Max Christopher Wenner, known as Christopher Wenner and later as Max Stahl (6 December 1954 – 28 October 2021), was a British journalist and television presenter. He was best known for filming an East Timorese demonstration and its aftermath that became known as the Santa Cruz massacre. His coverage of East Timor's struggle for independence is listed in Unesco's Memory of the World register as a "turning point" in the birth of a new nation.

Early life
Wenner was born in Kensington, West London, England. He was the third of the four sons of Michael Alfred Wenner (1921–2020), a British author, company director, former diplomat who served as Ambassador to El Salvador (from 1967 to 1971), and Gunnilla Ståhle (1931–1986), who was Swedish. The surname he later used as a war correspondent was a variation on his mother's maiden name.

Education
Wenner was educated at Stonyhurst College, a boarding independent school near Clitheroe in Lancashire, which he left in 1973, followed by Balliol College, Oxford,  where he acted in the Dramatic Society.

Life and career
On 14 September 1978, Wenner joined the British children's television programme Blue Peter, replacing John Noakes, who had left three months earlier. However, he left on 23 June 1980 (on the same day as his co-presenter Tina Heath), after the production team decided not to renew his contract as he was "deeply unpopular with the viewers."

Wenner returned to acting, taking a part in the 1984 Doctor Who adventure The Awakening, although in the final cut, his role was reduced to that of a non-speaking character. He then focused on journalism, although he returned to Blue Peter in 1983 and 1998 to celebrate the show's birthdays.

In 1985, whilst working as a war correspondent in Beirut, he went missing; he turned up again, safe and well, after 18 days. He had been detained by militiamen for 24 hours who had warned him off reporting a story about the hashish trade, and he had gone into hiding in a friend's house.  In 1991, he entered East Timor, then occupied by Indonesia, with the documentary maker Peter Gordon to film a diving video. There, he was informed that a pro-democracy demonstration would be taking place during a funeral at the Santa Cruz cemetery in the capital, Dili. He shot footage of the demonstration, preceding and during what would become known as the Santa Cruz massacre. As soldiers advanced, in a well-organised operation against a huge crowd of East Timorese engaged in peaceful protest, he filmed inside the cemetery among the dead and the dying. To avoid confiscation of his footage, he then buried it in a grave. After being questioned for nine hours, he returned under cover of darkness to exhume the footage. It was that footage that brought the plight of the East Timorese to world attention. In 1992, Yorkshire Television's First Tuesday episode "Cold Blood – the Massacre of East Timor", produced by Gordon and co-directed by Gordon and Wenner, was awarded the Amnesty International UK Media Award.

In 1999, Wenner returned to East Timor under the name "Max Stahl". He entered the country covertly by hiring fishing boats, in order to avoid the Indonesian military.  This time he filmed Indonesian-backed violence on women and children in a refugee camp.  For his coverage, he won the 2000 Rory Peck Award for Hard News.

In 2013, Wenner's audio visual material on East Timor's struggle for independence has been listed in UNESCO's Memory of the World Register as "On the birth of a nation: turning points". The material is also kept at the Max Stahl Audiovisual Centre for Timor-Leste () (CAMSTL). In December 2016, CAMSTL entered into a protocol with the National University of Timor-Leste and the University of Coimbra (UC) aimed at preserving the material in the form of an online image archive. In February 2019, Wenner gave a public presentation of the archive following its installation at the UC. Since then, the archive has been accessible for research and educational projects.

In December 2019, the National Parliament of Timor-Leste voted unanimously to grant Wenner Timorese citizenship in recognition of his role in the fight for Timorese liberation.

Wenner was one of the first Western journalists to recognize the scope of tensions in Chechnya. He travelled there with cameraman, filmmaker and author Peter Vronsky in 1992 to report on the break-away republic and nuclear weapons materials smuggling for the Canadian produced television special The Hunt for Red Mercury.

In 1998, whilst working as an ITN journalist for Channel 4, Wenner was beaten by Serb civilians during a mass protest.

Awards and honours
On 22 November 2019, Wenner was awarded the Order of Timor-Leste by President Francisco Guterres. In 2000 he won the Rory Peck award for his reports.

Personal life
Wenner was a father of four, and ran his own production company while continuing his career in journalism. In April 2012, it was reported that he had been receiving treatment for throat cancer. On 28 October 2021, former East Timor President José Ramos-Horta announced that Wenner had died from cancer at a hospital in Brisbane, Australia, at the age of 66.

References

External links
BBC – I Love Blue Peter – Christopher Wenner presenter biography

1954 births
2021 deaths
Blue Peter presenters
British male journalists
British people of Swedish descent
East Timorese journalists
People educated at Stonyhurst College
Alumni of St Catherine's College, Oxford
Recipients of the Order of Timor-Leste
British expatriates in East Timor
Deaths from cancer in Queensland

Christopher Wenner


EuroJet Turbo GmbH is a multi-national engine manufacturing consortium. It is headquartered in Hallbergmoos, Germany.

The consortium was created in 1986 to manage the development, production, support, maintenance, support and sales of the EJ200, a military grade turbofan engine. The present partner companies involved are Rolls-Royce of the United Kingdom, Avio of Italy, Industria de Turbo Propulsores (ITP) of Spain and MTU Aero Engines of Germany. Its main product, the EJ200, principally powers the Eurofighter Typhoon fighter aircraft, it is also available for use on other platforms.

History
Eurojet GmbH was formed in 1986 to manage the development, production, support, maintenance, support and sales of the EJ200 turbofan engine for the Eurofighter Typhoon. The selection of the EJ200 had some controversy attached to it at the time as, while Italy, West Germany and the UK had agreed to proceed, it had confirmed France's decision to withdraw itself from the programme. A major contributing factor for France's lack of involvement was an insistence that the Eurofighter be powered by a French-built engine, the SNECMA M88, which was viewed as not being as attractive or promising as the EJ200 to the other nations involved.

At the time of its establishment, the original partners in Eurojet GmbH were Rolls-Royce, MTU, Fiat and Sener. However, since then, Fiat's aircraft engine division was demerged, becoming Avio. Sener's aircraft engine division is now Industria de Turbo Propulsores (ITP), a wholly owned subsidiary of Rolls-Royce following its acquisition of Sener's stake in the firm.

On 30 January 1998, the first production contract was signed between Eurofighter GmbH, Eurojet and NETMA. During December 2006, Eurojet completed deliveries of the 363 EJ200s for the Tranche 1 Eurofighters. Tranche 2 aircraft require 519 EJ200s. , Eurojet was contracted to produce a total of 1,400 engines for the Eurofighter project.

The EJ200 engine combined the leading technologies from each of the four European companies, using advanced digital control and health monitoring; wide chord aerofoils and single crystal turbine blades; and a convergent / divergent exhaust nozzle to give excellent thrust-to-weight ratio, multimission capability, supercruise performance, low fuel consumption, low cost of ownership, modular construction and significant growth potential.

Several improvements to the base model of the engine have been mooted. In addition to the potential for increased thrust output of up to 30%, the EJ200 engine has the potential to be fitted with a thrust vectoring control (TVC) nozzle, which the Eurofighter and Eurojet consortium have been actively developing and testing, primarily for export but also for future upgrades of the fleet. TVC could reduce fuel burn on a typical Typhoon mission by up to 5%, as well as increase available thrust in supercruise by up to 7% and take-off thrust by 2%. Eurojet has sought funding to test TVC nozzles on a flight demonstrator. Clemens Linden, Eurojet TURBO GmbH CEO, stated in 2018 of the consortium's development efforts that "To achieve more thrust we would increase the airflow and pressure ratios of the high and low pressure compressors and run higher temperatures in the turbines by using the latest generation single crystal turbine blade materials. And with higher aerodynamic efficiencies we can achieve a lower fuel burn. A third area of improvement would be the engine exhaust nozzle which would be upgraded with the installation of a 2-parametric version allowing independent and optimized adjustment of the throat and exit area at all flight conditions, providing fuel burn advantages. The technologies for the different components are at a Technology readiness level of between 7and 9. The nozzle has been at ITP in Spain on a test bed for 400 hours."

Workshare

References

External links
 Official site
 EUROJET Offers its EJ200 Engine for the Tejas, Indian Light Combat Aircraft

Aerospace companies of Europe
Aerospace companies of Germany
Companies based in Upper Bavaria
Defence companies of Germany
Gas turbine manufacturers
Manufacturing companies established in 1986
Multinational aircraft engine manufacturers
1986 establishments in West Germany
German companies established in 1986

EuroJet Turbo GmbH


Edith Lake Wilkinson (August 23, 1868 – July 19, 1957) was an artist who lived and painted in Provincetown, Massachusetts, during the early decades of the 20th century until she was committed to an asylum for the mentally ill in 1924. Wilkinson's life and work is highlighted in the film Packed in a Trunk: The Lost Art of Edith Lake Wilkinson.

Early life and education
Wilkinson, the daughter of James P. Wilkinson and Lucy Lake Atkinson Wilkinson, was born August 23, 1868, in Wheeling, West Virginia.  She moved to New York in 1888, studied at the Arts Student League of New York and earned a degree from Columbia Teacher's College in 1905.

Later life and career as painter
Wilkinson spent extensive time in Provincetown from 1914 to 1923 as a member of the Provincetown Art Colony.  She studied art with Charles Webster Hawthorne and Ambrose Webster, and was good friends with Blanche Lazzell.  She also took up block printing, in particular a method known as the White-Line print, a technique started in 1915 by a group of  artists who called themselves The Provincetown Printers.  There are several white-line prints by Wilkinson that are signed and dated 1914, which pre-dates the earliest known prints by any of the others.

On February 15, 1922, Edith's elderly parents were overcome by gas fumes in their Wheeling, West Virginia home. Edith's mother died from monoxide poisoning that day while her father was taken to a hospital and died the following day. Edith inherited an estate of approximately $35,000 (worth around $500,000 today) which was administered by local Wheeling attorney George J. Rogers. Years later, Rogers would be indicted for embezzling money from a number of his clients. He eventually declared bankruptcy, left the law profession and, by 1940, was working as a salesman for a household paper products company.

While living in New York with her longtime female companion, Fannie Wilkinson of Augusta, Georgia, Edith received monthly checks from Rogers to cover her rent and daily living expenses. She had expressed an interest in moving back to Provincetown (an idea Rogers tried to discourage) and began studying French in anticipation of a possible trip to Paris.

On March 22, 1924, Edith was admitted to the Sheppard Pratt Institution, an asylum for the mentally ill in Baltimore, Maryland  in what was described as a "paranoid state". She was released on October 2 that same year, her condition having sufficiently improved. However, just five months later, on February 10, 1925, she was readmitted to Sheppard & Pratt where she remained for the next ten years. All of Wilkinson's possessions, including most of her artwork, were packed into trunks and shipped to her nephew, Edward Vossler, in Wheeling.

In March 1935, Edith was transferred to Huntington State Hospital in West Virginia, still described as paranoid and now, at age 66, showing early signs of dementia. There she remained until her death on July 19, 1957.  There is no evidence that she painted or did any artwork in the 30 years that she was institutionalized.

Decades later, her life and art work was featured in a documentary, Packed in a Trunk: The Lost Art of Edith Lake Wilkinson.  Today her work is in the collections of The Huntington Museum of Art as well as The Provincetown Art Association and Museum.

References

American lesbian artists
Teachers College, Columbia University alumni
American women painters
People from Wheeling, West Virginia
Painters from West Virginia
Painters from Massachusetts
LGBT people from Massachusetts
LGBT people from West Virginia
20th-century American painters
1868 births
1957 deaths
20th-century American women artists

Edith Lake Wilkinson


The Danish Spitz is a dog breed, originating from Denmark. The breed is known for making a good family pet, particularly as they are patient with children. Throughout time they've been known under various names, including Samoyed Spitz, Wolf Spitz, Greenland Spitz and White Spitz, which made it difficult to keep track of the breed and the breeding. Today the breed is known as the Danish Spitz.

From January 1, 2013 it was made possible to register dogs of the breed in DKK – the Kennel club in Denmark, registered under the Fédération Cynologique Internationale. It is still not recognized by FCI, but are currently being rebuilt and registered to the X-register of the Danish Kennel Club. It is possible to show the breed in the Denmark and the Nordic countries.
Due to not yet being officially recognized, it is still not widely known in Denmark or the rest of the world.

It belongs to the group of Spitz dogs and shares a common resemblance to the Samoyed, American Eskimo Dog, Japanese Spitz and Volpino Italiano.

Origin and history

They have commonly been used as a companion dog in the countryside, especially in Jutland, but was further back primarily owned by the bourgeoisie. The breed had its glory in the 1930s, when it was relatively common on farms all around. The Danish main job of the breed was to take care of the children, and it was therefore commonly known as the children's dog. Since that time the number of Danish spitz has decreased tremendously, and the breed almost became extinct. But since the late 1980s, some have made great efforts to reconstruct the breed as we know it.
Today, there's an increasing number of the breed, which are all managed by DKK – a club under the FCI

Coat and color
Their coats occur in white to biscuit colors. The top coat is flat, and sheds in small amounts throughout the year. The undercoat is soft, and keeps them cool in the summer, and warm in the winter; it sheds in the spring and in the fall.
The coat of the Danish Spitz is of medium length, and should not stand out from the body. It is slightly longer at the ears, with feathering at the backs of their thighs and legs. The tail should be bushy and carried curled over the back. It is allowed to hang when the dog is calm.

Temperament
The temperament of the Danish Spitz is a hallmark of the breed, and is described as "Lively, friendly, curious and brave".

Gallery

See also
 Dogs portal
 List of dog breeds

References

External links
 Standard (Danish)
 Article from the magazine "Hunden" (Danish)

Dog breeds originating in Denmark

Danish Spitz


Reform UK is a right-wing populist political party in the United Kingdom. It was founded with support from Nigel Farage in November 2018 as the Brexit Party, advocating hard Euroscepticism and a no-deal Brexit and was a significant political force in 2019. After Brexit, it was renamed to Reform UK in January 2021, and became primarily an anti-lockdown party during the COVID-19 pandemic. Subsequently, in December 2022, it began campaigning on broader right-wing populist themes during the British cost-of-living crisis. As the Brexit Party, it gained 29 seats and the largest share of the national vote in the 2019 European Parliament election.

Farage had been the leader of UKIP, a right-wing populist and Eurosceptic party, during its zenith in the first half of the 2010s. He returned to frontline politics as leader of a new Brexit Party in the context of the lengthy Brexit process initiated by the result of the 2016 EU referendum, which had been called partly in response to UKIP's influence. The Brexit Party campaigned for a no-deal Brexit, which it described as "a clean-break Brexit". It won high-profile defections from the Conservative Party, one of the two main parties in the UK, including Ann Widdecombe and Annunziata Rees-Mogg. It also won some endorsements from some  left-wing supporters of Brexit, including former Respect Party MP George Galloway. Following the election of leading Brexit campaigner Boris Johnson as leader of the Conservative Party, Farage offered him an electoral pact in the 2019 general election; the offer was rejected, but the Brexit Party unilaterally decided not to stand candidates in constituencies won by the Conservatives in the previous election.

On 31 January 2020, the United Kingdom withdrew from the European Union. The Brexit Party had styled itself as being focused on reform of democracy in Britain, and by May 2020, there were proposals to re-brand it as the Reform Party. The COVID-19 pandemic hit the UK in 2020 and the government imposed a national lockdown to slow the spread of the disease. Farage re-branded the party as Reform UK around the end of the year to focus on anti-lockdown campaigning. He stepped down as leader in March 2021 and was replaced by Richard Tice.

History

Brexit Party

A company called The Brexit Party Limited was incorporated with Companies House on 23 November 2018. It was formally announced on 20 January 2019 by former UKIP economics spokesperson Catherine Blaiklock, who served as the party's initial leader. On 5 February 2019, it was registered with the United Kingdom Electoral Commission to run candidates in any English, Scottish, Welsh and European Union elections.

On the day of the announcement, Nigel Farage, who had been an independent MEP since his departure from UKIP in early December 2018, said that the party was Blaiklock's idea, but that she had acted with his full support. In a 24 January 2019 interview, Blaiklock said: "I won't run it without Nigel [Farage], I'm a nobody and I haven't got any ego to say that I am an anybody", and that: "I'm happy to facilitate Nigel and do the donkey work and work for him, but I don't have any illusions as to myself". On 8 February 2019, Farage stated he would stand as a candidate for the party in any potential future European Parliament elections contested in the United Kingdom. MEPs Steven Woolfe and Nathan Gill, also formerly of UKIP, stated that they would also stand for the party.

On 1 February 2019, Blaiklock told The Daily Telegraph the party had raised £1 million in donations, and that over 200 people had come forward offering to stand for the Brexit Party at the May 2019 European Parliament election, if the United Kingdom had not left the European Union by then.

After announcing the party's formation, Blaiklock attracted criticism for Islamophobic comments on social media, made between 2017 and 2019. She resigned as party leader on 20 March 2019 over since-deleted anti-Islam messages on Twitter, including re-tweeting messages by far-right figures including Mark Collett, Tommy Robinson and Joe Walsh. Farage said that he would take over as leader, that Blaiklock was "never intended to be the long-term leader" and that the party "is at the moment a virtual party – it's a website". On the party's launch on 12 April, asked about issues with Blaiklock, Farage said: "I set the party up, she was the administrator that got it set up. We had a couple of teething problems, yes, but are we going to be deeply intolerant of all forms of intolerance? Yes."

In April 2019, the party's treasurer Michael McGough was removed from his position after The Guardian uncovered antisemitic and homophobic social media comments he had posted in 2017.

On 22 November 2019, the Brexit Party set out its proposals for the 2019 UK general election. They included a wide range of policy areas including taxation, reforming politics, immigration and the environment. The party received two percent of the vote in the election, with none of its 273 candidates winning a seat.

Transition into Reform UK
Before the general election on 8 December 2019, the party's leader Nigel Farage announced that, following Brexit, the party would change its name to the "Reform Party", and campaign for changes in the electoral system and structure of the House of Commons.

In July 2020, Italexit, a Eurosceptic party inspired by the Brexit Party, was founded in Italy.

In November 2020, Farage and Tice announced that they had applied to the Electoral Commission to re-name the Brexit Party to 'Reform UK', and stated that the party would campaign on a platform that was opposed to further COVID-19 pandemic lockdowns (due to the ongoing COVID-19 pandemic) and that it would seek to reform aspects of UK Governance, including the BBC and House of Lords. The group supports the Great Barrington Declaration.

An analysis by the pollster YouGov cast doubt on the prospective appeal of the rebranded party, stating that the overlap of voters with a positive opinion of Nigel Farage and those with a negative opinion of COVID-19 lockdowns was small, at an estimated 7% of the electorate. The charity Reform, which holds the domain name reform.uk, had complained to the Electoral Commission regarding the name change, claiming that it risks damaging its goodwill through name confusion. The Renew Party also logged a complaint with the Electoral Commission on the grounds that the rebrand would mislead voters on the grounds that it was easy to confuse 'Reform' and 'Renew'.

On 4 January 2021, the party's name change to Reform UK was approved by the Electoral Commission.

In 2021, Reform UK gained representation in the Scottish Parliament when former Conservative and then independent MSP Michelle Ballantyne joined the party and was named Reform UK's leader in Holyrood by Nigel Farage. She lost her and the party's only seat in Scotland in the 2021 Scottish Parliament election. She quit as the party's leader in Scotland in February 2022. Farage stepped down as leader in March 2021, being replaced by party chairman Richard Tice. Former North West England MEP David Bull was appointed as deputy leader of the party on 11 March 2021.

On 26 March 2021, it was announced that former Brexit Party MEP Nathan Gill had become the Leader of Reform UK Wales.

In 2021, Reform UK announced its intention to field a full slate of candidates in the Senedd, Scottish Parliament and London Assembly elections with leader Richard Tice standing for election in the latter. However, the party did not nominate a candidate for London Mayor after making a pact with Reclaim Party leader and actor Laurence Fox. Fox finished sixth in the mayoral election with less than 2% of the votes. The party failed to win any seats above local level in the 2021 elections in May, as well as losing their deposit in the Hartlepool by-election. In the Senedd election, the party fielded a full slate of candidates in every constituency and on the regional lists, but picked up just 1.6% of the constituency vote (7th place) and 1.1% of the regional list votes (8th place). In the Scottish Parliament election, no constituency candidates were fielded and the party received just 5,793 list votes across the whole country despite standing in every region in Scotland. In the London Assembly election, none of their constituency candidates were elected and the party finished tenth on the London-wide list with 25,009 votes.

In October 2022, Reform UK and the Social Democratic Party (SDP) announced an electoral pact. In December 2022, David White, a Conservative member of Barnsley Metropolitan Borough Council, and Richard Langridge, a Conservative member of West Oxfordshire District Council, both defected to Reform UK in order to stand as prospective parliamentary candidates for the party.
The press gave renewed attention to Reform UK in December 2022—during the cost-of-living crisis—after Farage announced it would stand a full slate of candidates at the next general election. Tice remains leader of the party. After some opinion polls indicated a modest increase in support for Reform UK, The Daily Telegraph described the party as a "threat on the Right" to the Conservative government of Prime Minister Rishi Sunak.

In May 2023 following the Derby City Council election, Alan Graves was elected Mayor of Derby, which was described as the party's first lord mayor in the country.

On the weekend of 7 and 8 October 2023, Reform UK held its party conference in London with 1,100 attendees. On 20 October 2023, Richard Tice confirmed that Reform UK will stand in Conservative seats at the next general election.

Representation

European Parliament
In February 2019, nine MEPs who had left UKIP joined the party: Tim Aker, Jonathan Bullock, David Coburn, Bill Etheridge, Nigel Farage, Nathan Gill, Diane James, Paul Nuttall and Julia Reid. All were originally elected as UKIP candidates, but all had previously left the party in opposition to Gerard Batten's leadership, mostly in December 2018. MEP and former UKIP member Steven Woolfe also indicated his support for the party in February.

In mid-April 2019, Jane Collins, Ray Finch, Jill Seymour, and Margot Parker left UKIP to join the Brexit Party. Jonathan Arnott, who had resigned from UKIP three months earlier, also joined the party then, thus bringing the total number of Brexit Party MEPs to 14. Thus, 14 of the 24 UKIP MEPs who had been elected in 2014 were now in the party. They all were members of the Europe of Freedom and Direct Democracy (EFDD) group.

Only three of the incumbent MEPs − Farage, Gill and Bullock − were selected to stand for the Brexit Party in the 2019 election.

On 23 May 2019, 29 Brexit Party MEPs were newly elected to the European Parliament, including Richard Tice and former Conservative MP Ann Widdecombe, while Jonathan Bullock, Nigel Farage and Nathan Gill kept their seats. The Brexit Party MEPs were Non-Inscrits, not members of a group in the Parliament.

MEP Andrew England Kerr was expelled from the party on 29 September 2019 over a potential conflict of interest. Farage explained that England Kerr made "comments about a business and a product that he has a direct financial investment in and we think that is unacceptable." MEP Louis Stedman-Bryce resigned on 19 November 2019 in response to "The Brexit Party's recent decision to select a Scottish candidate who has openly posted homophobic views".

With Brexit on 31 January 2020, all UK MEP positions ceased to exist.

Senedd
On 15 May 2019, four Members originally elected or co-opted for UKIP (Caroline Jones, Mandy Jones, Mark Reckless and David Rowlands) joined the Brexit Party. Reckless was appointed as Leader of their group. One Member, elected as UKIP but by this time sitting as an independent, Michelle Brown, was told she would not be welcome in the party. In the Welsh language, the party is known as . The Brexit Party Wales was to campaign in 2021 Senedd election to scrap the current system of devolution, and replace it with a directly-elected first minister accountable to Welsh MPs. The leader of the party in Wales, Mark Reckless, said in the interview on 15 May 2020 that Nigel Farage is "consulted over key decisions... but he doesn't micro-manage us here". On 18 August 2020, Caroline Jones released a statement stating that she had quit the Brexit Party Welsh Parliament Group to sit as an Independent member due to the newly-adopted anti-devolution stance the Brexit Party had adopted.

On 16 October 2020, Mandy Jones and David Rowlands left the party's group in the Senedd to form a new Independent members group jointly with Caroline Jones. The group, The Independent Alliance for Reform, sought to reform the Senedd rather than abolish. Mandy Jones and Rowlands remained members of the Brexit Party, and are still members of Reform UK.

On 19 October 2020, the final remaining Brexit Party Senedd group member, Mark Reckless left the party to join the Abolish the Welsh Assembly Party.

The party did not hold any MS seats after the 2021 Senedd election.

Scottish Parliament
On 11 January 2021, independent MSP Michelle Ballantyne joined Reform UK. Ballantyne became an MSP for the 16-member district of South Scotland in 2017 when incumbent Rachael Hamilton resigned to stand in a by-election for a single-member seat. Ballantyne first sat as a Conservative but left the party in 2020 over opposition to COVID-19 lockdown restrictions. Ballantyne continued to sit as an independent until January 2021 when she joined Reform UK and was appointed leader of the Scottish party. She continued to sit with the party until the 2021 Scottish Parliament election, where she lost her regional seat to a candidate from the Scottish Conservatives. She quit as the party's leader in Scotland in February 2022.

Ideology and platform
The party's lead aim was for the United Kingdom to leave the European Union, now achieved, and then trade with countries on World Trade Organization terms. On 12 April 2019, Farage said that there was "no difference between the Brexit party and UKIP in terms of policy, [but] in terms of personnel, there's a vast difference", criticising UKIP's connections to the far right. He also said that the party aimed to attract support "across the board", including from former UKIP voters and from Conservative and Labour voters who supported Brexit. Later in April, Farage said that the party would not publish a manifesto until after the European elections had taken place. Farage said the party would have a policy platform instead of a manifesto. Farage has described his admiration for how fellow Europe of Freedom and Direct Democracy members, Italy's Five Star Movement, have managed to grow from a protest group into the country's largest political party in both houses of the Italian Parliament. He has described the Brexit Party as doing the same kind of thing and "running a company, not a political party, hence our model of registered supporters" and building a base using an online platform.
The British politics professor Matthew Goodwin describes the party as national populists, while Goodwin and others have also described the Brexit Party as populist, right-wing populist, right-wing nationalist, and neoliberal.

The party's constitution was published by the Electoral Commission as a result of a freedom of information request in May 2019. It describes the party as seeking to "promote and encourage those who aspire to improve their personal situation and those who seek to be self-reliant, whilst providing protection for those genuinely in need; favour the ability of individuals to make decisions in respect of themselves; seek to diminish the role of the State; lower the burden of taxation on individuals and businesses." SDP politician Patrick O'Flynn, who was elected as a UKIP MEP under Farage's leadership and supported the Brexit Party in the 2019 European elections, commented on the constitution's description of the party as following classical liberalism and described them as having a Thatcherite ideological core. James Glancy, one of the party's MEPs, has compared the party to the Referendum Party, being a "united and diverse group of people from different political backgrounds".

The party's first non-Brexit-related policy was announced on 4 June 2019: a proposition to transform British Steel into a partly worker-owned company, in what has been described as "a hybrid of Conservative and Labour policy". The party also supports cutting Britain's foreign aid budget, scrapping the proposed HS2 project and introducing free WiFi on all British public transport. Furthermore, the party has said it will scrap all interest paid on student tuition fees, has suggested reimbursing graduates for historic interest payments made on their loans, and has pledged to abolish inheritance tax.

The party has signed a cross-party declaration alongside the Liberal Democrats, Green Party of England and Wales, and the Scottish National Party, calling for first-past-the-post voting to be replaced by a proportional system for Westminster elections.

2019 UK general election platform as the Brexit Party

On 22 November 2019, the Brexit Party set out its policy proposals for the 2019 UK general election. Its key policies for the election included:

No extension to the Brexit transition period
No privatisation of the NHS
Reducing immigration
Cutting VAT on domestic fuel
Banning the UK exporting its waste
Providing free broadband in deprived regions
Scrapping the television licence fee
Abolishing inheritance tax
Scrapping High Speed 2 (HS2)
Abolishing interest on student loans
Changing planning to help house building
Reforming the Supreme Court
Reform the voting system to make it more representative
Abolish the House of Lords
Making MPs who switch parties subject to recall petitions
Reform the postal voting system to combat fraud
Introduce Citizens' Initiatives to allow people to call referendums, subject to a 5 million threshold of registered voter signatures and time limitations on repeat votes

2020–present as Reform UK

Following the UK's departure from the European Union on 31 January 2020, that is "Brexit", Farage has sought a new right-wing populist project for the party under its new name of Reform UK by opposing COVID-19 restrictions, paralleling right-wing populist anti-lockdown sentiments in other countries.

On 3 October 2021, the party's leader, Richard Tice, criticised the Conservative Party as a party of "high tax" at Reform UK's party conference in Manchester. He pledged to offer a lower-tax vision at the next election, saying his party would stand on a low-tax and low-regulation platform. The party supports raising the threshold at which people start paying income tax from £12,500 to £20,000, and exempt the smallest businesses from corporation tax. He also criticised the Conservative Party's plans to decarbonise the economy, saying that the UK should instead focus on exploiting reserves of shale gas. Tice has also said that net zero is an "absurdity" and "the greatest act of financial self-harm ever imposed on a country" that will "achieve nothing". He has said that energy companies should be owned by the government or British pension funds to stop profits going abroad.

Energy
Reform UK wants to resume fracking and re-establish coal mining in the United Kingdom. It also wants to expand the production of oil and gas from the North Sea.

Healthcare
The party has stated that it would cut NHS waiting times within two years by increasing the use of private healthcare operations, at a cost of £30 billion.

Funding and structure
The Brexit Party officially has three members, as the Electoral Commission requires at least two named members to be registered as a political party. The three members are currently Richard Tice, Nominating Officer Tracy Knowles and Treasurer Mehrtash A'Zami. The party structure has been criticised for not providing the party's over 115,000 paying registered supporters with any voting power to influence party policy; Farage retains a high level of control over decision-making, including hand-picking candidates himself.

Farage has said the party would largely be funded by small donations and that they raised "£750,000 in donations online, all in small sums of less than £500" in their first ten days. The party also accepts large donations, such as £200,000 donated by Jeremy Hosking, a former donor to the Conservative Party. He further said that the party would not be taking money from the key former UKIP funder Arron Banks. Farage personally faced questions during the 2019 electoral campaign after Channel 4 News revealed undeclared travel and accommodation benefits provided by Banks before Farage joined the Brexit Party, and on 21 May 2019 the European Parliament formally opened an investigation. In response to the reporting, the Brexit Party banned Channel 4 News from its events.

Later in 2019, £6.4m was donated to the party by Christopher Harborne.

Two days before the 2019 European election, Farage accused the Electoral Commission of "interfering in the electoral process" after the independent watchdog visited the Brexit Party headquarters for "active oversight and regulation" of party funding. Official donations of £500 or more must be given by a "permissible donor", who should either be somebody listed on the British electoral roll or a business registered at Companies House and operating in Britain. When asked if the party took donations in foreign currency, Farage replied: "Absolutely not, we only take sterling – end of conversation." Shadow Chancellor John McDonnell called for "a full and open and transparent, independent inquiry into the funding of Mr Farage". On Sky News in May 2019, a Scottish National Party MEP, Alyn Smith, claimed that the Brexit Party is "a shell company that's a money laundering front". The Brexit Party threatened legal action unless Smith retracted the claim. Smith apologised unreservedly and admitted that he had no evidence for his allegation, and made a donation to the party's legal costs as well as to the charity Help for Heroes.

As of February 2020, and probably since May 2020, Farage holds 8 of the 15 shares in The Brexit Party Ltd.

As well as the leader and chairman, other leadership roles were assigned to Brian Monteith as Chief Whip in the European Parliament (before Brexit) and David Bull as health spokesperson during the 2019 election.

In January 2021, former Conservative and then independent MSP Michelle Ballantyne joined the party and assumed the role of Leader of Reform UK Scotland.

Leaders
Reform UK has had three leaders. Catherine Blaiklock was its first leader and served from 20 January 2019 to 20 March 2019, before resigning as party leader due to anti-Islam messages she posted on her Twitter account before she took on the role. Richard Tice, the party's current leader, took on the role following the resignation of Nigel Farage.

Elections

2019 European Parliament elections
The party stood candidates in Great Britain at the 2019 European elections, including the former Conservative Minister of State Ann Widdecombe, the journalist Annunziata Rees-Mogg (a former Conservative general election candidate and the sister of the Conservative MP and Brexit advocate Jacob Rees-Mogg), the Leave Means Leave co-founder Richard Tice, the writers Claire Fox and James Heartfield (both once part of the Revolutionary Communist Party and later writers for Spiked), Stuart Waiton (a fellow Spiked contributor) James Glancy, a former member of the Royal Marines and the Special Boat Service who was awarded the Conspicuous Gallantry Cross, Martin Daubney, a journalist and commentator, David Bull, author and television presenter, Brian Monteith, a former Conservative Party MSP, Rupert Lowe, a businessman and retired Rear Admiral Roger Lane-Nott. John Longworth, the former director-general of the British Chambers of Commerce, announced he would be standing as a candidate for the party on 15 April 2019. The party was not registered in Northern Ireland and did not field candidates there.

A survey of 781 Conservative Party councillors found that 40% planned to vote for the Brexit Party. On 17 April 2019, the former Labour and Respect Party MP George Galloway announced his support for the Brexit Party "for one-time only" in the 2019 European Parliament election. On 24 April, the political columnist Tim Montgomerie announced that he would vote for the party and endorsed Widdecombe's candidature, and the Conservative MP Lucy Allan described the candidates of the party as "fantastic".

On 2 May, one of the party's candidates for the North West constituency, Sally Bate, resigned from the party in response to previous comments made by Claire Fox, the lead candidate in the constituency, on the Warrington bomb attacks.

In May 2019, several polls forecast the party polling first for the European elections, though earlier polls had suggested it would come third to Labour and the Conservatives.

The party held 14 seats (acquired through defections) going into the elections, and saw an increase of 15. It won five more seats than UKIP, at the time under Farage's leadership, had at the previous election.

The party won 29 seats in the election, becoming the biggest single party in the 9th European Parliament. The CDU/CSU Union also won 29 seats in Germany, but it was an alliance and not a party.

Three of the MEPs resigned the whip in December 2019 in order to support the Conservative Party at the 2019 general election, A fourth, John Longworth, was also expelled for "repeatedly undermining" the party's election strategy.

The 29 MEPs originally elected were as follows:

House of Commons

Farage said the party intended to stand candidates at the 2019 general election. In April 2019 he promised not to stand candidates against the 28 Eurosceptic Conservative MPs who opposed the Brexit withdrawal agreement. In the Peterborough by-election in June, the Brexit Party came second with 28% of the vote, 7% ahead of the Conservatives and 2% behind Labour.

Following Boris Johnson's election as Prime Minister, Farage unveiled the names of 635 general election candidates for the Brexit Party, including himself. On 8 September 2019, Farage wrote an article in the Sunday Telegraph and the Brexit Party took out advertisements in Sunday newspapers offering an electoral pact with the Conservative Party in the forthcoming general election, in which the Brexit Party would not be opposed by the Conservatives in traditional Labour Party seats in the north of England, the Midlands and Wales, and the Brexit Party would not contest seats in which they could split the Leave vote. Farage wrote that Boris Johnson should ask himself "does he want to sign a non-aggression pact with me and return to Downing Street?"

Farage had suggested that the Brexit and Conservative parties could form an electoral pact to maximise the seats taken by Brexit-supporting MPs, but this was rejected by Johnson. On 11 November, Farage then said his party would not stand in any of the 317 seats won by the Conservatives at the last election. Conservative Party chairman James Cleverly welcomed this, although he stated that the parties had not been in contact. Newsnight reported that conversations between members of the Brexit Party and the pro-Brexit Conservative group, the European Research Group (ERG) had led to this decision. The Brexit Party is reported to have requested that Boris Johnson publicly state he would not extend the Brexit transition period beyond the planned date of 31 December 2020 and that he wished for a Canada-style free-trade agreement with the EU. Johnson did make a statement covering these two issues, something which Farage referenced as key when announcing he was standing down some candidates. Both the Brexit Party and the Conservatives denied any deal was done between the two. The decision to not run in those seats met with criticism by some Brexit Party supporters and candidates; some candidates who had been selected to vie for Conservative seats opted to run as independent candidates on a Pro-Brexit platform.

The Brexit Party failed to win any seats in the general election. Its best second places were in Barnsley Central, where Victoria Felton won 30.4% of the vote, and Barnsley East, where Jim Ferguson won 29.2%. High third places were in Hartlepool, where Richard Tice won 25.8% of the vote, and Hull West and Hessle, where Michelle Dewberry won 18%.

Local government
The party first stood at local government level in two by-elections in Gloucester on 25 July 2019. They did not win either.

A councillor elected to Rochdale defected to the party in July 2019 from Labour, making for the first councillor; shortly after a Liberal Democrat councillor there also defected. All 12 of Rotherham's then UKIP councillors defected to the Brexit Party in July 2019, as did all 5 of Derby's UKIP councillors. On 13 September 2019, ten independent councillors on Hartlepool Borough Council defected to the Brexit Party. They then formed a pact with the three Conservatives to hold 13 of the 33 seats. In September 2019, a Conservative councillor for Surrey (county) and Elmbridge (borough) defected to the party, after his party decided he would not be reselected.

The 13 councillors of the Hartlepool council group left the party in 2020. The Rotherham group left to form the Rotherham Democratic Party. The party won two seats in the 2021 United Kingdom local elections, both in Derby, one a hold from a previous defection and the other a gain. These were the first council seats won at election by the party, as all their previous ones had been via defections. This left them with eight councillors in total; six in Derby and two more from defections, one in Redbridge from the Conservatives, and one in Swale from UKIP, both in April 2021.

In December 2021, days before the North Shropshire by-election, local councillor and Deputy Mayor of Market Drayton Town Council, Mark Whittle, defected to the party from the Conservatives.

It was reported that all of Reform UK's candidates in the 2022 United Kingdom local elections "will campaign on the benefits of fracking and restarting exploration in the North Sea". Three of the eight council seats held by the party were up for re-election in 2022, all of which had arisen from defections. Both Derby seats were held, but a seat in Redbridge was lost. No new seats were gained.

In December 2022, two former Conservative councillors - one in Barnsley and the other in West Oxfordshire - defected to the party. Another Conservative councillor, Barry Gwilt, of the Fazeley on Lichfield District Council, defected to Reform UK in January 2023.

In the 2023 United Kingdom local elections, Reform UK won six seats out of the 8,519 up for election and averaged 6% of the vote in the wards where it stood.

Electoral performance

Senedd elections

Scottish Parliament elections

London Assembly elections

See also
Euroscepticism in the United Kingdom
Brexit Party election results
Opinion polling for 2019 European Parliament election in the UK
Opinion polling for the 2019 United Kingdom general election

References

Further reading
 James Dennison. 2020. "How Niche Parties React to Losing Their Niche: The Cases of the Brexit Party, the Green Party and Change UK." Parliamentary Affairs, Volume 73, Pages 125–141

External links

2018 establishments in the United Kingdom
Eurosceptic parties in the United Kingdom
Neoliberal parties
Nigel Farage
Political parties established in 2018
Right-wing parties in the United Kingdom
Right-wing populist parties
UK Independence Party breakaway groups
Brexit
Impact of the COVID-19 pandemic in the United Kingdom on politics

Reform UK


The Völkner incident describes the execution of the German-born Protestant missionary Carl Sylvius Völkner in New Zealand in 1865 by an independent Māori judiciary, consisting of members of the Pai Mārire faith. It has come to be seen by historians as a major and consequential miscarriage of justice by the Government of New Zealand during the New Zealand Wars. The event led to the arrest and execution of several major chieftains, and the confiscation of 85,000 acres of Māori land.

Born in the Electorate of Hesse, Völkner's mission took him to the lands of Te Whakatōhea at the behest of their chieftain, Mokomoko, initially an ally, who patronised him. With Whakatōhea support and guidance he established a church in Ōpōtiki in the Auckland Province (present-day Bay of Plenty). Völkner fell out with Te Whakatōhea after the Invasion of the Waikato, after which point many converted to the nascent Pai Mārire religion. Völkner was soon suspected of spying for the Crown by his former beneficiaries.

Despite hostilities Völkner had remained at Ōpōtiki, making several visits to Auckland in 1864, and again in January 1865. This further aroused suspicion that he was reporting to Governor George Grey on Whakatōhea activities without their approval. Ignoring warnings from several locals, he returned to Ōpōtiki on 1 March. Völkner was arrested almost immediately and tried on charges of espionage by Whakatōhea members of the Pai Mārire. Völkner was found guilty after a night of deliberation, and, sentenced to death, was hanged and decapitated at his church grounds.

In response to Völkner's death, George Grey authorised a military expedition to Ōpōtiki to arrest those who had convicted and executed him. Between 16 and 58 people were killed in the attack, which took place on 11 September 1865, and the pā was burnt to the ground. A number of local people were arrested and some were executed without trial. A large parcel of land, from Matatā to east of Ōpōtiki, was confiscated from eastern Bay of Plenty iwi. Despite being uninvolved in Völkner's death, Mokomoko was arrested after Ōpōtiki Pā was looted and burnt to the ground by colonial forces. He surrendered to them on the condition that his tribe be left alone, but was wrongfully convicted for the crime, and executed among with several others in Auckland in May 1866.

Background
The Battle of Te Ranga, on 21 June 1864, was the last major conflict of the Tauranga Campaign and is said to mark the effective end of the fighting involved with the Invasion of the Waikato. It left an uneasy peace – not so much a peace as an absence of conflict, one that lasted for several months. This period saw two significant changes in disposition of the warring parties.

The Pai Marire (or Hauhau) movement, a syncretic religious group, was gaining ground and converts among the East Coast Māori. Pai Mārire began in 1862 as a combination of Christianity and traditional Māori beliefs. Originally peaceful, a sub-branch known as Hauhau became violent after experiencing Christian hypocrisy.

Meanwhile, the Imperial Troops were fighting their last campaign in New Zealand before being withdrawn to garrison duty and then complete withdrawal from New Zealand. At the same time the Colonial Militia were being reorganised and rearmed to take up the slack.

Völkner's trial and execution

Among the Māori community, Völkner was rumoured to be a government spy. It was thought he sent Governor George Grey a plan of a pa near Te Awamutu where British troops burned women and children alive in a whare that had been converted to a church. The wife and two daughters of Kereopa were among the victims. Pai Mārire (or Hauhau) arrived in the Ōpōtiki area of the Bay of Plenty in February 1865. On 2 March Protestant missionary Carl Völkner discovered that his Māori congregation had moved on from Christianity to Pai Mārire (or Hauhau). Like many Europeans in isolated communities, Völkner had sent reports of anti-Government activity to the governor. Although warned to stay away from the town, on his next visit he was captured, put on trial and hanged from a tree, and his body was decapitated an hour later. Kereopa Te Rau, a Hauhau, was alleged to have re-entered the church and conducted a service with Völkner's head in the pulpit beside him. He was also alleged to have plucked out the dead missionary's eyes and swallowed them. One eye allegedly represented Parliament and the other the Queen and British law. News of the murder caused great alarm and anger among Pākehā.

Response
For several months nothing happened—then came the capture of Weraroa Pa—the relief of the siege of Pipiriki in August 1865 that virtually ended that phase of the Second Taranaki War. This freed up the militia for action elsewhere.

George Grey was enraged upon hearing of the execution. He proclaimed its perpetrators "fanatics" and in September 1965 declared martial law in the Bay of Plenty, ordering Ōpōtiki locals to assist government forces or face land confiscation.  Then forces then available to the New Zealand government, some 500 men, were transported by HMS Eclipse from Wanganui through Cook Strait, around the East Cape to Ōpōtiki. The composition of this force was significant. There were four companies of militia, a troop of cavalry and a contingent of Ngāti Hau warriors led by Te Keepa Te Rangihiwinui. These were the units that had already been campaigning together during the Taranaki War and had a history of successful cooperation and mutual respect.

The landing at Ōpōtiki was accomplished with difficulty. One of the ships ran aground on a falling tide and came under fire from the shore. Eventually it had to be abandoned and the crew and militia waded ashore but it was another twenty-four hours before the other ships were able to land their men and supplies. Once Grey's men had made successful landfall at Ōpōtiki, they opened fire indiscriminately at the local inhabitants, forcing them to retreat into nearby forest. Rather than pursue them, the Crown troops looted the pā, before burning it to the ground.

As soon as they were established and the snipers driven away, the militia occupied the church where Völkner had been murdered. While some of the Pākehā soldiers worked at turning this into a fortress, the others with Keepa and the Ngāti Hau were turned loose on the countryside. They employed the military tactic of denying the enemy food supplies, keeping what they needed and destroying the rest. Beyond a few muskets the East Coast Hauhau lacked many modern weapons with which to defend themselves. This accounts for the numerous one-sided battles and the Hauhau resorting to attempted treachery to defeat the government forces. It was made clear to them that these depredations would continue until the men responsible for the murder of Völkner were captured or surrendered. But the man they wanted most, Kereopa, had retreated to Tuhoe lands in the Urewera mountains and had no intention of surrendering.

Mokomoko, unaware he was the prime suspect behind the orchestration of Völkner's death, surrendered in Ōpōtiki on condition that no punishment be inflicted upon Te Whakatōhea. Instead, he and four other men were arrested for murder and tried in Auckland. The rope used to hang Völkner was deemed sufficient evidence for the five men to be sentenced to death. Mokomoko and the other men were executed in Mount Eden Prison on 17 May 1866.

Before he was hanged, Mokomoko said "Tangohia mai te taura i taku kakī kia waiata au i taku waiata" ("Take the rope from my neck that I may sing my song"). He then sang:

Aftermath
After Mokomoko's execution, large areas of land around Ōpōtiki were confiscated under the New Zealand Settlements Act of 1863 and sold to settlers.

In the early 1870s, the Ureweras were invaded by the government forces searching for Te Kooti and the Tuhoe were effectively conquered and subdued. They were forced to yield Kereopa to Ropata Wahawaha, and he was tried and hanged for Völkner's murder on 5 January 1872. Some Crown witnesses in the trial were given immunity from prosecution in exchange for their testimony, and Kereopa had no defence witnesses because the Crown would not pay for their travel from Napier. The jury took only about 15 minutes to return their verdict. Kereopa's iwi Ngati Rangiwewehi say that the trial had a predetermined outcome and was a miscarriage of justice.

In 1993, Justice Minister Doug Graham delivered an apology to Te Whakatōhea along with an official pardon of Mokomoko, one of the chiefs hanged. In 1996, the New Zealand Government signed a Deed of Settlement, acknowledging and apologising for the wrongful invasion and confiscation of Te Whakatōhea lands, and the subsequent economic, cultural and developmental devastation suffered by the iwi. In 1998 the New Zealand government offered the Whakatōhea iwi NZ$40 million as compensation for all their historical claims including the invasion and the confiscation of land following the Völkner Incident; however the offer was not accepted. Te Whakatōhea are presently preparing to negotiate a full settlement with the New Zealand Government. As part of the settlement of neighbouring iwi Ngāti Awa's claims in 2003, the Völkner Rocks near Whakaari/White Island were renamed "Te Paepae Aotea (Völkner Rocks)".

Kereopa was posthumously pardoned in November 2014. This means that Kereopa is no longer guilty of the murder of Völkner. This pardon was part of the Ngāti Rangiwewehi Treaty of Waitangi settlement.

See also
East Cape War

References

Further reading
 Barthorp, Michael (1979). To face the daring Māori. Hodder and Stoughton.
 Belich, James (1988). The New Zealand wars. Penguin.
 Belich, James (1996) Making peoples. Penguin Press.
 Cowan, J., & Hasselberg, P. D. (1983) The New Zealand wars. New Zealand Government Printer. (Originally published 1922)
 Lyall, A. C., (1979) Whakatohea of Opotiki. A.H. & A.W. Reed.
 Maxwell, Peter (2000). Frontier, the battle for the North Island of New Zealand. Celebrity Books.
 Simpson, Tony (1979). Te Riri Pakeha. Hodder and Stoughton.
 Sinclair, Keith (ed.) (1996). The Oxford illustrated history of New Zealand (2nd ed.) Wellington: Oxford University Press.
 Vaggioli, Dom Felici (2000). History of New Zealand and its inhabitants, Trans. J. Crockett. Dunedin: University of Otago Press. Original Italian publication, 1896.
 Ranginui Walker, Ōpōtiki-Mai-Tawhiti, Capital of Whakatōhea. Penguin, 2007. .
 Peter Wells, Journey to a Hanging. Random House/Vintage, 2014. .
"The people of many peaks: The Māori biographies". (1990). From The dictionary of New Zealand biographies, Vol. 1, 1769–1869. Bridget Williams Books and Department of Internal Affairs, New Zealand.

External links
Pai Marire and the death of Carl Völkner, 2 March 1865

Murder in New Zealand
Conflicts in 1865
New Zealand Wars
1865 in New Zealand
History of the Bay of Plenty Region
March 1865 events
1865 murders in New Zealand

Völkner incident


ہیلاں  پاکستان ضلع منڈی بہاؤالدین کا ایک آباد مقام جو پنجاب، پاکستان میں واقع ہے۔تحصیل پھالیہ کی ایک یونین کونسل بھی ہے۔
ہیلاں کے بارے میں سینہ بسینہ پائی جانے والی رائے کے مطابق یہ علاقہ راجا ہیل کی ملکیت تھا ْ ساڑھے پانچ سو سال قبل ایک جنگجو عرب سپہ سالار شیخ علی بن حسن بن عرب اپنی فوج کے ساتھ آئے اور اس مقام پر راجا ہیل کے ساتھ گھمسان کی جنگ کی۔
جنگ کے نتیجے میں میں ہزاروں افراد مارے گئے جبکہ شیخ علی بن حسن بھی شہید ہو گئے ۔ جنگ میں مارے جانے والے ہزاروں سپاہیوں کو یہاں چار مربع کلومیٹر رقبے میں دفن کیا گیا۔ راجا ہیل کی وجہ سے اس کا نام ہیلاں پڑ گیا۔
یہاں واقع مقبرہ شیخ علی بن حسن کا ہے جو اس کا علاقے کا تاریخی ورثہ ہے لیکن محکمہ آثار قدیمہ کی عدم توجہی کے باعث یہ تاریخی ورثہ آہستہ آہستہ معدوم ہوتا جا رہا ہے۔

مزید دیکھیے
 پاکستان
 فہرست پاکستان کے شہر

حوالہ جات

Helan (or Helaan) is a city and union council in Phalia Tehsil, Mandi Bahauddin District, Punjab province, Pakistan. The union council contains 10 villages (Helan, Charanwala, Burje, Kotli Qazi, Qutli, Dhingranwali, Binder Khurd, Rajoya, Saida Chak, Heger). Helan is 20 kilometers south-east of Mandi Bahauddin, 8 kilometers north-east of Phalia, 20 kilometers south of Dinga and 4 kilometers north of Mano Chak.

Helan is situated between Islamabad airport and Lahore airport. It is also in between Chenab River and Jhelum River.A famous political Ch Azmat Ullah charanwala Ex MPA &Member District Councle also belong to Uc helan village charanwala. There are two Main Canal passes besides Helan. Which are almost attached with it, one is "Phalia Branch Canal" and locally called "Choti Neher" (Small Canal). While other one is "RQ Link" locally called "Bari Neher". Phalia Branch Canal is on East of Helan, While RQ Link is on East North of Helan Town. Early in the morning, peoples of Helan visit at the bank of the Canals.Helan Town is an old Historical Town. No one can say that how much it is old. It is older more than Mand-i-Bahauddin city and as old as Phalia. Its old buildings are constructed with small brick of 6 inch length, 4 inch wide and 1.5 inch thick. History of Helan Town is related to Alexander time (Sikander-e-Azam).

FOUNDER OF VILLAGE HELLAN: It is not confirm that who is the founder of Helan, However some Historical Incidents and research show that Sikander-e-Azam passes through this area. Sikander-e-Azam was a King. He belonged to Unaan. He fights some war in this area (Helan and Phalia). According to history he may be founder of this Town . He defeat Raja Poras at the River Jhelum (PHALIA) and return his country but he died on the way. In the past the River Jhelum passed near Sarli-e-Kalan, Phalia and Village Seria at Qadarabad road. Now there is a huge amount of sand is available

GLORIOUS HISTORICAL BUILDING: There is an old historical building besides outside the Helan Town that calls "Hanjeera". Its walls are 8.5 feet wide. It has four open doors. kalma tayaba is written on right and left of each door. It has four Mahrab. There are stairs in it for climb up the Hanjeera, which present an amazing view in its around. It was built on 999 Hajri (432 years before). There is an underground way which goes under the Hanjeera, local people think that, that is an underground way (Srung) which open somewhere else, but in actual it is not any underground way (Srung), actually real grave of Sheik Ali Baig S/O Hussain Ali Khan Arab and his friends are there, graves that are shown in Hanjeera upward that is just show off like Mazar-e-Qaid in Karachi.

پنجاب (پاکستان) کی یونین کونسلیں
ضلع منڈی بہاؤالدین
ضلع منڈی بہاؤالدین کی یونین کونسلیں
ضلع منڈی بہاؤالدین کے آباد مقامات

ہیلاں


LSNS Governor Moore was a schooner-rigged steamer in the Confederate States Navy.

Governor Moore had been Southern S. S. Company's Charles Morgan, named for the firm's founder and built at New York in 1854 as a schooner-rigged, low pressure, walking beam-engined, seagoing steamer. She was seized at New Orleans, Louisiana by Brigadier General Mansfield Lovell, CSA, in mid-January 1862 "for the public service." As a gunboat, renamed for Louisiana's Governor Thomas Overton Moore, her stem was reinforced for ramming by two strips of flat railroad iron at the waterline, strapped and bolted in place, with pine lumber and cotton-bale barricades to protect her boilers, but the Governor Moore was never commissioned as a ship in the Confederate States Navy.

The larger of two similar cotton-clads owned and operated by the State of Louisiana, Governor Moore was commanded for some time by Lieutenant Beverly Kennon, CSN, then serving as Commander in the Louisiana Provisional Navy without pay. She distinguished herself in the battle of 24 April 1862, when Admiral David Farragut, USN, passed Fort Jackson and Fort St. Philip before dawn en route to capture New Orleans. After a furious exchange of raking fire, Governor Moore twice rammed USS Varuna, and a third thrust from another cottonclad forced Varuna aground. Next attacking USS Cayuga, Governor Moore exposed herself to fire from most of the Union flotilla. With practically her whole upper hamper shot away and 61 men dead or dying, she went out of command, drifting helplessly to shore, where her captain, pilot, and a seaman set her afire. Governor Moore blew up while they and three other survivors were being captured by USS Oneida's boats to be imprisoned on board USS Colorado; two-thirds of the two dozen or more crew members escaped into the marshes, the rest being captured by other ships' launches; no one drowned.

"The pennant and remains of the ensign were never hauled down," wrote Kennon from Colorado. "The flames that lit our decks stood faithful sentinels over their halyards until they, like the ship, were entirely consumed. I burned the bodies of the slain. Our colors were shot away three times. I hoisted them myself twice; finally every stripe was taken out of the flag, leaving a small constellation of four little stars only, which showed to our enemy how bravely we had defended them." The ship sank with the Louisiana's colors flying.(It is unclear if the flag referred to was the Confederate Stars and Bars or Louisiana State banner of January 1861; the Dictionary of American Naval Fighting Ships claims the latter.)

See also
Bibliography of early United States naval history

References

Ships built in New York (state)
1854 ships
Cottonclad rams of the Confederate States Navy
Shipwrecks of the Mississippi River
Shipwrecks of the American Civil War
Naval magazine explosions
Louisiana-related ships
Louisiana in the American Civil War
Maritime incidents in April 1862

Governor Moore (gunboat)


Mary Ann Horton (born Mark R. Horton, on November 21, 1955), is a Usenet and Internet pioneer. Horton contributed to Berkeley UNIX (BSD), including the vi editor and terminfo database, created the first email binary attachment tool uuencode, and led the growth of Usenet in the 1980s.

Horton successfully requested the first transgender-inclusive language added to the Equal Employment Policy in a large American company, and championed the language and insurance coverage of transgender health benefits at other companies.

Horton is a computer scientist and a transgender educator and activist.

Education
Horton was born in Richland, Washington, and raised in the Pacific Northwest. Finding an interest in computer programming in 1970, Horton moved to San Diego County in 1971, and quickly fell in love with California. She graduated from San Dieguito High School in 1973. Earning a BSCS from the University of Southern California in 1976, Horton went on to obtain an MSCS at the University of Wisconsin, and transfer to the University of California at Berkeley in 1978, earning a PhD in Computer Science in 1981.

Horton was introduced to UNIX at Wisconsin, creating an enhanced UNIX text editor called hed. At Berkeley, she contributed to the development of Berkeley UNIX, including the vi text editor, uuencode (the first mechanism for binary Email attachments), w and load averages, termcap, and curses. Her PhD dissertation was the creation of a new type of syntax-directed editor with a textual interface. This technology was later used to create computer-aided software engineering tools.

In 1980, Horton brought Usenet's A News system to Berkeley and began to champion its growth from a 10-site network. To Usenet's original dialup UUCP technology, she added support for Berknet and ARPANET, and added a gateway between several popular ARPANET mailing lists and usenet "fa" newsgroups. In 1981, high school student Matt Glickman asked Horton for a spring break project, and the two designed and implemented B News, which offered major performance and user interface improvements needed to keep up with the explosive growth of Usenet traffic volume.

UNIX and Internet work
In 1981, Horton became a Member of Technical Staff of Bell Labs in Columbus, Ohio. At Bell Labs she brought parts of Berkeley UNIX to UNIX System V, including vi and curses; as part of the work on curses, she developed terminfo as a replacement for termcap (most of this work shipped as part of SVR2). In 1987 she joined the Bell Labs Computation Center to bring official support for Usenet and Email to Bell Labs.

Horton continued to lead Usenet until 1988. During this time she promoted rapid growth by arranging news feeds for new sites. Each new site agreed to be the feed for two more new sites as the need arose. This policy contributed to the growth of Usenet to over 5000 sites by 1987. Horton recruited membership in and designed the original physical topology of the Usenet Backbone in 1983. Gene "Spaf" Spafford then created an email list of the backbone administrators, plus a few influential posters. This list became known as the Backbone Cabal and served as a "political (i.e. decision making) backbone". The backbone ensured the reliability and performance of the overall network.

Usenet began with only a few messages per day, but volume rapidly grew to become a problem. Horton added moderated newsgroups, distinguished with names beginning with "mod" or containing "announce", and moderated the first such newsgroup: news.announce.important. Only the moderator could post messages, all other messages were automatically sent to the moderator for approval. Eventually the B News software was enhanced to permit any newsgroup with any name to be moderated.

Usenet relied on email for replies, requiring that Usenet links could be used for email. At first, all Usenet and UUCP messages used "bang paths", such as unc!research!ucbvax!mark, as email addresses. Horton guided this email process, including the use of the ARPANET/UUCP gateway, using routed email addresses such as cbosgd!mark@berkeley. These addresses were complex, convoluted, and sometimes ambiguous. When Internet domains were first created in 1983, Horton championed their use, publishing the classic paper "What is a domain?"

At Usenix in January 1984, Horton recruited a group of volunteers to create the UUCP Mapping Project. The project divided the world into geographic regions. A volunteer for each region maintained the region's UUCP connectivity map and posted it regularly to the comp.mail.maps newsgroup. Each site ran Steve Bellovin and Peter Honeyman's pathalias program to create a locally optimized email routing database from this map. Horton worked with Chris Seiwald and Larry Auton to produce the smail program, used this database to route email, using email addresses such as email@example.com.

In the mid 1980s, early domain use included .ARPA, .UUCP, .CSNET, and .BITNET as top level domains, representing four major email networks. In January 1986, Horton represented UUCP at a meeting to arrange technical cooperation of these networks. Others were Dan Oberst representing BITNET, Craig Partridge representing CSNET, and Ken Harrenstein, who hosted the meeting on behalf of the ARPANET. Harrenstein convinced the others to support the creation of six top level functionally domains COM, EDU, ORG, NET, GOV, and MIL. Each network was authorized to register domains in COM, EDU, ORG, and NET. This group of registrars was the precursor to the ICANN domain name registry.

Horton implemented the UUCP portion of the registry by reorganizing the UUCP Project into the "UUCP Zone". With Tim Thompson, Horton registered 150 UUCP-only organizations with officially sanctioned .COM and .EDU domains. firstname.lastname@example.com became a valid UUCP email address, even though the message was delivered via UUCP using dial-up modems.

The UUCP Zone joined with Lauren Weinstein's Stargate project, which built a pilot project to transmit Usenet over satellite television, to form Stargate Information Systems. The first domain they registered was stargate.com, the second was Horton's employer, att.com. The att.com domain connected to the Internet using dial-up modems until 1990, when Horton implemented Bill Cheswick's firewall architecture
to build AT&T's first TCP/IP connection to the Internet with a demonstrably secure firewall.

Horton's 1990 book, Portable C Software became a popular reference for programming in C. It outlined functions and programming techniques that could be reliably used on many different types of computer systems, and which methods were unportable.

In 1992, Horton created an internal email package for Bell Labs called EMS (Electronic Messaging System). This package integrated the existing UUCP-based email system with the AT&T "POST" white pages directory and the domain-based email world. She created and led a supported email service for Bell Labs. This system supported many email addressing formats, including those that dynamically queried the POST directory:
 Handle: email@example.com
 Full name: email@example.com
 Broadcast to a building: firstname.lastname@example.com
 Complex query: all technical managers and directors in Columbus: email@example.com

In 2000, Horton joined Avaya, where she was the Sr. Manager of Avaya Corporate Email and Directory. In 2002, Horton joined the UNIX Implementation Engineering group at Bank One, which was purchased by JPMorgan Chase in 2004. Finally fulfilling a lifelong dream, Horton moved from Columbus to San Diego in 2007, joining Sempra Energy's Transmission Grid Operations team.

Diversity work

Horton is a transgender woman. Adopting the name Mary Ann in 1987, Horton founded Columbus' first transgender support group, the Crystal Club, in 1989. In 1997, she joined EQUAL, Lucent's LGBT employee resource group, and saw the value of being "out" at work, supported by an Equal Opportunity (EO) nondiscrimination policy. At the time, no major company included transgender language in their EO policy. Horton asked for its inclusion in Lucent's policy, and recommended the language "gender identity, characteristics, or expression". As a result, Lucent became the first large company to add transgender-inclusive language to its EO policy in 1997.

At the time, Horton identified as a crossdresser, presenting sometimes as Mark and sometimes as Mary Ann. After the Lucent EO policy was published, Horton worked at Lucent primarily as Mark, but occasionally as Mary Ann. She was the first known crossdresser to successfully work part-time as a woman for a large company. Despite controversy about the ability of corporate America to deal with a part-time crossdresser, Horton's workplace experience was positive.

Horton championed the addition of transgender-inclusive language with other companies, supporting its addition to Apple, Xerox, Chase, and later to Bank One and Sempra Energy. The "characteristics" term was intended to include intersex individuals, but was removed after discussions with intersex activists who stated that "gender expression" best includes their needs.

Horton was one of the first transgender actors to play a transgender role on television. She appeared as Aurora, a business executive, in a public service announcement advertisement for Stonewall Columbus entitled The Boardroom in June 2003.

Horton was awarded the "Trailblazer" award by Out & Equal Workplace Advocates in October, 2001 for her work at Lucent and Avaya. The next week, she transitioned, presenting full-time as Mary Ann. Over the next few years, she took appropriate medical steps, and legally changed her name to Mary Ann Horton and her sex to female.

In the 1990s, most employer health insurance policies denied coverage for sex reassignment surgery (SRS) or anything related to it. Horton advocated for the inclusion of transgender health benefits (THBs) in these policies. She documented Lucent's coverage of SRS in 2000.
and championed the inclusion of points for THBs in the Human Rights Campaign's Corporate Equality Index, which were added in 2005.

In 2002, Horton gathered data from 13 of 15 major SRS surgeons to determine incidence, intrinsic prevalence,
and average cost of SRS-related surgeries. This data, presented at the
Out & Equal Annual Workplace Summit
showed that the cost of THB coverage, previously believed to be very high, is actually very low, less than 40 cents per US resident per year. This data, combined with the HRC CEI points, has led to increased coverage of THBs by large employers.

Current status
Horton currently resides in Poway, California.

Horton is retired from Sempra Energy as a Principal EMS Programmer/Analyst. (In this case, EMS stands for energy management system, a SCADA control system.)

Horton is also a Consultant on Transgender Workplace issues and on UNIX and Internet technology. She owns Red Ace Technology Solutions, providing discounted web hosting services to nonprofit organizations and small businesses.

References

External links
Mary Ann Horton's home page
Stargate Internet Museum, a chronicle of Email over the UNIX dial-up UUCP network, and the Usenet bulletin-board system
Red Ace Technology Solutions

1955 births
Living people
People from Richland, Washington
Usenet people
Cellular automatists
LGBT people from California
LGBT people from Washington (state)
Transgender scientists
Transgender women
Transgender rights activists
American transgender people
American LGBT scientists
Transgender history in the United States

Mary Ann Horton


The year 146 BCE was a year of the pre-Julian Roman calendar. At the time it was known as the Year of the Consulship of Lentulus and Achaicus (or, less often, year 608 Ab urbe condita).

Events
 Roman forces under the command of Scipio Aemilianus defeat Carthage. The city is destroyed by order of the Roman Senate.  This ends the Third Punic War.

146 BC


Down in the Valley is a 2005 American neo-western film starring Edward Norton, Evan Rachel Wood, David Morse and Rory Culkin. The film made its debut in the Un Certain Regard section at the 2005 Cannes Film Festival on May 13, and made its limited theatrical release in North America on May 5, 2006.

Plot
In the San Fernando Valley, rebellious teenager October "Tobe" takes a walk with her younger brother, Lonnie.  The next day, Tobe goes to the beach with friends, and when they stop for gas, they are assisted by Harlan, a young man who affects a folksy, cowboy style.  Tobe invites the much-older Harlan to the beach. He accepts, which results in his losing his job. At the beach, they kiss and, after returning to Harlan's house, they have sex. He  takes her on a date, and the trio get something to eat. Later that night, they go on their "real" date, dancing and meeting up with Tobe's friends for another party, where Harlan takes drugs. Tobe returns home the next day; as she has returned home long after she was expected, Wade, her father, becomes enraged, and she retreats to her room. When she refuses to talk, he pounds on the door and leaves visible damage.

Tobe continues to see Harlan. Her father's rage increases, and he shatters her bedroom window. Tobe and Harlan ride a horse that supposedly belongs to one of Harlan's friends named Charlie. Upon returning, Charlie claims he has never met Harlan and that the horse was stolen. The couple are held in police custody until Wade comes to pick up Tobe. She tells Harlan that they should no longer see each other. Harlan, however, is persistent and takes Lonnie shooting without Wade's permission. Wade, who is armed, orders Harlan to leave his children alone.

Mentally unstable, Harlan is evicted from his apartment after shooting at his reflection in a mirror, imagining a Wild West-style "shoot-out". After an awkward incident at a local synagogue, where he is abruptly ushered out, he breaks into what is presumably the house of his father or foster father, who is revealed to be a Hasidic Jew. He leaves the letter he has been narrating throughout the film after taking multiple Jewish memorabilia, and the contents of a box, in a closet, inscribed with his name. He breaks into Tobe's house and packs a bag so that they can run away. When Tobe comes home to find him, she is dumbfounded, happy to see him at first. As she slowly realizes he is deranged, she tells him she does not want to leave her family and that he should go. As they argue, Harlan shoots her in the stomach.

When Tobe's father returns home to find Tobe alone on her bed, barely alive, he suspects Harlan, who has failed in an attempt at calling 911 and run away. Wade rushes Tobe to the hospital, where she is attached to a respirator and remains in a coma. Harlan, who is covered in Tobe's blood, then shoots himself in the side to conceal Tobe's blood and also make it look like it was Wade who had shot them. Harlan finds Lonnie and convinces him that it was really Wade who shot Tobe, and that Harlan was wounded while trying to stop him. Tobe regains consciousness at the hospital and Wade realizes that Harlan has taken Lonnie. At night while Harlan and Lonnie are by a fire, Wade, Charlie and a detective named Sheridan arrive. Harlan shoots Charlie before riding off with Lonnie.

They stumble upon a Western film set where shooting has just begun. Wade and Sheridan arrive with two more police officers. During the shootout, Harlan shoots Detective Sheridan and one of the police officers. Harlan and Lonnie escape to a construction site, where Wade finds them and another shootout ensues. Wade shoots Harlan to death to the horror of Lonnie.

Later, Wade drives Tobe and Lonnie to a place where Tobe and Harlan had a pleasant day. Tobe is holding a box that contains Harlan's ashes. Her brother asks her what they should say about him. She replies, "Don't say anything, just think it," and scatters the ashes.

Cast

Writing
Writer David Jacobson was inspired to write this film by his childhood in the San Fernando Valley.  He commented that there was never much to do except throw things onto the highway (which possibly inspired a deleted scene from the film titled Don't Look), have dirt clod fights, and spending many hot summer days at the local cinema with friends, watching the same films over and over.  One favorite was Butch Cassidy and the Sundance Kid, which he watched seventeen times.  Jacobson also has noted that he and his sister were mild backgrounds for Tobe and Lonnie.
The script was written with loose scenes, and is considered by Jacobson himself to be some of his lighter work.

Critical reception
On the review aggregation website Rotten Tomatoes, the film holds a 52% approval rating, based on 101 reviews. The website's consensus reads, "The premise of Old West clashing with modern suburbia is fresh and initially intriguing, but the second act degenerates into a clumsy jumble of events which strain credibility."

American movie critic Roger Ebert expressed mixed feelings about the film in his review for the Chicago Sun-Times. On the one hand, he noted several qualities "that make me happy to have seen it", especially the nuanced acting performance of Edward Norton and the "peculiar loneliness" of his character Harlan. On the other hand, Ebert took issue with the film's ending which he found to be implausible and driven too much by the abstract idea behind the plot instead of the characters in it.

References

External links
 Official website (not active as of April 7, 2014)

2005 films
2000s English-language films
2005 Western (genre) films
Films set in the San Fernando Valley
Films directed by David Jacobson
American independent films
Contemporary Western films
2005 independent films
American Western (genre) films
2005 drama films
2000s American films

Down in the Valley (film)


Sabse Bada Khiladi () is a 1995 Indian action thriller film directed by Umesh Mehra and starring Akshay Kumar, Mamta Kulkarni, Mohnish Behl, Gulshan Grover and Sadashiv Amrapurkar. It was the third installment in the Khiladi film series of films that had Akshay in the lead after Khiladi and Main Khiladi Tu Anari and was the first Khiladi film to be directed by Mehra and produced by Keshu Ramsay who went on to collaborate for Khiladiyon Ka Khiladi and International Khiladi and Khiladi 420. The film was a commercial success at the box office and was the sixth highest-grossing Indian film of 1995.

The story of the film is loosely adapted from the novel called Lallu by Ved Prakash Sharma, a Hindi pulp fiction writer. Sharma is credited during the opening credits.

Plot
Lallu is an orphan who was separated from his parents and brother in his childhood and has been brought up by foster parents. He travels to Bombay to look for a job and starts working as a loyal servant for rich businessman Jamna Das. One day he discovers Jamna Das's daughter Sunita drunk in a nightclub and takes her home. Jamna Das realises how loyal Lallu is and how he never took advantage of Sunita in her drunken state decides to get them married. Sunita immediately refuses as she is in love with Amit. When Jamna Das suddenly dies of a heart attack, his will and testament reveal that Sunita must marry Lallu or she will not be entitled to any of his wealth and estate. Seeing no other option, she marries Lallu but decides to have him killed with the help of Amit so that she can inherit all of her father's wealth. Sunita and Amit succeed in their plan to kill Lallu by poisoning him, putting him into a car, and crashing it to make it look like an accident. His death is considered suspicious, and the case is assigned to Inspector Vijay Kumar, who is a lookalike of the supposedly deceased Lallu.

Vijay also has a twin brother Ajay, whom he lost during childhood. His brother was apparently murdered by Amit's father, Amar Singh, and the latter had raped a close friend's wife, who was Jamna Das's wife, Gomti. Later Gomti dies of a heart attack when in court Amar Singh (as a lawyer) falsely proves his 'innocence' and renders her guilty. This fact is not known by Sunita. But Vijay swears revenge against Amar Singh for what he did.

The twist in the story comes when Lallu appears before Sunita and Amit, who have presumed him to be dead. He then terrorizes them at their house and, when Amit finally owns up to the crime. The police immediately arrests Amit and Sunita. Lallu says he is none other than Inspector Vijay Kumar. Vijay reveals that it was his plan to frame Amit and his father. It was he who had come as Lallu in the first place, told Jamna Das to enact the heart attack, took Sunita into confidence, done all the pretence, and finally, they had gotten Amit into trouble. Because now Amit is guilty of 'murdering Lallu', Inspector Kekda, a cunning inspector who had helped cover the crime, is also arrested.

Amit is taken into custody. Amar and Kekda hatch a plan to release Amit and send him out of the country. They go to Vijay's police station on the pretext of meeting Amit, and, as part of a plan hatched by Amar, a fight breaks out near the station, to which Vijay responds. At that moment, they release Amit, knock Kekda out, and immolate him after Amit exchanges clothes with him. By the time Vijay realises what's happening, it is too late. Amit escapes to the airport; Amar goes to court and accuses Vijay of burning his son. But Vijay manages to save Kekda. He then says that Vijay is the biggest player ('Sabse Bada Khiladi') and helps Vijay nab Amit.

Vijay chases Amit all the way to the abandoned airport with Kekda in hot pursuit in a helicopter. Eventually, they destroy many stationary aircraft and the entire hangar, with both chasing and trying to kill each other through the raging fires. Amit shoots Kekda in the chopper from his car. But Vijay manages to nab him.

Finally, they reach court, where Vijay produces Amit, the dead Kekda, and everything is out in the open. Amar Singh is now forced to say that he was the one who killed Lallu and raped Gomti, to save his son. Fortunately, he is not able to prove all this as he had already destroyed all the evidence. A frustrated Amar Singh tries to shoot Vijay but fails, and both he and Amit are arrested.

Cast

 Akshay Kumar as Inspector Vijay Kumar / Ajay Kumar (dead) (Double Role) / Lallu
 Mamta Kulkarni as Sunita Das
 Mohnish Behl as Amit Singh Choudhury
 Avtar Gill as Jamna Das
 Anjana Mumtaz as Gomti Das
 Anil Nagrath as Judge
 Kishore Bhanushali as Havildar Barkat Ali
 Sudhir Dalvi as Doctor
 Dina Pathak as Jamna's mother
 Vishwajeet Pradhan as Chika
 Mohan Raman as a Defense lawyer
 Gulshan Grover as Senior Inspector K Kekada
 Sadashiv Amrapurkar as Amar Singh Choudhary

Music
The Music was composed by Rajesh Roshan, and the background score was made by Raju Singh. The track "Mukaala Mukaabla" was based on 1994 song from film Kadhalan.
Lyricist of all songs is Dev Kohli.

References

External links

1990s Hindi-language films
1995 films
Films scored by Rajesh Roshan
Twins in Indian films
1995 action thriller films
1990s masala films
Indian action thriller films
Films directed by Umesh Mehra
Films based on Indian novels
Hindi-language action thriller films

Sabse Bada Khiladi