The Civil Rights Movement was a social movement in the United States that tried to gain equal rights for African Americans that white people had. The movement is famous for using non-violent protests and civil disobedience (peacefully refusing to follow unfair laws). Activists used strategies like boycotts, sit-ins, and protest marches. Sometimes police or racist white people would attack them, but the activists never fought back.

However, the Civil Rights Movement was made up of many different people and groups. Not everyone believed the same things. For example, the Black Power movement believed black people should demand their civil rights and force white leaders to give them those rights.

The Civil Rights Movement was also made of people of different races and religions. The Movement's leaders and most of its activists were African-American. However, the Movement got political and financial support from labor unions, religious groups, and some white politicians, like Lyndon B. Johnson. Activists of all races came to join African-Americans in marches, sit-ins, and protests.

The Civil Rights Movement was very successful. It helped to get five federal laws and two amendments to the Constitution passed. These officially protected African Americans' rights. It also helped change many white people's attitudes about the way black people were treated and the rights they deserved.

Before the Civil Rights Movement

Before the American Civil War, there were almost four million black slaves in the United States. Only white men with property could vote, and only white people could be United States citizens.

After the Civil War, the United States government passed three Constitutional amendments:
 The 13th Amendment (1865) ended slavery
 The 14th Amendment (1868) gave African Americans citizenship
 The 15th Amendment (1870) gave African American males the right to vote (no women in the U.S. could vote at the time).

In the South

After the Civil War, the U.S. government tried to enforce the rights of ex-slaves in the South through a process called Reconstruction. However, in 1877, Reconstruction ended. By the 1890s, the Southern states' legislatures were all-white again. Southern Democrats, who did not support civil rights for blacks, completely ruled the South. This gave them a lot of power in the United States Congress. For example, Southern Democrats were able to make sure that laws against lynching did not pass.

Starting in 1890, Southern Democrats began to pass state laws that took away the rights African Americans had gained. These racist laws became known as Jim Crow laws. For example, they included:

 Laws that made it impossible for blacks to vote (this is called disenfranchisement). Since they could not vote, blacks also could not be on juries.
 Laws that required racial segregation - separation of blacks and whites. For example, blacks could not:
 Go to the same schools, restaurants, or hospitals as whites
 Use the same bathrooms as whites or drink from the same water fountains
 Sit in front of whites on buses

In 1896, the United States Supreme Court ruled in a case called Plessy v. Ferguson that these laws were legal. They said that having things be "separate but equal" was fine. In the South, everything was separate. However, places like black schools and libraries got much less money and were not as good as places for whites. Things were separate, but not equal.

Violence against black people increased. Individuals, groups, police, and huge crowds of people could hurt or even kill African Americans, without the government trying to stop them or punishing them. Lynchings became more common.

Across the United States
Problems were worse in the South. However, social discrimination and tensions affected African Americans in other areas as well.

Segregation in housing was a problem across the United States. Many African Americans could not get mortgages to buy houses. Realtors would not sell black people houses in the suburbs, where white people lived. They also would not rent apartments in white areas. Until the 1950s, the federal government did nothing about this.

When he was elected in 1913, President Woodrow Wilson made government offices segregated. He believed that segregation was best for everyone.

Black people fought in both World War I and World War II. However, the military was segregated, and they were not given the same opportunities as white soldiers. After activism from black veterans, President Harry Truman de-segregated the military in 1948.

Early activism
African Americans tried to fight back against discrimination in many ways. They formed new groups and tried to form labor unions. They tried to use the courts to get justice. For example, in 1909, the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP) was created. It fought to end race discrimination through lawsuits, education, and lobbying.

However, eventually, many African Americans became frustrated and began to dislike the idea of using slow, legal strategies to achieve desegregation. Instead, African American activists decided to use a combination of protests, nonviolence, and civil disobedience. This is how the Civil Rights Movement of 1954-1968 began.

Photo gallery

Important events

Brown v. Board of Education (1954)

Schools in the South, and some other parts of the country, had been segregated since 1896. In that year, the Supreme Court had ruled in Plessy v. Ferguson that segregation was legal, as long as things were "separate but equal."

In 1951, thirteen black parents filed a class action lawsuit against the Board of Education in Topeka, Kansas. In the lawsuit, the parents argued that the black and white schools were not "separate but equal." They said the black school was much worse than the white one.

The lawsuit eventually went to the United States Supreme Court. After years of work, Thurgood Marshall and a team of other NAACP lawyers won the case. The Supreme Court ruled that segregated schools were illegal. All nine Supreme Court judges agreed.

In their decision, the Court said:

We conclude that, in ... public education, the doctrine of "separate but equal" has no place. Separate educational facilities are inherently unequal.

This was the Civil Rights Movement's first major victory. However, Brown did not reverse Plessy v. Ferguson. Brown made segregation in schools illegal. But segregation in all other places was still legal.

The Montgomery Bus Boycott (1955-1956)

Civil rights leaders focused on Montgomery, Alabama, because the segregation there was so extreme. On December 1, 1955, local black leader Rosa Parks refused to give up her seat on a public bus to make room for a white passenger. Parks and was a civil rights activist and NAACP member; she had just returned from a training on nonviolent civil disobedience. She was arrested.

African-Americans gathered and organized the Montgomery Bus Boycott. They decided they would not ride on the buses again until they were treated the same as whites. Under segregation, blacks could not sit in front of whites - they had to sit in the back of the bus. Also, if a white person told a black person to move so they could sit down, the black person had to.

Most of Montgomery's 50,000 African Americans took part in the boycott. It lasted for 381 days and almost bankrupt the bus system. Meanwhile, the NAACP had been working on a lawsuit about segregation on buses. In 1956, they won the case, and the Supreme Court ordered Alabama to de-segregate its buses. The boycott ended with a victory.

De-segregating Little Rock Central High School (1957)

In 1957, the NAACP had signed up nine African American students (called the "Little Rock Nine") to go to Little Rock Central High School in Little Rock, Arkansas. Before this, only whites were allowed at the school. However, the Little Rock School Board had agreed to follow the Supreme Court's decision in Brown v. Board of Education and de-segregate its schools.

Then came the black students' first day of school. The Governor of Arkansas called out soldiers from the Arkansas National Guard to prevent the black students from even entering the school. This was against a Supreme Court ruling, so President Dwight D. Eisenhower got involved. He took control of the Arkansas National Guard and ordered them to leave the school. Then he sent soldiers from the United States Army to protect the students. This was an important civil rights victory. It meant the federal government was willing to get involved and force states to end segregation in schools.

Unfortunately, the Little Rock Nine were treated very badly by many of the white students at the school. At the end of the school year, Little Rock Central High School closed so it would not have to allow black students the next year. Other schools across the South did the same thing.

Sit-ins (1958-1960)
Between 1958 and 1960, activists used sit-ins to protest segregation at lunch counters (small restaurants inside stores). They would sit at the lunch counter and politely ask to buy some food. When they were told to leave, they would continue to sit quietly at the counter. Often they would stay until the lunch counter closed. Groups of activists would keep coming back to sit in at the same places until those places agreed to serve African Americans at their lunch counters.

In 1958, the NAACP organized the first sit-in in Wichita, Kansas. They sat in at a lunch counter in a store called Dockum's Drug Store. After three weeks, they got the store to de-segregate. Not long after, all of the Dockum Drug Stores in Kansas were de-segregated. Next, students in Oklahoma City, Oklahoma led a successful sit-in at another drug store.

In 1960, college students (including some white students) began to sit in at a Woolworth's lunch counter in Greensboro, North Carolina. After a while, they began to sit in at other lunch counters. In the stores that held these lunch counters, sales dropped by one-third. These stores de-segregated to avoid continuing to lose money. After five months of sit-ins, the Woolworth's in Greensboro also de-segregated its lunch counter. Newspapers all over the country wrote about the Greensboro sit-ins. Soon, people started sitting in across the South.

A few days after the Greensboro students started their sit-in, students in Nashville, Tennessee began their own sit-ins. They chose stores in the part of Nashville that had the most businesses. Before starting their sit-ins, they decided they would not be violent, no matter what. They wrote out rules, which activists in other cities began to use also. Their rules said:

Do not [hit] back or curse if abused. ... Do not block entrances to stores outside [or] the aisles inside. [Be polite] and friendly at all times. Do sit straight; always face the counter. ... Do refer information seekers to your leader in a polite manner. Remember the teachings of Jesus, Gandhi, Martin Luther King. Love and nonviolence is the way.

Many of the Nashville students were attacked and abused by groups of white people; arrested; and even beaten by police. However, the students were always nonviolent. Their protests, and the attacks on them, brought more newspaper stories and attention. It also showed how the activists were truly nonviolent. After three months of sit-ins, all of the lunch counters in Nashville's downtown department stores were de-segregated.

Soon, there were sit-ins all over the country. Sit-ins even happened in Nevada, and in northern states like Ohio. Over 70,000 people, black and white, took part in sit-ins. They used sit-ins to protest all kinds of segregated places - not just lunch counters, but also beaches, parks, museums, libraries, swimming pools, and other public places.

The sit-ins even got the support of President Eisenhower. After the Greensboro sit-ins started, he said he was "deeply sympathetic with the efforts of any group to enjoy the rights of equality that they are guaranteed by the Constitution."

In April 1960, students who had led sit-ins were invited to a conference. At the conference, they decided to form the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (SNCC). SNCC would become an important group in the civil rights movement.

Freedom Rides (1961)
In 1960, the Supreme Court had ruled in Boynton v. Virginia that it was illegal to segregate people on public transportation that was going from one state to another. In 1961, student activists decided to test whether the Southern states would follow this ruling. Groups of black and white activists decided to ride buses through the South, sitting together instead of segregating themselves. They planned to ride buses from Washington, D.C., to New Orleans, Louisiana. They called these rides the "Freedom Rides."

The Freedom Riders were met with danger and violence. For example:

 One bus in Alabama was firebombed, and the Freedom Riders had to run for their lives.
 In Birmingham, Alabama, Public Safety Commissioner Eugene "Bull" Connor let Ku Klux Klan members attack the Freedom Riders for 15 minutes before the police "protected" them. The Riders were badly beaten, and one needed 50 stitches in his head.
 In Montgomery, Alabama, the Freedom Riders were attacked by a mob (a large, angry group) of white people. This caused a huge riot that lasted two hours. Five Freedom Riders needed to go to the hospital, and 22 others were hurt.

The Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (SNCC) brought in more Freedom Riders to keep the movement going. They were also met with violence:

 In Montgomery, another mob attacked a bus. They knocked one activist unconscious and knocked another's teeth out.
 In Jackson, Mississippi, the Freedom Riders were arrested for using "white only" bathrooms and lunch counters.
 New Freedom Riders joined the movement. As they arrived in Jackson, they were arrested also. By the end of the summer, more than 300 had been put in jail.

A new law
However, people around the country began to support the Freedom Riders, who had never used violence, even when being attacked. Eventually, Robert Kennedy, the Attorney General in his brother John F. Kennedy's government, insisted on a new law about de-segregation. It said that:
 People could sit wherever they chose on buses
 There could be no "white" and "colored" signs in bus stations
 There could be no separate drinking fountains, toilets, or waiting rooms for whites and blacks
 Lunch counters had to serve people of all races

Voter registration (1961-1965)
Between 1961 and 1965, activist groups worked on trying to get black people registered (signed up) to vote. Since the end of Reconstruction, the Southern states had passed laws and used many strategies to keep black people from registering to vote. Often, these laws did not apply to white people.

Voter registration activists started out in Mississippi. All of Mississippi's civil rights organizations joined together to try to get people registered. Activist groups in Louisiana, Alabama, Georgia, and South Carolina then started similar programs. However, when the activists tried to register black people to vote, police, white racists, and the Ku Klux Klan beat, arrested, shot, and even murdered them.

Meanwhile, black people who tried to register to vote were fired from their jobs, thrown out of their homes, beaten, arrested, threatened, and sometimes murdered.

In 1964, the Civil Rights Act of 1964 was passed. It made discrimination illegal, and specifically said it was illegal to have different voter registration requirements for different races. However, even after this law was passed, the Southern states still made it very difficult for black people to vote. Finally, the Voting Rights Act of 1965 was passed. This law included ways to make sure that all United States citizens were getting their right to vote.

Integrating Mississippi universities (19561965)
Starting in 1956, a black man named Clyde Kennard wanted to go to Mississippi Southern College. Kennard had served in the Korean War, and he wanted to use the GI Bill to go to college. The college's president, William McCain, asked state politicians and a local racist group who supported segregation to make sure Kennard never got into the college.

Kenner was arrested twice for crimes he never committed. Eventually he was convicted and sentenced to seven years in prison. After Kennard had spent three years in prison doing forced labor, Governor Ross Barnett pardoned him. Journalists had looked into Kennard's case, and wrote that the state did not give Kennard the treatment he needed for his colon cancer. Kennard died that same year. Later, in 2006, a court ruled that Kennard was innocent of the crimes he had been sent to jail for .

In September 1962, James Meredith won a lawsuit that gave him the right to go to the University of Mississippi. He tried three times to get into the university to sign up for classes. Governor Ross Barnett blocked Meredith each time. He told Meredith: "[N]o school will be integrated in Mississippi while I am your Governor."

Attorney General Robert Kennedy sent United States Marshals to protect Meredith. On September 30, 1962, Meredith was able to enter the college with the Marshals protecting him. However, that evening, students and other racist whites started a riot. They threw rocks and fired guns at the Marshals. Two people were killed; 28 marshals were shot; and another 160 people were hurt. President John F. Kennedy sent the United States Army to the school to stop the riot. Meredith was able to begin classes at the college the day after the Army arrived. Meredith survived harassment and isolation at the college and graduated on August 18, 1963, with a a degree in political science.

Meredith and other activists kept working on de-segregating public universities. In 1965, the first two African American students were able to go to the University of Southern Mississippi.

Birmingham Campaign (1963)
In 1963, the Southern Christian Leadership Conference (SCLC) started a campaign in Birmingham, Alabama. Its goals were to de-segregate the stores in downtown Birmingham; make hiring fair; and create a committee, including blacks and whites, that would make a plan for de-segregating Birmingham's schools. Martin Luther King described Birmingham as "probably the most [completely] segregated city in the United States."

Birmingham's Commissioner of Public Safety was Eugene "Bull" Connor. (A Commissioner of Public Safety is in charge of the police and fire department, and deals with emergencies that could be dangerous to people in the city.) Connor was very much against integration. He often let the police, Ku Klux Klan, and racist white people attack civil rights activists. He promised that blacks and whites would never be integrated in Birmingham.

The activists used a few different non-violent ways of protesting, including sit-ins, "kneel-ins" at local churches, and marches.p. 218 However, the city got a court order saying all protests like this were illegal. The activists knew this was illegal, and in an act of civil disobedience, they refused to follow the court order.p. 108 The protesters, including Martin Luther King, were arrested.

While in jail, King was held in solitary confinement. While there, he wrote his famous "Letter from Birmingham Jail." He was let go after about a week.

The Children's Crusade
However, very few activists could afford to risk being arrested. One of SCLC's leaders then came up with the idea of training high school, college, and elementary school students to take part in the protests. He reasoned that students did not have full-time jobs to go to, they did not have families to take care of, and they could "afford" to be in jail more than their parents.

Newsweek magazine later named this plan the "Children's Crusade." On May 2, more than 600 students, including some as young as 8 years old, tried to march from a local church to City Hall. They were all arrested.

The next day, another 1,000 students started to march. Bull Connor let police dogs loose to attack them and used fire hoses to knock down the students. Reporters were there, and videos and pictures showing the violence were shown on television and printed across the country.

Agreement
People throughout the United States were so angry at seeing these videos that President Kennedy worked with the SCLC and the white businesses in Birmingham to work out an agreement. It said:
 Lunch counters and other public places downtown would be de-segregated
 They would create a committee to figure out how to stop discrimination in hiring
 All jailed protesters would be let go (labor unions like the AFL-CIO had helped raise bail money)
 Black and white leaders would communicate regularly

Some of Birmingham's whites were not happy with this agreement. They bombed the SCLC's headquarters; the home of King's brother; and a hotel where King had been staying. Thousands of blacks reacted by rioting; some burned buildings and one even stabbed and hurt a police officer.p. 301

On September 15, 1963, the Ku Klux Klan bombed a church in Birmingham, where civil rights activists often met before starting their marches. Since it was a Sunday, church services were going on. The bomb killed four young girls and hurt 22 other people.

"Rising tide of discontent" (1963)

During the spring and summer of 1963, there were protests in over a hundred United States cities, including Northern cities. There were riots in Chicago after a white police officer shot a 14-year-old black boy who was running away from the scene of a robbery. In Philadelphia and Harlem, black activists and white workers fought when the activists tried to integrate state-run construction projects. On June 6, over a thousand white people attacked a sit-in in North Carolina; black activists fought back, and a white man was killed.

In Cambridge, Maryland, white leaders declared martial law to stop fighting between blacks and whites. Attorney General Robert Kennedy had to get involved to create an agreement to de-segregate the city.

On June 11, 1963, Alabama Governor George Wallace actually stood in the doorway of the University of Alabama to stop its first two black students from getting inside. President Kennedy had to send United States soldiers to make him get out of the doorway, and make sure that the black students could get into the school.

Meanwhile, the Kennedy government had become very worried. Black leaders had told Robert Kennedy that it was getting harder and harder for African Americans to be nonviolent when they were getting attacked, and when it was taking so long for the United States government to help them get their civil rights. On the evening of June 11, President Kennedy gave a speech about civil rights. He talked about "a rising tide  of discontent [unhappiness] that threatens the public safety." He asked Congress to pass new civil rights laws. He also asked Americans to support civil rights as "a moral issue ... in our daily lives."

In the early morning of June 12, Medgar Evers, a leader of the Mississippi NAACP, was murdered by a Ku Klux Klan member.p. 113 The next week, President Kennedy gave Congress his Civil Rights bill, and asked them to make it into law.p. 126

The March on Washington (1963)

In 1963, civil rights leaders planned a protest march in Washington, D.C. All of the major civil rights groups, some labor unions, and other liberal groups cooperated in planning the march. The march's full name was "The March on Washington for Jobs and Freedom." The goals for the march were to get civil rights laws passed; to get the U.S. government to create more jobs; and to get equal, good housing, education, jobs, and voting rights for everyone. However, the most important goal was to get President Kennedy's civil rights law passed.p. 159

Many people thought it would be impossible for so many activists to come together without violence and rioting. The United States government got 19,000 soldiers ready nearby, in case of riots. Hospitals got ready to treat huge numbers of injured people. The government made selling alcohol in Washington, D.C., illegal for the day.p. 159

The March on Washington was one of the largest non-violent protests for human rights in United States history. Martin Luther King, Jr., thought that having 100,000 marchers would make the event successful. On August 28, 1963, about 250,000 activists from all over the country came together for the march. The marchers included about 60,000 white people (including church groups and labor union members), and between 75 and 100 members of Congress.p. 160 Together, they marched from the Washington Monument to the Lincoln Memorial. There, they listened to civil rights leaders speak.

Martin Luther King, Jr., spoke last. His speech, called "I Have a Dream," became one of history's most famous civil rights speeches.

Historians have said that the March on Washington helped get President Kennedy's civil rights bill passed.

Malcolm X joins the movement (1964)

Malcolm X was an American minister who converted to Islam in prison, around 1948. He became a member of the Nation of Islam.p. 138 This group believed in black supremacy - that the black race was the best of all. They believed that blacks should be completely independent from whites, and should eventually return to Africa.pp.127–128, 132–138pp. 149–152 They also believed that black people had the right to fight back and use violence to get their rights. Because of this, Malcolm X and the Nation of Islam did not support the civil rights movement, because it was non-violent and supported integration.pp. 79–80

However, in March 1964, Malcolm X was kicked out of the Nation of Islam, because he had disagreements with the group's leader, Elijah Muhammad. He offered to work with other civil rights groups, if they accepted that blacks had the right to defend themselves.

On March 26, 1964, Malcolm met with Martin Luther King, Jr. Malcolm had a plan to bring the United States before the United Nations on charges that the U.S. violated African Americans' human rights. Dr. King may have been planning to support this.

Between 1963 and 1964, civil rights activists got more angry and more likely to fight back against whites. In April 1964, Malcolm gave a famous speech called "The Ballot or the Bullet." ("The ballot" means "voting.") In the speech, he said that if the U.S. government is "unwilling or unable to defend the lives and the property of Negroes," then African Americans should defend themselves.p. 43 He warned politicians that many African Americans were not willing "to turn the other cheek any longer."p. 25 Then he warned white America about what would happen if blacks were not allowed to vote:

Mississippi Freedom Summer (1964)

In the summer of 1964, civil rights groups brought almost 1,000 activists to Mississippi. Most of them were white college students.p. 66 Their goals were to work together with black activists to register voters, and to teach summer school to black children in "Freedom Schools." They also wanted to help create the Mississippi Freedom Democratic Party (MFDP). At the time, only white people could take part in the Mississippi Democratic Party. The MFDP was planned as another political party that would allow black and white Democrats to take part in politics.

Many white Mississippians were angry that people from other states were coming in and trying to change their society. Government workers, police, the Ku Klux Klan, and other racist whites used many strategies to attack the activists and black people who were trying to register to vote. The Freedom Summer project lasted for ten weeks. During that time, 1,062 activists were arrested; 80 were beaten; and 4 were killed. Three black Mississippians were murdered because they supported civil rights. Thirty-seven churches, and thirty black homes or businesses, were bombed or burned.

On June 21, 1964, three Freedom Summer activists disappeared. Weeks later, their bodies were found. They had been murdered by members of the local Ku Klux Klan - including some who were also police in the Neshoba County sheriff's department. When people were searching for their bodies in local swamps and rivers, they found the bodies of a 14-year-old boy and seven other men who also seemed to have been murdered at some time.

During Freedom Summer, activists set up at least 30 Freedom Schools, and taught about 3,500 students. The students included children, adults, and the elderly. The schools taught about many things, like black history; civil rights; politics; the freedom movement; and the basic reading and writing skills needed to vote.

Also during the summer, about 17,000 black Mississippians tried to register to vote. Only 1,600 were able to. However, more than 80,000 joined the Mississippi Freedom Democratic Party (MFDP). This showed that they wanted to vote and take part in politics, not just let white people do it for them.

Civil Rights Act of 1964

John F. Kennedy's suggested civil rights bill had support from Northern members of Congress - both Democrats and Republicans. However, Southern Senators blocked the suggested law from passing. They filibustered for 54 days to block the bill from becoming a law. Finally, President Lyndon B. Johnson got a bill to pass.

On July 2, 1964, Johnson signed the Civil Rights Act of 1964. The law said:
 It was illegal to discriminate against people in public places or jobs, just because of their race, skin color, religion, sex, or home country
 If places broke the law, the Attorney General could file lawsuits against them to force them to follow the law
 Any state or local laws that made it legal to discriminate in public places or jobs were no longer legal

King awarded Nobel Peace Prize (1964)

In December 1964, Martin Luther King was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize. When giving him the award, the Chairman of the Nobel Committee said:

Selma to Montgomery Marches (1965)
In January 1965, Martin Luther King and the SCLC went to Selma, Alabama. Civil rights groups there had asked them to come help get black people registered to vote. At the time, 99% of the people registered to vote in Selma were white. Together, they started working on voting rights.

However, the next month, an African-American man named Jimmie Lee Jackson was shot by a police officer during a peaceful march. Jackson died.pp. 121–123 Many African-American people were very angry. The SCLC was worried that people were so angry that they would get violent.

The SCLC decided to organize a march from Selma to Montgomery. This would be a 54-mile (87-kilometer) march. Activists hoped the march would show how badly African-Americans wanted to vote. They also wanted to show that they would not let racism or violence stop them from getting equal rights.

The first march was on March 7, 1965. Police officers and racist whites attacked the marchers with clubs and tear gas. They threatened to throw the marchers off the Edmund Pettus Bridge. Seventeen marchers had to go to the hospital, and 50 others were also injured. This day came to be called Bloody Sunday. Pictures and film of the marchers being beaten were shown in newspapers and on television around the world.

Seeing these things made more people support the civil rights activists. People came from all over the United States to march with the activists. One of them, James Reeb, was attacked by white people for supporting civil rights. He died on March 11, 1965.

Finally, President Johnson decided to send soldiers from the United States Army and the Alabama National Guard to protect the marchers. From March 21 to March 25, the marchers walked along the "Jefferson Davis Highway" from Selma to Montgomery. On March 25, 25,000 people entered Montgomery. Martin Luther King gave a speech called "How Long? Not Long" at the Alabama State Capitol. He told the marchers that it would not be long before they had equal rights, "because the arc of the moral universe is long, but it bends toward justice."

After the march, Viola Liuzzo, a white woman from Detroit, drove some other marchers to the airport. While she was driving back, she was murdered by three members of the Ku Klux Klan.

The Voting Rights Act of 1965

On August 6, 1965, the United States passed the Voting Rights Act. This law made it illegal to stop somebody from voting because of their race. This meant that all the state laws that kept black people from voting were now illegal.

For almost 100 years, registrars (the government workers who had registered people to vote) were all white. They had total power over who they could register and who they would not register. If a registrar refused to let a black person register, that person could only file a lawsuit, which they were not likely to win. However, the Voting Rights Act finally made a change to this system. If a registrar discriminated against black people, the Attorney General could send federal workers to replace local registrars.

The law worked right away. Within a few months, 250,000 new black voters had signed up to vote. One out of every three of them was registered by a federal worker who replaced a racist registrar. In 1965, 74% of Mississippi's black voters actually voted, and more black politicians were elected in Mississippi than in any other state. By 1967, most African Americans were registered to vote in 9 of the 13 states in the South.

Politics in the South were completely changed by African Americans having the power to vote. White politicians could no longer make laws about African Americans without blacks having a say. In many parts of the South, black people outnumbered whites. This meant that they could vote in black politicians, and vote out racist whites. Also, black people who were registered to vote could be on juries. Before this, any time an African American was charged with a crime, the jury that decided whether they were guilty would be all-white.

Fair housing movements (1966-1968)
From 1966 to 1968, the civil rights movement focused a lot on fair housing. Even outside the South, fair housing was a problem. For example, in 1963, California passed a Fair Housing Act which made segregation in housing illegal. White voters and real estate lobbyists got the law reversed the next year. This helped cause the Watts Riots. (Later, in 1966, California made the Fair Housing Act the law again.)

Activists, including Martin Luther King, led a movement for fair housing in Chicago in 1966. The next year, young NAACP members did the same in Milwaukee. Activists in both cities got attacked physically by white homeowners, and legally by politicians who supported segregation.

The Fair Housing Bill
Of all the civil rights laws passed during the Civil Rights Movement, the Fair Housing Act was the hardest to pass. The law would make discrimination in housing illegal. This meant black people would be allowed to move into white neighborhoods. As Senator Walter Mondale said: "This was civil rights getting personal."

The suggested Fair Housing Bill was sent to the United States Senate first. There, most Senators - Northern and Southern - were against the bill. In March of 1968, the Senate sent a weaker version to the House of Representatives. The House was expected to make changes that would make the bill even weaker.

That did not happen. On April 4, 1968, Martin Luther King was murdered. This made many members of Congress feel like they needed to do something about civil rights quickly. The day after Dr. King's murder, Senator Mondale stood in front of the Senate and said:

On April 10, Congress passed the Civil Rights Act of 1968. President Johnson signed the law the next day. Part of the law is called the "Fair Housing Act." It makes it illegal to discriminate in selling, renting, or lending money for housing, based on a person's race, skin color, religion, or home country.

The King assassination and the Poor People's Campaign (1968)

In 1968, Martin Luther King and the SCLC were planning the Poor People's Campaign. People of all races took part in the movement. The movement's goal was to decrease poverty for people of all races.

As part of his work against poverty, Dr. King and the SCLC started to speak out against the Vietnam War. King argued that poor people in Vietnam were being killed, and that the War would only make them poorer. He also argued that the United States was spending more and more money and time on the War, and less on programs to help poor Americans.

In March 1968, Dr. King was invited to Memphis, Tennessee to support garbage workers that were on strike. These workers were paid very little, and two workers had been killed doing their jobs. They wanted to be members of a labor union. Dr. King thought this strike was a perfect fit for his Poor People's Campaign. As soon as he got to Memphis, King started getting threats.

The day before he was murdered, King gave a sermon called "I've Been to the Mountaintop." The next day he was murdered. After King was killed, people rioted in more than 100 cities across the United States.

Civil rights leader Ralph Abernathy continued the Poor People's Campaign after King's death. About 3,000 activists camped out on the National Mall in Washington, D.C., for about six weeks.

The day before Dr. King's funeral, his wife, Coretta Scott King, and three of their children led 20,000 marchers through Memphis. Soldiers protected the marchers. On April 9, Mrs. King led another 150,000 people through Atlanta during Dr. King's funeral. An old, wooden wagon, pulled by mules, pulled Dr. King's casket. The wagon was a symbol of Dr. King's Poor People's Campaign.

Mrs. King once said:

Deaths
Many people were killed during the Civil Rights Movement. Some were killed because they supported civil rights. Others were killed by the Ku Klux Klan (KKK) or other racist whites who wanted to terrorize black people. No one knows just how many people were killed during the Civil Rights Movement. However, here are some examples. People whose names are highlighted in blue were children or teenagers when they were killed.

An unknown number of other people died or were killed during the Civil Rights Movement.

Related pages
 History: Slavery; American Civil War; Reconstruction; Plessy v. Ferguson
 Causes: Racism; white supremacy; racial segregation; discrimination; Jim Crow laws; lynchings
 People: Martin Luther King, Jr.; Coretta Scott King; James Lawson; James Meredith; Little Rock Nine; Rosa Parks; Malcolm X
 Groups: National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP); Southern Christian Leadership Conference (SCLC); Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (SNCC)
 Law & government: Law of the United States; case law; federal law; legislation; Constitution of the United States; Supreme Court; United States Congress
 Rights: Civil rights; civil liberties; human rights; right to vote; social equality; social justice
 Other: Ku Klux Klan; sundown towns; White Citizens' Council

Notes

References

American civil rights
20th century in the United States
African-American history

Civil Rights Movement


Harry James Duynhoven (born 1955) is a New Zealand politeecian, an a member o the kintra's pairlament in Wellington, representin the Labour Pairty.  He is a consteetuency member unner the proportional representation seestem, representin New Plymouth.

1955 births
Livin fowk
New Zealand eddicators
New Zealand Labour Pairty MPs
Fowk eddicatit at Spotswood College
Members o the Cabinet o New Zealand
Fowk frae New Plymouth
New Zealand fowk o Dutch strynd
Companions o the Queen's Service Order
Mayors o New Plymouth
Members o the New Zealand Hoose o Representatives
Unsuccessfu candidates in the New Zealand general election, 1990
New Zealand MPs for North Island electorates
Unsuccessfu candidates in the New Zealand general election, 2008
21st-century New Zealand politeecians
20t-century New Zealand politeecians

Harry Duynhoven


The Colossus and Other Poems is a poetry collection by American poet Sylvia Plath, first published by Heinemann, in 1960. It is the only volume of poetry by Plath that was published before her death in 1963.

Contents
The list below includes the poems in the US version of the collection, published by Heinemann in 1960. This omits several poems from the first UK edition, published by Faber and Faber in 1967, including five of the seven sections of "Poem for a Birthday", only two of which ("Flute Notes from a Reedy Pond" and "The Stones") are included in the US edition.

The title The Colossus comes from "Kolossus" a character who appeared in the ouija board games of Plath and Ted Hughes directing her to write poems on certain topics.

"The Manor Garden"
"Two Views of a Cadaver Room"
"Night Shift"
"Sow"
"The Eye-mote"
"Hardcastle Crags"
"Faun"
"Departure"
"The Colossus"
"Lorelei"
"Point Shirley"
"The Bull of Bendylaw"
"All the Dead Dears"
"Aftermath"
"The Thin People"
"Suicide Off Egg Rock"
"Mushrooms"
"I Want, I Want"
"Watercolor of Grantchester Meadows"
"The Ghost's Leavetaking"
"A Winter Ship"
"Full Fathom Five"
"Blue Moles"
"Strumpet Song"
"Man in Black"
"Snakecharmer"
"The Hermit at Outermost House"
"The Disquieting Muses"
"Medallion"
"The Companionable Ills"
"Moonrise"
"Spinster"
"Frog Autumn"
"Mussel Hunter at Rock Harbor"
"The Beekeeper's Daughter"
"The Times Are Tidy"
"The Burnt-out Spa"
"Sculptor"
"Flute Notes from a Reedy Pond"
"The Stones"

Critical reception
Prominent journalist, poet and literary critic for The Observer newspaper, Al Alvarez, called the posthumous re-release of the book, after the success of Ariel, a "major literary event" and wrote of Plath's work:
"She steers clear of feminine charm, deliciousness, gentility, supersensitivity and the act of being a poetess. She simply writes good poetry. And she does so with a seriousness that demands only that she be judged equally seriously... There is an admirable no-nonsense air about this; the language is bare but vivid and precise, with a concentration that implies a good deal of disturbance with proportionately little fuss."

Seamus Heaney said of The Colossus: "On every page, a poet is serving notice that she has earned her credentials and knows her trade."

References

External links

1960 poetry books
American poetry collections
Books by Sylvia Plath
Debut books
Heinemann (publisher) books

The Colossus and Other Poems


Gerald James Whitrow (9 June 1912 – 2 June 2000) was a British mathematician, cosmologist and science historian.

Biography
Whitrow was born on 9 June 1912 at Kimmeridge in Dorset, the elder son of William and Emily (née Watkins) Whitrow.

After completing school at Christ's Hospital, he obtained a scholarship at Christ Church, Oxford in 1930, earning his first degree in 1933; he was a Harmsworth Senior Scholar at Merton College, Oxford, from 1935 to 1937, taking his MA in 1937, and was awarded his PhD in 1939. At Oxford he worked on an alternative theory of relativity with Professor Edward Arthur Milne. During World War II, he worked as a scientific officer for the Ministry of Supply. His work was on defence research, including ballistics, and he worked at Fort Halstead (near Sevenoaks) and Cambridge. After the war, he taught at the Imperial College, London, first as a lecturer, then as reader of applied mathematics (1951), and as professor of the history of mathematics in 1972.

In 1955 Whitrow investigated the possibility of extradimensional space in "Why Physical Space Has Three Dimensions."  He argued that if space has four dimensions and the laws of gravitation and electromagnetism remain unchanged, the inverse square law would be transformed into an inverse cube law, leading to unstable planetary orbits and atomic structures. These instabilities would worsen for dimensions larger than four. If spatial dimensions were reduced to two, the propagation and reflection of waves would be more difficult, which would reduce coherent behavior of complex systems. He concluded that life would not be possible in other than three space dimensions.

Following his 1979 retirement, he was emeritus professor and senior research fellow of the Imperial College. For much of his life he was a Fellow of the Royal Astronomical Society, to which he made an extraordinary contribution by reorganizing its important library and archives when he became chairman of the library committee in the early 1960s, a position he held until 1975. In 1971 he was among the founders of the British Society for the History of Science. Whitrow's interest in libraries and archives extended to the Athenaeum Club, of which he was elected a member in 1957. He served two terms on the club's library committee and was its chairman between 1979 and 1981. He was responsible for founding some of the various discussion groups that exist in the club, and in the early 1990s he served on its executive committee.

His main contributions were in the fields of cosmology and astrophysics, but his interests included the history and philosophy of science, with a particular focus on the concept of time. Among his publications, The Natural Philosophy of Time received special attention.  His work placed him at the centre of the study of time and this led, in 1966, to his becoming the first president of the newly founded International Society for the Study of Time.

Whitrow published an important paper on the cosmic background radiation (relic of the Primordial Fireball) with B. D. Yallop in 1964:

Title: The background radiation in homogeneous isotropic world models, I.
Authors: Whitrow, G. J. & Yallop, B. D.
Journal: Monthly Notices of the Royal Astronomical Society, Vol. 127, p. 301
Bibliographic Code: 1964 MNRAS.127..301W

Whitrow died on 2 June 2000 and, following a private funeral, his ashes were scattered on Christ Church Meadow. The Royal Astronomical Society awards a biennial lectureship in his name.

Bibliography
Books:
1959 (1949). The Structure and Evolution of the Universe: An Introduction to Cosmology.
1973 (1956). Atoms and the Universe (with G.O. Jones and J. Rotblat). Penguin Books.
1959. The Structure and Evolution of the Universe. London: Hutchinson.
1960. Rival Theories of Cosmology (with Hermann Bondi, W. B. Bonnor and R. A. Lyttleton).
1980 (1960). The Natural Philosophy of Time. Oxford Univ. Press.
1972. What is Time?.
1975. The Nature of Time. Holt, Rinehart and Winston.
1986. Einstein, the Man and his Achievement. Dover.
1988. Time in History. Oxford University Press.

Articles:
1967, "Reflections on the Natural Philosophy of Time," Annals of the New York Academy of Sciences 138: 422–32.
1979, "Mathematical Time and Its Role in the Development of the Scientific World-View" in Greenway, Frank, ed., Time and the Sciences. Paris: UNESCO: 21–37.
1973, "Time and Measurement," Dictionary of the History of Ideas.

References

James, F. A. J. L., 2001, "Gerald James Whitrow (1912-2000)" (obituary), Astronomy & Astrophysics 42: 2.35-2.38.

External links
 Gerald James Whitrow @GoogleBooks

1912 births
2000 deaths
People from Purbeck District
Alumni of Christ Church, Oxford
People educated at Christ's Hospital
20th-century British astronomers
British cosmologists
English physicists
English science writers
20th-century English mathematicians
Academics of Imperial College London
Alumni of Merton College, Oxford
Historians of science
Philosophers of cosmology
Philosophers of science
Philosophers of time

Gerald James Whitrow


Mehmed Orhan  (11 July 1909  5/12 March 1994) was the 42nd head of the Ottoman dynasty. He succeeded as head of the dynasty on 9 December 1983, after the death of Ali Vâsib. If reigning, he would be Sultan Orhan VII.

Life
He was born at Serencebey Palace or at Kisil Toprak, Turkey. He was the son of HIH Prince Şehzade Mehmed Abdul Kadir Efendi, Captain of the Ottoman Army, by second wife HH Mihriban Hanımefendi. The marriage was not recognised by the Imperial House. On his 13 birthday he was ceremoniously circumcised in the Dolmabahce Palace.
He died in Nice and was buried there.

Marriages and issue
In January 1933, Prince Mehmed Orhan married the Egyptian Princess HH Nafiye Yeghen Hanım Efendi. This marriage was annulled in 1947. In Paris in 1944, he got a Morganatic marriage with the French American Marguerite Irma Fournier. He had a daughter with his first wife and a stepson with his second wife.

HIH Princess Fatma Necla Sultan (born in Cairo, 14 September 1933 - 2010 at Zurich)
Sultanzade Erol Mangos, (born 1954) by Ali Zeki Mangos
Sultanzade Osman Cem Germann, (born 1963) by Randoph Germann
Mehmed Selim Orhan, (born in Paris, 3. October 1943) deprived since birth of title HIH Şehzade

Eligibility note: A male person born to parents who are not married to each other at the time of birth is not included in the line of succession and passes no rights to their descendants.

Mehmed Selim Orhan de Turquie was born before his parents married in 1944. At the time of his birth, his stepfather was not divorced by his first wife.

Marcos Alberto Alcalai- born in Brazil in 1962 Mehemed Orhan's only biological child born of a relationship with a divorced woman, legitimized in Turkey in 1992 was not deprived of the title of HIH Şehzade

References

Genealogy of Mehmed Orhan
Frebault, Henri. "Mehmed Orhan de Turquie". GeneaNet. Retrieved 25 January 2014.
The History Files: The Ottoman Empire

1914 births
1994 deaths
House of Osman

Mehmed Orhan


Sir Douglas Andrew Kilgour Black (29 May 1913 – 13 September 2002) was a Scottish physician and medical scientist who played a key role in the development of the National Health Service. He conducted research in the field of public health and was famous as the author of the Black Report. He was also known for the Black Formula, a translation of the Pignet formula to British measurements.

He was born in Delting Shetland in 1913, educated at Forfar Academy, and studied medicine at the Bute Medical School, University of St Andrews, graduating with MB ChB in 1933.

He conducted research into water loss and dehydration, first at Oxford University, and then at the University of Manchester, where he became professor of medicine in 1959.

In 1974 he became the first chief scientist at the Department of Health and Social Security of the UK government.  From 1977 to 1983 he was president of the Royal College of Physicians. He also served as the president of the British Medical Association and took an uncompromising stand against the apartheid regime in South Africa.

In the 1970s Black was asked by the Labour government of the UK to chair an expert committee to investigate health inequalities.  The report produced by this committee, popularly known as "The Black Report" was published in 1980.  Although unpopular with the then Conservative government, it has had a major impact on knowledge on the subject of health inequality since that time, and was published by Penguin Books as Inequalities in Health: The Black Report and the Health Divide in 1982.

Later, Black chaired the UK government investigation into childhood leukaemia around the nuclear reprocessing plant at Sellafield, Cumbria, England.

Black was created a Knight Bachelor in 1973, and a Knight of the Most Venerable Order of St John of Jerusalem in 1989.

Interviews

References

 RCP Presidents

External links
BMJ Obituary of Sir Douglas Black:"Sir Douglas Black: Professor of medicine whose famous report on inequality and health fell foul of the Thatcher government".
 Obituary at the Guardian 14 September 2002: "Sir Douglas Black: A giant in many fields of medical research, he played a crucial role in shaping the NHS".

1913 births
2002 deaths
People from Shetland
People educated at Forfar Academy
Alumni of the University of St Andrews
Academics of the Victoria University of Manchester
Fellows of the Royal College of Physicians
Knights Bachelor
Presidents of the Royal College of Physicians
National Health Service people
Scottish knights
20th-century Scottish medical doctors
Scottish scientists
Scottish scholars and academics
British public health doctors
Presidents of the British Medical Association

Douglas Black (physician)


The Vaticinia Michaelis Nostradami de Futuri Christi Vicarii ad Cesarem Filium D. I. A. Interprete (The Prophecies of Michel Nostradamus on The Future Vicars of Christ to Cesar His Son, As Expounded by Lord Abbot Joachim), or Vaticinia Nostradami (The Prophecies of Nostradamus) for short, is a collection of eighty watercolor images compiled as an illustrated codex. A version of the well-known Vaticinia de Summis Pontificibus of the 13th–14th century, it was discovered in 1994 by the Italian journalists Enza Massa and Roberto Pinotti in the Biblioteca Nazionale Centrale di Roma (Central National Library) in Rome, Italy. The document can be found in the library under the title Fondo Vittorio Emanuele 307.

Alleged Nostradamian connections

A postscript by Carthusian librarians states that the book had been presented by one Brother Beroaldus to cardinal Maffeo Barberini, who would later become Pope Urban VIII (1623–1644). A further covering note suggests that the images were by the French seer Nostradamus (1503–1566), and had been sent to Rome by his son César de Nostredame as a gift. There is, however, absolutely no contemporary evidence that Nostradamus himself was either a painter or the author of the work, whose contents in fact date from several centuries before his time—nor, indeed, that he had ever heard of it, given that it did not finally appear in print until after his death. The postscript is in fact dated '1629', and the covering note (not in Nostradamus's hand) from which the Nostradamian title derives cannot, on the basis of its contents, date from earlier than 1689 – though an internal note does refer to a source dated 1343.

Nevertheless, the highly speculative Italian writer Ottavio Cesare Ramotti, together with the History Channel's The Lost Book of Nostradamus (October 2007), have still made much of the book's supposedly 'Nostradamian' origin.

There is a letter by Cèsar de Nostredame (Michel's first son), written to the French scientist Fabri de Peiresc, in which mention is made of several miniatures painted by Cèsar, and of a booklet that was destined as a gift to King Louis XIII in 1629, but there is no evidence whatsoever of any connection between these and the Vaticinia.

Style

The images contain symbolic objects, letters, animals, crossings of banners, bugles, crosses, candles, three writing styles, etc., some of which seem to some to form figures similar to Roman numerals, or veiled references to personal names. As suggested by the various added inscriptions, they are supposed to have been inspired by the celebrated papal prophecies of Abbot Joachim of Fiore, a 12th-century Cistercian monk from Calabria.

Sources

The origin of the work is clearly the fourteenth century Vaticinia de Summis Pontificibus, in which most of the images (including Image 23 opposite) are to be found. By way of example, its Image 12 corresponds to the latter's Image 9, Image 18 to 15, Image 23 to 20, Image 24 to 21 and Image 29 to 26 (note, too, the similarity of sequence). A work similar to this is Marston MS 225, which can be found in the manuscript and rare-book library of Yale University, in New Haven, Connecticut, United States. This manuscript comes from the German areas of Bavaria and Bohemia, probably from within the courts of emperor Frederick III and Maximilian I.

See also
 Joachim da Fiore
 Saint Malachy (Archbishop of Armagh) and his Prophecy of the Popes
 Michel Nostradamus, the famous 16th-century French seer
 Prophesy
 Roman Catholic Church
 Tu Bei Tu
 Vaticinia de Summis Pontificibus

Notes

References
 Baschera, R. and Cheynet E., Il Grande Libro Delle Profezie, (MEB) 1995
 de Brosses, Marie-Therese and Vlaicu, Ionescu Nostradamus Aveva Ragione, (Corbaccio)
 Grundmann, Herbert, Gioacchino da Fiore. Vita e Opere (Viella) 1997
 Lemesurier, Peter. The Unknown Nostradamus  2003
 Leoni, Edgar, Nostradamus and His Prophecies, (1961, r.2000)
 de la Mare, A.C., Lyell Catalogue, p. 88.
 Patrian, Carlo, Le Profezie, (Mediterranee), 1978
 Ramotti, Cesare, Scienza Temporale e Papi del Futuro, (Noesis), Roma 1996.
 Reeves, Marjorie, The Influence of Prophecy in the Later Middle Ages: a Study in Joachimism (Oxford, 1969) pp. 312 (n. 1), 324, 405, 523.
 Reeves, Marjorie, Some Popular Prophecies from the Fourteenth to the Seventeenth Centuries, Studies in Church History 8 (1971) p. 119.
 Ruzo, Daniel, El Testamento Autentico de Nostradamus

External links

 Yale University; MARSTON MS 225

17th-century manuscripts
17th-century paintings
1994 archaeological discoveries
Christian apocalyptic writings
Nostradamus
Prophecy in Christianity
Watercolor paintings

Vaticinia Nostradami


Sukhaamphaa also known as Khora roja (1552–1603) was a king of the Ahom kingdom of medieval Assam.  He ruled for a period of fifty one years, the longest in the Ahom dynasty.  Very fond of sports, he fell off an elephant soon after his ascension and the injury gave him a limp, and as a result the Buranjis often called him the Khora roja.

Ascension and general rule
Sukhaamphaa became the king of the Ahom kingdom after his father, Suklenmung, died.

He was particularly fond of sports and personally took part in elephant catching expeditions (khedda).  Unlike during his father's rule when Sankardev and Madhavdev had to flee the kingdom, the disciples of Madhavdev could come and establish centers of Ekasarana Dharma and it was during Sukhaamphaa's reign that the religion took firm root and began to flourish.  Many common folks as well as high officials of the kingdom took initiation in this religion, a development with remarkable consequences.

Wars

With the Koch
A dispute in 1562 with the Koch kingdom led to a full-fledged invasion in January 1563 by the Koch general Chilarai.  Aikhek, the Burhagohain who was the commander of the Ahom military, offered ineffectual opposition, and Chilarai was able to quickly occupy the Ahom capital Garhgaon.  Sukhaamphaa fled to Namrup, which one of his successors, Sutamla, would be forced to do once again when Mir Jumla II occupies the capital hundred years later.

Peace negotiations began that year itself, and Chilarai agreed to hand back the capital in return for a large tract of land in the north bank of Brahmaputra river, sons of nobles for hostage and riches in gold, silver and fabric, as agreed upon in the Treaty of Majuli.  Sukhaamphaa came back to the capital, and in the inquiry into the cause of defeat that followed, Aikhek was removed from the office the Burhagohain and replaced by Chaopet (Kankham).  In due course, the Ahoms could recover Narayanpur, and up to Sala; and Nara Narayana, the Koch king, who was facing aggression from Bengal, released the hostages to ease relations with the Ahoms.

With others
Sukhaamphaa's long reign saw much other belligerence, but which did not alter the status quo much, or put him in as much distress as the Koch invasion did.  Among many minor offensives from the Chutia people, the most important conflict was with the Nara king of Mungkang, when he invaded the Ahom territory of Khamjang across the Patkai. This led to further belligerence in 1576, that finally led to the Nara army defeating the Ahoms in Namrup and reaching the Sesa river, when the Ahom could finally push them back.

Death
Sukhaamphaa died of natural causes in 1603 at Khowang and his son Susenghphaa became the new Swargadeo.

Notes

References

Ahom kings
Ahom kingdom

16th-century births
1603 deaths
Year of birth unknown

Sukhaamphaa


François Jacquier (7 June 1711 at Vitry-le-François – 3 July 1788 at Rome) was a French Franciscan mathematician and physicist.

Life

His early education was entrusted to an ecclesiastic, who recognized in him an inclination to science and mathematics. When sixteen years old, François, entered the Order of Friars Minor, and after profession was sent to Rome, to complete his studies in the French convent of the order, Trinità dei Monti. With the permission of his superiors he specialized in mathematics, and at the same time studied the ancient languages. He became proficient in Hebrew, and spoke Greek as though it were his mother-tongue.

His learning gained for him the patronage of Cardinal Alberoni and Cardinal Portocarrero. He accompanied Cardinal Alberoni on his legation to Ravenna, and was appointed to inspect the work begun by Eustachio Manfredi to prevent the repeated floods of that territory. On his return he was given the chair of Sacred Scripture at the College of the Propaganda, and was also detailed by the general chapter of the Friars Minors, assembled at Marseilles, to work upon the annals of the order.

The King of Sardinia named him professor of physics at the University of Turin in 1745, but Cardinal Valenti, prime minister of Pope Benedict XIV had him assigned to the chair of experimental physics at the Roman College. Here he was in demand for consultation on scientific matters.

In 1763 he was appointed instructor in physics and mathematics to the young Prince Ferdinand at Parma. He was appointed in 1773 to the chair of mathematics at the Roman College, on the occasion of the suppression of the Jesuits. At his death he was connected with nearly all the great scientific and literary societies of Europe. He had been elected a Fellow of the Royal Society in 1741.

Works

The most important of his works are:

Isaaci Newtoni philosophiæ naturalis principia mathematica, perpetuis commentariis illustrata (4 parts in 3 vols. 4to, Feneva, 1739–42), in collaboration with P. Lesuer;
Elementi di perspectiva secondo I principi di Taylor (8 vo, Rome, 1745);
Institutiones Philosophicæ ad studia theologica potissimum accommodata (6 vols. in 12 mo, Rome, 1757), reprinted many times at Rome, Venice, and in Germany, and later translated into Spanish;
Eléments du calcul intégral (4to, Parma, 1768), a work highly esteemed and more complete than any that had been published up to that time.

References

External links
Jean-Christophe Stuccilli, "Un inédit romain de Laurent Pécheux : le portrait du père François Jacquier", Studiolo, 8 - 2010, p. 185-194.
Source

1711 births
1788 deaths
People from Vitry-le-François
French Friars Minor
18th-century French mathematicians
Catholic clergy scientists
Fellows of the Royal Society

François Jacquier


A bad check restitution program (BCRP) is a program in the United States that works to retrieve funds from bad check writers in order to repay moneys owed to the recipients of the checks.  In other words, these are debt collection operations.  Many of these programs are operated by private companies that add fees that may exceed $200, regardless of the amount of the check.  They call these operations "bad check enforcement," or "bad check restitution," or "bad check diversion."  Sometime, these programs are actually run in house by real prosecutors.  The private companies send check writers letters which state basically, that to avoid being prosecuted, the check writer may enroll in an expensive diversion program. In most instances, the prosecution threats are false and made only to coerce payment of high fees.

In the US very few states have laws that specifically permit district attorneys to allow private collection agencies to collect checks in the district attorney's name.  About half of all U.S. states offer some type of Bad Check Restitution Program, and these services vary in many ways.  Some accept non-sufficient funds (NSF), and closed account checks while others may accept stopped payment checks and markers.  It will also be noted that most have time limits (checks may need to be less than 90 or 180 days old and most need to be at least 30 days old and have had to have notice to check maker that the check has been returned unpaid with a demand for payment in a specified time). Some will not accept checks that were written under certain circumstances, including a post-dated check, one that the check writer asked the recipient to hold, or one that was written as an extension of credit.

Methods
A Bad Check Diversion Program generally pursues the bad check writer by stating (typically from the local District Attorney's office) that the check writer has committed a criminal act, and is subject to prosecution. The check writer is told that s/he may avoid prosecution by meeting the guidelines of the program, which generally include the payment of all monies owed to the victim, a program fee, and in some jurisdictions, participation in a course designed to improve the check writer's habits.

Typically, the letters are sent to the check writer without a prosecutor ever having reviewed any evidence or considered whether the check writer committed a crime.  These are highly automated operations in which large retailers and collection agencies transmit masses of computer data directly to the private company that is trying to collect the check, using the prosecutor's name and authority.  Generally, enrollment in the program is not an admission of guilt to a crime, and will not result in criminal charges being filed or a criminal record. The check writer is told that if s/he successfully completes all program requirements, the case against him/her dismissed without any possibility of arrest, criminal charges or a record thereafter.

Bad Check Restitution Programs compete directly with private collection agencies.  They claim that they can recover more successfully than private collection agencies, because they have "the power of the DA brand."  They help businesses recover hundreds of thousands of dollars each year throughout the United States. Most Prosecutor offices try to make these programs free to taxpayers (i.e. bad check collection is funded by fees paid by bad check writers).

Criticism of BCRPs
According to law enforcement agencies and district attorneys, BCRPs are diversion programs operated by the county, state, or other jurisdiction that are responsible for collecting funds owed to victims . They claim the purpose is to recover the losses of the victims.

Many consumer advocates oppose the actions of BCRPs, particularly those operated by private, for-profit companies, stating that bad check writing is not a crime unless the check writer actually intended to defraud the recipient. The writer of the bad check is told that the use of the program is optional, but is falsely threatened that the options are to participate, or risk going to jail. The writer is usually informed within the letter that entering the program is not necessary, and it is permissible to stand trial, even though no charges have been, or are likely to be filed.

Sometimes the program is handled internally by the law enforcement agency itself, which often generates a substantial portion of its overall budget from the check fees that it collects .  In many cases, the law enforcement agency signs up with a private collection agency. The private company essentially pays the law enforcement agency a small portion of the fees it collects in exchange for permission to send demand letters on official law enforcement agency letterhead and to threaten to prosecute check writers who do not pay up to $200 in fees, plus the check itself. This is when, in most instances, there is no criminal case to dismiss, and no law enforcement official has reviewed the check writer's file to  even determine if there is/was evidence of a crime  .

These programs have been criticized in news journals across the country as being unfair, unethical, predatory and possibly illegal.  In 2013 in Massachusetts, the prosecutors who used these programs suspended their operations when questions were raised in a Boston Globe investigation.  In November 2014, the American Bar Association issued a Formal Opinion, finding that it was unethical for prosecutors to allow these companies to use prosecutor letterhead, because it was "abusive" to convey "the impression that the machinery of the criminal justice system has been mobilized" against the consumer, who is led to believe that he or she may face jail time unless the collector gets paid.

Lawsuits against BCRPs
In most states, it is not a crime to write a check that does not clear, unless at the time the check is written, the check writer knows that it will not clear, and is intending to defraud the merchant.  Criminal intent may be determined by circumstantial evidence, such as an established pattern of writing bad checks and not paying them, or writing a series of checks on a closed account. The check writer's explanation for why the check did not clear must be considered in deciding whether there was criminal intent.

A number of lawsuits have been filed challenging the legality of these programs.  In a lawsuit in Iowa, the check diversion company agreed to refund money to class members.  A federal court in Michigan ruled that the private company was violating the Fair Debt Collection Practices Act by using district attorney letterhead and falsely threatening consumers with arrest.  A federal court in Sacramento, California ruled that the person who ran the private company violated the Fair Debt Collection Practices Act and California law by charging unlawful fees, pretending to be the district attorney's office and making false threats to have check writers arrested., and later awarded about $750,000 in damages.  A federal court in San Jose, California ruled that the two individuals that made millions from the company they owned had violated both the Fair Debt Collection Practices Act and the California Unfair Competition Law by charging fees for a diversion class and imposing other fees, by impersonating the district attorney's office in their communications with check writers, and by falsely claiming that check writers who did not pay those fees would be prosecuted.  After a trial in which both the plaintiffs and defendants complained about the verdict, the judge in the case vacated the parties later settled for an undisclosed sum.  In another California case, the federal court in San Francisco approved a $3,250,000 settlement.  In 2014, a new lawsuit was filed against in Washington, alleging violations of the Fair Debt Collection Practices Act and the Washington Consumer Protection Act.  In December 2014, consumers filed a lawsuit against Corrective Solutions in California.  Then, in March 2015, the Consumer Financial Protection Bureau filed a lawsuit against National Corrective Group, Inc. and related entities, and obtained a consent order prohibiting these companies from masquerading as the prosecutor and making phony prosecution threats.

See also
Shared Check Authorization Network
ChexSystems
Cheque fraud

References

External links
National Check Fraud Center  - explains the laws pertaining to bad checks in all 50 states.

Cheques
Non-sufficient funds

Bad check restitution program


The title of Duke of Nemours was originally given to a French family of minor nobility. It was originally a small lordship. It was later made a county in 1364. It is most famous for being held by a branch of the House of Savoy that eventually settled in France. Following the death of the last Savoyard duke (1659) the title went back to the crown of France. It was eventually passed on to the only brother of Louis XIV in 1672. It remained with his descendants. A son of King Louis Philippe of the French was given the title in 1850.

House of Savoy (1524-1672)

 Louise of Savoy (1524–1531), Duchess of Angoulême, Francis I of France's mother.
She received the duchy of Nemours in 1524 with the duchy of Anjou. It was later transferred to her half-brother in 1528. She received the duchy of Touraine in exchange. She also received later the Duchy of Auvergne.

 Philip of Savoy (1528–1533)
 Jacques of Savoy (1531–1585)
 Charles Emmanuel of Savoy (1567–1595) also the father of the Duchess of Savoy.
  Henri of Savoy (1572–1632)
  Louis of Savoy (1615–1641)
 Charles Amadeus of Savoy (1624–1652)
 Henri of Savoy (1625–1659)

Bibliography
 Levy-Saint-Nom, France. Notre-Dame de la Roche (abbaye augustinienne), Auguste Moutié, Honoré Théodoric Paul Joseph d'Albert duc de Luynes,  "Cartulaire de l'Abbaye de Notre-Dame de la Roche" , Diocese of Paris, the original manuscripts, 1862

References

Dukes and duchesses of France
Dukes and Duchesses of Nemours

Duke of Nemours


Social Security or  social welfare is the name given to programs to provide money for people who need it. Social security systems are often linked to health care.

War pensions are the most ancient type of social security. They are mentioned by Plutarch.

Universal benefits are those where everyone who meets the conditions - such as children under a certain age or people who are ill or disabled - are paid.

Contributions
In many countries social Security provides support only to people who have paid contributions.  Most pension systems are for people who have paid contributions. Contributions are regular payments taken from their pay when they are working.  They will be recorded by the government. The right to a pension may include dependent members of the family. Pensions may then be paid to widows and orphans. People may also make regular payments into private pensions.

Means test

Means tested benefits are paid to people who can show that they are poor.  There are usually tests both of regular income and of capital. They are usually paid to households.   Before government schemes were started in many places charities would help people who were thought to need it.

Universal Declaration of Human Rights and other international human rights law make the "right to an adequate standard of living" one of the human rights.

France
In France from the beginning of the 20th century employers were made to insure their workers against injury, illness, maternity, and death.  After 1946 there was more done by the government. Now there are allowances for children - universal after the first child and Family Complement which is means tested.  There are extra payments for adopted and disabled children and orphans. There are both contributory and means tested benefits for people over 65.

Unemployment insurance was started in 1958. It is managed by the employers organization and the trade unions.

There is also a means tested benefit called Revenu de solidarité active for unemployed and underemployed workers.

Germany
Otto von Bismarck started social security benefits in 1883.   This was part of what was called State Socialism. This was the first country to do so. It included health insurance, accident insurance (workman's compensation), disability insurance and an old-age retirement pension.

Now there is a system of unemployment benefit. People and their employers have to pay when they are working. It lasts for up to 12 months. There is also  a welfare system called Hartz IV which is means-tested. This is also for working people on low pay.

There is a state pension.  The retirement age will go up to 66 by 2023.  It goes by two months each year, until 2031, when the retirement age will be 67. The amount of pension is based on the pay a person had when they were working and the number of years they paid contributions.

United Kingdom
The English Poor Law system was set up in the Tudor period. Monasteries had given a lot of support to the poor but they were closed.    Beggars were sent back to their homes.  Workhouses were set up by the parishes for people who could not earn money and they were given work to do. They were paid for by a local tax on the property of the richest people in the parish.

Pensions were introduced for poor people over 70 in 1908.  The National Insurance Act was passed in 1911. This introduced National Insurance Contributions, which gave free medical treatment to working men,  sick pay of 10 shillings a week for 26 weeks and 30 shillings Maternity Grant. Unemployed workers could get 7 shillings per week for up to 15 weeks in a year.

The Beveridge Report of 1942 proposed a big expansion of this system and Clement Attlee's government passed laws to make it happen. The  National Insurance Act 1946 included sickness and unemployment benefits. This was popular and the Conservative Party (UK) continued it.  Married women were expected to rely on their husbands for support. They were not entitled to the same benefits as men. There were widows benefits for women whose husbands died but no benefits for men whose wives died.

National Assistance was the main means tested benefit from 1948 to 1966.  Then Supplementary Benefit was introduced, and the legal rules were published. People could go to court about it.  It was replaced by Income Support in 1988. Help with the cost of rent came from Housing Benefit. From 2013 Universal Credit began to replace all the means tested benefits.

In 1970 new benefits for disabled people were introduced:  Attendance Allowance and Mobility Allowance.  In 1976 Invalid Care Allowance was introduced, but married women could not claim it.  Spending on disability benefits rose from 0.1% of GDP in 1980-81 to 0.7% of GDP in 2020-21. The number of people getting disability benefits went up from 1.2 million in 1997 to 2.5 million in 2021-22.

Around 2000 there were changes designed to end the discrimination against women.  Women's benefits no longer depended on their husbands National Insurance contributions. The state pension age was set at 60 for women, and 65 for men in 1948. At that time most men did not live to claim their pension for long. Women lived on average about 5 years longer than men.  In 1995 the law was changed so that the women's pension age would be made equal with men. After 2007 the age people could claim a pension was gradually raised because life expectancy had improved. On average men lived to be more than 80 and women about 84.

The Child Poverty Action Group produces books about the British social security system every year. They explain people's rights.

See also: :Category:Social security in the United Kingdom

United States
In the United States, this refers to a program started in the New Deal.  The program first gave money only to a few old people, but is now used by millions of people and is one of the largest and most costly programs in the government. The  Old-Age, Survivors, and Disability Insurance program covers 94% of workers. State and local government workers have pension plans at the state or local level.   Retirement Insurance Benefits are paid to people over the age of 62. The amount is increased if the person delays their claim.

Social Security in the United States is managed by the Social Security Administration, and a person in the program gets a number and has it forever, mainly because of tax reports.

See also: Social Security (United States)

Related pages
Welfare state

Other websites
 Social security Citizendium

References

Social security

Social security


Crust and crumb est locutio Anglica (Latine possumus "crustulam et frustulum" dicere) qua significatur sive "panis omnis" sive "res tota". His verbis usus est Laurentius Sterne, qui in libro The Life and Opinions of Tristram Shandy in persona narratoris Tristani Shandy (vol. 8 cap. 11) de amore aut muliere aut sexu exclamat:
No; I shall never have a finger in the pie (so here I break my metaphor) --
Crust and crumb
Inside and out
Top and bottom -- I detest it, I hate it, I repudiate it -- I'm sick at the sight of it ...
Post quem poetae duo saeculo XIX omnino aliter usurpantur. Levius Edmundus Gosse in carmine Augustino Dobson misso, titulo "The Poet at the Breakfast-Table", de ientaculo cantat:
... The loaves are beautiful and fair
(As Wordsworth puts it), crust and crumb;
The coffee hath an odour rare ...
Gravius Gulielmus Blake in carmine post mortem divulgato, incipit "Let the brothels of Paris be opened", stropham de fame inserit:
The king awoke on his couch of gold
As soon as he heard these tidings told:
"Arise and come, both fife and drum,
And the famine shall eat both crust and crumb."

Nor crust nor crumb

Iam antea negativa locutionis forma in litteris Anglicis reperitur. Saeculo XV ineunte in opere The pilgrimage of the lyf of the manhode verba leguntur For I entermeted me nevere to make crust ne cromme ne nevere bred I sette. Gulielmus Shakesperius in fabula King Lear verba quae sequuntur scurrae attribuit:
Yes, forsooth, I will hold my tongue. So your face bids me, though you say nothing. Mum, mum!
He that keeps nor crust nor crum,
Weary of all, shall want some (act. 1 sc. 4 vv. 187-190).

Crustcrumbs
Ex hac locutione sumitur neologismus Iacobi Joyce, qui in Ulysse sic gustús herois Leopoldi Bloom describit:
Mr Leopold Bloom ate with relish the inner organs of beasts and fowls. He liked thick giblet soup, nutty gizzards, a stuffed roast heart, liverslices fried with crustcrumbs, fried hencods' roes. Most of all he liked grilled mutton kidneys which gave to his palate a fine tang of faintly scented urine.

Notae

Locutiones Anglicae
Panis

Crust and crumb


Lomonosov is a town in Russia near St Petersburg. It used to be called Oranienbaum. This was a German name which means "Orange tree". It used to have greenhouses where plants from faraway countries were grown. Oranienbaum was famous for making coloured glass.

In 1948 the town changed its name to the Russian name Lomonosov.

The old palace, which dates from the early 18th century, still stands. Unlike the other famous palaces around St Petersburg, this one was not captured by the Germans during the Second World War.

The famous composer Igor Stravinsky was born in Oranienbaum.

Sister Cities
  Mariehamn, Åland
  Framingham, Massachusetts, USA
  Anacortes, Washington, USA
  Oberursel (Taunus), Hessen, Germany
Saint Petersburg

Lomonosov, Russia


Ham, according to the Bible, was Noah's youngest son and the ancestor of the peoples of Africa. His name means "hot".

He had four sons: Cush, Mizraim, Phut, and Canaan. They populated Ethiopia, Egypt, Libya, and the land of Canaan (now Israel) respectively.

According to the Bible's Book of Genesis, Ham spied on his father while he was naked. This angered Noah, who cursed Ham's son Canaan.

Old Testament people

Ham (son of Noah)


Janna Michaels (born July 9, 1983) is an American former child actress. She voiced Molly Cunningham on Disney's TaleSpin.

Michaels was a regular on the short-lived television series, What a Dummy. She later had a recurring role on Dr. Quinn, Medicine Woman and played a young Kes in the Star Trek: Voyager episode "Before and After".

She also had roles in the family comedy films Little Giants (playing the child version of Susanna Thompson's character) and Bushwhacked. She then appeared as Sally Burrows in the 1996 TV movie If These Walls Could Talk.

Michaels was nominated for two Young Artist Awards, one for What a Dummy and another for TaleSpin. Michaels left acting behind following her fourth and final appearance on Dr. Quinn, Medicine Woman in 1997.

References

External links

American child actresses
American film actresses
American television actresses
American voice actresses
1983 births
Living people
Place of birth missing (living people)
21st-century American women

Janna Michaels


Crane Point Museum, Nature Center and Historic Site is a non-profit natural history museum and nature center located in the City of Marathon on Key Vaca, in the heart of the Florida Keys in Monroe County, Florida, United States. Created in 1976, the Florida Keys Land & Sea Trust purchased the land and saved the area from being developed into private homes and shopping malls.  The facility was listed on the National Register of Historic Places in 2021.

Crane Point features several facilities:

 Museum of Natural History of the Florida Keys  - Exhibits focus on the natural and cultural history of the Keys area, including Calusa Indians, Spanish explorers and other Keys pioneers, pirates, a diorama of a coral reef, butterflies, tree snails, sea turtles, shells, Key deer and local tropical fish.  The museum was established in 1990.  The museum is part of the Smithsonian Traveling Exhibit, from the Smithsonian Institution's National Museum of Natural History, that contains depictions of Keys heritage and landscapes.
 Florida Keys Children's Museum - features two saltwater lagoons and many marine touch tanks which contain native Keys invertebrates and fish, including a nurse shark, as well as an interactive pirate play area.
 George Adderley House - a historic house museum that was built by George Adderley, a Bahamian pioneer, in 1903 that still stands on Crane Point's property.  The exterior of the house was constructed with Tabby, a concrete-like material made of burned conch and other shells and sand.
 Marathon Wild Bird Center - a rehabilitation center for injured and orphaned wild birds.  Opened in 1998, the center also offers education programs and research projects.  Some recovering birds can be viewed in the outdoor flight cage.
 Nature trails

Crane Point was formerly known as Tropical Crane Point Hammock.

References
 Insiders' Guide to the Florida Keys and Key West
 "Crane Point Museum and Nature Center", Keys Living, May 27, 2008

External links and references

 Official site
 Marathon Wild Bird Center

Museums in Monroe County, Florida
Environmental organizations based in Florida
Nature centers in Florida
Wildlife rehabilitation and conservation centers
Natural history museums in Florida
Children's museums in Florida
Tourist attractions in the Florida Keys
Marathon, Florida
1976 establishments in Florida
National Register of Historic Places in Monroe County, Florida

Crane Point


Carmine Sessa, alias Carmine Marletta (born 1951), is an Italian-American mobster and former consigliere of the Brooklyn-based Colombo crime family, and played a key role in the family from 1991 to 1993. He later became a government witness.

Biography

Murders
After becoming a government witness, Sessa admitted to personally murdering four people. In September 1984, Sessa murdered Mary Bari, a former girlfriend of then Colombo consigliere Alphonse Persico. When Persico went into hiding to avoid an indictment, the family decided to kill Bari out of concern that she knew Persico's location. Bari was lured into Sessa's social club Occasions on the pretext of a job interview. When Bari arrived, Sessa shot her three times in the head. In May 1988, Sessa murdered Anthony Bolino. Suspecting Bolino of robbing his dealers, Sessa shot him one time in the head on a street corner in Bayside. In November 1988, Sessa murdered Vincent Angellino, a top capo in the Colombo family. Angellino was lured to a home in Kenilworth, New Jersey, where Sessa shot him. In 1989, Sessa ordered the murder of Anthony Collucio, a member of Sessa's crew. Suspecting Collucio of becoming an informant.
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Attempted murder
In 1988, Sessa attempted to kill Dominick Costa as a service to the Lucchese crime family. Costa was a master safecracker for the Bypass Gang, a highly skilled group of bank robbers run by Lucchese mobster Anthony Casso in Bensonhurst, Brooklyn. When Casso discovered that Costa was a police informant, he decided to kill him. Casso hired Sessa because of his reputation as a hitman and because Costa did not know him. Sessa shot Costa five times in Costa's apartment, but Costa survived to later testify against the Lucchese family.

Colombo War
In 1991, a rivalry within the Colombo family erupted into war. Imprisoned family boss Carmine Persico planned to have his son Alphonse "Little Allie Boy" Persico become acting boss on his release from prison.  In 1990, three years after becoming a made man in the Colombo family, Carmine Persico had appointed Sessa as consigliere. He was now part of the family leadership.  In 1988, Persico appointed the former capo of Little Allie Boy's crew Victor Orena, as acting boss until Little Allie Boy's release.  By 1991, Orena felt that he should be boss in his own right.  He instructed Sessa to poll all the capos on whether they supported him or Carmine Persico as boss.  Sessa ignored Orena's request and forwarded the information to Carmine Persico.  At this point, Persico ordered Sessa to murder Orena.

On June 20, 1991, Sessa, Zambardi, John Pate, and Hank Smurra went to Orena's Long Island, New York home to ambush and kill him. However, when Orena arrived at the house, he saw the trap, and escaped unharmed. As a result of the attempt, a two-year war erupted between the Persico and Orena factions. On November 29, 1991, Sessa's nephew, Larry Sessa was nearly killed during an ambush; Larry was chased down the street by masked gunmen and jumped into a friend's car. When the Colombo war ended with Orena's defeat, 12 people were dead out of 24 murder targets.

On April 8, 1993, Sessa and other Colombo mobsters were arrested while attending a secret meeting outside St. Patrick's Cathedral in Manhattan. He had been a fugitive for the previous nine months. Sessa was indicted on Racketeer Influenced and Corrupt Organizations Act murder conspiracy charges.

Government witness
Shortly after his 1993 indictment, Sessa, at the urging of his wife, pleaded guilty to four murders and became a government witness.  Sessa went on to testify in eight mob trials. In the summer of 1997, Sessa was released on bail.  However, that December, Sessa was arrested for gun possession by a convicted felon, domestic violence against his wife and  stealing guns from his son. In 2000, Sessa was sentenced to time already served for the four murders.  He told sentencing judge Jack Weinstein, "I hate everything about the life I led, and I hope that it ends soon because it keeps destroying families and kids who are infatuated with it and can't wait to be 'goodfellas.'  I wish I could tell them what it really is."

In October 2007, Sessa testified at the corruption trial of former Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) agent Lindley DeVecchio. DeVecchio, the agent in charge of informant Gregory Scarpa, had the charges against him dismissed after revelations that the prosecution's star witness, Scarpa's girlfriend Linda Schiro, had given an interview denying that Scarpa was involved in the murders.

References

1951 births
Colombo crime family
Consiglieri
American gangsters of Italian descent
Living people
Federal Bureau of Investigation informants
People who entered the United States Federal Witness Protection Program

Carmine Sessa


Petro Zakhvalynsky (, ), also known under pseudonym "Roman", (died 1943) was a Ukrainian nationalist, member of Andriy Melnyk's faction in OUN.

During the Russian Civil War, Zakhvalynsky was an officer in Petlura's army; after its defeat, he emigrated to France where he joined the OUN. After the split of OUN in 1941, he supported Andriy Melnyk's faction. In October 1941, Zakhvalynsky came to Ukraine as a member of OUN groups that cooperated with Germans and were sent to occupied territories in order to establish a Ukrainian presence in the local administration under German occupation.

In September 1941, Kiev was occupied by Germans. Zakhvalynsky was active in establishing, aided Oleh Olzhych and Stepan Sulyatytsky, an auxiliary police force known as the Kiev Kurin, of which he became the commander in November 1941.

The Kiev auxiliary police were later united with Bukovyna Kurin and reformed, and Zakhvalynsky remained its commander. From November 1941, he was chief of police for the Kiev General District). In August 1942, he was removed from both offices (i.e. Chief of police of Kiev City and Kiev General District) and replaced by Anatol Kabaida. He was appointed a Hauptmann of the 2nd company of the 115th battalion of Schutzmannschaft, participated in numerous operations against both partisans and civilians.

In 1943, Zakhvalynsky was secretly executed by Germans for nationalist agitation among his soldiers.

Literature
 Дерейко І. Діяльність 115/62-го українського батальйону шуцманшафту на теренах Білорусі та Франції в 1942—1944 рр. //Наукові записки НАУКМА. Т.21: Історичні науки. — К., 2003. In Ukrainian.

References

1912 births
1943 deaths
Executed Ukrainian collaborators with Nazi Germany
Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists members
Ukrainian Auxiliary Police
Ukrainian people executed by Nazi Germany
Ukrainian police officers

Petro Zakhvalynsky