text:
I. Summary
When Venezuelan President Hugo Chvez Fras faced a coup d'tat in April 2002, advocates of democracy in Venezuela and abroad roundly condemned the assault on the country's constitutional order.Today Venezuela faces another constitutional crisis that could severely impair its already fragile democracy.This time, though, the threat comes from the government itself.
Over the past year, President Chvez and his allies have taken steps to control the country's judicial branch, undermining the separation of powers and the independence of the judiciary in ways that violate basic principles of Venezuela's constitution and international human rights law.
The most brazen of these steps is a law passed last month that expands the Supreme Court (Tribunal Supremo de Justicia) from twenty to thirty-two members.The National Assembly will choose the new justices by a simple majority vote.With the new Organic Law of the Supreme Court (Ley Orgnica del Tribunal Supremo de Justicia, LOTSJ), the governing coalition will be able to use its slim majority in the legislature to obtain an overwhelming majority of seats on the Supreme Court.It will also have the power to nullify existing justices' appointments to the bench.It will, in short, be able to both pack and purge the country's highest court.
A political takeover of the Supreme Court will only compound the damage already done to judicial independence by policies pursued by the Court itself.The Supreme Court, which has administrative control over the judiciary, has suspended a program that would reduce the large number of judges who do not have security of tenure.It has fired judges after they decided politically controversial cases.And it has allowed the country's second highest court to shut down by failing to resolve the legal appeals of its dismissed judges.Depriving judges of the security of tenure and allowing them to be summarily fired or prevented from exercising their due process rights violates basic principles of the Venezuelan constitution and international human rights law.
Human Rights Watch conducted research in Venezuela in May 2004, interviewing current and former judges and justices, justice officials, jurists, legislators, journalists and foreign observers about the legal and practical implications of these practices, as well as the justifications that might exist for pursuing them.
The president of the Supreme Court, the attorney general and a pro-Chvez legislator all sought to assuage our concerns about diminishing judicial independence by insisting that those wielding authority over judges and justices would show restraint and respect for the rule of law.Such assurances are beside the point, however.A rule of law that relies on the self-restraint of those with power is not in fact the rule of law.
Several officials stressed the need to understand the attitude of President Chvez's opponents, many of whom-they argued-are unwilling to engage in meaningful compromise or subject themselves to the rule of law.They insisted that judges and even Supreme Court justices decide cases based on their political convictions rather than the dictates of the law.As examples they cited the Supreme Court's failure to convict alleged participants in the 2002 coup and the failure of lower court judges to address allegedly illegal activities carried out as part of the general strike in 2003 that cost the country billions of dollars in oil revenue and did enormous harm to the economy.
It is true that some sectors of the opposition have subverted the rule of law in their efforts to bring down President Chvez.It might also be true that some opposition judges allow their political convictions to interfere with their application of the law.But rather than take steps to strengthen the rule of law, Chvez's allies and supporters have instead moved to rig the system to favor their own interests.
We have seen similar efforts before elsewhere in the region.During the 1990s, President Carlos Menem in Argentina and President Alberto Fujimori in Peru succeeded in remaking their judiciaries to serve their own interests.The changes ensured their influence over the courts and contributed to a climate of lawlessness that would facilitate the forms of corruption for which both former presidents face criminal charges today.
What makes the developments in Venezuela even more alarming is their potential impact on the country's already explosive political situation.Tensions have been mounting for months as President Chvez's opponents have sought a recall referendum to end his presidency.When the country's National Electoral Council (CNE) disqualified hundreds of thousands of signatures on a petition to authorize the referendum, thousands of people joined street protests, which culminated in violent confrontations with state security forces that left thirteen people dead, scores wounded, and hundreds more in police detention.
Whether the current crisis is resolved peacefully and lawfully will depend in large part on the country's judiciary.It is the courts that must ultimately determine whether the CNE's decisions are valid-as well as whether the actions of Chvez's supporters and opponents, in the streets and elsewhere, are legally permissible.It is, in other words, the courts that must ultimately ensure that the political conflict does not result in the trampling of people's freedom of expression and association, due process guarantees, and other basic human rights.To do so effectively, it is imperative that judges and justices be able to act with the independence and impartiality that are mandated by the Venezuelan constitution and international human rights law.
Main Recommendations
The future of Venezuela's judiciary is now largely in the hands of its highest court.To salvage the autonomy of the judicial branch, the Supreme Court should strike down, on constitutional grounds, the provisions of the court-packing law that subject the court to the political agenda of the governing coalition.To promote the independence of judges, the Supreme Court, in its administrative capacity, should reactivate the suspended program that would create judgeships with security of tenure and ensure full and prompt due process for judges facing dismissal, especially those accused of mishandling politically sensitive cases.
The international community can help.In recent years, the World Bank and the Inter-American Development Bank have supported projects aimed at improving the administration of justice in Venezuela-from training prosecutors and police to developing court infrastructure.The most urgent improvement needed now is the strengthening of judicial independence and autonomy.Without that, other improvements may only help a fundamentally flawed system function more efficiently.To encourage progress where it is most needed, all future international assistance aimed at improving the Venezuelan justice system should be made contingent upon Venezuela taking immediate and concrete steps to shore up the independence of its judges and the autonomy of its highest court.
The Organization of American States (OAS) also has a vital role to play.The Inter-American Democratic Charter, signed in 2001 by foreign ministers of Venezuela and thirty-threeother democracies, authorizes the OAS to respond actively to threats to the democratic order of its member states.It was this commitment to defending democracy that led the OAS to denounce the aborted coup against President Chvez in April 2002.Today Venezuela's democratic order is threatened in a different way, as the judiciary's increasing vulnerability to political manipulation undermines the country's rule of law.Unless concrete steps are taken immediately in Venezuela to reverse this course, the secretary general of the OAS should use his authority under Article 18 of the Charter to take actions, with the prior consent of the Venezuelan government, to assess the situation and possibly seek a collective response from the OAS.
The ultimate responsibility for the crisis in Venezuela's judiciary lies with President Chvez and his governing coalition.To prevent further erosion of the country's separation of powers, the president should instruct his supporters in the National Assembly to suspend implementation of the new court-packing law immediately and promote legislation that would modify those provisions that undermine the independence of the judiciary.The president should also be prepared to welcome and collaborate actively with the secretary general of the OAS, should the organization seek ways to help Venezuela address the crisis facing its judiciary.
II. International Norms on Judicial Independence
The OAS and the Inter-American Democratic Charter
Democracy is indispensable for human rights, and an independent judiciary is indispensable for democracy.The thirty-four foreign ministers of the Organization of American States (OAS) recognized these propositions when they adopted the Inter-American Democratic Charter in 2001.[1]The Charter defines the "[e]ssential elements of representative democracy" to include "access to and the exercise of power in accordance with the rule of law" and "the separation of powers and independence of the branches of government."[2]
The Inter-American Commission on Human Rights emphasized this link between judicial independence and democratic rule of law in its 2003 report on Venezuela:
The observance of rights and freedoms in a democracy requires a legal and institutional order in which the laws prevail over the will of the rulers, and in which there is judicial review of the constitutionality and legality of the acts of public power, i.e., it presupposes respect for the rule of law.Judiciaries are established to ensure compliance with laws; they are clearly the fundamental organs for preventing the abuse of power and protecting human rights.To fulfill this function, they must be independent and impartial.[3]
It is important to note that the definition of democracy found in the Inter-American Charter and in the findings of the Inter-American Commission was informed in large part by recent history.During the 1990s, several countries in the region saw democratically-elected presidents pursue policies that undermined the separation of powers and rule of law, and thereby degraded their own democracies.In Argentina, President Carlos Menem pushed a court-backing law through congress in 1990, expanding the Supreme Court from five to nine members, and managed to get the new openings filled by his allies.The move assured him an "automatic majority"-as it came to be known in Argentina-that ruled regularly in his favor, often using highly dubious legal reasoning.
In Peru, President Alberto Fujimori undercut the independence of the country's judges through mass firings and the denial of tenure, as well as the passage of laws that circumvented constitutional provisions aimed at guaranteeing judicial autonomy and restricting executive power.Fujimori justified these policies as efforts to combat corruption and inefficiency.But what he succeeded in doing-to an even greater extent than Menem-was to ensure his own influence over the courts.The resulting climate of lawlessness in both countries facilitated the forms of corruption for which both former presidents face criminal charges today.
Venezuela is currently pursuing both a court-packing scheme, similar to that of Menem, and an assault on judicial independence, similar in spirit (if not in scope) to that of Fujimori.As the experiences of Argentina and Peru demonstrate, these efforts do not bode well for Venezuela's democracy.
International Human Rights Treaties
In addition to its commitment to democracy under the Inter-American Charter, Venezuela is party to human rights treaties-including the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights and the American Convention on Human Rights-that require it to safeguard the independence of its judiciary.[4]What that obligation entails is made clear by a series of "basic principles" on the independence of the judiciary endorsed by the United Nations General Assembly.[5]These principles include:
- Any method of judicial selection shall safeguard against judicial appointments for improper motives.[6]
- The term of office of judges, their independence, security, adequate remuneration, conditions of service, pensions and the age of retirement shall be adequately secured by law.[7]
- Judges, whether appointed or elected, shall have guaranteed tenure until a mandatory retirement age or the conclusion of their term of office, where such exists.[8]
- A charge or complaint made against a judge in his/her judicial and professional capacity shall be processed expeditiously and fairly under an appropriate procedure. The judge shall have the right to a fair hearing . . . .[9]
- Judges shall be subject to suspension or removal only for reasons of incapacity or behaviour that renders them unfit to discharge their duties.[10]
- All disciplinary, suspension or removal proceedings shall be determined in accordance with established standards of judicial conduct.[11]
As this report shows, Venezuela is currently in contravention of all of these principles.In doing so, it undermines its rule of law and severely degrades its democracy.
III. Background
The Judiciary's Disreputable Past
When President Chvez became president in 1999, he inherited a judiciary that had been plagued for years by influence-peddling, political interference, and, above all, corruption.In interviews with Human Rights Watch, lawyers from across the political spectrum described a system in which justice had often been for sale to the highest bidder.Attorney General Isaas Rodrguez recalled how the country's top administrative court in the past actually established set fees for resolving different kinds of cases.[12]
A 1996 report on the Venezuelan justice system by the Lawyer's Committee for Human Rights painted a grim portrait of the judiciary:
Rather than serving the constitutional role of defender of the rule of law and protector of the human rights of Venezuelan citizens against the government, the courts had often become highly politicized adjuncts of the parties. They were manipulated by groups of lawyers, judges, political and business actors for private economic gain. And court procedures had become so slow, cumbersome and unreliable that disputants avoided them at all costs.[13]
In terms of public credibility, the system was bankrupt.A 1998 survey by the United Nations Development Program found that only 0.8 percent of the population had confidence in the judiciary.[14]That distrust translated into public outrage, and in the presidential election of that year, candidates across the political spectrum-including Hugo Chvez Fras-promised to clean up the system.
Declaring a Judicial Emergency
Once in office, President Chvez launched an ambitious effort to reform the Venezuelan state that included holding a referendum to convene a National Constituent Assembly, which then drafted a new constitution that went into effect in December 1999. Due to the overwhelming public consensus that judicial reform was needed, the Chvez administration initially found support for its efforts in this area even among its political adversaries.
One of the first acts of the National Constituent Assembly was to declare that the judiciary was in a state of emergency.It suspended the tenure of judges and created an emergency commission which it empowered to suspend judges who faced seven or more complaints or any type of criminal investigation, or who showed signs of wealth incommensurate with their salaried income.In the following months, the emergency commission removed hundreds of judges from their posts.[15]
Political Polarization under Chvez
The consensus around judicial reforms has largely dissolved as the country has grown increasingly polarized in response to President Chvez's policies and style of governance.Over the past three years the mounting political tensions have erupted into violence on several occasions and there have been three concerted efforts by sectors of the opposition to remove President Chvez from office: an aborted coup d'tat in April 2002, a national strike that lasted from December 2002 through February 2003 (and had an enormously negative impact on the country's economy), and a petition drive held in December 2003 to authorize a referendum.
The polarization, which pervades Venezuelan society, has found its way into the Supreme Court as well.All twenty sitting justices were selected by the National Constituent Assembly in March 2000 through a 2/3 majority vote, which would suggest they had support from people across the political spectrum.Today, however, it is common wisdom within the legal community that the Court is deeply divided between opponents and allies of President Chvez.It is an even, ten-ten split, with each camp controlling some of the Court's six chambers.The opposition camp is said to have a majority of seats in the electoral chamber.The pro-Chvez camp has a majority in the constitutional chamber, as well as on the six-member Judicial Commission that handles many of the Court's administrative affairs.Supreme Court President Ivan Rincn Urdaneta, who is a member of both the constitutional chamber and the Judicial Commission, is viewed as an ally of President Chvez.
IV. Disposable Judges
Provisional Judgeships
Venezuela denies its judges one of the most basic safeguards of judicial independence: security of tenure.While this problem existed long before President Chvez came to office, it has become particularly acute as the country has become politically polarized over the last few years.The vast majority of the country's judges hold provisional or temporary appointments.The tenuousness of their postings makes them more vulnerable to external pressures aimed at influencing their application of the law.
The Venezuelan constitution safeguards judicial independence by requiring that judges be selected through public competitions and removed only through legally sanctioned procedures.[16]The constitution requires that these procedures provide the judges with due process (including the right to be heard).[17]The laws regulating the procedures for removal require that it be motivated by misconduct on the part of the judge.[18]
Yet only 20 percent of the country's 1732 judges currently hold permanent appointments and enjoy the rights established in the constitution.The remaining 80 percent hold positions as "provisional" judges (52 percent), "temporary" judges (26 percent), or other non-permanent postings (2 percent).[19]The provisional judges hold their posts until a public competition is held to select the judges who will fill them on a permanent basis.Temporary judges are appointed to fill temporary openings, such as those created when a sitting judge takes a parental or sick leave.
The Judicial Commission of the Supreme Court, made up of six justices including the Supreme Court president, is in charge of appointing and removing these non-tenured judges.The commission maintains that it can summarily dismiss temporary judges, without cause and without the due process protections afforded permanent judges.[20]Provisional judges, by contrast, are entitled to the same security of tenure as permanent judges, at least until the public competition are held to fill their posts.Yet, as described below, the Judicial Commission has also summarily fired provisional judges.
International human rights monitors have repeatedly criticized Venezuela's reliance on provisional judges.In 2001, the United Nations Human Rights Committee expressed its concern that, under the current system, Venezuelan judges could be removed for merely fulfilling their judicial duties.[21]In 2003, the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights echoed this concern, observing that "having a high percentage of provisional judges has a serious detrimental impact on citizens' right to proper justice and on the judges' right to stability in their positions as a guarantee of judicial independence and autonomy."[22]
Venezuelan justice officials, judges and jurists of all political stripes also acknowledge the problem.In interviews with Human Rights Watch, the Supreme Court president, other Supreme Court justices, the attorney general, the ombudsman, and current and former judges all conceded that the prevalence of provisional and temporary appointments undermines judicial independence.
A major obstacle toward translating this consensus into real change has been, ironically, the constitutional requirement that judges be selected through public competitions.When the constitution came into effect in 1999 there were already a large number of provisional judges in the country.Figures from 1997 show only 40 percent of judges holding permanent appointments.[23]The number of provisional judges increased considerably after the judicial emergency declared in 1999 led to large numbers of dismissals.(And it has increased further since then as the judiciary has opened new courts in an effort to increase access to justice.)Turning this large-and growing-number of provisional judgeships into permanent ones requires holding public competitions for each one.
Toward that end, the judiciary launched a program of public competitions for judgeships in November 2000.It was the most ambitious program of its sort that Venezuela had seen, and produced over 200 permanent judges over the next two years.[24]This addressed only a fraction of the provisional judgeships, however, and in order to make a real difference, the program should have been expanded and accelerated.
Instead, in March 2003, the program was suspended.Human Rights Watch received contradictory explanations for what prompted the suspension.Supreme Court President Ivan Rincn Urdaneta said it was because the evaluation system had broken down due to a variety of factors, including efforts by powerful law firms to control some evaluation committees and the decision of numerous evaluators to abandon the program.[25]Others involved in the program dispute this account.Ren Molina, a former Inspector General of the Judiciary who helped design the competition program, insists that the "double-blind" procedure for selecting evaluators and administering the competitions made it virtually impossible for special interests to take over the committees.[26](Molina further recalled receiving pressure from government officials to rig the competitions in favor of specific candidates.)The Network of Watchers (Red de Veedores), a nongovernmental organization that monitored the program, did report instances of possible collusion between participants and jurors and various administrative irregularities, but nothing that would justify suspending the program.[27]
Critics of the government have suggested that the real motive for suspending the program was the desire of Judicial Commission members to continue naming and removing judges at their own discretion.Whatever the true motive might be, the outcome has been precisely that: the Judicial Commission continues to exercise virtually unchecked authority to appoint and remove judges.
Judges Summarily Fired
The danger of denying judges secure tenure was apparent earlier this year when three judges were summarily fired after releasing people detained during anti-government protests.The firings occurred on March 2, when Venezuela was in the midst of the most serious unrest it had seen since the attempted coup against the government in April 2002.An opposition demonstration on February 27 had turned violent as civilians clashed with units of the National Guard in central Caracas.Street protests and confrontations continued through the next week, leaving thirteenpeople dead and over 100 wounded.Government forces detained hundreds of people and, after violently abusing some of them, sought court orders for their prolonged detention pending prosecution.
Three Caracas judges who received such cases were Miguel Luna, Petra Jimnez and Maria Trastoy.Luna received the case of two detained opposition legislators on Saturday, February 28; Jimnez received the case of a detained man on Monday, March 1; and Trastoy received the case of six other detainees at the end of that same day.
All three judges ruled that the public prosecutors had not presented sufficient evidence to warrant ongoing detention of the suspects and ordered their immediate and unconditional release.[28]Their rulings would all be upheld subsequently by appellate courts.[29]
All three were dismissed from their posts on Tuesday, March 2. They received notices from the Supreme Court President Ivan Rincn Urdaneta informing them that the Supreme Court's Judicial Commission had decided that morning to nullify their appointments "due to observations that were presented before this office."[30]The notices did not reveal what the "observations" had been, nor why they might have warranted their dismissal.
When asked about the three judges, Rincn told Human Rights Watch that they had been temporary judges, who had been in their posts for a short period, and were not entitled to the administrative procedures afforded permanent and provisional judges.He insisted, however, that this did not mean that they had been denied their due process rights, as they were entitled to challenge the decision through an "appeal for reconsideration" (recurso de reconsideracin) to the Commission.Only one of the judges had chosen to do so, he said, and that one had been reinstated.The other two had chosen instead to take their claims to the press.He said they were working with an opposition political party and were "just doing politics."[31]
Rincn's account was inaccurate on several levels.None of the judges had temporary appointments.Two were provisional judges and therefore, by his own admission, entitled to the normal disciplinary procedure.[32]The third judge, Petra Jimnez, who had an appointment as a "special substitute" (suplente especial), had been serving as a judge continuously for almost three years.
All three judges did in fact challenge their dismissals through "appeals for reconsideration" to the Judicial Commission.One of them, Luna, was indeed reinstated, (though he has since been summarily fired once again.)The other two, Trastoy and Jimnez, report receiving no response to their appeals.[33]
The recourse provided by the appeal process does not change the fact that these judges were fired without a hearing.They may be able to present a defense, ex post facto, through the appeals process.However, this right to appeal is largely meaningless so long as they are not informed of the reasons for their dismissals (since it requires them to guess the charges they must defend themselves against)-and so long as the commission maintains that its decision is entirely discretionary.
Human Rights Watch obtained a copy of a ruling issued by the Judicial Commission in response to an "appeal for reconsideration" submitted by another judge who had been summarily fired under questionable circumstances.Mercedes Chocrn was removed from her post as a temporary judge in January 2003 after she attempted to carry a judicial inspection of a military base where a general was being held on charges of alleged crimes committed in the context of anti-government activity.(The purpose of the inspection was to ensure that the government was complying with precautionary measures ordered by the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights.)The Judicial Commission's ruling did not address the reasons for Chocrn's dismissal but merely provided a legal basis for its claim to complete discretion in removing temporary judges, arguing that this faculty has "no substantive limit whatsoever" and that its reasons "cannot be questioned or subject to review."[34]
Second Highest Court Shut Down
The problem of due process for dismissed judges is not limited to those who are summarily fired by the Judicial Commission.In one case from 2003, a court was effectively shut down after its judges were dismissed and the Supreme Court neglected to review their appeals.
Under existing procedures, permanent and provisional judges may be dismissed by an administrative body within the judicial branch, known as the Commission of Functioning and Restructuring of the Justice System, based on charges brought by the Inspector General of the Judiciary.The judges have an opportunity to defend their record before the commission.They are allowed five days to prepare their written defense, and the commission ten days to make its determination.[35](The commission sometimes grants the judges more than their allotted time, and itself often takes more than its allotted time.)The judges may appeal the commission's decision to the Supreme Court, but in contrast with the hasty dismissal proceedings, the appeal process can drag out indefinitely, leaving the dismissed judges in limbo and the validity of their dismissals in doubt.[36]The resulting uncertainty is especially problematic when it involves judges who have handled controversial cases.
The most notorious case of this sort is that of three judges who were dismissed from the First Administrative Court (Corte Primera de lo Contencioso Administrativo, CPCA) in October 2003.The CPCA is the second highest court in Venezuela and has national jurisdiction over cases involving challenges to administrative actions by the government (with the exception of those taken by cabinet-level officials, which are reviewed directly by the Supreme Court).In the year prior to their dismissal, the CPCA judges had granted numerous appeals challenging policies and programs of the Chvez government.In several cases the court ruled on behalf of municipal governments (run by opposition mayors) who challenged military interference with their own police forces.In another notable case, in August 2003, it ruled that hundreds of Cuban doctors sent by the Cuban government to work as volunteers in poor communities could not practice medicine in Venezuela without being certified by the Venezuelan medical association.[37]
President Chvez publicly denounced the court and its judges on several occasions.After the August 2003 decision on the Cuban doctors, for instance, he referred to them as "judges who shouldn't be judges," and said:
I'm not telling them what I'd like to because we're in front of the country.But the people are saying it.Go take you're decision where you want, you can carry it out in your home if you want . . . . Do you think the Venezuelan people are going to pay attention to an unconstitutional decision, well they're not going to pay attention to it.[38]
In September, in a highly unusual move, members of the Directorate of Services of Intelligence and Prevention (DISIP) arrested the driver of one of the judges as he was delivering a court document to someone outside the courthouse.The driver's action violated regulations on the handling of court documents, though the Supreme Court would rule (after the driver had spent 35 days in jail) that he had not committed a crime and order his release.[39]Two days after the arrest, President Chvez spoke out against the court, reportedly calling its chief judge a "criminal."[40]Three days later, a public prosecutor accompanied by police, reportedly armed with high-power weapons, conducted a surprise search of the CPCA courthouse.
Two weeks later, the Inspector General of the Judiciary submitted a recommendation to the Commission of Functioning and Restructuring of the Judicial System that the five CPCA judges be dismissed on the basis of an entirely unrelated issue: a determination by the Supreme Court the previous May that that the CPCA had committed an "inexcusable error" in a decision rendered in 2002.After reviewing the charge and the judges' defense, the commission ordered the dismissal of four of the judges (the fifth had already retired and therefore was not subject to sanction).[41]
Three of the judges appealed the decision to the Supreme Court, filing two appeals the following month.Venezuelan law obligated the Supreme Court to respond to each type of appeal within specified periods of time.A "hierarchical appeal" (recurso jerrquico), which they filed on November 13, warranted a ruling within 90 days.[42]And the "nullification appeal" (recurso de nulidad) filed on November 27 warranted a ruling within three days.[43]
Over half a year later, the Supreme Court has failed to rule on either of the appeals.When asked why not, Supreme Court President Ivan Rincn Urdaneta told Human Rights Watch that it was because these cases were "not a high priority."[44]
There are several reasons, however, why the Supreme Court should consider these appeals to be of highest priority.First is the simple matter of the due process rights of the dismissed judges.A second is the fact that, lacking a quorum of judges, the country's second highest court has ceased to function, leaving a huge backload of unresolved cases (by one estimate as many as 2000 cases, all involving challenges to administrative actions by the government).While Supreme Court President Rincn said the Court intends to fill the vacancies with new judges, they have yet to do so after over half a year.Moreover, it is unclear what would happen to the new appointees if the dismissed judges were to win their appeals.
A final reason the appeals should be treated as high priority is the extremely controversial nature of the case-and specifically the perception created by President Chvez's public comments, as well as the unusually aggressive police actions against the CPCA, that the dismissal reflected the will of the executive rather than the application of the law.This perception, which was shared by many of the people Human Rights Watch interviewed, has only been reinforced by the Supreme Court's failure to review the legality of the dismissals.
V. Separation of Powers Under Assault
The National Assembly passed a law in May 2004 that severely undermines the independence of the country's judicial branch.The new Organic Law of the Supreme Court (Ley Orgnica del Tribunal Supremo de Justicia) changes the composition of the country's highest court, as well as its relationship to the other branches of government.
The manner in which the law was passed was highly questionable.The Venezuelan constitution seeks to safeguard the autonomy of state institutions-including the judiciary-by requiring a 2/3 majority vote to approve any modification of the legislation (known as "organic laws") that govern their structure and operation.[45]The National Assembly appears to have violated this provision with the passage of the new law.The governing coalition disregarded the requirement that such laws must be passed with a super-majority of 2/3, passing instead with a simple majority.Moreover, that majority engaged in irregular parliamentary maneuvers, which appear to violate the spirit and perhaps even the letter of the constitution, such as making substantive changes to the law's text after it had been voted on, and fusing multiple articles to avoid a full discussion of each one.
Power to pack the court
The new court-packing law increases the Supreme Court from twenty to thirty-two justices, adding two justices to each of the court's six chambers.[46]The new justices can be designated with a simple majority vote of the National Assembly: a nominee who fails to receive a 2/3 majority in the first three votes can be designated by a simple majority on the fourth vote.[47]In contrast, the twenty current members of the Supreme Court also received at least a 2/3 majority confirmation vote.[48]
Proponents of the law have justified this increase as a measure for alleviating the justices' current workload.[49]This justification is dubious, at best.The four justices (as well as one ex-justice) who spoke to Human Rights Watch all agreed that only two or three of the chambers have any difficulty keeping up with their caseloads (the constitutional chamber and the "political administrative" chamber).[50]According to Supreme Court President Ivan Rincn Urdaneta, the only justification for increasing the number of justices in the other chambers is to help them handle administrative tasks.However, it is not difficult to imagine other means to alleviate the administrative responsibilities of the justices by delegating the work to their staff.Nor, for that matter, is it difficult to imagine ways to alleviate the caseload of those chambers with more cases, such as assigning them more clerks or creating adjunct tribunals to handle cases in which the jurisprudence is already clearly established.
Whatever the justification, however, the impact of the increase on the judiciary's independence is unmistakable.It will allow the majority coalition in the National Assembly to radically alter the balance of power within the country's highest court, ensuring that each of its chambers is controlled by justices sympathetic to its own political agenda.
Power to purge the court
The Venezuelan Constitution seeks to guarantee the independence of justices by granting them a single twelve-year term and establishing an impeachment process that requires a 2/3 majority vote by the National Assembly, after the "citizen branch" (which consists of the attorney general, the ombudsman, and the comptroller) has determined that the justice has committed a "serious offense" (falta grave).[51]
The new law eliminates this guarantee.While the impeachment of justices still requires a 2/3 majority vote, the law creates two new mechanisms for removing justices that do not share this requirement.One entails suspending justices pending an impeachment vote, the other entails nullifying their appointments.
The first mechanism is found in a new provision which establishes that, when the "citizen branch" determines that a justice has committed a serious offense, and unanimously recommends the justice's dismissal, then the justice will be automatically suspended pending an impeachment vote by the National Assembly.[52]The law requires that the president of the assembly call for a hearing and an impeachment vote within ten days.However, such deadlines are habitually disregarded by the assembly, and there is no effective mechanism for enforcing them.Consequently, if the president of the assembly chooses not to bring the issue to a vote, the justice could remain suspended indefinitely.
The definition of "serious offense" for justices is broad and includes highly subjective categories such as "threaten or damage public ethics or administrative morale" and "made decisions that threaten or damage the interests of the Nation."[53]
The National Assembly has also bestowed upon itself the power to nullify justices' appointments by a simple majority vote in one of three circumstances: the justice provided false information at the time of his or her selection to the court; the justice's "public attitude . . . undermines the majesty or prestige of the Supreme Court" or of any of its members; or the justice "undermines the functioning" of the judiciary.[54]
This provision is a clear ploy to circumvent the constitutional requirement that justices can be removed with a 2/3 majority vote of the National Assembly.Calling this action the "nullification of appointment" cannot disguise the fact that it entails firing the justice.
What makes the provision particularly dangerous is the fact that two of the three criteria for "nullification" are entirely subjective and will, therefore, allow the assembly's majority to persecute justices identified with the political opposition.In fact, one member of the governing party of President Chvez, Iris Valera, has explicitly acknowledged this as the law's intent, saying "the 10 coup-backing justices (magistrados golpistas) who supported the de facto government of Pedro Carmona Estanda, should be off the Supreme Court and the new law passed in the National Assembly will achieve this goal."[55]
Implications for the referendum
The packing and purging provisions of the new law-which would be objectionable under any circumstances-are particularly troubling given the current political context.
The prime target of any packing and purging efforts is likely to be the electoral chamber of the Supreme Court that, under the Venezuelan constitution, has jurisdiction over all legal disputes surrounding electoral activity.The chamber currently contains two members (out of three) who are identified with the opposition and voted to order the CNE to count the disqualified signatures on the referendum petition.By appointing two new justices to the chamber, the governing coalition will be able to tip the balance its own way.(The electoral chamber handles the fewest cases and, by all accounts has the least need for additional justices-which may explain the insistence on expanding the number of justices in all the court's chambers.)
Simultaneously, justices who fall into disfavor with the governing coalition could be subject to removal.The attorney general has already opened investigations into the electoral chamber's handling of the referendum case.It is unclear whether or not the suspension provision of the new law would be applicable should the "citizen branch" determine that the justices had committed a "serious offense."The attorney general told Human Rights Watch that he believed that the new sanction could not be applied retroactively.[56]In any case, the fact that the justices are under investigation for their rulings on the referendum issues sends a clear message that they will face similar scrutiny-and possible sanction-for any future decisions on this controversial topic.
VI. Recommendations
To President Hugo Chvez Fras:
It is critically important that the issues here not be reduced to partisan wrangling and that the criticisms offered here not be mischaracterized as partisan attack.Human Rights Watch does not take a stand on the political conflict currently underway in Venezuela.When sectors of the opposition launched a coup d'tat in April 2002, we denounced their actions forcefully-just as we denounce any actions that jeopardize respect for fundamental human rights anywhere in the world, regardless of the political persuasion of their perpetrators.
Today the gravest threat to human rights in Venezuela is the potential political takeover of the Supreme Court made possible by the new court-packing law.It is not too late, however, for Venezuela to reverse course and salvage the independence and autonomy of its judiciary.Toward that end, the president should:
- instruct his supporters within the National Assembly to suspend implementation of the new court-packing law immediately;
- promote legislation that would modify those provisions of the new law that undermine the independence of the judiciary;
- collaborate actively with the secretary general of the OAS, should the organization seek ways to help Venezuela address the crisis facing its judiciary (as described below).
To the Supreme Court:
The Venezuelan Supreme Court still has an opportunity to fix the aspects of the court-packing law that threaten its autonomy.Since the law was passed last month, the court has received several appeals that challenge the constitutionality of its most harmful provisions.The Supreme Court should:
- act quickly to review these appeals, paying particularly close attention to the provisions of the court-packing law that allow for justices to be removed or suspended without the 2/3 majority vote required by article 265 of the Constitution.
The Supreme Court should take steps to strengthen the independence of judges.Specifically, it should:
- reactivate the program of public competitions for selecting permanent judges;
- cease from dismissing judges without cause and without due process, regardless of the nature of their appointment;
- make it a priority to provide a prompt and impartial review of the appeals from judges who have been dismissed after handling controversial cases.
To international lending agencies:
The World Bank and the Inter-American Development Bank can play a significant role in strengthening Venezuela's justice system, as is clear from their involvement in the country to date.The Inter-American Development Bank provided a loan for $75 million in 2001 for projects in the Attorney General's Office and Ministry of the Interior and Justice aimed at improving the efficiency, professionalism and equity of the criminal justice system.
The World Bank has supported the Venezuelan judiciary in recent years with a $30 million loan for a project (authorized in 1993 and completed after multiple delays in 2003) that aimed to modernize the infrastructure of the judiciary, as well as a $4.7 million loan for a project (authorized in 1997 and completed in 2000) that aimed to improve the functioning of the Supreme Court.The Venezuelan judiciary has since developed a proposal for a third loan from the Bank.
The most pressing issue facing the Venezuelan justice system now is the threats to its independence and autonomy.Until these threats are addressed, improvements in other areas may only help a fundamentally flawed system function more efficiently.
Therefore, international lending agencies interested in supporting the Venezuelan judiciary should:
- direct aid toward efforts to strengthen the independence of its judges and autonomy of its courts.
- suspend all future assistance for justice sector projects until Venezuela takes concrete steps to address the threats to judicial independence documented in this report.
To the Organization of American States:
The Inter-American Democratic Charter, adopted by the thirty-four foreign ministers of the OAS in 2001, recognizes that "one of the purposes of the OAS is to promote and consolidate representative democracy," and reasserts the proposition (originally articulated in the Declaration of Managua for the Promotion of Democracy and Development) that the organization's mission is not limited to the defense of democracy wherever its fundamental values and principles have collapsed, but also calls for ongoing and creative work to consolidate democracy as well as a continuing effort to prevent and anticipate the very causes of the problems that affect the democratic system of government.[57]
Toward that end, article 18 of the Charter establishes that "[w]hen situations arise in a member state that may affect the development of its democratic political institutional process or the legitimate exercise of power," the secretary general and the Permanent Council of the OAS may take steps to investigate and respond to the situation, "with prior consent of the government concerned."[58]
The current crisis facing the Venezuelan judiciary threatens to have a profoundly negative affect on the country's democracy.Unless Venezuelan government takes concrete steps immediately to reverse this course, the secretary general of the OAS:
- should use his authority under Article 18 of the Charter to engage with the Venezuelan government to address the threats to its judicial independence that affect the country's democratic system of government.
VII. Acknowledgements
Daniel Wilkinson, counsel for Human Rights Watch's Americas Division, wrote this report. Joanne Mariner, deputy director of the Americas Division, Wilder Tayler, Human Rights Watch's Legal and Policy Director, and Joseph Saunders, Deputy Program Director, edited it.Americas Division associates Ximena Casas and Jennifer Nagle helped with the production.Intern Martin Austermuhle provided invaluable research support.
Human Rights Watch would like to thank the numerous organizations, government officials and individuals that contributed to this report.In particular, we would like to thank Supreme Court President Ivan Rincn Urdaneta, Attorney General Isaas Rodrguez, Ombudsman Germn Mundarain, and other officials who met with us in the course of our investigation.


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MAD MAG Treasure Hunt
The MAD Magazine Horseland Colouring Competition is on again for SEPTEMBER 2016!!!!!!!!
Make sure you get your entry into the State Office before the closing date.
Colour, paint or glitter your way to a fantastic prize provided by HORSELAND!
Send your entries to "Irving House" 73-75 Mackie Road, MULGRAVE 3170 or email to email@example.com
Entries Close: 29TH OCTOBER 2016 (Entry Form)
Conditions of entry
Winners will be published in the DECEMBER 2016 "Making a Difference" magazine.
By entering this competition I accept that my Name, Pony Club, age and entry will be published for the purposes of promoting this competition in both electronic and print media.
The winners will be announced in the next issue of the PCAV Making a Difference magazine, published on the Pony Club website and on the facebook page.

subset: commoncrawl


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Circular Coil for Transcranial Magnetic Stimulation, United Kingdom, 1998
Magnetic stimulation is a non-invasive and painless method of exciting neurons. It uses strong, time-varying magnetic fields. These are generated by a stimulating coil held close to the intended site of stimulation. By stimulating nerves, transcranial magnetic stimulation (TMS) may alleviate depression and conditions such as obsessive-compulsive disorder (OCD). The coil allows the magnetic fields to be applied accurately to the correct part of the body. This technique was developed in the 1980s at the University of Sheffield, England. This coil was manufactured by The Magstim Company Limited in Wales.
Object number:
Related Themes and Topics
Related Objects
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Glossary: component - object
Constituent parts of objects or structures
Glossary: transcranial magnetic stimulator
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Glossary: nerve stimulation
No description.


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|editA [1]
|Volume #45, Naruto Chapter #416
|Naruto Shippūden Episode #152
|Kakashi Hiden: Lightning in the Icy Sky
|Naruto the Movie: Blood Prison
|Naruto Shippūden: Gekitō Ninja Taisen! Special
|Naruto Shippūden: UNSG anime cutscenes
|Appears in
|Anime, Manga, Novel, Game, Movie
|Voice Actors
|June 1
|Blood type
|Ninja Rank
|Ninja Registration
A (エー, Ē, Viz: Ei, English TV: Ay) is the Fourth Raikage (四代目雷影, Yondaime Raikage, Literally meaning: Fourth Lightning Shadow) of Kumogakure.[3] His partner and brother is Killer B.
A is the son of the Third Raikage. He was groomed for the position of the Fourth Raikage.[4] At some point in the past, due to A not having a blood sibling who could be his tag-partner, try-outs consisting of young children were gathered in order to determine one, in keeping with a long-standing Kumogakure tradition of the Raikage having a tag-team partner. After many attempts, they found only one child who was able to successfully match A's power and use the Lightning Release: Double Lariat on a training dummy.[5]
As a result, that child was given the name "B", and A stated that they would be brothers from that day on.[6] He and B would eventually be teamed together on a mission with A's cousin, the jinchūriki of the Eight-Tails. While on the mission, he told A that Killer B would need something to fill the void that would be created if he was chosen as the beast's next jinchūriki.
Some time later A's cousin Blue B lost control of the beast and it went on a rampage. A was made part of a special team tasked with subduing the rampaging Eight-Tails. After A and the Third Raikage arrived to deal with the matter, A was instructed to restrain the beast as his father prepared to use the Kohaku no Jōhei. As the team attempted to bind the Eight-Tails, the beast impaled Furui with its horn, leading to A to cut it off. With enough preparation, the Third sealed the beast away temporarily. After B became the beast's jinchūriki, A, remembering what his cousin had said to him, tried his best to fill that apparent void.
At some point during the Third Shinobi World War, A would clash with Minato Namikaze for the first time.[7] Before Minato retreated he recognised Killer B as the jinchūriki of the Eight-Tails and told A that next time they met it would be to put the title of "Kage" on the line and also offered A the advice of making sure his brother knew who he was before becoming neither human nor jinchūriki.[8] They would clash many more times after that. A was once even told by Jiraiya that he believed Minato was the "Child of Prophecy".[9] When A's father died during the the third war, he inherited the title of Raikage.[10] Afterwards, out of fear of losing him, he forbade B's continued training in the Lightning Release: Lariat and ordered him to complete his training in the Tailed Beast Ball at the Valley of Clouds and Lightning and restricted him to the confines of the village.[11] At some point, he forbade B from fully transforming into his tailed beast due to its extreme power.
In the anime, after an encounter with the Nokizaru Group, A crossed paths with Tsunade and requested her aid in removing the Exploding Insect implanted in his subordinate. After accepting her arm wrestling challenge, realising that he could not beat Tsunade in terms of strength, but at the same time, he needed to help his subordinate, A used speed to defeat her. After Tsunade diagnoses the situation and realises that one of the insects was also inside A, she decided to conduct the surgery. However, when she had Shizune conduct the surgery and later left after blood splattered on her. Shizune explained Tsunade's haemophobia caused by the loss of her two great loves, A dismissed her state of mind as a weakness and would not trust his mens' lives to her with Shizune, who had successfully completed the surgery, defending her mistress.[12]
Two years after Tsunade returned to her village to become the Fifth Hokage, she sent A an invitation to join an impromptu Chūnin Exams hosted by Konohagakure and Sunagakure. He immediately rejected the offer, believing it to be a joint effort by the two villages to attack Kumogakure. A instead sent a respond saying the village was too busy to prepare and had C and Darui make sure B wouldn't sneak off to this event.[13]
A is very caring and protective towards his adopted younger brother, despite Killer B's status as a jinchūriki. Despite his tough exterior, he is as vulnerable on the inside as anyone, shown when he wept at the news of his younger brother's capture by Akatsuki. However, when Killer B's ploy to use the affair to have a vacation was discovered, A was comically furious (but not surprised), and swore to punish his little brother for it. He claims, that as the Raikage, he has made peace with the idea of having to kill his brother if the situation ever called for it.[14] He also cared deeply for, and respected his father as seen when he was brought to tears at his father's funeral and, upon assuming the mantle of Raikage, swore to protect the village as he did.
He is headstrong and somewhat easily aggravated, smashing a desk apart when news of his brother being captured arrived. He also seemingly has very little patience as seen when he burst through the window of his office to attend the Kage Summit, smashed the table at the Summit when the conversation was deviating and smashing through a wall to go after Sasuke Uchiha. His assistant implied that he is prone to such actions whenever he was in that mental state. A also has a method of punishing his little brother with what he calls his "Iron Claw". He tends to use it so much to the point even Gyūki would say A would give B the Iron Claw for helping Naruto escape the Island Turtle.
Sometime between fighting Minato and his debut as the Fourth Raikage, A became more humble, going from using "ore" a more prideful way of referring to oneself to using "washi" a more humble term used by old men.
A also has a very stern, dead-serious and decisive demeanour, as seen when he was seemingly unaffected by Naruto Uzumaki's pleas for Sasuke's life. In his eyes, respect and strength mean everything in the ninja world, and the weak should and will be crushed. This correlates with his philosophy that a ninja should never compromise or bow down in front of another ninja. A has also been shown to be very suspicious of the other ninja villages, accusing all of them of working with Akatsuki and questioning their loyalties. In battle, A is shown to be physically brutal, as he uses extreme physical force to devastate his opponents, and is willing to sacrifice a limb, rather than lose a chance to defeat his opponent. In spite of all this, A seems to be capable of acknowledging and respecting the skills of other shinobi and is not above accepting defeat should they best him in any way, as seen when he finally allowed B and Naruto to enter the battlefield after they surpassed him, in strength and speed, respectively. And before this, A even once thought that there was no one who could surpass the Fourth Hokage. A is also shown to genuinely care about the well-being of his comrades, including those of foreign villages, as he reprimanded Tsunade for fighting so recklessly and left himself vulnerable to express care for her when she began coughing up blood.
When he learned his brother was alive, his attitude had mostly calmed down since his first appearance. He spoke with civility with the other members of the Alliance, and kept his cool during Tsunade's outburst. However, after learning that Akatsuki reincarnated his father, A became enraged again.[15] Like his brother, the Raikage is a compassionate person as well, as he reassured Darui about his left arm that he lost and told him not to blame himself.[16]
A also holds strongly to the belief that the jinchūriki is not an individual, but instead is a tool of the village they live in and its Kage and as such, have no right to make decisions for themselves, an attitude that put him in direct conflict with Tsunade.[17] He is also willing to sacrifice others for the sake of the greater good. When learning that Naruto and his friends were on the Moon, A chose to blow it up with them on it on the grounds it was for the sake of the planet. A is a man of duty. Despite wanting to enter the front lines to battle the enemies himself, his position as supreme commander prevented him from doing so until the Kage decided their presence was necessary to combat Madara.
A is also shown to be somewhat of an extremist, much like Danzō. Unlike him however, A does show restraint. This was shown when he decided to blow up the moon with Naruto, Hinata, Shikamaru, Sakura, and Sai on it to save the earth but decided to wait one hour since all the other Kage unanimously voted for it.[18]
A is a tall dark-skinned man with a large muscular build, with his white hair (blond in the anime) combed back, a small moustache and beard. His face is very distinguished with pronounced cheekbones and tear troughs under his eyes, and a prominent crease across his forehead. He has pointed canines and his top lip also has a darker hue than the bottom one; traits he inherited from his father. During his fight with Sasuke, he amputated his left forearm after it was burned by the flames of Amaterasu.
Unlike other Kage, A seems to wear his Kage haori and hat on a regular basis without a shirt underneath, further displaying his hulking physique. He has black Fūma Shuriken tattoos on both shoulders. Up until his fight with Sasuke, he had gold bangle bracelets on each wrist which have protrusions that can jut out when he attacks. Though he still wore the bracelet on his right arm after amputating the left arm at the Summit and even when he convened the second meeting of the Kage, since the Fourth Shinobi World War started however, he has stopped wearing it altogether.[19] He also wears a gold belt around his waist with a boar's face engraved in the centre. All of these aspects combined give him the appearance of a professional wrestler and boxer.
When he was younger, A wore a purple high-collared outfit with ragged sleeve and matching pants along with a white flak jacket and shin guards.
Some time after relinquishing the role of Raikage to Darui, A began wearing a simple black kimono held close by a white sash. At this point, he has also begun balding with visible wrinkles.[20]
As the Fourth Raikage, A is an extremely powerful shinobi, noted by B to be able to hold his own against the Eight-Tails.[21] Using his signature nintaijutsu fighting style, he could easily defeat a fully transformed Jūgo and overwhelm a Mangekyō Sharingan-bearing Sasuke. Losing his left dominant arm did very little to hamper A's fighting abilities, as he was still chosen to be Supreme Leader of the Allied Shinobi Forces, further attesting to his might. A also possesses an enormous amount of strong chakra, comparable to that of a tailed beast, according to Karin.[22]
Physical Prowess
A possesses immense physical strength, just below Tsunade's, according to Madara Uchiha.[23] When first introduced, he was shown casually lifting a massive, two-handed barbell with a single hand. Later, he could bisect the (albeit previously damaged) Kubikiribōchō and snap the ribs of Sasuke's Susanoo on two occasions.[24] He also easily smashed through walls, floors, and even a cliff with a single punch.[25] In his youth, A could sever one of the Eight-Tails' horns, knocking it to the ground with sheer strength.[26] His immense strength could even threaten Naruto in his Nine-Tails Chakra Mode, who noted the encounter would end if he took a direct blow.[27] A could also block a punch from one of Madara's humanoid Susanoo-clad wood clones.[28]
Befitting his appearance, A prefers and shows tremendous prowess in taijutsu. He stalled Naruto and B for a considerable amount of time when they tried escaping him, even turning B's use of the Eight-Tails' tentacles against him. While possessing powerful and extremely fast punches, A mainly uses wrestling-style moves rather than standard taijutsu, such as throws, powerbombs, backhanded chops, take-downs, leg drops, high-flying strikes and in the anime, dropkicks. He is also noted for being incredibly fast, grabbing White Zetsu by the throat before he could react and evading a point-blank Amaterasu flame.[29] A claimed to be the world's fastest shinobi following Minato's death, until Minato's son, Naruto, became the second person to ever dodge his top-speed attack.[30][31]
A inherited his father's immense durability, taking three of B's Lightning Release: Lariats to the chest without getting damaged.[32] He also survived being transported by Mabui's Heavenly Transfer Technique unharmed.[33] A has an immense tolerance for pain, as he withstood having his arm set on fire by Amaterasu and even cut it off himself, both without flinching.[34]
Nature Transformation
A's nature transformations include Lightning, Earth, and Water Release.[1] His signature ability, and the basis of his nintaijutsu, is the Lightning Release Chakra Mode, a layer of lightning chakra that surrounds his body and enhances his physical parameters and reflexes to a level comparable to Konoha's Yellow Flash.[35] This makes A fast enough to evade point-blank attacks such as Jugo's multiple-cannon blasts and Amaterasu, outpace the Sharingan (supposedly), and for defensive uses, minimise the damage dealt from incoming attacks.[36] He can also sharpen his lightning chakra enough to neatly cut through one of the Eight-Tails' horns,[26] or use it in unison with another person's Water Release to paralyse enemies.[37]
Part II
Pain's Assault
He was first seen when he received news of Killer B's capture by Akatsuki. Enraged that his own brother had been lost so soon after Yugito Nii, A called for a meeting of the five Kage to discuss Akatsuki. Because B's captor was Sasuke Uchiha, a former Konoha ninja, A had Team Samui take a letter to the Hokage to inform Konoha that he would personally deal with Sasuke.
Five Kage Summit
A departed for the Kage summit with two bodyguards: Darui and C. On their way to the Land of Iron they reunited with Team Samui, who provided them with information on Sasuke acquired in Konoha. C quickly discovered that Team Samui had been followed by Naruto Uzumaki. A kept his men from attacking Naruto and agreed to listen to what he had to say. Naruto pleaded with the Raikage to spare Sasuke, but his request was flatly refused and the Raikage berated him for sticking up for a criminal and advises him to think about what he should really be doing.
When the Kage Summit began, A quickly showed his disapproval of the other villages by smashing the table in front of him, prompting all of the bodyguards to come to their Kage's aid. After they returned to their position, A voiced his suspicions of the other Kage: that Sunagakure used Akatsuki in order to destroy Konoha; that the Third Tsuchikage employed Akatsuki in the past; that the Fifth Mizukage and the rest of her village is the least trustworthy due to suspected ties with Akatsuki. He pointed out that only Kumogakure has never had an Akatsuki representative, nor has it ever employed Akatsuki for a battle. He insinuated that Danzō Shimura used Akatsuki to dispose of the Third Hokage and the Fourth Kazekage.
When the idea of a Shinobi Alliance was raised, Danzō was nominated to lead it. A was outraged, but before he could raise much of an objection Zetsu appeared and revealed that Sasuke was nearby. A immediately grabbed Zetsu by the neck and demanded information on Sasuke's location, and later broke his neck when he took too long to respond. He then left with C and Darui to track Sasuke down. Upon finding them, A tried to attack Sasuke but he was instead drawn into battle with Sasuke's team. He first snapped Suigetsu's damaged sword and then engaged a transformed Jūgo, A overpowering him after a brief fight. With his team out of the way, A was able to attack Sasuke uninhibited.
Sasuke had difficulty breaking through A's Lightning Release Chakra Mode, with his Chidori only managing to cause a minor wound to A. A went on the offensive with his Liger Bomb, but he too had difficulty damaging Sasuke due to the latter's Susanoo. Sasuke tried to hit him with Amaterasu, but A was too fast. Sasuke then coated his Susanoo with Amaterasu's flames to deter additional physical attacks. In his growing rage, A ignored this and attacked through the flames to smash through the defence and hit Sasuke. Although his arm was caught ablaze he continued the assault, only to be stopped by the Fifth Kazekage. The Kazekage asked for a chance to speak with Sasuke. Although irritated, A used this as an opportunity to deal with his arm; he cut it off to prevent Amaterasu from spreading to the rest of his body and then had C stop his bleeding.
While A was being healed, Sasuke caused a cave-in to cover his escape. A smashed the falling debris and joined the Kazekage in pursuing him back to the Summit hall. When they arrived, they were met by Tobi, who sent Sasuke to safety before telling them about his Eye of the Moon Plan, in the process revealing that B eluded capture. Tobi then requested that B, along with Naruto be handed over to him. A and the other Kage refused, prompting Tobi to declare the start of the Fourth Shinobi World War. A Shinobi Alliance was suggested again, this time with A as the proposed leader of the alliance. The Kage agreed to this before returning to their respective villages to prepare for war.
Before going back to Kumo, A and his men tracked down B. They found him in the middle of a fight with Kisame Hoshigaki. A and B teamed up to decapitate "Kisame" with a Lightning Release: Double Lariat. Later, A angrily scolded B for pretending to be captured on their way back to the village. They were informed that the daimyō had agreed to the Shinobi Alliance's formation when they returned. A then convened a war council to assess the village's military-readiness.
Fourth Shinobi World War: Countdown
Three days later, the other Alliance heads met with A in Kumogakure to discuss the Alliance's organisation. As their first matter of business they discussed what to do with the jinchūriki. The recently-reinstated Fifth Hokage, believed that Killer B and Naruto should be allowed to fight on the front lines, whereas A and the other leaders believed they should be sent into hiding, to prevent the enemy from capturing them.
The Hokage eventually agreed with their decision, albeit reluctantly. A selected the Island Turtle as the hiding place and assures them of its security. In the anime, after the meeting with the other heads of the Alliance the Hokage asked to speak with A privately and requested that B teach Naruto to achieve the control over the Nine-Tails in the event that the two of them would have to be deployed, a request A approves, which is also why he chose Island Turtle. When Akatsuki later discovered this location, A refused to have B and Naruto moved. He instead sent the Tsuchikage as extra protection and had him bring the island back to Kumo.
Fourth Shinobi World War: Confrontation
A remained at headquarters with the Hokage and the Tsuchikage while the Alliance's armies mobilised. Shikaku Nara provided a great deal of input on how to organise the army and engage Akatsuki's White Zetsu Army, forcing A to acknowledge the calibre of Konoha's ninja. Despite being the leader of the Alliance, A was uncomfortable not being on the front lines; when news reached headquarters of his father's reincarnation, A wished to go and confront him, but opted to send the Tsuchikage instead after learning that Mū was also amongst the reincarnated.
He had a similar response when the First Division engaged the Gold and Silver Brothers. A explained to the people at headquarters about the brothers and made preparations to deal with them should they begin using their Nine-Tails chakra. He had Mabui send the Kohaku no Jōhei to Darui and called in reinforcements from other divisions to help out the First Division. His plans paid off and the brothers were sealed.
Upon learning that B and Naruto had escaped from confinement, A and Tsunade decided to personally stop them, leaving Shikaku in charge while they were gone. Upon intercepting them, A tried to impress upon them the importance of keeping them out of Akatsuki's grasp. Naruto tried to flee using his Nine-Tails Chakra Mode, but A was able to keep up with him and block his escape. Feeling that he wouldn't be able to sway Naruto, A tried to kill him to prevent his capture. B blocked his attack and informs his brother that he would have to be willing to kill both of them. A claimed to have no problem with this, but B unbelieving, bumped fists with him to remind him of all they had been through together. When A still wouldn't listen to words, B attacked and defeated him with a Lightning Release: Lariat, proving his strength. Despite his defeat, A still refused the pleas of B and Tsunade, prompting Tsunade to decide to battle A as well.
B however tried once more to reason with his brother, telling him that the tailed beasts weren't the only thing that made them strong but also the people who cared about them, referring to them as "suns". B told A that Naruto had two of them. A then asked him about it and Naruto told him about his parents, and that despite them dying shortly after he was born, they made him strong. After hearing this, A fully charged his lightning armour and attacked, however, Naruto was able to completely evade the attack. With this as proof of Naruto's power, A allowed Naruto to enter the battlefield stating that the "saviour" might still be alive in the form of him. After returning to headquarters, he was briefed about the White Zetsu Army. As Tsunade diagnosed the situation, A asked her if there were any hints on how to defeat Tobi to which she declared that he might just be the true definition of an immortal. When news from Inoichi of Naruto's arrival to each battlefield gave the Allied Forces a huge upper hand, Tsunade teased A, who stubbornly smiled in response.
Fourth Shinobi World War: Climax
After hearing that the real Madara Uchiha had been summoned to the battlefield, he and the others at headquarters tried to decipher who the masked man really was. However, after hearing Inoichi's report of the onslaught that was taking place on the battlefield, and Tsunade's intention to have Mabui teleport her there, he told Mabui to prepare her Heavenly Transfer Technique for two people instead of for just Tsunade. Despite Mabui's initial protest, since the technique could potentially kill humans it was used on, they were transported to the battlefield where A immediately attacked Mū with a powerful punch sending him flying into nearby rocks.
After asking if Tsunade was all-right, as well as remarking that he was finally able to cut loose, an opportunity he said he had waited days for, he stood together with the other Kage to face Madara. Covering Tsunade while she healed Gaara and Ōnoki, A and Mei faced Madara head-on. Punching Madara into Mei's lava after he evaded it, A crashed into Madara's Susanoo using his Lightning Oppression Horizontal Chop technique. This failed to have any effect, and A realised that he would have to up the speed of his attacks in order to break through Susanoo's defence. As Madara retaliated with his Yasaka Magatama technique, they were protected by a combination of Gaara's sand and Ōnoki's giant rock golem. Combining their skills, Ōnoki first made A lighter so as to increase his speed and then as he attacked Madara increased the weight behind his attack, breaking through Susanoo and punching Madara. Before Naruto's clone disperses A and the other Kage left him with one final message: "win".
As the battle between the Kage and Madara waged on, A stood atop Ōnoki's golem which beared down on Madara. The golem was however destroyed by Madara and A took to the skies with Ōnoki to avoid the pollen being released by Madara's attack. The Kage were however ambushed by a twofold attack from Madara, fell prey to the pollen, and were knocked unconscious. After Ōnoki destroyed the forest and part of Madara however, A and the others regained consciousness in time to see the face formed from the DNA of the First Hokage jutting out from a regenerating Madara's chest. As Madara regenerated, A, who was noticeably irritated, told Madara to stop ranting while making himself sound important after listening to him berate Tsunade and her lineage and then praise it all in the same breath. With Ōnoki still allowing A greater manoeuvrability, A assisted Tsunade in a two fold attack on Madara which sent the latter plummeting into the ground. A then calls out to Gaara who seemingly bound and sealed Madara. A later watched in shock as Tsunade was impaled by a Susanoo Sword and Madara revealed that they had sealed a wood clone.
A was later shocked even further to see Tsunade launch a surprise attack on an unsuspecting Madara and then spured the Tsuchikage on as Ōnoki launched a surprise attack of his own. As Madara later sent his wood clones to confront each of the Kage, A looked on in shock as Madara asked them whether or not they'd prefer his clones use Susanoo.
Fending off an attack from one of the Susanoo-clad clones, A reprimands the Hokage for her reckless fighting, A loses concentration long enough for the clone to grab him and put him under genjutsu much to A's dismay. Saved by the quick-thinking of the Tsuchikage and freed from the genjutsu, A is spurred on to fight more still as the other Kage rally to each other's side. Waiting for the opportune moment to strike the real Madara after Ōnoki annihilates the clones, A infuses Mei's Water Release: Water Dragon Bullet Technique with lightning to create a numbing effect on Madara, slowing his responsiveness. Before their assault is able to completely seal Madara, however, their opponent manifests his complete Susanoo. As Madara's Susanoo stabilises, A along with the other Kage stare in shock at the giant construct before being knocked down by a single swing from its sword. Despite this, the Kage stand and face Madara once again.
As the Mizukage remarked that situation looked grim for the Kage, A unceremoniously told her to shut up as he wasn't going to give up just yet. As Madara's attack failed to land due to his Susanoo de-materialising, A watched on as Madara is enveloped in a light of sorts. Shocked to hear that the Impure World Reincarnation technique had been released, A and the other Kage discuss how such a feat was possible in the short time that they had begun searching for Kabuto and the Tsuchikage noted that regardless of who undid the technique, they were a hero to the shinobi world. The Kage are then attacked by Madara in a desperate final attempt. With Mei unable to counter in time, Tsunade moving to counter Madara's Fire Release: Dragon Flame Release Song Technique with her bare fist. After she fell unconscious, A and the other Kage rush to her aid when Madara tried to impale her with his Susanoo's sword but was surprised to see Tsunade dodge the attack. With Tsunade all-right, A questions why Madara didn't disappear since the technique had been cancelled. Madara then revealed that he had broken the contract between himself and his summoner and as such was acting on his own with an immortal body. Despite their attempt to stop Madara from leaving their battlefield, A and the other Kage were ultimately defeated and left severely wounded.
Birth of the Ten-Tails' Jinchūriki
Later, upon the arrival of Karin, Suigetsu and Orochimaru at the battlefield, Tsunade was healed by Karin. After being healed considerably, she in turn helped in healing A and the other Kage. With no time to lose, they all made their way to the battlefield atop Gaara's sand. While closing in on the battlefield, they first see the tree form of the Ten-Tails and are informed by Katsuyu about the most recent developments before being contacted telepathically by Hashirama Senju who informed every one on the battlefield about what he had learned about the tree from his battle with Madara. As Naruto's anger at the loss of the comrades he had fought so hard to protect grew, his emotions and memories were conveyed to everyone via Ino Yamanaka's technique.
A would later view Hashirama's memories of the first Summit of the five Kage before arriving on the battlefield as Hashirama declared his wishes for the future of the world. Responding to Hashirama's mention of dreams, A noted that in their generation, the mention of preserving dreams was a moot point. He later relocated to where B was where he contemplated that despite what he thought of it, those who would become Hokage had a proclivity for lowering their heads to others mulling over whether this in itself was a sign of power. In rallying the troops around him and his brother, A exclaimed that they better get ready to wreak havoc.
Though the Alliance is able to defeat Obito through the collaborative efforts, the battle takes a turn for the worst when Madara is revived via the Outer Path: Samsara of Heavenly Life Technique. The battlefield is soon assaulted by Tobi and a miniature version of the Sage Art Wood Release: True Several Thousand Hands technique. Cloaked in his Lightning Release Chakra Mode, A was one of the few shinobi still able to fight. As the battle waged on, A and the Alliance started to feel tremors which were revealed to be more meteorites hitting the ground. He and the others would later fall prey to the Infinite Tsukuyomi.
Kaguya Ōtsutsuki Strikes
Ultimately, A and the rest of the world were freed from the genjutsu by Naruto and Sasuke after they ended the war.
Blank Period
Kakashi Hiden: Lightning in the Icy Sky
Main article: Kakashi Hiden: Lightning in the Icy Sky A makes an appearance in this novel.
The Last: Naruto the Movie
Main article: The Last: Naruto the Movie Two years after the Fourth Shinobi World War, with the moon beginning to descend towards Earth, the five Kage band together once more to discuss their solution to this ongoing threat.
With B's assistance, he pulls out a special Chakra Cannon and manages to destroy the meteors heading to Earth. Afterwards, he has a meeting with the Kage and they all refuse to let him destroy the moon while Naruto and the others are on it. A decides to give them one hour. With the hour up he prepares to fire, but B refuses to kill Naruto. Just then, he learns that the mission was a success and the Earth is saved.
Sakura Hiden: Thoughts of Love, Riding Upon a Spring Breeze
Main article: Sakura Hiden: Thoughts of Love, Riding Upon a Spring Breeze A was mentioned in this novel.
Years later, A retired as Raikage and passed on the title to Darui. Despite this, A continued to have meetings with the previous Kage, usually at Ōnoki's residence due to his advanced age which prevents him from moving out.
In Other Media
Naruto the Movie: Blood Prison
A, Mabui, and Team Samui have a conversation about the Box of Ultimate Bliss from the Hōzuki Castle of the Kusagakure. He and the others were ambushed and knocked out unconscious from the smoke screen. Despite that, A ambushed the enemy after he noticed it was a shadow clone. The enemy was Naruto Uzumaki, much to A's shock, and escaped after the battle. As Mabui and Team Samui regain their consciousness, A told them to summon B.
Video Games
A (Fourth Raikage) is a playable character in the following video games:
|Game name
|Japanese release
|English release
|Naruto Shippūden: Gekitō Ninja Taisen! Special
|2 December 2010
|Naruto Shippūden: Ultimate Ninja Blazing
|14 July 2016
|24 August 2016
|Naruto Shippūden: Ultimate Ninja Impact
|20 October 2011
|18 October 2011
|Naruto Shippūden: Ultimate Ninja Storm 3
|18 April 2013
|5 March 2013
|Naruto Shippūden: Ultimate Ninja Storm 4
|4 February 2016
|9 February 2016
|Naruto Shippūden: Ultimate Ninja Storm Generations
|23 February 2012
|13 March 2012
|Naruto Shippūden: Ultimate Ninja Storm Revolution
|11 September 2014
|16 September 2014
|Naruto: Shinobi Collection
|Naruto: Shinobi Collection Shippū Ranbu
|27 July 2015
|Naruto: Ultimate Ninja Online
|14 April 2013
|20 July 2015
Creation and Conception
Masashi Kishimoto noted that he drew A as a muscle-bound character to convey just how powerful he is. Predominantly as a taijutsu user, Kishimoto had him use pro-wrestling moves adding a champion's belt to the character to enhance this effect.
|The Springtime of Youth wiki has an article about this topic:
- His name is the Japanese pronunciation of the English letter "A". This is similar to the names of several shinobi from his village such as: B, C and F that are the pronunciations of the letters "B", "C", and "F" respectively.
- A was left-handed before his self-amputation.[38]
- On the last page of chapter 562, A is depicted with his left hand. This was however corrected in tankobōn release.
- In the thirteenth opening, A is shown replacing his amputated left arm with an artificial arm made out of Lightning Release chakra as he assaulted Madara's Susanoo with both hands.
- (To Naruto) "Shinobi ought not lower their heads so easily, action and power are what shinobi respect! There should be no compromise between shinobi. The history of the human race is a history of war! Ever since the three Shinobi World Wars… Every country… every village has fought for the strongest techniques. The weak will be crushed! That is inescapable truth of the ninja world!"[39]
- (To Killer B) "Discretion is the better part of valour! You would do well to remember that! I don't need my strong hand, all it takes is my off hand. That's more than enough to defeat any man."[38]
- (To Killer B) "You're a special being to me! We're the strongest tag team!"[40]
- (To Darui) "I have no regrets about my left arm, because I still have both of my right arms. This one, and you."[41]
- (To Naruto) "It seems our saviour is alive and well… inside you.[42]
- ↑ 1.0 1.1 Fourth Databook, pages 202-203
- ↑ Naruto chapter 542, page 12
- ↑ Naruto — Second Fanbook
- ↑ Chapter 541, page 17
- ↑ Chapter 541, pages 17-19
- ↑ Chapter 541, pages 16-19
- ↑ Chapters 542-543
- ↑ Chapter 542, page 17
- ↑ Chapter 541, page 9
- ↑ Chapter 543, page 13
- ↑ Chapter 543, page 14
- ↑ Naruto: Shippūden episodes 286-287
- ↑ Naruto: Shippūden episode 394
- ↑ Chapter 541, page 15
- ↑ Chapter 525, page 7
- ↑ Chapter 528, page 3
- ↑ Chapter 541, page 13
- ↑ The Last: Naruto the Movie
- ↑ Chapter 462, page 7
- ↑ Chapter 700, page 13
- ↑ Chapter 413, page 4
- ↑ Chapter 463, page 9
- ↑ Chapter 577, page 03
- ↑ Chapter 463, page 15
- ↑ Chapter 544, page 13-14
- ↑ 26.0 26.1 Chapter 494, page 2
- ↑ Chapter 541, page 8
- ↑ Chapter 588, page 7
- ↑ Chapter 463, page 12
- ↑ Chapter 541, page 10
- ↑ Chapter 544, pages 12-14
- ↑ Chapter 543, pages 6, 11
- ↑ Chapter 562, page 14
- ↑ Chapter 464, page 6
- ↑ Chapter 462, page 3
- ↑ Chapter 462, pages 16-17
- ↑ Chapter 588, pages 14-15
- ↑ 38.0 38.1 Chapter 473, page 8
- ↑ Chapter 457, page 14
- ↑ Chapter 543, page 16
- ↑ Chapter 528, pages 3-4
- ↑ Chapter 544, page 14


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A blessed Lent to all!
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the funniest Greek demotika I heard came from Calabria and the Greek Villages there.
Lol, but these ppl were like seriously into the islamic head gear and clock gear and everything also along with the shisha's...There are still greek villages in Calabria? I have some relatives from Calabria. I knew that Calabria was once under the Byzantine Empire and that in the Calabrese dialect, there exist some greek words but not that there are stil villages? What do u mean by that? Like actual greek/orthodox villages or now greek latinized villages??
Griko (dialect) speaking Greeks. probably Orthodox. And yes, There are some Greek villages in Calabria. http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Griko
Bcc: Subject: Fw: Fw:Date: Thu, 10 Aug 2006 17:24:36 +0000Mime-Version: 1.0Content-Type: text/plain; format=flowedX-OriginalArrivalTime: 10 Aug 2006 17:24:37.0677 (UTC)FILETIME=[DB0285D0:01C6BCA1]nickCan a good Muslim be a good American?I sent that question to a friend who worked in Saudi Arabia for 20 years. The following is his reply:Theologically - no. Because his allegiance is to Allah, the moon god of Arabia.Religiously - no. Because no other religion is accepted by his Allah except Islam (Quran, 2:256)Scripturally - no. Because his allegiance is to the five pillars of Islam and the Quran (Koran).Geographically - no. Because his allegiance is to Mecca, to which he turns in prayer five times a day.Socially - no. Because his allegiance to Islam forbids him to make friends with Christians or Jews.:Politically - no. Because he must submit to the mullah (spiritual leaders), who teach annihilation of Israel and Destruction of America, the great Satan.Domestically - no. Because he is instructed to marry four women and beat and scourge his wife when she disobeys him (Quran 4:34).Intellectually - no. Because he cannot accept the American Constitution since it is based on Biblical principles and he believes the Bible to be corrupt.Philosophically - no. Because Islam, Muhammad, and the Quran do not allow freedom of religion and expression. Democracy and Islam cannot co-exist. Every Muslim government is either dictatorial or autocratic.Spiritually - no. Because when we declare "one nation under God," the Christian's God is loving and kind, while Allah is NEVER referred to as heavenly father, nor is he ever called love in The Quran's 99 excellent names.Therefore after much study and deliberation....perhaps we should be very suspicious of ALL MUSLIMS in this country. They obviously cannot be both "good" Muslims and good Americans.Call it what you wish....it's still the truth.The religious war is bigger than we know or understand.The Muslim religion is the fastest growing religion per capita in the United States especially in the minority races!!!Allah or Jesus?by Rick MathesLast month I attended my annual training session that's required for maintaining my state prison security clearance. During the training session there was a presentation by three speakers representing the Roman Catholic, Protestant and Muslim faiths, who explained each of their beliefs. I was particularly interested in what the Islamic Imam had to say. The Imam gave a great presentation of the basics of Islam, complete with a video. After the presentations, time was provided for questions and answers. When it was my turn, I directed my question to the Imam and asked: "Please, correct me if I'm wrong but I understand that most Imams and clerics of Islam have declared a holy jihad [Holy war] against the infidels of the world and, that by killing an infidel, (which is a command to all Muslims) they are assured of a place in heaven. If that's the case, can you give me the definition of an infidel?" There was no disagreement with my statements and, without hesitation, he replied, "Non-believers!" I responded, "So, let me make sure I have this straight. All followers of Allah have been commanded to kill everyone who is not of your faith so they can have a place in Heaven. Is that correct?" The expression on his face changed from one of authority and command to that of "a little boy who had just been caught with his hand in the cookie jar." He sheepishly replied, "Yes" I then stated, "Well, sir, I have a real problem trying to imagine Pope Benedict commanding all Catholics to kill those of your faith or Dr. Stanley ordering all Protestants to do the same in order to guarantee them a place in Heaven!" The Imam was speechless. I continued, "I also have a problem with being your 'friend' when you and your brother clerics are telling your followers to kill me! Let me ask you a question. Would you rather have your Allah, who tells you to kill me in order for you to go to Heaven, or my Jesus who tells me to love you because I am going to Heaven and He wants you to be there with me?" You could have heard a pin drop as the Imam hung his head in shame. Needless to say, the organizers and/or promoters of the 'Diversification' training seminar were not happy with Rick's way of dealing with the Islamic Imam and exposing the truth about the Muslims' beliefs.I think everyone in the US should be required to read this but with the liberal justice system, liberal media, and the ACLU, there is no way this will be widely publicized. Please pass this on to all your e-mail contacts.This is a true story and the author, Rick Mathes, is a well known leader in prison ministry
Can a good Muslim be a good American?
I THINK I can agree with you here, but how many American Muslims do you know?
Rabbi Menachem Froman explains that the Israeli/Palestinian conflict is really an issue of East and West and therefore a reflection of one larger conflict of global concern. Froman argues that as the nature of the conflict is religious, the politicians have their role, but spiritual leaders have a greater part to play in the peace-making process. He further illustrates the need for greater understanding and respect on both sides of the issue. If we can recognize that both Muslims and Westerners have valuable things to offer, then peace will follow.
May the Blessed Light shine Forth
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The battle between a developer and high-end homeowners over a proposed six-story Hyatt Place hotel raged on Tuesday, this time before the town Zoning Board of Appeals.
About 200 residents, wearing red, packed Amherst Council Chambers, as people came forward to again criticize the proposed height and the appropriateness of a major hotel located close to a residential neighborhood.
Some spoke of "veiled threats" and "disingenuous" mailers from Iskalo Development, and quoted Joni Mitchell lyrics about paving paradise.
Iskalo has sought nine variances from town building codes for the $15 million Hyatt Place project that has been proposed behind the Lord Amherst Hotel, on the west side of the Main Street-Youngmann Highway interchange.
"This is a classic case of a developer attempting to shoehorn a size 77 foot into a size 35 shoe," said Livingston Parkway resident Michele Marconi. "It doesn't fit."
Some scoffed when Iskalo Vice President David Chiazza put up images showing that the hotel would not be very visible to most residents in the neighboring community and would primarily affect the six homes fronting the natural area known as Mike's Pond.
In response to a comparison to Ellicott Development's six-story project under construction at Main Street and South Forest Road, resident Lee Broad called that project an "architectural travesty" and warned that neighborhood residents would not allow a similarly tall building to harm the residential character of their community.
Paul B. Iskalo, company president, opened a public hearing, which ran more than two hours, by expressing his passion for Main Street redevelopment and the importance of the Hyatt project at the planned location.
"It's critical to maintaining Main Street's presence as a commercial, retail and hospitality corridor," he said later.
Resident Z.J. Butler said property values would be greatly hurt by the project. Most homes along Livingston Parkway are assessed at $300,000 to more than $600,000, he pointed out, and those that front Mike's Pond are worth more than $500,000.
Of all the variances presented, which ranged from parking to signage, residents expressed the greatest objections to requests to lift the building height restrictions and replace natural berms at the edge of the property along Interstate 290 with parking spaces and tall sound barriers.
The proposed variance would raise the controversial 65-foot building height restriction to 77 feet, 4 inches to accommodate a decorative roofline feature.
Iskalo representatives said the decorative roofline consists of a single triangular peak as part of the hotel's prototype design and would be located only at the front of the hotel, which would face I-290. The peaked roofline would likely not be visible to Livingston Parkway residents, they said.
Chiazza said Iskalo Development mailed out 1,200 full-color, four-page promotional brochures last week regarding the project to residents of the Snyder area, to counteract complaints raised by organized opposition.
email: email@example.com


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Hello im pretty new to programming and this is the project that was given to me to complete and i wasnt really sure where to begin and go with it and was hoping some one here could help me out and give me some direction. Any help and or advice would be greatly appreciated. thanks.
The manager of your bank would like you to create a program the tellers can you use to help recommend Certificates of Deposit (CDs) to customers. You need to create a program that offers a menu with different terms available. They should be able set the APR(Annual Percentage rate) one time when they open the program. They must be able to change these values because the bank continually changes the rates. They should be allowed to use the program continually for all customers that come into the bank. It should produce the output every 6 months for the Month CDs and Yearly for the Yearly CDs . They should be able to Exit the program when desired.
Programs will be graded on the following:
Use At least one Method Besides Main
Use a Loop
Use IF statements
Produce Correct Output
Format Data for Currency
Use correct data types with variables
Point Value: 50 Points
See Sample Output Below
Bank CD Program
Please Select the CD Rates you would like to see
1. 12, 24, 36 Months
2. 1, 3, 5 Years
3.5,10, 15 Years
4. 20, 25 30 Years
5. Admin: Change APR
6. Exit
Please Enter Your Selection: >
Sample Output
Please Enter Starting Value of CD 1000
Sample Output
Interest Rates Every 6 Months Daily APR 1.08 APR
12 Month 24 Months 36 Months
$10012.00 $10012.00 $10012.00
$10024.00 $10024.00 $10024.00
$10038.55 $10038.55
Sample Output for Admin Screen
Please Enter Current APR as Percentage ie 1.08: )
Then Load Menu Again
the values are not correct they are just an example.


text:
Christmas came early to divers in the Bundaberg area in December 2003, when a 42 metre long gravel barge sank off the coast north of the city. That ship was the MV Karma and today it rests in 26 metres of water and is one of the best wreck dives in Queensland.
This barge is an incredible wreck as divers can explore the huge hold, a massive crane boom, the two level bridge structure, cabins and the engine room. But while the ship is fascinating to explore it is the marine life that will blow you away. Swarming around the ship are schools of trevally, barracuda, snapper and batfish. Reef fish are everywhere, and other residents of the ship include gropers, stingrays, wobbegongs, sea snakes, turtles, moray eels, octopus and nudibranchs.
Note: Information on listed products and services are provided by the operator and were correct at the time of publishing. Rates are indicative based on the minimum and maximum available prices of products and services. Please visit the operator's website for further information. All prices quoted are in Australian dollars (AUD).