The Second Fleet is the name of the second group of ships sent with settlers, convicts and supplies to colony at Sydney Cove in Port Jackson, Australia. There were six ships in the fleet: one Royal Navy Escort, four convict ships, and a supply ship.

The ships were meant to sail to Australia together, and get to Sydney Cove in 1789. However the escort ship was wrecked on the way and did not arrive, and one convict ship was delayed and arrived two months after the other ships.

Unlike the First Fleet, where great efforts were taken to keep the convicts healthy, the Second Fleet was run by private businesses who kept the convicts in horrific conditions. When they got to Sydney, the sick convicts were a drain on the already struggling colony.

Fleet summary

Origins and history
The Lady Juliana sailed before the other convict ships and is not always counted as part of the Second Fleet. The supply ship Justinian did not sail with the convict ships and arrived before them. HMS Guardian set out before the convict ships but struck ice after leaving the Cape of Good Hope, went back to southern Africa and was wrecked on the coast.

The Surprize, Neptune and Scarborough were sent by the firm "Camden, Calvert & King". They had agreed to transport, clothe and feed the convicts for a fee of £17 7s. 6d per head This fee was paid whether the convicts landed dead or alive. This firm had previously been in the business of taking slaves to North America. The only government people on the ship were the naval agent, Lieutenant John Shapcote, and the Captain of the Guard; all other crew were supplied by the firm.

The Second Fleet left England on 19 January 1790, with 1,006 convicts (928 male and 78 female). They made only one stop on the way, at the Cape of Good Hope. Here 20 male convicts, survivors from Guardian, were taken on board. The three ships made a faster trip than the First Fleet, arriving at Port Jackson in the last week of June 1790. This was three weeks after Lady Juliana, and one week after the supply ship Justinian.

The trip was fast, but the rate of people dying was the highest in the history of transportation to Australia. Of the 1,026 convicts who left, 267 (256 men and 11 women) died during the voyage (26%).

On Neptune the convicts were not given enough food, they were kept tied up with chains, and rarely let up onto the deck. Many of them got scurvy. On Scarborough, they were fed, but a reported mutiny attempt led to the convicts being kept locked up below the deck.

Captain William Hill, Captain of the guard, later wrote that the ships' captains did not feed the convicts so that they could sell the food in another country. They wanted the convicts to die quickly so that they did not have to waste the food on them and could keep it for sale later.

Arrival in Sydney
When they got to Sydney, the half naked convicts were lying without bedding, too ill to move. Those unable to walk were thrown over the side. All were covered with lice. At least 486 of the convicts were sick, 47% of those who had left England. The others were described as "lean and emaciated" and showing "more horrid spectacles than had ever been witnessed in this country".

Among the people on the Second Fleet were D'Arcy Wentworth and his convict mistress Catherine Crowley, on Neptune, and John Macarthur, then a young lieutenant in the New South Wales Corps, and his wife Elizabeth, on Scarborough. Macarthur's eldest son, Edward Macarthur, who came with his parents on the Neptune and Scarborough, is believed to be the only person who sailed in the Second Fleet of whom we have a photograph. He was also the last survivor of the voyage.

When news of the horrors of the Second Fleet reached England, both the public and government were shocked. An enquiry was held but no attempt was made to arrest Donald Traill, captain of Neptune. He had been described as an insane sadist. The government did not charge him, the other captains, or the firm of contractors. They had already been contracted by the government to prepare the Third Fleet for sailing to Port Jackson in 1791.

Traill and his Chief Mate, William Ellerington, were privately put in court for the murder of an unnamed convict, seaman Andrew Anderson, and John Joseph, cook. But, after a trial lasting three hours before Sir James Marriott in the Admiralty Court, the jury set both men free "without troubling the Judge to sum up the evidence".

Related pages
 First Fleet
 Third Fleet

References

 Bateson, Charles, The Convict Ships, 1787-1868, Sydney, 1974.
 French, Jenny, Australia's Second Fleet - 1790 , IFHAA, 2007
 Hughes, Robert, The Fatal Shore, London, Pan, 1988
 Rees, Siân, The Floating Brothel, Hodder, Sydney, 2001.
 Emma Christopher, Cassandra Pybus, Marcus Buford Rediker, Marcus Rediker (eds.), Many Middle Passages: Forced Migration and the Making of the Modern World, Berkeley: University of California Press, 2007, chapter 6 by Emma Christopher, "Slave Traders, Convict Transportation, and the Abolitionists".

18th century in Australia
1789
1790

Second Fleet (Australia)


Mark Ouimet is a Republican politician and served in the Michigan House of Representatives from the 52nd district covering Washtenaw County, Michigan for one term.

Personal life and education
Ouimet was born and raised in Washtenaw County, Michigan.  He received a degree from the unaccredited Northwood Institute (since renamed Northwood University and became accredited), and received a bachelor's and master's degree from the unaccredited LaSalle University in Louisiana, a diploma mill closed by the FBI in July 1996. He later served as Chancellor and COO of Northwood University from 1991 to 2002.

He is married to Donna, and together they have two children named Mark and Courtney.

Political career
Ouimet served as a member of the Ann Arbor city council from 1988 to 1992, and served on the Washtenaw County Board of Commissioners.

In 2010, he won election in the 52nd district against Christine Green; Ouimet had 21,462 votes (51.6 percent) to Green's 20,027 (48.1 percent). During his term, Ouimet was a member of the Accommodations Ordinance Commission, Emergency Medical Services Commission, Money Purchase Pension Plan, Retirement Commission, Workforce Development Board, and the Washtenaw Economic Development Council.

In 2011, he endorsed Mitt Romney for the 2012 United States presidential election.

In 2012, he faced Saline Mayor Gretchen Driskell, a Democrat, for reelection and lost. Driskell received 26,646 votes (52.9%), while Ouimet received 23,609 votes (46.8%).

Notes

External links
Official website
Michigan Vote entry

Northwood University alumni
Politicians from Ann Arbor, Michigan
Republican Party members of the Michigan House of Representatives
Living people
County commissioners in Michigan
Michigan city council members
People from Washtenaw County, Michigan
La Salle University alumni
Year of birth missing (living people)
20th-century American politicians
21st-century American politicians

Mark Ouimet (politician)


Captain Juan de Ampudia (died 1541) was a Spanish explorer and conquistador.

He was born in Jérez de la Frontera, Spain. De Ampudia participated in the Spanish founding of many towns and cities. He took part in the conquests of Nicaragua, Perú, Ecuador and Colombia. De Ampudia accompanied Pedro de Alvarado to Perú and then took part of the foundation of the city of San Francisco de Quito on December 6, 1534. His name can be read in the atrium of the Metropolitan Cathedral in Quito.

Juan de Ampudia was, with Diego de Tapia, one of the first mayors (alcaldes) of the Quito city government. He also created the first tile factory on the side of a hill now called "El Tejar". He helped Sebastián de Belalcázar to pacify the area around Quito and killed Zopozopanqui, a local chieftain, leading to the rebellion against the Spanish. He died in Popayán.

Captain De Ampudia joined Pedro de Añasco's expedition and founded the town of Timbío on November 1, 1535. He undertook many expeditions down the Cauca River where he acquired the nom de guerre "Atila del Cauca". On December 24, 1536 he and his troops took the hill called El Azafate in order to secure the route that De Belalcázar would take to found the city of Popayán on January 13, 1537. Under orders from Benalcazar he went after the rebelling Captain Osorio and died of spear wounds on his way back to Popayán in 1541.

References

Further reading
 Gonzales Suarez, Federico, "Historia General de la Republica del Ecuador (3ª edición)", 1964, Ediciones Esfel.
 http://www.cervantesvirtual.com/servlet/SirveObras/35705007878258619976613/p0000003.htm#I_11_
 Lucas Fernandez de Piedrahita: "Historia General de las Conquistas del Nuevo Reyno de Granada" Amberes (1688) - (facsimile)- Carvajal S.A.

Year of birth unknown
1541 deaths
Spanish conquistadors
16th century in Colombia
16th century in Ecuador
16th century in Peru

Juan de Ampudia


Arbana Xharra is a journalist from Kosovo. In 2015 she won the International Women of Courage Award from the US State Department.

Work

Arbana Xharra became a journalist in 2001. She worked for Koha Ditore, Kosovo's first independent newspaper, in 2006 and 2007. She wrote for Balkan Insight and is now editor-in-chief of Zëri.

Xharra writes about many public issues. In 2006 she investigated government expense reports and problems with financial management.  In 2007, she wrote about inflation and food shortages.  In 2010 she wrote a report about the finances of the state-run Telecom of Kosovo.

In 2012, Xharra had legal problems.  She wrote a report about government corruption and about politicians' connections with local business.  The court decided that Xharra acted correctly. They said she followed the Code of Ethics for print media of Kosovo.

In 2012, Xharra investigated the increase of religious activity in the former Yugoslavia. She wrote about religious extremism and its effect on society. When she investigated Islamic extremists in Kosovo, she found connections with terrorist organizations. Xharra's report helped the government with the problem.  After the report, she received death threats.

Awards

Xharra won the UNDP Prize three times--in 2006, 2007, and 2008--for her articles on corruption in Kosovo. In 2012 she won a Balkan Fellowship for Journalistic Excellence and studied the changing attitudes towards Islam in Kosovo. In 2013 she won the Rexhai Surroi Award from the KOHA Group for an article on extremism.  She also won the Stirring Up Debate Award from INPO Ferizaj  for starting public discussion on religious extremism. In 2015 she won the US Secretary of State's International Women of Courage Award.

References

Other websites

 2015 International Women of Courage Awards, U.S. State Department photostream on Flickr
 Secretary's International Women of Courage Award (U.S. Department of State)

Living people
Journalists
Women who received the International Women of Courage Award
1981 births
Kosovan politicians

Arbana Xharra


In meteorology, the equilibrium level (EL), or level of neutral buoyancy (LNB), or limit of convection (LOC), is the height at which a rising parcel of air is at the same temperature as its environment.

This means that unstable air is now stable when it reaches the equilibrium level and convection stops. This level is often near the tropopause and can be indicated as near where the anvil of a thunderstorm because it is where the thunderstorm updraft is finally cut off, except in the case of overshooting tops where it continues rising to the maximum parcel level (MPL) due to momentum. More precisely, the cumulonimbus will stop rising around a few kilometres prior to reaching the level of neutral buoyancy and on average anvil glaciation occurs at a higher altitude over land than over sea (despite little difference in LNB from land to sea).

See also
 Atmospheric thermodynamics
 Convective instability
 Level of free convection
 Lifted condensation level

References

External links
 The Difference Between the Equilibrium Level and Maximum Parcel Level
 Identity of Storm Features

Severe weather and convection
Atmospheric thermodynamics
Buoyancy

Equilibrium level


GameFront is a video game website that provides patches, demos, modifications, and other user generated game related content to users.  In addition, the site provides editorial content around the modding community and the wider gaming industry. The site has a forum and an active Discord community.

In April 2016 the site closed. DBolical Pty Ltd. acquired GameFront from Defy Media, and relaunched the website in March 2018.

History and ownership
On January 6, 2009, UGO Networks acquired 1UP.com. FileFront was not part of the purchase and became part of the PC Magazine Digital Network.

In March 2008, Ziff Davis Media entered chapter 11 bankruptcy protection. On March 26, 2009, Ziff Davis Media announced that FileFront site operations were to be indefinitely suspended on March 30, 2009.  All of the Staff in Ziff Davis's FileFront division were made redundant at this time.

On February 11, 2010, Break Media acquired FileFront.

On April 14, 2016, GameFront announced that the site would be shutting down on April 30, 2016. In August 2016, DBolical Pty Ltd., owners of ModDB, acquired GameFront from Defy Media, and on March 11, 2018, officially relaunched the website with much of its original content alongside new features.

On August 1, 2021 it was announced that the website, assets and trademarks for GameFront.com were purchased from DBolical Pty Ltd. by GameFront Ltd. This new company is owned and run by long-time GameFront/FileFront members who have been running the site for a number of years under the prior ownership of DBolical Pty Ltd.

References

External links

File hosting
File sharing services
Video game Internet forums
Video game news websites

GameFront


Bureaucracy ( ) is a body of non-elected governing officials or an administrative policy-making group. Historically, a bureaucracy was a government administration managed by departments staffed with non-elected officials. Today, bureaucracy is the administrative system governing any large institution, whether publicly owned or privately owned. The public administration in many jurisdictions and sub-jurisdictions exemplifies bureaucracy, but so does any centralized hierarchical structure of an institution, e.g. hospitals, academic entities, business firms, professional societies, social clubs, etc.

There are two key dilemmas in bureaucracy. The first dilemma revolves around whether bureaucrats should be autonomous or directly accountable to their political masters. The second dilemma revolves around bureaucrats' responsibility to follow procedure, regulation and law or the amount of latitude they may have to determine appropriate solutions for circumstances that may appear unaccounted for in advance.

Various commentators have argued for the necessity of bureaucracies in modern society. The German sociologist Max Weber (1864–1920) argued that bureaucracy constitutes the most efficient and rational way in which human activity can be organized and that systematic processes and organized hierarchies are necessary to maintain order, to maximize efficiency, and to eliminate favoritism. On the other hand, Weber also saw unfettered bureaucracy as a threat to individual freedom, with the potential of trapping individuals in an impersonal "iron cage" of rule-based, rational control.

Etymology and usage
The term "bureaucracy" originated in the French language: it combines the French word bureau – desk or office – with the Greek word κράτος (kratos) – rule or political power. The French economist Jacques Claude Marie Vincent de Gournay (1712–1759) coined the word in the mid-18th century. Gournay never wrote the term down but a letter from a contemporary later quoted him:

The first known English-language use dates to 1818 with Irish novelist Lady Morgan referring to the apparatus used by the British government to subjugate Ireland as "the Bureaucratie, or office tyranny, by which Ireland has so long been governed". By the mid-19th century the word appeared in a more neutral sense, referring to a system of public administration in which offices were held by unelected career officials. In this context "bureaucracy" was seen as a distinct form of management, often subservient to a monarchy. In the 1920s the German sociologist Max Weber expanded the definition to include any system of administration conducted by trained professionals according to fixed rules. Weber saw bureaucracy as a relatively positive development; however, by 1944 the Austrian economist Ludwig von Mises opined in the context of his experience in the Nazi regime that the term bureaucracy was "always applied with an opprobrious connotation", and by 1957 the American sociologist Robert Merton suggested that the term "bureaucrat" had become an "epithet, a Schimpfwort" in some circumstances.

The word "bureaucracy" is also used in politics and government with a disapproving tone to disparage official rules that appear to make it difficult—by insistence on procedure and compliance to rule, regulation, and law—to get things done. In workplaces, the word is used very often to blame complicated rules, processes, and written work that are interpreted as obstacles rather than safeguards and accountability assurances. Socio-bureaucracy would then refer to certain social influences that may affect the function of a society.

In modern usage, modern bureaucracy has been defined as comprising four features:
 hierarchy (clearly defined spheres of competence and divisions of labor)
 continuity (a structure where administrators have a full-time salary and advance within the structure)
 impersonality (prescribed rules and operating rules rather than arbitrary actions)
 expertise (officials are chosen according to merit, have been trained, and hold access to knowledge)
Bureaucracy in a political theory is mainly a centralized form of management and tends to be differentiated from adhocracy, in which management tends more to decentralization.

History

Ancient

Although the term "bureaucracy" first originated in the mid-18th century, organized and consistent administrative systems existed much earlier. The development of writing ( 3500 BC) and the use of documents was critical to the administration of this system, and the first definitive emergence of bureaucracy occurred in ancient Sumer, where an emergent class of scribes used clay tablets to administer the harvest and to allocate its spoils. Ancient Egypt also had a hereditary class of scribes that administered the civil-service bureaucracy.

In China, when the Qin dynasty (221–206 BC) unified China under the Legalist system, the emperor assigned administration to dedicated officials rather than nobility, ending feudalism in China, replacing it with a centralized, bureaucratic government. The form of government created by the first emperor and his advisors was used by later dynasties to structure their own government. Under this system, the government thrived, as talented individuals could be more easily identified in the transformed society. The Han dynasty (202 BC – 220 AD) established a complicated bureaucracy based on the teachings of Confucius, who emphasized the importance of ritual in a family, in relationships, and in politics. With each subsequent dynasty, the bureaucracy evolved. In 165 BC, Emperor Wen introduced the first method of recruitment to civil service through examinations, while
Emperor Wu (r. 141–87 BC), cemented the ideology of Confucius into mainstream governance installed a system of recommendation and nomination in government service known as xiaolian, and a national academy whereby officials would select candidates to take part in an examination of the Confucian classics, from which Emperor Wu would select officials.

In the Sui dynasty (581–618) and the subsequent Tang dynasty (618–907) the shi class would begin to present itself by means of the fully standardized civil service examination system, of partial recruitment of those who passed standard exams and earned an official degree. Yet recruitment by recommendations to office was still prominent in both dynasties. It was not until the Song dynasty (960–1279) that the recruitment of those who passed the exams and earned degrees was given greater emphasis and significantly expanded. During the Song dynasty (960–1279) the bureaucracy became meritocratic. Following the Song reforms, competitive examinations took place to determine which candidates qualified to hold given positions.
The imperial examination system lasted until 1905, six years before the Qing dynasty collapsed, marking the end of China's traditional bureaucratic system.

A hierarchy of regional proconsuls and their deputies administered the Roman Empire. The reforms of Diocletian (Emperor from 284 to 305) doubled the number of administrative districts and led to a large-scale expansion of Roman bureaucracy. The early Christian author Lactantius ( 250 –  325) claimed that Diocletian's reforms led to widespread economic stagnation, since "the provinces were divided into minute portions, and many presidents and a multitude of inferior officers lay heavy on each territory." After the Empire split, the Byzantine Empire developed a notoriously complicated administrative hierarchy, and in the 20th century the term "Byzantine" came to refer to any complex bureaucratic structure.

Modern

Persia
Uzun Hasan's conquest of most of mainland Iran shifted the seat of power to the east, where the Aq Qoyunlu adopted Iranian customs for administration and culture. In the Iranian areas, Uzun Hasan preserved the previous bureaucratic structure along with its secretaries, who belonged to families that had in a number of instances served under different dynasties for several generations. The four top civil posts of the Aq Qoyunlu were all occupied by Iranians, which under Uzun Hasan included; the vizier, who led the great council (divan); the mostawfi al-mamalek, high-ranking financial accountants; the mohrdar, who affixed the state seal; and the marakur "stable master", who supervised the royal court.

At his new capital, Tabriz, Uzun Hasan managed a refined Persian court. There he utilized the trappings of pre-Islamic Persian royalty and bureaucrats taken from several earlier Iranian regimes. Through the use of his increasing revenue, Uzun Hasan was able to buy the approval of the ulama (clergy) and the mainly Iranian urban elite, while also taking care of the impoverished rural inhabitants.

The Safavid state was one of checks and balance, both within the government and on a local level. At the apex of this system was the Shah, with total power over the state, legitimized by his bloodline as a sayyid, or descendant of Muhammad. So absolute was his power, that the French merchant, and later ambassador to Iran, Jean Chardin thought the Safavid Shahs ruled their land with an iron fist and often in a despotic manner. To ensure transparency and avoid decisions being made that circumvented the Shah, a complex system of bureaucracy and departmental procedures had been put in place that prevented fraud. Every office had a deputy or superintendent, whose job was to keep records of all actions of the state officials and report directly to the Shah. The Shah himself exercised his own measures for keeping his ministers under control by fostering an atmosphere of rivalry and competitive surveillance. And since the Safavid society was meritocratic, and successions seldom were made on the basis of heritage, this meant that government offices constantly felt the pressure of being under surveillance and had to make sure they governed in the best interest of their leader, and not merely their own.

The Ottomans adopted Persian bureaucratic traditions and culture. The sultans also made an important contribution in the development of Persian literature.

Russia
The autocracy survived the Time of Troubles and the rule of weak or corrupt tsars because of the strength of the government's central bureaucracy. Government functionaries continued to serve, regardless of the ruler's legitimacy or the boyar faction controlling the throne. In the 17th century, the bureaucracy expanded dramatically. The number of government departments (prikazy; sing., prikaz ) increased from twenty-two in 1613 to eighty by mid-century. Although the departments often had overlapping and conflicting jurisdictions, the central government, through provincial governors, was able to control and regulate all social groups, as well as trade, manufacturing, and even the Eastern Orthodox Church.

The tsarist bureaucracy, alongside the military, the judiciary and the Russian Orthodox Church, played a major role in solidifying and maintaining the rule of the Tsars in the Tsardom of Russia (1547–1721) and in the Russian Empire (1721–1917). In the 19th century, the forces of change brought on by the Industrial Revolution propelled many countries, especially in Europe, to significant social changes. However, due to the conservative nature of the Tsarist regime and its desire to maintain power and control, social change in Russia lagged behind that of Europe.

Russian-speakers referred to bureaucrats as chinovniki (Russian: чиновники) because of the rank or chin (Russian: чин) which they held.

Ashanti Empire
The government of the Ashanti Empire was built upon a sophisticated bureaucracy in Kumasi, with separate ministries which saw to the handling of state affairs. Ashanti's Foreign Office was based in Kumasi. Despite the small size of the office, it allowed the state to pursue complex negotiations with foreign powers. The Office was divided into departments that handled Ashanti relations separately with the British, French, Dutch, and Arabs. Scholars of Ashanti history, such as Larry Yarak and Ivor Wilkes, disagree over the power of this sophisticated bureaucracy in comparison to the Asantehene. However, both scholars agree that it was a sign of a highly developed government with a complex system of checks and balances.

United Kingdom

Instead of the inefficient and often corrupt system of tax farming that prevailed in absolutist states such as France, the Exchequer was able to exert control over the entire system of tax revenue and government expenditure. By the late 18th century, the ratio of fiscal bureaucracy to population in Britain was approximately 1 in 1300, almost four times larger than the second most heavily bureaucratized nation, France. Thomas Taylor Meadows, Britain's consul in Guangzhou, argued in his Desultory Notes on the Government and People of China (1847) that "the long duration of the Chinese empire is solely and altogether owing to the good government which consists in the advancement of men of talent and merit only", and that the British must reform their civil service by making the institution meritocratic. Influenced by the ancient Chinese imperial examination, the Northcote–Trevelyan Report of 1854 recommended that recruitment should be on the basis of merit determined through competitive examination, candidates should have a solid general education to enable inter-departmental transfers, and promotion should be through achievement rather than "preferment, patronage, or purchase". This led to implementation of His Majesty's Civil Service as a systematic, meritocratic civil service bureaucracy.

In the British civil service, just as it was in China, entrance to the civil service was usually based on a general education in ancient classics, which similarly gave bureaucrats greater prestige. The Cambridge-Oxford ideal of the civil service was identical to the Confucian ideal of a general education in world affairs through humanism. (Well into the 20th century, Classics, Literature, History and Language remained heavily favoured in British civil service examinations. In the period of 1925–1935, 67 percent of British civil service entrants consisted of such graduates.) Like the Chinese model's consideration of personal values, the British model also took personal physique and character into account.

France
Like the British, the development of French bureaucracy was influenced by the Chinese system. Under Louis XIV of France, the old nobility had neither power nor political influence, their only privilege being exemption from taxes. The dissatisfied noblemen complained about this "unnatural" state of affairs, and discovered similarities between absolute monarchy and bureaucratic despotism. With the translation of Confucian texts during the Enlightenment, the concept of a meritocracy reached intellectuals in the West, who saw it as an alternative to the traditional ancien regime of Europe. Western perception of China even in the 18th century admired the Chinese bureaucratic system as favourable over European governments for its seeming meritocracy; Voltaire claimed that the Chinese had "perfected moral science" and François Quesnay advocated an economic and political system modeled after that of the Chinese.
The governments of China, Egypt, Peru and Empress Catherine II were regarded as models of Enlightened Despotism, admired by such figures as Diderot, D'Alembert and Voltaire.

Napoleonic France adopted this meritocracy system  and soon saw a rapid and dramatic expansion of government, accompanied by the rise of the French civil service and its complex systems of bureaucracy. This phenomenon became known as "bureaumania". In the early 19th century, Napoleon attempted to reform the bureaucracies of France and other territories under his control by the imposition of the standardized Napoleonic Code. But paradoxically, that led to even further growth of the bureaucracy.

French civil service examinations adopted in the late 19th century were also heavily based on general cultural studies. These features have been likened to the earlier Chinese model.

Other industrialized nations
By the mid-19th century, bureaucratic forms of administration were firmly in place across the industrialized world. Thinkers like John Stuart Mill and Karl Marx began to theorize about the economic functions and power-structures of bureaucracy in contemporary life. Max Weber was the first to endorse bureaucracy as a necessary feature of modernity, and by the late 19th century bureaucratic forms had begun their spread from government to other large-scale institutions.

Within capitalist systems, informal bureaucratic structures began to appear in the form of corporate power hierarchies, as detailed in mid-century works like The Organization Man and The Man in the Gray Flannel Suit. Meanwhile, in the Soviet Union and Eastern Bloc nations, a powerful class of bureaucratic administrators termed nomenklatura governed nearly all aspects of public life.

The 1980s brought a backlash against perceptions of "big government" and the associated bureaucracy. Politicians like Margaret Thatcher and Ronald Reagan gained power by promising to eliminate government regulatory bureaucracies, which they saw as overbearing, and return economic production to a more purely capitalistic mode, which they saw as more efficient. In the business world, managers like Jack Welch gained fortune and renown by eliminating bureaucratic structures inside corporations. Still, in the modern world, most organized institutions rely on bureaucratic systems to manage information, process records, and administer complex systems, although the decline of paperwork and the widespread use of electronic databases is transforming the way bureaucracies function.

Theories

Karl Marx
Karl Marx theorized about the role and function of bureaucracy in his Critique of Hegel's Philosophy of Right, published in 1843. In Philosophy of Right, Hegel had supported the role of specialized officials in public administration, although he never used the term "bureaucracy" himself. By contrast, Marx was opposed to bureaucracy. Marx posited that while corporate and government bureaucracy seem to operate in opposition, in actuality they mutually rely on one another to exist. He wrote that "The Corporation is civil society's attempt to become state; but the bureaucracy is the state which has really made itself into civil society."

Leon Trotsky

Leon Trotsky developed a critical theory of the emerging Soviet bureaucracy during the early years of the Soviet Union. According to political scientist, Thomas M.Twiss, Trotsky associated bureaucratism with authoritarianism, excessive centralism and conservatism. Social theorist Martin Krygier had noted the impact of Trotsky's post-1923 writings in shaping receptive views of bureaucracy among later Marxists and many non-Marxists. Twiss argued that Trotsky's theory of Soviet bureaucracy was essential for a study of Soviet history and understanding the process of capitalist restoration in Russia and Eastern Europe. Political scientist, Baruch Knei-Paz argued Trotsky had, above all others, written "to show the historical and social roots of Stalinism" as a bureaucratic system.

One of the predictions made by Trotsky in his 1936 work, The Revolution Betrayed, was that the USSR would come before a disjuncture: either the toppling of the ruling bureaucracy by means of a political revolution, or capitalist restoration led by the bureaucracy:

John Stuart Mill
Writing in the early 1860s, political scientist John Stuart Mill theorized that successful monarchies were essentially bureaucracies, and found evidence of their existence in Imperial China, the Russian Empire, and the regimes of Europe. Mill referred to bureaucracy as a distinct form of government, separate from representative democracy. He believed bureaucracies had certain advantages, most importantly the accumulation of experience in those who actually conduct the affairs. Nevertheless, he believed this form of governance compared poorly to representative government, as it relied on appointment rather than direct election. Mill wrote that ultimately the bureaucracy stifles the mind, and that "a bureaucracy always tends to become a pedantocracy."

Max Weber

The German sociologist Max Weber was the first to formally study bureaucracy and his works led to the popularization of this term. In his essay Bureaucracy,, published in his magnum opus Economy and Society, Weber described many ideal-typical forms of public administration, government, and business. His ideal-typical bureaucracy, whether public or private, is characterized by:
 hierarchical organization
 formal lines of authority (chain of command)
 a fixed area of activity
 rigid division of labor
 regular and continuous execution of assigned tasks
 all decisions and powers specified and restricted by regulations
 officials with expert training in their fields
 career advancement dependent on technical qualifications
 qualifications evaluated by organizational rules, not individuals

Weber listed several preconditions for the emergence of bureaucracy, including an increase in the amount of space and population being administered, an increase in the complexity of the administrative tasks being carried out, and the existence of a monetary economy requiring a more efficient administrative system. Development of communication and transportation technologies make more efficient administration possible, and democratization and rationalization of culture results in demands for equal treatment.

Although he was not necessarily an admirer of bureaucracy, Weber saw bureaucratization as the most efficient and rational way of organizing human activity and therefore as the key to rational-legal authority, indispensable to the modern world. Furthermore, he saw it as the key process in the ongoing rationalization of Western society. Weber also saw bureaucracy, however, as a threat to individual freedoms, and the ongoing bureaucratization as leading to a "polar night of icy darkness", in which increasing rationalization of human life traps individuals in a soulless "iron cage" of bureaucratic, rule-based, rational control. Weber's critical study of the bureaucratization of society became one of the most enduring parts of his work. Many aspects of modern public administration are based on his work, and a classic, hierarchically organized civil service of the Continental type is called "Weberian civil service" or "Weberian bureaucracy". It is debated among social scientists whether Weberian bureaucracy contributes to economic growth.

The political scientist Jan Vogler challenges Max Weber's characterization of modern bureaucracies. Specifically, he lists Weber's views regarding strict merit recruitment, clearly delineated career paths for bureaucrats, the full separation of bureaucratic operations from politics, and mutually exclusive spheres of competence for government agencies. Because he considers several of these aspects to be violated by the overwhelming majority of existing public administrative systems, Vogler provides an alternative view of the defining organizational features of modern bureaucracies. According to this view, modern public bureaucracies are "(internally hierarchical) administrative organizations ... subordinated to the government" that have all of the following characteristics:

a full separation of offices and officeholders (i.e., no private possession of administrative positions)
recruitment procedures focused on relevant skills and ensuring at least minimal competence
written rules and regulations that set standards for official conduct
stable salaries and salary progression, mostly determined by individual bureaucratic rank
limited discretion in bureaucrats' work routines and an overall political-legal orientation of the administrative system

Vogler considers modern bureaucracies as only requiring "minimal competence" from candidates for bureaucratic offices. This leaves space for the possibility of biases in recruitment processes that give preferential treatment to members of specific social, economic, or ethnic groups, which are observed in many real-world bureaucratic systems. Moreover, Vogler's perspective does not portray bureaucracies as strictly separated from politics and does not require government agencies to have mutually exclusive spheres of influence, which is in line with frequent interagency collaboration and conflict over disputed areas of competence in existing public administrations.

Woodrow Wilson

Writing as an academic while a professor at Bryn Mawr College, Woodrow Wilson's essay The Study of Administration argued for bureaucracy as a professional cadre, devoid of allegiance to fleeting politics. Wilson advocated a bureaucracy that: Wilson did not advocate a replacement of rule by the governed, he simply advised that, "Administrative questions are not political questions. Although politics sets the tasks for administration, it should not be suffered to manipulate its offices". This essay became a foundation for the study of public administration in America.

Ludwig von Mises

In his 1944 work Bureaucracy, the Austrian economist Ludwig von Mises compared bureaucratic management to profit management. Profit management, he argued, is the most effective method of organization when the services rendered may be checked by economic calculation of profit and loss. When, however, the service in question can not be subjected to economic calculation, bureaucratic management is necessary. He did not oppose universally bureaucratic management; on the contrary, he argued that bureaucracy is an indispensable method for social organization, for it is the only method by which the law can be made supreme, and is the protector of the individual against despotic arbitrariness. Using the example of the Catholic Church, he pointed out that bureaucracy is only appropriate for an organization whose code of conduct is not subject to change. He then went on to argue that complaints about bureaucratization usually refer not to the criticism of the bureaucratic methods themselves, but to "the intrusion of bureaucracy into all spheres of human life." Mises saw bureaucratic processes at work in both the private and public spheres; however, he believed that bureaucratization in the private sphere could only occur as a consequence of government interference. According to him, "What must be realized is only that the strait jacket  of bureaucratic organization paralyzes the individual's initiative, while within the capitalist market society an innovator still has a chance to succeed. The former makes for stagnation and preservation of inveterate methods, the latter makes for progress and improvement."

Robert K. Merton
American sociologist Robert K. Merton expanded on Weber's theories of bureaucracy in his work Social Theory and Social Structure, published in 1957. While Merton agreed with certain aspects of Weber's analysis, he also noted the dysfunctional aspects of bureaucracy, which he attributed to a "trained incapacity" resulting from "over conformity". He believed that bureaucrats are more likely to defend their own entrenched interests than to act to benefit the organization as a whole but that pride in their craft makes them resistant to changes in established routines. Merton stated that bureaucrats emphasize formality over interpersonal relationships, and have been trained to ignore the special circumstances of particular cases, causing them to come across as "arrogant" and "haughty".

Elliott Jaques
In his book A General Theory of Bureaucracy, first published in 1976, Elliott Jaques describes the discovery of a universal and uniform underlying structure of managerial or work levels in the bureaucratic hierarchy for any type of employment systems.

Jaques argues and presents evidence that for the bureaucracy to provide a valuable contribution to the open society some of the following conditions must be met:
 The number of levels in the hierarchy of a bureaucracy must match the complexity level of the employment system for which the bureaucratic hierarchy is created. (Elliott Jaques identified a maximum of eight levels of complexity for bureaucratic hierarchies.)
 Roles within a bureaucratic hierarchy differ in the level of work complexity.
 The level of work complexity in the roles must be matched by the level of human capability of the role holders. (Elliott Jaques identified maximum of eight Levels of human capability.)
 The level of work complexity in any managerial role within a bureaucratic hierarchy must be one level higher than the level of work complexity of the subordinate roles.
 Any managerial role in a bureaucratic hierarchy must have full managerial accountabilities and authorities (veto selection to the team, decide task types and specific task assignments, decide personal effectiveness and recognition, decide initiation of removal from the team within due process).
 Lateral working accountabilities and authorities must be defined for all the roles in the hierarchy (seven types of lateral working accountabilities and authorities: collateral, advisory, service-getting and -giving, coordinative, monitoring, auditing, prescribing).
Jaques' definition of effective bureaucratic hierarchy is important not only in sociology but also in social psychology, social anthropology, economics, politics, and social philosophy. It also has a practical application in business and administrative studies.

Bureaucracy and democracy

Like every modern state, a liberal democracy is highly bureaucratized, with numerous sizable organizations filled with career civil servants. Some of those bureaucracies have a substantial amount of influence to preserve the current political system because they are primarily focused on defending the country and the state from threats from both within and beyond. Since these institutions frequently operate independently and are mostly shielded from politics, they frequently have no affiliation with any particular political party or group. For instance, loyal British civil officials work for both the Conservative and Labour parties. However, on occasion a group might seize control of a bureaucratic state, as the Nazis did in Germany in the 1930s.

Although numerous ideals associated with democracy, such as equality, participation, and individuality, are in stark contrast to those associated with modern bureaucracy, specifically hierarchy, specialization, and impersonality, political theorists did not recognize bureaucracy as a threat to democracy. Yet democratic theorists still have not developed a sufficient solution to the problem bureaucratic authority poses to democratic government.

One answer to this problem is to say that bureaucracy has no place at all in a real democracy. Theorists who adopt this perspective typically understand that they must demonstrate that bureaucracy does not necessarily occur in every contemporary society; only in those they perceive to be non-democratic. Because their democracy was resistant to bureaucracy, nineteenth-century British writers frequently referred to it as the "Continental nuisance".

According to Marx and other socialist thinkers, the most advanced bureaucracies were those in France and Germany. However, they argued that bureaucracy was a symptom of the bourgeois state and would vanish along with capitalism, which gave rise to the bourgeois state. Though clearly not the democracies Marx had in mind, socialist societies ended up being more bureaucratic than the governments they replaced. Similarly, after capitalist economies developed the administrative systems required to support their extensive welfare states, the idea that bureaucracy exclusively exists in socialist governments could scarcely be maintained.

See also
 Adhocracy
 Anarchy
 Authority
 Civil servant
 Hierarchical organization
 Michel Crozier
 Outline of organizational theory
 Power (social and political)
 Public administration
 Red tape
 Requisite organization
 State (polity)
 Technocracy

References

Further reading

 Albrow, Martin. Bureaucracy. (London: Macmillan, 1970).
 Cheng, Tun-Jen, Stephan Haggard, and David Kang. "Institutions and growth in Korea and Taiwan: the bureaucracy". in East Asian Development: New Perspectives (Routledge, 2020) pp. 87–111. online
 Cornell, Agnes, Carl Henrik Knutsen, and Jan Teorell. "Bureaucracy and Growth". Comparative Political Studies 53.14 (2020): 2246–2282. online
 Crooks, Peter, and Timothy H. Parsons, eds. Empires and bureaucracy in world history: from late antiquity to the twentieth century (Cambridge University Press, 2016) online.
 Kingston, Ralph. Bureaucrats and Bourgeois Society: Office Politics and Individual Credit, 1789–1848. Palgrave Macmillan, 2011.
Neil Garston (ed.), Bureaucracy: Three Paradigms. Boston: Kluwer, 1993.
 On Karl Marx: Hal Draper, Karl Marx's Theory of Revolution, Volume 1: State and Bureaucracy. New York: Monthly Review Press, 1979.
 Marx comments on the state bureaucracy in his Critique of Hegel's Philosophy of Right and Engels discusses the origins of the state in Origins of the Family, marxists.org
Ludwig von Mises, Bureaucracy, Yale University Press, 1962. Liberty Fund (2007),
Schwarz, Bill. (1996). The expansion of England: race, ethnicity and cultural history. Psychology Pres; .
  On Weber
Weber, Max. The Theory of Social and Economic Organization. Translated by A.M. Henderson and Talcott Parsons. London: Collier Macmillan Publishers, 1947.

Weber, Max, "Bureaucracy" in Weber, Max. Weber's Rationalism and Modern Society: New translations on Politics, Bureaucracy, and Social Stratification. Edited and Translated by Tony Waters and Dagmar Waters, 2015. . English translation of "Bureaucracy" by Max Weber.

Government
Law
Max Weber
Organizational theory
Management theory
Political science

Bureaucracy


Palazzo Mangiapane or Palace of Two Towers (Palazzo de Due Torri) or Palazzo Navager is a Gothic style palace located on the Riva degli Schiavoni #4145 in the sestiere of Castello, Venice, adjacent to the Ponte del Sepolcro, previously called the Bridge of Ca'Navager. It is best known for being the home, for about five years, of the poet Petrarch.

History
The palace originally belonged to the Navager or Navagero family; their heraldic shield is sculpted on the well in the interior courtyard. In some land and houses bought in 1483 from monks from San Michele in Isola and Sant'Andrea d'Ammiana. This palace was the home of the historian Andrea Navagero, and a grandson also named Andrea (1483–1529), statesman, poet, historian and botanist of Venice, who died in Bles, while ambassador to France. It still owned by Pietro Navagero, who died in 1743, the last male of the Navagero name. The area once had a monastery of the Sepulchre, a building with two towers.

House of Petrarch
The palace is also known as the local Casa de Petrarca. It is where Petrarch's daughter Francesca and her husband Francescuolo da Brossano lived with their family along with the famous poet 1362–1367.

The idea of living in Venice came to Petrarch through his deep admiration for it. He considered it the miracle of civitas. Petrarch had many friends from Venice, especially in the chancellery. One very special Venetian friend of diplomatic rank was Grand Chancellor Benintendi de Ravagnani. He helped establish an early endowment for the Library of St. Mark by leaving material from Petrarch's library for the archive.

References

Republic of Venice
Molina
World Heritage Sites in Italy
Venetian Gothic architecture

Palazzo Molina, Venice


Andrew McInnes (born 20 March 1992) is an Australian rules footballer in the Australian Football League.

Background
McInnes plays primarily as a defender. Originally from Victoria, McInnes played junior football for the Devon Meadows Football Club in Casey-Cardinia, and played TAC Cup football for the Dandenong Stingrays. He represented Vic Country at the 2010 AFL Under 18 Championships.

McInnes was recruited by the Carlton Football Club with a fourth round selection in the 2010 AFL National Draft (No. 67 overall). He was given guernsey number 26. He played the entire 2011 season and the first half of the 2012 season with Carlton's , the Northern Bullants (known as the Blues from 2012), before making his AFL debut in Round 15, 2012 against . He held his place in the team for the next two months, impressing with reliable performances in the backline, before suffering an ACL injury in his eighth game.

He returned in mid-2013, and played another eight games during the season, including both of Carlton's finals. McInnes was delisted at the end of the 2014 season after managing only a single senior game during the year.

In 2015, McInnes played for Norwood in the South Australian National Football League. In 2016, he returned to Victoria and played for VFL club Frankston.

References

External links

Australian rules footballers from Victoria (state)
1992 births
Living people
Carlton Football Club players
Dandenong Stingrays players
Preston Football Club (VFA) players
Norwood Football Club players
Frankston Football Club players

Andrew McInnes


İzmir Province is a province and metropolitan municipality of Turkey in the Aegean Region, situated along the Aegean coast. Its capital is the city of İzmir, which has 11 districts out of 30 in total. To the west, it is surrounded by the Aegean Sea, and it encloses the Gulf of Izmir. Its area is 11,973 square kilometres (4,623 square miles), with a population of 4,425,789 in 2021.  The population was 3,370,866 in 2000. Neighboring provinces are Balıkesir to the north, Manisa to the east, and Aydın to the south.

İzmir Province

İzmir Province


Frances Clara Cleveland Preston (, christened Frank Clara; July 21, 1864 – October 29, 1947) was the First Lady of the United States from 1886 to 1889 and again from 1893 until 1897, as the wife of President Grover Cleveland. She is the sole first lady in U.S. history to have served in the role during two non-consecutive terms.

Folsom met Grover Cleveland while she was an infant, as he was a friend of her father, Oscar Folsom. When her father died in 1875, Grover became the executor of her father's estate. He took care of Oscar's outstanding financial debts and provided for the well-being of Frances and her mother Emma. She was educated at Wells College, and after graduating she married Grover while he was the incumbent president. When her husband lost reelection in 1888, they went into private life for four years and began having children. They returned to the White House when her husband was elected again in 1892, but much of her time in the second term was dedicated to her children.

The Clevelands had five children, four of whom survived to adulthood. Cleveland became involved in education advocacy, serving on the Wells College board, supporting women's education, and organizing the construction of kindergartens. She was widowed in 1908, and she married Thomas J. Preston Jr. in 1913. Cleveland-Preston continued to work in education activism after leaving the White House, becoming involved with Princeton University. During World War I, she advocated military preparedness. She died in 1947 and was buried alongside her first husband in Princeton Cemetery.

Early life

Childhood

Frances Clara Folsom was born in Buffalo, New York on July 21, 1864. She was the first child of Emma (née Harmon) and Oscar Folsom. Her only sibling, Nellie Augusta, died in infancy in 1872. Folsom's father Oscar was a lawyer, who had a law partnership with Grover Cleveland. Because of this, Folsom and Cleveland first met when she was still an infant. He was a regular presence in her childhood, and he bought her her first baby carriage. Although the Folsoms were financially secure when she was born, her father's gambling habits and his penchant for helping others with his money caused them financial trouble as she grew.

Folsom attended school at Madame Brecker's French Kindergarten and Miss Bissell's School for Young Ladies, both of which were among Buffalo's best-regarded schools and guaranteed her an education above that of most women in her time. When not in school, she regularly spent time with Cleveland, known to her as "Uncle Cleve". As a child, she went by the name Frank, and she was christened under this name as a teenager. The name sometimes caused her problems when she was assigned to boys' activities in school.

Folsom's father died in a carriage accident on July 23, 1875. Cleveland was given charge of his estate and became Folsom's unofficial guardian. Folsom and her mother moved to live with relatives, first with Folsom's aunt in Saint Paul, Minnesota and then with her grandmother in Medina, New York. They eventually returned to Buffalo and lived in different boarding houses until they found a home.

Wells College
When Folsom was 14, she joined the Presbyterian Church, to which she remained devoted throughout her life. She attended Central High School in Buffalo, where she was briefly engaged to a seminary student, but the engagement was broken when they decided to remain friends. Folsom left Central High School in October 1881, before her schooling was finished.

Although Folsom had not finished school, Cleveland used his authority as the mayor of Buffalo to obtain for her a certificate of completion and entry into Wells College in Aurora, New York as a sophomore. Here she learned etiquette and manners from Helen Fairchild Smith, and she quickly became a prominent student at the school, taking her place at the center of its social life. At Wells, she became interested in photography and political science, and she participated in the Phoenix Society, a campus debate club. Folsom received two more marriage proposals at Wells, both on the same day. She accepted one of them, but this engagement was also ended by a decision to remain friends.

Cleveland, who became governor of New York at this time, maintained correspondence with Folsom while she attended Wells. He visited her, sent her flowers, and brought her on tours of New York when her schedule permitted. Folsom was unable to attend Cleveland's presidential inauguration as it conflicted with her final exams, but she visited him at the White House during spring break some weeks later. Washington, D.C., left a positive impression on her, and she accompanied the new president on his nightly walks in the East Room while she stayed at the White House. Folsom was also permitted to ascend the Washington Monument before its opening, where she met former first lady Harriet Lane.

Engagement
Folsom graduated from Wells on June 20, 1885, and she spent the summer at her grandfather's home in Wyoming County, New York. Cleveland proposed marriage by letter in August 1885, while Folsom was visiting a friend in Scranton, Pennsylvania. After accepting, Folsom accompanied her mother and her cousin on a year-long tour of Europe. Despite Folsom's eagerness to wed, her mother and her future groom both insisted that she take the opportunity to travel and contemplate her future before marriage. Everyone involved agreed to keep the planned wedding a secret, and the president's sister Rose Cleveland served as White House hostess in the meantime. Rumors of their engagement were initially dismissed as gossip, as speculation of the president's love life was common. Popular gossip considered Frances' mother to be a more likely partner. Rumors grew after reporters caught up with the Folsoms and found them shopping for a wedding gown.

By the time of the Folsoms' return voyage, reporters were tracking their whereabouts, and they were forced to board their ship home in secret. They were greeted by the press upon returning to the United States, and rumors of Cleveland's interest were seemingly confirmed when representatives of the president took the Folsoms away. It was only the next night that the White House officially announced that the president intended to marry Frances Folsom. Cleveland visited Folsom in New York while he was in the city attending a Decoration Day parade on May 30, 1886, and the Folsom women took a train to Washington, D.C., on June 1. Media attention quickly turned Folsom into a celebrity.

First Lady of the United States

Wedding

The wedding of Grover Cleveland and Frances Folsom took place in the Blue Room of the White House on June 2, 1886. The president wished for a quiet wedding, so only 31 guests were invited, and the press was explicitly denied entry. Hundreds of well-wishers gathered outside of the White House to celebrate. Frances Cleveland was the first presidential spouse to marry in the White House, and she was the youngest presidential spouse in American history. She was 21 years old, and her groom was 49. After their wedding, the Clevelands went on honeymoon for a week in Deer Park, Maryland, where they were closely followed by reporters who intruded on their privacy. After returning to the White House, they held two wedding receptions, one of which was open to the public.

First term

Frances Cleveland was immediately popular as first lady, attracting unprecedented publicity. They drew enough attention that the Clevelands chose not to use the living quarters of the White House. Instead, they moved to their private residence, the "Red Top", to escape from the public and the media. Each evening, the couple drove to their private home to oversee improvements. Cleveland worked with socialite Flora Payne to better prepare for a role in high society. She also became close friends with poet Richard Watson Gilder and his wife Helena, and Cleveland accompanied them in meeting prominent writers of the time. She stayed involved with Wells College as well, taking a seat on its board of trustees in 1887.

Cleveland maintained an openness with the public that was not shared by her husband or by her predecessor Rose Cleveland. To accommodate all who wished to visit the White House, she hosted many social events on Saturdays to ensure that they did not conflict with the schedules of working women. Cleveland received countless letters from the American people, many of them asking her to influence the president's granting of patronage jobs. She read all of the mail that she received, but she sought assistance from the president's secretaries in replying, eventually hiring her friend Minnie Alexander as a personal secretary. Her openness extended to the White House staff as well, with whom she maintained close relationships.

Cleveland was credited with an increase in the president's sociability after their marriage. The president set aside time in his busy schedule to be with his wife, attending the theater and going on carriage rides. While Cleveland had considerable influence in their home life, she had little involvement in the political aspects of her husband's administration. Her popularity nonetheless served her husband's administration well. Many of the president's political opponents acknowledged the difficulty of attacking the administration when the first lady had such support, and critics were careful not to attack her directly lest they provoke backlash. She was once even sent as the president's representative during the Great Tariff Debate of 1888 to quietly observe from the visitors' gallery.

In 1887, the Clevelands toured the United States. Frances endured a severe insect bite and a black eye, and she spent so much time shaking hands that she needed to use an ice pack each night. Crowds of people became a constant on their trip, often preventing their carriage from moving. Their visit to Chicago was attended by about 100,000 people, with the crowd becoming so large that Cleveland had to be taken away by aides for her own safety while police and soldiers attempted to control the crowd. Cleveland avoided such publicized appearances for the rest of her time as first lady.

Toward the end of the president's first term, opponents began crafting rumors to diminish her reputation. One rumor suggested that Grover was abusive toward Frances. In response, Frances praised her husband and harshly condemned the rumor as a political smear. For the first lady to speak so openly about such a topic was unprecedented. Another rumor suggested that she was unfaithful to her husband, having an affair with newspaper editor Henry Watterson. She remained a prominent figure when her husband sought reelection in the 1888 presidential election. The 1888 Democratic National Convention was the first such convention in which a first lady was recognized during a speech.

Private life

Cleveland's tenure as first lady ended after her husband lost his reelection campaign, but she correctly predicted to the staff that they would return the following term. The Clevelands left the White House, sold the Red Top house, and moved to Madison Avenue in New York. Cleveland struggled with the transition from public to private life, having never run a private household of her own. She underwent a period of depression over the following months, and she retreated to the Gilders' cottage in Marion, New York. The Clevelands found a cottage to rent in the area, and they eventually purchased the Gray Gables summer home in Buzzards Bay, Massachusetts, where the couple developed their own private home life. Here they often hosted close friends, including the Gilders and actor Joseph Jefferson. Cleveland found comfort in this house, where she and her husband could lead a relatively normal life.

Despite no longer being the first lady, Cleveland remained in the public spotlight. In between her tenures as first lady, Cleveland took on charity work and grew more involved in New York social life through her charitable projects. Although they occasionally worked together on these projects, Frances and Grover for the most part led separate social lives after leaving the White House. Among her charitable endeavors was the promotion of kindergartens in New York, serving as the vice president of Gilder's New York Kindergarten Association. Frances received further attention when she became a mother with the birth of Ruth Cleveland in 1891. She dedicated herself to the child, taking on many of the roles that a woman of her status would have typically given to a nurse, such as bathing the child.

Grover ran for president again in the 1892 presidential election. Although he never approved of it, Frances' image was often used prominently in campaign material. Her social connections and press coverage were valuable for the Cleveland campaign in New York. Her charity work in the state and her friendship with the Gilders enabled the Clevelands to build connections with New York's Four Hundred society and helped win over disaffected Republicans. These factors contributed to Grover winning in his home state, which he had failed to do in 1888. Nonetheless, he disapproved of any involvement his wife had in the political aspects of his career. After Grover was reelected president, the Clevelands left their home on Madison Avenue, spending the period before the inauguration living on 51st Street next door to their friend Elias Cornelius Benedict and then in Lakewood, New Jersey.

Second term

The Clevelands returned to the White House on March 4, 1893. Just as her husband was the only man to ever hold the presidency for two non-consecutive terms, Frances became the only first lady to serve non-consecutively. She was more apprehensive about taking the role for a second time, now being aware of all that it entailed. Her routine largely resembled that of her first tenure, including her evening drives with the president and her Saturday receptions. She received the familiar crowds that she had encountered during her previous time as first lady as well as heads of state, including one instance in which she disregarded precedent by meeting with Infanta Eulalia of Spain at her hotel. She also continued her work in the establishment of kindergartens and became involved with the Home for Friendless Colored Girls, visiting the Metropolitan African Methodist Episcopal Church with the group in 1896.

Cleveland became increasingly protective of her husband during his second term—a reversal of their relationship in his first term. The president's work grew more difficult as the Panic of 1893 set in, and Cleveland found herself tending to her husband. The president's health was in decline during his second term, and his wife became increasingly responsible for his well-being, encouraging him to exert himself less. When it became apparent that the president had cancer, she took responsibility for keeping his condition a secret and tending to his health, despite her pregnancy with her second child, which at this time was in its seventh month. She provided excuses for his absences and wrote letters on his behalf, insisting that he was merely suffering from rheumatism.

Cleveland had two more daughters as first lady: Esther Cleveland in 1893 and Marion Cleveland in 1895. She gave birth to Esther in the White House, making her the only first lady to give birth in the presidential residence. Much of her time was dedicated to raising her three children, and she would even play on the floor with her children, to the shock of the servants who had never before seen a first lady act in such a manner. Cleveland also took an interest in German culture during her husband's second term, learning to speak the language and hiring a German nurse so her children would learn it as well. Cleveland's time was split between her responsibilities as first lady and those as a mother. Her second term was not as socially active as her first, and she hosted only one reception in the 1894 social season.

The Clevelands were upset at the extent of press and public attention focused on their children, and they controversially had the White House closed to the public while they were present. They purchased another private residence, Woodley, where they could live away from the White House. Harassment from the public continued at their new residence, and Cleveland was particularly frightened by an incident in 1894 when three men were stalking their home. Fearing for her children's safety, she had the local police station post a guard at their home, choosing not to worry her husband with the news.

Three thousand people attended the first lady's final Saturday reception to shake her hand. Cleveland wept as she left the White House, personally saying goodbye to each member of the White House staff. This organized farewell would be replicated by future first ladies, becoming a tradition. Despite her emotional departure, she later expressed relief that she was no longer first lady, remembering the rumors and falsehoods that had surrounded her.

Widowhood and remarriage

After leaving the White House for the second time, the Clevelands bought Westland, a house in Princeton, New Jersey. They had two more children over the following years: Richard F. Cleveland and Francis Cleveland. Their firstborn daughter, Ruth, died of diphtheria in 1904 at their Gray Gables vacation home. Wishing to avoid memories of their child's illness and death, they sold the home and purchased Intermont, a summer home in Tamworth, New Hampshire. The Clevelands involved themselves with Princeton University and provided financial support for many Princeton students. Grover died in 1908, and Frances was left to raise their four remaining children alone. She refused the pension to which she was legally entitled as a widowed first lady, but she did accept the franking privilege that was offered to presidential widows in 1909.

In March 1909, she held a memorial service for her husband at Carnegie Hall. After her husband's death, Cleveland became involved in a legal battle against writer Broughton Brandenburg, who had been paid by The New York Times for an article supposedly written by Grover Cleveland before his death, but which was found to be a forgery created by Brandenburg. She was unable to prevent its publication after she discovered that it was fraudulent. She testified against Brandenburg in court, and he was found guilty of grand larceny. The ordeal made national headlines. Still grieving for her husband, Cleveland spent time away on a vacation to Europe with her family from September 1909 to May 1910.

On October 29, 1912, Wells College announced that Cleveland intended to remarry. She was engaged to Thomas J. Preston Jr., professor of archaeology and acting president at Wells College, where she served as a trustee. She was invited to return to the White House for a dinner to celebrate her engagement in January 1913, much to the excitement of the staff who had known her previously. As with her previous engagement decades before, she was secretive about the process to limit media attention. Both Wells College and Princeton University congratulated them with the expectation that the couple would be active at their respective campuses. Frances Cleveland and Thomas Preston were wed on February 10, 1913. She was the first presidential widow to remarry. After their marriage, the Prestons went on honeymoon in Florida. Her second husband went on to teach at Princeton University, where she continued to be a prominent figure in campus social life.

Later life

The Prestons moved to London in April 1914. Frances Cleveland-Preston was vacationing with her children and her mother in St. Moritz, Switzerland, when World War I began in August 1914. They returned to the United States via Genoa, arriving on October 1. Cleveland-Preston and her husband worked with activists Solomon Stanwood Menken and Robert McNutt McElroy throughout the war to promote military preparedness. She was appointed head of the speakers' bureau of the National Security League (NSL), where she was responsible for organizing rallies and other events to support the war effort. She caused controversy by accusing some Americans of being unassimilated, and she resigned from her position on December 8, 1919, after backlash to what some in the NSL saw as overzealous views around patriotic education.

Cleveland-Preston became more outspoken in her political beliefs as she grew older, taking a prominent position as an opponent of women's suffrage and serving as the vice president of the New Jersey Association Opposed to Woman's Suffrage from 1913 to 1920. In the 1928 presidential election, she gave her only formal political endorsement to someone other than her first husband, endorsing Al Smith for president. She had met the Smiths and grew upset with the anti-Catholic attacks against them. She was especially sympathetic to his wife Catherine, and Cleveland-Preston made a point of sitting with her at events as a show of support.

Cleveland-Preston supported Franklin D. Roosevelt as president in 1932, and she admired his wife Eleanor Roosevelt, but she declined to vote for Roosevelt in 1940 due to her first husband's opposition to a third term. She subsequently supported Harry S. Truman. During the Truman presidency, she was invited to a luncheon at the White House where she met General Dwight D. Eisenhower. Eisenhower is quoted as not recognizing her and asking where in the city she used to live, prompting her to respond that she had lived in the White House.

Later in life, Cleveland-Preston was afflicted by cataracts, and she learned Braille to use a braille typewriter. She continued to use it after her cataracts were removed, translating books into braille for blind children. She was involved with the theater community in her old age, sometimes traveling with the theater troupe founded by her son. Cleveland-Preston attended the Princeton University bicentennial celebration in June 1946, which proved to be her final public appearance. While staying at her son Richard's home for his 50th birthday in Baltimore, she died in her sleep at the age of 83 on October 29, 1947. She was buried in Princeton Cemetery next to President Cleveland, her first husband.

Legacy

Cleveland was much-loved as first lady, drawing an unprecedented level of media and public attention. Her travels and activities were meticulously documented by reporters, to the president's ire. The furor at times even became dangerous, with large crowds pushing to see her, threatening to topple into her and one another. Her presence in the White House mitigated her husband's surly reputation and fostered an image of the president as a loving husband, and later as a loving father.

Cleveland's reputation influenced the role of first lady for generations after her tenure. The form letters used by Cleveland as first lady remained in use, eventually being redrafted by Eleanor Roosevelt. In honor of Frances Cleveland, Cleveland Hall was constructed in 1911 on the Wells College campus. Contemporaries ranked her among the greatest of first ladies. In 1982, the Siena College Research Institute polled historians on the performances of first ladies; Cleveland was placed 13th out of 42, but the 2008 edition of the poll placed her 20th of 38.

Fashion and image
Much of Cleveland's fame and media coverage focused on her appearance and her fashion, and her fashion choices were widely imitated by women throughout the United States. These included her hairstyle, a low knot over a shaved nape, which became known as the á la Cleveland. Her fashion choices and purchases influenced the behavior of consumers, and products she reportedly used enjoyed an increase in popularity. An article published by the Atlanta Constitution falsely stated that she no longer purchased bustles, causing a decline in their popularity. The Woman's Christian Temperance Union wrote to her requesting that she dress more modestly, fearing that she was setting a poor example. She declined to do so.

Cleveland's immense popularity led to the extensive use of her image in advertising, and many products falsely claimed to have her endorsement. It became such a problem that a bill was introduced to Congress that would establish personality rights for women and criminalize the unauthorized use of a person's image, but the bill did not pass. Cleveland updated her fashion choices during her husband's second term. Reflecting the trends of the Gay Nineties, she wore tight gowns, feather boas, and picture hats. News articles on her activities continued to reference her sense of fashion in her old age.

Politics
Although she was personally interested in politics, Cleveland did not publicly support political causes while serving as first lady. One exception to her avoidance of politics was her interest in the political situation of the Republic of Hawaii, where she endorsed the restoration of monarchy with Princess Ka'iulani's claim to the throne as the heir apparent. She also supported the temperance movement, personally abstaining from alcohol and donating to the Woman's Christian Temperance Union, but she was unwilling to impose these beliefs on others and continued to serve wine at White House receptions.

Instead of political activism, she worked with charity groups, including the Needlework Guild, which made clothes for the poor, and the Christmas Club and the Colored Christmas Club, which gave gifts to children during the holiday season. Cleveland's activism focused heavily on the arts, and she was a supporter of international copyright protections, attending a convention on the subject while first lady in 1888. She also provided charitable support, sponsoring many aspiring musicians.

Cleveland supported women's education and believed it to be an important step in gender equality. She did not support women's suffrage, and she avoided commenting on the controversial issue during her tenure as first lady. Like many female anti-suffragists of her generation, she felt that involvement in politics was an unfortunate duty to be avoided and that it risked women's control of the domestic sphere. Despite this, she chose to vote in elections after the ratification of the Nineteenth Amendment.

References

External links

 Frances Cleveland at C-SPAN's First Ladies: Influence & Image

|-

1864 births
1947 deaths
19th-century American women
20th-century American women
Activists from Buffalo, New York
Burials at Princeton Cemetery
First ladies of the United States
Grover Cleveland family
Wells College alumni

Frances Cleveland


All in Good Time is the fourth album by the Irish folk band Patrick Street, released in 1993 on Green Linnet Records/Special Delivery.

The founding members (Andy Irvine, Kevin Burke, Jackie Daly, Arty McGlynn) were joined by Bill Whelan on keyboards and backing vocals.

Recording and production
The album was arranged by Patrick Street and Bill Whelan, produced by Bill Whelan, engineered by Pearse Dunne, and recorded at Windmill Lane Studios.

Critical reception

All in Good Time received positive reviews from folk music critics.

In his review for Folk Roots (May 1993), Colin Irwin called the band "a class act", and highlighted the "fine touch", "subtlety", "artistry", and "relaxed control" displayed on the album. In his review for The Living Tradition, Gordon Potter called the album "a recording of outstanding quality".

Track listing
All tracks Traditional; arranged by Patrick Street and Bill Whelan; except where indicated
 "Walsh's Polkas" – 3:29
 "A Prince Among Men (Only A Miner)" (song) (Andy Irvine) – 4:26
 "Frank Quinn's Reel"/"Lad O'Beirne's"/"Murphy's Reel" – 4:06
 "Lintheads:" – 7:41
 "The Pride Of The Springfield Road" (song) (Traditional; arranged by Andy Irvine)
 "Lawrence Common" (instrumental) (Andy Irvine)
 "Goodbye Monday Blues" (song) (Andy Irvine, Si Kahn)
 "Light & Airy"/"All in Good Time" – 3:00
 "The Mouth of the Tobique"/"Billy Wilson" – 3:02
 "The Girls Along the Road" (song) (Traditional; arranged by Andy Irvine) – 3:22
 "The Thames Hornpipe"/"The Fairy Queen" – 2:49
 "Dennis Murphy's Reel"/"The Bag of Spuds"/"MacFarley's Reel" – 4:35
 "Carrowclare" (song) (Traditional; arranged by Andy Irvine) – 4:43
 "Lynch's Barn Dances" – 2:41

Personnel
 Andy Irvine - vocals, mandolin, bouzouki, harmonica
 Kevin Burke - fiddle
 Jackie Daly - accordion
 Arty McGlynn - guitar
 Bill Whelan - keyboards, backing vocals

References

External links
All in Good Time by Patrick Street in "fRoots Reviews Index: P" (fRoots magazine, Issue No. 119).
Review of All in Good Time at the Living Tradition website
All in Good Time at Discogs website
All in Good Time at Compass Records website
All in Good Time at Irishtune.info website
All in Good Time at MusicBrainz website
Patrick Street at Adastra website
Patrick Street at Herschel Freeman Agency website

1993 albums
Patrick Street albums

All in Good Time (Patrick Street album)


Tye-Angsi Sirijanga Sing Thebe Limbu was an 18th-century Limbu scholar, educator, historian, linguist, leader, and philosopher of Limbuwan and Sikkim. He was formally known as Sirichongba and even more popularly known as "Sirijanga".

Life

Sirijanga was born in Tellok  kuchintar (Yangwarok area) in Limbuwan in 1704. His real name was Rupi Hang. The (Hang or Yakthung) part of the name is a common Limbu term indicating a family of high or royal origin. Sirijanga had accepted his Lepcha nickname by claiming to be the incarnation of a legendary 9th-century historical figure called "Sirijanga haang". It has been widely believed that it was this legendary historical figure who preserved and revived the ancient Limbu script, but many now feel that the Sirijanga haang legend was most likely created by the 18th-century Sirijanga himself, with the intention of making the Limbu and Lepcha people more ready to believe and follow his teachings.

Work

Sirijanga Sing Thebe researched and taught the Limbu script language and religion of the Limbu's in various part of Limbuwan, Nepal and Sikkim, India. Sirijanga revived the old Limbu script. With the use of his newly revived script, he collected, composed and copied huge amounts of Limbu literature pertaining to history and cultural traditions. He travelled extensively through remote regions, attempting to amass sources of Limbu knowledge and culture. Eventually, he began going from village to village, publicising his findings and establishing centres of Limbu learning. In doing all of this, Sirijanga laid the foundation for a Limbu ethnic revival, and contributed significantly to the resistance against Tibetan Buddhist cultural domination. Sirijanga preached that acquiring broad cultural knowledge and experience was the key to the revival and enrichment of a community. In an attempt to trace the sources of his culture, he at first studied with local Tibetan Buddhist lamas, who at the time were the only means of connecting to a learned tradition in the region.

Sirijanga was also witness to the influx of the Hindu-based Khas culture from the western hill districts of today's Nepal. As such, along with his preliminary studies under the local lamas, he also practiced reading and writing in contemporary Khas, now known as Nepali. In order to better understand the dynamics at play in the region and to gather support for his movement, Sirijanga traveled far and wide to establish contact with rulers and powerful personalities. In one of these travels, it seems that he had either contacted or met King Jayaprakash Malla of Kathmandu. This multi-lingual and multi-cultural exposure to Buddhist and Hindu standards enabled Sirijanga to grasp the fundamentals of both the region's dominant cultures. During Sirijanga's life, the Bhutanese and Sikkimese quest for greater control over the eastern Himalaya led to many wars between Limbu and Sikkimese Bhutia (Bhutia indicating Tibetan origin) authorities. In due time, the lamas of Sikkim were able to extend their monastic centres in the northern areas of the part of Limbuwan that now lies in Nepal. After some time, this cultural encroachment enabled the Bhutia rulers to repeatedly subdue and take control of the entire Limbuwan territory.

The root of this state of conflict can be seen to lie in the politics of culture and knowledge at play in the region. Sikkimese Tibetan rulers and Buddhist spiritual leaders were able to subjugate the entire far-eastern Yakthung region by means of their hold over the established learned traditions and the systematic spiritual culture of Buddhism. It was the realisation of this that led Sirijanga to emphasise the necessity of a peaceful, knowledge-based movement.

Sirijanga's contribution to spreading Limbu script, Limbu language, Mundhum and literature are immense. The Postal Services Department, Nepal Philatelic Bureau, Kathmandu has issued a postal ticket in his name in the Personalities Series.

Death
Sirijunga entered sikkim in 1734. The reasons for is entry was the forceful teaching of buddhism, bhutia language and tibetan script to limbus and lepchas by bhutia rulers. This caused the lepchas to lose their original religion of munism. Sirijunga started teaching yuma mundhum and limbu script to limbus. The limbus stopped visiting buddhists monasteries. The buddhists monks, thassang lamas, saw this as not only a hindrance to spread of buddhism among limbus but also a danger to future of buddhism. The buddhist lamas with bhutia rulers conspired to kill Sirijunga. Sirijunga knew about the danger to his life so he took refuge in 'sirijunga caves'. But the lamas found him and tied him to a tree and killed him in martam sikkim. His disciples were either killed or fled to nepal. Limbu language and script was banned in sikkim which cause limbu language to fall into obscurity in sikkim.

References

1704 births
1741 deaths
People from Taplejung District
Nepalese animists
Nepalese educators
Nepalese philosophers
Nepalese scholars
Language activists
Limbu people
18th-century Nepalese people

Te-ongsi Sirijunga Xin Thebe


Balanced audio is a method of interconnecting audio equipment using balanced interfaces.  This type of connection is very important in sound recording and production because it allows the use of long cables while reducing susceptibility to external noise caused by electromagnetic interference. The balanced interface guarantees that induced noise appears as common-mode voltages at the receiver which can be rejected by a differential device.

Balanced connections typically use shielded twisted-pair cable and three-conductor connectors. The connectors are usually three-pin XLR or  TRS phone connectors. When used in this manner, each cable carries one channel, therefore stereo audio (for example) would require two of them.

A common misconception is that balanced audio requires the signal source to deliver equal waveforms of opposite polarity to the two signal conductors of the balanced line. However, many balanced devices actively drive only one side of the line, but do so at an impedance that is equal to the impedance of the non-driven side of the line. This impedance balance permits the balanced line receiver (input stage of the next device) to reject common-mode signals introduced to the two conductors by electromagnetic coupling.

Applications

Many microphones operate at low voltage levels and some with high output impedance (hi-Z), which makes long microphone cables especially susceptible to electromagnetic interference. Microphone interconnections are therefore a common application for a balanced interconnection, which allows the receiver to reject most of this induced noise. If the power amplifiers of a public address system are located at any distance from the mixing console, it is also normal to use balanced lines for the signal paths from the mixer to these amplifiers. Many other components, such as graphic equalizers and effects units, have balanced inputs and outputs to allow this. In recording and for short cable runs in general, a compromise is necessary between the noise reduction given by balanced lines and the cost introduced by the extra circuitry they require.

Some devices, usually with a transformer output, provide a balanced output that is "floating" with respect to ground; the impedance to ground from each side of the output is high. More commonly, devices drive one or both sides of the balanced interface with a signal referenced to ground. When one side is not driven, care is taken to assure that the impedance to ground is equal to the impedance of the driven side.

Interference reduction

Balanced audio connections use a number of techniques to reduce noise.

A typical balanced cable contains two identical wires, which are twisted together and then wrapped with a third conductor (foil or braid) that acts as a shield. The two wires form a circuit that can carry an audio signal.

The term balanced comes from the method of balancing the impedance of each wire in the circuit; the line and all circuits directly connected to it (such as the driver and receiver) must have identical impedances with respect to some reference point. This means that much of the electromagnetic interference will induce an equal noise voltage in each wire. Since the differential device at the receiving end only responds to the difference in voltage between the two signal lines, noise that is identical on both wires is rejected. This method can be implemented with a differential amplifier. A transformer may also be used instead of an active input stage.

A twisted pair makes the loop area between the conductors as small as possible, and ensures that a magnetic field that passes equally through adjacent loops will induce equal levels of noise on both lines, which is canceled out by the differential device in the receiver. If the noise source is extremely close to the cable, then it is possible it will be induced on one of the lines more than the other, and it will not be canceled as well, but canceling will still occur to the extent of the amount of noise that is equal on both lines.

The separate shield that's commonly provided in a balanced audio cable also yields a noise rejection advantage over an unbalanced two-conductor arrangement (such as used in typical home stereos) where the shield must also act as the signal return wire. Therefore, any noise currents induced into a balanced audio shield will not be directly modulated onto the signal, whereas in a two-conductor system they will be. This also prevents ground loop problems, by separating the shield/chassis from signal ground.

Differential signaling

Signals are often transmitted over balanced connections using the differential mode, meaning the wires carry signals that are equal in magnitude but of opposite polarity to each other (for instance, in an XLR connector, pin 2 carries the signal with normal polarity, and pin 3 carries an inverted version of the same signal). Despite popular belief, this arrangement is not necessary for noise rejection.  As long as the impedances are balanced, noise will couple equally into the two wires (and be rejected by a differential amplifier), regardless of the signal that is present on them.  A simple method of driving a balanced line is to inject the signal into the "hot" wire through a known source impedance, and connect the "cold" wire to the signal's local ground reference through an identical impedance.  Due to common misconceptions about differential signalling, this is often referred to as a quasi-balanced or impedance-balanced output, though it is, in fact, fully balanced and will reject common-mode interference.

However, there are some minor benefits to driving the line with a fully differential output:
 Though the signal level would not be changed due to nominal level standardization, the maximum output from the differential drivers is twice as much, giving 6 dB extra headroom.
Increasing cable capacitance over long cable runs decreases the signal level at which high frequencies are attenuated. If each wire carries half the signal voltage swing as in fully differential outputs then longer cable runs can be used without the loss of high frequencies.
 Noise that is correlated between the two amps (from imperfect power supply rejection, for instance), would be cancelled out.
 At higher frequencies, the output impedance of the output amplifier can change, resulting in a small imbalance.  When driven in differential mode by two identical amplifiers, this impedance change will be the same for both lines, and thus cancelled out.

Internally balanced audio design

Professional audio products (recording, public address, etc.) generally provide balanced inputs and outputs, typically via XLR or TRS phone connectors. However, in most cases, the internal circuitry is entirely unbalanced.

A small number of audio products have been designed with an entirely balanced signal path from input to output; the circuitry maintains its impedance balance throughout the device. This design is achieved by providing identical (mirrored) internal signal paths for both the "hot" and "cold" conductors. In critical applications, a 100% balanced circuit design can offer better signal integrity by avoiding the extra amplifier stages or transformers required for front-end unbalancing and back-end rebalancing.

Connectors
Three-pin XLR connectors and quarter-inch (¼" or 6.35mm) TRS phone connectors are commonly used for balanced audio interfaces. Many jacks are now designed to take either XLR or TRS phone plugs. Equipment intended for long-term installation sometimes uses terminal strips or Euroblock connectors.
Some balanced headphone connections also use a Pentaconn 4.4mm TRRRS connector.

With XLR connectors, pins 1, 2, and 3 are usually used for the shield (ideally connected to the chassis) and the two signal wires, respectively. (The phrase "ground, live, return", corresponding to "X, L, R", is often offered as a memory aid, although the second signal wire is not a "return" in the case of differential signaling)  On TRS phone plugs, the tip is signal/non-inverting, the ring is return/inverting, and the sleeve is chassis ground.

If a stereophonic or other binaural signal is plugged into such a jack, one channel (usually the right) will be subtracted from the other (usually the left), leaving an unlistenable  L − R (left minus right) signal instead of normal monophonic L + R (left plus right).  Reversing the polarity at any other point in a balanced audio system will also result in this effect at some point when it is later mixed-down with its other channel.

Telephone lines also carry audio through balanced circuitry, though this is generally now limited to the local loop.  It is called this because the two wires form a balanced loop through which both sides of the telephone call travel. As telephones require DC power to operate and to allow simple on/off hook detection, extra circuitry was developed where one signal wire is fed from the exchange power bus, typically −50 volts, and the other grounded, both via equal value inductors which have about 400 ohms DC resistance, to avoid short-circuiting the wanted AC signal and to maintain impedance balance.

Digital audio connections in professional environments are also frequently balanced, normally following the AES3 (AES/EBU) standard. This uses XLR connectors and twisted-pair cable with 110-ohm impedance. By contrast, the coaxial S/PDIF interface commonly seen on consumer equipment is unbalanced.

Converters
Balanced and unbalanced circuits can be interfaced by the use of a balun, often through a DI unit (also called a "DI box" or "direct box").

As a last resort a balanced audio line can be fed into an unbalanced input and vice versa as long as the electronic design used for the output stage is known. In the case of balanced output to unbalanced input, the negative output can be tied to ground, but in certain cases the negative output should be left disconnected.

See also
Differential pair
AES3
Phantom power

References

External links
 UK Sound And Lighting Community — Article On Balanced Lines
 Ray Rayburn: "Balanced-to-Unbalanced; How to Do it Right"

Audiovisual connectors
Microphones
Audio engineering
Sound recording
Sound reinforcement system

de:Symmetrische Signalübertragung
hu:Szimmetrikus audio vonal

Balanced audio


Anarsia mitescens is a moth of the family Gelechiidae. It was described by Edward Meyrick in 1913. It is found in South Africa.

The wingspan is about 13 mm. The forewings are light grey irrorated (sprinkled) with whitish, with a few scattered black scales and an elongate dark grey spot in the middle of the costa, preceded by two small cloudy blackish spots and followed by two others. There is a black dot beneath the costa near the base, one on the fold at two-thirds, one rather large in the disc before the middle, one on the lower edge of the median costal spot, one beneath the costa at two-thirds, one in the disc at two-thirds, one above the dorsum before the tornus, and several small groups of black scales towards the apex. The hindwings are rather dark grey.

References

Endemic moths of South Africa
mitescens
Moths described in 1913
Moths of Africa

Anarsia mitescens