district in Greenwich Village where the Republican organization was exceptionally clean. It produced such fine men as Herbert Parsons, Fred Tanner, Henry H. Curran, and Frank Stoddard. However, we were a regular political club. History will bear me out when I say that the minority party in any large city can afford to be somewhat virtuous. But if it happens to get control of the city government, it will resort to the very same activities and indulge in the same bad habits as its rival, assuming it can control the elective officials.
I had been storing up knowledge, and I was eager to bring about better conditions, particularly a more equitable economic situation and less favoritism to special interests in the administration of the law. That was why I was determined to become a Congressman. From the time that I returned to New York after my experience abroad in the Consular Service, I read the Congressional Record and kept abreast of activities in Congress. I also made myself familiar with the legislative history of that period. Somehow - I did not know how - I had a feeling that some day I would get into Congress.
I kept my eyes open, but I felt that my chances in New York City were very slight. The Republican districts had their Congressmen, but it required a great deal more political influence than I had to obtain a nomination in one of those districts, where nomination meant almost certain election. It was hard to break down the Democratic majorities in their districts. For a time I thought I might go West to a younger state, where the chances were better.
One night I happened to be in the clubrooms of the 25th Assembly District, my own district, where I was an election district captain for a time, when the boys were filling in petitions for the nomination for Congress. It was in the late summer of 1914. The petitions were printed, and the names of state and county candidates appeared on them. There were blanks left for the local candidates for the State Senate and Assembly and for representatives in Congress.
Someone hollered out, "Who is the candidate for Congress?" The leader of the district - I think it was Clarence Fay - came from his backroom office. He shouted out, "Who wants to run for Congress?" That was my chance. "I do," I said. "OK, put La Guardia down," Clarence said. That was all there was to it. But I darn near missed out even so. One of the men asked, "Hey, La Guardia, what's your first name?" I said, "Fiorello." "Oh, hell," he said, "let's get someone whose name we can spell." I spelled the name carefully and slowly and had to argue hard to get it on the petitions.
I took my nomination seriously. I soon learned that I was not supposed to take it seriously. When September came along, I attended my first political meeting. It was in one of the district clubhouses. Pamphlets were distributed throughout the district announcing the meeting and stating that all the prominent candidates would talk. I was there bright and early. The meeting started. Candidate after candidate spoke. The state candidates came in, and they had the right of way. I waited and waited for my turn. Two or three times in the course of the evening I was sure that I was next when the chairman would say, "And now we will hear from a young and promising candidate." I would get up each time, only to see that someone else was being introduced.
The meeting ended around 11.30 that night. I had not been called on. I protested to the chairman, who was talking to the district leader. "How come?" I asked.
Everybody had a good laugh. "Why, Fiorello, you haven't a chance of winning," they told me. "We've never elected a Republican to Congress from this district. Now, what you should do is go out and campaign for the State Senator and Assemblyman, help elect the ticket. That is all you can do."
"Could I try?" I pleaded.
"Oh, no, don't be foolish. You just go out now and help the others, and some day you may get a nomination for an office you can win."
I didn't think that was quite on the level. A few of the boys in the district agreed with me, among them Harry Andrews, who was district secretary, Louis Espresso, and old Mike Kehoe. Kehoe, who was in his late seventies, was a mastermind and a good political strategist. He was very much amused at my predicament. "Kid, don't be discouraged," he said, "but go out and try."
I discovered that the procedure at that first meeting was repeated at all the regular party meetings. I was not to get a chance to speak at any of them. I went out and bought a secondhand Ford. Harry Andrews and I plastered it with signs, and I started out on my own private, individual campaign. We went from corner to corner every night in that district, and we never missed a wedding, a funeral, a christening, or any other kind of gathering we could get into.
The 14th Congressional District ran from the Hudson River clear across Manhattan to the East River. It included some of the tenement sections of the lower East Side, teeming with Italian and Jewish immigrants. My knowledge of Italian and Yiddish came in handy. I rang doorbells and talked to the immigrant families. At outdoor meetings I would wait until the regular political rally had ended, pull up in my Ford as the people were leaving, gather a crowd, and do my talking.
My opponent was Congressman Michael Parley, a popular saloonkeeper and president of the National Liquor Dealers' Association. He had been the regular Tammany representative in Congress from that district for some time. I was called down once or twice for being "too rough" on him. Distinguished and serious gentlemen in the community pointed out to me that the retail liquor business was a lawful occupation and urged me not to disparage the Congressman who was in that business. I did not disparage him. I merely pointed out that he was not a good Congressman and wasn't even a good bartender.
When the votes were counted that November, 1914, Congressman Parley was re-elected by the small margin of 1700 votes. Never before had the Democratic majority in that district been less than 16,000 votes. Both my Republican colleagues and my Democratic opponents began to take notice of me. The Republicans began to think that maybe I had a future in politics because I could put on campaign that got the public interested, and therefore it would be wise to keep me in the political family. The showing I made attracted enough attention among the politicians to make them think it worth while to give me the appointment of Deputy Attorney General of the State of New York.
(To be concluded)
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This week at Ars Technica we saw the rise of Bitcoin in the popular consciousness and the unraveling of Prenda Law, the infamous porn-trolling firm that is battling possible sanctions against its lawyers. We looked at modeling tectonic plates in sugar water and we reviewed the HTC First—the phone that will carry Facebook's latest foray into the mobile world. Think you missed something important? Take a look at the list below and see if you need to catch up on anything before the next week.
- A beginner's guide to building botnets—with little assembly required
For a few hundred dollars, you can get tools and 24/7 support for Internet crime.
- "Taming the bubble": investors bet on Bitcoin via derivatives markets
Professor: "I really have no way of figuring out what a bitcoin is worth."
- Hide your kids, hide your BTC: Bitcoin-stealing malware emerges
Click-bait to an exchange lookalike site drops malware to steal from accounts.
- Modeling the Yellowstone magma plume with a vat of sugar water
Model mimics the complex volcanism of the Pacific Northwest.
- The PC inside your phone: A guide to the system-on-a-chip
Can't tell a Snapdragon apart from an Exynos? We're here to help.
- Does WebKit face a troubled future now that Google is gone?
Aggressive streamlining of Blink, WebKit causes headaches for all.
- HTC First review: Don't call it the Facebook phone
Instead, Facebook Home is here. So how does the app integrate into this handset?
- AirPlaying music and video from iPad to Raspberry Pi—it's as easy as…
19-year-old develops Raspbmc, makes streaming to a Raspberry Pi nearly idiot-proof.
- Is Microsoft integrating Windows Phone and Windows? You'd hope so
Much of the work has already been done, shipped as Windows Phone 8.
- Intel wants to kill the traditional server rack with 100Gbps links
New rack design disaggregates and shares CPU, storage, and network components.
- Will the Metallica table help pinball "ride the lightning" to relevance?
Stern's new offering hopes to extend pinball past the "End of the Line."
- Want 12TB of flash memory for your server rack? $331,000, please
IBM is investing $1 billion in R&D for new flash memory systems.
- Ten classic games you can actually beat, but probably won't
From Snake to Pac-Man to Tetris, these games don't actually go on forever.
- Prenda lawyer to court: Don't judge me for not talking
Paul Hansmeier says he wasn't in charge of Prenda suits. Who was? Who knows.
- Meet the nice-guy lawyers who want $1,000 per worker for using scanners
"It's not some kind of bull. We're not trying to harass people."
Plant Technica bonus round: How to create near-infinite clones of your favorite tomato (or any) plant


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|Home > News & Events > FDIC Board Meetings
FDIC Board Meetings
Disposition of
minutes of previous Board of Directors Meetings.
Memorandum - PDF and resolution re: Final Rule Amending Part 335 to Conform with Requirements of the Securities and Exchange Commission - PDF. 1
Memorandum - PDF and resolution re: Amendments to the Statement of Policy for Section 19 of the FDI Act - PDF.1
Memorandum and resolutions re: 35-Year Employee Service Resolutions.
Discussion Agenda
The meeting will be held in the Board
Room on the sixth floor of the FDIC Building located at 550 17th Street,
This Board meeting will be Webcast live via the Internet and subsequently made available on-demand approximately one week after the event. Visit http://www.vodium.com/goto/fdic/boardmeetings.asp to view the event. If you need any technical assistance, please visit our Video Help page at: http://www.fdic.gov/video.html.
Video on-demand is no longer available for this event.
The FDIC will provide attendees with auxiliary aids (e.g., sign language interpretation) required for this meeting. Those attendees needing such assistance should call (703) 562-2404 (Voice) or 703-649-4354 (Video Phone) to make necessary arrangements.
Requests for further information concerning the meeting may be directed to Mr. Robert E. Feldman, Executive Secretary of the Corporation, at (202) 898-7043.
Point of Contact
|Last Updated 04/25/2018


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Auto Publishers Price Starting at
*Based on model year EPA mileage ratings. Use for comparison purposes only. Your atual mileage will vary, depending on how you drive and maintain your vehicle, driving conditions, battery pack age/condition (hybrid only) and other factors.VIEW OUR INVENTORY
Powerful engine selections; sharp styling inside and out; available all-wheel drive
The GMC Terrain is essentially unchanged for 2015. The one big change is the addition of 4G LTE built in Wi-Fi hotspot technology. The system will allow drivers and passengers to connect mobile devices through the Terrain and browse the web or check e-mails.


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If you would like to contact Five Gables Inn for further information or a reservation request, simply use the automated form below and you will be identified as a Karen Brown Traveler. The properties we recommend appreciate your visit and frequently tell us they will take special care of our readers.
This email form is provided to facilitate communication directly with the property. This communication is between you and the property and Karen Brown does not have any control as to their response time. We recommend sending a second request if you have not had a response after four days. If you still do not receive a response to your second request after a wait time of an additional four days, please forward your request to us and we will attempt to contact the property on your behalf.
If you don't receive a response in a timely manner we also recommend that you call Five Gables Inn directly at (207) 633-4551.
If you are making a reservation or cancelling an existing reservation ALWAYS REQUEST A RESERVATION OR CANCELLATION NUMBER. Do not assume you have reserved or cancelled a room without a number.
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Know someone looking to buy a home in Portland? Did you know the City's Planning & Urban Development Department works with developers to make some of their new homes priced for average incomes?
Right now there are three condominium units available for sale through this program. There will be others going forward, including single family homes. If you are interested in learning more about these opportunities, and getting on an email list for notifications, contact Victoria Volent, the City's Housing Program Manager, at firstname.lastname@example.com or 482-5028.
The City has also launched a new website to assist households with finding affordable rental units and properties for sale. These are new units created through the City's Inclusionary Zoning ordinance and are restricted to households that income qualify. Along with searching current listings, you can also sign up to be notified of future housing opportunities.
Portland is proud to collaborate with the owners and developers of workforce housing. Please visit our new site and contact Victoria at email@example.com or 482-5028 to learn more.


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Schäffer Hall is the newest building part of Lister Centre. This residence usually houses second and third year students at the University of Alberta. These rooms are also used by conference services as rooms for guest during conferences. In this image this room is set-up for a conference. The towels and bedding are not provided for residents. For more information please see: www.residence.ualberta.ca/prospective-residents/schaffer-hall
The capital of Canada is Ottawa, in the province of Ontario. There are offically ten provinces and three territories in Canada, which is the second largest country in the world in terms of land area.While politically and legally an independant nation, the titular head of state for Canada is still Queen Elizabeth.On the east end of Canada, you have Montreal as the bastion of activity. Montreal is famous for two things, VICE magazine and the Montreal Jazz Festival. One is the bible of hipster life (disposable, of course) and the other is a world-famous event that draws more than two million people every summer. Quebec is a French speaking province that has almost seceded from Canada on several occasions, by the way..When you think of Canada, you think of . . . snow, right?But not on the West Coast. In Vancouver, it rains. And you'll find more of the population speaking Mandarin than French (but also Punjabi, Tagalog, Korean, Farsi, German, and much more).Like the other big cities in Canada, Vancouver is vividly multicultural and Vancouverites are very, very serious about their coffee.Your standard Vancouverite can be found attired head-to-toe in Lululemon gear, mainlining Cafe Artigiano Americanos (spot the irony for ten points).But here's a Vancouver secret only the coolest kids know: the best sandwiches in the city aren't found downtown. Actually, they're hidden in Edgemont Village at the foot of Grouse Mountain on the North Shore."It's actually worth coming to Canada for these sandwiches alone." -- Michelle Superle, VancouverText by Steve Smith.


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Keep track of your favorite shows and movies, across all your devices.
The "Inspector Morse" prequel finds a young Endeavour Morse investigating cases in 1960s-era Oxford and the surrounding area.
TV Guide ranks Peak TV's finest offerings
New year, new movies and shows
Sign up and add shows to get the latest updates about your favorite shows - Start Now
Download the TV Guide app for iPhone, iPad and Android!


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Spaces Filling Fast for South Dakota Governor's Pheasant Habitat Summit
OutdoorHub 11.06.13
Registration is still open, but spaces are filling fast for the Governor's Pheasant Habitat Summit, scheduled for Dec. 6 at the Crossroads Convention Center in Huron. The first session begins promptly at 9 a.m. and the final discussion will close by 4 p.m.
"The initial response has been excellent," Jeff Vonk, Secretary of the Game, Fish and Parks Department, said. "We encourage interested individuals – particularly landowners and sportsmen – to join us for this important discussion."
GFP conducted their annual roadside pheasant brood route survey this past summer and found the statewide average was 64 percent lower than the previous year's survey. These reports of lower pheasant numbers have stirred concerns from hunters, businesses, conservationists and agriculture interests.
Gov. Dennis Daugaard is hosting the summit to help identify causes for the decline and discuss potential solutions.
The morning will feature a suite of speakers, including Dr. Barry Dunn of the South Dakota State University College of Agriculture and Biological Sciences; Bruce Knight of Strategic Conservation Solutions, LLC; Dave Nomsen, vice-president of governmental affairs for Pheasants Forever; Tony Leif, director of the GFP Division of Wildlife; and Jim Hagen, Secretary of the South Dakota Department of Tourism.
Participants will be broken into groups during part of the afternoon to provide input, which will be shared with all participants.
Pre-registration is required, and interested parties will find information and online registration offered at http://gfp.sd.gov/pheasantsummit/. Registration ends Nov. 29.
Information and registration are also available by calling the Game, Fish and Parks Department at 605-773-3387.


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The Missing Peace: Artists Consider the Dalai Lama is a multi-media art exhibition that brings together 88 respected artists representing 30 countries. With the full life of the Dalai Lama as inspiration, the intention for this project is to shift the world's attention towards peace.
→ View a video introduction to The Missing Peace.
→ Gaku Okubo's short clip of deSoto's Paranirvana inflating
→ 2012 Art Auction at Root Division by Tashi Wangchuk
"Peace starts within each one of us. When we have inner peace, we can be at peace with those around us. When our community is in a state of peace, it can share that peace with neighboring communities." – His Holiness the XIV Dalai Lama,1989 Nobel Laureate for Peace
Among the participating artists are Richard Avedon, Ken Aptekar, Laurie Anderson, Guy Buffet, Michal Rovner, Adam Fuss, Jenny Holzer, Katarina Wong and Bill Viola.
Katarina Wong writes: My fingerprint project is based on an idea that His Holiness talks about, namely that despite dispersal, people can still find unity. Specifically, I was playing with the concept of interdependent arising—that all phenomena (people, things, ideas) are inter-related and dependent. For me that means that despite the fact that I no longer live near many of my good friends, we are as much a part of each other—and even hold parts of each other's very identity—in our experience, memory and feelings for one another.
The responsibility is ours to become co-creators of a better world.


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How about NEGATIVE corporate income tax receipts? Huh, how does that happen?
Got your attention? It should, because our entire financial system is in ruins, despite the daily manipulated data you receive. Please pay attention to the numbers buried in this report and keep in mind that it's very difficult to manipulate the amount of tax money received. It's easy to manipulate GDP and also things like retail sales where stores that go out of business are no longer counted. Look at the REAL data in the REAL economy and there is no real good to be found. Don't shoot the messenger, I am going to offer solutions, REAL solutions.
U.S. Oct. Budget Deficit Rises to $176.4 Billion, Revenue Falls
By Vincent Del Giudice
Nov. 12 (Bloomberg) -- The U.S. budget deficit widened in October from a year earlier, reaching a record for that month, as rising unemployment cut revenue at the start of the first full fiscal year under President Barack Obama.
The excess of spending over revenue widened to $176.4 billion last month, compared with a deficit of $155.5 billion in the same month a year earlier, the Treasury Department announced today in Washington in its monthly budget statement. It was a record 13th consecutive shortfall and the fifth-largest monthly gap on record, the department said.
Unemployment in the U.S. at a 26-year high of 10.2 percent in October and spending from the $787 billion economic stimulus plan are straining the Treasury's finances. The government is headed for a second straight year of a deficit exceeding $1 trillion.
"Tax revenue is down, incomes are down, profits are down and there are not many capital gains to tax out there," David Wyss, chief economist at Standard & Poor's in New York, said before the report. "On top of everything else going wrong, you've got the baby boomers just hitting retirement age, so there's going be an increase in entitlement programs," such as Social Security and Medicare, he said.
Economists surveyed by Bloomberg News forecast a deficit of $165 billion in October, according to the median of 29 estimates. Projections ranged from deficits of $125 billion to $199.4 billion. The non-partisan Congressional Budget Office predicted a shortfall of $175 billion for the month.
Debt Limit
Officials have estimated that the country's legal limit on debt of $12.1 trillion may be reached in December. During the fiscal year that ended Sept. 30, the Treasury reported a record deficit of $1.4 trillion.
Spending for October declined 2.7 percent from the same month a year earlier to $331.7 billion, and revenue and other income fell 17.9 percent to $135.3 billion, according to the Treasury's budget data.
Individual income tax collections fell 29 percent to $61.2 billion in October from a year earlier, and corporate tax receipts last month were a negative $4.5 billion on the government's books, the statistics showed.
In other categories, spending by the Social Security Administration rose to $65.2 billion last month from $59.2 billion; spending by the Department of Health and Human Services, which administers the Medicare and Medicaid health programs, rose to $85.9 billion from $76.5 billion and spending by the Defense Department rose to $67.8 billion from $66.1 billion, according to the data.
TARP Rescue
The Treasury also spent $175 million last month on the financial rescue plan called the Troubled Asset Relief Program compared with $33.4 billion a year earlier, the budget statement showed.
Wyss is forecasting a $1.4 trillion shortfall for fiscal 2010, which started Oct. 1, matching the deficit the CBO predicted in August.
The economy probably will grow 2 percent next year, and "that's just enough to hold things steady" for the government's fiscal situation, Wyss said. Any improvement in the budget deficit will bring the total to a level "that would have been a record before last year," he said.
Over the past week, the Treasury auctioned a record $81 billion in its quarterly sales of long-term debt. The Treasury's debt-management director, Karthik Ramanathan, told a meeting of bond market participants last week to anticipate another year of government debt sales of $1.5 trillion to $2 trillion, according to minutes of the session released on Nov.4.
All receipts DOWN, corporate receipts negative, and at the same time all categories of spending up!
And today's 30 year bond auction had a bid to cover of only 2.27. A healthy auction is 3 or higher. But that's all just a game, the Primary Dealers (private banks) are required to buy. Those banks comprise the "Fed," they are who the Fed is. It is a circle jerk without end, that is until people figure out their game and lose confidence in their ability to keep it going.
Oh yeah, sure, "the economy probably will grow at 2 percent next year." What bullshit! Do you buy it? I don't. Did you know that 2% growth per year will kill a currency dead in less than a century? Is that a stable system? Or is it a system designed to rise up and be skimmed along the way, only to be taken down and done again, and again?
Let's look at the real economy, shall we? Below is the chart I showed earlier from the Association for Manufacturing Technology (AMT) and The American Machine Tool Distributors' Association (AMTDA) showing machine and machine tool consumption:
That's a 75% decline and is nowhere near back to previous levels.
Here's today's chart showing the current Baltic Dry Shipping Index (BDI). While the bounce appears large when calculated off a nothing bottom, the collapse was the result of an exponential rise. The collapse is historic in nature, it has not and will not return to previous levels any time soon.
Numbers are a funny game, the human mind has trouble processing percentage and exponential moves. Those who know how, play games with those numbers. These raw data charts do not lie, and the raw data tax receipts do not lie either.
It's time for real and meaningful change. It's time for the truth to rise to the surface. There is no bullish case or bearish case. The issues are not just what this Democrat says or that Republican says – they are both backed by the same purveyors of debt backed, fractional money. The issue of money is likewise boxed in by the same purveyors on one side and the gold bugs on the other. Guess what? The bankers don't really care what backs the money, they are going to profit, control, and manipulate them either way. It's time to put the money function back in the people's hands where it rightly belongs, THE one purpose of government that is most appropriate.
David Bowie – Rebel:


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Critics scorned the Occupy movement the moment it began. But Occupy proved the naysayers wrong, rising to prominence and dramatically shifting the national discourse to focus on income inequality. Now, as the movement heads into the spring, it will face a different set of challenges that could threaten its life and spirit far more than any critic could. In this video, Nation writer Ilyse Hogue discusses critical questions of identity and form that the Occupy movement will have to confront as it transitions into the spring. For more, read Hogue's article in this week's issue.
—Elizabeth Whitman


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Welcome to Creative Corner Childcare and Preschool, providing the highest quality education and childcare for infants through pre-kindergarten, as well as before and afterschool care for kindergarten through fifth grade and summer camp for ages 5-12. Our goal is to provide a safe nurturing environment with a creative based educational curriculum designed to promote learning and exploration in a warm and fun environment. As educators, we are well aware that learning is a life long process for children and teachers alike. Continuing education is a critical component of our program giving our teachers the opportunity to experience, first hand, new theories and practices that they may choose to implement in their classrooms. Parents of children ages 2-5, will be given two assessments each year to help gauge their child's social, physical, emotional and cognitive development.
Our center features controlled access and monitoring cameras in each classroom. We transport to Mount Hope, Westhoff, JLMudd, Forest Park and Assumption. Due to our close proximity to Mount Hope, we transport to its before school clubs.