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Tangram Hotel Xinyuanli Beijing, Beijing
- Free WiFi
Main amenities
- 161 guestrooms
- Restaurant and bar/lounge
- Breakfast available
- 24-hour business center
- 24-hour front desk
- Coffee/tea in common area
- Front desk safe
- ATM/banking services
- Laundry service
- Meeting rooms
- Luggage storage
- Tour/ticket assistance
For families
- Connecting/adjoining rooms available
- Private bathroom
- Free toiletries
- Washer/dryer
- Laundry facilities
- Iron/ironing board
What's around
- Heart of Beijing
- Lama Temple (2 mi / 3.1 km)
- Ditan Park (2 mi / 3.3 km)
- National Agricultural Exhibition Center (1.2 mi / 2 km)
- Workers Stadium (1.3 mi / 2.1 km)
- Yashow Market (1.4 mi / 2.3 km)
Tangram Hotel Xinyuanli Beijing, Beijing
Hotel Info: 866-539-8117from $74
- Deluxe Room
- Standard Room
- Standard Twin Room
Also popular with travelers from the USA
At a glance
Key facts
Hotel size
- This hotel has 161 rooms
- This hotel is arranged over 5 floors
- Check-out time is noon
Required at check in
- Credit card or cash deposit required
- Government-issued photo ID required
Travelling with others
- No pets or service animals allowed
- Free WiFi and wired Internet access in public areas
- Free WiFi and wired Internet access in rooms
Other information
- Resort fee included
Nearby Three Star Beijing hotels
In the hotel
- Buffet breakfast daily (surcharge)
- Restaurant
- Bar/lounge
- Coffee shop/café
- Coffee/tea in common area
- 24-hour business center
- Number of meeting rooms - 2
- Meeting rooms
- Conference center
- 24-hour front desk
- Tours/ticket assistance
- Dry cleaning/laundry service
- Laundry facilities
- Luggage storage
- Number of buildings/towers - 1
- Year Built 2012
- Elevator/lift
- ATM/banking
- Safe-deposit box at front desk
- Television in common areas
In the room
- Slippers
- Iron/ironing board
- Washer/dryer
- Down comforter
- Private bathroom
- Rainfall showerhead
- Shower only
- Free toiletries
- Hair dryer
- 46-inch LCD TV
- Satellite TV channels
- Desk
- Free WiFi
- Phone
- Connecting/adjoining rooms available
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Nearby hotels
Special features
DiningGreens - This restaurant serves breakfast, lunch, and dinner. Guests can enjoy drinks at the bar.
Tangram Hotel Xinyuanli Beijing, Beijing's small print
Also known as
- Hotel Tangram Beijing
- Xinyuanli
- Tangram Beijing Xinyuanli
- Tangram Beijing Xinyuanli Hotel
- Tangram Hotel Beijing
- Tangram Hotel Beijing Xinyuanli
- Tangram Hotel Xinyuanli
- Tangram Hotel Xinyuanli Beijing
- Tangram Xinyuanli
- Tangram Xinyuanli Beijing
The property has connecting/adjoining rooms, which are subject to availability and can be requested by contacting the property using the number on the booking confirmation.
The name on the credit card used at check-in to pay for incidentals must be the primary name on the guestroom reservation.
Mandatory fees
The charges below are included in the total price displayed:
- Resort fee
Optional extras
Refrigerators are available for CNY 50 per night
We have included all charges provided to us by this hotel. However, charges can vary, for example, based on length of stay or the room you book.
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INDIA: Shaw Wallace in search for MD as it restructures business
Shaw Wallace and Company (SWC), one of India's leading domestic alcohol producers, is undergoing a major internal overhaul in an attempt to make it globally competitive, The Economic Times of India (ET) reported today. The changes include appointments to the top level of executives with industry outsiders moving in to take over key roles in the finance, marketing, sales and advertising of its core liquor and beer divisions.
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Lionsgate Builds "Christmas Cottage"
Partnering with the Firm, Lionsgate is set to make a dramatic feature entitled "The Christmas Cottage" which is aimed for a holiday season release.
Based on Thomas Kinkade's painting of the same name, the project will be partly biographical as it describes how Kinkade was motivated to begin his career as an artist upon discovering his mother was in danger of losing the family home. It is said that the flick is part of an overall film-TV producing deal that Lionsgate made with Kinkade.
Filming is scheduled to begin next month in Vancouver , British Columbia , Canada under Kinkade's Birch Grove Films and Stirling Media banner. Michael Campus is onboard to helm from Ken LaZebnick's script with Kinkade and his wife, Nanette, also Julie Yorn producing and Marc C. Gordon co-executive producing.
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Oxford Performance Materials LLC is the first company funded in the state's new Small Business Express Program, the governor's office said Wednesday. Oxford mMore
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Michel Temer's first month as interim president has not been the stuff of dreams. Even though important elements of urgently needed economic reforms have advanced, impeachment politics continue to cast a long shadow, corruption investigations continue to percolate, and Temer's legitimacy remains under constant assault.
As impeachment continues to move forward in the Senate, Dilma Rousseff and her supporters have pulled out all the stops. Actors at Cannes and other cultural events have protested the alleged coup, demonstrators have hit the streets alongside former President Lula, and perhaps looking for a wedge that might drive moderates to her side, Rousseff has suggested that if reinstated, she would call for new elections. Public support for impeachment has fallen slightly, although most Brazilians say they would rather not see Rousseff return and chances are still better than not that she will be convicted by the Senate in August. But Rousseff's supporters know that their own long-term political fortunes depend on questioning the legitimacy of impeachment, and fence-sitting senators seem to be using the uncertainty surrounding support for impeachment to extract a pound of flesh from the interim president.
Temer has built a defensive cabinet, following the time-tested recipe of appointing ministers who faithfully represent the majority legislative coalition. They are complemented by a parallel kitchen cabinet of technocrats in the Finance Ministry, the National Development Bank (BNDES), Banco do Brasil, Treasury, and state-owned enterprises. The bifurcated cabinet may help to ensure Temer's survival, but it also helps to explain the ambiguous results of the last month: progress on fiscal reforms, such as more realistic fiscal targets and the DRU law (which reallocates tax revenues in favor of the federal government), but also important setbacks, such as a tone deaf congressional push for higher civil service wages. Most damaging, of course, is that Temer's allies, especially within the PMDB party, are a constant embarrassment: wiretapped conversations between a defendant in the Lava Jato case and party heavyweights Renan Calheiros, José Sarney, and Romero Jucá, suggested an effort to undermine anticorruption efforts and confirmed many Brazilians' worst suspicions about the Temer coalition.
Recognizing his own tenuous support and the likely political confusion of coming months, Temer appears to be governing largely symbolically, announcing a number of high-impact measures that require little legislative support, such as reducing the number of ministries, creating a new concessions program, rebuilding regulatory agencies, and reviewing the rules on Petrobras' participation in the pre-salt oilfields. The most important major legislative initiative announced by the government is social security reform, but debate over the specifics of the proposal is unlikely before municipal elections in October, given that Temer cannot afford a divisive battle while Congress is still fighting the impeachment battle or distracted by electoral politics. The best news in the short term is that the Temer administration is reportedly planning to back a series of accountability reforms proposed by the Ministério Público prosecutorial service, presumably to help it to recover some modicum of credibility in the anticorruption effort.
Multiple corruption investigations continue to destabilize the political world. A plea bargain by former OAS executive Leo Pinheiro included allegations of campaign finance violations by Marina Silva, one of the few prominent politicians as yet untainted by the Lava Jato case. Rumors of a plea bargain by construction magnate Marcelo Odebrecht and the investigation of former President Lula's involvement in the Petrobras scandal have Brasília abuzz. The Zelotes investigation of tax evasion seems to have moved into a new phase with the indictment of the president of one of Brazil's largest private banks, Bradesco. The possible removal of Eduardo Cunha from the Chamber of Deputies presidency continues to generate sparks in Congress, and there is (as yet unfounded) speculation that Cunha might try to save his skin through a plea bargain of his own. Meanwhile, the impeachment trial will move into higher relief beginning next week, as the defense presents its case and President Rousseff is scheduled to testify.
In sum, the coming weeks and months are likely to remain full of drama and tension, with a distracted political class focused less on governance than survival. In the background, almost as an afterthought, will be efforts to address the multiple economic challenges the country faces: heavily burdened state companies, the threatening fiscal deficit, and the critical situation of Brazil's state governments.]]>
This is a guest blog post by Ivan Rebolledo, managing partner of TerraNova Strategic Partners.
Sunday's election pitted the two versions of the Peruvian right against each other: the populist, Keiko Fujimori of the Fuerza Popular party, and the liberal, Pedro Pablo Kuczynksi (PPK) of the Peruanos por el Kambio party, with the latter's win confirmed Thursday afternoon.
In 2011, Ollanta Humala eventually won the second round, over Fujimori, with votes from the liberal right and center. PPK did it with votes primarily from the left, including important support from Veronika Mendoza and her Frente Amplio party.
Since then, Fujimori has attempted to clean up her party's image by removing the more controversial leaders and selecting better congressional candidates. Her 40 percent win in the first round showed this strategy's success, as she garnered support from all socioeconomic classes. However, during the second round campaign, Fujimori campaign insiders were secretly taped and allegedly linked to drug trafficking, reminding the electorate of similar scenarios during her father's presidency. She failed to quickly distance herself from the intrigue, which in the end thwarted her campaign. Though PPK was trailing due to his lackluster second-round campaign performance, close affinity to the United States including one-time U.S. citizenship, and years in the international banking sector, Fujimori's problems became his successes, swaying the popular vote in his favor.
This is the first time that the liberal right has won a democratic election in Peru. And it is the first time a candidate wins without espousing leftist rhetoric to then govern from the right. Clearly PPK is a free-market reformer (Peru sovereign bonds rallied yesterday after his confirmed victory). No one should be surprised when he implements liberal economic policies, as so many were with Humala's turn to the right. The left knows this and still they voted for him.
PPK's tremendous gains between the first and second round create real weaknesses for his administration. He won just 21 percent of first-round votes, the other 30 percent "borrowed" from those opposing Fujimori. He also comes in with just eighteen representatives, or 14 percent of Congress. Few leaders have such meager parliamentary support.
Now PPK's biggest dilemma will be how to consolidate political power, which will probably mean working with Fujimori and her party. His top priorities should be crime and security; dealing with immense government corruption; accelerating economic growth by shrinking the informal sector; diversifying the economy away from extractive to manufacturing industries; and fortifying Peru's role regionally and globally.]]>
Mexico's PRI lost big in yesterday's gubernatorial elections. Just six months ago party optimists boasted they might sweep all twelve of the governorships; preliminary results show they may get just five. The rout happened in places with the strongest party machines—Tamaulipas, Veracruz, Quintana Roo—where for the first time in over eighty years citizens put a different party in the executive branch. This alternation in power is an important step for local democracy.
Andrés Manuel López Obrador's (AMLO) new MORENA party came in a strong second in Veracruz and won a plurality of the seats of Mexico City's Constituent Assembly. Independent candidates gained ground taking the mayor's office in Ciudad Juarez and finishing well in many other cities. The biggest winner was the PAN, gaining on its own or in coalition with the PRD seven governorships.
Yesterday's elections hold lessons for the 2018 presidential race. While the chatter will definitely be about the rising threat AMLO poses, three months ago some thought MORENA would take Zacatecas, a week ago they thought the party could win Veracruz. Neither happened—showing he is beatable.
For the PRI, the elections hurt the political chances of its president Manlio Fabio Beltrones vis-à-vis the other half dozen pre-candidates for the party's nomination. Even if a clean sweep was always unrealistic, more losses than electoral wins questions his ability to deliver.
The losses also cast doubt on the view that the PRI can win the 2018 elections with only its "hard vote"—roughly 25 to 30 percent of the population. Even though they came close to winning the largest number of ballots yesterday, to boost their presidential chances they have to appeal more broadly. A top concern for voters is corruption.
The PAN is already after this vote. Party president Ricardo Anaya celebrated the PAN's historic wins in the face of corrupt and authoritarian governors and federal officials. Several of their governors-elect promised to run their administrations cleanly and efficiently, in pointed contrast to their PRI predecessors.
For the PRI, its leaders will have to do more than just express outrage over graft, since many of the prime alleged abusers come from their own party (including the exiting and former governors of Veracruz, Tamaulipas, and Nuevo León). They also control the Congress, whose job it is to get the new National Anti-Corruption System up and running. So far, the PRI's senators have dragged their feet on anticorruption legislation, missing a supposedly firm May 28 deadline. They also have postponed several hearings on Ley 3de3, citizen proposed legislation that would better define corruption, give greater tools to those going after it, and require Mexican public officials to reveal their assets, tax returns, and potential conflicts of interest.
With Congress now scheduled to begin an extraordinary session June 13, the PRI has an opportunity to regroup, and even get out ahead on this issue. Only by doing so can they change the current default for Mexico's political Rorschach inkblot test: when Mexicans see the PRI, they see corruption.]]>
April and May brought some of the most important movement on the anticorruption front of any two-month period in the past decade. Recapitulating briefly:
– In April, the International Consortium of Investigative Journalists (ICIJ) began release of the Panama Papers, roughly 11 million leaked documents from the Mossack Fonseca law firm detailing the creation of more than 15,000 shell companies and providing information on more than 200,000 offshore entities. The lists touched on a variety of presumably legal uses of offshore firms, but also sprayed egg on a number of prominent faces, including in Russia, Ukraine, China, the United Kingdom (UK), Spain, Chile, Argentina, Iceland, and within the International Federation of Association Football (FIFA), among others. A follow-up manifesto by John Doe, the whistleblower at the heart of the leak, noted the extensive use of offshore accounts as part of a system of "massive, pervasive corruption" in the global economy. If nothing else, the Panama Papers have introduced the concept of "beneficial ownership" to a broader public, and fomented a larger discussion of how the West enables corrupt practices through loose monitoring of offshoring and financial disclosure.
– The reports were followed in May by measures by the Obama administration to "combat money laundering, corruption, and tax evasion…," stimulated in part by the Panama Papers, as well as the impending UK Anti-Corruption Summit (below). Among the administration measures were proposals to strengthen anticorruption efforts by requiring greater due diligence and disclosure regarding corporate ownership, and requiring foreigners setting up shop in the United States to obtain a tax identification number. Critics have noted (for example, here and here) that many of the measures will require legislative approval, which will be slow in coming, and many of the proposals do not go far enough in involving important gatekeepers in due diligence. But the Obama administration's moves are at least a recognition of the problem, and perhaps may set the stage for future change. They also come in the wake of the announcement of much-needed increases in the human resources devoted to anticorruption efforts at both the Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) and the U.S. Department of Justice.
– Finally, on May 12, at the Anti-Corruption Summit in the UK moved forward, millimetrically, on a proposal for public registries and an international information-sharing center on beneficial ownership. Only six countries are fully committed to the registries project, and the United States remains aloof, but at least the idea is on the table. If nothing else, governments will need to explain what they find problematic about the idea, even if they ultimately refuse to join up.
These three developments highlight the stop-and-start nature of anticorruption efforts: as so often happens in the public policy world, a small group of anticorruption campaigners have kept the issue on the table during times of relative inattention to corruption. The shock generated by the Panama Papers created a small window of opportunity for policy change, when campaigners' ideas and proposals could be placed before policymakers briefly focused on the problem and eager to hear about ready solutions.
Whether these proposals move forward will depend significantly on the support they receive against a barrage of likely opposition. Five years ago, author Nicholas Shaxson noted that the biggest tax havens in the world are islands. Islands, he concluded tongue-in-cheek, such as Manhattan and the City of London. Tax havens are estimated to hold as much as $20 trillion, more than all U.S. banks. Furthermore, the Tax Justice Network ranks the U.S. as the world's third-easiest place, after Switzerland and Hong Kong, to set up offshore companies that can be used for everything from tax evasion to hiding beneficial ownership (more here). As Daniel Kaufmann and Alexandra Gillies and Shruti Shah have noted separately, less background information is needed to set up a shell corporation in Delaware than to get a driver's license or a library card. Beneficial ownership rules thus may face an uphill battle against opposition from the representatives of states dominated by the financial services industry or from lawyers and business groups concerned by increased regulatory costs.
Ultimately, success in moving forward in fighting the corruption that disproportionally milks many of the world's poor will require a sustained campaign that makes it clear to voters and policymakers that it is in the best interest of the United States to staunch the flow of illicit funds around the world. The experience of the past forty years suggests a way forward. The Foreign Corrupt Practices Act (FCPA) of 1977, for example, could never have moved forward without recognition that the offshore corruption of U.S. firms was circling back home in the form of highly damaging illegal campaign finance contributions. Following the FCPA's passage, business complained—rightly—about the FCPA's anticompetitive effects, and pressure from business and anti-corruption groups eventually led to passage of international agreements, such as the 1997 Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) Convention on Corruption, that imposed similar corruption-busting regulations on other countries, generating improved conditions for clean global business.
There may be costs, in other words, to being a first mover. But there is significant and clear damage to the U.S. national interest when other countries' corporations compete with ours on an uneven playing field, when corruption weakens and destabilizes our allies, when our treasury is depleted by offshore maneuvering, and worst of all, when our reputation is sullied because we are seen as part of the problem rather than the solution. Everything should be done to reduce the regulatory burden and lessen the costs of compliance. But if there is one lesson from the Panama Papers, it is that the days of ethical neutrality about the tangible costs of undisclosed and unidentifiable offshore financial movements are coming to an end.]]>
Social cohesion, or the strength of a country's social fabric, is often raised in discussions of security. The World Bank describes it as "fundamental for societies to progress towards development goals," and for making countries more resilient to bloodshed. In Mexico, policymakers argue social cohesion is both a casualty and a solution for reducing violence.
To measure these ties, the think tank México Evalúa constructed the Neighborhood Social Cohesion Index (ICSV). They canvassed four housing complexes scattered throughout Mexico—many isolated, without public services, and composed of poorer households with limited education. The residents were asked to rate their communities on a low to high scale of one to ten in terms of social identity, trust between neighbors, a sense of belonging, and engagement in the community. The four ratings were averaged to produce an aggregate score.
Social cohesion in all four communities ranged between 5.1 and 5.4 on the index, indicating that Mexico's social fabric is not entirely broken, even in these difficult surroundings. In every community a strong sense of belonging and shared identity persisted, even when community engagement lagged. The polls found hope for the future, with nearly nine in ten neighbors saying that if encouraged, they would be "willing to work for the benefit of their community."
The survey also explored the causal links between social cohesion and perceptions of insecurity. Those communities that were rated more cohesive tended to feel safer, and vice-versa. Perceptions of insecurity were high overall: only 12 percent of residents said they would let their children walk alone in their neighborhood, fewer than a third would walk themselves alone at night.
One of the pillars of the Mérida Initiative, the main vehicle for U.S.-Mexico security cooperation over the last decade, focuses on building "stronger and more resilient communities." On the ground, this money has gone to after school programs, citizen watchdogs in law enforcement offices, and creating and expanding drug treatment courts, among other programs. México Evalúa's survey suggests that expanding basic public services and cleaning up public parks would strengthen communities, as would actively recruiting neighbors to get involved in local events and activities. The Mexican and U.S. governments should use measures such as the Neighborhood Social Cohesion Index both before and after they invest more in fragile communities, to help determine which of the dozens of potential programs actually make things better.]]>
Central America's Northern Triangle is one of the most violent regions in the world. Last year's murder rate of roughly 54 per 100,000 inhabitants surpasses Iraq's civilian death toll. El Salvador alone registered 103 homicides per 100,000—making it the deadliest peacetime country. While victims are often young men, women and children die too. Kids face a murder rate of 27 per 100,000 in El Salvador—making the country as dangerous for elementary and middle schoolers as it is for an adult in the toughest neighborhoods of Detroit or New Orleans. Its neighbors Honduras and Guatemala are also among not just Latin America's but the world's most dangerous nations.
This violence is one of the main factors driving massive migration. In 2014, U.S. border patrol detained a record 239,000 Central Americans on the southern border. In 2015, this figure fell, in large part because Mexico stopped those leaving—sending back some 150,000 migrants caught along its border with Guatemala.
In the last three plus years over 136,000 unaccompanied minors and 140,000 more family members have come north—enough to populate Cincinnati. Tens of thousands are fleeing to neighboring countries—Mexico, Panama, Nicaragua, Costa Rica, and Belize have all seen asylum applications skyrocket. Less than five months into 2016, 56,000 new unaccompanied minors and others are already in U.S. custody, suggesting another record surge in the making.
The challenges facing Central America won't diminish soon, meaning migration flows to the United States and elsewhere won't end. Proposed solutions—strengthening public prosecutors, training police, cleaning up prisons, building community centers, and developing alternative jobs programs —will only make a difference in the medium to longer term. And though the U.S. Congress has approved $750 million for programs to reduce violence and boost economic development, those taking a historical perspective know this isn't the first time the United States and others have tried to buttress these fragile nations, with few results.
Yet what might be different this time comes from these societies themselves. Even as many justifiably flee, other Central Americans (notably not many of their elites, at least yet) are raising their voices against the poverty, inequality, corruption, and violence. Investigative journalists, armed with freedom of information acts, digital paper trails (such as the Panama papers), and other tools within these budding democracies have uncovered deep-seated corruption—including powerful Guatemalan politicians using their office for personal gain, and the expansive ties between Honduran elites and organized crime.
Local prosecutors and judges too have stepped up to make sure justice is done, even if it involves the powerful. In Guatemala, the attorney general—working closely with the International Commission Against Impunity in Guatemala (CICIG)—brought down the former president and vice president for running a customs fraud scheme. El Salvador's Supreme Court is going after two former presidents for graft.
And citizen protests have grown. In Guatemala, the peaceful demonstrations by tens of thousands led to the resignation of President Otto Pérez Molina. In Honduras, citizen outrage over $200 million missing from the social security system forced the government to accept a new Mission Against Corruption and Impunity in Honduras, modeled after CICIG, to investigate that and other alleged wrongdoings. Ongoing protests following the assassination of environmental and indigenous activist Berta Cáceres are forcing the government to investigate.
These steps, while fledgling, could matter for these nations' future. Their successes or failures will also likely matter in shaping future decisions to exit—through migration—or to stay and raise one's voice, for change at home.]]>
While the world is distracted by Brazil's impeachment drama, Venezuela's impending meltdown, and Cuba's promising détente with Washington, a potentially significant election campaign is underway in Peru that may have long-term implications for the success of the region's "right turn." Two candidates with robust neoliberal credentials are neck and neck in the second round contest that will take take place on June 5, and will determine who governs the country through 2021. Perhaps because of the similarities in the likely economic policies of the two contenders, not much foreign media attention has been focused on the election: regardless of who wins, Peru seems likely to continue with outward looking initiatives, such as the Trans-Pacific Partnership and the Pacific Alliance, while practicing market-friendly policies at home. But precisely because the economic policies of the two candidates are so similar—prominent Peruvian columnist and political scientist Alberto Vergara notes that whichever candidate governs Peru beginning in late July, their cabinet will be composed of technocrats who could serve their rival—observers have not focused on the underlying significance of this election to the democratic legitimacy of Latin America's new rightward turn.
The election takes place against the backdrop of the commodity bust that has diminished President Ollanta Humala to virtual insignificance (his approval ratings are under 15 percent), and a fractious party system, organized—to the extent that it is organized at all—around the legacy of disgraced and jailed President Alberto Fujimori. Fujimori, who governed by electoral and then authoritarian means from 1990 to 2000, and whose daughter, Keiko Fujimori of the Fuerza Popular (FP) won almost 40 percent in the first round of voting, famously vanquished the Sendero Luminoso and then was himself vanquished by revelations of massive corruption and human rights abuses.
But the fact that Fujimori's legacy is the lodestar that provides the basic orientation of the electoral contest does not mean that anti-Fujimorismo is an orderly or organized opposition. Indeed, Peru's 21 million voters fragmented in the first round between a variety of inchoate political forces. Most organized were those of Pedro Pablo Kuczynski (PPK) of the PPK party and Verónika Mendoza of the left-leaning Frente Amplio, who competed in a nail-biting race for second place, in which PPK triumphed by 20.1 percent to Mendoza's 18.8 percent. Following them in the electoral lists were a panoply of other candidates, some of whom were disqualified by the electoral court at the last minute, and others who garnered single-digit returns.
PPK's second place finish behind Keiko Fujimori means that the central debate of the second round has been around public security and family life issues, such as same sex marriage and abortion rights. But the fragmentation of the opposition in the first round meant that the election will to some extent be a referendum on the desired strength of checks and balances. If Fujimori wins, her Fuerza Popular will control Congress (73 of 130 seats), a majority that she could presumably use to pardon her father, or worse yet, to stack the judiciary, electoral bodies, or other oversight agencies. Understandably, Fujimori has done everything possible to downplay such possibilities, but there is a strong credible commitment problem at work: if she wins, there may be little constraint on her worst inclinations, whatever those might be. The Keiko campaign has understandably taken every opportunity to make the point that she is not her father, that the battles of the old generation must be buried, and that the mafia-authoritarianism of the 1990s has been left behind. She has stressed her commitment to the Truth and Reconciliation Commission, and emphasized her democratic credentials at every step of the process.
Oddly, PPK's campaign has not been successful in pushing this narrative, and ominously for his chances, PPK's own rejection rates have risen even as Keiko's fell. Part of the problem is that PPK was himself running a deeply personalistic campaign—his party shares his own initials, after all—and he has had to dilute his own message in the second round to bring on board the disparate anti-Fujimori forces to his left. Also damaging is the fact that PPK himself openly supported Keiko in the 2011 runoff against Humala. The central PPK campaign message, that Fujimorismo has not changed and remains a potent threat to democracy, has been lost in the din over family life and rule of law concerns. PPK has not been very good at pushing the argument that he helped to reconstruct Peru as a minister in the post-Fujimori Alejandro Toledo cabinet, in part because Toledo's legacy is a mixed one that may not help PKK with undecided voters. And so far, at least, PPK's anti-corruption rhetoric has neither lowered voter support for Keiko, nor gained him fresh new support of his own.
Looking forward, Vergara notes that whichever candidate is chosen to lead Peru will have the tough task of building institutions that can address the political fragilities of Peru's consolidating democracy. Amidst a slowing economy, not many Peruvians will be thinking about how to improve the institutionalization of the party system or the workings of anti-corruption agencies. But ultimately, this could prove to be the most important legacy of the next presidency.]]>
The past week has brought a number of puzzling new feints and jabs in Brasília's bloody political cage match:
– Most dramatically, reputable news organizations are reporting that President Dilma Rousseff is contemplating resigning from office later this week, despite having spent much of the past year denying that she would ever countenance resignation;
– After months of behind the scenes scheming to break with Rousseff and form his own government, Vice President Michel Temer announced that if he becomes president, he will not run for office again in 2018; and
– Temer agreed to a laundry list of demands from the Brazilian Social Democratic Party (PSDB) as the price of their support.
In the rapidly shifting political landscape of the impeachment drama, these perplexing reports only make sense when seen through the lens of legitimating, or de-legitimating, Rousseff's removal. All parties are scrambling ahead of what looks like the certainty of a simple majority vote next week that would suspend Rousseff and install Temer as interim president. This week, the Senate special committee will vote on a report on whether or not to proceed to a trial; the Senate floor will then move to a simple majority vote on the trial, with overwhelming chances of approval. This vote would remove Rousseff for 180 days while the trial proceeds. On current trends, if the undecided senators follow the direction of their states and parties in the Chamber of Deputies, there are currently northward of fifty-eight votes for conviction, four more than the two-thirds majority needed.
In the context of what looks—today—like almost certain conviction, Rousseff's gambit appears to be to make it as hard as possible for Temer to govern with any semblance of legitimacy. Threatening to resign, and calling on Temer to resign alongside her, might be one of the few tactics available to Rousseff and capable of winning widespread public support. Whether or not she is serious about resignation, the mere suggestion that new elections would be more legitimate than impeachment has considerable political effect, especially in light of polls showing that three–fifths of Brazilians would support Temer's removal. Although the chances of approving the necessary constitutional amendment seem low, calling for new elections is a powerful cudgel. Meanwhile, Rousseff is reported to have choreographed her departure from the Planalto Palace and to be contemplating an international tour to protest the impeachment effort, both of which might produce the desired cloud over the Temer administration.
For his part, Temer is eager to ensure that the bandwagon effect skillfully constructed in the Chamber does not fall apart during the long Senate trial. The hangover that followed the spectacle of impeachment in the Chamber led to a certain buyers' remorse: Rousseff was punished, but in the process, Brazilians got a closer look at their unpalatable Congress. The horrible spectacle of April 17's impeachment vote, and the remarkably lopsided result (367 for, 137 against, 9 absent and abstaining) was shocking, even to those long inured to the opportunism of Brazil's legislators. The governing coalition, many of whom had provided support to the Workers' Party for the past thirteen years, suddenly turned its daggers on Rousseff. The spectacle was horrendous, demonstrating the opportunism of the congressional "bibles, bullets, and beef" caucuses, and the remarkable hypocrisy of legislators who are deeply implicated in corruption scandals casting votes against a president who is not thought to be personally implicated in corruption (although she faces allegations of having benefited from her party's campaign finance violations and may soon be placed under investigation by Prosecutor General Ricardo Janot).
As public revulsion with all politicians grows, Temer faces the tough task of keeping the pro-removal coalition intact, while simultaneously building a new administration from the ground up. In tackling these twin challenges, he has had to promise the world, most notably to the PSDB, which had threatened to remain outside the new government. As their price for joining Temer, the PSDB reportedly submitted a long list of demands, ranging from the sensible (a commitment to keep the Lava Jato investigation going), to the unlikely (a commitment to serious tax reform), and the downright fanciful (a commitment to political reform). Why the PSDB would ever expect Temer to fulfill those promises is, of course, moot: the list provides the PSDB with just the veneer of legitimacy they need. Joining the Temer administration is now harder to paint as golpista, and instead is portrayed as a high-minded commitment to the painful and necessary reforms needed to recover from the chaotic Rousseff years. Temer, meanwhile, brings on board an important ally that will help legitimate his very tenuous administration, providing a fig leaf of policy respectability that might otherwise be missing in an administration dominated by the unprincipled Brazilian Democratic Movement Party (PMDB).
There will still be considerable drama surrounding the removal of Rousseff, and the daily news is likely to bring continued surprises and calculated misdirection. But the lens of legitimacy may provide the best analytical perspective on the news emerging from Brasília during the remainder of this turbulent year, in a political environment in which legitimacy is a scarce commodity for all of the major actors.]]>
Earlier this week I had the chance to talk with Michael T. Derham, a partner with Novam Portam, about the impeachment of President Dilma Rousseff and Brazil's possible paths forward. You can listen to our conversation here.]]>
After months of suspense, President Dilma Rousseff's impeachment looks set to proceed in a floor vote in the Chamber of Deputies on Sunday, April 17. At present, impeachment seems more likely than not: Vice President Michel Temer and his allies have overcome many of the political hurdles to impeachment by skillfully creating a bandwagon effect among legislators, in part by arguing that there is little point in continued support for the outgoing Rousseff and that now is the time to make sweet deals with the incoming Temer administration. This week's desertions mean that of the seven largest parties in Congress, only one (the PT) still supports the president, while five are in opposition (PMDB, PSDB, PP, PSB, and DEM) and one is still officially undecided (PR).
Like a long night of heavy drinking, Sunday's impeachment vote may feel at the time like a fitting way to put an end to the Rousseff years of economic mismanagement and political turmoil. Many Brazilians may be out demonstrating on Sunday, and celebrating (or drowning their sorrows) late into the evening. But Monday morning will bring a massive hangover, and like the aftermath of many a hard night, the morning after will bring as many new puzzles as it resolves:
In Brazil's crazy political moment, a much less likely but not entirely implausible scenario is that Rousseff survives Sunday's vote, perhaps by convincing enough wavering legislators to simply absent themselves from Congress, if they can't stomach voting in her favor. In that case, there will still be a hangover, but of a different sort, like the difference between drinking cachaça instead of rum. This hangover will include a defenestrated and visibly exhausted president, a dysfunctional coalition, the continued threat of removal via a new impeachment request or an electoral court conviction, and continued macroeconomic malaise.
Either way, Monday morning's hangover is going to be painful.]]>


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Home > News > Context for the Environmental "Menace"
December 8th, 2004
Context for the Environmental "Menace"
We suppose that we should be pleased that large media outlets continue to cover nanotechnology-related issues, such as this recent article from CNN . But because of their broad audience, we suppose, articles like this one get so general as to lose much meaning, and actually become somewhat misleading.
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Ministry Today proudly presents Greenelines, a new blog from Dr. Steve Greene.
Dr. Greene writes on a wide range of topics important to leaders, church administrators and young leaders in development.
He has lead business organizations, served as a dean of a college of business and lead as a senior pastor. Greene's primary focus is to equip the leaders of saints.Read Greenelines
What Is the True Meaning of Stewardship?
Many Christians don't understand exactly what it is. This should help.
10 Terrible Reasons to Be Done With Church
If you think you're done with church for any of these reasons, here's a challenge to prompt you to think differently.
How Finding Time Is a Lot Like Finding Money
As pastors and leaders, don't you think we must set an example with our time management as a point of accountability?
How We Went from Theological to Therapeutic Preaching
What went wrong?
John Bevere Urges All Pastors to Speak Up Sunday About Supreme Court Decision
The internationally known author and evangelist has challenged pastors to stand up for God's truth about marriage in their pulpits Sunday morning.
5 Things Churches Should Do Immediately to Protect Themselves
With the Supreme Court's ruling on same-sex marriage, churches should take action quickly on these points.
Here is One of the Biggest Issues in Worship
What's keeping you from worshiping today? Two missionaries in a Philippian jail cell (Paul and Silas) would have been interested in hearing your answer.
Leaving a Legacy
Leaders develop leaders.
Who Ministers to the Minister?
Who takes care of a pastor and his or her family when their world is caving in?
Ed Stetzer: Defining the Church as Evangelicals
Have we become so generous with the definition of "church" that the word has lost its meaning?
5 Fears That Frequently Attack Pastors
Pastors aren't immune to fear. These things frequently bother people in the ministry.
Law and Order: The Organization-Mary Parker Follett Part 4
How the giving of orders can cause disorder.
9 Practical Lessons on Repentance & Forgiveness
We can teach on these two subjects, but what if pride gets in the way of this reconciliation?
16 Ways to Get Unstuck in Your Sermon Prep
Do you ever get stuck in a sermon prep rut? Here are some things you can do to get out of it.
Here's Some Advice From Great Campus Pastors
Campus pastors have a great deal of responsibility. Here's some advice for those who have ambitions of becoming one.
Leaders Do Not Have a Private Life
Personal freedom is sacrificed for the good of the whole.
Kingdom Economics: Auto-Correct
Here's why we need principles and habits that are designed to automatically alert ourselves and/or others of danger signs to move us back on an upward tract.
Kingdom First: Starting Churches That Shape Movements
Do we realize that only God can create a movement through His divine and sovereign work?
15 Ways to Improve Your Preaching or Teaching
Do these things and you will be sure to get good response to your sermons.
Conflict Resolution
Mary Parker Follett Part 2
Repentant Leaders Deserve Forgiveness Too
"I must always first look at the grace that I have received from Jesus and extend that same grace to Christians and non-Christians who sin against me."
How to Talk to Children About Baptism
For some kids, the steps toward salvation are clear. For others, there some things to consider.
Little Faith + Huge God = Big Results
Is it possible to be filled with faith and doubt at the same time?
Mother of Management Theory's Words Ring True Today
Do you lead in a "coercive" way?
How to Use Humor in Your Sermon, Even if You're Not a Comic
Keep this in mind: People love hearing how the little person brought the high and the mighty down to earth.
6 Simple Things a First-Time Church Guest Likes
If you were visiting another church, how would you like to be treated?
When Things Don't Go As Planned
Effective leaders are never surprised at this.
Every Life Experience Can Be a Gateway to Joy
We can thank author Elisabeth Howard Elliot, who passed away this week, for bringing us this uplifting ideal. She will be missed.
5 Essential Elements of a Transformational Small Group Environment
Small groups are essential to the church's mission of making disciples. How do you make your small groups effective?
7 Ways to Gain Influence With Your Team
If you're hoping to influence and impact the people under you, here are some things you need to know.
In Search of Right Answers
Improvement may be right in front of you.
Modern-Day Resurrections: Are They Real?
The fall releases of 90 Minutes in Heaven and Touching Heaven come amid reports of hundreds of modern-day resurrections that will soon receive renewed attention throughout the world.
The Theological Balance Every Worship Service Needs
Worship leaders, are we trying to be too cool? Are we trying to be too clever? Are we getting in God's way?
Navigating Same-Sex Ministry in an Age of Gay Marriage
Across the country, church leaders are waking up to the reality that millions struggle with same-sex attraction. How can churches help?
5 Lessons From the Indoor Flight of an Eagle
Don't ask an eagle to fly inside a box.
Kingdom Economics: Inflation and the Kingdom
Do you believe that the Lord will guide us through economic stress? Here's what we need to do.
3 Reasons Why Student Pastors Make Great Senior Pastors
If it's difficult to fathom your church's student pastor becoming a great senior pastor, check to see if he or she has mastered these things.
Here's the Biggest Reason Why People Don't Become Church Members
More than anything, this will drive people away from your church rather than draw them to it.
How to Speak in Pictures
Illustrate your point as you paint a story.
16 Often Unknown Roles of a Pastor
What does a pastor do when he's not preaching? Some might be surprised at how extensive the job is.
Why I Never Scheduled a Revival
Pastor Scott Attebery says we first need to know the true nature of revival and when it happens before scheduling services and expecting it to happen during them.
Do We Need to Revisit the Word of Faith Message in This Hour?
Tom Brown offers three faith facts that we need to remember in today's fearful world.
4 Things You Should Be Doing Every Monday Morning
High-touch leadership includes effective follow-up.
Father's Day From the Pulpit: A Crucial Message
Father's Day is coming and our national church response will be predictable. Or will it?
9 Thoughts For Pastors Who Are Considering Quitting
If your desire to quit is the result of the typical challenges of pastoring, here are some suggestions that may help you reconsider.
For Some, Father's Day Requires Some Delicate Preaching
Father's Day indeed is a day for many to celebrate. But, as a preacher, shouldn't you also be sensitive in your sermons to those who have bad childhood memories?
The Value Of Cardiac Exams
Job performance is a matter of the heart.
Do You Value What God Values?
1 Peter 3:4 says there is one thing that is "precious in the sight of God." Is it something you desire?
4 Reasons Pastors Must Break Through Community Silence
Why are we so uncomfortable with silence? What makes silence so deadly in a relationship?
Ministry Life
- Hiring Family at Church: Are You Asking For Trouble?
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- Stop Preaching About All the 'Good' People in the Bible
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- Learning to Access Your Secret Place of Blessing
Ministry Facilities
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Ministry Outreach
- Kingdom Economics: Change Your Beliefs and Change Your Behavior
- 6 Key Questions Non-Believers May Ask About God
- 10 of the Most Disgusting Expressions Ever Uttered in Anybody's Church
- 7 Church Technological Advances You Should Watch For
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- 9 Things That Have Replaced Traditional Outreach in Churches
- 5 Ways to Turn Your Life Into One of Purpose
- The Guide to Better Transitions in Your Weekend Services
- Research: Americans Say Christians Face Increased Persecution
- 2 Major But Under-the-Radar Changes in American Churches
- 6 Reasons Pastors Should Not Quit Their Job on Monday
- Faith of the Candidates: An Interview With Marco Rubio
- Spiritual Maturity Reaches Way Beyond Salvation
- 10 Ways to Make Visitors Feel Welcome
- Samuel Rodriguez: Lessons From 2012 Election
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- Pastor Accused of Sex Crimes Appears to Have Killed Himself
- Loretta Lynch to Recuse Herself From Hillary Clinton Investigation
- 25 Years Later, How Clarence Thomas Has Transformed the Supreme Court


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Home > News > They're in the 'nanotech stream'
September 23rd, 2004
They're in the 'nanotech stream'
Hands up those of you who know what nanotechnology is. Seven-year-old Midhi Chandras and her classmates already have a pretty good idea - thanks to her school.
Balestier Hill Primary introduced a nanotechnology programme for all its pupils - from Primary 1 to 6 - this year. It is believed to be the first primary school to do so.
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figured i would revisit this thread.
So! my second baby, my darling baby boy was born via emergency c-section on Feb. 19th.
I went into labor naturally the night of my baby shower and everything looked great, made it to the hospital, i was dilating, everything looked promising.. until the monitors started going off again just like they did with my first born, my little girl who was also an emergency c-section.
in the end, his heart rate started dropping and after crying my whole heart out to the point that they were calling me catatonic and wanted to put me out, they wheeled me into the room where they cut me open again and my son was born!
i hated the fact that now they say i am too narrow, something about a bone that wont allow my babies to drop through and be born through my dang vagina hole. anyway, im happy to say both my babies are now healthy crazy monsters.
but now i know that my next baby, will be a planned c-section.
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Mildred was the first abbess of the English monastery of Minster-in-Thanet founded by her mother, Saint Ermenburga. As a nun who mortified herself with frequent fasts, Mildred was characterized by an exceptional humility, gentleness, and serenity of spirit. She was remembered for her compassion to widows, orphans, the poor, and the troubled. Her death came at the end of a prolonged and painful illness. Following the translation of Mildred's body to Canterbury in 1033, her relics became highly revered by the city's pilgrims.
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|By Marketwired .
Article Rating:
|August 4, 2014 10:29 AM EDT
SANTA BARBARA, CA -- (Marketwired) -- 08/04/14 -- RightScale® Inc., a demonstrated leader in enterprise cloud portfolio management, today announced the general availability of RightScale Cloud Analytics, the first multi-cloud cost management solution that integrates with a cloud management platform to enable users to take action on insights and implement budget controls.
RightScale Cloud Analytics, first announced in beta in November 2013, is an enterprise-grade cost management solution that provides sophisticated cloud usage and cost analysis as well as forecasting and scenario planning across major public and private clouds. Cloud Analytics is part of the RightScale Cloud Portfolio Management platform, which includes Cloud Analytics, Cloud Management, and Self-Service.
"RightScale Cloud Analytics enables you to visualize, forecast, and optimize costs across your entire portfolio of public and private clouds," said Hassan Hosseini, product manager for Cloud Analytics. "The response to Cloud Analytics has been extremely positive. In just a few months, more than 1,000 customers participated in the Cloud Analytics public beta program."
"As a cloud-first SaaS company, cloud costs are a significant line item in our budget. We've always focused on managing our cloud expenses -- in fact we've cut our cloud spending by half over the past year using our internal tools while supporting substantial growth in our business," said Ida Kane, chief financial officer at RightScale. "RightScale Cloud Analytics can also help other organizations gain much greater visibility into where they can optimize costs."
"Audi's customer expects nothing less than the best luxury brand experience, therefore the Audi digital ecosystem of services, applications and products must exceed expectations at every level. We must constantly optimize and enrich our platform infrastructure to make that possible," said Jeff Titus, GM, Digital Technology Solutions and Strategy, Audi of America, VW Group, Region Americas. "This is why it is so important for us to work with RightScale. RightScale helps us avoid vendor lock-in with any one cloud provider, ensures that we have the very best in cloud managed services, and, with the help of RightScale Cloud Analytics, ensures that we are on the appropriate and most cost-effective cloud infrastructure at all times."
"The agility benefits of the public cloud also comes with variability and unpredictability in costs," said Joe Emison, CTO of BuildFax. "This is due to both wanted expenses, from business growth, as well as unwanted expenses, like forgetting to shut down servers. RightScale Cloud Analytics provides automated emails that give me the right level of detail to help me understand quickly whether I am on budget and identify any unexpected cloud usage. I've used all the cloud cost management tools and RightScale Cloud Analytics is the most useful."
"As a CIO, RightScale Cloud Analytics is just the sort of thing that I need to understand and reduce cloud costs," said Tim Jones, CIO of MoneySuperMarket. "We look forward to using it to set expectations with C-level management and our board of directors on our future operating costs of private, hybrid, and public clouds."
Since the beta was first launched, several new capabilities and benefits have been added to Cloud Analytics including:
- Scheduled Reports: With Cloud Analytics, you can schedule automated daily, weekly, and monthly reports to come straight to your email inbox so that you have complete visibility into your cloud computing costs on a regular basis. The reports reveal trends in cloud costs, highlighting potential issues before they significantly impact your bill. If there are unexpected changes, you can quickly jump into your Cloud Analytics account directly from a link in the email to investigate further.
- Enhanced Scenario Builder: Enterprises can compare different instance types and clouds as they map out future cloud usage. Scenario Builder helps you accurately forecast the cost of moving applications to the cloud, the costs of using different clouds/resources, the costs associated with increased cloud usage, and the impact of buying AWS Reserved Instances (RIs).
- Budget Alerts: Your cloud users, managers, and finance teams can get alerted when budgets are exceeded or when cost overruns are projected based on current spend rates.
- Identifying waste: Cloud Analytics lets you identify zombie cloud instances: servers that got stranded during boot oftentimes unbeknownst to the user.
- Multi-account Reserved Instance visibility: AWS users can now leverage their own consolidated billing structure to analyze RI usage across accounts. This enables AWS customers to make better decisions on RI purchases and ensure that they are using already-purchased RIs.
Additional resources:
- 2 Simple Ways to Stop Blowing Your Cloud Budget
- Analyze Scenarios for AWS Reserved Instances to Reduce Cloud Costs
- Cloud Cost Savings: Understanding Why Cloud Spend Is Up (or Down)
- Track and Manage Your Private Cloud Costs Like a Boss
- Keep Your Cloud Costs Down Through Internal Collaboration
- Avoid Bill Shock with Automated Cloud Cost Reports
About RightScale
RightScale® Inc. Cloud Portfolio Management enables leading enterprises to accelerate delivery of cloud-based applications that engage customers and drive top-line revenue while optimizing cloud usage to reduce risk and costs. With RightScale, IT organizations can deliver instant access to a portfolio of public, private, and hybrid cloud services across business units and development teams while maintaining enterprise control. RightScale Consulting Services help companies develop cloud strategies, deliver cloud projects, and optimize cloud usage. RightScale also offers PlanForCloud.com, a free cloud cost management tool based on a global database of more than 12,000 price points from cloud providers, which enables organizations to perform sophisticated cloud cost forecasting. Since 2007, leading enterprises including Pearson International, Intercontinental Hotels Group, and PBS have launched millions of servers through RightScale.
RightScale is a registered trademark of RightScale, Inc. All other trademarks are property of their respective owners. Other product or company names mentioned may be trademarks or trade names of their respective companies.
PR Contact:
Bret Clement
RightScale PR
Email Contact
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Posts tagged with Student Journalists
Participate in our KU graduation coverage
If you're participating in or attending the annual walk down the hill on KU campus this Sunday, we have some ways you can participate in our news coverage via social media:
Tweet, tweet with #kugrad
We'll be tracking Twitter for the #kugrad hashtag from now until Sunday. We even have a live stream of tweets using #kugrad set up on LJWorld.com. Let's make it a trending topic!
Submit your pics & vids
Send us your commencement pictures so we can share them with the world (and on Facebook, too!) Use our submission form on LJWorld.com and we'll continue posting them throughout the week. For videos, upload or share them on the LJWorld.com Facebook wall. We may use them on 6News and LJWorld.com if we find some gems!
Become the mayor of graduation
With all those people in one place, we're bound to get the coveted swarm badge on Foursquare, right? We created a special venue for graduation so you can check in at Memorial Stadium and the event itself. Search for "KU Graduation" if it doesn't pop up automatically.
Lawrence high schools' students produce 'lip dubs'
Whether it's sports, academics or artistic endeavors, the rivalry between the two Lawrence high schools runs very deep. As we all know, rivalries can be very good and very bad. In February, LJWorld Entertainment Editor Jon Niccum reported in the Journal-World that students from both, Lawrence and Free State, high schools produced "lip dubs" with very successful results.
Lawrence High School's rendition of "Kids in America" was made public first and got a lot of attention. According to the post on room125productions' YouTube channel, the version originally posted had more than 130,000 views — not too shabby, in my opinion. (Unfortunately, the original video was hacked and the channel had to delete the video and repost it.)
Free State's "lip dub" was made public just a short time later and also received a lot of attention (according to the page view count on the freestatelipdub YouTube channel, the video has been watched more than 4,000 times). Again, pretty impressive.
The work of both student bodies should be celebrated and enjoyed, but the sad reality is that the intensity of the rivalry in Lawrence pushes some to maliciously damage the work of others. Like Niccum, I have no direct ties to either Lawrence school and have nothing but positive feelings toward both. So, here's to hoping that students at both schools will start appreciating the work of their competitors, and instead of publicly condemning it or vandalizing it, will work to top the other through their performance or production. I'm not against a good rivalry, but rivalries should push people to get better and do better — not destroy and criticize.
For those of you who have yet to see the videos, definitely check them out:
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