text:
Adré le Roux
School of Education Studies, University of the Free State, South Africa email@example.com
Despite fundamental reforms to South African education, large performance gaps still prevail between former black schools and former white schools. Nineteen years into a democracy and education in post-apartheid South Africa still retains a strong racial dimension between poorer communities and more affluent communities. Differential access to power and privilege in post-apartheid South Africa is the logical consequence of a racialised society, and the latter constitutes the context in which pre-service students have to make sense of their racialised subjectivities that ultimately affect their decisions and active agency to bringing about a less polarised society. In this paper, Bonilla-Silva's structural theory of racism is used as a theoretical lens to unpack the rationalisations used by four white pre-service teachers to make sense of race and their own racial identities. By claiming that they were not part of apartheid, the participants use various rationalisations to provide them with information to maintain a belief in white innocence in racism and to disengage them from structural racism.
Keywords: Bonilla-Silva; race; racial identity; structural theory of racism; teacher education; white pre-service teachers
Since the transition to a democracy, the South African government has made immense efforts to move away from apartheid education. Framed within the context of a new progressive constitution (1996), fundamental reforms to the administration, curriculum, governance and funding of education followed (Department of Education, 2009; Motala & Dieltiens, 2010). However, despite educational reforms, there seems to be little evidence of post-apartheid education narrowing the great divide between the prospects of children from poorer communities and those from affluent communities (cf. Department of Basic Education, 2010, Executive Summary). One could agree with Soudien (2007) that the apartheid legacy continues to be determinative in the degree to which rich and white learners perform better than poor and black learners. However, one needs to acknowledge how this bimodality in performance is the outcome of current low quality education which is, by implication and by evidence, unable to convert its material advantage (relative to other poorer African countries) into cognitive skills and learning achievements (Spaull, 2012). Instead of providing a way out of poverty, the persistence of large performance gaps between former black schools and former white schools underscores an education system that "generally produces outcomes that reinforce current patterns of poverty and privilege" (Van den Berg, Burger, Burger, De Vos, Du Rand, Gustafsson, Moses, Shepherd, Spaull, Taylor, Van Broekhuizen & Von Fintel, 2011:3). Despite numerous attempts at intervention by the government, the current education system continues to feed into the continuation of race-based social inequality in South Africa. In this regard, McKinney (2007:216) notes that continuing race-based social inequality largely precludes South Africans to "'exit race' or even from being able to think about 'race' differently". As such, race not only continues to play a significant role in how South Africans use it as an identity marker, but racial categorising remains a common basis of self and other-identification in social interaction in South Africa (Collier, 2005).
Education has a significant role to play in transforming individual lives and social structures, and teacher educators should be concerned with teachers' role in perpetuating raced-based social inequality. In South Africa, pre-service teachers find themselves in a society deeply marked by a racialised past and although they might strive to make a different present and a new future, they will eventually choose, amongst others, racialised subjectivities that will inform their becoming and being one kind of teacher rather than another (Walker, 2005). In this regard, it can be assumed that the way in which pre-service teachers make sense of race and their own racial identities will ultimately affect their decisions and active agency to either engage in classroom pedagogies to combat exclusion and marginalisation (Francis & Hemson, 2007), or to contribute, often unconsciously, to the perpetuation of racial inequality. Within the context of teacher education and in the light of our education system perpetuating the inequalities of a racialised past, but also driven by the hope that teachers can made a difference, the theorising of pre-service teachers' understanding of race and racial identity becomes necessary.
The aim of this article is to explore the rationalisations used by four white pre-service teachers to make sense of race and their own racial identities in post-apartheid South Africa, and to consider implications for teacher education. Although it is accepted that all pre-service teachers' decisions to engage in classroom pedagogies to combat marginalisation will be influenced by their racial identities, the decision to work with white pre-service teachers is not directed at essentialising whiteness. Nor is it aimed at challenging and unsettling whiteness, or at making white racial hegemony visible in post-apartheid South Africa. Rather, this decision resonates Picower's (2009) (cf. also Solomon, Portelli, Daniel & Campbell's, 2005) argument that unexamined whiteness can contribute to white teachers maintaining and enacting dominant racial ideologies. An understanding of how white pre-service teachers make sense of race and their own racial identities is subsequently important if teacher educators ultimately want their student teachers to contribute to bringing about a less polarised South African society.
Theoretical framework
In this article, Bonilla-Silva's (1996; 1999) structural theory of racism is used as a lens to explore the way in which four pre-service teachers make sense of race and their own racial identity. At the core of Bonilla-Silva's (1996) theory lies the assumption that a society becomes racialised when differential economic, political, social and psychological rewards are allocated to groups along racial lines (Applebaum, 2007). Although racial lines are socially constructed, the set of social relations and practices based on racial distinction designates the racial structure of society. Because of this structure, a racial ideology emerges as the organisational map that guides the actions of racial actors in society. Bonilla-Silva (1996:469) uses racism to describe the racial ideology of a racialised social system. Racism is subsequently not seen as a free-floating and baseless ideology excluded from the structure of the social system. Rather, the structural theory of racism is premised on the notion that racism should be studied from the viewpoint of the racialisation of society. Racial contestation is one of the outcomes of a society in which people are placed in racial categories and where social relations between races are informed by some form of hierarchy. Bonilla-Silva (1996) notes that in a racialised society races develop dissimilar objective interests that are rooted in a racial group's capacity to push for its racial interests in relation to other races. Within this context, racism is not seen as a phenomenon operating at the individual level, but is regarded as a systemic condition that structures institutions and relationships (Vaught & Castagno, 2008). However, although Bonilla-Silva's (1996) assumption holds water for the apartheid era when the racialisation of the South African society was a de jure arrangement, within the context of this paper, I work with the assumption that the racialised allocation of resources in post-apartheid South Africa is no longer a de jure arrangement. Rather, it reflects the legacy of a past when society was constructed along racial lines.
The decision to use the structural theory of racism as a theoretical framework is primarily informed by the assumption that, despite changing meanings of race in post-apartheid South Africa, race is still an organising principle of social relationships. Given the permanent notion of racism, including its ability to adapt to socio-cultural changes by simply altering its expression (Vaught & Castagno, 2008; Bonilla-Silva, 1999), it is difficult to consider the possibility of the inception of a democratic government leading to the complete elimination of the South African society's racial structure. When coupling the historical struggle of racial contestation with the capacity of agent populations (a concept drawn from Tatum, 1997) to preserve some type of racial privilege, a race-free society does not seem to be among the available alternatives in South Africa. To be more precise, it is virtually impossible to live in post-apartheid South Africa and not to be exposed to a racialised system of power driven by self-interested control over economic, political, social and cultural structures to systematise and ensure an unequal distribution of privilege, resources and power. McKinney (2007) argues that the current use of apartheid racial categorisation to fulfil goals of redress and equity, contributes to the continuation of 'race'-based social inequality and to 'race' still being the most significant factor in post-apartheid identities. As such, I work with the assumption that the way in which pre-service teachers make sense of race and their own racial identities will also be informed by a permanent notion of racism. However, I do not accept that racism should go unchallenged. Therefore, this article is informed by another assumption, i.e. that the positive development of pre-service teachers' own racial identities. through teacher education, can have an impact on their willingness to challenge the economic, social and political conditions effectively in their future schools, inevitably affecting their learners' world of learning and living.
In addition to Bonilla-Silva's (1996) theory contributing to an understanding of the social and systemic nature of racism, it also informs the conceptualisation of the structured nature of white privilege. As with other racial categories, whiteness is also regarded as "a social construct that can be invented, lived, analysed, modified and discarded" (Kincheloe, 1999:164). Although whiteness can be operationalised in many ways, Picower (2009) argues that the valuation of white skin colour grants invisible, unearned and not consciously acknowledged privileges to whites. In a similar manner as racism, racial privilege contributes to social inequality through the multiple inter-relatedness of the micro- and macro-levels of post-apartheid South Africa. Whilst we strive for equity, racial diversity and social justice in post-apartheid South Africa, current educational outcomes reflect a perpetuation and reinforcement of the inequalities of our apartheid legacy (Van den Berg et al., 2011; cf. also De Wet, Brazelle, Heyns, Masitsa, Niemann, Niemann & Van Staden, 2001).]]>
Research strategy
Whilst this article aims to unpack the rationalisations used by four white pre-service teachers to make sense of race and their own racial identities, the intention is not to generalise their rationalisations to all white pre-service teachers.
The participants
The participants in this qualitative study are four white Afrikaans-speaking women in their final year of studying for a Bachelor of Education (BEd) degree. As part of a bigger project on Identity, Agency and Social Justice, eight pre-service teachers were randomly identified from a purposive selection of students who are white, female and in their final year of study. After conducting in-depth interviews with all eight participants during which they were encouraged to communicate their understanding of how they understand their roles as agents of change, four students volunteered to continue with their participation in English. The switch from Afrikaans to English was to accommodate, at the time, a co-researcher who did not understand Afrikaans. Although all four participants were twenty-one years old, they carried with them diverse backgrounds and experiences. As the daughter of a missionary father, Julie grew up on a missionary station, learnt an indigenous language at an early age to communicate with her young black friends and completed her school career at a predominantly white Afrikaans-medium school. Susan's parents are both teachers who taught at black township schools before they left South Africa to teach abroad. She also completed her school career at a predominantly white Afrikaans-medium school. Lynn grew up in a single-parent household and got to understand at a young age the hardship of a mother who had to struggle to make ends meet. Like Julie and Susan, Lynn also completed her school career at a predominantly white Afrikaans-medium school. Rita grew up on a farm and completed her school career at a girls-only English-medium school with a diverse racial composition.
Initially, working with four participants only was a concern. Mertens (2010:332) argues that a decision regarding the number of participants in qualitative research is made on "the basis of having identified the salient issues and finding that the themes and examples are repeating instead of extending". The number of participants is subsequently related to length of time in the field. In this regard, Morse (2000) advises the consideration of the principle whereby the quality of the data and the number of interviews per participant determines the amount of usable data. Thus, the greater the amount of useable data obtained, the fewer the number of participants. As salient issues relating to race and racial identity emerged from the initial eight in-depth interviews, the decision was made to continue with the four voluntary participants, but to spend more time with them. In order to obtain rich data, the initial in-depth interviews were followed by a focus group interview and an additional in-depth interview with each participant.
Working with racial categories is a sensitive and contentious issue. Mertens (2010) cautions that when such categorisations are used along with an assumed homogeneity of conditions, the complexity of people's experiences and social locations is avoided. Whilst a conscious attempt was made during the data analysis to remain sensitive towards within-group commonality and difference, reference to racial categories such as white and black is not intended to lend credibility to popular cultural stereotypes. In rejection of race as a fixed biological category and informed by the notion of race and whiteness as social constructs, these categories are used in this article to establish how the four participants make sense of race and their own racial identities. In addition, as a white female teacher educator, it was also important for me to constantly reflect on how my own thinking about and the use of these racial categorisations may influence the analysis of the data.
The decision to work with women was informed by the fact that the majority of students enrolled for teacher education at the particular institution where this research was undertaken, are women. However, framed within the context of this article and given the focus on race and racial identity, it could be argued that working with women acknowledges the notion that the racial structuration of subjects is also fragmented along, inter alia, gender lines (Bonilla-Silva, 1996). Because racial actors are also gendered, it is subsequently assumed that the way in which these four woman pre-service teachers make sense of race and their own racial identities is, by implication, also gendered.
Data collection and data analysis
To enable a more nuanced analysis of how the participants make sense of race and their own racial identities, the use of more than one method of data collection was regarded as most appropriate. As data were collected from individual in-depth interviews, a single focus-group interview and in-depth follow-up interviews, it was possible to triangulate the information collected for consistency across the various data sources (cf. Mertens, 2010).]]> During the initial stage of this study, in-depth interviews of 40 minutes were conducted with the participants. During these interviews, the participants answered pre-determined questions regarding their experiences of teacher identity in general, whilst further probing assisted in the development of an understanding of their subjective experiences as pre-service teachers (Kelly, 2006; Mertens, 2010). However, since these interviews only provided a mere glimpse into the participants' subjective experience of race and racial identity, a focus-group interview of one and a half hour was conducted. One of the characteristics of a focus-group interview is that it typically comprises a group of people who share a similar type of experience (Kelly, 2006). As the participants in this study are all pre-service teachers in their final year of study, the focus-group interview was the ideal opportunity to create the space for the development of a more in-depth understanding of their inter-subjective experiences and sense making of race and racial identity in post-apartheid South Africa. The use of open-ended questions encouraged a conversational dialogue and assisted the participants in creating meaning among themselves (Mertens, 2010). Furthermore, the focus-group interviews provided an understanding of the ways in which the four white pre-service teachers shared and did not share common experiences (cf. Kelly, 2006). By retaining an awareness of commonality and difference, general patterns were identified and used to build a descriptive framework for theorising about the participants' inter-subjective experiences of race and racial identity.
To deepen the understanding of the participants' sense making, the focus-group interview was followed by a 60-minute in-depth interview with each participant. By means of open-ended questions, they were encouraged to probe, communicate and provide further insight into their own understanding of race and racial identity in post-apartheid South Africa. The responses of the individual participants were analysed and transformed into a logical and manageable structure in order to learn as much as possible about how each set of data responds to an understanding of each participant's subjective experience. In addition to a with-in case analysis, a cross-case analysis (cf. Merriam, 1998) helped to strengthen this understanding and enabled the triangulation of the participants' subjective experiences with their inter-subjective experiences. Whilst the analysis of the data sets helped to refine and develop a theoretical understanding of how the participants make sense of race and their own racial identities, the triangulation of the data from the different data sources enhanced the external validity of the findings (Merriam, 1998).
Informed consent was sought and obtained from the participants, all interviews were digitally recorded with their permission and, to protect their identity, all names used in this article are pseudonyms.
Findings and discussion
This article is premised on the notion that although race is a malleable and historically bound social categorisation, South Africa's racialised history is not absolved by post-apartheid discourses of equity and redress. Instead, underneath discourses of inter alia non-racism and non-sexism, social, political and ideological practice continues to produce differential status between racialised social groups (Van den Berg et al., 2011; cf. Bonilla-Silva, 1999). Framed within the assumption that a racialised South African society remains, the findings in this article are organised around the rationalisations the four participants use to make sense of race and their own racial identities.
We are no longer privileged
All four participants strongly claim that they were not part of apartheid:
Rita: I myself didn't grow up in an apartheid era or anything, I don't know about these things.
It could indeed be argued that this is a legitimate claim, as the participants did not grow up in an era in which white people held an overtly dominant political position. However, by claiming that they were not part of apartheid, they distance themselves from South Africa's history of racialisation and subsequently position themselves outside and independent from this racialised past:
]]> Lynn: What favours me, is that I was not oppressed by apartheid...I feel I was not part of it, so I am not going to exercise it.
Consequently, their claim not only enables them to demarcate issues of structural racism and oppression to a pre-democratic South Africa, but they also regard examples of present-day inequalities as remnants of apartheid; remnants of other people's past. Their recall of incidences of racism they have observed are seen as occurrences at individual level; rather than the outcome of a society in which societal institutions are structured along racial lines (cf. Bonilla-Silva, 1999). By using their claim as a distancing strategy, the participants have difficulty in interrogating effectively how past injustices impact on present circumstances. Rather, as a distancing strategy, their claim leads to the adoption of a blinder that serves as an effective form of resistance to engage in how the larger historical context permeates ongoing relations of social domination and economic inequalities in post-apartheid South Africa. By distancing themselves from a racialised past, the contemporary expression of structural racism is not recognised.
Drawing on Bonilla-Silva's (1999) structural theory of racism, it is argued that a contemporary understanding of race and racial identities cannot be separated from South Africa's historical process of racialisation. Thus, by using their claim as a distancing strategy, the participants also set the parameters within which to make sense of race and their own racial identities independent from a racialised past. Although all four participants acknowledge that as white people they were to a certain extent privileged by apartheid, this acknowledgement comes with a justification and introduces a disclaimer:
Julie: Yes, I am white...which opened a few doors for me...but I grew up very poor...you worked for what you wanted. I feel most people of my age and younger have more or less the same opportunities.
The foregrounding of the notion that it is all about hard work resonates a sense of entitlement - as hard work equals what you deserve, the perception is created that it is not about privilege; rather, it is about making good use of your opportunities. Whilst the introduction of but as a disclaimer feeds into the submergence of white privilege in a notion of equal opportunities, or at least access to equal opportunities for all, white people are no longer privileged. Working with the assumption that if we can, so can they, the impression is created that all black South Africans have to do, is to pick themselves up by their bootstraps and simply make use of the opportunities on offer. By implication, the participants promote a colour-blind approach whereby rewards of hard work should be based on merit. Whilst the faith in meritocracy is primarily based on the assumption that opportunities are equal, the use of abstract principles like meritocracy, fairness and equality to criticise affirmative action as reverse discrimination helps white people to appear "not racist" (Bonilla-Silva, 2003:79). However, since the participants assume that failure or success of an individual or a group is linked to individual effort and agency, they have difficulty in recognising how their understanding of race and their own racial identities is informed by a history of white privilege and white complicity in structural racism in post-apartheid South Africa.
Although the invisibility of whiteness and white ignorance are known theses in the theorising of whiteness (Applebaum, 2010; Solomon et al., 2005), it is rather the habitual nature of white privilege that is absolved by the participants' claim that they were not part of apartheid. By disengaging themselves from the need to recognise themselves as constituted by habits of white privilege, the participants do not see themselves as continuing products of white privilege who benefit from it, who are implicated in it, and who enact injustices in many habitual and subtle ways (Vice, 2010).
Susan: I have never in my life thought I am more privileged than another one. NEVER!
In making sense of their racial identity, white privilege does not carry any currency in post-apartheid South Africa for the participants. The consequences of constructing racial identity in the 'absence' of white privilege are manifold, as it maintains a white innocence in racism, whilst simultaneously absolving the implication of white people's complicity in structural racism.
Racism? - we are now the victims
In addition to the suspension of both white privilege and structural racism with the dismantling of apartheid, and whilst seeing racism as a remnant of a past historical racial situation, the participants claim that South African schools have been making progress on race relations:
]]> Lynn: Although the stigmas and stereotypes are decreasing, they [blacks] have that thing that...'We were disadvantaged by white people'. It is still being carried on from parents to children: 'White people are not so good, white people have not treated us so well'. However, this is no longer the case.
Whilst the claim that South Africa and particularly South African schools have been making progress on race relations to a certain extent dismisses the importance of the existence of racism (cf. Picower, 2009:206), attention should be drawn to the way in which the intergenerational transmission of knowledge from parents to their "post-apartheid" children is deferred to the racial other. Claiming that the (mistaken) beliefs of black people mirror those of their parents, Lynn fails to interrogate the possibility of her own beliefs being informed by those people who "upheld, supported and benefited from white domination in the decades before they were born" (Jansen, 2008:5), but also by those who continue to think 'white' when state power is overly committed to breaking down racial privilege (Steyn, 2007; Green, Sonn & Matsebula, 2007). Framed within the claim of having no direct experience of apartheid, unchallenged indirect knowledge also feeds into the conceptualisation of race and racial identity in the absence of any recognition of white privilege and white complicity to racism.
Working with the assumption that structural racism ended with the dismantling of apartheid, incidences of racism are regarded as individual and singular. It was fairly easy for the participants to recall incidences where they have witnessed blatant discrimination against black people. However, by understanding racism as overt behaviour, the participants limit their ability to interrogate "obvious vices like indifference or callousness, cowardice or dishonesty, the failure of imagination and empathy, or just plain laziness" (Vice, 2010:327) to maintain white privilege. By dismissing their own privilege, the participants are not able to see how the structuration of the South African society feeds into the de-privileging of other social groups. Rather, they ground their claim that they were not part of apartheid in the argument that advancement should be based on hard work; thus on individual ability. Claiming that they did not have anything to do with apartheid, they draw on a discourse of victimisation and label affirmative action as a form of reversed discrimination:
Rita: At this stage, mainly whites are being disadvantaged because of affirmative action...under a certain age everybody gained equality. We all had the same education; we didn't go through the years of apartheid. Blacks are being advantaged because their parents went through a bad system ...and THAT is inequality.
In making sense of their own racial identity in post-apartheid South Africa, the participants perceive themselves as the victims of discrimination. As apartheid had nothing to do with them, they do not regard affirmative action as a means to increase equality and social justice for black people in post-apartheid South Africa. Rather, there is little recognition of how the past injustices the majority of South Africans have faced have an impact on present circumstances. In addition, by drawing on the perception that access to opportunities is equal and fuelled by the notion that it is primarily all about hard work, they do not recognise that the same majority is currently hindered by unequal educational and socio-economic outcomes related to ongoing social and economic inequalities, and racial prejudice (Jackson, 2008). On the one hand, the argument that advancement should be based on individual ability or achievement denies and dismisses how racism continues to exist in the lives of the marginalised. On the other hand, this argument is primarily informed by a white, racially privileged position. Given a racialised society in which education generally produces outcomes that reinforce patterns of poverty and privilege (Van den Berg et al., 2011), the participants' anger (and they had difficulty in veiling the latter) about affirmative action as the unfair distribution of resources is in reality anger about the loss of privilege. The understanding of affirmative action as a practice that gives jobs to less qualified or unqualified people over presumably more qualified whites is tightly interwoven with white privilege and white entitlement:
Julie: I think affirmative action.it led to a situation where persons who are less fit to do the job, get the job because they are black, while somebody who is white and got the experience and has the qualification to do the job, doesn't get it. This led to a situation where you have a group of people in posts who do not know what they are doing.
The participants' commitment to the argument that affirmative action should not discriminate against white people who were not part of apartheid, supports their understanding of affirmative action as the unfair distribution of resources that presumably belong to them, as well as a reluctance to expand opportunities for black people. Commitment to the claim that they had nothing to do with apartheid, makes it difficult for the white participants to understand that "people can be compensated for being born into a class which has in fairly recent history been heavily burdened through no fault of its own and never significantly assisted in achieving greater equality" (Jackson, 2008:2).
We are not the problem
In her attempt to reflect on how it is to be white in South Africa, Samantha Vice (2010:326) argues that "[w]hites in South Africa ought to see themselves as a problem". This statement is premised on white South Africans recognising themselves as constituted by habits of white privilege. However, since the participants' sense making of their racial identity is strongly informed by the claim that they had nothing to do with apartheid, their white racial perception does not tally with Vice's (2010) version of a conscientised white South African. Rather, by distancing themselves from apartheid and any notion of ongoing structural racism, they remove themselves from any critical interrogation of their role in contemporary reification and replication of injustices. As such, they remain buttressed in the comfort of white innocence. Although the participants remain oblivious of white privilege and the currency it carries, the way in which they make sense of race and their own racial identities is centred on an acute awareness of not being black.
As stated and drawing on Bonilla-Silva's (1999) structural theory of racism, it is argued that the participants' understanding of race cannot be divorced from the country's historical process of racialisation. As historical 'projects', racialised groups are the result of "shared patterns of practice by group members over significant blocks of time and the structures that enable and constrain subsequent shared practices" (Boyd, 2004:15). Although the use of a distancing strategy disengages the participants from any notion of present-day racialisations, their own sense making of race and racial identity does not escape a subjectivity that is embedded in a historical practice whereby they are named white insofar as others are deemed non-white. In contrast to the standard account of the invisibility of whiteness in literature on whiteness, the participants' sense making of race is informed by the demographical fact that a white minority has indeed made whiteness visible in South Africa (Steyn, 2007). In this regard, Vice (2010) notes that it is impossible for anyone in South Africa not to be aware of his or her race. Whilst the participants take white privilege for granted and remain oblivious of the habits of white privilege, their attempt to make sense of race and their racial identities remain framed within the notion that one is white rather than black. The latter comes to the fore when they make use of negative other-presentation and by implication, of positive self-presentation; thus, when they refer to social groups that constitute a difference (Boyd, 2004):
]]> Susan: I think it is once again like during apartheid when they [the blacks] were used to the minimum...it is like: 'Ok we're Black, it is all we can do ...and nothing further for enrichment.' While white people is not like you get only what you need, we always look for more.they [black people] had to be satisfied with what was necessary [during apartheid] and I think it is still like that.
Making sense of race and racial identity in the absence of an effective interrogation of the influence of the past and the non-recognition of white privilege and its concomitant complicity to on-going structural racism, feed into the notion of the other being the problem. Not to recognise oneself as constituted by habits of white privilege, is not to see oneself as a problem:
Rita: The black children see themselves as previously disadvantaged, although they had exactly the same.although they were in school with me ... some of them see themselves as previously disadvantaged...I mean they were not part of apartheid.
Considerations for teacher education
Although the aim of this article is not to generalise the four participants' rationalisations to make sense of race and their own racial identities to all white pre-service teachers, I do believe that the insights gained from this research can serve as an entry point to consider, in generalised terms, implications for teacher education.
Within the context of post-apartheid South Africa, and rightfully claiming that they were not part of apartheid, all pre-service teachers bring with them new histories when they enter teacher education programmes. However, the old apartheid ideology has been subdued, but not fully defeated; racism has adapted itself to post-apartheid changes, but still renders the South African society racialised. Although they were not part of apartheid, it can be accepted that many white pre-service teachers' prior knowledge of race and racism is often interspersed with experiences transmitted by people who still cling to the belief that whiteness ought to be the norm (Green et al., 2007; Jansen, 2008). By implication, some white pre-service teachers' racial identity construction could frequently be informed by inaccuracies and inequalities that are embedded in a racialised South Africa. As a consequence, many may one day enter the teaching profession with a hegemonic reinforcement of preconceived ideas about the racially other, including perceiving the other as the problem. When considering the extent to which the participants in this study render themselves vulnerable by feelings of victimisation, teacher education seems to be the ideal location for pre-service teachers to explore "their own personal attitudes and understandings of the way in which their racial ascription and social positioning inform their actual practices and interactions" (Solomon et al., 2005:149). It is assumed that when teacher education creates the space for pre-service teachers to begin to examine their racial biographies and bring to the surface their preconceptions about privilege and oppression, then they can start to rethink their own racial identities and then rewrite such identities to locate themselves as white pre-service teachers who can become agents of change.
The facilitation of pre-service students' engagement with their own racial identity should involve the development of an understanding of the extent to which their perceptions of themselves and those of others have been constructed by South Africa's historical process of racialisation. As whiteness cannot escape the materiality of its history, white pre-service teachers must be assisted to develop an understanding of how the social system uses social identities to assign dominance and subordinate status to individuals and groups in society (Hardiman & Jackson, 2007). When white pre-service teachers start to comprehend how their construction of race and their own racial identities are informed by a pervasive system that normalises unjust privileges and disadvantages, they can begin to recognise structural racism and work towards challenging oppressive systems, including their own complicity to educational practices that exclude and marginalise (Applebaum, 2007). Kincheloe (1999) notes that for pre-service teachers to start to re-articulate their racial identities, they first have to gain insights into the inner workings of racialisation and the etymology of racism. They thus have to become actively engaged in the rigorous tracking of there own identity construction process.
However, working with white pre-service teachers on issues of race and racism is no easy task. Given South Africa's history of racialisation and racial contestations, strong emotional responses are frequently evoked when race-related content is included in teacher education programmes (Le Roux & Mdunge, 2012). This study has revealed that the four white pre-service teachers use the claim that they were not part of apartheid as a strategy to distance themselves from engaging in issues related to ongoing structural racism, including their own complicity to oppression. The challenge for teacher education is to design professional development programmes that will not only assist white pre-service teachers to recognise and move beyond the blinders they might adopt to resist engagement with structural racism, but at the same time, will give students of colour the opportunity to give voice to their own experiences of racism (Tatum, 1992). All pre-service teachers find themselves in a society deeply marked by a racialised past; all pre-service teachers' lives are marked "by race, by racialized subjectivities, and by a past of racial separateness" (Walker, 2005:53). In order for pre-service teachers to support the positive development of learners' racial identities in their future classrooms, they first have to understand their own racial identities. However, teacher educators often avoid engaging in racial dialogue for fear of generating classroom conflict. In the absence of racial dialogue, white pre-service teachers will indeed be deprived of the opportunity to re-articulate their racial identities towards an increasing awareness of how various forms of oppression are related to racism. Furthermore, the development of a willingness to work actively against racism will be impeded. In addition, black pre-services teachers will not be given the opportunity to voice their experiences of racism, nor will they be empowered along with their fellow white students to establish positive inter-group relations and become allies in the eradication of education inequalities. Thus, if teacher education wants to deliver teachers who are not only conversant with issues of diversity, but who will also actively work against differential access to power and privilege in post-apartheid South Africa, a professional development programme on diversity issues should, inter alia, be informed by an understanding of how white pre-service teachers make sense of race and their own racial identities.
Acknowledgement]]> I acknowledge the creative and critical inputs of Prof. Dennis Francis.
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Bonilla-Silva E 2003. Racial attitudes or racial ideology? An alternative paradigm for examining actors' racial views. Journal of Political Ideologies, 8(1):63-82. doi: 10.1080/1356931032000042966 [ Links ]
Boyd D 2004. The legacies of liberalism and oppressive relations: facing a dilemma for the subject of moral education. Journal of Moral Education, 33(1):3-22. doi: 10.1080/0305724042000200047 [ Links ]
Collier MJ 2005. Context, privilege, and contingent cultural identifications in South Africa group interview discourses. Western Journal of Communication, 69(4):295-318. doi: 10.1080/10570310500305141 [ Links ]
Department of Basic Education 2010. Report on the Annual National Assessments of 2011. Pretoria: Government Printers. Available at http://www.education.gov.za/Curriculum/AnnualNationalAssessment/tabid/424/Default.aspx. Accessed 17 February 2014. [ Links ]
Department of Education 2009. South African Schools Act (84/1996): Amended National Norms and Standards for School Funding (Gazette No 32683 - Notice 1052). Pretoria: Government Printers. [ Links ]
De Wet NC, Brazelle RR, Heyns MG, Masitsa MG, Niemann GS, Niemann SM & Van Staden JG 2001. Racism in South African education as reflected in the printed media. South African Journal of Education, 21:10-17. [ Links ]
Francis D & Hemson C 2007. Rainbow's end: consciousness and enactment in social justice education. Perspectives in Education, 25(1):99-112. Available at http://reference.sabinet.co.za/webx/access/electronic_journals/persed/persed_v25_n1_a9.pdf. Accessed 17 February 2014. [ Links ]
Green MJ, Sonn CC & Matsebula J 2007. Reviewing whiteness: Theory, research, and possibilities. South African Journal of Psychology, 37(3):389-419. doi: 10.1177/008124630703700301 [ Links ]
Hardiman R & Jackson B 2007. Conceptual foundations for social justice education. In M Adams, LA Bell & P Griffin (eds). Teaching for diversity and social justice. New York: Routledge. [ Links ]
Jackson L 2008. Reconsidering affirmative action in education as a good for the disadvantaged. Journal for Critical Education Policy Studies, 6(1):379-397. Available at http://www.jceps.com/PDFs/06-1-15.pdf. Accessed 17 February 2014. [ Links ]
Jansen JD 2008. Bearing Whiteness: a pedagogy of compassion in a time of troubles. Presented at The Fifth Annual Hans Brenninkmeijer Memorial Lecture, Catholic Institute of Education. Available at http://historymatters.co.za/bearing-whiteness-a-pedagogy-of-compassion-in-a-time-of-troubles/. Accessed 13 March 2012. [ Links ]
Kelly K 2006. From encounter to text: collecting data in qualitative research. In M Terre Blanche, K Durrheim & D Painter (eds). Research in Practice. Applied methods for the social sciences. Cape Town: University of Cape Town Press. [ Links ]]]>
Kincheloe JL 1999. The struggle to define and reinvent Whiteness: a pedagogical analysis. College Literature, 26(3):162-181. Available at http://maxweber.hunter.cuny.edu/pub/eres/SOC217_PIMENTEL/whiteness.pdf. Accessed 17 February 2014. [ Links ]
Le Roux A & Mdunge P 2012. Difficult conversations: lessons learnt from a diversity programme for pre-service teachers. Perspectives in Education, 30(3):78-87. [ Links ]
McKinney C 2007. Caught between the 'old' and the 'new'? Talking about 'race' in a post-apartheid university classroom. Race, Ethnicity and Education, 10(2):215-231. doi: 10.1080/13613320701330734 [ Links ]
Merriam SB 1998. Qualitative research and case study applications in education. San Francisco: Jossey-Bass Publishers. [ Links ]
Mertens DM 2010. Research and evaluation in education and psychology: Integrating diversity with quantitative, qualitative, and mixed methods (3rd ed). Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage. [ Links ]
Morse JM 2000. Determining sample size. Qualitative Health Research, 10(1):3-5. doi: 10.1177/104973200129118183 [ Links ]
Motala S & Dieltiens V 2010. Educational access in South Africa: Country research summary. Johannesburg: University of the Witwatersrand, Education Policy Unit. Available at http://www.create-rpc.org/pdf_documents/South_Africa_Country_Research_Summary.pdf. Accessed 17 February 2014. [ Links ]
Picower B 2009. The unexamined Whiteness of teaching: how White teachers maintain and enact dominant racial ideologies. Race, Ethnicity and Education, 12(2):197-215. doi: 10.1080/13613320902995475 [ Links ]
Solomon RP, Portelli JP, Daniel BJ & Campbell A 2005. The discourse of denial: how white teacher candidates construct race, racism and 'white privilege'. Race, Ethnicity and Education, 8(2):147-169. doi: 10.1080/13613320500110519 [ Links ]
Soudien C 2007. The "A" factor: Coming to terms with the question of legacy in South African education. International Journal of Educational Development, 27:182-193. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016j.ijedudev.2006.07.006 [ Links ]
Spaull N 2012. South African education: unequal, inefficient and underperforming. Microwave seminar series. 12 July. Pretoria: College of Education, UNISA. Available at http://www.unisa.ac.za/cedu/news/index.php/2012/07/cedu-microwave-presentation-south-african-education-unequal-inefficient-and-underperforming/. Accessed 21 February 2014. [ Links ]
Steyn M 2007. As the postcolonial moment deepens: A response to Green, Sonn, and Matsebula. South African Journal of Psychology, 37(3):420-424. doi: 10.1177/008124630703700302 [ Links ]
Tatum BD 1992. Talking about race, learning about racism: 'the application' of racial identity development theory in the classroom. Harvard Educational Review, 62(1):1-24. Available at http://isites.harvard.edu^fs/docs/icb.topic551851.files/TalkingAboutRace%20Tatum.pdf. Accessed 21 February 2014. [ Links ]]]>
Tatum BD 1997. "Why are all the black kids sitting in the cafeteria? " And Other Conversations About Race. New York: Basic Books. [ Links ]
Van den Berg S, Burger C, Burger R, De Vos M, Du Rand G, Gustafsson M, Moses E, Shepherd D, Spaull N, Taylor S, Van Broekhuizen H & Von Fintel D 2011. Low quality education as a poverty trap. Stellenbosch: University of Stellenbosch. Available at http://www.andover.edu/gpgconference/documents/low-quality-education-poverty-trap.pdf. Accessed 21 February 2014. [ Links ]
Vaught SE & Castagno AE 2008. "I don't think I am a racist": Critical Race Theory, teacher attitudes, and structural racism. Race, Ethnicity and Education, 11(2):95-113. doi: 10.1080/13613320802110217 [ Links ]
Vice S 2010. "How do I live in this strange place?" Journal of Social Philosophy, 41(3):323-342. Available at https://www.givengain.com/cause_data/images/2137/Samantha_Vice_-_How_do_I_live_in_this_Strange_Place.pdf. Accessed 21 February 2014. [ Links ]
Walker M 2005. Race is nowhere and race is everywhere: narratives from black and white South African university students in post-apartheid South Africa. British Journal of Sociology of Education, 26(1):41-54. doi: 10.1080/0142569042000292707 [ Links ] ]]>


text:
Major International Transport Hub Censors Political Websites
Paul Joseph Watson
While media accuses China of blacklisting sensitive information, censorship is taking place right here at home.
MySpace Is The Trojan Horse Of Internet Censorship
Paul Joseph Watson & Alex Jones/Prison Planet.com
MySpace isn't cool, it isn't hip and it isn't trendy. It represents a cyber trojan horse and the media elite's last gasp effort to reclaim control of the Internet and sink it with a stranglehold of regulation, control and censorship.
MySpace Admits Censorship Of Prison Planet.com
Paul Joseph Watson
Moderator says anything containing URL of website is filtered out.
2012: The Year The Internet Ends
Secret Plan To Kill Internet By 2012 Leaked?
Paul Joseph Watson
Some question if report that pay-per-view system to be introduced is a hoax, but wider march to regulate the web is documented.
AOL Time-Warner Censors Alex Jones Websites
Prison Planet
Nationwide blackout a clear attempt to shut down free speech or just an error?
Internet Censorship Clampdown Begins In One Month In Australia
The Medasite
A new wave of "restrictions" on mobile phone content, websites, chatrooms and message boards will be introduced in Australia by late January, 2008.
The Alex Jones Show, June 11, 2008: : Death of the Internet
Google Censors Another 9/11 Documentary
Steve Watson
A spate of viewings prompts shut down of classic Alex Jones film.
Google Video Caught Censoring Loose Change?
Steve Watson
Online version of 9/11 film not featured in top 100 despite still having huge viewing figures.
Japan To Censor The Internet?
Infowars reporter arrested; Media blackout
Infowars reporter Matt Lepacek was led out of the spin room by Goffstown PD last night, at the behest of a Giuliani staffer who didn't like the question he and his crew were asking of a spokesman.
Google Censorship – How It Works
Seth Finkelstein
This report describes the system by which results in the Google search engine are suppressed.
Yahoo 9/11 Internet Censorship
Google Censorship FAQ
Google Blogoscoped
The figure of censored sites might be somewhere between millions to hundreds of millions.
You Tube Censors Hugely Popular "Question Your Reality" Video
Prison Planet
After receiving over 50,000 views in a few hours and on its way to shoot to the top of the most viewed chart, You Tube brazenly pulled a popular video from their rankings system.
"Smart-Mob" Censorship at Google and YouTube
Marc Baber
Three days after I posted a college lecture on the Google-Video website, it disappeared. The lecture was about measuring "warmongering" as a psychological trait using surveys and statistics.
Alex Jones: Internet 2 Takeover
Federally Funded Researchers Want To Scrap The Internet
Steve Watson
Seeking further funding from Congress for "clean slate" projects.
The Internet is Dead, Long Live the Internet
Steve Watson
Total regulation rules are close at hand, a new internet will kill free speech and weed out anything deemed "inappropriate."
Pentagon Carpet Bombs the Opposition in Cyberspace
Kurt Nimmo
The Pentagon puts forward a DDoS scheme.
More Nanny State Attacks on Internet Freedom
Kurt Nimmo
A nanny state proposal would jack the cost of running a website or blog through the ceiling.
Internet Censorship UK
Dan Gilmour on how web censorship is affecting citizen media
Doomsday For The Internet As We Know It?
Paul Joseph Watson
Several developments that are coming to the fore indicate a noticeable advance towards a government regulated, taxed and controlled system that spells doomsday for the Internet as we know it.
Tolls could dot the Internet highway
Associated Press
On the Internet, the traffic cops are blind — they don't look at the data they're directing, and they don't give preferential treatment.
The Emergency Election Sale is now live! Get 30% to 60% off our most popular products today!

subset: commoncrawl


text:
Okay, so I've managed to beat the game on Normal. It seems like the thing to do now is work on getting a higher score.
However, scoring is a complete mystery to me. What sort of things should I do (or not do) to improve my score?
Hard numbers, if possible, would be a huge benefit.


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text:
55 Rouse St, Port Melbourne
Chiropractor Melbourne, from the Melbourne Chiropractic & Bedding Clinic explains
... the important and profound effect the chiropractic adjustment melbourne has on your health.
It is the skill of using a specific force in a precise direction, applied to a joint that is subluxated (fixated, "locked up", or not moving properly).
This adds movement to the joint, helping the joints to gradually regain more normal motion and function. The purpose of this safe and natural procedure is to permit improved spinal function, and open the nervous system flow of signals, and improved health.
There are many ways to adjust and correct the the spine, pelvis and peripheral joints.
1. We use low force, with a specially designed instrument (activator) that delivers a brief and highly-accurate thrust. Some adjusting methods are quick, which we may use our hands, whereas others require a slow, constant or indirect pressure (effective)
2. We also use pelvic blocks, to balance your pelvis and allow the cerebro spinal fluid to flow, creating a calming effect easily while you breathe in and out. We may also work on the jaw.
Every effort is made to maximise the flow of signals between the brain and body
For more information about our chiropractic adjustment melbourne approach, call 9646 8600


text:
That's a sweet looking 3D printing creation. It's a skull made in Zbrush and printed in nylon and it kind of looks like a Slinky, only more skull-like. It's called Mortal Coil, which is a brilliant name and deserving of some attention for the cleverness alone. Shapeways is doing the printing, so it'll be pretty high quality, which partly offsets the fact that it's also pretty expensive: $50.
[ Product Page ] VIA [ BoingBoing ]


text:
Spring Away Batting Tee
The Batting Tee That Never Shocks Your Bat from Heater Sports
$ 24.99
Model #: SAEZ1999
> Patented Dual Tee Top For Hitting Mini Balls
> Steel Spring Stem For Flexing After a Hit
> Adjustable From 24" - 34" For All Ages
> Weight Fillable Base Never Tips Over
> Easily Folds For Storage In Bag, Closet, etc.
Patent No. US 8,337,337 B2
Would You Like To Be The Best Hitter On Your Team?
You Can In Just 20 Minutes A Day. Here's how…
Anyone can be a great hitter, all you have to do is hit 100 balls a day.
This swinging repitition develops a keen eye,muscle memory,and a power swing. These are the skills you need to be the best hitter you can be.
One of the best ways to become a great hitter is with a batting tee.
But current batting tees tip over,shock your bat,and ruin your swing, making you wish you'd never tried using a batting tee in the first place.
But, those days are long gone!
Introducing Spring Away! The revolutionary NEW batting tee that won't tip over, won't shock your bat, and won't ruin your swing, so you can be a great hitter in just 20 minutes a day.
Here's how it works...
Simply place a baseball or softball on Spring Away's tee top, swing, tee another ball, and swing again!
No more tipping over tees, no more bat shock, and no more ruining your swing!
The secret is Spring Away's patented design, which springs forward each time you hit the ball, providing durability & longer life. Thus becoming the most innovative batting tee in the world!
Unlike other batting tees that have a light weight base, Spring Away has a weight fillable base so it will never tip over.
Other batting tees have a rigid tee stem, while Spring Away has a flexible tee stem that flexes away from your bat with every swing, eliminating bat shock, base rip out, and tearing of the tee top.
But that's not all! Other batting tees have a single tee top. But Spring Away has a reversible tee top that tees regulation balls on one side and mini-balls on the other.
These amazing mini-balls make it easy for you to develop a keen hitter's eye so you can get a hit every time you step up to bat.
And Spring Away is so easy to use, it's great for boys, girls, moms and dads of all ages.
You can use Spring Away to be a swich hitter by hitting both right and left handed. Use Spring Away to hit baseballs, softballs, and mini balls. Use Spring Away in your back yard,
in your garage, in the gym, and use Spring Away at the ball park before a big game. Use Spring Away any time!
Spring Away is so portable, you can take it anywhere!
And when you're through, simply store Spring Away in the garage, under your bed, or in your equipment bag!
But if you really want to get better faster, check out our Spring Away Home Hitting System under the Ultimate Packages tab, Model# SA99.
This system is so revolutionary, you won't find it anywhere else! With the Spring Away Home Hitting System You get the Spring Away Pop Up Net. The portable pop up net that sets up in seconds to act as a catch net, target, goal, and back stop, making it easy for you to work on every aspect of your game!
Imagine how you'll feel being the best hitter on your team, with the Spring Away, you will be!
The Spring Away comes with a 30 Day Money Back Guarantee & 1 Year Parts and Labor Warranty.
With Spring Away, you'll get a weight fillable home plate that never tips over, so you don't have to bend over and waste time. You'll get the rugged Spring Away tee stem that flexes away from you with every swing, preserving the life of your Spring Away and eliminating bat shock so you can perfect your swing. And you'll also get the reversible tee top to hit regulation and mini balls so you can develop a keen eye and precise swing.
Don't wait, order now!
• Reversible Tee Top For Large or Small Balls
• Steel Spring Design
• Adjustable Stem from 24 in. - 34 in.
• Weight Fillable Base For Stability
• Shipping Weight: 3 lbs.
• 1 Year Parts and Labor Warranty
• 30 Day Money-Back Guarantee (Less S&H)


text:
Cooking For Engineers
Analytical cooking discussed.
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Cooking For Engineers
Joined: 10 May 2005
Posts: 16776765
Posted: Fri Sep 16, 2005 8:35 pm
Post subject: Equipment & Gear: Knife Covers
Go to
Equipment & Gear: Knife Covers
Article Digest:
Currently, I prefer to keep the knives that I use in a knife block, but for knives that I don't use too often or don't fit in the block, I store them in a tray placed in a drawer. I like to protect the blades with knife covers. My two favorites? Edge-Mag and LamsonSharp's Knife Safe.
There are several different knife storage options for the home kitchen. The knife block is a very popular way of storing your knives. Knife blocks look good and are very convenient -- perhaps too convenient. If you've got children, storing your knives in a block is a dangerous proposition. So, is using a magnetic bar mounted to the wall. For households with hands controlled by inquisitive minds, it's generally best to keep your knives tucked away in a drawer. Improper storage in a drawer, however, can be more dangerous (to both you and the knife) than storing the knives on the counter or wall. Loose knives are an accident waiting to happen the next time you reach into your drawer without paying attention. The knives may also chip while rattling against each other as you open or close the drawer.
Using an in-drawer knife tray can protect your knife and help you organize them too. I have two problems with knife trays. First, they consume a fair amount of precious drawer space, and, second, I can't seem to find a tray that can handle the different knife shapes (and brands) that I have. There's always one or two knives that just don't fit properly. So, I've taken to using knife covers and placing the knives in a drawer organizer tray.
A variety of knife covers exist -- the most popular type involves inserting the knife in a folded piece of plastic with a slicing motion. I really don't like this type of knife cover because you can't easily wash the cover (what if food, dirt, or other undesirables get stuck in the cover?), the knife scrapes against the cover as you insert it, and you're holding the cover in your hand while making a cutting motion into the cover. My preference is for knife covers that open up for knife insertion and cleaning. The knife cover should close tightly against the knife, but not allow the knife to wiggle or move to prevent scratches from being made by the very device designed to protect the knife. Let's take a look at my favorite solution: the Edge-Mag.
The Edge-Mag comes in a variety of lengths ranging from 12 inches to 3 inches. The cover is only a couple millimeters thick (like those plastic covers that you cut into), but is cable of unfolding.
Basically, it's two magnetic strips that are held together along a joint set in the long side of the cover. When opened, the Mag-Edge can be washed and fully dried (important to avoid rusting of your knife).
The knife can be easily inserted by placing the flat part of the blade directly onto the interior surface. The magnet holds the knife firmly in position.
Closing the other side of the Mag-Edge completes the magnetic sandwich that securely holds the knife without increasing the thickness of the knife by too much. Enclosed in the Edge-Mag the knife is safe for storage. Also, I've found this to be the best way to protect knives in a knife roll or bag. The cover doesn't take too much space, and, when several of the Edge-Mags are stacked near each other, the magnets help keep the knives from moving during travel (the Edge-Mags covers "stick" to each other).
I purchased my Edge-Mags from my local restaurant supply store (Garden City). A few retailers on-line also have the Edge-Mags:
Accurate Sharpening & Cutlery Sales
Smokey Mountain Knife Works
I also like using the
KnifeSafe. It's a bit bulkier than the Edge-Mag, but it completely covers the entire blade in plastic.
The cover opens up on hinges and can be washed easily enough. Make sure the knife and the KnifeSafe are both completely dry before storing the knife (to prevent rust).
The knife sits in the KnifeSafe on top of two rubber pads. Opposing rubber pads on the other side of the cover holds the knife in place when closed. The KnifeSafe comes in four sizes. The largest is able to hold knives of 10-in. to 8-in. in blade length and the smallest holds 2-1/2 to 4-1/2 inch knives. Because of the placement of rubber pads, it's important to get the correct size (while a large Edge-Mag can be used for any size knife).
When closed, two tabs lock the cover in position, and the knife is secure. The KnifeSafe is great for transporting a knife from one location to another - your neighborhood knife sharpener will thank you.
I picked up my KnifeSafes from
Sur La Table
for about $5 each. For some reason, their online website does not have them, so I offer you this link from
Chef's Resource
Back to top
Posted: Fri Sep 16, 2005 9:07 pm
Post subject:
This site has a few good solutions for knife storage and transport.
It also sells the Max-Edge knife protectors.
Back to top
Michael Chu
Joined: 10 May 2005
Posts: 1654
Location: Austin, TX (USA)
Posted: Fri Sep 16, 2005 9:56 pm
Post subject:
Thanks, I've updated the article to include the website.
Back to top
Posted: Fri Sep 16, 2005 11:07 pm
Post subject: good for transport too
This kind of knife guard makes a nice, and cheap, alternative to a knife roll, which is the heavy canvas thing that professional chefs use to move their gear from place to place. If you've only got a couple of knives you want to throw in your backpack, you can do worse then throwing a $3 edge cover on them and wrapping them in a plastic bag...
Back to top
Michael Chu
Joined: 10 May 2005
Posts: 1654
Location: Austin, TX (USA)
Posted: Fri Sep 16, 2005 11:28 pm
Post subject: Re: good for transport too
Harlan wrote:
This kind of knife guard makes a nice, and cheap, alternative to a knife roll, which is the heavy canvas thing that professional chefs use to move their gear from place to place. If you've only got a couple of knives you want to throw in your backpack, you can do worse then throwing a $3 edge cover on them and wrapping them in a plastic bag...
Even if you have a knife roll, you'll need a knife cover for each knife in the roll. At least my roll (and the rolls that I've seen), doesn't protect the blade. The Edge-Mag and the plastic covers you cut into are the only ones slim enough to work well enough in a full knife roll.
Back to top
Posted: Mon Sep 19, 2005 5:19 pm
Post subject: Knife block
A friend had a great tip regarding knife blocks - she taught me to insert the blade blade-side up so there isn't any wear on it when you slide it in and out of the block. I thought that was very clever.
Back to top
Posted: Mon Sep 19, 2005 6:39 pm
Post subject: Magnetic Cover
If you are a cheap engineer, check around your local sign shops, I'll bet they'll have some scrap pieces of magnetic vinyl (too small for signs) that they might sell you dirt cheap (or even give you) to make your own magnetic covers.
Back to top
Michael Chu
Joined: 10 May 2005
Posts: 1654
Location: Austin, TX (USA)
Posted: Tue Sep 20, 2005 2:01 am
Post subject: Re: Knife block
kaymaria wrote:
A friend had a great tip regarding knife blocks - she taught me to insert the blade blade-side up so there isn't any wear on it when you slide it in and out of the block. I thought that was very clever.
Blade side up is definitely one way to avoid your knives scraping against wood, but it's also quite dangerous. Every knife block manufacturer will tell you not to place your blades upside down in their knife blocks. The danger is two fold (as it was explained to me): 1. People expect the blades to be facing down. A visitor extracting a knife from your block may not realize that the blade is facing the opposing direction. 2. With the knife handle on the bottom and the curve of the blade on top, the knife has a greater tendency to slide out of the block if tilted or partially extracted. If the knife was not properly inserted fully into the block, the knife can slip out instead of in as expected.
Most block manufacturer's that I've spoken to feel that the wood does not appreciably dull the knife when you insert the knife into the block. You're not cutting into the block, you are inserting the knife and the blade runs along the wood (just like when you slice food on your cutting board). Some knife block manufactuer's make blocks with slots going sideways (like the one I own), but they came this is for aesthetic reasons and not to reduce wear on the knives.
Back to top
Posted: Tue Sep 20, 2005 2:13 am
Post subject: Knife Guard
Great product, so simple, functional and economical. How come it takes so long for ideas like this to become available?
Back to top
Posted: Tue Sep 20, 2005 3:02 am
Post subject: edge-mag
Thank young for reviewing my product. I was a chef in SF when I came up with the idea for the Edge-Mag. After patenting it, I was very fortunate and was able to license the distribution to Forschner. Its great to read your comments, THANK YOU!
You can visit me at
Back to top
Posted: Thu Sep 22, 2005 5:18 am
Post subject: KnifeSafe
I currently use the KnifeSafe when I go to friends places to cook or help out. I like it because it can't get knocked off, and its more secure than a towel, or other similarly fashioned knife protector. I got mine at Williams Sonoma. The large size fits my chef's, santoku, and global deba knifes, so I think it's pretty versatile.
Back to top
Posted: Mon Oct 17, 2005 9:50 pm
Post subject: edge-mag
Were can u buy EDGE_MAG. Beside on line store?
Back to top
Michael Chu
Joined: 10 May 2005
Posts: 1654
Location: Austin, TX (USA)
Posted: Mon Oct 17, 2005 10:27 pm
Post subject:
I purchased mine from my local restuarant supply store. You may want to check your yellow pages or perform an online search for a restuarant suplier near your location and see if they carry it. I think Tina also mentioned that she saw some being carried in either Bed Bath & Beyond or Sur La Table, but I suggest you call those stores first.
Back to top
Posted: Fri Dec 30, 2005 7:11 pm
Post subject: edge-mag
I can't find these thing anywhere. There not sold at bed&bath or anywhere else as far as I can tall
Back to top
Posted: Sun Jan 29, 2006 10:54 am
Post subject:
Impossible to find in France and europe impossible to export fron US
If you have an idea
Thank you
Back to top
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text:
What Will We Witness from Washington's Wunderkind?
By R.J. Anderson //
With all due respect to Brad Lincoln and Michael Stanton, the big debut of the week comes tonight in the form of Stephen Strasburg. His availability in most leagues is non-existent thanks to the hype and attention paid to his college and minor league performances alike over the last 12 plus months, yet it's suffice to say most people who own 21-year-old have no idea what to expect from him except some variation of "good". Let's take a closer look through a pair of historical lenses at just what could be in store for Washington's new ace.
21-year-old starting pitchers
Since 1947 – the beginning of the expansion era – 97 21-year-old pitchers have thrown at least 100 innings while starting 80% of their appearances. Of them, Vida Blue is the only one to finish with an ERA below 2.00. 18 more finished with an ERA below 3.00; 47 finished with an ERA between 3.01 and 4.00; and five more finished with an ERA over 5.00. The average ERA is 3.62, which is pretty good, all things considered, but when we modernize the sample and make 1990 the furthest year back, that average ERA raises to a touch below 4.00 (with the best case scenario being Clayton Kershaw's 2.79 ERA and the worst being Zack Grienke's 5.8 ERA).
Top college arms
Strasburg was qualified enough as a collegiate pitcher to go first overall, so it makes sense to compare him to his peers who were also good enough to go within the top five picks. Going back to 1985 and selecting only pitchers who were chosen in the top five out of the NCAA, we can create the following list to examine (Note: the statistics and age are from their first 100+ inning season):
Stripping away the guys who simply never made it or were relievers for most of their early career gives us a group of 20 arms. 15 of which either posted ERA above 5 or below 4; or in other words: these guys are usually either above or below average. The average ERA is above 4 with the high water mark being just shy of 5.6 and the low being in the 2.3's. If we slice the pool smaller, and focus on the really hyped top arms similar to Strasburg – like Prior, McDonald, Benes, Price, and Benson – then the average ERA hovers around 3.5.
Using all of that information, we still have an incomplete picture from which to draw conclusions. One could argue that Strasburg is just another class of pitcher. One with more velocity, better control, a more polished feel for the game, and an enhanced sense of observation; you know, a lot of things that aren't entirely quantifiable but sound good and intensifies the myth of Strasburg. Betting that Strasburg will be average or better is one thing; however do not fall into the trap of expecting a legendary performance from him. History simply isn't on his side.


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Posted by RRC on October 30, 2006
In Reply to: GET A BREAK posted by Smokey Stoer on October 30, 2006
: : Dear experts,
: : I am truly sorry about the vagueness of my illustrative sentence; this is the original context it had been borrowed from:
[Dead link removed - ed]
: : I have since come up with what looks like a better example:
: : Our customers usually expect to GET A BREAK when they buy in quantity.
: : Thanks again for your valuable assistance,
: : Regards,
: : Yuri
: I checked Yuri's source. It's an impromptu discussion on the BBC, and therefore one doesn't expect absolute precision in the prose.
: "SPILLER: On File on 4, we investigate help for families caring for disabled children and claims of a growing crisis in respite care - breaks for families who look after children and adults with disabilities."
: In short form: We investigate the question of breaks for families that care for disabled persons. Mr. Spiller's agency tries to decide if these people should get a break, or determine who should get a break. A break, in this case, means some remuneration or reward or reimbursement for the benefit they provide to the public at large.
There is possibly another related usage of break in that case - a tax break. Going to www.onelook.com, I count 15 noun definitions and 59 verb definitions for "break".
- GET A BREAK Smokey Stover 30/October/06


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Monday, September 22, 2008
Troy Davis
Troy Davis is scheduled to be executed TOMORROW September 23 for the murder of Police Officer Mark MacPhail in Georgia, yet serious doubts of his guilt remain and compelling evidence of his innocence has not been heard in court. On Friday, September 12, the Georgia Board of Pardon and Paroles denied clemency to Davis -- we must urge them to reconsider their decision. Go to Amnesty International's website and send a letter to the Georgia Board NOW! www.amnestyusa.org/troydavis
3 comments:
Hope justice wins...
!HAsta la Victoria Siempre!
- September 23, 2008 at 5:26 AM
- quanajen said...
this problem is becoming all to common in the death sentence capitol, texas. Just recently we have free'd nearly 30 people already with death sentences, by finding new evidence such as DNA, and that's just in Dallas county!!! People need to do all they can to those guys that are locked up, they have very few people that are willing to believe them, let alone help them. so hey out there do what ya'll can. peace
- September 23, 2008 at 7:31 AM
- דור said...
hey tom im dor and i am from israel and i was wondering if ratm will ever come to israel to preform???
thank you for awnsring.
- September 29, 2008 at 10:36 AM
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Reviewed By Lynn H (Surprise, AZ) Reviewed for a 2006 GMC C/K 3500 —12/5/2007 10:25 AM
My Lloyd floor mats are perfect for my truck. They really added to the appearence of the interior of the truck. I was a little apprehensive about spending this much money for floor mats, but these are well worth the money!


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SMC Softball Camps & Clinics are dedicated to all aspects of the game including skill development, game strategy, competition and mechanics. Each athlete will have the opportunity to develop their skills through individual instruction, group instruction and game experience.
Saint Mary's College is very fortunate to have some of the finest collegiate coaches in Northern California. Head Coach Sonja Garnett hand selects and trains her staff, composed of top-level coaches and collegiate players. All instructors have been chosen for their extensive knowledge of the game of softball and their enthusiasm to work with children and young athletes.
All Saint Mary's Athletic camps are open to any and all entrants (limited only by number, age, grade level and/or gender).


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Contribute to ReadWriteThink / RSS / FAQs / Site Demonstrations / Contact Us / About Us
Learn All Year Long
Kids and teens should read and write even when they are out of school. Why is this so important?
ReadWriteThink has a variety of resources for out-of-school use. Visit our Parent & Afterschool Resources section to learn more.
Home › Parent & Afterschool Resources › Activities & Projects
Children's Book Project
|9 – 12
|Activity Time
|3+ hours (can be done over different days)
|Activity Author
Portland, Oregon
Activity Description
Teens who provide care for a younger sibling or neighborhood children are always looking for ways to entertain and teach the young people with whom they work. With a teen, create picture books that the teen caregiver can then share with children.
Why This Is Helpful
Teen caregivers have probably been reading stories for a long time, but writing and illustrating their own takes the understanding of storytelling to a different level. This project will help teens gain a better understanding of the different elements of a children's story, the importance of illustrations, and how to write for a specific audience. When teens share their children's books with younger children, they also practice valuable leadership skills.
This activity was modified from the ReadWriteThink lesson plan "The Children's Picture Book Project."


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I do believe I can safely say that NVIDIA fans have been waiting with impatience for the release and reviews of their new Flagship video card, the all-new GTX690. Well your wait is finally over the NDA curtain has lifted and the show can now go on. There were so many rumors surrounding this release its no surprise the only leaked cards and specs at the absolute last moment possible and got card in reviewers hands merely 2 days prior to release so as you can imagine many of us reviewer types have been playing vampires and working through the night to get these reviews up and out to you good folks.
We all by now know that the GTX690 is comprised of 2 GTX680s all on a single slot PCB that should if by all rumors come true seriously dominate the GPU world. That is the basic quick makeup of the new card, but that only scratches the surface of what really lies under the hood of this new product. Many of the technologies used in how this card is made are coming to light with this launch as well so this should be some interesting reading to you folks who love to read about tech. Well sit back a spell and lets dig a bit deeper into NVIDIA's latest entry into the VGA foray and see just what all the fuss is about with this new Dual GPU monster called the GTX690.


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The Holy Father's pastoral visit to the United States has already been a great grace and a great blessing for us. I am particularly delighted at the Holy Father's desire to meet with Boston survivors of sexual abuse by clergy, as I will further explain later in the blog.
I will be focusing on the Washington leg of the Holy Father's Apostolic trip to the United States on this week's posting.
At the welcoming ceremony held on the South Lawn of the White House on Wednesday morning Pope Benedict XVI and President George W. Bush both spoke very eloquently.
Thousands of people, many Catholics, were gathered at that historic place, which is a symbol of our nation, to welcome him and to sing happy birthday to him. It was very moving.
We were very proud to see Marianne Glendon, from Boston, sitting there in the front row as our U.S. ambassador to the Vatican.
Ambassador Glendon also greeted the pope upon
the Holy Father's arrival to the Andrews air force base
During his remarks at the welcoming program, the president stressed the importance of faith to the American people. He talked about how millions of people every day bend their knees before their maker and ask for God's help and blessing on their lives. He underscored the importance of the religious message to the community and for the common good. Following the president's speech, the Holy Father spoke, and it was quite obvious how much he appreciates America — our history and our accomplishments.
Then, the Lord's Prayer and the Battle Hymn of the Republic were sung, and there was a 21-gun salute. You could see the cannons off in the distance at the end of the Mall. Also, a drum and bugle corps in revolutionary military uniforms paraded by the Holy Father.
Afterwards we were taken into the White House to greet the president and Mrs. Bush and the Holy Father was presented with a huge birthday cake.
The Holy Father acknowledged the crowd
after they spontaneously sang "Happy Birthday" to him
Happy birthday!
The Holy Father met privately with the president
at the White House
From the White House, the Holy Father went to the apostolic nunciature in his popemobile.
The enthusiasm of the people wanting to welcome and greet the Holy Father on the streets of Washington was impressive. The secret service has said there have been more people on the streets for the pope than there were for recent presidential inaugurations.
– – –
Later, I was part of the group of cardinals and officers of the bishops' conference who had lunch with the Holy Father at the nunciature. The Nuncio had prepared another birthday cake. This time, it was in the shape of St. Peter's Basilica and was truly a work of art.
Leaving the nunciature after lunch
– – –
That afternoon, the bishops' conference gathered with the Holy Father to pray vespers and to hear his address to us at the crypt of the Basilica of the Immaculate Conception.
He was most eloquent in calling us to spiritual renewal, to deepen our life of prayer and to a renewed effort at evangelization and announcing the Good News of Jesus Christ in today's world.
Pope Benedict answered three questions — one about vocations, another about encouraging Sunday Mass attendance and a third about the challenges of secularization in our culture. The Holy Father's discourse and his answers were, as usual, clear and filled with that great ability to teach that he has. He is able to teach the Gospel message in a profound, theological way but at the same time in a way that is accessible.
I was happy to see so many youth everywhere we went, greeting the pope
– – –
The following morning, the pope celebrated Mass at Nationals Park stadium in Washington.
There was a great sense of reverence even though it was held in a sport's arena. It was obvious that the people were very joyful and enthusiastic in their acclaims for the Holy Father. I found the event very uplifting.
Spanish language was often used at the Mass, and other languages were represented in the prayers of the faithful and at other moments.
Placido Domingo sang the "Panis Angelicus" at the end of the Mass and then he approached the Holy Father to kiss his ring. It was "el broche de oro" — the perfect finale — to the event.
In the first row, I could see Justice Roberts and his family sitting next to Supreme Knight Carl Anderson and his wife Dorian. It was just a glorious celebration.
The Holy Father's words were very inspiring. Once again he did talk about the need for the Church to heal the clergy abuse crisis and to express our pastoral love and concern for the victims, all of those who have suffered so much.
His talk was a beautiful call to a second Pentecost. That renewal comes through opening our hearts to the risen Christ so that we can go out and joyfully announce the risen Savior whom we have met and whom we adore in faith. It was just a magnificent homily that inspirited everyone.
– – –
In the afternoon, we gathered in the chapel at the nunciature for a meeting with the Holy Father and a group of five clergy abuse survivors from Boston. Father John Connolly and Barbara Thorp accompanied me at the meeting. I was delighted at the pope's invitation to speak with these people.
We prayed together, and there were a few moments of silence. Then I addressed the Holy Father and told him that for us this abuse crisis has been a wound in the body of Christ. It has caused so much suffering in the life of our Church, but we welcomed him as our shepherd, representing Christ, the Good Shepherd, to help us in this process of healing and to give us his words of hope and encouragement.
Pope Benedict addressed the group and told us how this issue has weighed heavily on his heart, how he has been praying long and hard for all of those who have been affected by this crisis. He underscored the need for us to pray for holy priests in the Church.
Then, we presented him with a book of first names of victims of sexual abuse. The book had many prayers in it and the Holy Father promised he would pray especially for those whom we recorded in that book. After that, each person went forward and spoke for a moment in person with the Holy Father who in turn gave each a rosary and a blessing.
The meeting was a very moving experience for all who participated. The Holy Father knew that I wanted him to meet with survivors but I never expected it was going to happen on this trip. This was his invitation and I was delighted that it happened.
– – –
Next, we left for the magnificent talk Pope Benedict gave to the college presidents and superintendents of Catholic primary and secondary schools in the United States.
He gave a forceful talk in which he underscored the importance of education. He also praised us for the sacrifices we have made in the United States for our Catholic schools and colleges.
The Holy Father urged us to make sure that the teaching of the faith is uppermost in our educational efforts. He said that learning the faith only enhances people's understanding of reality and that there is not a contradiction between faith and reason. He spoke about academic freedom and how freedom must be based upon truth. Then, he urged religious orders in the ministry of education not to abandon the schools and urged us all to be supportive of the Catholic schools and to strengthen their Catholic identity.
His address was magnificent and very well received by all the educators there. As I looked out at the crowd, I saw Sister Kathleen FitzSimons, our interim superintendent of Catholic schools and our new superintendent Mary Grassa O'Neil in the front row. I also saw Sister Janet Eisner, President of Emmanuel College and Dr. Joseph McNabb, president of Laboure College.
Mary Grassa O'Neil and Sister Janet Eisner.
Sister Eisner sent me this photo taken with her camera at the event.
Vincentian Father David M. O'Connell, president of
The Catholic University of America, greets the pope
– – –
While in Washington, I stayed with my Capuchin brothers at the Capuchin College friary as I often do.
This was my cell during the four years I spent at the friary years ago
– – –
On Tuesday, I met my old friend Msgr. Peter Vaghi, who is pastor of Little Flower parish in Bethesda.
With him in the photo is Fall River Father Jeff Cabral (right), a Portuguese priest studying Canon Law and living in the parish with Msgr. Vaghi
– – –
For the photo of the week, I have chosen this one showing a commemorative coin that the Holy Father gave to each of the bishops present at his birthday lunch at the nunciature.
Next week, I am hoping to blog on the rest of the Holy Father's trip, particularly about the Mass at the Yankee stadium on Sunday. There, we will commemorate together with the Holy Father the bicentennial of the Archdiocese of Boston, together with the Archdioceses of New York and Philadelphia and the diocese of Louisville.
This Saturday, I will go back to Boston for a few hours to participate at the Men's Conference that will take place at Boston College. If you are in the area, I encourage you to attend.
Until my next posting.
In Christ.
Cardinal Seán


text:
|Sam Kay (talk)
|Date Created:
|1st Febuary 2008
|Please feel free to edit constructively!
Caver's Kit[edit | edit source]
A caver's kit includes a headlamp, helmet, protective boots and clothing, as well as other items of use in the underdark. A caver's kit provides a +2 bonus to skill checks to balance, climb, escape and survive in the underdark. This bonus stacks with the bonuses provided by climber's kits and spider kits.
Cost: 20gp
Back to Main Page → 4e Homebrew → Equipment → Adventuring Gear
Back to Main Page → 4e Homebrew → Sourcebooks → Arachonomicon; the Book of Spiderkind → Equipment.
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No question..... Cringer *needs* to talk.
The movie would and should base itself more off the history of the original classic series more than anything else - what's near and dear to our hearts. I don't mind if it emphasizes the action aspect or razzle-dazzle special effects, but what worked for "Masters" was that it could play so tongue in cheek with itself every once and a while - with the fantastical elements - something Michael Bay couldn't even dream of.
I agree with Mr. Shokoti and TechTrek ~ Eternia's a world full of magic and I see no harm in having a talking green tiger! After all - we're talking about Adam/He-Man's best buddy! Cringer became known for his sass and his hesitant quips. He provided some wonderful comic relief and still can if it's done well and gently (i.e. NO Gilbert Gottfried anything).
"Masters" was magical for us growing up and it will and should be magical again and for the next generation as well.


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Africa's Dirty Wars
Warfare in Independent Africa
In December 2009, the Lord's Resistance Army, a brutal African rebel group guided by a wig-wearing commander named Joseph Kony, massacred more than three hundred people in a remote corner of northeastern Congo. Most of the victims were clubbed to death, some were killed with machetes, a few were shot, and a few more were strangled. The LRA, as it is widely known—in Congo it's simply called tonga-tonga, which means something like "those who attack silently"—had just kidnapped hundreds of people and was moving quickly through the bush. Anyone who couldn't keep up was killed. Most often the other conscripts, many of them children, were forced to do the killing.
Because that corner of Congo is so isolated and sparsely populated, it took weeks for news of the massacre to filter out, unusual in today's hyperconnected world. I had to charter a plane to reach the massacre area, because there were no functioning roads close to it. I flew into a little town called Niangara, an old trading post at the confluence of two rivers. During Belgian rule, Niangara was a boom town for cotton and coffee, though you would never know that now. The roofless old Belgian houses are sinking into the elephant grass and the once-paved roads are gluey mud. There was no evidence of war or distress when I landed, not even fresh-faced foreign aid workers in their white vests. When I stepped out of the plane, onto the red dirt landing strip, all I saw were huge leafy trees, their branches dripping with mangoes, and a group of skinny men on bicycles.
This is the story of conflict in Africa these days. What we are seeing is the decline of the classic wars by freedom fighters and the proliferation of something else—something wilder, messier, more predatory, and harder to define. The style of warfare has shifted dramatically since the liberation wars of the 1960s and 1970s (Zimbabwe, Guinea-Bissau), the cold-war wars of the 1980s (Angola, Mozambique), and the large-scale killings of the 1990s (Somalia, Congo, Rwanda, Liberia). Today the continent is plagued by countless nasty little wars, which in many ways aren't really wars at all. There are no front lines, no battlefields, no clear conflict zones, and no distinctions between combatants and civilians, which is why the kind of massacre that happened near Niangara is sadly common.
There's often very little effort…
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Sounding like a bootleg Def Jam t -shirt at the end of a sweaty party the Test Icicles trio made a sound already casting a long shadow of influence among their peers and a new generation of messy hyper-hormoned kids. The trio of 25-year-old Rory Atwell and 19-year-olds Sam Mehran and Devonté Hynes burst out of underground file sharing sights and into messy one off gigs in friend?s houses in a riot of shredder guitar solos, beatbox rhythms, fringes and drainpipes. Whilst many bands claim to be "into a bit of everything" Test Icicles sounded like everything they'd ever heard, spewed out and re-wired for a different type of moshpit etiquette, a brand new teenage riot. The tracks on their debut album For Screening Purposes Only sounded like mash-ups of themselves and the single Circle, Square, Triangle became a modern nightclub staple. Their live shows were an eruption of metal poses, injury, boy and girl crowd surfacing and air punching - a spectacle that any award winning stylist would have trouble improving Just as mainstream media were beginning to get their heads around peer to peer networking and the power of MySpace the band that had truly evolved out of below the radar networking did the unthinkable and split - and left a perfect mess of themselves on record.
This artist shares members with Lightspeed Champion.
- Official Site
- Wikipedia page
- Myspace
Test Icicles Myspace


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My feeling is that we're all over scrapwood wallpapers by now (?) but already the next big trend is peeping over the horizon. Linwood's new range of Ephemera wallpapers are printed with vintage ticket stubs, matchbox labels, playbills and photographs to create a striking all-over collage effect.
{Ephemera wallpapers, £79.90/roll, Linwood}
No doubt these wallpapers will soon be arriving at a trendy coffee shop near you, but would you go for one of these designs in your own home?
Answers on a (vintage) postcard…