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Thomas Jefferson, (born April 2 [April 13, New Style], 1743, Shadwell, Virginia [U.S.]—died July 4, 1826, Monticello, Virginia, U.S.), draftsman of the Declaration of Independence of the United States and the nation's first secretary of state (1789–94), second vice president (1797–1801), and, as the third president (1801–09), the statesman responsible for the Louisiana Purchase. An early advocate of total separation of church and state, he also was the founder and architect of the University of Virginia and the most eloquent American proponent of individual freedom as the core meaning of the American Revolution. (For a discussion of the history and nature of the presidency, see presidency of the United States of America.)
Who was Thomas Jefferson?
Where was Thomas Jefferson educated?
What was Thomas Jefferson like?
How was Thomas Jefferson influential?
What is Thomas Jefferson remembered for?
Long regarded as America's most distinguished "apostle of liberty," Jefferson has come under increasingly critical scrutiny within the scholarly world. At the popular level, both in the United States and abroad, he remains an incandescent icon, an inspirational symbol for both major U.S. political parties, as well as for dissenters in communist China, liberal reformers in central and eastern Europe, and aspiring democrats in Africa and Latin America. His image within scholarly circles has suffered, however, as the focus on racial equality has prompted a more negative reappraisal of his dependence upon slavery and his conviction that American society remain a white man's domain. The huge gap between his lyrical expression of liberal ideals and the more attenuated reality of his own life has transformed Jefferson into America's most problematic and paradoxical hero. The Jefferson Memorial in Washington, D.C., was dedicated to him on April 13, 1943, the 200th anniversary of his birth.
Early years
Albermarle county, where Jefferson was born, lay in the foothills of the Blue Ridge Mountains in what was then regarded as a western province of the Old Dominion. His father, Peter Jefferson, was a self-educated surveyor who amassed a tidy estate that included 60 slaves. According to family lore, Jefferson's earliest memory was as a three-year-old boy "being carried on a pillow by a mounted slave" when the family moved from Shadwell to Tuckahoe. His mother, Jane Randolph Jefferson, was descended from one of the most prominent families in Virginia. She raised two sons, of whom Jefferson was the eldest, and six daughters. There is reason to believe that Jefferson's relationship with his mother was strained, especially after his father died in 1757, because he did everything he could to escape her supervision and had almost nothing to say about her in his memoirs. He boarded with the local schoolmaster to learn his Latin and Greek until 1760, when he entered the College of William & Mary in Williamsburg.
By all accounts he was an obsessive student, often spending 15 hours of the day with his books, 3 hours practicing his violin, and the remaining 6 hours eating and sleeping. The two chief influences on his learning were William Small, a Scottish-born teacher of mathematics and science, and George Wythe, the leading legal scholar in Virginia. From them Jefferson learned a keen appreciation of supportive mentors, a concept he later institutionalized at the University of Virginia. He read law with Wythe from 1762 to 1767, then left Williamsburg to practice, mostly representing small-scale planters from the western counties in cases involving land claims and titles. Although he handled no landmark cases and came across as a nervous and somewhat indifferent speaker before the bench, he earned a reputation as a formidable legal scholar. He was a shy and extremely serious young man.
In 1768 he made two important decisions: first, to build his own home atop an 867-foot- (264-metre-) high mountain near Shadwell that he eventually named Monticello and, second, to stand as a candidate for the House of Burgesses. These decisions nicely embodied the two competing impulses that would persist throughout his life—namely, to combine an active career in politics with periodic seclusion in his own private haven. His political timing was also impeccable, for he entered the Virginia legislature just as opposition to the taxation policies of the British Parliament was congealing. Although he made few speeches and tended to follow the lead of the Tidewater elite, his support for resolutions opposing Parliament's authority over the colonies was resolute.
In the early 1770s his own character was also congealing. In 1772 he married Martha Wayles Skelton (Martha Jefferson), an attractive and delicate young widow whose dowry more than doubled his holdings in land and slaves. In 1774 he wrote A Summary View of the Rights of British America, which was quickly published, though without his permission, and catapulted him into visibility beyond Virginia as an early advocate of American independence from Parliament's authority; the American colonies were tied to Great Britain, he believed, only by wholly voluntary bonds of loyalty to the king.
His reputation thus enhanced, the Virginia legislature appointed him a delegate to the Second Continental Congress in the spring of 1775. He rode into Philadelphia—and into American history—on June 20, 1775, a tall (slightly above 6 feet 2 inches [1.88 metres]) and gangly young man with reddish blond hair, hazel eyes, a burnished complexion, and rock-ribbed certainty about the American cause. In retrospect, the central paradox of his life was also on display, for the man who the following year was to craft the most famous manifesto for human equality in world history arrived in an ornate carriage drawn by four handsome horses and accompanied by three slaves.
Declaring independence
Jefferson's inveterate shyness prevented him from playing a significant role in the debates within the Congress. John Adams, a leader in those debates, remembered that Jefferson was silent even in committee meetings, though consistently staunch in his support for independence. His chief role was as a draftsman of resolutions. In that capacity, on June 11, 1776, he was appointed to a five-person committee, which also included Adams and Benjamin Franklin, to draft a formal statement of the reasons why a break with Great Britain was justified. Adams asked him to prepare the first draft, which he did within a few days. He later claimed that he was not striving for "originality of principle or sentiment," only seeking to provide "an expression of the American mind"; that is, putting into words those ideas already accepted by a majority of Americans. This accurately describes the longest section of the Declaration of Independence, which lists the grievances against George III. It does not, however, describe the following 55 words, which are generally regarded as the seminal statement of American political culture:
We hold these truths to be self-evident; that all men are created equal; that they are endowed by their Creator with certain inalienable rights; that among these are life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness; that to secure these rights, governments are instituted among men, deriving their just powers from the consent of the governed.
On July 3–4 the Congress debated and edited Jefferson's draft, deleting and revising fully one-fifth of the text. But they made no changes whatsoever in this passage, which over succeeding generations became the lyrical sanction for every liberal movement in American history. At the time, Jefferson himself was disconsolate that the Congress had seen fit to make any changes in his language. Nevertheless, he was not regarded by his contemporaries as the author of the Declaration, which was seen as a collective effort by the entire Congress. Indeed, he was not known by most Americans as the principal author until the 1790s.
He returned to Virginia in October 1776 and immediately launched an extensive project for the reform of the state's legal code to bring it in line with the principles of the American Revolution. Three areas of reform suggest the arc of his political vision: first, he sought and secured abolition of primogeniture, entail, and all those remnants of feudalism that discouraged a broad distribution of property; second, he proposed a comprehensive plan of educational reform designed to assure access at the lowest level for all citizens and state support at the higher levels for the most talented; third, he advocated a law prohibiting any religious establishment and requiring complete separation of church and state. The last two proposals were bitterly contested, especially the statute for religious freedom, which was not enacted until 1786.
Taken together, these legal reforms capture the essence of Jefferson's political philosophy, which was less a comprehensive body of thought than a visionary prescription. He regarded the past as a "dead hand" of encrusted privileges and impediments that must be cast off to permit the natural energies of individual citizens to flow freely. The American Revolution, as he saw it, was the first shot in what would eventually became a global battle for human liberation from despotic institutions and all coercive versions of government.
At the end of what was probably the most creative phase of his public career, personal misfortune struck in two successive episodes. Elected governor of Virginia in 1779, he was caught off-guard by a surprise British invasion in 1780 against which the state was defenseless. His flight from approaching British troops was described in the local press, somewhat unfairly, as a cowardly act of abdication. (Critics would recall this awkward moment throughout the remainder of his long career.) Then, in September 1782, his wife died after a difficult delivery in May of their third daughter. These two disasters caused him to vow that he would never again desert his family for his country.
American in Paris
The vow was sincere but short-lived. Jefferson agreed, albeit reluctantly, to serve as a delegate to the Continental Congress in December 1782, where his major contribution was to set forth the principle that territories in the West should not be treated as colonies but rather should enter the Union with status equal to the original states once certain conditions were met. Then, in 1784, recognizing the need to escape the memories of Martha that haunted the hallways at Monticello, he agreed to replace Franklin as American minister to France; or, as legend tells the story, he agreed to succeed Franklin, noting that no one could replace him.
During his five-year sojourn in Paris, Jefferson accomplished very little in any official sense. Several intractable conditions rendered his best diplomatic efforts futile: the United States was heavily in debt owing to the recent war, so few European nations were interested in signing treaties of amity and commerce with the infant American republic; the federal government created under the Articles of Confederation was notoriously weak, so clear foreign policy directives proved impossible; Great Britain already enjoyed a monopoly, controlling more than 80 percent of America's foreign trade, so it had no incentive to negotiate commercial treaties on less favourable terms; and France was drifting toward a cataclysmic political crisis of its own, so relations with the upstart new nation across the Atlantic were hardly a high priority.
As a result, Jefferson's diplomatic overtures to establish a market for American tobacco and to reopen French ports to whale oil produced meagre results, his efforts to create an alliance of American and European powers to contest the terrorism of the Barbary pirates proved stillborn, and his vision of open markets for all nations, a world without tariffs, seemed excessively visionary. His only significant achievement was the negotiation of a $400,000 loan from Dutch bankers that allowed the American government to consolidate its European debts, but even that piece of diplomacy was conducted primarily by John Adams, then serving as American minister to the Court of St. James's in London.
But the Paris years were important to Jefferson for personal reasons and are important to biographers and historians for the new light they shed on his famously elusive personality. The dominant pattern would seem to be the capacity to live comfortably with contradiction. For example, he immersed himself wholeheartedly in the art, architecture, wine, and food of Parisian society but warned all prospective American tourists to remain in America so as to avoid the avarice, luxury, and sheer sinfulness of European fleshpots. He made a point of bringing along his elder daughter, Martha (called Patsy as a girl), and later sent for his younger daughter, Maria (called Polly), all as part of his genuine devotion as a single parent. But he then placed both daughters in a convent, wrote them stern lecturelike letters about proper female etiquette, and enforced a patriarchal distance that was in practice completely at odds with his theoretical commitment to intimacy.
With women in general his letters convey a message of conspicuous gallantry, playfully flirtatious in the manner of a male coquette. The most self-revealing letter he ever wrote, "a dialogue between the head and the heart," was sent to Maria Cosway, an Anglo-Italian beauty who left him utterly infatuated. Jefferson and Cosway, who was married to a prominent if somewhat degenerate English miniaturist, spent several months in a romantic haze, touring Parisian gardens, museums, and art shows together, but whether Jefferson's head or heart prevailed, either in the letter or in life, is impossible to know. Meanwhile, there is considerable evidence to suggest, but not to prove conclusively, that Jefferson initiated a sexual liaison with his attractive young mulatto slave Sally Hemings in 1788, about the time his torrid affair with Cosway cooled down—this despite his public statements denouncing blacks as biologically inferior and sexual relations between the races as taboo. (See Sidebar: "Tom and Sally": the Jefferson-Hemings paternity debate.)
During the latter stages of Jefferson's stay in Paris, Louis XVI, the French king, was forced to convene the Assembly of Notables in Versailles to deal with France's deep financial crisis. Jefferson initially regarded the assembly as a French version of the Constitutional Convention, then meeting in Philadelphia. Much influenced by moderate leaders such as the Marquis de Lafayette, he expected the French Revolution to remain a bloodless affair that would culminate in a revised French government, probably a constitutional monarchy along English lines. He remained oblivious to the resentments and volatile energies pent up within French society that were about to explode in the Reign of Terror, mostly because he thought the French Revolution would follow the American model. He was fortunate to depart France late in 1789, just at the onset of mob violence.
Slavery and racism
Even before his departure from France, Jefferson had overseen the publication of Notes on the State of Virginia. This book, the only one Jefferson ever published, was part travel guide, part scientific treatise, and part philosophical meditation. Jefferson had written it in the fall of 1781 and had agreed to a French edition only after learning that an unauthorized version was already in press. Notes contained an extensive discussion of slavery, including a graphic description of its horrific effects on both blacks and whites, a strong assertion that it violated the principles on which the American Revolution was based, and an apocalyptic prediction that failure to end slavery would lead to "convulsions which will probably never end but in the extermination of one or the other race." It also contained the most explicit assessment that Jefferson ever wrote of what he believed were the biological differences between blacks and whites, an assessment that exposed the deep-rooted racism that he, like most Americans and almost all Virginians of his day, harboured throughout his life.
To his critics in later generations, Jefferson's views on race seemed particularly virulent because of his purported relationship with Sally Hemings, who bore several children obviously fathered by a white man and some of whom had features resembling those of Jefferson. The public assertion of this relationship was originally made in 1802 by a disreputable journalist interested in injuring Jefferson's political career. His claim was corroborated, however, by one of Hemings's children in an 1873 newspaper interview and then again in a 1968 book by Winthrop Jordan revealing that Hemings became pregnant only when Jefferson was present at Monticello. Finally, in 1998, DNA samples were gathered from living descendants of Jefferson and Hemings. Tests revealed that Jefferson was almost certainly the father of some of Hemings's children. What remained unclear was the character of the relationship—consensual or coercive, a matter of love or rape, or a mutually satisfactory arrangement. Jefferson's admirers preferred to consider it a love affair and to see Jefferson and Hemings as America's preeminent biracial couple. His critics, on the other hand, considered Jefferson a sexual predator whose eloquent statements about human freedom and equality were hypocritical.
In any case, coming as it did at the midpoint of Jefferson's career, the publication of Notes affords the opportunity to review Jefferson's previous and subsequent positions on the most volatile and therefore most forbidden topic in the revolutionary era. Early in his career Jefferson had taken a leadership role in pushing slavery onto the political agenda in the Virginia assembly and the federal Congress. In the 1760s and '70s, like most Virginia planters, he endorsed the end of the slave trade. (Virginia's plantations were already well stocked with slaves, so ending the slave trade posed no economic threat and even enhanced the value of the existent slave population.) In his original draft of the Declaration of Independence, he included a passage, subsequently deleted by the Continental Congress, blaming both the slave trade and slavery itself on George III. Unlike most of his fellow Virginians, Jefferson was prepared to acknowledge that slavery was an anomaly in the American republic established in 1776. His two most practical proposals came in the early 1780s: a gradual emancipation scheme by which all slaves born after 1800 would be freed and their owners compensated, and a prohibition of slavery in all the territories of the West as a condition for admission to the Union. By the time of the publication of Notes, then, Jefferson's record on slavery placed him among the most progressive elements of southern society. Rather than ask how he could possibly tolerate the persistence of slavery, it is more historically correct to wonder how this member of Virginia's planter class had managed to develop such liberal convictions.
Dating the onset of a long silence is inevitably an imprecise business, but by the time of his return to the United States in 1789 Jefferson had backed away from a leadership position on slavery. The ringing denunciations of slavery presented in Notes had generated controversy, especially within the planter class of Virginia, and Jefferson's deep aversion to controversy made him withdraw from the cutting edge of the antislavery movement once he experienced the sharp feelings it aroused. Moreover, the very logic of his argument in Notes exposed the inherent intractability of his position. Although he believed that slavery was a gross violation of the principles celebrated in the Declaration of Independence, he also believed that people of African descent were biologically inferior to whites and could never live alongside whites in peace and harmony. They would have to be transported elsewhere, back to Africa or perhaps the Caribbean, after emancipation. Because such a massive deportation was a logistical and economic impossibility, the unavoidable conclusion was that, though slavery was wrong, ending it, at least at present, was inconceivable. That became Jefferson's public position throughout the remainder of his life.
It also shaped his personal posture as a slave owner. Jefferson owned, on average, about 200 slaves at any point in time, and slightly over 600 over his lifetime. To protect himself from facing the reality of his problematic status as plantation master, he constructed a paternalistic self-image as a benevolent father caring for what he called "my family." Believing that he and his slaves were the victims of history's failure to proceed along the enlightened path, he saw himself as the steward for those entrusted to his care until a better future arrived for them all. In the meantime, his own lavish lifestyle and all the incessant and expensive renovations of his Monticello mansion were wholly dependent on slave labour. Whatever silent thoughts he might have harboured about freeing his slaves never found their way into the record. (He freed only five slaves, all members of the Hemings family.) His mounting indebtedness rendered all such thoughts superfluous toward the end, because his slaves, like all his possessions, were mortgaged to his creditors and therefore not really his to free.
Party politics
Jefferson returned to the United States in 1789 to serve as the first secretary of state under President George Washington. He was entering the most uncharted waters in American history. There had never been an enduring republican government in a nation as large as the United States, and no one was sure if it was possible or how it would work. The Constitution ratified in 1788 was still a work-in-progress, less a blueprint that provided answers than a framework for arguing about the salient questions. And because Jefferson had been serving in France when the constitutional battles of 1787–88 were waged in Philadelphia and then in the state ratifying conventions, he entered the volatile debates of the 1790s without a clear track record of his constitutional convictions. In truth, unlike his friend and disciple James Madison, Jefferson did not think primarily in constitutional categories. His major concern about the new Constitution was the absence of any bill of rights. He was less interested in defining the powers of government than in identifying those regions where government could not intrude.
During his tenure as secretary of state (1790–93), foreign policy was his chief responsibility. Within the cabinet a three-pronged division soon emerged over American policy toward the European powers. While all parties embraced some version of the neutrality doctrine, the specific choices posed by the ongoing competition for supremacy in Europe between England and France produced a bitter conflict. Washington and Adams, who was serving as vice president, insisted on complete neutrality, which in practice meant tacking back and forth between the two dominant world powers of the moment. Alexander Hamilton pushed for a pro-English version of neutrality—chiefly commercial ties with the most potent mercantile power in the world. Jefferson favoured a pro-French version of neutrality, arguing that the Franco-American treaty of 1778 obliged the United States to honour past French support during the war for independence, and that the French Revolution embodied the "spirit of '76" on European soil. Even when the French Revolution spun out of control and began to devour its own partisans, Jefferson insisted that these bloody convulsions were only temporary excesses justified by the larger ideological issues at stake.
This remained his unwavering position throughout the decade. Even after he retired from office late in 1793, he issued directives from Monticello opposing the Neutrality Act (1793) and the Jay Treaty (1795) as pacts with the British harlot and betrayals of our French brethren. Serving as vice president during the Adams presidency (1797–1801), Jefferson worked behind the scenes to undermine Adams's efforts to sustain strict neutrality and blamed the outbreak of the "quasi-war" with France in 1797–98 on what he called "our American Anglophiles" rather than the French Directory. His foreign-policy vision was resolutely moralistic and highly ideological, dominated by a dichotomous view of England as a corrupt and degenerate engine of despotism and France as the enlightened wave of the future.
Jefferson's position on domestic policy during the 1790s was a variation on the same ideological dichotomy. As Hamilton began to construct his extensive financial program—to include funding the national debt, assuming the state debts, and creating a national bank—Jefferson came to regard the consolidation of power at the federal level as a diabolical plot to subvert the true meaning of the American Revolution. As Jefferson saw it, the entire Federalist commitment to an energetic central government with broad powers over the domestic economy replicated the arbitrary policies of Parliament and George III, which the American Revolution had supposedly repudiated as monarchical and aristocratic practices, incompatible with the principles of republicanism. Jefferson sincerely believed that the "principles of '76" were being betrayed by a Federalist version of the "court party," whose covert scheme was to install monarchy and a pseudo-aristocracy of bankers and "monocrats" to rule over the American yeomanry.
All the major events of the decade—the creation of a national bank, the debate over the location of a national capital, the suppression of the Whiskey Rebellion in western Pennsylvania, the passage of the Jay Treaty, and, most notoriously, the enforcement of the Alien and Sedition Acts—were viewed through this ideological lens. By the middle years of the decade two distinctive political camps had emerged, calling themselves Federalists and Republicans (later Democratic-Republicans). Not that modern-day political parties, with their mechanisms for raising money, selecting candidates, and waging election campaigns, were fully formed at this stage. (Full-blooded political parties date from the 1830s and '40s.) But an embryonic version of the party structure was congealing, and Jefferson, assisted and advised by Madison, established the rudiments of the first opposition party in American politics under the Republican banner.
The partnership between Jefferson and Madison, labeled by subsequent historians as "the great collaboration," deserves special attention. John Quincy Adams put it nicely when he observed that "the mutual influence of these two mighty minds on each other is a phenomenon, like the invisible and mysterious movements of the magnet in the physical world." Because the notion of a legitimate opposition to the elected government did not yet exist, and because the term party remained an epithet that was synonymous with faction, meaning an organized effort to undermine the public interest, Jefferson and Madison were labeled as traitors by the Federalist press. They were, in effect, inventing a modern form of political behaviour before there was any neutral vocabulary for talking about it. Jefferson's own capacity to live comfortably with contradictions served him well in this context, since he was creating and leading a political party while insisting that parties were evil agents. In 1796 he ran for the presidency against Adams, all the while claiming not to know that he was even a candidate. Most negative assessments of Jefferson's character date from this period, especially the charge of hypocrisy and duplicity.
The highly combustible political culture of the early republic reached a crescendo in the election of 1800, one of the most fiercely contested campaigns in American history. The Federalist press described Jefferson as a pagan and atheist, a treasonable conspirator against the duly elected administrations of Washington and Adams, a utopian dreamer with anarchistic tendencies toward the role of government, and a cunning behind-the-scenes manipulator of Republican propaganda. All these charges were gross exaggerations, save the last. Always operating through intermediaries, Jefferson paid several journalists to libel Adams, his old friend but current political enemy, and offered the vice presidency to Aaron Burr in return for delivering the electoral votes of New York. In the final tally the 12 New York votes made the difference, with the tandem of Jefferson and Burr winning 73 to 65. A quirk in the Constitution, subsequently corrected in the Twelfth Amendment, prevented electors from distinguishing between their choice of president and vice president, so Jefferson and Burr tied for the top spot, even though voter preference for Jefferson was incontestable. The decision was thrown into the House of Representatives where, after several weeks of debate and backroom wheeling and dealing, Jefferson was elected on the 36th ballot.
There was a good deal of nervous speculation whether the new American nation could survive a Jefferson presidency. The entire thrust of Jefferson's political position throughout the 1790s had been defiantly negative, rejecting as excessive the powers vested in the national government by the Federalists. In his Virginia Resolutions of 1798, written in protest of the Alien and Sedition Acts, he had described any projection of federal authority over the domestic policy of the states as a violation of "the spirit of '76" and therefore a justification for secession from the Union. (This became the position of the Confederacy in 1861.) His Federalist critics wondered how he could take an oath to preserve, protect, and defend the Constitution of the United States if his primary goal as president was to dismantle the federal institutions created by that very document. As he rose to deliver his inaugural address on March 4, 1801, in the still-unfinished Capitol of the equally unfinished national capital on the Potomac, the mood was apprehensive. The most rabid alarmists had already been proved wrong, since the first transfer of power from one political regime to another had occurred peacefully, even routinely. But it was still very much an open question whether, as Lincoln later put it, "any nation so conceived and so dedicated could long endure" in the absence of a central government along Federalist lines.
The major message of Jefferson's inaugural address was conciliatory. Its most famous line ("We are all republicans—we are all federalists") suggested that the scatological party battles of the previous decade must cease. He described his election as a recovery of the original intentions of the American Revolution, this after the hostile takeover of those "ancient and sacred truths" by the Federalists, who had erroneously assumed that a stable American nation required a powerful central government. In Jefferson's truly distinctive and original formulation, the coherence of the American republic did not require the mechanisms of a powerful state to survive or flourish. Indeed, the health of the emerging American nation was inversely proportional to the power of the federal government, for in the end the sovereign source of republican government was voluntary popular opinion, "the people," and the latent energies these liberated individuals released when unburdened by government restrictions.
In 1804 Jefferson was easily reelected over Federalist Charles Cotesworth Pinckney, winning 162 electoral votes to Pinckney's 14. Initially, at least, his policies as president reflected his desire for decentralization, which meant dismantling the embryonic federal government, the army and navy, and all federal taxation programs, as well as placing the national debt, which stood at $112 million, on the road to extinction. These reforms enjoyed considerable success for two reasons. First, the temporary cessation of the war between England and France for European supremacy permitted American merchants to trade with both sides and produced unprecedented national prosperity. Second, in selecting Albert Gallatin as secretary of the Treasury, Jefferson placed one of the most capable managers of fiscal policy in the most strategic location. Gallatin, a Swiss-born prodigy with impeccable Republican credentials, dominated the cabinet discussions alongside Madison, the ever-loyal Jefferson disciple who served as secretary of state.
Actually there were very few cabinet discussions because Jefferson preferred to do the bulk of business within the executive branch in writing. Crafting language on the page was his most obvious talent, and he required all cabinet officers to submit drafts of their recommendations, which he then edited and returned for their comments. The same textual approach applied to his dealings with Congress. All of his annual messages were delivered in writing rather than in person. Indeed, apart from his two inaugural addresses, there is no record of Jefferson delivering any public speeches whatsoever. In part this was a function of his notoriously inadequate abilities as an orator, but it also reflected his desire to make the office of the presidency almost invisible. His one gesture at visibility was to schedule weekly dinners when Congress was in session, which became famous for the quality of the wine, the pell-mell seating arrangements, and informal approach to etiquette—a clear defiance of European-style decorum.
The major achievement of his first term was also an act of defiance, though this time it involved defying his own principles. In 1803 Napoleon decided to consolidate his resources for a new round of the conflict with England by selling the vast Louisiana region, which stretched from the Mississippi Valley to the Rocky Mountains. Although the asking price, $15 million, was a stupendous bargain, assuming the cost meant substantially increasing the national debt. More significantly, what became known as the Louisiana Purchase violated Jefferson's constitutional scruples. Indeed, many historians regard it as the boldest executive action in American history. But Jefferson never wavered, reasoning that the opportunity to double the national domain was too good to miss. The American West always triggered Jefferson's most visionary energies, seeing it, as he did, as America's future, the place where the simple republican principles could be constantly renewed. In one fell swoop he removed the threat of a major European power from America's borders and extended the life span of the uncluttered agrarian values he so cherished. Even before news that the purchase was approved reached the United States in July 1803, Jefferson dispatched his private secretary, Meriwether Lewis, to lead an expedition to explore the new acquisition and the lands beyond, all the way to the Pacific.
If the Louisiana Purchase was the crowning achievement of Jefferson's presidency, it also proved to be the high point from which events moved steadily in the other direction. Although the Federalist Party was dead as a national force, pockets of Federalist opposition still survived, especially in New England. Despite his eloquent testimonials to the need for a free press, Jefferson was outraged by the persistent attacks on his policies and character from those quarters, and he instructed the attorneys general in the recalcitrant states to seek indictments, in clear violation of his principled commitment to freedom of expression. He was equally heavy-handed in his treatment of Aaron Burr, who was tried for treason after leading a mysterious expedition into the American Southwest allegedly designed to detach that region from the United States with Burr crowned as its benevolent dictator. The charges were never proved, but Jefferson demanded Burr's conviction despite the lack of evidence. He was overruled in the end by Chief Justice John Marshall, who sat as the judge in the trial.
But Jefferson's major disappointment had its origins in Europe with the resumption of the Napoleonic Wars, which resulted in naval blockades in the Atlantic and Caribbean that severely curtailed American trade and pressured the U.S. government to take sides in the conflict. Jefferson's response was the Embargo Act (1807), which essentially closed American ports to all foreign imports and American exports. The embargo assumed that the loss of American trade would force England and France to alter their policies, but this fond hope was always an illusion, since the embryonic American economy lacked the size to generate such influence and was itself wrecked by Jefferson's action. Moreover, the enforcement of the Embargo Act required the exercise of precisely those coercive powers by the federal government that Jefferson had previously opposed. By the time he left office in March 1809, Jefferson was a tired and beaten man, anxious to escape the consequences of his futile efforts to preserve American neutrality and eager to embrace the two-term precedent established by Washington.
During the last 17 years of his life Jefferson maintained a crowded and active schedule. He rose with the dawn each day, bathed his feet in cold water, then spent the morning on his correspondence (one year he counted writing 1,268 letters) and working in his garden. Each afternoon he took a two-hour ride around his grounds. Dinner, served in the late afternoon, was usually an occasion to gather his daughter Martha and her 12 children, along with the inevitable visitors. Monticello became a veritable hotel during these years, on occasion housing 50 guests. The lack of privacy caused Jefferson to build a separate house on his Bedford estate about 90 miles (140 km) from Monticello, where he periodically fled for seclusion.
Three architectural projects claimed a considerable share of his attention. Throughout his life Monticello remained a work-in-progress that had the appearance of a construction site. Even during his retirement years, Jefferson's intensive efforts at completing the renovations never quite produced the masterpiece of neoclassical design he wanted to achieve and that modern-day visitors to Monticello find so compelling. A smaller but more architecturally distinctive mansion at Bedford, called Poplar Forest, was completed on schedule. It too embodied neoclassical principles but was shaped as a perfect octagon. Finally there was the campus of the University of Virginia at Charlottesville, which Jefferson called his "academical village." Jefferson surveyed the site, which he could view in the distance from his mountaintop, and chose the Pantheon of Rome as the model for the rotunda, the centrepiece flanked by two rows of living quarters for students and faculty. In 1976 the American Institute of Architects voted it "the proudest achievement of American architecture in the past 200 years." Even the "interior" design of the University of Virginia embodied Jeffersonian principles, in that he selected all the books for the library, defined the curriculum, picked the faculty, and chaired the Board of Visitors. Unlike every other American college at the time, "Mr. Jefferson's university" had no religious affiliation and imposed no religious requirement on its students. As befitted an institution shaped by a believer in wholly voluntary and consensual networks of governance, there were no curricular requirements, no mandatory code of conduct except the self-enforced honour system, no president or administration. Every aspect of life at the University of Virginia reflected Jefferson's belief that the only legitimate form of governance was self-governance.
In 1812 his vast correspondence began to include an exchange with his former friend and more recent rival John Adams. The reconciliation between the two patriarchs was arranged by their mutual friend Benjamin Rush, who described them as "the North and South poles of the American Revolution." That description suggested more than merely geographic symbolism, since Adams and Jefferson effectively, even dramatically, embodied the twin impulses of the revolutionary generation. As the "Sage of Monticello," Jefferson represented the Revolution as a clean break with the past, the rejection of all European versions of political discipline as feudal vestiges, the ingrained hostility toward all mechanisms of governmental authority that originated in faraway places. As the "Sage of Quincy (Massachusetts)," Adams resembled an American version of Edmund Burke, which meant that he attributed the success of the American Revolution to its linkage with past practices, most especially the tradition of representative government established in the colonial assemblies. He regarded the constitutional settlement of 1787–88 as a shrewd compromise with the political necessities of a nation-state exercising jurisdiction over an extensive, eventually continental, empire, not as a betrayal of the American Revolution but an evolutionary fulfillment of its promise.
These genuine differences of opinion made Adams and Jefferson the odd couple of the American Revolution and were the primary reasons why they had drifted to different sides of the divide during the party wars of the 1790s. The exchange of 158 letters between 1812 and 1826 permitted the two sages to pose as philosopher-kings and create what is arguably the most intellectually impressive correspondence between statesmen in all of American history. Beyond the elegiac tone and almost sculpted serenity of the letters, the correspondence exposed the fundamental contradictions that the American Revolution managed to contain. As Adams so poignantly put it, "You and I ought not to die before we have explained ourselves to each other." And because of Adams's incessant prodding, Jefferson was frequently forced to clarify his mature position on the most salient issues of the era.
One issue that even Adams and Jefferson could not discuss candidly was slavery. Jefferson's mature position on that forbidden subject represented a further retreat from any leadership role in ending the "peculiar institution." In 1819, during the debate in Congress over the Missouri Compromise, he endorsed the expansion of slavery into all the western territories, precisely the opposite of the position he had taken in the 1780s. Though he continued to insist that slavery was a massive anomaly, he insisted even more strongly that it was wrong for the federal government to attempt any effort at emancipation. In fact he described any federal intrusion in the matter as a despotic act analogous to George III's imperial interference in colonial affairs or Hamilton's corrupt scheme to establish a disguised form of monarchy in the early republic. His letters to fellow Virginians during his last years reflect a conspiratorial mentality toward the national government and a clear preference for secession if threatened with any mandatory plan for abolition.
Apart from slavery, the other shadow that darkened Monticello during Jefferson's twilight years was debt. Jefferson was chronically in debt throughout most of his life, in part because of obligations inherited from his father-in-law in his wife's dowry, mostly because of his own lavish lifestyle, which never came to terms with the proverbial bottom line despite careful entries in his account books that provided him with only the illusion of control. In truth, by the 1820s the interest on his debt was compounding at a faster rate than any repayment schedule could meet. By the end, he was more than $100,000—in modern terms several million dollars—in debt. An exception was made in Virginia law to permit a lottery that Jefferson hoped would allow his heirs to retain at least a portion of his property. But the massiveness of his debt overwhelmed all such hopes. Monticello, including land, mansion, furnishings, and the vast bulk of the slave population, was auctioned off the year after his death, and his surviving daughter, Martha, was forced to accept charitable contributions to sustain her family.
Before that ignominious end, which Jefferson never lived to see, he managed to sound one last triumphant note that projected his most enduring and attractive message to posterity. In late June 1826 Jefferson was asked to join the Independence Day celebrations in Washington, D.C., on the 50th anniversary of the defining event in his and the nation's life. He declined, explaining that he was in no condition to leave his mountaintop. But he mustered up one final surge of energy to draft a statement that would be read in his absence at the ceremony. He clearly intended it as his final testament. Though some of the language, like the language of the Declaration itself, was borrowed from others, here was the vintage Jeffersonian vision:
May it be to the world, what I believe it will be, (to some parts sooner, to others later, but finally to all,) the signal of arousing men to burst the chains under which monkish ignorance and superstition had persuaded them to bind themselves, and to assume the blessings and security of self-government.… All eyes are opened or opening to the rights of men. The general spread of the light of science has already laid open to every view the palpable truth, that the mass of mankind has not been born with saddles on their backs, nor a favored few, booted and spurred, ready to ride them legitimately by the grace of God. These are grounds of hope for others; for ourselves, let the annual return of this day forever refresh our recollections of these rights, and an undiminished devotion to them.
Even as these words were being read in Washington, Jefferson went to his maker in his bed at Monticello at about half past noon on July 4, 1826. His last conscious words, uttered the preceding evening, were "Is it the Fourth?" Always a man given to Herculean feats of self-control, he somehow managed to time his own death to coincide with history. More remarkably, up in Quincy on that same day his old rival and friend also managed to die on schedule. John Adams passed away later in the afternoon. His last words—"Thomas Jefferson still lives"—were wrong at the moment but right for the future, since Jefferson's complex legacy was destined to become the most resonant and controversial touchstone in all of American history.Joseph J. Ellis
Cabinet of President Thomas Jefferson
The table provides a list of cabinet members in the administration of President Thomas Jefferson.
|March 4, 1801–March 3, 1805 (Term 1)
|James Madison
|Samuel Dexter
|Albert Gallatin (from May 14, 1801)
|Henry Dearborn
|Benjamin Stoddert
|Robert Smith (from July 27, 1801)
|Attorney General
|Levi Lincoln
|March 4, 1805–March 3, 1809 (Term 2)
|James Madison
|Albert Gallatin
|Henry Dearborn
|Robert Smith
|Attorney General
|John Breckinridge
|Caesar Augustus Rodney (from January 20, 1807)
Learn More in these related Britannica articles:
United States: The Jeffersonian Republicans in powerJefferson began his presidency with a plea for reconciliation: "We are all Republicans, we are all Federalists." (
SeeFirst Inaugural original text.) He had no plans for a permanent two-party system of government. He also began with a strong commitment to…
history of Europe: Rousseau and his followersThomas Jefferson made the rights of man the foundation of his political philosophy as well as of the U.S. Constitution, but he remained a slave owner. The idea of "de-natured" man was as potent for the unsettling of the ancien régime as loss of the…
United States: The Continental Congress…delegation's instructions were drafted by Thomas Jefferson and were later published as
A Summary View of the Rights of British America(1774). Jefferson insisted on the autonomy of colonial legislative power and set forth a highly individualistic view of the basis of American rights. This belief that the American colonies…
education: The Southern coloniesIn 1779, led by Thomas Jefferson, the college trustees refurbished the school with chairs in medicine, mathematics, physics, moral philosophy, economics, law, and politics. The chair in divinity was discontinued as "incompatible with freedom in a republic."…
education: The United States…of public education, but only Thomas Jefferson undertook to translate his conviction into actuality. Convinced that democracy could be effective only in the hands of an enlightened people, he offered Virginia's lawgivers a plan in 1779 to educate schoolchildren at public cost for three years and a few gifted boys…
More About Thomas Jefferson79 references found in Britannica articles
Assorted References
- administration
- commemoration by Jefferson Memorial
- Founding Fathers, Deism, and Christianity
- Marbury v. Madison
- opinion of John Smith
- In John Smith
- portrait by Peale
- presidential election of 1792
- presidential election of 1796
- presidential election of 1800
- presidential election of 1804


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Raleigh Little Theatre's BUS STOP Opens This Friday
Raleigh Little Theatre's production of Bus Stop by William Inge opens this Friday, February 1st. Patrons can enjoy free coffee provided by Raleigh-based coffee roaster, Larry's Beans, throughout the run, which goes through February 24th in the Gaddy-Goodwin Theatre. The show is a heart-warming comedy/drama about a group of strangers who spend a few hours together in a diner after a snowstorm halts their bus.This performance will be the first ever with reserved seating in the Gaddy-Goodwin Theatre, which will celebrate its 25th anniversary in July 2014.Tickets can be purchased by calling the box office (919) 821-3111, M-F, noon-5 p.m., or by visiting the theatre's website at:www.raleighlittletheatre.org. Performance dates are February 1-24, Thurs-Fri. 8 p.m.; Sat. 3 and 8 p.m.; Sun. 3 p.m. Tickets are $20 for adults, and $16 for students/seniors.Raleigh Little Theatre is located at 301 Pogue St., Raleigh, N.C. 27607, adjacent to the Raleigh Rose Garden.About Raleigh Little Theatre:Begun in 1936, Raleigh Little Theatre is now one of the oldest continuously operating community theatres in the country. RLT offers entertainment, education and community programs year-round that reach 30,000 people. As a community theatre, RLT engages hundreds of volunteers under the guidance of professional staff to achieve its mission and bring quality live theatre to the Triangle region. Visitwww.raleighlittletheatre.org for more information.

subset: commoncrawl


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Click here for the original article.
The City Council is poised to extend Electric Avenue at Portland State University until February 2015.
Electric Avenue is a line of electric vehicle charging stations on a one-block stretch of Southwest Montgomery Street between 6th Avenue and Broadway on the PSU campus. The council approved a 30-month permit to create it in August 2011. University officials have requested the permit be extended another 14 months, after which the charging station will need to be removed because of a planned renovation of the adjacent School of Business.
Electric Avenue was designed as a research and public demonstration facility for electric vehicles, including both all-electric vehicles and plug-in hybrids. Project partners include PGE, the Portland Bureau of Transportation, and private companies that have donated the charging stations.
University officials consider the project a success. It has generated information on how electric vehicle owners use public charging stations, and has drawn delegations from other states and such foreign countries as Australia, Austria, Canada, Germany, Great Britain, Japan, Korea, and New Zealand.
Electric Avenue also helped entice several manufacturers to launch new electric vehicles in Portland, including the Chevy Spark EV and Mitsubishi i-Miev. Several other companies have used it to test their vehicles, including Ford, Nissan, Toyota and Car2Go.
"Electric Avenue has provided an important service to early adopters of electric vehicles, an opportunity for project partners to explore issues related to charging infrastructure in the public right of way, and a showcase for newly developed products," reads on Oct. 17 letter to the city from PSU.
University officials are studying alternative sites to relocate the charging stations or acquire new ones and continue the project.
A PSU report and more information about Electric Avenue can be found at www.pdx.edu/electricavenue


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Adventure Time Finn's Backpack
Feel radder, faster... more adequate!
- Looks just like Finn's backpack.
- A thin version of Finn's hat unfolds from a secret pocket.
- Adventure not included.
When one goes adventuring, one never knows what one may encounter. Could be a train full of candy folk being killed off one by one by a serial killer. Or, mayhaps it's an undead creampuff. Or a pack of gladiator ghosts. Whatever. You need to be prepared for any situation. And where do you keep your stuff? Why, in your Adventure Time Finn's Backpack, that's where!
Each Adventure Time Finn's Backpack looks just like Finn's backpack - and that's the main point. It's got one little slash pocket to hold small flat things, and the rest of the bag is dedicated to its one main zippered pocket (where all the real goods go). Oh, and there's one more thing. There's a secret (not really, 'cause you can see its zipper and we're telling you about it) compartment that holds an attached-to-the-bag hood which looks just like Finn's hat! Why? Because that extra feature makes this Adventure Time Finn's Backpack the most super good backpack we've ever seen!
Adventure Time Finn's Backpack
- The perfect backpack for hunting out adventure - looks just like Finn's!
- Two pockets: one big main pocket, one smaller slash pocket.
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- Fully licensed Adventure Time backpack of power!
- Adjustable shoulder straps fit most children, many adults, and some small semi-aquatic, flightless birds.
- Dimensions:
- Big Pocket: approx. 16.5" x 11.5" x 4"
- Little Pocket: approx. 8.5" x 11.5" x 0.75"
"Will my laptop fit in this bag, ThinkGeek?" Let's find out together!
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text:
Small Places, Large Issues: An Introduction to Social and Cultural Anthropology
Pluto Press, 1995 - Social Science - 323 pages
A revised and updated edition of this unique best-selling guide to social and cultural anthropology.
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DIfferent ICC of summated vs. latent ...
Mplus Discussion
Multilevel Data/Complex Sample
Dmitriy Poznyak
posted on Tuesday, March 06, 2012 - 8:20 am
Dear colleagues,
We have repeatedly come across a finding that we do not fully understand, and would like to have an expert's opinion about.
The situation is the following: we have a survey data set in which individuals are grouped within higher level units (e.g. regions, countries, time points). We want to analyze a dependent variable, operationalized by means of multiple indicators, using a multilevel regression approach. This multilevel model is to be estimated outside the Mplus framework, eg in Stata or SPSS.
Before conducting the multilevel analysis, however, we perform a multigroup CFA (in Mplus) to test whether the measurements are equivalent over groups (scalar equivalence - equality of intercepts and loadings). Our tests shows that the assumptions of equivalence are fulfilled. Therefore, we export the factor scores.
It is our observation, however, that these factor scores have a much larger intraclass correlation (about double) compared to the original sum-score indicators (or a composite score based on these indicators). This has happened over and again with different data sets and examples.
What is the reason for this? Is this a methodological artefact? Does this mean that our approach of exporting factor scores to use in a multilevel analysis is not appropriate?
Thanks for your answer!
Bengt O. Muthen
posted on Tuesday, March 06, 2012 - 5:53 pm
Take a look at
Muthén, B. (1991). Multilevel factor analysis of class and student achievement components. Journal of Educational Measurement, 28, Winter 1991, 338-354.
which is article #37 at my UCLA web site
Intraclass correlations have the within-group variation in the denominator and this variation includes measurement error which attenuates the icc. The factor scores don't have the measurement error and therefore get higher icc.
Note that you can do 2-level multi-group factor analysis within Mplus, taking into account clustering, weights, and stratification.
Dmitriy Poznyak
posted on Wednesday, March 07, 2012 - 10:57 am
Dr. Muthen,
Thank you for the prompt reply. Your explanation makes perfect sense.
I am aware of the multilevel analyses' capabilities of Mplus of course and use it extensively. It just so happens that when I need to work with the datasets with a large number of variables (like ANES or GSS) it is typically easier to do the analysis in other packages, like Stata.
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An error occurred that prevented this page from being displayed. This could be due to one of the following reasons:
- An internal Gap.com error occurred.
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gap.com homepage
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Bagdad Baptist youth go down memory lane
The Bagdad Baptist Youth will host a dinner theater variety show, Memory Lane, on Friday. Take a walk back in time as this show will feature popular music and musical characters from the past.
Musical selections include "I Heard It thru the Grapevine," "Leader of the Pack," "Gitarzan," "Mississippi Squirrel," "9 to 5," and will include many more surprises.
The evening will begin at 6:30 p.m. with a dinner of roasted pork or ham, baked beans, mac-n-cheese, broccoli casserole, slaw, homemade desserts and more.
There also will be the side-splitting variety show will follow dinner.
Tickets in advance are $15, $20 at the door (children ages 3-12 are half price; those 2 and under are free). For more information and tickets, contact the church 502-747-8933.
Downton Abbey-era show
Downton Abbey Era: Titanic to the Twentieswill be at 6 p.m. Thursday at the Shelby County Public Library. "Regency High Tea" will begin at 6 p.m. sharp, and the Lexington Vintage Dancers will be at 6:30 p.m. Downstairs the servants practice the Grizzly Bear and the Foxtrot.
Upstairs Lady Violet accepts an invitation to waltz. Learn about how the era was reflected in the social dances of the time. (No one will be admitted after dancers begin to perform.)
Registration is required for adults 18 years and older, with a limit of 60. No group registration, children or cameras. Come in period costume if you wish.
For more information, contact 633-3803.
'An Evening of Culture' at theater
Performance dates for Shelby County Community Theatre's production of An Evening of Culture (Faith County II), written by Mark Landon Smith and directed by Donnie Hagy, will be May 31 through June 2 and June 7-9. The theater is located at 801 Main Street in Shelbyville. For more information, call 633-0222.
Cambo the clown at library
Cambo the Clown, a professional clown, will visit the Shelby County Public Library at 11 a.m. and 1 p.m. on June 19. He will have magic tricks, juggling, laughing and balloon animals. For more information, contact 633-3803.
Production of 'South Pacific'
Shelby County Community Theatre will have its production of Rodgers and Hammerstein's South Pacific on July 19-21 and 26-28. The play is directed by Cyndi Powell Skellie. The theater is located at 801 Main Street in Shelbyville. For more information, call 502-633-0222.
For more listings of arts and entertainment events, visit www.SentinelNews.com/calendar.
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Mondays are insane!!!! My Monday actually began last night, when I got some advice from Jill about what to do with my new Chia Seeds:
As I see the chia pudding post above, you HAVE to do it and put it in your oats; 1/4 cup almond milk and 1 tbsp chia seeds. wisk and let set on counter for 20 min, then pop in the fridge overnight. Add to your oats in the morning and they will be super creamy, and full of Omega 3's!!
Soaked those babies in the Almond Milk, and stuck them in the fridge to work their magic overnight!
Did I mention that I pink fuzzy heart Almond Milk?!?!
Please overlook the outfit. I was dressed for bed, ok?!?!?!?!
So while I slept, the chia worked it's magic powers. Woke up this morning early and headed to my first of four (yikes) classes of the day! Yoga was first, and the kids were adorable, as always. We are really getting into some complicated/tough poses for an adult, let alone elementary kids…they are doing great!
Came home to find that the chia/milk mixture had thickened beautifully!
I added this mixture to my friend, Mr. Quaker:
Coincidentally, these were not your everyday oats. I had an almost empty jar of Almond Butter, which meant only one thing! Oats In A Jar!
It was the normal oat process. With added dried berries for yum factor.
Made the oats, and then I added them to the AB jar…plus the Chia mixture.
YUM-tastic. Just when I thought oats couldn't get any better! The Chia seeds gave the oatmeal such a creamy consistency, it was fabulous! Bravo, Jill. You know your stuff sister.
Did I mention that my house is slowly becoming overpopulated with pups?!?! My brother is in town, which means his Boxer, Abby, is staying with us! Check this big girl out:
She is adorable.
She fits right in with the rest of the crew.
Poor Sam just keeps to himself, and tries not to get trampled by the dinosaurs
After I finished breakfast, and tended to the pack of wild beasts…it was off to the YMCA for Express Sculpt. I try to incoroporate a full body workout in 30 minutes using basic equipment. Here was todays agenda:
- Heavy Bar Squats
- Heavy Bar Chest Press
- Leg Lifts (with tons of holds and circles)
- Bicep Curls with Medium Bar
- Walking Lunges with Medium Bar
- Overhead Press/Sqaut Combo with Medium Bar
- NO Weight/Equipment Arm circles (shoulders…killllls after 100 or so)
- Abs/Cooldown
'twas nice.
After class I came home and threw together a Mexican inspired lunch! Started out with a whole wheat mini pita pocket, sliced her open…
Then added some beans/salsa/cheese:
Baked those babies until they were crisp. In the meantime, I steamed some broccoli/cauliflower to have on the side. Once everything was browned and steamed, I plated up the open face Mexican pizza, and then veggies smothered in Salsa and Nutritional Yeast:
Finished off with an Attune and a big green pear!
Well, it is time to go do some High School Yoga, and then rush over to the YMCA for Monday night Spin. Made a new CD, I will give ya the tracks tomorrow. Some good jams going down! 😉
Oh yea, who wants free yogurt?!?!?!
Thanks so much for voting, and a big thanks to Stonyfield/OIKOS for making this giveaway possible.
Remember, the winner receives:
A free OIKOS tote bag, complete with 4 coupons for free 5.3oz containers of Yogurt, plus a coupon for a free 16oz container!
The winner! (via random number generator)
Please check out Julie's blog. She has me laughing hysterically on a daily basis. Congrats girl!
Well, off for Yoga and Spin…fun times! Hmmmm, whats for dinner…


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Individuals who are unable to use the online service may submit their requests in person, or by completing this form and returning it to our office along with the appropriate payment.


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Family Care International and UNFPA conducted participatory research with girls, boys, their families and local leaders in three rural communities, and developed the A Better Future for Rural Girls: Manager's Briefing Kit. All of the content from this resource is available online in PDF.
A Price Too High to Bear, a research study conducted in Kenya by Family Care International in partnership with the International Center for Research on Women (ICRW), and the KEMRI-CDC Research and Public Health Collaboration, documents the financial and social costs of maternal death to families in a poor, remote community and the ways that these costs affect newborn survival, child health and education, and family well-being.
A technical brief summarizing the study's findings is available for download, along with two advocacy briefs that highlight the key messages.
Poor maternal and newborn health is a significant contributor to the burden of disease in developing countries, with most maternal and newborn deaths caused by the poor health of the mother before or during pregnancy, or by poor quality care during and immediately after childbirth. In close collaboration with Aga Khan University, Family Care International undertook work highlighting the interconnections between maternal and newborn health and identifying common advocacy messages to promote investment in and implementation of evidence-based interventions found to be beneficial to both women and newborns.
Built on findings emerging from a systematic review of recent and on-going research of the impact of potential interventions on maternal and newborn outcomes,this set of advocacy materials for dissemination at key meeting and events includes:
This publication, available in English and French, provides guidance to national advocates and civil society organizations in conducting effective advocacy for the successful uptake of misoprostol for prevention and treatment of postpartum hemorrhage (PPH). Through case studies and an Advocacy for Access Framework, this publication provides concrete examples to support misoprostol's availability and use at the national level.
This checklist presents a set of tips and relevant resources and tools to help private sector health providers improve their knowledge, skills, and capacity to conduct advocacy in support of maternal health.
This toolkit provides guidance for national civil society organizations (CSOs) interested in establishing or strengthening an alliance in support of maternal health advocacy. The toolkit provides a step-by-step approach to working with partners in a national-level alliance to advocate for maternal health policy change. Divided into three major sections, each provides steps CSOs can take in order to:
Estas fichas informativas, producidas por Women Deliver en colaboración con Family Care International, esbozan por qué los y las que toman las decisiones deben dar prioridad a salvar las vidas de las madres y los recién nacidos, y las inversiones clave que deberán realizar para lograr ese objetivo. Diseñado para ser usado por legisladores, grupos de la sociedad civil y activistas, Apuntar al 5 detalla por qué el mundo necesita invertir ahora en salud materna, neonatal y reproductiva, y las acciones estratégicas requeridas para mejorar los servicios de salud vitales para las madres y sus recién nacidos en el mundo en desarrollo.
Skilled maternity care is recognized as a critical key to reducing maternal mortality. Today in many developing countries, however, more than half of women go through childbirth without such care. These women suffer disproportionately from pregnancy and childbirth complications that, far too often, lead to death or serious disability. In 2000, with support from the Bill & Melinda Gates Foundation, FCI launched the five-year Skilled Care Initiative, to improve pregnancy and childbirth care in more than 100 health facilities in four poor rural districts of Burkina Faso, Kenya, and Tanzania. This publication reports on qualitative research that gathered information on community member's shared attitudes, values and beliefs about maternal health services.
In Latin America and the Caribbean (LAC), the estimated maternal mortality ratio is 59 deaths per 100,000 live births. Overall, the LAC region has seen a reduction of its MMR by 39% between 1990 and 2015.Efforts to strengthen data and accountability, especially in recent years, have helped fuel this improvement. In 2015, the Regional Task Force for Maternal Mortality Reduction (GTR) released an updated version of the Guidelines for Maternal Death Surveillance and Response in the Americas to assist national efforts to identify and timely notify all maternal deaths, followed by review of their causes (maternal death reviews) and the implementation of actions to prevent future deaths. These case studies, which complement the guidelines, were conducted in five countries that have made the greatest strides in improving their maternal mortality surveillance and response systems: Brazil, Colombia, El Salvador, Jamaica and Mexico. They are targeted to maternal mortality surveillance systems managers, and are meant to foster greater national proficiency in maternal morbidity and mortality monitoring and response.
Rangwe Health Centre in Kenya is one facility that has shown a remarkable change since the beginning of the Skilled Care Initiative. The facility is featured in our short film, "Changing Lives, Saving Lives."
Summarizes negotiated commitments from seven major international conferences and conventions into a comprehensive checklist of sexual and reproductive health issues.
Includes all content from the Countdown 2015 magazine in French, Spanish, and English on one CD-ROM
A magazine describing progress made and challenges ahead in implimenting the 1994 International Conference on Population and Development Programme of Action by 2015.
A set of seven briefs, available in English, French, and Spanish, that outline challenges and solutions for increasing the availability and use of three essential maternal health medicines (oxytocin, misoprostol and magnesium sulfate), drawing on lessons and experience from reproductive health supplies.
Para poder diseñar políticas y programas de salud materna efectivos y enfocados a las poblaciones más afectadas, los gobiernos deben contar con información verídica sobre la mortalidad materna en sus países. Sin embargo, la medición de la mortalidad materna es una tarea compleja. En consecuencia, las estadísticas nacionales discrepan considerablemente de las estimaciones de mortalidad materna. Esta nota conceptual, disponible en Español y Inglés, describe las metodologías aplicadas por distintos grupos para medir y estimar la mortalidad materna y el por qué de las diferencias, utilizando ejemplos de América Latina y el Caribe.
Esta publicación se puede descargar en Español e Inglés.
En en América Latina y el Caribe (ALC), la razón de mortalidad materna registrada es de 59 defunciones por 100 mil n.v. A pesar de las desigualdades, se estima que la RMM en ALC, se ha reducido en un 39% entre 1990 y 2015. Los esfuerzos desplegados para fortalecer la recolección de datos y la rendición de cuentas en los últimos años han favorecido esta mejoría. En 2015, el Grupo de trabajo regional para la reducción de la mortalidad materna (GTR) lanzó una versión adaptada de las Guías para la vigilancia epidemiológica y respuesta a la mortalidad materna en las Américas para la identificación y notificación oportuna de todas las muertes maternas, seguida del análisis de sus causas y de las mejores intervenciones para su prevención. Los casos de estudio que presentamos aquí son parte de esta serie que acompaña las guías. Serán utilizados–junto con las guías–para el fortalecimiento de las capacidades de las personas responsables de la vigilancia epidemiológica y respuesta a la mortalidad materna en la región.
The Focus on 5 briefing cards, produced by Women Deliver in consultation with Family Care International, outline why decision-makers should prioritize saving mothers' and newborns' lives and the key investments they should make in order to achieve that goal. Designed for use by policymakers, civil society groups, and advocates, Focus on 5 details why the world needs to invest now in maternal, newborn, and reproductive health and the strategic actions needed to improve vital health services for mothers and their newborns in the developing world.
Ces fiches d'information, conçu par Les Femmes Donnent la Vie (Women Deliver) en consultation avec Family Care International, permettent d'exposer les raisons pour lesquelles les décideurs doivent donner la priorité aux vies des mères et des nouveaux nés ainsi qu'à des investissements clefs qu'ils pourraient mettre en oeuvre pour atteindre cet objectif. Destinés aux responsables politiques, associations de la société civile et aux défenseurs, Focalisons Nous Sur le 5 explique en détail pourquoi le monde doit miser dès maintenant sur la santé maternelle, néonatale et reproductive de même que sur les actions stratégiques nécessaires à l'amélioration des services sanitaires vitaux pour les mères et les nouveaux nés dans les pays en voie de développement.
Flip chart addresses changes during puberty, STIs including HIV/AIDS, early pregnancy, and unsafe abortion, as well as negotiating condom use, building healthy relationships, and communicating with parents.
These briefing cards, published in 2012 by FCI and Population Action International as part of The Integration Partnership, provide information on integrating AIDS, TB, and malaria services across the reproductive, maternal, newborn, and child health continuum of care. Available in both English and French, they highlight how integration can strengthen health and community systems, save money, and empower women to access the services they need and deserve.
290-page resource book on women's health needs and problems in Africa. Designed for use by health workers and others who provide information and counseling to women at the community level.
This CD-ROM, created by Family Care International and Ipas, is a comprehensive advocacy and information tool that includes everything needed to learn about unsafe abortion and make presentations on this topic.
This infographic highlights the critical role that midwives play in improving maternal and newborn health around the world. Midwives have a powerful voice in changing policies and practices that support the availability, accessibility, acceptability, and quality of health services.
A government budget must be comprehensive and transparent to allow citizens to hold government accountable for managing public funds. This budget cycle calendar shows the key dates for the Kenyan Annual Budget Cycle at both the national and county levels and highlights the opportunities where citizens can be part of formulation and priority setting as well as the accountability processes.
De nombreux pays s'attaquent à ces problèmes et ont réalisé des progrès importants pour introduire et encourager l'utilisation du misoprostol pour l'hémorragie post-partum (HPP). Cette publication, disponible en français et anglais, présente l'expérience de trois pays – le Bangladesh, le Népal et la Zambie – qui sont à la fois une source d'inspiration et un exemple pour d'autres qui cherchent à élargir l'accès au misoprostol et met en exergue le rôle essentiel d'un engagement et d'un appui au niveau national pour le développement de programmes efficaces.
Pour plus d'informations, cliquez ici.
In 2012, Family Care International (FCI) launched the Mobilizing Advocates from Civil Society (MACS) project in Burkina Faso and Kenya to bring together civil society organizations working in reproductive, maternal, newborn, and child health (RMNCH) and to strengthen their capacity to advocate powerfully and effectively for health policies and programs that meet the needs of women and children. These case studies from Kenya and Burkina Faso detail the experiences and challenges the MACS alliances faced, while sharing lessons learned from the project overall.
This toolkit, available in English, French and Spanish, is designed to enhance the knowledge, skills, and capacity of midwives, and of their national midwifery associations, to conduct advocacy for positive policy change. using evidence published in The State of the World's Midwifery (SoWMy) 2014 report.
In 2012-2013, Family Care International conducted a mapping analysis in Uganda to gather information on the maternal health policy environment; the organizations, partnerships, and networks currently and potentially engaged in maternal health advocacy; and the advocacy goals, strategies, resources, and core messages being used. Through desk research, in-depth interviews with key informants, and focus group discussions, the mapping identifies advocacy priorities, challenges, and opportunities for collaboration.
In 2013, Family Care International conducted a mapping analysis in Zambia to gather information on the maternal health policy environment; the organizations, partnerships, and networks currently and potentially engaged in maternal health advocacy; and the advocacy goals, strategies, resources, and core messages being used. Through desk research and in-depth interviews with key informants, the mapping identifies advocacy priorities, challenges, and opportunities for collaboration.
In 2010 and 2011, Family Care International conducted mappings in five regions: Francophone West Africa, East Africa, Latin America and the Caribbean (LAC), Middle East and North Africa (MENA), and South Asia. These mappings identified the major policy challenges and opportunities related to introducing and improving access to misoprostol for preventing and/or treating postpartum hemorrhage (PPH). Each document is available in English; when relevant to the region, they are available in French and Spanish as well.
To target the most affected populations with life-saving maternal health policies and programs, governments need accurate information about maternal mortality in their countries. Unfortunately, measuring maternal deaths is not a simple task. National statistics on maternal mortality vary considerably from internationally published maternal death estimates. This paper, available in English and Spanish, seeks to explain and compare the various approaches to measuring maternal mortality in Latin America and the Caribbean and the reason behind the different results.
Para poder diseñar políticas y programas de salud materna efectivos y enfocados a las poblaciones más afectadas, los gobiernos deben contar con información verídica sobre la mortalidad materna en sus países. Sin embargo, la medición de la mortalidad materna es una tarea compleja. En consecuencia, las estadísticas nacionales discrepan considerablemente de las estimaciones de mortalidad materna. Esta nota conceptual, disponible en Español y Inglés, describe las metodologías aplicadas por distintos grupos para medir y estimar la mortalidad materna y el por qué de las diferencias, utilizando ejemplos de América Latina y el Caribe.
This series of 12 e-Bulletins from 2005 were designed to keep advocates informed about the Millennium+5 review process and opportunities for advocacy.
Describes national programs and model projects related to implementation of the 1994 ICPD Programme of Action.
The Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) provide a framework for governments to reduce global poverty. This set of 8 reference cards provides clear, concise information on the links between sexual and reproductive health and the MDGs.
Developed by Family Care International and Gynuity Health Projects, the Misoprostol for Postpartum Hemorrhage Information Kit contains a range of informational publications and briefing cards on the potential role of a widely available drug (misoprostol) in reducing deaths from postpartum hemorrhage, the leading cause of maternal death and disability in developing countries. All publications are available in English, French, and Spanish.
Misoprostol for Postpartum Hemorrhage: Questions and Answers for Policy Makers provides information about misoprostol's critical role in preventing and treating postpartum bleeding or hemorrhage (PPH), one of the leading causes of maternal death worldwide. Misoprostol, a medicine initially developed to prevent stomach ulcers, is often the best available option for preventing and treating PPH in many low-resource countries, and may be a woman's only chance for surviving PPH.
This publication, available in English and French, presents case studies from three countries — Bangladesh, Nepal, and Zambia — that have introduced and scaled up the use of misoprostol for postpartum hemorrhage (PPH). These country examples highlight the essential role of high-level commitment and support in initiating and implementing national programs, and provide inspiration and guidance for policy makers and partners seeking to expand access to misoprostol for PPH.
FCI has released an Advocacy Toolkit for Programme Managers that carefully lays out the steps in designing and launching an advocacy strategy to ensure that existing government commitments are translated into concrete programs and services. The Advocacy Training Guide, a companion piece to the Toolkit, was developed to strengthen the skills of grassroots community-level groups, networks, and organizations to design and plan an advocacy campaign.
This manual is the product of collaboration between the Maternal and Neonatal Health (MNH) Program at JHPIEGO and FCI. It offers guidance for assessing and monitoring safe motherhood programs by presenting a set of indicators, called a Birth Preparedness and Complication Readiness (BP/CR) Index, and providing a comprehensive set of tools for deriving these indicators and tracking progress.
The New York Call to Commitment: Linking HIV/AIDS and Sexual and Reproductive Health has received widespread international support from governments and civil society.
Cette note d'information stratégique, publié par la FCI en partenariat avec Gynuity Health Projects, PATH, et la FIGO, explore des stratégies pour aider les gouvernements et les partenaires améliorer la santé maternelle en élargissant l'accès au misoprostol pour l'hémorragie du post-partum (HPP), l'une des principales causes de mortalité maternelle.
Disponible en anglais et en français.
Designed to enhance post abortion client counseling and community education related to unsafe abortion in English-speaking Africa, this set of materials includes: a counseling/education flipchart, a prototype client brochure, and a user's guide designed for health workers and program managers.
Nearly 16 million girls between 15 and 19 give birth annually, almost all of them in developing countries. After a systematic review of the evidence, WHO has developed guidelines on Preventing early pregnancy and poor reproductive outcomes among adolescents in developing countries, which focus on key actions that aim to reduce the number of adolescent pregnancies in developing countries. In 2012, in collaboration with WHO and UNFPA, FCI developed this advocacy toolkit, available in English, French, and Spanish, to promote the dissemination of the guidelines' recommendations to policy makers and program planners globally. Designed for advocates, the toolkit encourages and enables evidence-based action among decision-makers, opinion leaders, medical personnel, researchers, and affected communities to prevent early pregnancy and poor reproductive outcomes among adolescent girls.
In 2013, the Kenya Constitution introduced a devolved system of government that aims to enhance access to health services by all Kenyans, especially those in rural and hard-to-reach areas. Within this new context of devolution, the implementation of health policy commitments will shift: some policy issues will continue to be addressed through national mechanisms while implementation of health policy issues will now be addressed at the county level with the full involvement of local policy makers and health officials.
Family Care International and the African Women's Development and Communication Network (FEMNET) developed this policy brief to provide guidance to civil society advocates on policy and decision-making structures, and avenues and opportunities for advocacy, in a context where the health system is devolved.
10-page pamphlet outlining the problem of maternal health, describing the Safe Motherhood Initiative, and summarizing effective safe motherhood program approaches, based on lessons learned from the Initiative's first decade.
Set of eleven fact sheets, using non-technical terms to define and explain the "action messages" articulated at the 1997 Safe Motherhood Technical Consultation.
Focuses on care during pregnancy, delivery, and the post-partum period, as well as signs of complications. Each of the 15 illustrations is accompanied by key information points and questions to encourage discussion. For use in face-to-face counseling and group education settings.
Highlights the role of safe motherhood within the reproductive health framework and summarizes global commitments to safe motherhood from conventions and international conferences held in the last decade.
Set of eleven fact sheets, for program planners/managers and researchers, defining and explaining the "action messages" articulated at the 1997 Safe Motherhood Technical Consultation.
What progress has the Safe Motherhood Initiative made since it was launched 20 years ago? These 2 reports (a full review and an executive summary) provide an overview of the positive trends and achievements of the last 20 years as well as challenges and opportunities which exist today in the field of safe motherhood.
Pocket card; describes the Safe Motherhood Initiative, introduces the problem of maternal mortality, and reviews essential issues for policy-makers.
A report of an international conference held in Tunisia, November 2000. The document summarizes the meeting's proceedings and key outcomes/next steps, and details the commitments made by seven countries to improve the coverage of skilled health professionals at the time of labor and delivery.
The Health Impact of Unsafe Abortion is a report of a regional meeting held in September 2003 in Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia and organized by the Safe Motherhood Inter-Agency Group.
This policy brief, available in English and French, explores strategies to help governments and partners improve maternal health by expanding access to misoprostol for treatment and prevention of postpartum hemorrhage (PPH), one of the leading causes of maternal death.
Cette note d'information stratégique, disponible en anglais et en français, explore des stratégies pour aider les gouvernements et les partenaires améliorer la santé maternelle en élargissant l'accès au misoprostol pour le traitement et la prévention de l'hémorragie du post-partum (HPP), l'une des principales causes de mortalité maternelle.
These briefing cards, produced by FCI on behalf of the Universal Access Project and a range of partners, detail the linkages between sexual and reproductive health and rights (SRHR) and other key development issues including environmental sustainability, gender equality, economic growth, educational attainment, and broader health goals. They present key facts about the impact of SRHR on the broader development agenda and make recommendations for inclusion of SRHR in the post-2015 development framework.
Set of 9 easy to use reference cards covering key issues in sexual and reproductive health and rights. Each includes a definition, a quote from the ICPD Programme of Action or Fourth World Conference on Women, basic facts, and "areas for action."
This collection of case studies was developed by JHPIEGO/Maternal and Neonatal Health Program, Saving Newborn Lives/Save the Children, and Family Care International to demonstrate different approaches to influencing national policies on maternal and newborn health.
A comprehensive resource for individuals and organizations working to ensure that every woman has access to skilled care during childbirth. Contains a Policy Brief, Information Booklet, and Country Profiles. English, French, Spanish.
Newsletters, programming resources, project descriptions, and other documents sharing the progress of the Skilled Care Initiative. Available in English, French, and Spanish.
A set of six 10-15 minute video modules for adolescents in sub-Saharan Africa covering human reproduction, pregnancy prevention, STIs including HIV/AIDS, unwanted sex, and unsafe abortion.
5-day training curriculum to improve the communication and interpersonal skills of health workers. Focuses on strengthening key skills such as active listening, using visual aids, and developing a client-responsive approach. Uses role plays and other practical approaches adapted to adult learners.
Evidence shows that investing in the capacity of midwives to provide high quality skilled delivery care translates into positive health outcomes for women, newborns, families, and communities. This report describes the actions taken by UNFPA, the International Confederation of Midwives, FCI, and partners to strengthen the role and competencies of professional midwives in the Latin America and Caribbean region. It begins with an overview of the key challenges faced in the region, followed by a description of the initiative's main strategies and concluding with the partnership's key achievements and lessons learned over the last three years, and recommendations for the future.
The report is also available in Spanish.
Skilled maternity care throughout pregnancy, childbirth, and the postpartum period is recognized as a critical key to reducing maternal mortality. Today in many developing countries, however, more than half of women go through childbirth without such care and these women suffer disproportionately from pregnancy and childbirth complications that, far too often, lead to death or serious disability. In 2000, with support from the Bill & Melinda Gates Foundation, FCI launched the five-year Skilled Care Initiative, which improved pregnancy and childbirth care in more than 100 health facilities in four poor rural districts of Burkina Faso, Kenya, and Tanzania.
The Lancet, a premiere health journal, produced two special editions in 2006 on the important topics of Maternal Survival and Sexual and Reproductive Health. FCI also produced an Executive Summary for the Sexual and Reproductive Health Series to more broadly disseminate the key themes and recommendations of the Series.
The Lancet, a premiere health journal, produced two special editions in 2006 on the important topics of Maternal Survival and Sexual and Reproductive Health. FCI also produced an Executive Summary for the Maternal Survival Series.
Helps young people make informed decisions about their sexual lives by providing comprehensive information for adolescents on changes during puberty, sexuality and sexual health, pregnancy and contraception, STIs including HIV/ AIDS, sexual coercion and violence, substance abuse, building healthy relationships, communicating with parents, and planning for the future. The manual has been developed in fivelanguages and six different versions reflecting the regional contexts and the unique challenges facing adolescents in Sub-Saharan Africa, Latin America, and the Caribbean.