A jam session is an informal gathering of musicians to improvise freely on various themes.  They began with jazz musicians. Musicians sometimes use jam sessions to work on new material, and some songs are made by the band during the session. A jam session will often feature improvisation.

References

Musical performance techniques

Jam session


Frankie Lee Sims (April 30, 1917, New Orleans, Louisiana – May 10, 1970, Dallas, Texas) was an American singer-songwriter and electric blues guitarist. He released nine singles during his career, one of which, "Lucy Mae Blues" (1953), was a regional hit. Two compilation albums of his work were released posthumously.

Sims was the cousin of another Texas blues musician, Lightnin' Hopkins, and he worked with several other prominent blues musicians, including Texas Alexander, T-Bone Walker, King Curtis and Albert Collins. Sims is regarded as an important figure in postwar Texas country blues.

Biography
Sims was born on April 30, 1917, in New Orleans, Louisiana, to Henry Sims and Virginia Summuel. He claimed he was born on February 29, 1906, but 1906 was not a leap year, and April 30, 1917, is generally accepted as his birth date. He was the nephew of the Texas blues singer Texas Alexander and the cousin of the guitarist Lightnin' Hopkins. Both Sims's parents were "accomplished guitarists". His family moved to Marshall, Texas, in the late 1920s. At the age of 12 he learned to play the guitar from the blues musician Little Hat Jones and ran away from home to work as a musician. In the late 1930s Sims had a dual career as a teacher in Palestine, Texas, on weekdays and a guitarist at local dances and parties on weekends. When the United States entered the Second World War at the end of 1941, he enlisted and served in the Marine Corps for three years. After the war Sims made Dallas his home, where he pursued a full-time career in music.

In Dallas, Sims performed in clubs with the blues guitarists T-Bone Walker and Smokey Hogg. In 1948 he recorded two singles for Blue Bonnet Records, but his first success came in 1953 when he recorded his song "Lucy Mae Blues" for Art Rupe's Specialty Records, which was a regional hit. The Encyclopedia of the Blues called "Lucy Mae Blues" a "masterpiece of rhythm and good humor". Sims continued recording songs for Specialty through the mid-1950s, many of them not released at the time. In 1957 he moved to Johnny Vincent's Ace Records and recorded several songs, including "Walking with Frankie" and "She Likes to Boogie Real Low", which AllMusic called "mighty rockers". Members of his band in 1957 were Willie Taylor (piano), Jack White (tenor saxophone), Ralph Morgan (bass), and Jimmy "Mercy Baby" Mullins (drums). Sims also recorded with other blues musicians, including his cousin Hopkins, and performed on several of their records. In the early 1960s Hopkins took advantage of the folk blues revival, but Sims faded into obscurity.

In 1969 the blues historian Chris Strachwitz located Sims to record him for his Arhoolie label. Sims died soon after, on May 10, 1970, in Dallas at the age of 53. The cause of death was pneumonia brought on by poor health. At the time of his death he was reported to have had a drinking problem and was under investigation regarding a "shooting incident". Soon after his death, Specialty Records released Lucy Mae Blues, a compilation album of his recordings with the label. In 1985 Krazy Kat released Walkin' with Frankie, an album of unreleased tracks recorded for Bobby Robinson in 1960.

Style and influence
Along with Lightnin' Hopkins and Lil' Son Jackson, Sims is regarded as "one of the great names in post-war Texas country blues". According to the Encyclopedia of the Blues, he had a "considerable" influence on other musicians in Dallas. T-Bone Walker acknowledged Sims's influence on his style of playing, and Hopkins got some ideas from him. Sims also guided several musicians at the start of their careers, including King Curtis and Albert Collins.

Sims's style of guitar playing was to produce rhythmical patterns over and over, but with a slight change in each repetition, giving his music an "irresistible dance beat". He produced a "twangy, ringing" sound on his electric guitar, which was "irresistible on fast numbers and stung hard on the downbeat stuff".

Discography
Source: Frankie Lee Sims Discography

Singles (7-inch)
"Home Again Blues"/"Cross Country Blues" (1948, Blue Bonnet 147)
"Don't Forget Me Baby"/"Single Man Blues" (1948, Blue Bonnet 148)
"Lucy Mae Blues"/"Don't Take It Out on Me" (1953, Specialty 459)
"I'm Long Long Gone"/"Yeh Baby" (1953, Specialty 478)
"Rhumba My Boogie"/"I'll Get Along Somehow" (1954, Specialty 487)
"What Will Lucy Do?"/"Misery Blues" (1957, Ace 524)
"Hey Little Girl"/"Walkin' with Frankie" (1957, Ace 527)
"She Likes to Boogie Real Low"/"Well Goodbye Baby" (1958, Vin 1006)
"I Warned You Baby"/"My Talk Didn't Do No Good" (1958, Ace 539)
"Married Woman"/"Lucy Mae" (1971, Specialty 478-45)

Compilation albums (LP)
Lucy Mae Blues (1970, Specialty SP/SPS 2124)
Walkin' with Frankie (1985, Krazy Kat KK7428)

With Lightnin' Hopkins
Early Recordings Vol. 2 (Arhoolie, 1966)

See also

List of blues musicians
List of country blues musicians
List of electric blues musicians
List of Texas blues musicians

References

1917 births
1970 deaths
American blues guitarists
American male guitarists
American blues singers
American male singer-songwriters
Texas blues musicians
Electric blues musicians
Blues musicians from New Orleans
Specialty Records artists
Ace Records (United States) artists
Deaths from pneumonia in Texas
20th-century American singer-songwriters
20th-century American guitarists
Singer-songwriters from Texas
Singer-songwriters from Louisiana
Guitarists from Louisiana
Guitarists from Texas
20th-century American male singers

Frankie Lee Sims


Derek Prior "Budge" Rogers OBE, born in Bedford on 20 June 1939 and educated at Bedford School, is a former rugby union player who captained Bedford and played at international level for both  and the British Lions.

His club Bedford recovered after the Second World War and continued to play all the leading teams and had a great spell in the mid-1960s. There were three Bedford players regularly in the England team with David Perry and Rogers captaining their country. In the 1969–1970 season Bedford won the Sunday Telegraph English-Welsh Rugby Table. The Blues finest hour was probably in 1975 when Bedford, captained by Budge Rogers, beat Rosslyn Park in the final of the Knock Out Cup (now EDF Energy Cup) at Twickenham 28–12. There was a gate of nearly 18,000 which at the time was a record attendance.

He later played for the Barbarians. He managed the England under 23s to Canada 1977. The RFU organised an England tour to the Far East and England, led by Budge Rogers, played two tests in Japan and two tests in Colombo. In the mid-1980s he was chairman of the England selectors. In 2000 he was managing the England team. In 2001 he was the RFU President. In 2000 he was elected to the board of Trustees of the Lord's Taverners.

He was also the holder of the England record of 34 caps, subsequently beaten, British Lion and Barbarian many times over, captain of England on seven occasions and the first English player to be honoured by the Queen for his services to football.

He owned a Jowett Jupiter HKY 770 from 1960 to 1964.

External links
Statistics, at Scrum.com

1939 births
Living people
People educated at Bedford School
Bedford Blues players
English rugby union players
British & Irish Lions rugby union players from England
England international rugby union players
Barbarian F.C. players
Rugby union flankers
Officers of the Order of the British Empire
Rugby union players from Bedford

Budge Rogers


Pseudorthocerida is an order of generally straight longiconic orthoceratoids with a subcentral to marginal cyrtochoanitic siphuncle composed of variably expanded segments which may contain internal deposits that may develop into a continuous parietal lining. (Sweet 1964). Cameral deposits are common and concentrated ventrally. Apices typically have a slight to moderate exogastric curvature

The Pseudorthocerida are included in a broad in-group of generally orthoconic cephalopods known as the Orthoceratoidea (Kroger 2008) along with the Ascocerida, Dissidocerida, Lituitida, and Orthocerida.

The Pseudorthocerida were among the last living orthoconic nautiloids.  One family, the Trematoceratidae, survived into the Triassic Period.

Taxonomy

Current understanding

By current understanding the Pseudorthocerida contains the following families.
Pseudorthoceratidae
Cayutoceratidae
Pseudactinoceratidae
Spyroceratidae
Carbactinoceratidae
Trematoceratidae

The Pseudorthoceratidae through Spyroceratidae are presented as subfamilies in Sweet (1964) and are included in the Pseudorthoceratidae sensu Sweet (1964). The Carbactinoceratidae are removed from the Actinocerida in Kroger and Mapes (2007).

Earlier perspectives

Pseudorthocerids were previously known as the Pseudorthocerataceae, a superfamily within the Orthocerida (Sweet 1964) which included the Silurian and later Pseudorthoceratidae and Middle Ordovician to Middle Silurian Proteoceratidae. Both have siphuncles that are partly cyrochoanitic with expanded segments and internal deposits but differ in the manner in which they develop.

Flower (1976) distinguished Middle Ordovician pseudorthocerids from Silurian and later pseudorthocerids on the basis of how the siphuncle changes during the life of the animal.  The earlier Proteoceratidae begin cyrtochoanitic with expanded segments and end up orthochoanitic with subcylindrical segments. As juveniles they are "pseudorthoceratoid", as mature individuals they are "orthoceratoid". In contrast the later  Pseudorthoceratidae, begin orthochoanitic with subcylindrical segments and ontogenetically become cyrtochoanitic with expanded segments. As such they matured into "pseudorthoceratoids" from "orthoceratoid" juveniles. From this Flower (1976) concluded that the Ordovician and Silurian pseudorthocerids (sensu Sweet 1964) were derived from different orthocerids (Orthocerida) and were therefore polyphyletic. As a result,  true pseudorthocerids were limited to the Pseudorthoceratidae while the earlier Ordovician look-a-likes were retained in the Orthocerida (Michelinocerida Flower)

References

Orthoceratoidea
Prehistoric cephalopod orders
Paleozoic cephalopods
Mesozoic cephalopods
Cenozoic cephalopods
Extant Silurian first appearances

Pseudorthocerida


Andrzej Tadeusz Bonawentura Kościuszko (; 4 February 1746 – 15 October 1817) was a Polish national hero, general and a leader of the Kościuszko Uprising (which bears his name) against the Russian Empire. Tadeusz was born in February 1746 in Mereczowszczyzna, Polesie. (courrently located in Belarus) He fought in the American Revolutionary War as a colonel in the Continental Army on the side of Washington. Because of his service he was promoted to the rank of Brigadier General in 1783, and became a legitimate citizen of the United States that same year. He died in Solothurn, Switzerland on October 15, 1817 due to a stroke.

1746 births
1817 deaths
American generals
American revolutionaries
Naturalized citizens of the United States
Polish generals

Tadeusz Kościuszko


James Kwalia C'Kurui (born James Kwalia Chepkurui on 12 June 1984) is an athlete who represents Qatar after switching from his homeland Kenya. Specializing in the 3000 and 5000 metres, his personal best times are 7:28.28 minutes and 12:54.58 minutes respectively. He was born in Trans Nzoia. He is the current holder of the Asian indoor record over 5000 m which he broke in Düsseldorf in February 2009.

Biography
He had his first success while competing for Kenya when he won the bronze medal in the 3000 m at the 2001 World Youth Championships in Athletics. His first senior medal came at the 2004 IAAF World Athletics Final, where he took the 3000 m silver. He transferred to represent Qatar following this and was very successful in Asian competitions, winning at the 2005 Asian Athletics Championships and the 2006 Asian Games.

He represented Qatar at the Olympics for the first time with an appearance at the 2008 Beijing Games – he finished eighth in the 5000 m. He improved at the next major competition, taking the bronze medal at the 2009 World Championships in Athletics. A streak of wins at Asian championships followed: he set a new Games record in the 3000 m at the 2009 Asian Indoor Games, won the 5000 m title at the 2009 Asian Athletics Championships for a second time and won his first indoor title soon after at the 2010 Asian Indoor Athletics Championships. From the beginning of his career, he was coached by the Italian Renato Canova, under the management of Gianni Demadonna.

He is from Kaptama in Mount Elgon District. Prominent runner Edith Masai is from the same area.

International competitions

Circuit performances

References

External links

1984 births
Living people
People from Mount Elgon District
Qatari male middle-distance runners
Qatari male long-distance runners
Kenyan male middle-distance runners
Kenyan male long-distance runners
Qatari male cross country runners
Kenyan male cross country runners
Olympic athletes for Qatar
Athletes (track and field) at the 2008 Summer Olympics
Asian Games gold medalists for Qatar
Asian Games silver medalists for Qatar
Asian Games medalists in athletics (track and field)
Athletes (track and field) at the 2006 Asian Games
Athletes (track and field) at the 2010 Asian Games
Medalists at the 2006 Asian Games
Medalists at the 2010 Asian Games
World Athletics Championships athletes for Qatar
World Athletics Championships medalists
Asian Athletics Championships winners
Qatari people of Kenyan descent
Naturalised citizens of Qatar

James Kwalia


It is a city and a municipal council in this district in the Indian state of Punjab. Rupnagar is a newly created fifth Divisional Headquarters of Punjab comprising Rupnagar, Mohali, and its adjoining districts. It is also one of the bigger sites belonging to the Indus Valley CivilizationArea: 13.65 km²

Cities in Punjab, India

Rupnagar


The 219th (Highland) Battalion, CEF was a unit in the Canadian Expeditionary Force during the First World War.

Based in Aldershot, Nova Scotia, the unit began recruiting in early 1916 as part of a four-battalion "Nova Scotia Highland Brigade". The 219th recruited personnel from the counties of Halifax, Lunenburg, Queens, Shelburne, Yarmouth, Digby, Annapolis and Kings.  The 85th Battalion, the first - and senior - unit of the brigade, solicited enlistments from the entire province. Two of the 219th's 'Brigade' counterparts recruited from designated areas of the province. The 185th Battalion raised its complement of soldiers on Cape Breton Island, while the 193rd Battalion canvassed the six counties of northeastern Nova Scotia. The brigade's four battalions trained at Camp Aldershot, near Kentville, throughout the summer of 1916.

After sailing from Halifax on October 13, 1916, to England on RMS Olympic, the 219th Battalion was based at Witley Camp and later relocated to Bramshott. The battalion was absorbed into the 17th Reserve Battalion on January 23, 1917, although a number of men were transferred to the 85th around the same time. The 219th (Highland) Battalion, CEF, had one Officer Commanding, LCol W. H. Muirhead.

The battalion is perpetuated by The West Nova Scotia Regiment.

References
Meek, John F. Over the Top! The Canadian Infantry in the First World War. Orangeville, Ont.: The Author, 1971.
Hunt, M. S. Nova Scotia's Part in the Great War - 1920.

Battalions of the Canadian Expeditionary Force
Military units and formations of Nova Scotia

219th Highland Battalion (Nova Scotia), CEF


Pei Yanling (裴延齡) (728 – October 23, 796) was a Chinese economist, historian, and politician during the Tang dynasty of China. He was a close associate of Emperor Dezong and was in charge of financial matters. He drew severe criticism from traditional historical accounts for his frivolousness, fiscal irresponsibility, and attacks against other officials.

Background
Pei Yanling was born in 728, during the reign of Emperor Xuanzong.  His family was from Hezhong Municipality (河中, in modern Yuncheng, Shanxi).  His father Pei Xu (裴旭) served as a prefectural prefect.  Toward the end of the Qianyuan era (758-760) of Emperor Xuanzong's son Emperor Suzong, Pei Yanling was serving as the sheriff of Sishui County (汜水, in modern Luoyang, Henan), when the nearby eastern capital Luoyang was captured by the rebel Yan army.  Pei fled to E Prefecture (鄂州, in modern Ezhou, Hubei).  During his time there, he edited the commentaries that Pei Yin (裴駰) wrote for the Records of the Grand Historian, and referred to himself as "Little Pei" in his remarks.

During Emperor Dezong's reign

Prior to becoming Minister of Finance
When Dong Jin was serving as the prefect of Hua Prefecture (華州, in modern Weinan, Shaanxi), he invited Pei Yanling to serve as his assistant in his role as defender of Tong Pass.  Later, when a regional surveyor recommended Pei for his abilities, Pei was recalled to the capital Chang'an to serve as Taichang Boshi (太常博士), a scholar at the ministry of worship (太常寺, Taichang Si).  When Lu Qi was chancellor, Pei was promoted to be Shanbu Yuanwailang (膳部員外郎), a low-level official at the ministry of rites (禮部, Libu) and an imperial scholar at Jixian Institute (集賢院); he later became Cibu Langzhong (祠部郎中), a supervisorial official at the ministry of rites.  While Cui Zao was chancellor, Cui was in charge of the finances, and he sent Pei to Luoyang to be in charge of the financial matters at the Luoyang branch government.  After Han Huang took over the financial matters, Pei was recalled to Chang'an to resume his duties as Cibu Langzhong and imperial scholar.  Once Pei arrived at Chang'an, however, he did not wait for imperial orders to clarify his responsibilities and directly headed for Jixian Institute to resume his duties there.  This displeased the chancellor Zhang Yanshang, and Zhang had him demoted to be the magistrate of Zhaoying County (昭應, near Chang'an).  While he was serving there, there was an occasion when he had a disagreement with the mayor of Jingzhao Municipality (京兆, i.e., the Chang'an region), Zheng Shuze (鄭叔則), and he submitted a petition attacking Zheng.  The chancellor Li Mi favored Zheng, but the deputy chief imperial censor Dou Can, who was jealous of Li and protective of Pei, sided with Pei in the dispute.  As a result, Zheng was demoted to be a prefectural prefect, while Pei was recalled to serve as Zhuzuolang (著作郎), an imperial librarian.  When Dou subsequently became chancellor, he made Pei the deputy minister of imperial supplies (太府少卿, Taifu Shaoqing) and later the deputy minister of agriculture (司農少卿, Sinong Shaoqing).

As Minister of Finance
In 792, Ban Hong (班宏) the director of finances died.  The chancellor Lu Zhi recommended Li Sun (李巽) as Ban's replacement, and Emperor Dezong initially agreed.  However, he soon changed his mind and wanted to replace Ban with Pei Yanling; he made Pei the deputy minister of census (戶部侍郎, Hubu Shilang) and the director of finances.  Lu submitted a petition severely criticizing Pei for frivolousness and lack of judgment, but Emperor Dezong did not take heed.  As Pei was not himself familiar with financial matters, he summoned experienced administrators at the directorate of finances and asked them for suggestions on how to please the emperor.  In 793, he came up with a scheme — to change, on the books, uncollectible tax debts from the various prefectures into collectible ones, and moving the tax revenues that were actually submitted into a new separate storage.  In all, no actual revenues were created, but Emperor Dezong was fooled into believing that Pei could increase the wealth of the state and therefore favored him more.  Pei also falsely claimed that there was a large meadow to the west of Chang'an that could be used for raising horses — which turned out to be nonexistent when Emperor Dezong sent investigators to consider it for that purpose, but Emperor Dezong did not punish him, despite criticism by other officials.  Also at Pei's suggestion, Emperor Dezong left many officials' positions unfilled in order to save money, notwithstanding the necessity for those positions to be filled.  Pei further suggested that the money used on imperial temples be diverted to Emperor Dezong's own palace, and also falsely claimed that he had access to giant trees for the building of a temple that Emperor Dezong commissioned, Shenlong Temple (神龍寺) — such that when Emperor Dezong pointed out that those giants trees were not even available during the prosperous reign of Emperor Xuanzong, he responded that Emperor Xuanzong's reign was not impressive enough for those trees to reveal themselves.  It was said that Emperor Dezong actually did realize that Pei was frivolous and often spoke untruths, but that he was happy to hear Pei gossip about other officials, and therefore continued to favor Pei.

It was said that only several officials whose responsibilities were directly related to Pei's — Zhang Pang (張滂) the director of the salt and iron monopolies, Li Chong (李充) the mayor of Jingzhao, and Li Xian (李銛) the minister of agriculture — dared to speak out against him, in addition to Lu, who repeatedly submitted petitions attacking Pei.  However, Emperor Dezong's trust in Pei was not shaken, and instead, he began to be disaffected from Lu, whose opinion he had deeply valued previously.  Lu's criticism of Pei was further neutralized when his chancellor colleague Zhao Jing began to leak Lu's criticism to Pei, such that Pei was able to anticipate it and deflect it.  Around the new year 796, Lu was removed from his chancellor position, and thereafter Pei began to strike back, accusing Zhang, Li Chong, and Li Xian of being Lu's partisans, spreading rumors to cause soldiers to resent Emperor Dezong and Pei and to encourage them to mutiny.  When an imperial guard soldier complained to Emperor Dezong that his corps was being inadequately supplied, Emperor Dezong came to believe that Pei was telling the truth about Lu and the others.  In spring 796, he exiled Lu, Zhang, Li Chong, and Li Xian, to distant prefectures to be prefectural officials.  In the aftermaths of these officials' exile, a number of low-level officials in charge of submitting suggestions to the emperor, led by Yang Cheng (陽城), submitted petitions attacking Pei and defending Lu and the others, but the petitions fell on deaf ears.  However, despite expectations at the time that Pei would soon be made chancellor, Pei was never made chancellor.  Still, Pei was promoted to be the minister of census (戶部尚書, Hubu Shangshu).  It was said, though, that Pei was confident that he would become chancellor, and he was abusive in his language toward other officials.  Further, when he subsequently grew ill, he was freely delivering items from the imperial treasury to his own home, but no one dared to speak against him.  Pei died in fall 796, and it was said that no official mourned him, and many people actually celebrated, but Emperor Dezong mourned deeply and posthumously honored him.  During the reign of Emperor Dezong's grandson Emperor Xianzong, Pei was given the posthumous name Miao (繆, meaning "untrue").

The Later Jin historian Liu Xu, the lead editor of the Old Book of Tang, commented thus about Pei and another official during the reign of Emperor Xianzong, Huangfu Bo:

Notes

References

 Old Book of Tang, vol. 135.
 New Book of Tang, vol. 167.
 Zizhi Tongjian, vols. 234, 235.

728 births
796 deaths
8th-century Chinese historians
Economists from Shanxi
Historians from Shanxi
Politicians from Yuncheng
Tang dynasty economists
Tang dynasty historians
Tang dynasty government officials

Pei Yanling


The Rudy Bruner Award for Urban Excellence (RBA) was established in 1986 by Cambridge, Massachusetts architect Simeon Bruner. The award is named after Simeon Bruner's late father, Rudy Bruner, founder of the Bruner Foundation.  According to the Bruner Foundation, the RBA was created to increase understanding of the role of architecture in the urban environment and promote discussion of what constitutes urban excellence. The award seeks to identify and honor places, rather than people, that address economic and social concerns along with urban design.

Description
According to the Bruner Foundation, the award is intended to be a platform for the discussion of issues related to urban architecture, planning and revitalization. It has been recognized by the United States Conference of Mayors, The United States Department of Housing and Urban Development, and the Environmental Design Research Association.

The biennial award recognizes one Gold Medal and four silver medal winners each cycle. Each medalist is documented with a detailed case study published online and in a book by the Bruner Foundation. The gold medal winner receives $50,000 and the four silver medalists each receive $10,000 which must be used to benefit the project. These winners are chosen by a diverse committee of professionals involved in design and development. These committee members include architects, landscape architects, planners, developers, community organizers, financiers, and the mayor of a major metropolitan area.

Criteria and selection process
The selection process involves a study of a project's effect on its urban environment including a detailed application, discussion by selection committee members, and  site visits to finalist projects. A selection committee is organized anew for each award cycle.

In order to be eligible for consideration, projects must be:
 an actual place, not just a plan or a program;
 completed and in operation for sufficient amount of time to demonstrate success
 located in the continental US

There are no distinct categories. Projects may include any type that makes a positive contribution to the urban environment. Urban environment is broadly defined to include cities, towns, neighborhoods, counties and/or regions. Previous applicants and honorable mention winners may apply up to three times. Previous winners are not eligible.

Resources
In 1998 the University at Buffalo collaborated with the Bruner Foundation and the Urban Design Project of the School of Architecture and Planning to create a digital archive, making data gathered in reference to past winners of the Rudy Bruner Award for Urban Excellence accessible to the public. The goal of this archive is to allow public "access to award winning
and fully documented urban design case studies as a resource for architecture students and practitioners as they study precedents in urban design." The Digital Archive is managed by the UB Institutional Repository.

The Bruner Foundation has published fifteen books containing detailed case studies of award-winning projects.

List of winners
2019 Gold Medal
Crosstown Concourse, Memphis, TN
2017 Gold Medal
SteelStacks Arts and Cultural Campus, Bethlehem, PA
2017 Silver Medals
La Kretz Innovation Campus + Arts District Park, Los Angeles, CA
Bruce C. Bolling Municipal Building, Boston, MA
Iberville Offsite Rehabs I & II, New Orleans, LA
Chicago's Riverwalk, Chicago, IL
2015 Gold Medal
Miller's Court, Baltimore, MD

2015 Silver Medals
Falls Park on the Reedy, Greenville, SC
Grand Rapids Downtown Market, Grand Rapids, MI
Quixote Village, Olympia, WA
Uptown District, Cleveland, OH

2013 Gold Medal
Inspiration Kitchens--Garfield Park, Chicago, Illinois
2013 Silver Medals
Congo Street Initiative, Dallas, Texas
Louisville Waterfront Park, Louisville, Kentucky
The Steel Yard, Providence, Rhode Island
Via Verde, Bronx, New York

2011 Gold Medal:
The Bridge Homeless Assistance Center, Dallas, Texas
2011 Silver Medals:
Brooklyn Bridge Park, Brooklyn, New York
Phoenix Civic Space Park, Phoenix, Arizona
Gary Comer Youth Center/Gary Comer College Prep, Chicago, Illinois
The Santa Fe Railyard Redevelopment, Santa Fe, New Mexico

2009 Gold Medal:
Inner-City Arts, Los Angeles, California

2009 Silver Medals:
Hunts Point Riverside Park, Bronx, New York
Millennium Park, Chicago, Illinois
St. Joseph Rebuild Center, New Orleans, Louisiana
The Community Chalkboard and Podium, Charlottesville, Virginia

2007 Gold Medal:
Children's Museum of Pittsburgh, Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania

2007 Silver Medals:
Artists for Humanity Epicenter, Boston, Massachusetts
Crossroads Project and Marsupial Bridge, Milwaukee, Wisconsin
High Point Redevelopment Project, Seattle, Washington
LA Design Center, Los Angeles, California
Columbus Circle Public Plaza, New York, New York

2005 Gold Medal:
Portland Streetcar Project, Portland, Oregon

2005 Silver Medals:
Lower Town Artist Relocation Program, Paducah, Kentucky
Heidelberg Project, Detroit, Michigan
Fruitvale Village, Oakland, California
Downtown Silver Spring, Maryland

2003 Gold Medal:
Camino Nuevo Charter Academy, Los Angeles, California

2003 Silver Medals:
Bridgemarket, New York, New York
Colorado Court Housing, Santa Monica, California
Red Hook Community Justice Center, Brooklyn, New York
Providence River Relocation, Providence, Rhode Island

2001 Gold Medal:
The Village of Arts and Humanities, Philadelphia, Pennsylvania

2001 Silver Medals:
Swan's Marketplace (10th Street Market), Oakland, California
South Platte River Greenway, Denver, Colorado
New Jersey Performing Arts Center, Newark, New Jersey
Lower East Side Tenement Museum, New York, New York

1999 Gold Medal:
Yerba Buena Gardens, San Francisco, California

1999 Silver Medals:
ARTScorps LA, Los Angeles, California
National AIDS Memorial Grove, San Francisco, California
Parkside Historic Preservation Corporation, Philadelphia, Pennsylvania
Portland Public Market, Portland, Maine

1997 Gold Medal:
The Times Square, New York, New York

1997 Silver Medals:
Cleveland Historic Warehouse District, Cleveland, Ohio
Project Row Houses, Houston, Texas
Center in the Square, Roanoke, Virginia
Hismen Hin-nu (Sun Gate) Terrace, Oakland, California

1995 Winner:
Maya Angelou Community Initiative, Portland, Oregon

1995 Finalists:
Campus Circle, Milwaukee, Wisconsin
Dudley Street Neighborhood Initiative, Boston, Massachusetts
Greenpoint Manufacturing and Design Center, Brooklyn, New York
Harlem Meer, New York, New York
Lowertown, Saint Paul, Minnesota

1993 Co-winners:
Harbor Point (Columbia Point), Boston, Massachusetts
New Community Corporation, Newark, New Jersey

1993 Finalists:
Betts-Longworth Historic District, Cincinnati, Ohio
Beyond Homelessness, San Francisco, California
The Park at Post Office Square, Boston, Massachusetts

1991 Winner:
Greenmarket, New York, New York

1991 Finalists:
Brooklyn-Queens Greenway, Brooklyn and Queens, New York
Ocean Drive Improvement Project, Miami Beach, Florida
Roslindale Village Main Street, Boston, Massachusetts
West Clinton Action Plan, Portland, Oregon

1989 Co-winners:
Tenant Interim Leasing Program, New York, New York
Downtown Plan, Portland, Oregon

1989 Finalists:
Southwest Corridor Project, Boston, Massachusetts
Stowe Recreation Path, Stowe, Vermont
Radial Reuse Project, Lincoln, Nebraska
Cabrillo Village, Saticoy, California

1987 Winner:
Pike Place Market, Seattle, Washington

1987 Finalists:
Casa Rita, South Bronx, New York
Quality Hill, Kansas City, Missouri
Fairmount Health Center, Philadelphia, Pennsylvania

List of publications

2015 Challenging Conventions: The 2015 Rudy Bruner Award for Urban Excellence, Richard Wener, PhD; Jay Farbstein, FAIA, PhD; Anne-Marie Lubenau, AIA; and Robert Shibley, FAIA, FAICP; Edited by Elizabeth Chesla, MA

2013 Inspiring Change: 2013 Rudy Bruner Award for Urban Excellence, Richard Wener, PhD; Jay Farbstein, FAIA, PhD; Anne-Marie Lubenau, AIA; and Robert Shibley, FAIA, AICP

2011 Partnering Strategies for the Urban Edge: 2011 Rudy Bruner Award for Urban Excellence, Robert
Shibley, AIA, AICP, with Brandy Brooks, Director,
Rudy Bruner Award, Jay Farbstein, PhD, FAIA, and
Richard Wener, PhD, Bruner Foundation, 2011.

2009 Urban Transformation: 2009 Rudy Bruner Award for Urban Excellence, Jay Farbstein, PhD, FAIA,
with Emily Axelrod, MCP, Robert Shibley, AIA, AICP,
and Richard Wener, PhD, Bruner Foundation, 2009.

2007 Building Sustainable Neighborhoods: 2007 Rudy Bruner Award for Urban Excellence, Richard
Wener, PhD, with Emily Axelrod, MCP, Jay Farbstein,
PhD, FAIA, and Robert Shibley, AIA, AICP,
Bruner Foundation, 2007.

2005 Reinventing Downtown: 2005 Rudy Bruner Award for Urban Excellence, Robert Shibley
with Emily Axelrod, Jay Farbstein, FAIA, and
Richard Wener, PhD, Bruner Foundation, 2005.

2003 New Directions in Urban Excellence, Jay Farbstein
with Emily Axelrod, Robert Shibley and
Richard Wener, Bruner Foundation, 2003.

2001 Placemaking for Change: 2001 Rudy Bruner Award for Urban Excellence, Richard
Wener with Emily Axelrod, Jay Farbstein and
Polly Welch, Bruner Foundation, 2002.

1999 Commitment to Place: Urban Excellence and Community, Robert G. Shibley with Emily
Axelrod, Jay Farbstein, and Richard Wener,
Bruner Foundation, 1999.

1997 Visions of Urban Excellence, Emily Axelrod, Jay
Farbstein and Richard Wener, Bruner Foundation,
1998.

1995 Building Coalitions for Urban Excellence, Jay
Farbstein and Richard Wener, Bruner Foundation,
1996.

1993 Rebuilding Communities: Re-creating Urban Excellence, Jay Farbstein and Richard Wener,
Bruner Foundation, 1993.

1991 Connections: Creating Urban Excellence, Jay
Farbstein and Richard Wener, Bruner Foundation,
1992.

1989 Breakthroughs: Re-creating the American City,
Neal R. Peirce and Robert Guskind, Center for
Urban Policy Research, Rutgers University, 1993.

1987 Urban Excellence, Philip Langdon with Robert
Shibley and Polly Welch, Van Nostrand Reinhold,
1990.

References

Architecture awards
Architecture organizations based in the United States
Awards established in 1987
Urban design
Urban planning in the United States
Non-profit organizations based in the United States
University at Buffalo

Rudy Bruner Award for Urban Excellence


Arthur "Art" Hodgins ( – c. March 1988), also known as The Timmins Tiger and Husky Hodgins, was a Canadian ice hockey player who was born in Timmins, Ontario. He played mainly in the United Kingdom and is a member of the British Ice Hockey Hall of Fame.

Career
Hodgins crossed the Atlantic in 1946 to play for the Paisley Pirates, after answering an advertisement in a Timmins newspaper. At the end of his first season in Scotland he was voted 'Rookie of the Year'. He played a second season for Paisley before being taken to England by Harvey "Red" Stapleford to join the Streatham Royals of the English National League. In England he was again named 'Rookie of the Year' becoming the only player to receive he award on both sides of the border. Hodgins was the only player to be retained by Stapleford when he rebuilt Streatham in 1950 and at 23 was made Captain. It was around this time that the NHL's New York Rangers tabled an offer of $7500 to sign Hodgins but he chose to stay with his best friend and mentor Red Stapleford at Streatham. He remained with Streatham until the rink closed its doors to ice hockey in 1954. He then joined the Harringay Racers in the inaugural season of the British National League.

After a short retirement due to sinus trouble Hodgins signed for the Nottingham Panthers in 1959–60 after a brief spell with the Brighton Tigers. In 1961 he was appointed player-coach of the newly formed Altrincham Aces. He then went to play for Milan in Italy. It was in Milan where Hodgins earned his other nickname, "Il Leone" or "The Lion". During a game he received a stick to the face, shattering his nose, and left the ice for treatment. Convinced this was the last they would see of him the Milanese crowd were amazed to see him take to the ice minutes later to shore up the defence.

Hodgins returned to Britain when the Wembley Arena re-opened its doors to hockey in 1963 with the Wembley Lions. He finally retired when the Lions folded in 1968 a year after the birth of his son Richard.

Personal life
Hodgins died of lung cancer in March 1988 in Nottingham, England. He was elected posthumously into the British Ice Hockey Hall of Fame in 1989.

Awards
Named to the Scottish National League All-star A Team in 1946–47 and 1947–48.
Named to the English National League All-star A Team in 1948–49 and 1950–51.
Named to the English National League All-star B Team in 1951–52 and 1952–53.
Named to the British National League All-star A Team in 1954–55.
Named to the British National League All-star B Team in 1959–60.
Named to the Non League English 'Home' Tournament (All-star) A Team in 1963–64.

Career statistics

References
British Ice Hockey Hall of Fame entry

1927 births
1988 deaths
Altrincham Aces players
Brighton Tigers players
British Ice Hockey Hall of Fame inductees
Canadian ice hockey defencemen
Canadian people of Anglo-Irish descent
Harringay Racers players
Diavoli HC Milano players
Nottingham Panthers players
Ice hockey people from Timmins
Streatham Royals players
Wembley Lions players
Paisley Pirates players
Canadian expatriate ice hockey players in England

Art Hodgins


The Southern Party (SP) was a minor political party in the United States that operated exclusively in the South. The party supported states' rights and increased Southern cultural and regionalist activism.

The party was formed by the League of the South in 1999 and experienced moderate success following the framing of the Asheville Declaration, which was touted by the party as a second Declaration of Independence. Despite its initial success, the Southern Party was disbanded in 2003 following internal factionalism; all that exists of the Southern Party today are the remnants of its state chapters in Florida, Georgia, North Carolina, and Mississippi.

History
The merits of a political party representing the regional interests of the Southern United States and border states were first discussed in December 1998 by James Lancaster, George Kalas (both of whom have since renounced and left the Southern movement) and Michael Hill at a League of the South conference held in Monroe, Louisiana. The League authorized the formation of a Southern Party Exploratory Committee (SPEC), which was organized at a later meeting in Tuscaloosa, Alabama, which was held in January 1999. During this meeting Kalas was elected to chair the committee. The Southern Party achieved its first electoral victory on August 22, 2000 when party member Wayne Willingham was elected to the nonpartisan office of Mayor of West Point, Alabama.

The SPEC operated until May 1999, when internal disagreements over ideology and strategy, exacerbated by personal animosities among some members of the committee, led to the fracture of the SPEC into two competing factions. One faction, which continued to operate under the name SPEC, remained loosely affiliated with the League, while the other faction, led by Kalas, Jerry Baxley, and Thomas Reed, among others, formed the Southern National Committee (SNC). Its purpose was to launch the Southern Party as soon as possible. Continued disagreements between the SNC-led faction and the League of the South prompted the SNC to vote for a formal break with the League in May 1999.

While the decision to break with the League was influenced by many factors, the leadership of the SNC faction also had become increasingly concerned about the League of the South's apparent unwillingness to purge elements from its ranks that had become more vocal and seemingly more influential within the previous few months before the break.

The SPEC and SNC factions continued to compete for the allegiance of Southern political activists throughout the spring and summer of 1999. While the SPEC faction continued to enjoy the official support of the League of the South, it appeared to gain little political traction as the date of the SNC-sponsored launch of the Asheville Declaration approached.

Launch of the Asheville Declaration
The highlight of the launch of the Asheville Declaration was the presentation of flags of the Southern states and the reading and signing of the Asheville Declaration, which articulated the SP's paleoconservative founding philosophy.

The National Convention called for state conventions.

In October 1999, the NCSP held a statewide convention in Hillsdale, the first capital of North Carolina, at a colonial inn dating back to before the American Revolution. The chairman was Dr. Douglas Schell, Professor of Management.

There were 78 people in attendance. The Asheville Declaration was adopted by the Convention as well as the State Party Platform.  The Convention's theme was "A Second American Revolution." There was statewide media coverage including a 20-minute segment on NC Public TV.

Position on secession

The party advocated peaceful secession of the Southern States from the American union and the restoration of an independent Southern nation. The party believed this was a real and achievable goal, though they did not know whether it could be achieved in the short-term or in the long-term. In the interim, they believed in working toward a devolution of powers from the Federal Government to state governments.

The Southern Party disbanded around 2002, primarily due to infighting and fractures that developed among the party leaders. A "Southern Parties of the Southwest", operating in Arizona, had 120 members in Arizona and New Mexico. It was not affiliated with the SP organization. However the Southern Parties of the Southwest was disbanded, after the founder and long-time Chairman Charles Goodson was replaced in an election in 2005. Goodson declined to run for re-election citing personal and financial reasons, and claimed that he was not interested anymore in the Chairman seat. After the elections, the party membership decided to merge with the Confederate Party of Arizona, the Southern Parties of the Southwest was dissolved.

Factionism

Despite its initial media success at Flat Rock, North Carolina, the SP soon squandered its momentum, falling to the same type  of internal squabbling that resulted in the earlier rift within SPEC ranks. The rift was sparked by disagreement over a proposed increase in SNC dues for state party organizations. While seemingly a mundane administrative matter, it soon escalated out of control, culminating in a deep and irreconcilable split of the SNC into two factions – one led by party Chairman George Kalas, the other by party Vice-Chairman Jerry Baxley. A protracted power struggle ensued for control of the party's Web site, treasury and state-party organizational affiliations. In December 1999, SNC chairman George Kalas tried to end the bickering by voluntarily resigning his post. The SNC reluctantly accepted the resignation, though voting to recognize Kalas as "Chairman Emeritus" of the Southern Party in recognition of past services. Mike Crane, a Georgia activist and SNC member, whose immediate goal was to head the rift, subsequently was elected interim chairman. Even so, the conflict continued into the early months of 2000, sowing additional disillusionment and leading to a rapid outflow of dues-paying members from the state party organizations.

Realizing that the feud had undermined the party's viability, the Baxley faction finally agreed to a truce proposed by Crane. The factions began negotiating to reunite the SP, successfully concluding these talks in March 2000. New elections also were scheduled to elect a fresh slate of officers to lead the Southern National Committee. However, the subsequent election resulted in the surprise selection of Jerry Baxley by a narrow margin as the new national SNC chairman. Substantial voting irregularities, which, in the view of many, were orchestrated by the Baxley faction, produced additional disaffection within party ranks. This dissatisfaction was further exacerbated by what many viewed as Baxley's abrasive, erratic and unpopular leadership style. The party reunion was short-lived and Baxley soon found himself presiding over a rapidly shrinking party organization as other SNC members resigned and state party organizations began disaffiliating from the SNC as their recognized national party organ. The steady departure of established state party organizations ultimately led to the final dissolution of the SNC in 2002.

Dissolution

In the aftermath of the SNC's collapse, one faction formed the Federation of States and various state-based Southern Independence Parties (SIPs). Two state SPs (Georgia's and North Carolina's) disaffiliated from the SNC and became wholly independent, refusing to recognize any national/regional authority. Many of the other remaining state SPs were, in reality, only "paper parties" led by a few officers and lacking substantial numbers of dues-paying members. These parties soon proved untenable and ultimately collapsed due to their inability to recruit party members and raise operating funds.

Reunion

In the Spring of 2003 the League of the South attempted to re-establish its influence in the Southern Party by volunteering to serve as an honest broker to coordinate the reunion of all SP supporters (excluding the now-discredited Baxley faction) under one flag. The League invited all anti-Baxley factions of the SP to a meeting in North Carolina for the purpose of realigning all of the invited state parties into a loose confederation with no centralized governing body. This approach was publicly endorsed by all of the original founders of the Southern Party with the exception of the Baxley faction, which was not invited to the meeting. Although the North Carolina meeting marked the end of the SP's internal wars, it did not result in a substantial increase in public interest in the SP. By 2003 the Southern Party had lost credibility with many of its erstwhile supporters and had squandered what little political capital it had ever had as a result of its seemingly endless internal squabbles.

Cause of the factions

The widespread factionalism that derailed the Southern Party's seemingly promising prospects has sometimes been characterized by former supporters as the result of a wide-ranging ideological struggle between "centralizers" versus "decentralizers." This was reflected in the public statements of many of the key Southern Party players after the dissolution of the SNC. Kalas, the principal founder of the SP, was a committed paleoconservative whose interest in Southern heritage and regionalism tended to constitute more a reflection than a foundation of his core beliefs. On the other hand, Lancaster, the author of the Asheville Declaration, was a moderate-conservative Republican in many respects who nonetheless harbored strong regionalist sympathies, a fact subsequently reflected in later writings. Mike Crane, who succeeded Kalas for a brief time, was far more the stereotypical Southern nationalist, a longstanding Southern heritage activist and nationalist with strong libertarian convictions. Many others within the SP rank-and-file mirrored these differences.

Still, despite significant differences in political convictions, the major players in the various SP factions nevertheless professed a strong allegiance to the Southern tradition of decentralized government and localized control. The party infighting was actually driven more by personal conflicts between competing party leaders than by genuinely substantive disagreements over party ideology. As one prominent supporter once humorously described the problem: "Organizing Southerners is harder than herding cats!" This factionalist trait was not lost on outside observers, more than one of whom noted the irony that a party advocating secession found itself undone by multiple secessions within its own ranks.

Aftermath
After the party's demise, there was little regionally coordinated political effort – a lack often attributed to a longstanding reluctance among Southern movement activists to empower a "national" coordinating body. Even so, some activity continued at the state level.

Sometime after their departure from the Southern Party and from the League of the South-led Southern movement, Lancaster and Kalas experimented with a concept known as Home Rule for Dixie, the purpose of which was to provide a forum through which a more mainstream, center-right, racially inclusive movement could be developed. A hallmark of this nascent movement was its emphasis on the abandonment of Confederate restorationist symbolism and ideology. For a time, the movement garnered attention and sparked debate within Southern movement ranks. However, the Home Rule concept and Web site were abandoned in 2003 after Lancaster and Kalas concluded that the factionalized Southern movement was beyond repair.

The most successful remnant of the original Southern Party was the Southern Party of Georgia. The Georgia SP fielded multiple candidates for local and state offices in the 2002, 2004, and 2006 elections and was an enduring presence in the statewide political struggle over the redesign of the Georgia State Flag.

The party did not field a presidential candidate, but in 2007 Texan Gene Champman tried to seek the nomination of the Southern Party, the Libertarian Party and the Constitution Party.

References

External links

State party organizations
Southern Party of Georgia

News media articles
"Southern Party seeks to revive old times not forgotten", CNN, August 1, 1999
"South Wants Devolution from U.S.", The Independent, (London, UK), August 9, 1999

Regional and state political parties in the United States
Regionalist parties
History of the Southern United States
Political parties established in 1999
Political parties disestablished in 2003
1999 establishments in the United States
2003 disestablishments in the United States
Politics of the Southern United States
Protestant political parties
League of the South

Southern Party


The VT100 is a video terminal, introduced in August 1978 by Digital Equipment Corporation (DEC). It was one of the first terminals to support ANSI escape codes for cursor control and other tasks, and added a number of extended codes for special features like controlling the status lights on the keyboard. This led to rapid uptake of the ANSI standard, which became the de facto standard for hardware video terminals and later terminal emulators.

The VT100 series, especially the VT102, was extremely successful in the market, and made DEC the leading terminal vendor at the time. The VT100 series was replaced by the VT200 series starting in 1983, which proved equally successful. Ultimately, over six million terminals in the VT series were sold, based largely on the success of the VT100.

Description
DEC's first video terminal was the VT05 (1970), succeeded by the VT50 (1974), and soon upgraded to the VT52 (1975). The VT52 featured a text display with 80 columns and 24 rows, bidirectional scrolling, and a custom control protocol that allowed the cursor to be moved about the screen. These "smart terminals" were a hit due both to their capabilities and to their ability to be run over inexpensive serial links, rather than custom proprietary connections as in the case of systems like the IBM 3270, which generally required expensive controllers for distributed applications. In contrast, "dumb terminals" or "glass teletypes" like the ADM-3A (1976) lacked advanced features such as full cursor addressability, and competed mostly on lowest possible hardware cost.

The VT100 was introduced in August 1978, replacing the VT50/VT52 family. Like the earlier models, it communicated with its host system over serial lines at a minimum speed of 50 bit/s, but increased the maximum speed to 19,200 bit/s, double that of the VT52.
The terminal provided an option for "smooth scrolling", whereby displayed lines of text were moved gradually up or down the screen to make room for new lines, instead of advancing in sudden "jumps".  This made it easier to scan or read the text, although it somewhat slowed down the maximum data rate.

The major internal change was the control protocol. Unlike the VT50/52's proprietary cursor control language, the VT100 was based on the newly emerging ANSI X3.64 standard for command codes. At the time, some computer vendors had suggested that the new standard was beyond the state of the art and could not be implemented at a reasonable price. The introduction of low-cost microprocessors and the ever-falling cost of computer memory offered greatly expanded capabilities, and the VT100 used the new Intel 8080 as its internal processor. In addition, the VT100 provided backwards compatibility for VT52-compatible software, by also supporting the older control sequences.

Other improvements beyond the VT52 included a 132-column mode, and a variety of "graphic renditions" including blinking, bolding, reverse video, and underlining. The VT100 also introduced an additional box-drawing character set containing various pseudographics that allowed the drawing of on-screen forms. All configuration setup of the VT100 was accomplished using interactive displays presented on the screen; the setup data was stored in non-volatile memory within the terminal. Maintainability was also significantly improved, since a VT100 could be quickly  dismantled into replaceable modules.

In 1983, the VT100 was replaced by the more powerful VT200 series terminals such as the VT220.

Variants

The VT100 was the first of Digital's terminals to be based on an industry-standard microprocessor, the Intel 8080. Options could be added to the terminal to support an external printer, additional graphic renditions, and more character memory. The last option, known as the "Advanced Video Option" or AVO, allowed the terminal to support a full 24 lines of text in 132-column mode, increasing from the 14 lines of the unexpanded model when used in 132-column mode. The VT100 became a platform on which Digital constructed several related hardware products.

The VT101 and VT102 were cost-reduced, non-expandable follow-on versions. The VT101 was essentially a base-model VT100, while the VT102 came standard with the AVO and serial printer port options pre-installed. The VT105 contained a simple graphics subsystem known as waveform graphics which was mostly compatible with same system in the earlier VT55. This system allowed two mathematical functions to be drawn to the screen superimposed over the normal text display, allowing text and graphics to be mixed to produce charts and similar output. The VT125 added an implementation of the byte-efficient Remote Graphic Instruction Set (ReGIS), which used custom ANSI codes to send graphics commands to the terminal, rather than requiring the terminal to be set to a separate less-efficient graphics mode like the VT105.

The VT131 added block mode support, allowing a form to be sent to the terminal and filled in locally by the user, and then sending the contents of the fields in the form back to the host when the form is filled in.

The VT100 form factor left significant physical space in the case for expansion, and DEC used this to produce several all-in-one stand-alone minicomputer systems. The VT103 included a cardcage and 4×4 (8-slot) Q-Bus backplane, sufficient to configure a small 16-bit LSI-11 microcomputer system within the case, and supported an optional dual TU58 DECtape II block-addressable cartridge tape drive which could be used like a very slow disk drive. The VT180 (codenamed "Robin") added a single-board microcomputer using a Zilog Z80 to run the CP/M operating system. The VT278 (DECmate) added a small PDP-8 processor, allowing the terminal to run Digital's WPS-8 word processing software.

See also
 DEC Special Graphics
 VT640

References

Notes

External links
 DEC video terminal history Archive
 VT100 user guide
 VT100 Series Technical Manual
 ECMA-48
 The DEC category at the Terminals Wiki

DEC computer terminals
Character-oriented terminal
Computer terminals
Computer-related introductions in 1978

VT100


The Chicano Art Movement represents groundbreaking movements by Mexican-American artists to establish a unique artistic identity in the United States. Much of the art and the artists creating Chicano Art were heavily influenced by Chicano Movement (El Movimiento) which began in the 1960s.

Chicano art was influenced by post-Mexican Revolution ideologies, pre-Columbian art, European painting techniques and Mexican-American social, political and cultural issues. The movement worked to resist and challenge dominant social norms and stereotypes for cultural autonomy and self-determination. Some issues the movement focused on were awareness of collective history and culture, restoration of land grants, and equal opportunity for social mobility. Women used ideologies from the feminist movement to highlight the struggles of women within the Chicano art movement.

Throughout the movement and beyond, Chicanos have used art to express their cultural values, as protest or for aesthetic value. The art has evolved over time to not only illustrate current struggles and social issues, but also to continue to inform Chicano youth and unify around their culture and histories. Chicano art is not just Mexican-American artwork: it is a public forum that emphasizes otherwise "invisible" histories and people in a unique form of American art.

Chicano movement

"The lasting significance of the Chicano Movement on contemporary Chicano/a writers and artists cannot be overstated."—Sharla Hutchinson

Beginning in the early 1960s, the Chicano Movement, was a sociopolitical movement by Mexican-Americans organizing into a unified voice to create change for their people. The Chicano Movement was focused on a fight for civil and political rights of its people, and sought to bring attention to their struggles for equality across southwest America and expand throughout the United States. The Chicano movement was concerned with addressing police brutality, civil rights violations, lack of social services for Mexican-Americans, the Vietnam War, educational issues and other social issues.

The Chicano Movement included all Mexican-Americans of every age, which provided for a minority civil rights movement that would not only represent generational concerns, but sought to use symbols that embodied their past and ongoing struggles. Young artists formed collectives, like Asco in Los Angeles during the 1970s, which was made up of students who were just out of high school.

The Chicano movement was based around the community, an effort to unify the group and keep their community central to social progression, so they too could follow in the foot steps of others and achieve equality. From the beginning Chicanos have struggled to affirm their place in American society through their fight for communal land grants given to them by the Mexican government were not being honored by the U.S. government after the U.S. acquired the land from Mexico. The solidification of the Chicano/a struggles for equality into the Chicano Movement came post World War II, when discrimination towards returning Mexican-American servicemen was being questioned, for the most part these were usually instances of racial segregation/discrimination that spanned from simple dining issues to the burial rights of returning deceased servicemen.

The formation of the National Farm Workers Association (NFWA), co-founded by César Chávez, Dolores Huerta, and Gil Padilla, sought to unionize Mexican-American labor forces to fight for improved wages/working conditions through such forms as strikes, marches, and boycotts was a notable spike in the national awareness of El Movimiento. Using symbols, such as the black eagle and creating unique poster and union art, helped raise awareness of the social issues NFWA faced, even while the workers themselves were largely invisible.

Aztlán is also another consistent symbol used by the Chicano Movement, the term unified the Mexican Americans under a term of inheritance of land and culture.  Along with this common rhetoric of land claims and civil rights, an alternative to the peaceful protesting of César Chávez, Reies Lopez Tijerina attempted to resolve the issues of communal land grants in New Mexico through the creation of Alianza Federal de Mercedes and eventually resulting in attempts to secede from the Union and form their own territory, Republic of Chama.

The union then brought in thousands more lettuce and vegetable pickers in the Salinas Chicano Movement art developed out of necessity for a visual representation of the self perceived sociopolitical injustice that the movement was seeking out to change.  As in any movement there is a need for signage that brings awareness to the issues at hand, starting with murals.  Murals represented the main form of activism in Mexico prior to the Chicano Movement taking place in the United States.  The murals depicted the lives of native Mexicans and their struggles against the oppression of the United States, as well as, native problems to Mexico's poverty and farming industry.  Many of the images and symbols embodied in these classic Mexican graffiti murals were later adopted by the Chicano Movement to reaffirm and unify their collective under a specific light of activism.

The Chicano art workers wanted people to see their work in Mexico. People were against Mexican artists. Mexican women were most hated in the movement. Some Mexicans can show culture with art. Mexicans were fighting for a difference. In conclusion, The chicano arts movement helped Mexicans.

Chicano art as activism

"El Plan Espiritual de Aztlán understood art as a vehicle of the movement and of revolutionary culture". Although the Chicano movement dissolved, Chicano art continued as an activist endeavor, challenging the social constructions of racial/ethnic discrimination, citizenship and nationality, labor exploitation, and traditional gender roles in effort to create social change. As Fields further explains, "Linked to its constitutive phased with the Chicano movement, or Movimiento, of the 1960s and 1970s, Chicano/a art articulated and mirrored a broad range of themes that had social and political significance, particularly with respect to cultural affirmation".  Activism often took form in representing alternative narratives to the dominant through the development of historical consciousness, illustrations of injustices and indignities faced by Mexican-American communities, and development of a sense of belonging of Chicanos within the United States. Chicano art in its activist endeavors has become a form of popular education, of the people and by the people, in its ability to create a dialogue about these issues while empowering Chicanos to construct their own solutions.

Geography, immigration and displacement are a common themes in Chicano art. Taking an activist approach, artists illustrate the historical presence of Mexicans and indigenous peoples in the Southwest, human rights abuses of undocumented immigrants, racial profiling, and the militarization of the border. "Many Chicano artists have focused on the dangers of the border, often using barbed wire as a direct metaphorical representation of the painful and contradictory experiences of Chicanos caught between two cultures".  Art provides a venue to challenge these xenophobic stereotypes about Mexican-Americans and bring awareness to our broken immigration law and enforcement system, while simultaneously politicizing and mobilizing its audience to take action. Another common theme is the labor exploitation in agricultural, domestic work, and service industry jobs, particularly of the undocumented. Drawing from the Chicano movement, activists sought art as a tool to support social justice campaigns and voice realities of dangerous working conditions, lack of worker's rights, truths about their role in the U.S. job market, and the exploitation of undocumented workers. Using the United Farm Workers campaign as a guideline, Chicano artists put stronger emphasis on working-class struggles as both a labor and civil rights issue for many Chicanos and recognized the importance of developing strong symbols that represented the movement's efforts, such as the eagle flag of the UFW, now a prominent symbol of La Raza. Often through the distribution of silk-screen posters, made on large scales, artists are able to politicize their community and make a call to mobilize in effort to stop immigration raids in the workplace and boycott exploitative and oppressive corporations, while exemplifying dignity and visibility to an often invisible working population.

The Chicano People's Park (Chicano Park) in San Diego highlights the importance of activism to Chicano art. For many years, Barrio Logan Heights petitioned for a park to be built in their community, but were ignored. In the early 1960s, the city instead tore down large sections of the barrio to construct an intersection for the Interstate 5 freeway and on-ramp for the Coronado Bridge which bisected their community and displaced 5000 residents.  In response, "on April 22, 1970, the community mobilized by occupying the land under the bridge and forming human chains to halt the bulldozers" who were working to turn the area into a parking lot. The park was occupied for twelve days, during which people worked the land, planting flowers and trees and artists, like Victor Ochoa, helped paint murals on the concrete walls.  Now this park is full of murals and most of them refer to the history of the Chicanos. Some of them include Cesar Chavez, La Virgen de Guadalupe and many others. Residents raised the Chicano flag on a nearby telephone pole and began to work the land themselves, planting flowers and "re-creating and re-imagining dominant urban space as community-enabling place". After extensive negotiations, the city finally agreed to the development of a community park in their reclamation of their territory. From here, Salvador Torres, a key activist for the Chicano Park, developed the Chicano Park Monumental Mural Program, encouraging community members and artists to paint murals on the underpass of the bridge, transforming the space blight to beauty and community empowerment. The imagery of the murals articulated their cultural and historical identities through their connections to their indigenous Aztec heritage, religious icons, revolutionary leaders, and current life in the barrios and the fields. Some iconography included Quetzalcoatl, Emiliano Zapata, Coatlicue (Aztec Goddess of Earth), undocumented workers, La Virgen de Guadalupe, community members occupying the park, and low-riders. As Berelowitz further explains, "the battle for Chicano Park was a struggle for territory, for representation, for the constitution of an expressive ideological-aesthetic language, for the recreation of a mythic homeland, for a space in which Chicano citizens of this border zone could articulate their experience and their self-understanding". The significance of the repossession of their territory through the Chicano People's Park is intimately connected to their community's experience, identity, and sense of belonging.

Chicano art as community-based

"From the words of poets, to the streets of Skid Row...murals are still storytellers with some bite."—Ed Fuentes, 2014

As expressed through the Chicano Peoples' Park, community-orientation and foundation is another essential element to Chicano art. Murals created by Chicano artists reclaim public spaces, encourage community participation, and aid in neighborhood development and beautification. "In communities of Mexican descent within the United States, the shared social space has often been a public space. Many families have been forced to live their private lives in public because of the lack of adequate housing and recreational areas". Community-based art has developed into two major mediums – muralism and cultural art centers.

Chicano art has drawn much influence from prominent muralists from the Mexican Renaissance, such as Diego Rivera and José Orozco. Chicano art was also influenced by pre-Columbian art, where history and rituals were encoded on the walls of pyramids. Even so, it has distinguished itself from Mexican muralism by keeping production by and for members of the Chicano community, representing alternative histories on the walls of the barrios and other public spaces, rather than sponsorship from the government to be painted in museums or government buildings. In addition, Chicano mural art is not an exhibition of only one person's art, but rather a collaboration among multiple artists and community members, giving the entire community ownership of mural. Its significance lies in its accessibility and inclusivity, painted in public spaces as a form of cultural affirmation and popular education of alternative histories and structural inequalities. The community decides the meaning and content of the work. "In an effort to ensure that the imagery and content accurately reflected the community, Chicano artists often entered into dialogue with community members about their culture and social conditions before developing a concept – even when the mural was to be located in the muralist's own barrio". Accessibility not only addresses public availability to the community, but also includes meaningful content, always speaking to the Chicano experience.

Cultural art centers are another example of community-based Chicano art, developed during the Chicano Movement out of need for alternative structures that support artistic creation, bring the community together, and disseminate information and education about Chicano art. These centers are a valuable tool that encourages community gatherings as a way to share culture, but also to meet, organize and dialogue about happenings in the local Chicano community and society as a whole. "In order to combat this lack of voice, activists decided it was essential to establish cultural, political, and economic control of their communities". To again ensure accessibility and relevance, cultural art centers were located in their immediate community. These spaces provided Chicanos with an opportunity to reclaim control over how their culture and history is portrayed and interpreted by society as a whole. As Jackson explains, these centers "did not take the public museum as their guide; not only did they lack the money and trained staff, they focused on those subjects denied by the public museum's homogenized narrative and history of the United States".

An example of a prominent cultural art center is Self-Help Graphics and Art Inc., a hub for silkscreen printmaking, an exhibition location, and space for various types of civic engagement. Beginning in the 1970s, their goal to foster "Chicanismo" by educating, training and empowering young adults has continued to the present day. Self-Help Graphics offered apprenticeship opportunities, work alongside an experienced silkscreen printer, or 'master printer,' to develop their own limited-edition silkscreen print. The center also maintained efforts to support the local community by allowing artists to exhibit their own prints and sell them to support themselves financially. As common to successful cultural art centers, Self-Help Graphics supported the development of Chicano art, encouraged community development, and provided an opportunity for empowerment for the Chicano peoples.

Other community-based efforts include projects for youth, such as the Diamond Neighborhood murals where Victor Ochoa and Roque Barros helped teach youth to paint in an area that had once been overwhelmed with graffiti. About 150 teenagers attended daily art classes taught by Ochoa and graffiti declined significantly.

Chicano art as identity and cultural affirmation

Chicano art affirms their cultural identity through religious iconography and key elements of their Mexican, U.S., and indigenous cultures. For example, la Virgen de Guadalupe, of whom is an important figure in Mexican culture, is used in a socio-political context by Chicano artists as a symbol of both hope in times of suffering, and empowerment, particularly when embodying an average woman or portrayed in an act of resistance. Mexican and indigenous culture is celebrated through the practices of their ancestors (shrines, dance, murals, etc.). As new generations come to pass, art plays a role in educating Chicano youth about essential histories, traditions and values of their identity. One of the most celebrated holidays in Mexican culture is the Day of the Dead. The holiday focuses on gatherings of family and friends to pray for and remember family and friends who have died. The national holiday is celebrated in connection with the Catholic holidays of All Saints' Day on November 1 and All Souls' Day on November 2. Since it is so central to Mexican religious and cultural traditions, Day of the Dead has become a major component of Chicano art.

Traditions connected with the holiday include the building of private altars honoring the deceased using sugar skulls or marigolds and visiting the deceased with gifts of their favorite foods or beverages. Chicanos are able to affirm their cultural, ethnic and religious identities through daily life in the barrio, and artists draw upon these traditions, experiences and images, such as sugar skulls and La Virgen de Guadalupe, in their artwork to reflect the importance of self-determination and cultural difference to Chicanos.

Mesoamerica, a region extending south and east from central Mexico to include parts of Guatemala, Belize, Honduras, and Nicaragua, is a common theme in Chicano art, expressing their shared, yet diverse culture and identity. Going back to pre-Columbian times, Mesoamericans were inhabited by highly advanced civilizations, with their own political organization, agriculture system, mythology, writing systems, and calendars. From these roots, the emergence of radiant Chicano art were traced. Indigenous heritage of Chicanos helps suffice why some activists during the Chicano Movement and beyond portrayed Mesoamerican and Aztlan imagery in their art.  "The adoption of indigenous Mesoamerican imagery allowed Chicanas/os to assert an indigenous identity and, more importantly, helped to build a communal sensibility based on spiritual and cultural concepts". Aztlan, a mythic region expanding from the U.S. Southwest to Mexico, is common theme in Chicano art as an expression of cultural nationalism. "The powerful symbolism of Aztlan as an ancestral homeland emanated from the deep Chicana/o sense of dislocation and deterritorialization experience in the aftermath of the Mexican–American War, which resulted in the annexation by the United States of the northern territories of Mexico, as well as the earlier Spanish colonial invasion".  Demands from Chicanos for equality and social justice have roots in this long history of loss and displacement. Furthermore, Aztlan and the reclamation of their indigenous roots has become a symbol for belonging for many Chicanos, in a nation that often discriminates, demonizes and criminalizes Mexican-Americans and Latinos as a whole. "Artists, activists, and cultural workers focused on the integration of indigenous thought through the selection, reclamation, and preservation of the cultural practices considered essential to combating oppressive stance of larger society". Many Chicanos preserve their connection to their Aztec heritage by incorporating Aztec imagery (Quetzalcoatl, goddesses and gods, livelihood, temples, etc.) into their art, from murals to prints to performance dance to music, as a way for historical and cultural affirmation.

Women in the Chicano art movement

Women artists in the Chicano movement highlighted not only the struggles that Chicanos faced, but struggles that were specific to Chicanas. The Chicano art movement was a platform for Chicanas to speak about their struggles even when it was difficult, with boundaries within the Chicano movement itself and being excluded from the feminist movement.

Scholars have emphasized that the sexist and patriarchal views of the 1970s had an effect on the Chicano movement. Chicanas had to face sexist ideas from men in the Chicano movement, labeling the role of women as "sub-ordinate". The struggles of women were different than men, having to choose between family or career, and for activists, having to choose between the feminist movement and the Chicano movement.

While the Feminist movement were making great strides for change, it did not include women of color in their fight for equality between genders. This movement funded the art of white women artists, reserving places in galleries and museums for only white women. According to Juan Pablo Mercado, "ethnic artists" were relegated to creating mural art, giving them the role of "street painters". Muralists in this movement needed support and resources from politicians and people in power, thus having to stray away from "overtly political themes", making it difficult for women create art about the struggles of women.

Artists like Judithe Hernandez and Judy Baca made strides to break gender stereotypes and include themselves in the Chicano art movement. Both of these artists have spoken about the challenge of choosing to be a part of the feminist movement or the Chicano art movement. Judy Baca recalls, "I began a very long period of time straddling two lives - the feminist information and life that supported my growth as a woman, and my community life which was in the Latino community as I worked intently in the neighborhoods. And they never really met. They were constantly separated."

Judy Baca along with the Social and Public Art Resource center (SPARC), created a mural called The Great Wall of Los Angeles, a mural that depicted the history of California from the perspective of women and minorities. Judy Baca has brought in many women artists to contribute to this mural over the years.

Judithe Hernandez was one of the artists that created art centering Chicana women, and was a part of an art collective, consisting of 4 other male artists, called Los Four.

La Virgen De Guadalupe in Chicana art
Many Chicana artists looked to La Virgen de Guadalupe as a dominant icon and sought to redefine her meaning. Scholars point to how ubiquitous the Virgin Mary is in Mexican households as a cultural icon and symbol of femininity. Redefining her image was controversial because some in the religious and art world took offense to the revisions Chicana artist took on La Virgen de Guadalupe.

For example, Chicana artist Yolanda Lopez remodels the portrait of the Virgin of Guadalupe into images of working women. Yolanda transforms the Virgen Mary from a deity into a laborious-driven immigrant mother that provides for their family. Specifically in Yolanda Lopez's artwork: "Mother: Our Lady of Guadalupe," she portrays a wage-earning woman sewing the holy veil. Yolanda Lopez embodied La Virgen de Guadalupe as a brown working woman that brought controversy to her paintings.

In another example, Alma Lopez's paintings generated controversy due to the representation of queer sexuality contesting La Virgen de Guadalupe religious meaning. Alma Lopez, a queer Chicana artist, uses La Virgen de Guadalupe to create a series of depictions of La Virgen de Guadalupe as a sexual image in contrast to virginal purity. In Alma Lopez's artwork "Encuentro" queerness is depicted by showing La Virgen and La Sirena in love, evoking acceptance of non-heterosexual orientation, contrary to her heterosexual symbol of innocence.

Additionally, Chicana Artist Ester Hernandez utilizes the image of La Virgen as a political symbol fighting for the rights of Chicano/as. Hernández in "La Virgen de Guadalupe Defendiendo Los Derechos de los Xicanos" dresses La Virgen de Guadalupe in a karate Gi and poses her in an impassioned kicking stance. Ester Hernandez juxtaposes the meaning of La Virgen as a calm nonviolent peace symbol into an image that evokes force and strength.

Chicano art as life in the barrio

Another expression of Chicano identity through their art is their depictions of life in the barrio - Spanish-speaking, Latino neighborhoods in a city or town. Often the barrios, as ethnic enclaves, have long histories of dislocation, marginalization, poverty, and inequity in access social services. In the United States, barrios can also refer to the geographical "turf" claimed by Latino gangs, most commonly limited to Chicano gangs in California. However, it was in these barrios that the most interesting forms of art were made by the Chicano community, particularly lowrider cars and bicycles, and graffiti.
A very popular style of car, even to this day, emerged from Chicano barrios, known as a "." A lowrider is a style of car that sits lower to the ground than most other cars. Many lowriders have their suspension systems modified with hydraulic suspension so that the car can change height at the flip of a switch. Lowriding originated in the 1930s and blossomed in Southwestern Chicano communities during the post-war prosperity of the '50s. Initially, youth who were dressed in the "pachuco" style would place sandbags in the trunk of their customized cars in order to create a lowered effect. However, this method was quickly replaced by lowering blocks, cut spring coils, z'ed frames and drop spindles. The goal was to cruise as slowly as possible so that people could see what types of customizations were done to your car. Lowrider customizations consist of sun visors, fender skirts, bug deflectors, and swamp coolers. Expensive custom paint jobs are also common such as metal oxide flake or pearl flake, clear coat, metal leaf, airbrushed murals or script, pinstripes, and flames. Gold or chrome spoke wheels or rims such as Astro Supremes, Cragers, Tru spokes, Crowns, Daytons and Zeniths are also common. Many cars have the modification of having suicide doors, or doors which open in the opposite direction to a standard car door, scissor doors that open vertically, or gull-wing doors that open towards the roof, swinging up. Since the early 1990s, lowriders have become common in urban youth culture in general, primarily in West Coast hip hop. The lowriding scene is diverse including many different cultures, vehicle makes and visual styles; however, it remains an important part of the Chicano community and identity.

Chicano art even embraced the vandalistic expressions of graffiti.  Art in the barrio also incorporates graffiti as a form of artistic expression, often associated with subcultures that rebel against authority. Graffiti has origins in the beginnings of hip hop culture in the 1970s in New York City, alongside rhyming, b-boying, and beats. It was used to publicly display their artistic expressions with their social and political opinions in response to their lack of access to museums and art institutions, and the continuous strife, discrimination, and struggle of living in the city. Because graffiti is illegal in most cases, this form of art has flourished in the underground, requiring little money and providing an opportunity to voice what is often excluded from dominant histories and media. From here, although graffiti remains the major form of street art, other mediums have evolved - including stenciling, stickers, and wheatpasting. Graffiti often has negative associations with serving territorial purposes for gangs, displaying tags and logos that differentiate certain groups from others, therefore marking their "turf". Within Chicano barrios, gangs use their own form of graffiti or tagging to mark territory or to serve as an indicator of gang-related activities.  Gang members also often use graffiti to designate membership, differentiate rivals and alliances, and mark ideological borders. Imagery of gang-related graffiti often consists of cryptic symbols and initials with unique calligraphy styles. Graffiti is arguably perceived as unacceptable, claimed to degrade the "look" or value of properties' walls or buildings in a way that is not presentable.

On the other hand, Chicano artists also use graffiti as a tool, to express their political opinions, indigenous heritage, cultural and religious imagery, and counter-narratives to dominant portrayals of Chicano life in the barrios. Similar to other forms of art within the Chicano Movement (silk-screen printing, murals, etc.), graffiti has become another tool of resistance, reclamation, and empowerment as Chicanos make their own space for expression and popular education. Graffiti is now commonly recognized as a form of public art, embraced by museums, art critics, and art institutions. But its significance for many Chicanos remains in the barrios, reiterating the importance of accessibility and inclusion in relation to their identity and community in their artwork. In times of conflict, such murals have offered public modes communication and self-expression for members of these socially, ethnically and racially marginalized communities, and have become effective tools in facilitating dialogue, challenging injustices and stereotypes that impact their neighborhoods and peoples, and in the end, elevating their community.

Rasquachismo is very much a part of Chicano art. It involves doing more with less, and is a reflection of the socioeconomic and political situation that many Chicanos grew up with. Using everyday materials, such as paper plates, and elevating it into art, is one type of rasquachismo. Other examples contrast low and high art subjects.

Important exhibitions and collections

 Cheech Marin Collection: one of the largest private collections of Chicano art, collected by Cheech Marin. Since June, 2022, it has been housed at The Cheech Marin Center for Chicano Art, Culture & Industry in Riverside, California.
 Chicano Art: Resistance and Affirmation (CARA): a touring exhibition that visited ten United States cities from 1990 to 1993.
 Chicano Visions: American Painters on the Verge, curated by René Yañez: a touring exhibition which visited twelve cities in the United States from 2001 to 2007.

Chicano cultural centers
 Acción Latina in San Francisco, California.
 Avenue 50 Gallery, Highland Park, California
 Centro Cultural de la Raza, in San Diego's Balboa Park in California
 Centro de Arte Público in Los Angeles, California
 Chicano Park in San Diego, California
 Galería de la Raza, in San Francisco, California
 Mexican Heritage Plaza, in San Jose, California
Mission Cultural Center for Latino Arts, in San Francisco, California
 Plaza de la Raza Gallery, Los Angeles, California
 San Anto Cultural Arts in San Antonio, Texas
 Self-Help Graphics and Art Inc, in Los Angeles, California
 Social and Public Art Resource Center (SPARC), in Venice, California

Chicano Art Collectives

 Mexican American Liberation Art Front (MALAF) (1968-1970)
 ASCO (1971-1987)
 Royal Chicano Air Force (RCAF) (1972)
 Mujeres Muralistas (1973-1977)
 Con Safos and Los Quemados
 Los Four (1973-1983)
 Co-Madres Artistas (1992)

Museums and galleries focusing on Chicano art
 Galería de la Raza in San Francisco, California
 Mexic-Arte Museum in Austin, Texas
 Movimiento de Arte y Cultura Latino Americana (MACLA) in San Jose, California
Museo Eduardo Carrillo an online museum
Cheech Marin Center for Chicano Arts and Culture in Riverside, California

Quotes
"Chicano art is the modern, ongoing expression of the long-term cultural, economic, and political struggle of the Mexicano people within the United States. It is an affirmation of the complex identity and vitality of the Chicano People. Chicano art arises from and is shaped by our experiences in the Americas."—Founding Statement of the CARA National Advisory Committee, July 1987

"Arte Chicano has frequently been stereotyped as being extremely political. True enough, some of it does reflect the socio-political struggle of Chicanos, but that is not exclusively what it deals with or is about. It is not the artistic arm of any particular political ideology. It is the art of a people, of Chicanos as a cultural entity."—Los Quemados, 1975

See also
 Chicana Art
 Chicana Feminism
 Nepantla

References

Further reading

External links

American art movements

Chicano art movement


Cesare Adolfo Bocci (born 13 September 1957) is an Italian actor.  Born in Camerino, he has acted in films and on stage, but is best known for his performance as Mimi Augello to Luca Zingaretti's Salvo Montalbano in the television series Il Commissario Montalbano.

He attended acting school in his home town of Camporotondo di Fiastrone, where he was a founding member of Compagnia della Rancia of Tolentino which produced theatre plays.

Moving to Rome, he has had continued success across theatre, cinema and television. He made his cinema debut in 1990, in Silvio Soldini's L'aria serena dell'ovest. After success in Il Commissario Montalbano, he played the role of the doctor Antonio Strains in the first two seasons of Elisa di Rivombrosa. In 2007 he starred in the TV mini series Io e Mamma, and in 2008 played Sergio Danieli in Terapia d'urgenza.

In the theatre, during 2006 and 2007 he played the role of Oscar in the Italian version of Sweet Charity, alongside Lorella Cuccarini. In 2008 in Camerino he played in the re-enactment of Corsa ala spada e Palio as the Duke Da Varano. In 2011/2 he starred in Massimo Romeo Piparo's adaptation of the famous Broadway musical adaptation of the French play La Cage Aux Folles.

In 2012, he debuted as a television presenter on Rai 3 show Il giallo e il nero. In October 2013, he was lead presenter of Miss Italia together with Massimo Ghini and Francesca Chillemi.

Filmography

Film

Television

External links

1957 births
Living people
Italian male television actors
Italian male stage actors
People from the Province of Macerata
Italian male film actors
20th-century Italian male actors
21st-century Italian male actors
Reality show winners

Cesare Bocci


Unione Sportiva Grosseto 1912 is an Italian association football club, based in the city of Grosseto, Tuscany. The club was founded in 1912 as Unione Ginnico Sportiva Grossetana. The team's most associated nickname is grifone, after its logo, depicting a griffon. Its colours are red and white, and it currently plays in Serie C, the third level of Italian football.

The club's most recent success consists of 6 consecutive participations in Serie B between 2007 and 2013, notably reaching the play-off semifinals in 2008-09. It was most recently refounded in 2017.

History

The club was founded in 1912 as Football Club Grosseto, and made its debut in a match played and lost in Orbetello. The club joined the Italian Football Federation only nine years later, in 1921, being admitted in the Promozione division. In 1927, the club changes its official colours from black/white to the current white/red.
Since its foundation, Grosseto played extensively from Serie C to the amateur leagues. In 1995 the club was cancelled by the football federation because of financial troubles, thus losing the right to participate in the Serie C2 after having won Serie D the same year. Following these events, Grosseto joined Eccellenza, ending it in fifteenth place being therefore relegated to Promozione. However, two consecutive promotions from 1997 to 1999 brought Grosseto back to Serie D.

The Camilli Era (2000-2015)
In 2000, Piero Camilli purchased the club with the aim to bring Grosseto back into the pros. In the 2001–2002 season, Grosseto ended as Serie D (Round F) runners-up but were later admitted to Serie C2 to fill a league vacancy. The club successively won Serie C2 in 2004, being thus promoted to Serie C1. In 2005, Grosseto qualified for the promotion playoffs, losing the semifinal to Pavia; one year later, Grosseto gained again a spot in the playoffs, where they defeated Sassari Torres in the semi-finals, but lost to Frosinone in the finals, missing the opportunity to be promoted to Serie B for its first time in history. However, in the 2006–2007 season, under head coach Antonello Cuccureddu, who replaced Massimiliano Allegri after the ninth matchday, Grosseto finally managed to win Serie C1/A following a 1–0 away win at Padova in the final matchday with a goal by Carl Valeri, thus gaining a historical spot in the Serie B 2007-08. Cuccureddu left Grosseto by mutual consent with the club a few days following the triumphal win, and Giorgio Roselli was appointed to replace him for the 2007–08 Serie B club campaign.

The club started their historical first Serie B campaign with three disappointing consecutive defeats which led, on 11 September 2007, to the dismissal of Roselli and his replacement with former Parma boss Stefano Pioli, who led the team to a mid-table finish.

The 2008–09 season started with higher expectations under new head coach Elio Gustinetti; the team started its season showing a very impressive form, but then a result crisis led Grosseto out of the promotion playoff zone, causing the dismissal of Gustinetti and his replacement with Ezio Rossi. The subsequent return of Gustinetti led the team to finish in 6th place and Grosseto acceded to the play-off. The maremmani won the first match against Livorno (2–0), but they lost the second match being surpassed by the rivals (1–4), in a scandal game where Grosseto finished with 7 players and failed the promotion to Serie A.

The 2009–10 season was a relatively good season for the club, which finished in 7th place only a few points off the play-off zone. It was still a memorable season for Grosseto, thanks to their top striker Mauricio Pinilla who scored 24 goals in 24 matches and was transferred to US Palermo, in the Serie A, during the 2010 summer transfer market.

On 10 August 2012, Grosseto was provisionally, not yet enforceable, relegated, by the Disciplinary Commission set up for Scommessopoli scandal investigations, to Lega Pro Prima Divisione because of their involvement in the Scommessopoli scandal. Furthermore, the president of Grosseto has been suspended from all football activities for five years. But on 22 August 2012, Grosseto and its president are absolved by the Court of justice, eliminating the verdict of the first instance and so readmitted to Serie B.

The club suffered relegation at the end of the 2012-13 season, bringing 6 consecutive years in Serie B to an end. This was followed by two years of competing in the third division of Italian football. In the summer of 2015, owner Piero Camilli ended his 15-year tenure at the club.

FC Grosseto (2015-2017)

A new club, F.C. Grosseto S.S.D. successfully applied as a successor on 6 August 2015. However, the club folded after a relegation to Eccellenza Tuscany in 2017.

Ceri ownership: the return of US Grosseto 1912
On 18 July 2017, local entrepreneurs Mario and Simone Ceri, owners of Associazione Calcio Roselle (a local football club from the city suburb of Roselle) competing in Eccellenza Toscana, came on the scene. Following an agreement with former owner Piero Camilli and leveraging the league status, Ceri renamed the club to Associazione Sportiva Dilettantistica Unione Sportiva Grosseto 1912, thus inheriting the sporting tradition of the city.

The 2017–18 season ended with a third place in Eccellenza Tuscany, followed by a first place and promotion to Serie D the following season. The 2019–20 season marked the return of the club to the fourth level of Italian football and a second consecutive promotion to the Serie C for the 2020–2021 season.

Lamioni ownership: 2022...
In November 2022, famous local entrepreneur Giovanni Lamioni bought the franchise from previous owner Salvatore Guida. Lamioni gave the presidency role to Antonio Fiorini and called back Filippo Vetrini for the general sporting director place. The city welcomed the negotiation very positively and regained a vanished enthusiasm for the disappointing results of the previous season. Lamioni has announced that he will set up a team that will compete to return to Serie C in 2023–24.

Squad

Current squad

Achievements

Serie C1
Winners (1): 2006–07
Supercoppa di Lega Serie C1
Winners (1): 2007
Serie C2
Winners (1): 2003–04
Serie D
Winners (4): 1960–61, 1972–73, 1994–95, 2019-20
Runners-up (1): 2001–02
Eccellenza Tuscany
Runners-up (1): 1997–98
Winners (1): 2018-2019
Promozione Tuscany
Winners (1): 1996–97

References

External links
Official site of U.S. Grosseto F.C.

Football clubs in Tuscany
Association football clubs established in 1912
Serie C clubs
1912 establishments in Italy

US Grosseto 1912