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Lawyer, Toronto
Direct Line:
416 847 6903
Email Victoria
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LL.B., Osgoode Hall Law School, 2005
BA (Hons.) in Economics, University of Waterloo, 2002
Professional Affiliations
American Bar Association, Canadian Bar Association, New York State Bar Association, Ontario Bar Association, Law Society of Upper Canada, Law Society of England and Wales
Bar Admission
Called to the Ontario Bar 2006
Called to the England and Wales Bar 2009
Called to the New York Bar 2011
Victoria Everett
Victoria Everett practises in the firm's Debt Products Group.
Prior to joining Wildeboer Dellelce, Victoria practised with the Financial Services Group at a large, national service firm where she worked primarily in the area of banking and financial services and public-private infrastructure projects. She routinely acts as counsel to various foreign and domestic financial institutions and other credit providers, in the context of a wide range of sophisticated debt financing transactions.
Victoria holds a BA (Hons.) in Economics (International Trade Specialization) from the University of Waterloo and has her LL.B from Osgoode Hall Law School. At law school, Victoria was awarded the Raphael Partners LLP prize in Tort Law. Victoria was called to the Bars of Ontario in 2006, England & Wales in 2009, and New York in 2011.
Victoria is a Director of the Learning Disability Association of Niagara Region (LDANR).
Victoria is a member of the Law Society of Upper Canada, the Canadian Bar Association and Ontario Bar Association. In addition, she is a member of the American Bar Association, the New York Bar Association and the Law Society of England and Wales.
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Panel: Charles Max Wood
Guest: A.J. O'Neal
This week on My JavaScript Story, Charles talks with A.J. O'Neal who is a panelist on My JavaScript Jabber usually, but today he is a guest! The guys talk about AJ's background and past/current projects. Today's topics include: JavaScript, Ruby, jQuery, Rails, Node, Python, and more.
In particular, we dive pretty deep on:
0:00 – Advertisement: Get A Coder Job!
1:23 – Chuck: Introduce yourself, please.
1:27 – AJ: I brief introduction: I am a quirky guy who is ADD and I love to figure out why/how things work. I like self-hosting or owning things in technology.
2:00 – Chuck: Where do you work now?
2:02 – AJ: I work in UTAH at Big Squid!
3:29 – AJ: I have my own company, too!
3:41 – Chuck: Yeah we've talked about that before. Where can we go?
3:54: AJ: We have 2 products that are both Node. Greenlock for Node.js is one of them! The other one is Telebit.
5:44 – Chuck: This interview is all about your background. How did you get into programming?
6:04 – AJ: I was in middle school but before that my grandmother was a secretary at the Pentagon. She worked on getting people paid and she wrote a program to assist these paychecks to be printed with fewer errors. Because of that she had a computer at home. I remember playing games on her computer.
The guest talks about his background in more detail.
15:21 – Chuck: No it's interesting! I've done a couple hundred interviews and they all say either: I went to school for it OR I did it for my free time. It's interesting to see the similarities!
16:00 – AJ: Yep that's pretty much how I got into it! I went on a church service mission to Albania and really didn't do any computer work during those 2 years.
19:39 – Chuck: You went to BYU and your mission trip. A lot of that stuff I can relate to and identify with b/c I went to BYU and went on missions trip, too! And then you got into Ruby and that's how we met was through Ruby!
20:25 – AJ: Yep that's it. Then that's when I learned about Node, too. There was a guy with a funny hate – do you remember that? (No.)
21:03 – Chuck: Maybe?
21:07 – AJ continues.
27:53 – Chuck: What made you make the transition? People come into and out of different technologies all the time.
28:18 – AJ: Yeah it started with me with jQuery!
Rails has layers upon layers upon layers.
AJ talks about different technologies their similarities/differences and mentions: JavaScript, Rails, Python, Node, Ruby, and much more.
31:05 – Chuck: Node went out of their way on certain platforms that Rails didn't prioritize.
31:11 – AJ continues to talk about different technologies and platforms.
33:00 – Chuck: You get into Node and then at what point does this idea of a home-server and Node and everything start to come together? How much of this do you want to talk bout? At one point did they start to gel?
33:33 – AJ: It's been a very long process and started back in high school. It started with me trying to think: How do I get this picture on my phone to my mom? I thought of uploading it to Flickr or could I do this or that? What about sending it to someone in China?
39:57 – Chuck.
40:01 – AJ continues and talks about libraries and certificate standards.
42:00 – AJ continues with the topic: certificates.
42:44 – Chuck: I am going to go to PICKS! Where can people find you?
42:55 – AJ: Twitter! Blog! GitHub! Anywhere!
43:55 – Chuck: Picks!
43:58 – Advertisement – Fresh Books! 30-Day Trial!
END – Cache Fly
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subset: commoncrawl


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is a cooperative public library system serving the forty-two public libraries in Ontario, Wyoming, Wayne and Livingston counties.
Good public libraries are important to everyone. Library Systems provide a broader range of materials and services than any single community library could otherwise afford.
Our fleet of vans is on the road 6 days a week to shuttle library materials to users across our 2500 square mile region.
Training and Continuing Education
We provide learning opportunities in trustee education, advocacy, management, planning, early literacy and more, to assist member libraries in meeting the unique and constantly changing needs of the people they serve.
Grants and Scholarships
The Pioneer Library System offers a variety of grants and scholarships to its member libraries, their staff, and boards on an annual basis. In 2016:
Play Space Grants were awarded to 27 libraries to support the creation of library play spaces. Play is essential to early learning and libraries came up with excited ideas to integrate toys and other creative elements into their programming and services.
1,000 Books Before Kindergarten Seed Money – We awarded over $12,700 to 23 libraries as seed money to launch 1,000 Books Before Kindergarten reading programs. Libraries will use the money to purchase reading incentives, print reading logs, create publicity for the program, and offer family literacy programming to their community. Research has shown that being read to at home is a reliable predictor of school success and we are thrilled to help libraries promote the important role they play in early literacy education.
Digitization Grant – The Local History Interest Group (LHIG), comprised of member library staff people from across the system, worked together to develop a list of microfilmed newspapers that should be prioritized for digitization. The group identified a list of pre-1923 issues of local newspapers that had been microfilmed but not already scanned elsewhere. Pioneer Library System will fund the digitization project decided by LHIG. In addition to digitizing the film, the vendor will create a searchable, web accessible database of the pages scanned.
CE Scholarships awarded to 23 library staff to attend conferences such as the New York Library Association Conference, Association for Rural and Small Libraries, Computers in Libraries, and the Youth Services Section Spring Conference.
Library Technology
We oversee system-wide technical support, training, and resource sharing.
Technology is evolving at an incredible rate and we're here to help libraries adapt, adopt, and optimize their digital resources through on-site support and training.
The Library Technology staff provides centralized cataloging, coordinated technology purchasing, on-site library tech support, training to member library staff, and management of the shared integrated library system (ILS) and online OWWL catalog.
We are currently working on increasing bandwidth in all of our member libraries to meet the connection needs of their communities.
Mobile Maker Kits
The Mobile Maker Kits are available for member libraries to borrow and use in their library programs. These kits allow our libraries to provide a temporary "Maker Space" with engaging programs without the burden of space restrictions or high investments. Kits include 3D Printer, Jewelry Making Tools, GoPro Camera, Needle Felting Kit, Robotics kits and more.
Library Consulting
We understand there is no one-size-fits all solution to any library challenge. That is why we approach every situation on an individualized basis.
PLS is available to offer library staff support through project assistance, continuing education, technology aid, outreach, and general library development. Our services are flexible and adaptable to any library challenge.
Our staff is available to consult with library directors and trustees on diverse matters pertaining to library development and sustainability including:
Community Analysis
Personnel and Management
Strategic Planning
Trustee Development
We recognize that trustees play a crucial role in the ongoing success of our member libraries. PLS develops & offers both on-site trustee training for individual member library boards and system-wide trustee development workshops throughout the year—to help member library boards make the best decisions for the libraries and communities.
A full overview of our service program and additional information about Pioneer Library System is available online at: http://pls-net.org/ and http://owwl.org/


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We had a fantastic morning at Oxbow Bend with the workshop group. One of those mornings you dream of!
Dawn Hues Over Snake River, Oxbow Bend, Grand Teton National Park, Wyoming
Sony a7RII, Sony 24-70mm GM, f/11, 2.5 seconds, 100 ISO
#grandtetonnationalpark, #donsmithphotographyworkshop #oxbowbend #landscapephotography #dawn
My Website: "how to" articles, 2020 WORKSHOP LISTINGS, galleries, stock photos, and more...
This image has been featured in 1 Remix collection.


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Hotel Information
The Kindness Hotel Han Shen is known for its good quality service and value for money. The hotel is located in a lovely location near Central Park. It is therefore easy to take a stroll and there are many shops and boutiques nearby. This hotel offers comfort and convenience at a good price.
How to get here from Kaohsiung International Airport (R4):
Metro / Underground:
- Take the Red Line to Central Park (R9)
Nearby Hotels:
Nearby Attractions:
Address: No. 290 Zhonghua 4th Rd., Cianjin District, Kaohsiung, Taiwan 801


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We invite you to join us At the Intersection of Faith and Life,
a bi-monthly series of presentations/conversations, creating a grace space for exploring topics important to people today, including some challenging topics that the church sometimes avoids. We will consider what our faith has to say about these topics, to provide individuals with useful tools and resources, and to consider possible applications for our life and ministry together.
On November 12th (6:30 – 8:00 pm), Nate Cox, the principal of Lily Lake Elementary School, will be with us to share about what's happening at our neighborhood elementary school. Nate will share about the current demographics, challenges and opportunities of elementary education at Lily Lake. We pray that this conversation will strengthen our ability to meaningfully care for the children and families of our community through our church-school partnership with Lily Lake.
Mr. Cox spent the first seven years of his career as a classroom teacher with students in grades 3 through 6, then served as an administrator for 10 years in Willmar, MN. Serving as principal of both Lily Lake and Oak Park Heights Elementary Schools in the Stillwater district, he is now the full-time Principal at Lily Lake Elementary School. Mr. Cox and his family live in Stillwater.
Later in the year we hope to have a session on Bullying.
More about At the Intersection of Faith and Life:
Our first session, Mental Illness and Mental Health, was held on February 19th and was led by Abigail Ozanne, M.Div. In this first conversation we learned about mental illness and how it affects lives. There was time for small-group Bible study and discussion of the statements of our United Methodist Church on mental illness and suicide. Large group discussion explored what this means for us as a community of Christians. All left with helpful resources, hopeful scriptures, and ideas for how to support individuals struggling with mental illness and the communities that surround them.
The second session, Hopeful Earthkeepers, was held on April 23rd and was led by Kathy Velasquez Eberhart. She was recently commissioned as an Earthkeeper through a new program of the General Board of Global Ministries that aims to train, commission and support United Methodists who feel called to work for environmental justice and creation care. Kathy shared good information and resources, and led us in some good conversation regarding faithful care of God's creation.
Our third session, "I Have a Loved One Who Is Gay . . . " was held on June 25th and leadership was shared by several church members who shared from their own experience. As we all know, the issue of homosexuality is a complex and at times controversial issue, but at the same time the reality is that many of us have family and friends who are LGBTQ. What has that been like for us? How have we struggled with that? And what people, scriptures, experiences, ideas, and other resources have been helpful in supporting our relationship with our loved ones? These were the kind of questions we explored in light of our belief that "all individuals are persons of sacred worth, created in the image of God." (UMC Book of Discipline)
We are grateful to the Alliance for planting the seeds of this series, and to Abigail Ozanne for working with us to develop the series and for creating the logo. We hope that these conversations will help us to live more faithfully in what is a good and gracious and at times very complex and challenging world.
We have begun generating a list of possible topics that we might explore: Mental Illness, the Environment, LGBTQ concerns, Bullying, Faith and Science, the Challenges of Technology, Immigration, Health Care, Materialism, Alcohol/Substance Abuse, Poverty and Homelessness,. We welcome other suggestions from you.


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What is a dental implant?
Dental implants are artificial tooth roots that provide a permanent base for replacement teeth. For patients who suffer from missing or failing teeth, dental implants are an effective, long-term solution. Compared to dentures, bridges and crowns, dental implants are the preferred solution for many patients, because they are more comfortable, secure and last much longer than other options.
Dental implants are made out of medical-grade titanium or zirconium, which fuse to the bone in your jaw. This integration provides a strong anchor for your new teeth (which ensures no slippage, as often occurs with dentures). You can use dental implants to replace a single tooth, multiple teeth or a full upper and/or lower set of teeth.
Dental implants typically have three parts:
- The implant: A screw that serves as an artificial root for your new teeth. This is what permanently attaches to your jaw.
- The abutment: A connector that supports and holds a tooth or set of teeth.
- The crown (or prosthetic tooth): This is the part of the tooth that you can see. It's usually made of zirconium (a type of ceramic material) or porcelain.
How much does a dental implant cost?
At renew, one implant costs $3,195, for patients who do not use insurance. This price includes your initial exam, 3-D x-ray, virtual treatment planning, dental implant, abutment attachment and porcelain crown. Some patients may require additional treatments, such as a tooth extraction ($100), bone grafting ($400) or a temporary prosthetic ($250-350). At your free one-hour consultation, the doctor will discuss your treatment options with you and determine if any of these additional treatments are required.
Why do your dental implants cost so much less than everyone else?
At renew, we provide you with an entire dental implant treatment, from start to finish. We don't refer you out to any specialists, nor do we rush from chair to chair trying to fit in as many patients as possible. We also have our own on-site dental laboratory, which reduces the time and cost involved in our treatment plans and enables us to develop innovative, state-of-the-art surgical techniques. By focusing 100% of our attention on you, with one doctor in one location for your entire treatment plan, we're able to provide you with faster, higher quality service at a lower price. It's that simple.
How do I know if I should get a dental implant?
Dental implants are anchors designed to support replacement teeth. If you have existing missing teeth, or have teeth that are having problems, dental implants might be an option you should consider. If you're still not sure if they are right for you, we would be glad to talk more about your specific condition over the phone. If you have pictures or x-rays you can email us we can also use those to talk about your treatment options over the phone or email. Since each person's oral health situation is unique, the best way to determine if a dental implant is the right option for you is to visit us for a free, one-hour consultation. During the consultation, we'll take a 3-D x-ray of your full mouth, and discuss the pros and cons of all treatment options available, including non-implant options. This will allow the doctor to assess your situation and provide you with all the information you need to make the right choice for you.
I've heard you can get new teeth in one day. Is that possible?
Yes, you can get new teeth in one day, but they will be temporary teeth. On the same day that we place the dental implant, we will place a temporary prosthetic tooth (stay-plate). The reason we do this is the bone around the dental implant needs time to heal. The worst thing for bone healing is micro-movement. If movement occurs during the healing process, they form a fibrous union (scar tissue) instead of an osseous union (bone tissue). For example, if you break your arm, the doctor places you in a cast to prevent movement while your arm heals. With dental implants, if bone movement occurs during the healing process, this results in implant failure. Placing a permanent tooth on a dental implant before providing adequate time for your bone to heal greatly increases the risk of the implant failing. Once the area where the implant was placed has healed (about four months), we'll place a permanent tooth (crown) on the implant, and you'll be on your way with a beautiful new smile!
What is the process to get a dental implant?
Following your free one-hour consultation, a typical single tooth implant placement takes four months from start to finish and involves three easy steps: Appointment 1 – Dental implant surgical placement (60 min.) Appointment 2 – Check dental implant and take impressions for crown (30-60 min.) Appointment 3 – Cement final crown (30 min.) If extractions and/or bone grafts are needed, an additional 4-7 months of healing time will be required.
Is the dental implant procedure painful?
The procedure to place dental implants into the bone is a dental surgery. You will be completely anesthetized (numb) throughout the procedure. Afterwards, you can expect to experience mild to moderate soreness for up to two weeks, though most patients feel back to normal after one week. The amount of pain you experience also depends on how invasive the procedure is; things like tooth extractions, bone grafting, and multiple implants placed at the same time all increase the pain you can expect. We help you manage your pain by providing anti-inflammatory and analgesic (anti-pain) medications before and after your surgery. Many of our patients are surprised to find that they end up with less pain than they expect.


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Wine tour to best wineries in Portugal. Expect only the most authentic wine tastings and experiences.
Contact us now if you have tour-related questions or wish to book directly with a consultant.
+351 22 6102075
We are a team of local and experienced professional tour consultants who know by heart all the wine regions in Portugal and each of the experiences brought to you. With years of first-hand travel experience around the globe we know what takes to make your vacations a moment to treasure for a lifetime.


text: Proximity without propinquity? The changing relationship between the city of Delft and its Polytechnic in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries In the 19th and a large part of the 20th century the city of Delft had the monopoly on Dutch advanced polytechnic education. Urban Studies' coryphée Richard ... read more


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Call for papers 2020
About the Author(s)
Received: 02 Nov. 2017; Accepted: 31 Aug. 2018; Published: 29 Nov. 2018
Copyright: © 2018. The Author(s). Licensee: AOSIS.
This is an Open Access article distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution License, which permits unrestricted use, distribution,
and reproduction in any medium, provided the original work is properly cited.
Background: Understandings of disability are rooted in contexts. Despite the world's significant contextual diversity, postcolonial power dynamics allow influential actors from the global North to imagine that most people across the global South understand disability in one generalised way. When it informs programmes and services for persons with disabilities in the global South, this imagining of a single generalised view could reduce effectiveness while further marginalising the people for whom the programmes and services were designed.
Objectives: In the interest of better understanding a contextually grounded meaning of disability, we explored the expressed concerns of two organisations of persons with disabilities and their members in Western Zambia.
Method: In this qualitative constructionist study, data collection focused upon life with a disability and services available to persons with disabilities. Data were collected through 39 individual interviews and eight focus group discussions with 81 members of organisations of persons with disabilities. Data were analysed thematically.
Results: The participants' main expressed concern was poverty. This concern was articulated in terms of a life of suffering and a need for material resources. Participants linked poverty to disability in two ways. Some participants identified how impairments limited resource acquisition, resulting in suffering. Others considered poverty to be an integral part of the experience of disability.
Conclusion: This study contributes to literature on disability theory by providing a contextually grounded account of a particular understanding of disability and poverty. The study also contributes to disability practice and policymaking through the demonstration of poverty as the main concern of persons with disabilities in this context.
In the contemporary postcolonial world, the global South and the global North are connected through mechanisms patterned by the ongoing legacies of colonialism (Grech 2015). These mechanisms include political and economic structures that enable wealth and governance power to be drawn away from the majority populations in the low- and middle-income countries of Africa, Asia and Latin America, to instead concentrate in the global North. Indeed, it is the ongoing legacies of colonialism that make possible the phenomenon of the global South, in which diverse people and places share the common experience of having been colonised by imperial powers.1
With respect to disability, it is well accepted that the majority of persons with disabilities (PWDs) live in the global South (World Health Organisation & World Bank 2011). Populations of PWDs living in the global South are generally seen to face circumstances that are of a different nature than their counterparts with disabilities in the global North (Singal & Muthukrishna 2014). The often-difficult circumstances experienced by PWDs in the global South have attracted the interest of several influential 'international' actors including aid agencies, non-governmental organisations and researchers from academic fields such as international development, global health and disability studies.
Although the actors attracted to the circumstances of PWDs in the global South are international in the sense of being involved in multiple countries, they are often guided by the world views and priorities of the global North. One example of this would be a disability-focused non-governmental organisation that competes for grant money from national development agencies in the global North to fund programmes that operate in multiple countries of the global South. From the perspective of 'international' actors, it is possible to imagine the experiences of disability from diverse cultures and peoples according to a small number of homogenised narratives of disability in the global South (Miles 2007).
The dominant expression of a homogenised narrative of disability in the global South might be referred to as 'the traditional model of disability'. When disability in the global South is viewed through the lens of this traditional model, a myriad of peoples and cultures are seen to understand disability as a supernatural phenomenon initiated by curses, compelling individuals to avoid experiencing shame by hiding or killing their family members with disabilities (Ingstad 1999). It is true that there are reports that substantiate some elements of this supposed traditional model (e.g. Bamu, De Schauwer & Van Hove 2016; Héraud 2005; Muderedzi & Ingstad 2011). Nonetheless, it is unjustifiable to use these observations from particular places to support a generalised view about how disability is understood in the global South (Ingstad 1999). Problematically, such a generalised view can allow influential actors to overlook the actual world views and priorities of PWDs in the global South. This generalised view can therefore be a distraction from important historical and contextual realities, further disempowering the supposed beneficiaries of disability-focused activities.
The alternative to the perpetuation of homogenising narratives about disability in the global South is the accounting of experiences and perspectives of PWDs that are grounded in the specific contexts in which they are expressed. Through these accounts, it is possible to understand disability in diverse and specific ways. One way to surface these experiences and perspectives is to focus on the practical concerns voiced by PWDs in specific contexts. Although contextually grounded research about meanings of disability has been produced in other areas of the global South (see Brégain 2016; Burck 1999; Chouinard 2014; Devlieger 1995), there has not yet been research of this kind in Western Zambia. Western Province is the traditional homeland of the Lozi people. Prior to the colonial interruption, the Lozi had developed an elaborate economy based on fishing, agriculture and cattle-herding on the rising and falling waters of the Zambezi River on the Barotse floodplain (Gluckman 1968). In modern Western Province, there are several ethnicities but Lozi language (Silozi) and culture dominate among the population of approximately 900 000 inhabitants (Central Statistical Office 2012). Approximately 85% of residents live in rural areas, while the remainder are spread throughout towns and the provincial capital of Mongu (CSO 2012). The main economic activities for people in Western Province – including city and town-dwellers – are subsistence fishing and farming supplemented by small trade. Within Zambia, Western Province had the highest consistent levels of poverty (80.4% – 83.3%) and extreme poverty (64.0% – 64.6%) in 2006 and 2010 as measured by the Zambian Central Statistical Office (2012). With geographic isolation, strong ties to traditional culture and high levels of poverty, there is reason to believe that Western Zambia has a unique context in which to experience disability. The purpose of this study therefore was to explore the expressed concerns of the members of two organisations of PWDs and their members in Western Zambia.
The study team comprised a PhD student and his advisory team. The PhD student and first author is a researcher and rehabilitation professional from Canada. The advisory team, senior academics, comprised three rehabilitation researchers working at Canadian universities, two with Canadian backgrounds and one originating from Brazil. The fourth member was an anthropologist based at a research institution in Zambia with a British background. The study activities were supported through the work of five paid research assistants, based in Zambia, who were post-secondary students from Western Province.
The study was guided by a qualitative constructionist methodology (Silverman 2006) with participatory (Herr & Anderson 2005) and critical considerations (Eakin et al. 1996) as part of a doctoral dissertation (Cleaver 2016). It is accepted in qualitative constructionist methodology that researchers and participants co-construct meanings (Silverman 2006). The key features of a critical social science perspective as described by Eakin et al. (1996) – reflexivity, assumptions and ideology, power, contradiction and dialectic – were an ongoing consideration throughout the study process, influencing the study framing, design, data collection and analysis. The sampling for this study was purposive to identify the organisation, but then also included the use of convenience sampling to deal with one unanticipatedly large organisation.
The research fieldwork was conducted in Zambia's Western Province between March and August 2014. The study team purposively recruited two organisations of PWDs (one urban and one rural) and their members to participate in this research. The decision was made to sample organisations rather than individuals alone to gain insight into disability organising and to allow for a more indigenous view of disability by relying on pre-existing structures. According to the preamble of the Zambian (2012) Persons with Disabilities Act, an organisation of PWDs exists to 'promote and protect the interests of persons with disabilities', while 'most of its members are persons with disabilities'. Furthermore, it was foreseen that conducting the research with organisations would increase the likelihood that this research would complement ongoing initiatives.
To identify these organisations, contacts from local government offices shared connections with one organisation in a peri-urban neighbourhood of Mongu (urban) and another in a series of villages in an outlying district (rural). Contact for each of these organisations began with a request for a meeting with the leadership to discuss the organisation's potential participation in the research. In both cases, the leaders agreed that participation was in the interest of the collective. We then approached members individually to discuss the research objectives and design and their individual participation. The original intent was to approach all the organisations' members, but this strategy was revised for the rural organisation – to a combination of convenience and purposive sampling – when it became clear that the membership was larger than originally anticipated (Cleaver et al. 2017). Consistent to the structures of the organisations, parents participated on behalf of their children (18 years and under) with disabilities who were members of the organisations. Written consent was obtained from each participant during a meeting with a research assistant in a language of the participant's choice. As a group, the research assistants were fluent in multiple Zambian languages that participants were likely to use locally on a regular basis, allowing the study team to allocate an assistant according to the participants' language preferences. The key message at this initial meeting with the research assistant was that the purpose of the research was knowledge generation for practical purposes – such as informing the advocacy efforts of the organisations – and not the direct provision of resources to individual participants or the organisations.
Two organisations and a total of 81 individual members participated in the study. Twenty-two of the participants were members of the urban organisation (see Table 1). This organisation identified its members according to a limited number of categories. For simplicity of presentation, the participants are described in Table 1 according to impairment types that approximate the organisation's own categories. Eight of the members had family members participate in study activities with them or on their behalf.
Fifty-nine participants were involved with the rural organisation (see Table 1). This group had a more fluid approach to membership, but had nine individuals (seven men and two women) who were consistently considered leaders. In addition, 50 'other members' participated in the research. The rural group did not use a system to categorise the disabilities of the membership; instead, each member described the nature of his or her disability in his or her own terms. These descriptions varied widely, including references to body parts (e.g. leg, eyes), function (e.g. falling, I cannot see well, he does not work if he does not eat), disease states (e.g. leprosy, polio), healthcare interventions (e.g. they put wires in the legs), perceptions of deviance from expectations (e.g. not normal) and advanced age (e.g. elderly). We organised these individualised descriptions into impairment types in Table 1.
For each organisation, data were collected from an initial round of focus group discussions, followed by semi-structured individual interviews with many of the organisation members, and then a second round of focus group discussions (see Table 2 for the numbers of activities and individuals involved). The actual number of data collection activities varied according to circumstance and was negotiated together with the organisations at community meetings. Data collection activities were premised upon a gradual relationship-building process, structured and sequenced to include both collective and individual activities, and designed to minimise the extent to which the phenomenon of disability was defined by the researchers prior to entering the field. The first round of focus group discussions and the interviews were based upon questions about life with a disability, supported by probes about the positive and the negative aspects of life as it relates to disability. The second round of focus groups included discussion of specific activities, services and initiatives that were available in the communities where participants lived. The data collection activities were limited to the two participating organisations and did not include any other organisations.
The first author led these activities speaking in English, while participants communicated in the language of their choice, and a research assistant performed real-time translation where necessary. Most participants opted to communicate primarily in the regionally dominant language of Silozi, although some participants chose English (verbal and written), Sign Language, or the less-common local languages Chimbunda and Makoma. All data collection activities were audio-recorded with the participants' permission. Research assistant team members transcribed all speech in the actual languages spoken using a comprehensive transcription guide developed by the team.
Data analysis began with a detailed review of all transcripts while listening to the audio files. The detailed review was used to guide an iterative analytic process, where initial ideas were used to generate subsequent questions of the data. Queries and answers generated during the iterative analytic process were transformed into visual schema and written documents to further organise ideas and eventually distil the themes presented in this article. Visual schema and written documents were used to generate further discussion and reflection as part of a process to gradually refine the analysis.
This study was approved by the University of Toronto Health Sciences Research Ethics Board Protocol reference #: 29653), the University of Zambia Humanities and Social Sciences Research Ethics Committee, and the Zambian Ministry of Health. To reduce the burden of participation, participants' travel costs were paid when there was motorised transportation available for hire, and a group meal was provided for large meetings and focus group discussions. Participating individuals and organisations are identified in this article in general terms to allow the reader to understand their situation without revealing the identity of the participants. In conducting the research, we followed critical (Eakin et al. 1996), postcolonial (Grech 2009; Meekosha 2011) and global health (Canadian Coalition for Global Health Research 2015) ethical research principles that consider the well-being and agency of participating communities with collective interests and concerns, and recognise that academic research is conducted within a dynamic of power relations.
The objective of this inquiry was to explore the expressed concerns of two organisations of PWDs and their members. The analysis of data collected during study activities showed that the accounts expressed by the participants were dominated by a single concern: poverty. Participants spoke about poverty in a particular way through the interconnected phenomena of a need for material resources and a life of suffering; this concern was inherently tied to the experience of disability.
Participants in this research spoke frequently and emphatically about their suffering as part of a life with disability, and about their need for material resources. Effectively, these two ideas were interrelated, such that the lack of one was the cause of the other. As stated by an older woman with leprosy:
'Since my disability has found me, there has been no one to build me a house, there is no one to find me food, there is nothing. Who will help me with this suffering?'
(Participant #R028, female, age described as 'elderly')
'Since my disability has found me, there has been no one to build me a house, there is no one to find me food, there is nothing. Who will help me with this suffering?'
(Participant #R028, female, age described as 'elderly')
The reverse was also true: if a person received material resources, it would improve their situation and alleviate suffering. As stated by a man with a physical disability:
'Like for me the way I feel, if I find someone giving me money, I will see that I have been helped and then they can improve my life.' (U001, male, 32 years old)
'Like for me the way I feel, if I find someone giving me money, I will see that I have been helped and then they can improve my life.' (U001, male, 32 years old)
The interrelationship between the two concepts of this particular understanding of poverty can be conceptualised as two sides of the same coin, where the sides are fused together, such that both are present even if only one is apparent at any given moment. In a similar fashion, the participants' accounts of a life of suffering were attached to frequent references to a lack of material resources (see Figure 1). Conceptualising the participants' concern as a single two-sided entity – poverty – facilitates the process of examining the relation of this concern to disability.
Participants overwhelmingly described the experience of their disability negatively, often using the Silozi terms manyando or butata. Collectively, these terms can be translated as problems, difficulties, a hard life or misery (Barotseland.net n.d.), but the research assistant interpreters most frequently translated these as suffering. For example, when organisation members participating in a focus group discussion were asked about their lives, an older man with leprosy stated 'Kona kuli luikutwanga manyando' which translated as: 'We feel that we are really suffering'. In a different focus group discussion, another man with a congenital spinal deformity spoke about life for PWDs in his village as 'a life of suffering' ('bupilo bwa manyando').
Participants generally did not describe what was meant by suffering. When probed about the specifics of suffering in discussions about life with a disability, some participants identified aspects of anguish. For example, a woman with leprosy stated:
'You cannot sleep all the night; you are there thinking about your suffering.' (R005, female, 69 years old)
'You cannot sleep all the night; you are there thinking about your suffering.' (R005, female, 69 years old)
Another participant, a man with a visual impairment, stated:
'Our disability, it is just suffering. We have a lot that is in the heart.' (U002, male, elderly)
'Our disability, it is just suffering. We have a lot that is in the heart.' (U002, male, elderly)
It seemed almost as if the meaning of suffering was sufficiently self-evident to participants to not require an explanation. Despite not describing the meaning of suffering, participants regularly related this to life with a disability. For example, the older man with leprosy declared:
'It is disability that brings that suffering; when someone is not disabled, the person cannot suffer.'
'It is disability that brings that suffering; when someone is not disabled, the person cannot suffer.'
The other prominent theme in the data was a lack of material resources. In this article, the term 'material resources' is a composite one, encompassing both (1) money and (2) items and services that can be purchased with money. In Table 3, there is a list of examples of material resources that participants mentioned in the context of discussing life with a disability. In many instances, the participants spoke about specific items (e.g. a new house, fertiliser, hair dryers), whereas in others there was discussion about money, and how items could be purchased if a person had access to money.
Participants spoke about material resources as items that they needed but did not have, and were unable to acquire. During the data collection activities, participants regularly directed the discussion away from other topics introduced by the first author, directing the discussion towards material resources instead. Participants would sometimes advance this topic of discussion through straightforward declarations that a resource was needed or desired. In other instances, participants discussed not having something (or enough of something) and how this was a problem. In still other instances, participants spoke positively about situations where they had received resources in the past or could potentially receive them in the future.
One example of an account celebrating previous material resource distributions came from a man with leprosy. He described, in detail, the story of a foreign missionary who had formerly lived in his community, but had collected money in his country of origin to provide various support. As part of this account, he stated that:
'In each place [the missionary] asked for one person who is educated who will be writing the report … and writing the names of people who were living in poverty. … Now he gave the order to say "These people now, you should build houses for them, these people who do not have one. A house and a kitchen and a fence".' (R002, male, 65 years old)
'In each place [the missionary] asked for one person who is educated who will be writing the report … and writing the names of people who were living in poverty. … Now he gave the order to say "These people now, you should build houses for them, these people who do not have one. A house and a kitchen and a fence".' (R002, male, 65 years old)
When discussing material resources – the lack thereof, the need for more or previous distributions – participants often related these to suffering or its alleviation. Just as participants had made connections between suffering and disability, they also connected suffering and material resources. As stated by a participant in a focus group discussion:
'I wanted to talk on the problems people with disabilities face here. It is very hard, because here you cannot find money so that you survive.' (R130, male, 32 years old)
'I wanted to talk on the problems people with disabilities face here. It is very hard, because here you cannot find money so that you survive.' (R130, male, 32 years old)
In a different focus group discussion in the rural community, in response to the question 'Is there anyone else who has something to add on what it is like to live with disability here?', one man shouted the reply:
'It is suffering because you cannot work so that you find food for you to eat.' (R015, male, 50 years old)
'It is suffering because you cannot work so that you find food for you to eat.' (R015, male, 50 years old)
Some material resources were presented as items the participants needed for their own personal use, such as better housing or food rations (i.e. bags of flour for the staple meal). As stated in a focus group discussion:
'For me the only problem is my eyes. But I need someone to help me. There is no one to build a house, so what I want is just help from you. And you give me food.' (R127, male, elderly)
'For me the only problem is my eyes. But I need someone to help me. There is no one to build a house, so what I want is just help from you. And you give me food.' (R127, male, elderly)
In other cases, the reference to the resource was with respect to the utility of material resources for earning more income. When asked about the positives of having a disability in a focus group discussion, a woman with a physical disability that limited her capacity to walk said:
'I am even talented on hair styling. I am a hair stylist. I can plait any type of a style for hair any type that a person wants. I can do it, but I do not have money to start my own salon.' (U010, female, 26 years old)
'I am even talented on hair styling. I am a hair stylist. I can plait any type of a style for hair any type that a person wants. I can do it, but I do not have money to start my own salon.' (U010, female, 26 years old)
For this woman, having a salon meant renting a market stall and purchasing some hand-held hair dryers – modest investments, but ones that required more money than she could access.
Occasionally, participants were ambiguous as to whether the resources would be used for personal use or as income generation. Examples included needing money to pay an individual to collect firewood, to cultivate a garden or to assist with fishing. This is exemplified by a participant with a visual impairment, stating:
'[Before I contracted cerebral malaria] I was able to cultivate or plough with my own hands but these days I cannot see. I was able to go fishing, paddling in the canals, but now I cannot. I can do these things if I have someone [to help me do them]. And that person needs to be paid. But where am I going to get the money?' (U007, male, 67 years old)
'[Before I contracted cerebral malaria] I was able to cultivate or plough with my own hands but these days I cannot see. I was able to go fishing, paddling in the canals, but now I cannot. I can do these things if I have someone [to help me do them]. And that person needs to be paid. But where am I going to get the money?' (U007, male, 67 years old)
Participants presented the concern of poverty as inherent in their experience of disability. During initial interactions, participants generally identified their disability in very similar terms to the specific embodied state of having an impairment (World Health Organisation 2002). They then linked this state to the poverty coin in patterned ways. Two of these patterned ways were (1) impairments impeding resource acquisition, resulting in suffering, and (2) poverty as an integral part of the experience of disability.
In some of the participants' accounts, the link between impairment-related functional limitations, a lack of material resources and a life of suffering was described as a series of causal steps. Often, the situation involved only one step, where an individual's impairment reduced employment opportunities or the ability to farm for food or income. As stated by a man with difficulties walking and speaking:
'We are really living in poverty. Like the others have said, when there is work, we people who are disabled cannot do it. Even when you try to go there, they will tell you, "You, you cannot do it." And that is really the truth, that you really cannot.' (R015, male, 50 years old)
'We are really living in poverty. Like the others have said, when there is work, we people who are disabled cannot do it. Even when you try to go there, they will tell you, "You, you cannot do it." And that is really the truth, that you really cannot.' (R015, male, 50 years old)
Another participant spoke about how his inability to walk limited the activities that he could do and the compensation he could earn from these activities when clients chose to not pay:
'Like for me I cannot say "I can go and cultivate, I can go and fetch water," or "I can go and do this." Because even this thing in which I am seated, I need to find someone push it. But God has given me the knowledge of how to repair shoes. But again, if a request a certain price to say, "maybe I can manage to buy a cup of flour or something, so that I feed myself," they refuse also. Now them, they want to be able to choose how much to give me. Because they know that I have no option, there is no way I can refuse their money, and that "I can give him this money" because they know I am disabled I have no option, I just have to accept the amount.' (R009, male, 59 years old)
'Like for me I cannot say "I can go and cultivate, I can go and fetch water," or "I can go and do this." Because even this thing in which I am seated, I need to find someone push it. But God has given me the knowledge of how to repair shoes. But again, if a request a certain price to say, "maybe I can manage to buy a cup of flour or something, so that I feed myself," they refuse also. Now them, they want to be able to choose how much to give me. Because they know that I have no option, there is no way I can refuse their money, and that "I can give him this money" because they know I am disabled I have no option, I just have to accept the amount.' (R009, male, 59 years old)
In some cases, it was the impairments of children who kept the parents at home. These limited opportunities to acquire or generate resources are thus the primary and direct explanations that underlie the participants' lives of suffering. The mother of an 11-year-old girl considered to have an intellectual disability by the organisation gave an example of this when she expressed (U009):
'I cannot do a business which will need me to walk or travel to go very far, leaving her. I cannot leave her.'
'I cannot do a business which will need me to walk or travel to go very far, leaving her. I cannot leave her.'
Participants spoke of how an infusion of material resources could offer an alternative path to success without requiring any change to their own specific impairment, or the impairment of their family member. For example, a gift of a sewing machine would allow income generation in the home so that the mother quoted above could simultaneously care for her child with a disability while earning money to eliminate suffering, thereby overcoming the problems of poverty.
Another example of this phenomenon came from a woman with a physical disability limiting the use of her hands. This woman spoke about how she had previously purchased fish and then travelled with it elsewhere in the country to re-sell it at a profit. As she had used the money to pay for school fees for a child, she no longer had the money to generate income. Nonetheless, the participant was confident that her fortunes would change with monetary support to travel to the flood plains for the purpose of buying fish:
'Right now I do not have the money; if I did I would have gone even a long time ago.' (U006, female, 39 years old)
'Right now I do not have the money; if I did I would have gone even a long time ago.' (U006, female, 39 years old)
In other cases, there were multiple steps separating the participants' current situation of poverty from their aspirations. An example of this was the one woman with a physical disability who was hoping to find money to buy hair dryers and open a salon. According to the woman, her difficulties walking reduced her income generating capacity, which, in turn, inhibited her from being able to amass capital to start a business which would provide further income to pay for a return to school to study to be a professional. The woman's account of her current situation was one of stagnation and struggle, working as a hairdresser for salon owners for little money to provide basic needs for her son. By contrast, a positive cycle could have been activated through loans or grants of money or materials that would have allowed her to start the business.
In many accounts, the relationship between a lack of material resources and suffering was not a series of connected steps, but one where disability was integrally understood to apply to individuals who identified as having an impairment while living the two-sided coin of poverty. When invoking this pattern, participants spoke about poverty and disability interchangeably, as if they were using two synonymous words to describe a single phenomenon.
One example of this phenomenon occurred during a focus group discussion. The participants were speaking about the suffering experienced by PWDs. One man with a physical disability added:
'What I have seen in life is if you are disabled but you are working, you are doing a business, people will respect you for that. For you who does not have anything and you are disabled, you are poor. No one can respect you, even the family members cannot respect.' (U003, male, 68 years old)
'What I have seen in life is if you are disabled but you are working, you are doing a business, people will respect you for that. For you who does not have anything and you are disabled, you are poor. No one can respect you, even the family members cannot respect.' (U003, male, 68 years old)
From the quote above, it might seem that disability and poverty could be teased apart such that a person with a disability doing a business would garner respect. The first author asked a follow-up question to confirm that this was the case:
First author: I would like to find out how things are different for persons with disabilities who own businesses as compared to people without disabilities who own businesses?
Participant: We differ because some people, maybe when they come to visit you if you are doing a business you will be able to give them something but if you do not have a business which you are running, even when they ask you something you cannot give them anything because you do not have, and so you are not regarded. … All [of the problems of poverty are] brought because of being disabled.
First author: I would like to find out how things are different for persons with disabilities who own businesses as compared to people without disabilities who own businesses?
Participant: We differ because some people, maybe when they come to visit you if you are doing a business you will be able to give them something but if you do not have a business which you are running, even when they ask you something you cannot give them anything because you do not have, and so you are not regarded. … All [of the problems of poverty are] brought because of being disabled.
Instead of following the first author's question of comparing the experience of business ownership and wealth among persons with and without disabilities, the participant responded with a different comparison: the poor and disabled as compared to the rich and non-disabled. Although it seemed possible to isolate comparisons of wealth (regardless of disability) or disability (regardless of wealth), additional discussion demonstrated that these notions were expressed and understood in nearly interchangeable terms.
In the account of another participant with a physical disability, wealth and function were also bundled and contrasted to poverty and dysfunction. Following the participant's self-identification as a lame person [sic], the first author asked, 'If starting tomorrow everyone forgot that you are "a lame person," but nothing else changed, would your life be the same or would it improve?' The man's reply demonstrated how perceptions of lameness were simultaneously premised on a poverty of possessions as well as an inability to do things:
'Ah, on that way I was going to be grateful because maybe this mocking is coming because of what I have or what I do not have because of being poor. But if they see me that, 'that person this time has got this; he is able to do this,' they will give me respect.' (U005, male, 41 years old)
'Ah, on that way I was going to be grateful because maybe this mocking is coming because of what I have or what I do not have because of being poor. But if they see me that, 'that person this time has got this; he is able to do this,' they will give me respect.' (U005, male, 41 years old)
Given the man's situation of impairment-poverty, he considered the organisation of PWDs to provide him with a 'very big help'. This caused us to wonder about the strategies used by this man's neighbours, who from casual observation seemed to be equally poor, but likely did not claim to be disabled. From the perspective of this man, the situation of persons without disabilities was not one that interested him:
First author: Your neighbours who do not have disabilities, do they form groups or other things to try to make their voices stronger?
Participant: I cannot answer that question because I do not know how they are living.
First author: Your neighbours who do not have disabilities, do they form groups or other things to try to make their voices stronger?
Participant: I cannot answer that question because I do not know how they are living.
As is seen from these examples, it was as if it was only PWDs who could be poor. Meanwhile, as demonstrated with the data above, being rich (i.e. doing a business, having things) was the categorical opposite of being disabled. In parallel, the possibility of poverty among people without disabilities was not a phenomenon of interest for the participants. When participants spoke about poverty as being integrally part of disability, it seemed taken for granted that the coexistence of needs and the inability to meet them were the defining elements of being a person with a disability. The proposed solutions were therefore gifts of material resources to directly meet their needs.
This study is the first to explore disability through a contextually grounded investigation in Western Zambia. We asked PWDs in this context about their lives with disabilities (including positive and the negative aspects thereof) and the specific activities, services and initiatives that were available in the communities where they lived. In response, a wide variety of participants from both organisations referred to living a life of suffering and of having a lack of material resources. Taken together, these references can be conceptualised as poverty. The frequency and emphasis of the participants' concerns, and the ways in which these were linked to disability, demonstrate the centrality of poverty in the collective meaning of disability in this context. This study offers a rare perspective of disability in Western Zambia, but also has important implications for the literature on disability theory and the relation of disability and poverty, in addition to implications for policy and practice.
The participants' concern for poverty could have been consistent with any one of multiple models of disability, particularly the charity and medical models (Clare 2001). Consistent with the charity model, some participants spoke about poverty and disability as being conceptually intertwined, as if PWDs could never expect to work their way out of poverty. Consistent with the medical model, some participants spoke about impairments as being a root cause of their poverty.
In comparing the findings of this study to literature about disability in the global South, it is remarkable that participants' concerns were not aligned to the pervasive myths (Ingstad 1999) that we identify collectively as 'the traditional model'. Participants did not report anecdotes of PWDs being hidden away by family members, nor did they discuss the infanticide of children with disabilities. The design of this study does not allow us to conclude that hiding and neglect are completely absent in Western Zambia; it is possible that these practices occur, yet they were not front-of-mind in the collective consciousness of those most likely to be concerned by them. It is also remarkable that participants in this study expressed numerous and emphatic perspectives about the effects of their disabilities, but very little about the root causes. During the interviews, we asked participants about the history of their disability, including the way it began. The participants answered our questions, but they devoted little interest and consideration to explaining their views on the causes of their disabilities. The implication of this study for literature on disability theory is to provide yet another contextually grounded example to contradict the homogenising narratives of influential 'international' actors, particularly the narrative that most people in the global South consider disability to be caused by supernatural phenomena (Grech 2015; Miles 2007).
This study was designed to be exploratory such that the concerns of the participants could emerge, regardless of what those might be; while we anticipated at the outset of the study that concerns aligned with the 'traditional model' might be prominent, we did not foresee the centrality of poverty. Through data analysis, it became clear that these participants spoke about poverty in various ways. These patterns provide insight about how the participants might understand poverty and its relationship to disability. Issues of disability and poverty have garnered increased attention in recent years through specific attention in the United Nations (2006) Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities (UNCRPD) and through research and publications (e.g. Eide & Ingstad 2011; Pinilla-Roncancio 2015). Despite not being designed to focus on poverty, this study adds perspectives to the literature on the topic.
Much research on disability and poverty has taken a turn away from an economic resources approach (Palmer 2011), adopting instead a capabilities approach (Muderedzi et al. 2017; Sen 1993; Trani et al. 2017). In this study, the expressed concerns of the participants were clearly focused on material resources, a finding that is consistent with the economic resources approach.
As it was not a focus of this study to quantify indicators of poverty, we did not attempt to accurately compare the individual or household situations of research participants with each other or persons without disabilities. However, from our informal observations in the community, it appeared that most community members (with and without disabilities) were of similarly poor economic status. Indeed, in a Zambia-wide study that did compare individuals and households with and without disabilities, the overall findings were that household wealth was similar, although there were important differences with respect to education and employment levels, with poorer access for PWDs (Eide & Loeb 2006; Trani & Loeb 2012). If the results of the Zambia-wide study are consistent with the two communities where the participants lived, the expressed concerns presented here could be indicative of widespread poverty that is understood through economic resources but felt more deeply by PWDs because of multidimensional considerations (Trani & Loeb 2012).
Most commonly, disability and poverty have been presented as a vicious circle (Yeo & Moore 2003), such that experiencing one increases the probability of experiencing the other. If we understand disability to be impairment-related function, many participants in this study framed their situation in a fashion that is similar to one half of the vicious circle: that their disability contributed to their lack of material resources, which was the foundation of their lives of suffering (see Figure 2). When speaking about things in a cyclical manner, participants did not draw upon a disability-causes-poverty-causes-disability framework but instead spoke about how a lack of material resources made it difficult to generate or acquire additional material resources; in effect, that poverty-begets-poverty (Pagani 2007).
It must be noted that many of the participants did not articulate the narrative that their impairment-related function initiated their situation of poverty; instead, impairments were part of the description of disability, but only coincidentally part of the experience. Meanwhile, poverty was integral to the experience of disability. As shown in the alternative presentation of disability and poverty (see Figure 2), when disability is understood in this manner, there seems to be only minimal, if any, ongoing connection between disability and impairment.
Furthermore, a poverty as integral to disability perspective can be related to other descriptions of the relation of disability and poverty. Two years after writing about the vicious circle, Yeo (2005:34) proposed that disability and poverty 'would be better described as interlocking circles', because of the common experiences of marginalisation, isolation, deprivation and lack of access. Yeo's (2005) proposal might be more similar to the narratives of participants in this study, except that interlocking circles imply that there can be poverty-without-disability and disability-without-poverty. Instead, participants spoke of a disability or poverty in which everyone who was disabled was poor and where poverty was experienced uniquely by the disabled. In empirical research in a rural area of South Africa, Hansen and Sait (2011) proposed that research participants experiencing extensive exclusion and social suffering identified themselves as disabled. Hansen and Sait's (2011) proposal would seem to fit the data from this study well.
In the results of this study, poverty was more prominent in the accounts than impairment and function, and also more prominent than other possible considerations. The implication for policy and practice is to mainstream the concern of poverty into disability activities.
One specific example of the way that poverty could be mainstreamed into disability activities is to compare these perspectives to a prominent template for programming for PWDs: The community-based rehabilitation (CBR) matrix (Khasnabis & Motsch 2010). Of the five components of the CBR matrix, the participants' concern was weighted very heavily towards the livelihood component. Furthermore, participants spoke about each of the elements of the livelihood component with regular reference to self-employment, waged employment, financial services and social protection.
Meanwhile, the participants' references to other components of the CBR matrix were generally subservient to livelihood considerations. An example of this is health. Concerns related to the health component of the CBR matrix were rarely brought forward by participants. When participants were asked questions related to the health component elements of disease prevention, medical care and rehabilitation, the participants responded with general disinterest, even when acknowledging that these services were not available to them.
We conducted this study in a particular context. In qualitative constructionist research, context is not seen as a source of bias that interferes with the accuracy of research results and must therefore be eliminated (Silverman 2006). Instead, research is seen to be constructed in contexts and it is the role of the researcher to consider the context as part of the interpretation. The larger context of this study was Western Zambia, a jurisdiction that we describe in detail in the Research method and design section of this article. Within the larger context, the research was produced in a more particular context: through interaction between a researcher with a specific appearance and life history and members of local organisations of PWDs.
In some ways, this particular context constrained possibilities for the project. Examples of possibilities constrained by researcher–participant positionality in this project included the difficulties of fulfilling principles of authentic partnership and shared benefits ('author' et al. 2016), both of which are important participatory research considerations (Herr & Anderson 2005). In contrast, the respective positionality of the researcher could have been productive, increasing the interest of organisation members to participate in the research and stimulating them to share their experiences – albeit in certain ways. In this particular context, it would have been reasonable for the participants to have seen the first author as a person who might be connected to resources. Accordingly, it would have been relevant and practical for the participants to emphasise their concern for poverty, a concern that the first author could be seen to be well positioned to address.
The study's particular context does not mean that the participants' concern for poverty was an artefact produced only in the presence of the first author: the consistent, persistent and detailed accounts of disability experienced as suffering and material resource deprivation made for a very compelling concern. Moreover, there is evidence to suggest that the two organisations – each of which had a history pre-dating the arrival of the first author – evolved according to the availability of outside programming, especially programming related to material resource acquisition (Cleaver et al. 2017). Given the North-South dynamics of the contemporary postcolonial world, the particular context of this research might not be all that particular; indeed, it could merely be one case among many where the concept of disability is produced and reproduced interactively through power and resource imbalances.
Also, this was a context where the research participation was limited to those who were members of organisations. The focus on collectives meant that it was not possible to explore the first-hand experiences of PWDs in Western Province who were not attached to an organisation, which would, in turn, exclude the participation of any PWDs who were being socially isolated by family members at the time. Recognising that 'international actors' engaged in disability activities in the global South have come to expect accounts of stigma, shame and the isolation of PWDs, we are compelled to declare that this study was not designed to seek out such cases, if they exist.
A final consideration of the particular context of this study is the analytic impact of approaching organisations as participants. In part, it was because of the collective orientation that the analysis focused initially on the commonalities within and between the organisations, rather than searching for contrasts between the collectives or individual members. The analysis of these data has not included potentially important differences within the groups, such as that of gender, age, wealth, social status or 'disability type'. Considering that the experiences of PWDs are not homogenous (Miles 2003), various sub-group and individual analyses could yield important insights.
The members of two organisations of PWDs in Western Zambia who participated in this constructionist research expressed overwhelming concern with poverty. This concern was expressed through the interrelated phenomena of a life of suffering and a lack of material resources (i.e. money or things that could be exchanged for money). These findings contribute to the growing interest in poverty and disability through the articulation of contextually grounded formulations of the ways in which these phenomena are conceived and the identification of associated policy and practice implications. Finally, it was notable that the concerns of these PWDs in Western Zambia were incongruent with the notion that understandings of disability in the global South are dominated by 'the traditional model of disability'.
Shaun Cleaver was supported by a Canadian Institutes of Health Research (CIHR) Fellowship and a W. Garfield Weston Doctoral Fellowship. Stephanie Nixon was supported by a CIHR New Investigator Award. In addition, the authors are extremely grateful for important assistance from colleagues at the Zambia Federation of Disability Organisations (ZAFOD) and the Western Province offices of the Government of Zambia's Department of Social Welfare. Fieldwork activities were made possible through the contributions of Patrah Kapolesa, Malambo Lastford, Akufuna Nalikena, Chibinda Kashela and Aongola Mwangala as research assistants.
The authors declare that they have no financial or personal relationships that may have inappropriately influenced them in writing this article.
S.C. was the first author and PhD student conducting the research. H.P., V.B., L.M and S.N. were dissertation committee members who advised the development of the research, its conduct, data analysis and the writing of this manuscript.
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Eide, A.H. & Loeb, M.E., 2006, Living conditions among people with activity limitations in Zambia. A national representative study, SINTEF Health Research, Oslo.
Eide, A.H. & Ingstad, B., 2011, Disability and poverty: A global challenge, Policy Press, Bristol.
Gluckman, M., 1968, Essays on Lozi land and royal property, 2nd impression, Manchester University Press, Manchester.
Grech, S., 2009, 'Disability, poverty and development: Critical reflections on the majority world debate', Disability & Society 24(6), 771–784. https://doi.org/10.1080/09687590903160266
Grech, S., 2015, 'Decolonising Eurocentric disability studies: Why colonialism matters in the disability and global South debate', Social Identities 21(1), 6–21. https://doi.org/10.1080/13504630.2014.995347
Hansen, C. & Sait, W., 2011, '"We too are disabled": Disability grants and poverty politics in rural South Africa', in A.H. Eide & B. Ingstad (eds.), Disability and poverty: A global challenge, pp. 93–117, Policy Press, Bristol.
Héraud, M., 2005, 'Malédiction et handicap: Des croyances aux comportements' [Curses and disability: Beliefs in behaviours], Psychopathologie Africaine 33(2), 165–182.
Herr, K. & Anderson, G.L., 2005, The action research dissertation: A guide for students and faculty, Sage, Thousand Oaks, CA.
Ingstad, B., 1999, 'The myth of disability in developing nations', The Lancet 354(9180), 757–758. https://doi.org/10.1016/S0140-6736(99)06049-3
Khasnabis, C. & Motsch, K.H. (eds.), 2010, Community-based rehabilitation: CBR guidelines, World Health Organisation, Geneva.
Maynard-Tucker, G., 2000, 'Conducting focus groups in developing countries: Skill training for local bilingual facilitators', Qualitative Health Research 10(3), 396–410. https://doi.org/10.1177/104973200129118525
Meekosha, H., 2011, 'Decolonising disability: Thinking and acting globally', Disability & Society 26(6), 667–682. https://doi.org/10.1080/09687599.2011.602860
Miles, M., 2003, 'CBR works best the way local people see it and build it', Asia Pacific Disability and Rehabilitation Journal 14(1), 86–98.
Miles, M., 2007, International strategies for disability-related work in developing countries: Historical, modern and critical reflections, Independent Living Institute, Farsta, Sweden, viewed 17 March 2018, from http://www.independentliving.org/docs7/miles200701.html
Muderedzi, J.T., Eide, A.H., Braathen, S.H. & Stray-Pedersen, B., 2017, 'Exploring structural violence in the context of disability and poverty in Zimbabwe', African Journal of Disability 6(0), a274. https://doi.org/10.4102/ajod.v6i0.274
Muderedzi, J. & Ingstad, B., 2011, 'Disability and social suffering in Zimbabwe', in A.H. Eide & B. Ingstad (eds.), Disability and poverty: A global challenge, pp. 171–188, Policy Press, Bristol.
Pagani, L.S., 2007, 'How does poverty beget poverty?' Paediatrics & Child Health 12(8), 693–697. https://doi.org/10.1093/pch/12.8.693
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1. To some, the conceptualisation of a global South inappropriately homogenises much of the world and reifies the dominance of high-income countries. We recognise this critique. Nonetheless, we find analytic value in considering how the legacy of colonialism has had similar effects in different places. Following the work of others writing in the field of postcolonial disability studies (e.g. Shaun Grech and Karen Soldatic), we see the commonalities of this legacy in multiple locations in the global South.
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African Journal of Disability | ISSN: 2223-9170 (PRINT) | ISSN: 2226-7220 (ONLINE)


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The Montreal-hailing duo known as Prince Club have been charging their way to the top of the house music scene with their unique take on the genre for the past few years. With releases on Defected, Made to Play and Toolroom Records, the two have cemented themselves as "one's to watch" within the house scene, showcasing their skills with original productions and remixes alike. Hyping up their latest outputs since the start of the New Year, the duo have teased fans via social media while featuring unreleased tracks in a mix for Nest HQ months ago. Now finally ready to officially release one, entitled "This Kinda Love" Prince Club return to the infamous Toolroom Records for their newest production, out today.
The Canadian duo deliver a low-end '90s-inspired sensibility with uplifting house vibes on "This Kinda Love". Creating a long synth-driven intro accompanied by airy feminine vocals, before plunging into a bumpy bassline growl, the two producers provide a track that creates a warm feeling for the dark dance floors it will be played. Toeing the line between the deep house underground and french house sophistication, Prince Club create a contagious head-bobbing response with "This Kinda Love".


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"The king ordered Ashpenaz…to bring in some of the sons of Israel…youths in whom was no defect, who were good-looking, showing intelligence in every branch of wisdom, endowed with understanding and discerning knowledge, and who had ability for serving in the king's court." – Daniel 1:3-4 NASB
This must have been a devastating time for the Jews. Their kingdom had been wiped out. Jerusalem and the Temple had been destroyed. Their leaders had been taken into exile. What would the future hold?
Yet God had not abandoned His people. In fact, through four young men, He was about to impact the entire Babylonian empire.
The king called for the most gifted of these young exiles to be brought to his court. He only wanted the best of them, the cream of the crop. Daniel and his three friends were chosen, entering "the king's personal service." They would receive the best education and opportunities—things they never imagined when they were taken into exile.
But God used this process to make these young men His witnesses. Yes, they would serve in Babylon, but in reality, they would be serving Him…testifying of His greatness, accomplishing His purposes, and changing the course of history. They had been prepared for "such a time as this" (Esther 4:14).
God still works in the same way today. He has a unique call, ministry, and destiny for each of us. We are to serve Him wherever He calls us, whether it's in the church or the world, at home or at work.
Remember that, as a child of God, you are the "salt of the earth" (Matthew 5:13). Everywhere you go, you are His ambassador. He has a special calling and destiny just for you! Allow Him to develop your gifts and talents. "Let your light shine," and be His witness in everything you do. Live so that others can see what God has given you, and bring Him glory.
PrayerFather, I dedicate my time, talent, and treasure to You. Help me to be a faithful servant in every situation. Use me to impact lives for Your Kingdom. In Jesus' name. Amen.
Extended ReadingDaniel 1


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Second EAGE Workshop on Well Injectivity & Productivity in Carbonates
10 - 12 December
Doha, Qatar
Call for papers
Maximize the results from your Carbonate Reservoirs!Following the success of its first edition in Doha 2015, we are launching the second edition of EAGE Well Workshop on Injectivity and Productivity in Carbonates (WIPIC 2017) that will bring together people from academia, applied R&D centers, service companies as well as national and international oil and gas companies to discuss the latest ideas and innovations relating to well performance in carbonates and field applications. The workshop is scheduled for 10-12 December 2017 in Doha, Qatar.
Important Dates
|Registration Open
|Early Registration Deadline
|15 November
|Registration Closes
|08 December
|Course on Carbonate Acidizing
|10 December
|Workshop - Day 1
|11 December
|Workshop - Day 2
|12 December
Register is now closed!
Online registration is closed for the Second EAGE Workshop on Well Injectivity & Productivity in Carbonates!
You are welcome to register onsite and join us in Doha, Qatar during this high quality workshop.
Technical Programme is ready!
The programme for the Second EAGE Workshop on Well Injectivity & Productivity in Carbonates has been set! Check out the Final Announcement & Programme and join us in Doha, Qatar!
If you are one of the presenters, please go to the Speaker Guidelines for more information of the format.
For more general information, please download the Final Announcement & Programme or contact email@example.com


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Officials at the Discount Centre opening ceremony in Bahrain.
Tas'heelat opens new used cars showroom in Bahrain
MANAMA, May 2, 2019
Tas'heelat Automotive Company, a subsidiary of Bahrain Commercial Facilities Company, has opened its new used car showroom (Discount Centre) in Bahrain.
The new showroom will display all kinds of used cars under one roof at Al Esteqlal Highway near Sanad traffic light.
The inauguration ceremony was held today (May 2) in the presence of Bahrain Commercial Facilities Company CEO Dr Adel Hubail and other executive management officials.
Speaking at the launch, Dr Adel said this showroom offers a great opportunity for car owners to show their cars for sell with exclusive marketing prospect in traditional and digital media. From the other side, it also offers wide range of trustworthy used cars from all models.
The discount center provides plenty of space for display of cars and the opportunity to experience the driving inside the showroom and technical testing of all car's components supervised by technical expert to ensure the car's safety and quality, he stated.
In addition to providing car rental services, vehicle financing service is available facilitated by Bahrain Credit for all individuals with the possibility of issuing the insurance certificate directly to complete the sale of the car immediately, he added.-TradeArabia News Service


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South Shropshire caravan site approved despite traffic fears
A holiday site for up to 40 caravans will replace a nurseries business in south Shropshire, despite concerns the access road is "an accident waiting to happen".
The plans to transform the Burford Nurseries near Burford and Tenbury Wells were approved by councillors this week, albeit with a "proviso" that measures to allow safe access to the site are investigated.
The existing garden centre and polytunnels will now be demolished, and a site for 40 static caravans created in its place.
Councillors at the Shropshire Council South Planning Committee meeting welcomed the plans to bring more tourism to the area, but many raised fears that the existing 60mph speed limit on the A456 to access the caravan park could lead to accidents.
Residents of nearby Burford and Tenbury Wells have warned there have already been fatal crashes in the area in recent years.
The meeting heard from the council's case officer Andrew Sierakowski that the entrance to the site is about 100 metres from the start of a 40mph speed limit zone.
A number of councillors visited the location in question ahead of the meeting to see traffic first-hand, and Councillor Simon Harris agreed that the current national speed limit would pose a danger.
He said: "With the traffic speeding up and down, there is an accident waiting to happen."
Councillor Andy Boddington said: "Clearly we need to extend the speed limit area so it is 40mph, or down to 30 which would need a lot of advice from officers.
"We know people break the speed limit but it's possible to enforce it and it does discourage many drivers from speeding. That is the critical issue with this."
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National award hope for Swansea Maritime Quarter
Swansea's Maritime Quarter is in the running for a major award that salutes the best in urban environments.
It is shortlisted in the great place category of the 2019 Urbanism Awards that celebrate outstanding examples of civic design across Europe.
They are run by the Academy of Urbanism (AoU), an independent organisation that brings together urban specialists to recognise and encourage great places.
Robert Francis-Davies, Swansea Council cabinet member for investment, regeneration and tourism, said: "The Maritime Quarter is a great regeneration success, underpinned by a long-term vision since the early 1980s.
"It's a tremendous achievement to be celebrated in The Urbanism Awards; it means it will be in the spotlight across Europe.
"Success doesn't mean we're complacent, of course; the council is driving a transformation that will see Swansea city centre develop as an even greater place in which to live, work and spend quality free time."
The Maritime Quarter, an expansive residential and leisure area, was formerly key to Swansea's position as a global industrial powerhouse, with thriving sea, rail and road links.
Regeneration began in the 1980s and Swansea Marina opened in 1982 with berths for around 400 boats. In 1992 the barrage and lock was completed, allowing the River Tawe to accommodate berths for around 200 boats.
The area now features housing that ranges from 1980s apartment blocks around the former South Dock to post-millennial town houses. Homes includes social housing and the 29-storey Meridian Quay Tower.
The area includes the National Waterfront Museum, the Dylan Thomas Centre, Swansea Museum and the LC.
The Urbanism Awards are the AoU's primary platform for recognising the best, most enduring or most improved urban environments.
This year's awards are particularly focused on places that have been through transformation from an industrial past to a new-style present and future.
There are five categories. In the great places category, Swansea's Maritime Quarter is shortlisted with London's Granary Square and Dublin's Kilmainham Civic Space.
Winners will be announced at a London ceremony on Wednesday, November 7.
Photo Swansea Marina, a key part of the successful Swansea Maritime Quarter.


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ESBjERG – Shaving Gel Face & Body For Her
€23,80 / 100 ml
incl. 20% VAT plus Shipping Costs
This natural shaving gel is deeply moisturizing and improves razor glide. Also suitable for intimate care.
In stock
The organic Pomegranate extracts contain a variety of beneficial antioxidants and nutrients that help to improve skin elasticity. It also deeply moisturizes the skin, promotes cell renewal and helps to protect shave irritations and cuts. Thus, the gel is suitable for intimate shaving.
Even the manufacturing of natural cosmetics can always be improved.
Thus, during the manufacturing process and the storage of Esbjerg's cosmetic products the classical music of Wolfgang Amadeus Mozart constantly filled the air. Additionally special, energized water from the so-called "Schauberger-funnel" was used in the manufacturing process.
How to use
Apply the gel to the skin and let it rest for 1 to 2 minutes. After shaving rinse your body with fresh, cold water. If desired, a brush can work the gel into a lather.
Versand & ZahlungDelivery time:
We ship Wednesday to Friday
Free shipping:
Rest of the World: €150,00
14 Tage Rückgaberecht
Payment: Kreditkarte, Sofort, PayPal
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The Vorace 101 Race
I's the Moses ultimate weapon for speed cross, its high modulus 101 cm mast is extremely stiff and still allows for a high heeling angle to get lift upwind while keeping high control and stability.
|Pack content:
– 1x MW637-18 – Competition Front Wing 637mm
– 1x MS420-18 – Stabilizzer 420mm
The Vorace 101 Gran Turismo
Customers who are looking for a better performance and a maximum comfort will love the ability of the 558/330 wing combo to deliver a 30 knots top end speed while able to foil at low speed and carving like a razor in every water surface plane
|Pack content:
– 1x MW558-18 – Competition Front Wing 558mm
– 1x MS330-18 – Stabilizzer 330mm
The Vorace 101 Free Ride
The increased wing surface of the new 590 is the perfect choice for those who love to cruise, advanced freestylers and strapless riders. It allows an early take off with great speed range. Covering distance quickly in perfect control mode.
|Pack content:
– 1x MW590-18 – Competition Front Wing 590mm
– 1x MS330-18 – Stabilizzer 330mm
All pack content :
– 1x MM101-18 – Mast Vorace
– 1x MFK-18 – Fuselage
– 4x Bushing M6x10mm
– 2x Socket head cap Screw M6x20mm
– 3x Flat Head Screw M6x20mm
– 2x Flat Head Screw M6x16mm


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Dai learned the organic dairy farming trade at Ty Gwyn, an experimental organic dairy farm run by the Institute of Grassland Environmental Research in North Wales. He then received a welcome opportunity to run his own organic dairy farm as a tenant farmer.
He farms a herd of 90 cows in Pembrokeshire with over 300 acres of land in total, is married to Sharron and they have three children, one girl and two boys.
Dai believes the modern farmer shouldn't just produce milk and forget it. The farmer needs to produce products that people want to buy and be close enough to the consumer to do that. He is an avid believer in supporting the local economy by processing locally.
Dai enjoys walking and likes to involve his family on the farm as much as possible.