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Guests: Chuck Todd, Julia Boorstin, Harold Ford., Jr., Howard Fineman, Willie Brown, Michelle Bernard, Morgan Freeman, Kweisi Mfume
CHRIS MATTHEWS, HOST: A failure to communication.
Let's play HARDBALL.
Good evening. I'm Chris Matthews up in Philadelphia. Leading off tonight, troubles for Harry. Of all the revelations in the new book "Game Change," the one that has excited the political world most is Nevada senator Harry Reid's curious comment about Barack Obama being "light-skinned" and talking with "no Negro dialect." My question is this. What's the focus here? What's hot here, what he said, who said it, how it was said? Reid responded this afternoon to the storm of criticism he's received, and we'll get to it right at the top of the show.
Beyond Reid, some of the best stuff in this new book involves Hillary Clinton. Why did so many U.S. senators publicly support her while quietly in the back room urge Barack Obama to run against her?
Plus: From "Driving Miss Daisy" to "Invictus," Academy Award-winning actor Morgan Freeman takes on roles that tackled that old American challenge of race relations. Can't we just get along? The star will be here tonight.
Also, what did Bill Clinton say about candidate Obama that so bothered Ted Kennedy? And finally, B-Rod. What did he mean when he said he's blacker than Barack Obama? That's in the HARDBALL "Sideshow" tonight.
Let's start with the political firestorm over Senate Majority Leader Harry Reid's comments. Former U.S. congressman Harold Ford is an NBC News political analyst, and Kweisi Mfume was the chairman of the NAACP. Gentlemen, thank you for joining me. I want you to watch right now what Harry Reid had to say today. Here he is.
SEN. HARRY REID (D-NV), MAJORITY LEADER: I am very proud of the fact
I can still remember the meeting that took place in my office with Senator Barack Obama, telling him that I think he could be elected president. And I'm sure there were others. But he was kind of surprised that a Democratic leader was calling this new senator over to suggest that he could be elected president. I've apologized to the president. I've apologized to everyone that's in the sound of my voice that I could have used a better choice of words.
MATTHEWS: Congressman Ford, what's your reaction to all this, from the beginning of the day to the end of the day? Your reaction?
The president has accepted his apology. His colleagues in the Senate still have confidence in his ability to lead on health care, jobs and the many other issues confronting the nation in the Senate.
It was an unusual choice of words, but I know Harry Reid and know him to be a decent and good person. There's no record or other instances of racial animus expressed by him, either through his work in politics and public policy and certainly not him as a person. And I take his apology and take him at his word.
And I think he understands, as well as any, that he and the Senate will be judged more on how they perform and how they conduct themselves around creating jobs, passing a good health care bill, and addressing the nation's security issues as we head into this election season.
MATTHEWS: Let me ask you, Mr.—former congressman Kweisi Mfume. You were head of the NAACP. What's your reaction about this whole thing, the kerfuffle from the beginning of the day to now?
KWEISI MFUME (D-MD), FMR. U.S. CONGRESSMAN, FMR. NAACP HEAD: Well, I've got to tell you, Chris, it's sad and humorous at the same time. I mean, people have tried to compare this to Trent Lott. I mean, the similarities are that both were crude, clumsy, calculated remarks that at the end of the day proved embarrassing to both men. I think the similarity is in there because in this instance, Mr. Reid said has something about an aggrieved party who happens to be the president, who granted him immediate absolution...
MATTHEWS: Right.
MFUME: ... and absolved him of all wrongdoing, focusing on his record instead of his remarks. And in the other case, it was Senator Lott who reminded us that Strom Thurmond ran on a segregationist platform in 1948, that he supported it, that he voted for him and that we would be better off as a nation if he had got elected on that platform. So they were two different things. But I think in each case, they're both extremely embarrassing to both men.
MATTHEWS: Well, for people who came into this story a bit late, here's what Senator Reid was quoted as saying in this new book, "Game Change," which just came out. Here's the direct quote. He said Obama—that he was wowed by—that was Senator Reid was—"wowed by Obama's oratorical gifts and believed that the country was ready to embrace a black presidential candidate, especially one such as Obama, a, quote, 'light-skinned,' close quote, African-American, quote, 'with no Negro dialect unless he wanted to have one,' close quote,' as he later put it privately."
I have to tell you, gentlemen—let me start with you, Mr. Ford. What's very important to me is the context of this conversation. This guy, Reid, called Barack Obama into his office back in 2006 and blew his mind by saying, I think you ought to run for president. I think you can win. You'd be a great candidate, completely wowing the young candidate, who was thinking of running, obviously. But this really turned him around the corner and said, God, Harry Reid, the leader of the Senate, thinks I ought to run. This is serious business.
I was overwhelmed by that part of the story. Is that a bigger story than the words he used, like "Negro," which are so out of date?
FORD: Well, they both are big stories. I would align myself with my colleague and my former colleague and friend, Mr. Mfume, it was certainly embarrassing for the leader. But the overall sentiment expressed by Leader Reid was that he believed that the nation was ready and willing to embrace then Senator Obama's message and would likely be willing to elect him president.
Again, I think there's one other difference between, if I might add, with Senator Lott—former Senator Lott and Senator Reid. There were other instances and other allegations of racial animus and racially charged language from organizations back in Mississippi leading the way, suggesting that this was not the first time that Senator Lott might have aligned himself with the Dixiecrat ticket or that he might not have wished or—wished the nation had aspired more closely, or realized more actually what Senator Thurmond had run on some decades ago. So there are multiple differences here.
But the main thing is that President Obama said this chapter—the book is closed. The issue is closed. Let's move on. And there are no other instances of Senator Reid behaving this way, conducting himself this way. As a matter of fact, it's just the opposite.
MATTHEWS: Let me ask you, Mr. Mfume, who I respect—I've respected you for years, sir, your service to the Congress and also as head of the NAACP. Is what he said, who said it here—a white guy, to be blunt about it, a white politician of very superior leadership position—or how he said it? What's the fact here that concerns people?
MFUME: I think the fact is all of it, Chris. I mean, that's why we're talking about it. That's why it's been leading the headlines. That's why it's gotten more attention in the book than some other things that were in the book. It was just very, very clumsy.
And Harold Ford is right. When you look at the record, I mean, there is a divergent path here. Trent Lott voted against Dr. King's birthday, voted against many of the Civil Rights bills. Harry Reid did not.
But the clumsiness of the remarks tells us that we've got to work harder to try to get those images, those beliefs, those biases...
MATTHEWS: Yes.
MFUME: ... out of our head so they don't come out as words.
MATTHEWS: Well, let me ask you—it seems to me—this is all sensitive territory, and all three of us know that, so I'm going to be very careful here. But he was obviously talking not about the ability of Barack Obama to appeal to the black community, the African-American community. For them, it would be a common ethnicity and it wouldn't mean much. And maybe complexion would mean something. I doubt it. But here he's talking about whites and their openness to someone of darker or lighter complexion within the African-American community.
Was that the part that was offensive, or is it—well, let me just ask you, was that offensive, the fact that a white guy's talking to another couple white guys about this in a back room, about the ability of whites to accept people of different complexions? You first, Mr. Mfume.
MFUME: I didn't find that offensive because it happens every day.
MATTHEWS: Yes.
MFUME: I mean, people for some reason think that if you're dark, you're threatening, you know?
MATTHEWS: Yes.
MFUME: And if you're very light, maybe you're not threatening. It's a conversation that goes on in the white community. It's a conversation that has found its origin, in many instances, in black life, where light-skinned people at the end of segregation or at the end of slavery got more privileges than others. So it's—it's really twisted.
I mean, the bottom line is that racism, sexism, anti-Semitism are all wrong, that black bigotry is just as cruel as white bigotry, and that gay bashing or union bashing or immigrant bashing...
MATTHEWS: Yes.
MFUME: ... all those things deplete us as a nation and rob us of our ability to advance the cause of this country, a free, open democratic society where everybody is judged by the content of their character.
MATTHEWS: But let me ask you—I don't want to get into this argument because I'm a white guy and I want to stay out of it right now because it is—to be honest with you, it's so sensitive.
MFUME: It's very sensitive.
MATTHEWS: But Congressman Ford, it seems to me that you've been in
political back room discussions where people talk about ethnicity and
people who are more ethnic than others, people who may have the same
background but come across a different way, they have a different accent,
they're able to speak in different accents. We all can speak in different
the closer I come to Philly, the more I pick up Philly again after a couple of hours.
MATTHEWS: I mean, you know how it works. I mean, let's not get completely crazy about this. You can pick—I start saying "watter" again. I mean, it's just how you talk when you—I'm talking again this way.
Anyway, to make it a little lighter subject here, is it the conversation about complexion or was it that old world—that word "Negro"? But even the word "Negro" is in the United Negro College Fund. I mean, it still exists in the vocabulary in some cases.
FORD: Look...
MATTHEWS: Is—go ahead. I'm sorry.
FORD: If Harry Reid could take the comment back, I'm sure he would. I'm not sure he applied this level of thought. I think what Congressman Mfume stated earlier, that, you know, this reveals that a lot of this is an issue of race still bubbles on people's minds.
MATTHEWS: Yes.
FORD: I mean, we have—continue to have conversations about it in the nation. I noticed this morning that of all of the quotes in the book, this is the one that has gotten the most attention. So there's still a fixation with it.
But I think the larger issue is this, that Reid has never had a problem before, never accusations made before about his public policy positions. I think Congressman Mfume touched on it well, in addition to other allegations being made against Senator Lott involving race and racially charged language. His voting record is very different.
We all make mistakes, and we can overanalyze mistakes, and we can overanalyze and overanalyze. I think in Senator Reid's position—Senator Reid's—with respect to what he said, I think he regrets it. He's apologized for it. And let's hope that it doesn't happen again.
MATTHEWS: OK, we've dealt with the nuances here and we've gone to the issues of what exactly is the problem. Here's the pure partisanship coming up. I want you guys to analyze these now, gentlemen. Here's some Republican reaction these last several hours to this comment by Senator Reid.
MICHAEL STEELE, RNC CHAIRMAN: There's a big double standard here. And the thing about it that's interesting is that when Democrats get caught saying racist things, you know, an apology is enough. There has to be a consequence here if the standard is the one that was set in 2002 with Trent Lott.
SEN. JON KYL ®, ARIZONA: I agree with Michael Steele's comment that there is a double standard. I'd like to see the same standard applied to both.
SEN. JOHN CORNYN ®, TEXAS: Trent Lott resigned. Harry Reid should resign.
MATTHEWS: OK, let me go back to Congressman Mfume. What did you make of the Republican commentariat?
MFUME: Well, first of all, there's no double standard. I mean, I didn't call for Trent Lott to resign. I didn't call for Harry Reid to resign. I mean, Trent Lott did it as a result of a political reality. He knew that he was just losing a lot as a result of that. So there wasn't a double standard necessarily here.
The other thing that has to be talked about are the records of both men. Now, I've got problems with the comments. I want to say that up front because I think in 2010, we're a little further ahead than that, hopefully. But there's this notion about a double standard. I just don't buy into that. I think both were clumsy, calculated and callous remarks, as I've said. They both were embarrassing. But when you go beyond that and consider the source, there's a huge difference.
FORD: Can I add one last thing about that, Chris?
MATTHEWS: Yes, quickly.
FORD: After Trent Lott made his comments, the White House began—the Bush White House began the whisper campaign that it was time for him to move on.
MATTHEWS: Yes, they were after him to...
MATTHEWS: Congressman, you know that there was a lot more to that than what Trent Lott said. They were out to get his scalp a lot earlier than this. They were after that guy.
Let me ask you—now we're going to make some news tonight, Congressman Harold Ford. Would you like to be the senator from New York?
FORD: I'm giving a lot of thought to it. I'm absorbing a lot of advice and getting a lot of encouragement from people across the state who believe that New Yorkers deserve a fair election and a free election. And we'll make a decision in the coming weeks. I might add, no Negro dialect here tonight, Chris, between Kweisi and me.
MFUME: In the words of the old social scientist, Rodney King, can't we just all get along?
MATTHEWS: You know, that was in my script tonight. I took it out. Let me ask you—I was going to—I did put it in for a while there. Let me ask you, Congressman Ford again, will you run even without the White House blessing? Even if the president says he'd like to see Gillibrand win, would you still run?
FORD: I have great respect for President Obama. And if I run and win, I look forward to working with him. But I will listen to voters in New York as I make this decision, above all.
MATTHEWS: Are you a New Yorker?
FORD: I live in New York. My wife and I plan to start and raise a family there, and I pay taxes there. And once you pay taxes there, you feel like a New Yorker.
MATTHEWS: But are you a New Yorker?
FORD: I am.
MATTHEWS: You're a New Yorker. Say, "I am a New Yorker."
FORD: I am a New Yorker.
MATTHEWS: OK, thank you...
FORD: I am a New Yorker. I am a New Yorker. I am a New Yorker.
MATTHEWS: OK. I love to hear—that's how it works in politics.
Thank you very much.
FORD: Good to see you.
MFUME: Thank you, Chris.
MATTHEWS: We have to lighten up this thing a little bit. Thank you, Harold Ford, Jr., and good luck with your decision.
FORD: Thank you.
MATTHEWS: Mr. Mfume, as always, great respect to you, sir.
MFUME: Thank you.
MATTHEWS: Thank you.
MFUME: Thank you.
MATTHEWS: And to the NAACP.
Coming up, much more on Harry Reid's comments and the other gems, a lot bigger gems perhaps in the book. They're not getting the attention. Why did so many U.S. senators publicly support Hillary Clinton, their colleague, but secretly push Barack Obama to run against her? What's that all about? NBC's Chuck Todd and "Newsweek's" Howard—we've got the pros coming here—join us again in about a minute.
And tomorrow night, we're going to have the authors of the book, here it is, "Game Change," the hot book, number one on Amazon right now, John Heilemann and Mark Halperin, to explain their decision-making in putting this book together.
You're watching HARDBALL, only on MSNBC.
MATTHEWS: Welcome back to HARDBALL. Harry Reid's remarks aren't the only headlines coming out of that new book, "Game Change." I have it here in my hand, an advance copy. It just came out, actually. The book is—the authors are Mark Halperin and John Heilemann. They'll be on HARDBALL tomorrow night to talk about their book. But tonight, as a preview, let's look at some of the fascinating behind-the-scenes relationships described in the book.
Chuck Todd is NBC News chief White House correspondent and political director and co-host of MSNBC's new 9:00 AM show, "THE DAILY RUNDOWN," which started today. And Howard Fineman is "Newsweek" senior Washington correspondent and an MSNBC political analyst.
Gentleman, you first, Chuck, then Howard. How long is this story going to last, the days that which are going to harry Harry Reid?
CHUCK TODD, NBC POLITICAL DIR., WHITE HOUSE CORRESPONDENT: Well, I'll
tell you this. I'm always hesitant to try to predict how long a political
a race-driven political story is going to last. I think a lot of us thought, for instance, the Henry Gates story was going to go away after 24, maybe 48 hours. That thing drug on a week. I think Reverend Wright proved how long that story could drag on. So I think sometimes we forget just how potent this issue is still, how raw race is in American politics. And these things can just keep going a lot longer than we all—than all the smart people in this town think.
That said, there aren't many ingredients there that indicate this story is going to keep going. Number one, there isn't a single Democrat publicly coming out against Harry Reid. That was not what happened, for instance, to the Trent Lott episode, right? There were a whole bunch of Republicans looking to throw that guy under the bus before he made those comments.
The second thing is it looks like Reid's statement today was pretty contrite. You know, had he been a little argumentative, a little feisty, he could have drawn some other problems. And then, of course, the other issue here is this. The White House needs him there.
MATTHEWS: Yes.
TODD: They have no plan. As someone had said to me, they don't have a plan Z, let alone a plan B...
MATTHEWS: Right.
TODD: ... when it comes to...
MATTHEWS: You heard what I said a minute ago, that the White House, under the case of—in the case George W. Bush, wanted to get rid of Trent Lott...
TODD: That's right.
MATTHEWS: ... and they saw that as their opportunity. They need this guy. Howard, your thoughts, quickly. How long will this story last, the fight over this one?
HOWARD FINEMAN, "NEWSWEEK," MSNBC POLITICAL ANALYST: Well, I don't think it's going to last that much longer, in part because of lucky breaks like the one that Harry Reid got this morning. Rahm Emanuel was scheduled to be Chuck's first guest on his show. What a great opportunity for Rahm to try to put the thing to rest, which I thought on Chuck's show he did very, very forcefully, sending a signal to all other Democrats that however damaged Harry Reid may be, the White House needs him. Health care is hanging by a thread. They need whatever Harry Reid has got.
They couldn't stand the tumult of trying to get rid of Harry Reid while they're trying to pass this controversial health care bill with only a few weeks left before the State of the Union.
MATTHEWS: Yes.
OK. Let's go to Steve Schmidt and the other part of the story, the Republican part of the story. Here is Steve Schmidt, who obviously has a lot to say about Sarah Palin. Here he was voicing his thoughts on "60 Minutes" last night. Let's listen.
STEVE SCHMIDT, FORMER MCCAIN CAMPAIGN SENIOR ADVISER: I said, you know, if this project goes forward, you will be one of the most famous people in the world by Friday. Will you be able to live with that? She said she would be able to. She was very calm, nonplused.
I said, you don't seem nervous at all about this. And she said, no, it's God's plan.
MATTHEWS: Why is that controversial, Chuck?
CHUCK TODD, NBC NEWS POLITICAL DIRECTOR: Oh, I don't know if it's controversial. I think what stupefies a lot of people in Washington is sort of like, how is it that she didn't have at least some—you know, any other person in American politics would have shown a little bit of nervousness, and she wasn't showing any.
MATTHEWS: Yes.
TODD: But let's remember the context of this. I think Steve Schmidt, he's been keeping his powder dry ever since the release of Palin's book.
And I think he saw an opportunity to try to answer quietly and subtly some of the critiques that she threw his way.
TODD: This is a feud that isn't going to go away between Steve Schmidt and Sarah Palin.
MATTHEWS: OK. This is what I like about politics, catching politicians not knowing what they're talking about. Howard, you know this is my bread and butter.
Here is—according to the authors of this new book...
FINEMAN: Yes.
MATTHEWS: And they're incredibly credible authors, Heilemann and Halperin. Here is what they said.
"Palin"—this is a quote—"Palin couldn't explain"—this is getting ready for her big debate with Biden—"couldn't explain why North and South Korea were separate nations." She had no idea what the Korean War was, apparently, never heard of it. "She didn't know what the Fed did, the Federal Reserve did, that it's our central banking system. They asked who attacked on 9/11, and she suggested several times it was Saddam Hussein."
Is she the target of the misinformation campaign? And she was asked to identify the enemy that her son would be fighting in Iraq, and she drew a blank. Now, maybe that last one's not so hard to explain. I mean, it is hard to know who the latest insurgents are.
FINEMAN: Right. Right.
MATTHEWS: But the fact is, not knowing the Korean War—I understand she didn't also really didn't get quite the First and Second World War.
I mean, this is tabula rasa here.
FINEMAN: Well—well, a couple things. Chris, first of all, what this book provides, and I have read most of it now, is a lot of novelistic detail on an overarching story that we already knew.
Those are devastating details. I'm assuming they're true, because these guys worked hard on this thing. The level of ignorance is astounding. But the other thing that Steve Schmidt and others are doing, perhaps without fully realizing it, is that they're further underscoring their own, I think, borderline irresponsibility in picking her.
MATTHEWS: Yes.
FINEMAN: I mean, even Dick Cheney said, in another passage in the book, this woman is not qualified. And yet they were willing to go ahead with the ticking time bomb that she was at that point.
MATTHEWS: Yes.
FINEMAN: Maybe she's learned a lot since. Maybe she will learn a lot if she runs. Maybe she will learn a lot being a pundit on FOX News.
But at the time they picked her...
MATTHEWS: How can she be a pundit? She doesn't know anything.
Let me go back. Let me go to Chuck.
FINEMAN: Yes. Well, you see, that's my point. It was a dangerous thing to do.
MATTHEWS: And you're—you make it well. You make it well.
FINEMAN: Yes.
MATTHEWS: Chuck, what grabbed me was that great phrase by Steve Schmidt, and I know we all this business heard it before, when he says this put-away line: She doesn't know anything.
TODD: It was—look, this is where—it came from Steve Schmidt. This isn't a quote—I mean, the fact that he chose to basically underscore the Halperin-Heilemann reporting—you know, they had it. Obviously, they had spent a lot of time with him—and he went ahead and did that "60 Minutes" interview, that's less about doing a favor for promoting the book, and more about, I think, settling a score with Governor Palin a little bit, but, also, it may be just a confessional of his own right.
It goes to Howard's point going, you know, boy, we may have made a strategic—not a strategic mistake...
TODD: Actually, Steve corrected himself. Strategically, he made the case that Palin...
TODD: ... actually—that McCain lost by fewer percentage points because of Palin than if she hadn't been on the ticket.
FINEMAN: Yes, but I—but also...
TODD: I happening to agree with that, but I think he feels guilty...
FINEMAN: Yes. But having talked to Schmidt myself about this within the last 24 hours, Chris, you know, I think he is, at best, ambivalent—at best, ambivalent—and, probably, as Chuck says, regretful, remorseful...
MATTHEWS: Yes.
FINEMAN: ... that the way things came down heading into Saint Paul, Minnesota, was to pick Sarah Palin in that condition, at that time, given what she was, given what she...
FINEMAN: And I think he regrets it.
MATTHEWS: Let's go to the Democrats for more of this inside stuff.
Here is the book describing Clinton and Obama as Senate colleagues—quote
"Their conversations with Barack were surreptitious, a conspiracy of whispers. Keen as they were for Obama to run, they would never be able to bless him with an early endorsement. Coming out against Hillary would pose grave risks. The Clinton had long memories and a vindictive streak 10 miles wide."
Chuck, what stuns me is the number of United States senators, the Nelsons, Conrad, Kent Conrad, Jay Rockefeller, Daschle when he—Former Senator Daschle, Chuck Schumer from New York, all these senators who were for Barack Obama secretly without—well, in the case of Jay, he came out and said so—all of them for Barack Obama. Is Hillary liked in the Senate or not? What's the story?
TODD: Well, no, look, I think, remember, at the time that this was all happening, sort of there were two campaigns, right? There was the early Clinton campaign in '06, frankly, and early '07 that was trying to lock this up, so that an alternative to Hillary couldn't get any traction and it wasn't there.
MATTHEWS: Yes.
TODD: Well, remember what happened early on. She only could get about a dozen senators early on. She only could get about those 200 superdelegates early on. And then there was—and then everybody else stayed neutral, waiting to see how things played out.
MATTHEWS: Yes.
TODD: And that's where Obama was able to pull this off.
But it was—I mean, it was something I think we all saw was potentially out there. They all came. Daschle—look, Daschle made this happen.
MATTHEWS: Yes.
TODD: I remember senator after senator—it started with Claire McCaskill, but then it became a domino effect, and it broke right along...
MATTHEWS: Were they being straight with Hillary?
MATTHEWS: Were they being straight guys, with Hillary?
TODD: Yes, by not endorsing. Yes.
FINEMAN: Yes.
TODD: Schumer is the only one in here that comes across a little bit sort of maybe—oh, not double-crossing—that's a little harsh—but, clearly, he endorsed her publicly...
TODD: ... working behind the scenes.
FINEMAN: Let's say playing a complex New York game.
TODD: Yes.
MATTHEWS: Yes.
FINEMAN: But I don't this part of it is a little—I don't doubt the reporting at all. I think it's a little heightened, shall we say. I don't think Hillary was reviled in the Senate at all.
I think people were—I think her work ethic was respected. I think people were concerned about Bill Clinton as a political liability, which is a theme throughout the book.
But there was interest in Obama from the very beginning, you would have to say.
MATTHEWS: Yes.
FINEMAN: And, also, you have to realize that certain people's memory in retrospect about how deeply they were supporting Obama from the beginning...
TODD: Yes.
FINEMAN: ... may be slightly amplified by the result that Obama is president of the United States.
TODD: I would underscore that. I would underscore that.
MATTHEWS: Yes.
MATTHEWS: All right, guys, we have to go.
TODD: Bill Nelson, on "60 Minutes" last night, who was a Hillary supporter, he came across as if he was like in the...
FINEMAN: With him all the way.
TODD: "Yes, go Barack." It was very fun.
MATTHEWS: Well, anyway, Harry Reid's definitely was—the way they document it, Harry Reid looks like he was for him.
FINEMAN: He was.
TODD: And he was.
MATTHEWS: Anyway, thank you very much, Chuck Todd, Howard Fineman.
It's a lot of fun.
As I said, tomorrow night, we have the authors of game change, Mark Halperin and John Heilemann. This is the big number-one book on Amazon right now, the top political kibitz topic of our world right now.
Up next: Now B-Rod's getting into the act. The ex-governor of Illinois says he's—quote—"blacker than Barack Obama." His explanation, which is worth a minute or two to listen, coming up where it belongs, in the "Sideshow."
You're watching it, HARDBALL, on MSNBC.
MATTHEWS: Back to HARDBALL. Time for the "Sideshow."
First up: Rod Blagojevich, or, as Jimmy Durante used to say, everybody's trying to get into the act.
B-Rod told "Esquire" magazine: "I'm blacker than Barack Obama. I shined shoes. I grew up in a five-room apartment. My father had a little laundromat in a black community not far from where we lived. Saw it all growing up."
B-Rod later called his comment stupid, that he was speaking metaphorically.
Next: Remember Rick Perry, the Texas governor who claimed his state's right to secede from the union? Well, "Texas Monthly" is out with a cover story hyping a Perry 2012 presidential run. Guess he's changed his mind on secession.
Now for the "Big Number."
It's going to be a tough week for Wall Street. On Wednesday, a commission that is investigating the financial crisis will hold hearings with heads of the major bailed-out banks. Figures like this next one will be hard to explain.
Last year, how much did Goldman Sachs employees pull on average per person? -- $595,000. At a bank that took taxpayer money to stay afloat, the per-person compensation at Goldman Sachs over half-a-million dollars, $595,000, tonight's "Start the revolution" HARDBALL "Big Number."
Up next: Academy Award-winning actor Morgan Freeman comes here. He often takes roles that address race relations. He's coming on HARDBALL.
You're watching it, only on MSNBC.
JULIA BOORSTIN, CNBC CORRESPONDENT: I'm Julia Boorstin with your CNBC "Market Wrap."
Stocks rallying in late trading to close mostly higher as the earnings season gets under way, the Dow Jones industrials almost 46 points higher, the S&P 500 up just a couple of points, and the Nasdaq falling 5.5 points.
Aluminum giant Alcoa kicking off earnings season after the closing bell today, profits of 1 cent a share falling well short of estimates, but revenue coming in ahead of expectations, down only slightly from last year. Shares are up 2.5 percent in regular trading, now moving sharply lower after-hours.
Caterpillar leading the Dow—investors hoping some encouraging economic data from China will lead to increased demand for construction equipment.
But a rough ride for the tech sector today—Amazon and chipmaker AMD leading the retreat. Major software-makers like Microsoft and Adobe also on the decline, and hardware giants Apple, IBM and Hewlett-Packard all finishing in the red.
That's it from CNBC, first in business worldwide—now back to
MORGAN FREEMAN, ACTOR: A rainbow nation starts here. Reconciliation starts here.
UNIDENTIFIED ACTOR: Reconciliation, sir?
FREEMAN: Yes, reconciliation, Jason.
UNIDENTIFIED ACTOR: Comrade President, not long ago, these guys tried to kill us. (INAUDIBLE) guys in my office tried and often succeeded.
FREEMAN: Yes, I know. Forgiveness starts here, too. Forgiveness liberates the soul. It removes fear. That is why it is such a powerful weapon.
MATTHEWS: Welcome back to HARDBALL.
That was Morgan Freeman in the powerful new movie "Invictus." He plays Nelson Mandela, for which he's already been nominated for a Golden Globe Award for best actor. His roles have included "Driving Miss Daisy," the great movie "Glory," ""Invictus," of course now, exploring, all of them, the question of how we get along between the races.
Welcome, Mr. Freeman. It's an honor to have you on. I have seen it twice now. How is it doing out there in South Africa?
FREEMAN: Well, it was very well received in South Africa, Chris.
How are you? Happy new year and all that.
MATTHEWS: Happy new year to you.
Let me ask you about these roles. I have watched you in two roles now where you really have a powerful role. It's a Spencer Tracy role, almost like the judge in "Guess Who's Coming to Dinner" or one of those other Tracy roles, where you have to sort of decide things for us all and lead us all.
In "Glory," you talked about the Civil War. And you were a soldier, an ex-slave fighting in the Civil War. And you were fighting with Denzel Washington, who was a militant guy. And you're talking about race relations.
And here you are in this movie talking to a very militant guy, your bodyguard. What is your soul doing all during this? Because this is about America, too, not just the world in South Africa.
FREEMAN: Well, you know, there was a belief factor that's very strong there.
I think Madiba was absolutely right in his approach to that situation and all situations like that. We have to—if we know we have to live together, then we should be making positive moves in that direction all the time.
MATTHEWS: And what's the role of leaders in all this?
FREEMAN: Well...
FREEMAN: ... I think everybody should go see the movie and take a little lesson from Madiba here.
MATTHEWS: Well, let me ask you about an American, because I know, from talking to Clint Eastwood last summer, that it was your idea. He directed the film, but it was your idea, as an American, to go over to South Africa, which has had a tremendous racial history, obviously, with white supremacy all those years, and as an American go over there with your background in the American South, where you live and have chosen to live.
What do we have to contribute as Americans on the racial front worldwide? Have we learned a lesson that the world could benefit from, even in our difficult path through racial relations for all these centuries?
FREEMAN: I think that we do have something to show the world in terms of race relations. We're not done. We're not finished. I don't know if we ever will be finished. But we seem to be way ahead of a lot of other places in the world in that.
In terms of going to South Africa, we only went to South Africa to do the movie because it's set in South Africa, and I was anointed by Mr. Mandela to play the role. Otherwise, maybe somebody else should have done it.
MATTHEWS: Let me ask you about what's going on now. When we have these discussions—let's talk about the election of Barack Obama. We're going to have a big MSNBC show next Monday night at 10:00 on Martin Luther King's Day. And we're going to talk about how we stand a year into this administration. I know you're not political, but how do you feel as an American a year into this presidency? Has it changed the way we look at black/white relations just having an African-American president?
FREEMAN: I think we've stopped looking at white/black relationships, by and large. When Barack was elected president of the United States, I, along with I'll bet half of the people in this country, shared a tear for our growth. And I think that we're not going to go backwards. I think we're going to continue marching ahead as we're doing. This is a great political time for us, actually.
MATTHEWS: What do you think it's like to be a kid today, an African-American kid, a white kid today, as opposed to what we were when we were kids?
FREEMAN: I think today being a kid, you have a world of promise ahead of you. There's nothing to tell you that you can't do whatever it is that you want to do, that you can't be whatever it is that you want to be.
MATTHEWS: How is this movie going to do?
FREEMAN: I think it's going to do well. I think this movie's going to have legs, as it were. You know the saying, long legs.
MATTHEWS: Yeah.
FREEMAN: Like "Shawshank Redemption," didn't do well at the box office because they pulled it early. But it went on to do quite well. Warner Brothers I don't think is going to pull this movie. I think it's just going to sit there and do well over time. The word of mouth is good.
MATTHEWS: They're putting good ads in the paper, too. Nice full page ads.
Mr. Freeman, you're one of my heroes. You are the Spencer Tracy of today. I appreciate you coming on HARDBALL. I mean it. Damn it, I mean it. I mean it when I say things. I'm not acting. I've got my own scripts here.
Number two, I've seen the movie twice. I don't tell everybody what to watch, but if you care about this country, and you care about how we can get better, and you want to see what a leader looks like, go see this movie. You're going to see Mandela played by Morgan Freeman. What an inspiration, sir. Thank you for coming on HARDBALL. I really appreciate it.
FREEMAN: Thank you, Chris. That was very well said.
MATTHEWS: It's true, too. It has the advantage of being true.
Up next, is Harry Reid's problem what he said, who said it, or how he said it? This is HARDBALL. We're going to get back into that gristle in a minute.
AL SHARPTON, CIVIL RIGHTS ACTIVIST: If I said that the "Washington Post" was more comfortable with Jonathan Capehart in the editorial room because he was light-skinned, that is racially insensitive. If I said I would dream of the day that they didn't have blacks in the editorial room at the "Washington Post," that's a whole other world. Trent Lott was musing on how America would been a better place if a Dixiecrat candidate had won.
MATTHEWS: We're back now. That was Reverend Al Sharpton today on "MORNING JOE." We're back with the politics fix, with MSNBC political analyst Michelle Bernard and former San Francisco Mayor Willie Brown.
I want Mayor Brown in here on this right away. What did you think about what happened today in this fight and what Reverend Sharpton had to say?
WILLIE BROWN, FMR. MAYOR OF SAN FRANCISCO: I think Al Sharpton is trying to put Harry Reid's comment in the proper perspective. After all, Harry Reid said what he said. I don't think he intended to be public at all. I don't think—he didn't mean it from a mean-spirited standpoint. He didn't mean it from a racist standpoint.
He's from a small town. He's from a time in America when, in fact, terms like Negro was being used. And he was discussing what is a reality in America. And that is that light-skinned African-Americans have been traditionally treated differently. After all, they are the end product of a white father.
MATTHEWS: Well, look, I'm not—I am afraid to talk, because I can't even talk about this without saying something that's interesting. You can't say something interesting on this topic. But I go back to you. I agree with you, Mayor Brown. Lena Horn (ph), go way back when.
Let's go. Michelle Bernard, you're a younger person here. What do you think of this whole discussion? A lot of this is generational. My mom used the term Negro. It was a common term, United Negro College Fund 30, 40 years ago. I don't know why Harry Reid still uses old-time language.
MICHELLE BERNARD, MSNBC POLITICAL ANALYST: The first thing I thought
Harry Reid really needs to just get his act together. This, of course, Chris, Mayor Brown, is coming on the heels of him comparing people who question health care to people who were against slavery and civil rights and women's rights. I can't imagine anyone who is younger than 100 years old using the term Negro, or using the term colored.
But that, you know—that being said, I don't think necessarily that what Harry Reid said was wrong. We talked about this all throughout the campaign season. I don't think it has anything to do with Barack Obama's complexion. There are black men that—
MATTHEWS: These words are old. The National Association for the Advancement of Color People is still the official nail. The United Negro College Fund is still the official name of the fund raising operation. These are major, front line, wonderful organizations. They haven't changed their names. Harry Reid hasn't changed his vocabulary. Is that the limit of this problem? Or is it worse?
BERNARD: It's not the limit of this problem. But it does make you wonder two things. One, what does Harry Reid think about African-Americans in general when he thinks that—you know, when he is also, again, talking off of the record? What would he say behind people's backs?
But secondly, it really does talk about—and I hope you'll discuss this in your special next week, what is it that makes people feel safe around black men, for example? We talked all throughout the campaign about the angry black man versus that somebody feels comfortable with. There was a reason that Barack Obama was elected by a majority of people, most of whom were white, rather than Jesse Jackson, Al Sharpton or even Shirley Chisholm. There is a reason for that.
And I don't think that what Harry Reid said was necessarily completely off the reservation. It was the terms that he used. Negro is a ridiculous word. None of us consider ourselves—
MATTHEWS: I don't know anybody that uses the terms either. But let's get back to the—to Mayor Brown and to what we're really talking about. Is this thing about light skinned—
Let's get back to the thing that really bugs me. I know you can't say you're for reparations because it drives people crazy. But if Thaddeus Stevens had has his way after the Civil War, and we had 40 acres and a mule, and a black male had had some capital, had some chance to be on his own feet and build a family with some money, if we had come out of this Civil War in a positive way, instead of a negative way, maybe we wouldn't have all of this fear and the racial tension of the last—whatever, the last 100 years.
My thoughts. You know what I mean? Really get back to it. Let's get back to what went wrong in our history and why we have this conversation. It's not about color. It's about our history and what we got involved in because of slavery.
BROWN: And there's no reason why we should not constantly remind people of exactly that, Chris. I've got to tell you, the United Negro College Fund is still the United Negro College Fund. And I don't care what anybody says today, that is what it's called. The National Association for the Advancement of Colored People is called the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People. It is not somebody who is living 100 years ago. It is, in fact, a reality of the day.
Neither of those things takes away from the magnificent function and responsibility that has gone on, and it creates an opportunity for dialogue. And I do hope with Tom Joyner, you will have that conversation, because it's ridiculous to conclude that those words are not relevant today.
MATTHEWS: Let me ask you—go ahead. Your response.
BERNARD: The only thing I was going to say is I in no way want to give the impression that they should change those names. Those are very important historical organizations, and never would I fathom that the name of those organizations would be changed. However, individuals referring to one another as Negro or colored or any other type of word that is so passe just doesn't seem to make sense. It's like "Gone With the Wind" and Scarlet O'Hara. It's absolutely ridiculous.
The other thing I was going to say, Chris, the points you make about how we got here today, the history and legacy of slavery are all very, very, very important. But one of the things that I'm sure will come up in your meeting—in your town hall meeting next week is also the role for personal responsibility within the African American community.
Again, some of the things that Harry Reid said are absolutely true. We cannot blame all of it, some of the sentiment expressed, on the man or on white racism. Some of it has to do with things that are endemic to the black community as well.
MATTHEWS: Let's think about the fact that the president of the United States did not come personally, in terms of his personal family history, from slavery. Certainly, Michelle Obama, the First Lady, did. And I think that comes to white fear and white guilt. There's so much wrapped into this on both sides of the color line. So much wrapped into white feelings about slavery and guilt about it. It goes so far back.
We'll be back to talk about this in a minute with Michelle Bernard and, of course, former Mayor Willie Brown. We'll be back with the politics fix.
And tomorrow on HARDBALL, the authors of "Game Change," Mark Halperin and John Heilemann. I keep pushing their book because it's numero uno on the best seller list right now. You're watching HARDBALL, only on MSNBC.
OBAMA: Harry Reid is a friend of mine. He has been a stalwart champion of voting rights, civil rights. He's spending a lot of his political capital in the middle of an election to provide health care to every American. And that's going to have a great impact on African-Americans and Latinos around the country.
This is a good man, who has always been on the right side of history. For him to have used some inartful language in trying to praise me and for people to try to make hay out of that makes absolutely no sense.
MATTHEWS: That's a pretty thorough going comment by the president endorsing Harry Reid. Basically exonerated him of any wrongdoing in that comment the other day for this book. Anyway, that was said on the TV show "Washington Watch" with Roland Martin.
We're back with Michelle Bernard and Willie Brown, the former mayor of San Francisco, and the former speaker of the House in California. There's another quote in the book I have to get to. Michelle, I know from people talking to you, you are concerned about it. This is in the book "Game Change," quote—this is from a conversation between the president and Ted Kennedy, the late Ted Kennedy, recounting the conversation later to a friend, "Teddy fumed that Clinton"—that's Bill Clinton—"had said, quote, a few years ago this guy would have been getting us coffee."
Your thoughts?
MATTHEWS: I think it is absolutely revolting. This was not the first time that we heard this kind of statement from Bill Clinton. And if anyone is guilty of being close to saying something racist, it's Bill Clinton. It's almost as if he was thinking that Barack Obama should be walking up to him and saying, "yes, massa, can I get you some coffee?"
That is a horrendous statement. And rather than harping on Harry Reid, who, as the president said, used some very inartful language, black Americans in particular need to think about what Bill Clinton said, and remember that there is a reason that so many people say to black Americans that we need to make the Democratic and the Republican party compete for our votes. Because this is an example of what a lot of, quote, unquote, progressives believe about black Americans.
MATTHEWS: Can I tell you, I don't believe Bill Clinton has a racist bone in his body. What do you think, Mr. Mayor? I don't know if what he met was he wasn't up to the level of this competition, but the idea that he had something to do with race is beyond me. What do you think?
BROWN: I think you're absolutely correct, Chris. I don't think Bill Clinton has a racist bone in his body at all. And his history and his record is probably more distinguished than almost any other politician at his level in the history of this country, black, white, otherwise. Bill Clinton has been a pioneer on the issue of race. Even when he was that governor of that very small, he had a whole history of doing things right.
MATTHEWS: Mr. Mayor, got to go. Thank you very much, Michelle Bernard and Mayor Brown. Join us again tomorrow night at 5:00 and 7:00 Eastern for more HARDBALL. The authors of "Game Change," Mark Halperin and John Heilemann, will be with us then tomorrow.
Right now, it's time for "THE ED SHOW" with Ed Schultz.
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Transcription Copyright 2010 CQ Transcriptions, LLC ALL RIGHTS RESERVED.
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text:
TSA Agent Not Sure What This So-Called "District of Columbia" Is
The Transportation Security Administration says it's giving all agents in Orlando a refresher course on what a District of Columbia driver's license looks like, after one agent refused to recognize one of them as valid ID.
D.C.-based reporter Justin Gray, who works for Cox Media group, says the agent at checkpoint inside Orlando International Airport "didn't recognize" his license, and asked him to show a passport instead. Gray didn't have one with him.
"At that point, I was a little confused, but then I realized what was going on," Gray later told Orlando ABC affiliate WFTV, "I said to him, 'Do you not know what the District of Columbia is? Washington, D.C.?' After some back and forth, it became clear he didn't."
He got through the checkpoint by escalating the problem to a supervisor.
A spokesperson who contacted Gray after he tweeted about the problem said, "Officers are trained to identify fraudulent documents, which can potentially deter and detect individuals attempting to circumvent this layer of security."
Now they'll also be trained to identify valid documents. At least in Orlando.

subset: commoncrawl


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Microbe Magazine
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Cover: Wild boar (Sus scrofa) populations are serving as reservoirs for infectious diseases that affect both domestic animals and humans (see p. 226). (Image © iStockphoto/johan10.)
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Cover ImageVaccines are crucial for controlling the spread of influenza, but currently are only effective against a limited mix of strains. A universal vaccine remains elusive, but progress is being made (see p. 433). (Image © James King-Holmes/ Science Source.)
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CNBC: Paulson 'Put a Gun to All Their Heads'
Gee, and I thought I might be pushing the envelope on September 28 when I expressed concern that the "bailout" with the made-up $700 billion price tag that turned into the pork-loaded "bailout" with the made-up $850 billion price tag "blackmail" (though "extortion" may be the more appropriate word).
It is clear that this is indeed the case, at least twice over. First, there were the threats made by the Treasury Secretary, the President, and the Fed Chairman warning of a banking Armageddon if Congress didn't pass the bill.
Now there's clear evidence, reported with stunning casualness by CNBC, that Paulson & Co. threatened the big banks in some way to force them to "accept" Uncle Sam's preferred equity investments:
Even if they didn't want it?
Watch the video; the answer is "yes" — thereby ensuring that the government has a stake in all the major banks. Here are key excerpts (all from the video's first two minutes):
Host Dylan Ratigan: Well we all know that obscene amounts of risk (were) taken inside of the banking system, leaving some banks crippled, some banks frozen, and other banks with huge opportunities.
Uh, many of the banks didn't want to be tainted with the government bailout funds because they didn't want to be mistaken for a fool when they actually felt that they were the smart one that didn't do it.
Well Hank Paulson said "The heck with that." He stuck all of them with some of the bailout money. And he said "Listen, we're going to reset the clock here and move forward." Charlie, how are the banks that felt they basically didn't commit the crime, as it were, of excess or reckless risk, uh, respond to the fact that even they will be stuck with this capital?
Charlie Gasparino: Well y'know they were all kind of stupid to some extent …..
….. the Treasury Secretary Hank Paulson put all these egos in the room, and basically put guns to their heads, forcing them to take the money to bolster the banking system.
Some of the firms say they didn't want the cash, but it's pretty clear that all of them did need to take the cash, given the continued upheaval in the banking system that crushed shares last week of Morgan as well as Goldman Sachs and just about everybody else.
So this is essentially, uh, Dylan, a case where, y'know, you can deny you have any problems. Even the best-capitalized banks have problems. They own this stuff. And Paulson at one point said, "Listen, if you don't want it, it doesn't matter, gun to your head, you gotta take it."
Ratigan: Yeah, whether you think you're sick or not, you're taking the medicine.
Gasparino: Because you're sick anyway.
Ratigan: Exactly.
So what did Paulson threaten to do if they said "no"? (Yes I know he wasn't holding real guns. Come on now.) We don't know, but whatever it is, the opening sections of the pork-loaded "bailout" bill with the made-up $850 billion price tag probably gave him the power to make the threats credible.
It was very unsettling to see the two CNBC reporters basically smile and smirk their way through the opening segment of the clip, with what I saw as an air of insufferable "we know it all" arrogance. Further, a larger group including Ratigan and Gasparino all seemed to agree that the solution for jump-starting the economy that Paulson has embarked on is Keynesian, and not supply side oriented. One of the panelists frequently invoked the name of "Andrew" Hamilton when explaining how nationalizing the banks might actually be a good thing.
This "bailout" was originally advertised as being targeted towards troubled loan situations, principally mortgages. Instead, Paulson, Bernanke, and Bush have turned it into a de facto, no good deed goes unpunished (i.e., responsible lending) tool for partial nationalization.
How many Congresspersons, or presidential candidates, thought this was what they were voting for, or that this is what the people wanted? Two weekends ago, I wrote that the whole saga shows that the whole saga proves that Washington doesn't really care what we think.
Where's the proof that this was needed?
Where's the outrage?
Finally, why is the threat element of the story only news on CNBC? The closest thing I could find came from a lightly-carried Associated Press story, which said that:
Executives of the country's biggest banks were summoned to a remarkable meeting at the Treasury Department on Monday to be briefed on the plan. Paulson basically told the bank CEOs that they had to accept the government stock purchases for the good of the U.S. economy.
________________________ (Fill in your socialist of choice) would be proud, both of the move and the whitewashing that accompanied it.
Here's a final irony: The page containing the CNBC story has an embedded link to a Bankrate.com column called "Five Money Mistakes Even Smart People Make."
Mistake Number 5 is "Being out of touch."
Cross-posted at NewsBusters.org.


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Client CITIC Pacific Mining
Location Cape Preston, Western Australia
Sectors Mining
The challenge
Load testing and back-up power for giant mine
The world's largest – and Australia's first – magnetite iron ore mine and processing facility couldn't fire up its own power station until thorough load testing had occurred. And for load testing, the mine needed load banks. Lots of them.
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Project fact file
Size of on-site power plant
Load banks
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2.5 MW of power and 14 load banks
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By Mohamed Yassin
Almost half billion persons in and within the Nile Basin territories depends on Agrifood systems. The bulk majority of the Nile Basin population and communities are concentrated around water bodies and relaying more and more on diminishing resource base of land and mainly water, which are per se so limited or scarce. The current societies in and within the Nile Basin are undergoing voluntary and involuntary accelerated urbanization process. This rapid urbanization is dictated by the classical pushing and pulling factors affecting the rural urban or urban to urban migration processes including the peri-urban immigrant farmers who get the chances of socio-economic inclusion in the urban planning only through the informal settlement around the urban dwellings. This implies also urbanizing more and more the agriculture in formal and informal patterns pushing it to be agriculture in more architectured setting (agritecture), Agritecture is a blended agricultural science with architecture. It is an emerging inter-multi-trans-disciplinary domain inspired to address the urbanizing agricultural society contemporary and future challenge, overcome its constraints and capture its potential opportunities.
Family farming in rural areas is increasingly loosing terrain at the expenses of the urban farming for multiplicities of reasons and drivers. Urban areas are offering more attractive employment opportunities and better chances of higher income and availability of basic deliverables, basically associated with the industries, trade, technologies, education, health and tertiary sector of services. The Agricultural sector has a shifting and dynamic nature and adaptability related to these urbanization processes, through the urban gardens, nurseries, and other sorts of multifunctional agri-food systems. Actually the urban agriculture should stand as multifunctional fountain for sustainable food systems, as a driver for a resilient and smart agro-food systems, as a catalyst for the socio-economic, cultural, ecological and sustainably urbanizing territories and cities. Ideally, to manage the urban agro-food systems, diversity of competencies and expertise, enriched and empowered human capital is required from the integrateable domains of sciences, engineering, technology, arts, economics, business, law, human and social science, among others.
The Nile Basin is an extended territory in which the agriculture is showing growing trends in urbanizing setting, the food systems are showing increasing complexities, interdependency and interconnections and prospects. From the Equatorial lakes, to the Ethiopian highlands to the confluence of the white Nile and Blue Nile in Khartoum, the agricultural schemes are extending and intensifying along the shores of the Nile and determining the formation of extended city region agriculture and food systems from Khartoum up to Cairo and the Nile Delta at the mouth of the Mediterranean Sea. The Nile Basin macro-region is witnessing significant climatic variability and above all demographic growth, almost reaching half billion inhabitant and associated fauna and flora, with increasing percentage of Nile Basin population who will be settling in urbanized settings and settlements.
The total population of the Nile Basin riparian countries was around 85 million at their independence era, with projection of over a billion persons within this millennium. That booming demography requires mitigation, adaptation and adoption of urban agricultural policies and planning, consideration of imperatively adequate food and nutrition systems to cope with this dynamics. In that scenario, the food security and nutrition can be addressed if innovative, integrative, comprehensive systematic approaches are locally and globally elaborated, financed, monitored and followed-up. For instance, urban individual and collective gardens (vertical or horizontal) could be encouraged, trees planting and compensation are boosted, and ecological urban hubs are maintained and invigorated. The lessons and necessity to paradigm shift to vertical or urbanizing agriculture, where there is soil sealing and soil degradation, to green-roofing and vertical agriculture should be deeply and seriously researched by the Nile Basin states to accompany and accommodate that vision in their regional urbanizing agriculture and agritecture. Feasible measures and implementable concerted actions where it is appropriate and economically viable, socially beneficial and environmentally sound and friendly should play a fundamental role in future food and nutrition security and policies to achieve the sustainable development goals and climate change adaptation and mitigation projects, programs and prioritized policies.
The Nile Basin major rivers and tributaries constitute the fluid supporting structure for the urban living, where most of the city region flourished. Worth to highlight the Egyptian triangular city region food system. It is an extending and sprawling city food system sprawled from the greater Cairo to Port Said and Alexandria on the delta of the Nile River along the Mediterranean Sea including the strips to Aswan and Luxor. The structure, conduct and performance of this concentrating city food system markets and places are of dynamic nature, changing locations and allocations. Analogues city food system is the Lake Victoria sub-basin circular city food system, with considerable demographic concentration in the Ugandan Entebbe-Kampala-Jinja City Region Agrifood System, in the Tanzanian Musoma-Bukoba-Mwanza City Region Agrifood System, and in the Kenyan Kisumo-Kisii-Homa Pay City Region Agrifood System in Nyanza province. Furthermore, the South/Sudanese City Region Agrifood system along the Blue, White and the main Nile is taking similar inverse extended triangular shape when compared to that consolidated in Egypt. The small urban settlements, which were separated from each other along the shores of the river, are joining one to the adjacent and continuing on an ever-blended urban-rural or urban-urban food systems, where it is hard to distinguish the rural urban benchmarks. The growing infrastructures, continental corridors, roads, energy transmission grids and lines, ports and subsidiary premises enhance the formation of city region food systems. In all these cases, the spatial population distribution, markets and trade are influenced by the climate, rainfall, soil fertility, mineral resources, peace and security, social and economic infrastructures such as transportation networks, education, health, telecommunications, hospitality and tourism facilities. However, the Nile Basin River system appear to be the driving factor attracting the formation of these human settlements and the backbone sustaining and supporting continuum city region Agrifood systems, and forming or generating the interdependency and interconnections of these city region Agrifood systems. Previous studies have underlined how food will shape cities even more in the near future, and those constructive and dynamic interrelations are possible only with the preservation of the informal core of markets that can be assumed as key factors and drivers. Formless strategy provides another type of spatial order and connection between food and metropolis. Along the Nile Basin, generally the market and urban horizontal expansion develops in a sort of informal pattern dictated by the growing population and rural-urban, urban-urban exodus.
To deeply understand the complexity of city region agro-food systems, the Nile basin community should conduct serious research and form broad robust platforms of inter-multi-and-trans-disciplinary oriented human capital composed of flexible or blended competencies from the domains of the environmental sciences, agronomy, engineering and technological sciences, urban and regional planning, architecture, landscape design, economics, social sciences, soil sciences, public health and nutrition to come and act together, recognizing the contribution of urban agriculture to meeting society's basic needs, feeding people, structuring the cities, reconciling the nature conservation while shaping their desirable and inspired sustainable development and inclusive prosperity.
Mohamed Yassin is a PhD candidate (2013-2015) in Economics, Ecology, Landscape and Territory at the Department of Civil Engineering & Architecture, University of Udine, Italy. He is reachable at firstname.lastname@example.com or email@example.com


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Filmed during the early stages of cinema, this film captures Leeds Bridge and city centre near the turn of the 20th century.
Commissioned by the Ministry of Information and scripted by Dylan Thomas, this film addressed the need for town planning in Sheffield in the post-war world. It features two men who discuss pre-war slum clearance and town planning.
This film takes place in Bradford city centre in the early 1970s. It captures various people in the city going about their daily business.
This film deals with the issue of race relations and the immigrant community in Huddersfield, specifically in terms of education. It was filmed shortly after the famous "Rivers of Blood" speech given by Enoch Powell which addressed the rise in immigration during this time period.
This film was made as a promotional film for Leeds University and highlights the wide range of subject areas potential students can choose to study, the facilities the university provides, and aspects of student's social life including student halls and the University Union. The film also includes interviews with many of the University's current students.
This is a film made by Charles Chislett on behalf of the C.P.A.S. documenting the charitable work of St George's Church Crypt in Leeds. It shows the work of providing food and shelter for the homeless and gifts for poor children at Christmas.
This film documents a trip taken by Holmfirth Tradesmen to the countryside, Buxton and Belle Vue Zoo. Additionally, the film shows the devastation and destruction caused to buildings in Sheffield as a result of the Blitz during the Second World War.
This is a film of York, showing the city centre and a charity pram parade in a housing area. It isn't known where the title 'Collacoats' derives from.
This is a collection of pieces of film from the Charles Chislett Collection, including out-takes from St Georges Crypt and Rachel when young.
This film consists of two separate parts, the first of which shows street cleaning, rubbish collection, and refuse disposal in Bradford. The second part of the film features the Bradford's Lord Mayor and Lady Mayoress.
This film commemorates the 700th anniversary of Bradford Market. It shows the Market during the celebrations, shoppers, and market stalls. A group of dignitaries accompany the Mayor and Mayoress as they tour the Market. After which, they gather together for dinner and speeches.
This film is part of the Sharp collection and consists of footage taken of an event to celebrate the opening of a new Sharps flooring store. Though despite the title, the store opening takes place in Bradford.
Made by members of the Bradford City Police, this film documents the various types of drills performed by the Civil Defence during the Second World War in order to be prepared for enemy attack. The film includes footage of members of the Civil Defence putting out house fires and practicing medical procedures with a mobile first aid unit and ambulance services.
Made by CHAS. R.H. Pickard & Son of Leeds, this film documents the royal visit and opening of the Civic Hall by King George V on 23rd August, 1933.
This film was produced by members of Leeds Camera Club as a document of the Coronation Celebrations held in Leeds in 1953. The city was covered in colourful and ornate decorations for the celebration, and included in the film is extensive footage of Leeds city centre during this celebration time.
This is a film of the Elland Carnivals in summer 1926 and 1927. It was made by BFL Films for an "exclusive release" to be screened at the local cinema following the event, hoping to draw in crowds who couldn't wait to see their big moment on the silver screen.
Filmed in 1962, this film captures a behind the scenes look at part of the making of the John Schlesinger film, Billy Liar (1963). This film gives an interesting look at the production of Billy Liar as portions of the Leeds and Bradford location shoots have been documented on this film.
The following is an educational filmstrip which contains information washing and the architecture of Wakefield.
This short film includes many of London's famous tourist attractions as well as views around the city.
In 1933 King George and Queen Mary visited Leeds to open the new Civic Hall, and while on their trip also stated at Harewood House. The royal procession travelled from Oakwood to the Town Hall, where the King inspected the guard of honour in Victoria Square. After a short ceremony in the Victoria Hall, the Royal party went on to the Civic Hall for the opening ceremony. Record numbers of people from all over Yorkshire turned out for the event. This film captures part of that procession from a spectator's point of view.
A promotional film for Thomas Smith & Sons of Rodley near Leeds, this film features manufacturers of cranes and excavators and was produced by Mottershaw Commercial Films of Sheffield.
Part of the Yorkshire Media Consortium Project, this film focuses on the lives of four women connected by the fact that they were travelling through the Bradford Interchange at the same time.
Part of the Yorkshire Media Consortium project, this film examines two Indian curry houses in Bradford, comprising interviews with their respective managers and customers.
Part of the Yorkshire Media Consortium Project, this film consists of the insights from a diagnosed paranoid schizophrenic woman living in the community in Bradford.
Part of the Yorkshire Media Consortium Project, this film looks at Heaton Primary School in the light of the changes to Bradford's education system.


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Nubia Ortega (b. El Salvador, 1976) joined the Creativity Explored studio in 2003. Ortega experiments with different types of media. Whether in pencil, paint, or clay, her artwork is very realistic and detail-oriented.
A focused artist, she spends ample time on each piece, first methodically laying out a composition and then carefully choosing colors to fill in her landscapes and portraits. Most recently, Ortega has excelled at clay hand building, creating stylized human figures and plant forms and firing them with ultra-colorful glazes.
CB2 chose Ortega's work to adorn a limited edition holiday ornament for the 2010 season.
Ortega's work has been exhibited in over twelve exhibitions at Creativity Explored.
on paper
Half of the proceeds from each art sale go directly to the studio artist.
Price includes domestic shipping.


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Posts Tagged 'historian'
The stories of Tyneham and Lulworth: initial thoughts on my Major Project
From the 1980s to the 1990s the historian Patrick Wright made many trips to Dorset. His targets were Lulworth and the valley of Tyneham, as part of the extensive research he was undertaking for his book The Village that Died for England: the Strange Story of Tyneham. His book concerned the fate of the small village of Tyneham and the surrounding area, a village that had been evicted during the 1940s to enable the MOD to train their tanks as part of the Second World War war effort. It was subsequently never returned to the villagers. Now still largely controlled by the Ministery of Defence for the training of tanks, the majority of the Lulworth area is a patch of British countryside that remains untouched by modern developments such as agriculture and heavy tourism (save for quite a few tank shells obviously). According to his book 'it has lurked in the national imagination ever since as the symbol of a vanished England'.
With a keen grip on the history of the area and its ability to relate to wider themes within Britain's development, Wright's research trips allowed him to identify significant locations, people, and events that would help him put the pieces of his story together. In his hands Tyneham and the surrounding area was not only a story about a specific area in England, it was an area which allowed him to investigate the hopes and fears of Britain as it came to terms with the advance of the 20th century: his book "investigates the strengths and weaknesses of 'organic' visions of the English countryside. It is concerned with opposed expressions of patriotism, the fear and appreciation of technology and military power, the tension between traditional ideas of English life and the transformations brought about by the modernising State."
I am interested in Wright's work because it is not just a study of surface appearances but is concerned with tracing a story of Britain, by unravelling and joining together the layers of history hidden at symbolic locations. It is these 'historical' points that I want to try to identify and photograph. I'm interested in loosely re-tracing the footsteps of the historian around the area with the same inquisitive eye, trying to ascertain elements which could be used to piece a story together about what this part of rural England was and what it is today. I'm hoping that the kind of images I make will make something that will not just be about a specific location but will allow me to explore what aspects of this area have symbolic potential and why this is. What is it that makes us see something as symbolic? What is it about a site or a way of photographing a place that allows it to comment to the way we think about our country? Which sites are more relevant to our sense of Britain than others and why? Will these images demonstrate a wider significance to the everyone else or will they just say more about my personal point of view of Britain? And most importantly, will anyone actually buy the vision of England that I'm presenting?
I have a few ideas about how this project could look like but I will add these in the coming weeks in more posts. I will also be visiting the area for the first time tomorrow on a five day camping trip. The weather forecast is pretty grim but this is all what being a fearless adventurer is all about, right? Let's hope I can get to grips with the tent and the good old camp stove. Grrrr.


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The verdict was read today, roughly five months after opening statements in the case filed by Jackson's mother.
Katherine Jackson sought to hold AEG Live responsible for her son's death, arguing that it hired Dr Conrad Murray to be the singer's physician without considering whether he was fit for the job.
AEG Live denied any wrongdoing and said it was Jackson who hired Murray.
Murray was convicted in 2011 of involuntary manslaughter after giving Jackson the overdose as he prepared for a series of comeback shows.
The Jackson family matriarch was seeking hundreds of millions of dollars in damages for herself and her son's three children.
Jury finds Michael Jackson was not/partially/primarily at fault for his own death .


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Double the Beauty and Fun!
Maximize bedroom space for your children who share a room or host fabulous slumber parties with this beautiful and charming Mission Style Bunk Bed. Crafted of solid hardwood in a choice of three appealing finishes, this twin over twin bunk bed will add brightness, charm and long lasting durability to the bedroom. The magnificent mission style design and beautifully detailed curved spindles on the headboard and foot board, set this bunk bed apart from the rest. Sweet Dreams!
Shipping: Standard: $145.00


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At the entrance to this theme park – located in the Vogtland town of Lengenfeld between Plauen and Zwickau – you are greeted by the talking tree, before being whisked away to a world of exciting adventures and thrilling attractions.
Off to the park we go! This child-friendly park is divided into various themed worlds featuring over 70 attractions. These include the Wild West Town with rodeo, bull riding and mini bumper cars, the Japanese Garden with a dragon swing and fun boats, and the Nature Park with a deer enclosure. Then there are the vintage cars, the Plohni Village with the Plohseidon family rollercoaster, the Holzmichl villa, the giant wave slide and a whole host of thrill-packed rides including the El Toro wooden rollercoaster, one of the highest log flumes in Germany and the awesome Dinosaur Freefall Tower. An exciting raft ride through Dinoland takes you right back to prehistoric times where you can see life-size and frighteningly real-looking dragons, crocodiles and dinosaurs. The stories of the Brothers Grimm are brought to life in the magical Fairytale Forest. Hansel and Gretel, Puss in Boots, Snow White, Sleeping Beauty, Mother Hulda and other much-loved fairytale characters tell of long-forgotten times. Also enchanting are the dwarf ride and Rapunzel's Castle with the fairytale carousel and magic fountain. And how about visiting Germany's largest and craziest treehouse?
A brand-new addition to Plohn Theme Park is the Village of the Gauls. Here you'll find not only thatched houses and jolly inhabitants but also the new wildwater rafting ride Curse of Toutatis. An adventure for all little Plohni fans is the Plohnanza Camp, where you can expect a warm welcome and Wild West lodgings. Staying the night at the rustic 'hay hotel' is an amazing experience. Alternative sleeping arrangements are also possible, while food and drink are available at the themed restaurant. At Plohn Theme Park you'll step into a fascinating fairytale world offering exciting attractions, unique experiences, a friendly atmosphere and plenty of variety.
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Corning Optical Communications GmbH & Co KG, part of Corning Incorporated's (NYSE:GLW) Telecommunications segment, will highlight flexibility in fibre-to-the-home (FTTH) deployment solutions at the European FTTH Conference in Munich, Feb. 14-16.
In its exhibit (booth #G15), Corning will feature its latest innovations designed to address the challenges that carriers face with FTTH deployments. Visitors will get firsthand experience with Corning's flexible deployment solutions, beginning in the central office/central switching centre and progressing through a series of application-specific multi-dwelling unit (MDU) scenarios. Outside plant and single-family unit (SFU) product offerings will also be addressed, with each solution offering interoperable components that help maximize cost efficiency in network designs.
For the central switching centre, Corning Optical Communications' exhibit will feature the Enhanced Management Frame (EMF), which offers superior cable and jumper routing for efficient fibre management. Modular components provide customized layouts that maximize network capabilities, while managing cost and space constraints. The product family offers both splitter and wavelength division multiplexing solutions.
The business case of today's FTTH deployments is often greatly influenced by the ability to easily deploy optical fibre to the end user living in MDUs. Corning Optical Communications' exhibit will address a variety of deployment scenarios with small, medium and high-rise indoor and outdoor solutions including:
• The RPDpass® Indoor Preconnectorised Solution, for medium (typically four to nine floors) and large (more than 10 floors) indoor deployments
• The Indoor Direct-Drop Preconnectorised Solution, for rapid connection of end customers in small (up to three floors) and medium deployment scenarios
• The ASCEND™ Indoor Solution, for quick connection of riser segments and drop cables in medium- and large-sized MDUs using single-fiber connectivity
• The FlexNap™ Façade Preconnectorised Solution, for quick outdoor installation on the outside of an MDU
• The OptiTap® Façade Preconnectorised Solution, for small and medium outdoor deployments that do not have enough riser space inside
• The Facade Direct-Drop Preconnectorised Solution, for small and medium indoor deployments with minimal riser space inside
In addition to the exhibit, Corning will be participating in several events at the conference:
• As part of the Voice of the Industry Speaker Session on Feb. 15, between 14:30 to 15:45, Robert Whitman, vice president of global program management for Corning Optical Communications, will provide a presentation "How to Market FTTH Networks." The presentation will offer information on the challenges and opportunities that arise when new paths of fibre optic communications are built.
• On Feb. 14, between 15:00 to 16:30, Peter Kiesheyer, program manager for FTTH for Corning Optical Communications will provide a workshop "Be efficient in deploying your passive infrastructure."
For additional information on Corning Optical Communications products and services, contact a customer service representative at +49 800 267-646-41, toll-free in Europe, or visit the website at www.corning.com/opcomm.
About Corning Incorporated
Corning Incorporated (www.corning.com) is the world leader in specialty glass and ceramics. Drawing on more than 160 years of materials science and process engineering knowledge, Corning creates and makes keystone components that enable high-technology systems for consumer electronics, mobile emissions control, telecommunications and life sciences. Our products include glass substrates for LCD televisions, computer monitors and laptops; ceramic substrates and filters for mobile emission control systems; optical fibre, cable, hardware & equipment for telecommunications networks; optical biosensors for drug discovery; and other advanced optics and specialty glass solutions for a number of industries including semiconductor, aerospace, defense, astronomy and metrology.


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POC Layer JR Cut Suit Bottom
- Product Description
- Technical Features
- Reviews
POC Layer is an innovative approach to protecting ski racers from cuts and abrasions. By combining the protective qualities of Dyneema fabric within a technical base layer, ski racers have a simple but highly effective protective barrier to injury from sharp edges.
Item No. 57221
- Tights mixed with a Dyneema® fabric layer to prevent injury from sharp edges
- Level 2 cut resistance achieved under EN 388:2004, level 4 cut resistance achieved when paired with POC ski suit (5 is maximum)
- Dyneema® fabric strategically placed to reinforce areas most exposed to sharp edges
- Highly flexible and lightweight main fabric
- Good wicking and moisture management properties
- Good level of warmth
- Competition/race fit
- Designed to be worn with a race suit


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In what appears to be a desperate attempt to salvage some semblance of a legacy from a lame-duck period, President Bush indulged in a bit of political theater Tuesday. He assembled a group of civil rights leaders at the White House and herded them into the Rose Garden to plead with Congress to reauthorize the No Child Left Behind Act, the 2001 bill that sought to establish federal performance standards for schoolchildren and ensure that all children achieved proficiency in them by 2014.
Congress would do well to decline the honor. Unfortunately, failing to act would leave the original law in place. Since most politically feasible reforms would make an already flawed law significantly worse, however, that might be the least objectionable outcome.
The centerpiece of No Child Left Behind is a requirement that all students be tested in every year between third and eighth grade and once in high school for proficiency in basic academic skills.
The intention — shifting federal attention from subsidizing educational inputs, such as special curricula or a "program for every problem," to testing results and encouraging improvement — was potentially useful, but implementation has been disappointing.
Since schools that do not show improvement on standardized tests can lose federal funding and states still set the standards for "proficiency," a perverse result of the act has been that some states have lowered their standards to avoid federal sanctions. Instead of giving parents more useful information the result of the law is to give them less.
In addition, the law's paperwork requirements have added about 7 million hours to the annual compliance burden of federal education programs, according to the Office of Management and Budget. Instead of directing more money to classrooms, the act has increased administrative burdens. And the federal government now has more control over issues that were once determined, and rightly so, at the state or local level.
The original intent of the act was to consolidate and streamline existing federal education programs, but that hasn't happened. So the No Child Left Behind requirements are piled on top of all the existing federal education mandates.
A couple of Republican legislators have proposed a reform called Academic Partnerships Lead Us to Success (A-PLUS, cute, eh?) that would allow states to opt out of No Child Left Behind and reallocate funds toward programs determined at more local levels. Unfortunately, this reform has little chance of passage in the current Congress. Almost all the proposed reforms that have a chance of passage involve even more federal control.
The least-worst course, then, is to ignore the president's plea and work on reforms to the flawed No Child Left Behind act in a non-election year.