KSFO (560 AM) is a commercial radio station in San Francisco, California.  It is owned by Cumulus Media and airs a talk radio format.  The station's studios and offices are on Battery Street in San Francisco, along with five other Bay Area Cumulus stations.

KSFO began broadcasting in 1925 as a station licensed to Oakland with call sign KTAB, on a frequency of 1390 kHz. Owned by a Baptist church in Oakland, KTAB had a religious-focused format in its first year before changing to a commercial, non-religious format. After several frequency changes, the station moved to its current 560 kHz frequency in 1929 and became KSFO in 1935, re-licensed to San Francisco. KSFO joined the CBS Radio network in 1937.

In 1956, KSFO was purchased by Golden West Broadcasters, a company co-owned by Gene Autry and Bob Reynolds. Golden West programmed a full service format for KSFO featuring popular music, news, and sports, with a popular jingle "The Sound of the City". Golden West sold KSFO to King Broadcasting Company in 1983, after which KSFO became an pop standards station. Then in 1986, KSFO shifted its music format to reflect 1950s to 1970s oldies, before becoming a simulcast of KYA-FM in 1987. Sold again to First Broadcasting Company in 1992, KSFO had a combined oldies and sports talk format before changing to a full-time talk radio format in 1993.

Capital Cities/ABC Inc. bought KSFO in 1995 and shifted its programming to emphasize conservative talk radio; KSFO would become one of the most popular stations in San Francisco in the late 1990s. Among KSFO's talk show hosts were Michael Savage, whose show The Savage Nation would later run in national syndication from 1999 to 2020. Other local hosts included Geoff Metcalf, Melanie Morgan, and Brian Sussman. Throughout its history, KSFO has also broadcast local sports teams, including Stanford Cardinal football, San Francisco 49ers, San Francisco Giants, Oakland Athletics, Oakland Raiders, and California Golden Bears men's basketball.

History

KTAB
Until 1927, radio in the United States was regulated by the Bureau of Navigation within the Department of Commerce. On August 1, 1925, the bureau sent a telegram authorizing a new radio station for the Tenth Avenue Baptist Church in Oakland, California, operating on 1390 kHz. The station's call letters, KTAB, reflected its owner's name.

KTAB's debut broadcast, at 8 p.m. on August 1, 1925, featured a doxology from the church choir, a classical music performance from trumpeter Grace Adams East and a speech by the Reverend George W. Phillips, the church's pastor.
KTAB was issued a formal broadcast license on August 10, 1925, and began broadcasting daily at 1250 kHz eight days later. In its early months, KTAB had a noncommercial format primarily with broadcasts of church services.

On March 25, 1926, The Associated Broadcasters, a company founded by Tenth Avenue Baptist Church attendees, entered a 20-year lease agreement with the church to operate KTAB. The Associated Broadcasters converted KTAB into a commercial station, and owing to a temporary lack of U.S. Department of Commerce regulation of radio station wavelengths or power levels under the Radio Act of 1912, KTAB moved to a better frequency of 990 kHz in June 1926.

Following the passage of the Radio Act of 1927 in April of that year, the newly formed Federal Radio Commission (FRC) relicensed KTAB to broadcast on 1070 kHz with a power of 500 watts, effective June 1, 1927. Following an appeal, the FRC allowed KTAB to broadcast with 1,000 watts on Sundays in July and August 1927.

After the Pickwick Broadcasting Corporation purchased The Associated Broadcasters on August 1, 1928, KTAB's studios moved from Oakland to the Pickwick Hotel at Fifth and Mission Streets in San Francisco on September 29, 1928. Around that time, KTAB moved from 1070 to 1280 kHz, before sharing airtime with KLX at 550 kHz on November 11, 1928. By early 1929, KTAB broadcast full time on 550 kHz after KLX moved to 880 kHz, and KTAB had an on-air backronym slogan, "Knowledge, Truth, And Beauty." KTAB moved to the station's present frequency of 560 kHz in November 1929.

Having operated the station since 1926, Associated Broadcasters outright bought KTAB from Tenth Avenue Baptist Church in early 1930, and KTAB began broadcasting at 1,000 watts day and night beginning in October 1930. On March 14, 1933, the KTAB studios returned to Oakland, this time at Sweet's Ballroom, then at 1424 Franklin Street. Pickwick sold The Associated Broadcasters to mortgage banker Wesley I. Dumm and business partner Philip G. Lasky in the fall of 1933. The Dumm–Lasky group moved KTAB's studios from Oakland to the Russ Building in San Francisco. KTAB moved from a penthouse apartment to the entire 31st floor of the Russ Building on April 11, 1935.

Early history as KSFO (1935–1955)
KTAB changed its call signs to its present KSFO and city of license to San Francisco on May 2, 1935. Some early programming on KSFO was rebroadcast from KNX in Los Angeles. National programs on KSFO included Alka-Seltzer Newspaper of the Air, Cowboy Church with Stuart Hamblen, and Father Coughlin. As early as 1936, KSFO broadcast Stanford University football games.

On January 1, 1937, KSFO replaced KFRC as San Francisco's CBS Radio affiliate. Nearly seven months after the Federal Communications Commission (FCC) granted a construction permit, KSFO began broadcasting at its current power of 5,000 watts from a new 389-foot steel transmitter at Pier 92 and Islais Creek. KSFO's studios moved from the Russ Building to the Palace Hotel on August 12, 1938.

After purchasing a stake in KROW, Lasky resigned from KSFO in 1940 to manage KROW. Effective December 31, 1941, KSFO was no longer affiliated with CBS Radio, after the network moved to KQW in San Jose. Going forward, KSFO had an independent music and news format. Just before the start of World War II, Dumm was tapped by President Franklin D. Roosevelt to use his KSFO facility to launch international shortwave broadcast stations KWID (for Wesley I. Dumm) and KWIX. These stations became the forerunners of the Voice of America. Facilities for KSFO, KWID, and KWIX were located at San Francisco's Islais Creek where the KSFO transmitter continues to operate today.

KSFO again moved its studios in August 1943, this time to the Mark Hopkins Hotel, with which The Associated Broadcasters signed a long-term lease in 1942. In 1948, KSFO sought a construction permit to exchange frequencies with KQW, which then had a 50,000 watt signal at 740 kHz. The construction permit was withdrawn in 1950 after KSFO's new co-owned television station KPIX became a CBS affiliate. After nine years at the Hopkins Hotel, in February 1952, KSFO moved to a shared office space with KPIX at 2655 Van Ness.

On March 6, 1953, Don Sherwood debuted on KSFO as host of the morning show. KSFO's licensee was renamed San Francisco Broadcasters on May 25, 1954, in advance of the Dumm–Lasky ownership group selling KPIX to Westinghouse Broadcasting.

"The Sound of the City" (1956–1983)
In June 1956, San Francisco Broadcasters sold KSFO for nearly $1 million to Golden West Broadcasters, a company co-owned by Western movie actor Gene Autry and former football player Bob Reynolds. On the morning of December 19, 1956, AFTRA union members went on strike at KSFO after being unable to reach an agreement for a new contract. As a result, KSFO joined three other Bay Area radio stations, KLX, KROW, and KYA, in a collective bargaining agreement.

Golden West launched a full service format that featured personality-driven middle of the road (MOR) music programs, local news, and local sports. Additionally, KSFO's slogan was "The World's Greatest Radio Station." Its signature jingle, "The Sound of the City" with words and music composed by Johnny Mann, was sung a cappella by eight studio singers at the United Western Recorders studio in Hollywood. According to San Diego State University communications professors Joseph S. Johnson and Kenneth K. Jones, the jingle "has such a lovely melody and lyrics that station listeners request it, and records of the jingle have sold in music stores. Outside of San Francisco, similarly formatted stations adapted "The Sound of the City" for their markets.

Johnson and Jones observed that KSFO "always played from a wide spectrum of popular music" in a "free-form, but controlled" way, with "current hits, oldies, [and] a lot of pieces from albums (and not always the same cut from the same album)." Golden West turned KSFO into the most popular radio station in the San Francisco Bay Area. In the March 1964 Billboard radio response survey for San Francisco, KSFO was the top station among listeners for pop LPs, non-rock singles, folk music, and comedy; for jazz, KSFO ranked second behind KJAZ.  By January 1967, RKO General's KFRC knocked KSFO out of the no. 1 spot in Bay Area ratings. Additionally, KSFO faced additional competition for its target 25-to-49 age group from FM progressive rock stations KMPX and KSAN.

From 1957 to 1980, KSFO was the radio home of the San Francisco 49ers football team, with Lon Simmons on play-by-play beginning in 1960. Both of the Bay Area's Major League Baseball teams had games on KSFO. From its first season moving from New York in 1958 to 1978, the San Francisco Giants broadcast their games on KSFO, with notable announcers including Russ Hodges, Lon Simmons, Al Michaels, and Joe Angel.

Jim Lange joined KSFO as afternoon host in January 1960. In November 1960, KSFO hired Al "Jazzbo" Collins, former host of NBC's Tonight. When Lange began hosting TV shows in Los Angeles such as The Dating Game in 1965, Lange moved to mornings on KSFO in order to accommodate his TV taping schedule. In 1968, KSFO hired Terry McGovern away from KDKA in Pittsburgh.

Beginning in the 1969–70 sports season, KSFO began 16 seasons of broadcasting Stanford University football and basketball games.

In response to market research showing that most of its daytime audience preferred watching television at night, KSFO hired John Gilliland in 1971 to host a five-hour variety block of music and entertainment evenings from 7 p.m. to midnight; Gilliland would continue as host until 1978. In addition to music, Gilliland's program featured the CBS Radio Mystery Theater, dramas and other serials from the Golden Age of Radio, comedy shows, and Gilliland's Pop Chronicles music documentaries. KSFO broadcast Mystery Theater so that local CBS Radio affiliate KCBS did not have to interrupt its all-news programming.

After a decline in ratings in the mid-1970s, KSFO began diversifying its music playlist. KSFO continued playing Frank Sinatra, Tony Bennett, and Peggy Lee, whose music had been phased out of many MOR stations. The station added tracks from Ernestine Anderson and contemporary artists like The Carpenters and Bette Midler. In the October/November 1976 Arbitron survey, KSFO was the most popular station among women aged 25 to 49 and averaged 10,800 listeners aged 18 to 49 per hour, between KCBS and KFRC. KSFO was the station that broke Elmo and Patsy's "Grandma Got Run Over by a Reindeer" to national fame.

The station's news department earned national and international journalism awards for coverage of the 1978 Peoples Temple mass suicides in Jonestown, Guyana and the assassinations of San Francisco Mayor George Moscone and Supervisor Harvey Milk by former Supervisor Dan White.

Starting in 1981, KSFO was the radio home of the Oakland A's, with a broadcast team of Bill King, Lon Simmons, and Wayne Hagin.

Sale to King Broadcasting, simulcast of KYA-FM (1983–1991)
By 1983, KSFO's nighttime power increased from 1,000 to 5,000 watts, the same as its daytime power. In June 1983, Golden West reached an agreement to sell KSFO to Seattle-based King Broadcasting Company, which also owned KYA and KLHT (later KYA-FM) in San Francisco, for a reported $8 million.

At 12:01 a.m. on December 13, 1983, King Broadcasting officially owned KSFO and flipped the station to pop standards, a tribute to KSFO's popular format from those decades, aimed at listeners aged 35 to 54. King Broadcasting brought back former KSFO personality Al "Jazzbo" Collins from WNEW in New York City to host a late night jazz show. KSFO's studios were now at 300 Broadway along with King Broadcasting's renamed KYA-FM.

In July 1986, seeking to attract Baby Boomer listeners, King Broadcasting changed KSFO's music format to be similar to KYA-FM. KSFO played oldies from 1956 to 1973, while KYA-FM had a broader playlist with hits extending as late as 1980. By March 1987, KSFO began simulcasting KYA-FM, with breakaways for Oakland A's games.

First Broadcasting ownership, sale to Capital Cities/ABC (1992–1994)
On January 27, 1992, the First Broadcasting Company bought KSFO and 93.3 KYA-FM for $13 million. KSFO signed a three-year contract in May 1992 to broadcast University of California, Berkeley (Cal) men's basketball games.

On September 28, 1992, KSFO dropped its simulcast with KYA-FM and began a new format with oldies during the day and sports talk at night. Among its new programs were the syndicated Talk Sports with Pete Rose and Sports Byline USA. However, sports programming was short lived. In November, KSFO lost the rights to Oakland A's games after 12 seasons to KNEW (then on 910). The following month, KSFO began phasing out all sports talk programming and added Wolfman Jack in evenings.

KSFO dropped the oldies format on September 20, 1993, for a talk format, with Gene Nelson and Peter B. Collins hosting drive time shows and nationally syndicated hosts in other times including G. Gordon Liddy, Larry King, and Bruce Williams. Around the end of 1993, KSFO disabled its C-QUAM stereo sound system.

Entering a local marketing agreement with Capital Cities/ABC Inc., which also owned KGO-AM and -TV at the time, First Broadcasting hired new president and general manager Mickey Luckoff for KSFO on September 1, 1994 and moved the station from 300 Broadway to the ABC Broadcast Center at 900 Front Street with the KGO stations. Rebranding as "Radio with Attitude," KSFO completely revamped its programming, hiring former NPR reporter Emil Guillermo as a host and picking up national shows The Dr. Laura Schlessinger Show, The Tom Leykis Show and The Fabulous Sports Babe. On February 14, 1995, the FCC waived its rule allowing companies to own only one radio station per market to allow Capital Cities/ABC, parent company of the KGO AM and TV stations that was already operating KSFO, to purchase KSFO from First Broadcasting. The FCC ruled that the transfer was "consistent with the public interest and would have no effect on diversity and competition in the San Francisco market." Subsequently, Capital Cities/ABC bought KSFO for nearly $10 million.

Launch of conservative talk format (1995)

KSFO launched its new conservative talk format on January 1, 1995. With the brand "Hot Talk 560" and slogan "The Station for Right-Thinking People," the station
introduced a lineup that had J. Paul Emerson hosting morning drive, The Savage Nation with Michael Savage in afternoon drive, and syndicated shows hosted by Ken Hamblin, Michael Reagan, and Pat Buchanan. "In going conservative, KSFO follows a proven national trend, in which conservatives have come to dominate the radio talk show industry," observed Edward Epstein of the San Francisco Chronicle.

In addition, the new KSFO carried news updates from ABC Direction, and Stanford football broadcasts returned for the first time since 1984. Although KSFO initially won broadcast rights to the then-Los Angeles Raiders in late 1994, after the Raiders returned to Oakland in the 1995 offseason, other Bay Area stations began bidding for Raiders broadcasting rights. FM station KSAN (then on 94.9) and AM station KNEW (then on 910) won the Raiders broadcasting rights in 1995. KSFO also dropped Cal basketball after the 1994–95 season, with game broadcasts moving to Concord station KATD.

San Jose Mercury News radio critic Brad Kava responded negatively to the KSFO format change, complaining that station management took "a progressive station that really spoke to the diversity of the Bay Area -- the only station to feature women and minorities in decent time slots -- and replaced it with a bunch of reactionary ranters no different from all the other ranters piling up radio ratings across the country."

Only a month into the job, Emerson resigned from KSFO after his February 14 show, following controversy over allegedly homophobic remarks he made on The Phil Donahue Show calling on people with AIDS to be "quarantined." The new KSFO format's first Arbitron ratings in spring 1995 had a 1.2 share near the bottom of all San Francisco stations, while sister station KGO led the market with a 6.9. Lee Rodgers, formerly of KIRO in Seattle, became morning drive host in the May 1995, with Melanie Morgan as co-host. In October 1995, Geoff Metcalf joined KSFO.

Sale to Disney, growth of talk format (1996–1998)
After the Telecommunications Act of 1996 loosened media ownership regulations to allow companies to own up to eight radio stations in one media market, KSFO and KGO parent company Capital Cities/ABC merged with The Walt Disney Company and became ABC Inc. effective October 1, 1996.

After a stint at KGO, Jim Eason returned to KSFO starting on July 15, 1996. After the 1997 season, KSFO stopped broadcasting Stanford football, which moved to upstart sports station KTCT, formerly KOFY-AM. A month later, a bipartisan group of state legislators, including State Senators Mike Thompson (Democrat of St. Helena), Quentin Kopp (independent of San Francisco), and Larry Bowler (Republican of Sacramento) challenged KGO and KSFO hosts including Morgan and Metcalf to provide evidence that the state's new Smog Check II program would harm drivers in California, with allegations including that 60 percent of cars would fail the new smog test.

KSFO's Arbitron ratings rose from 2.2 in spring to 2.8 and 11th in the San Francisco market in summer 1996. Even with 1996 being an election year, KSFO's ratings declined to 2.4 in fall 1996 and 2.2 in the winter. However, KSFO broke into the top 10 of the San Francisco Arbitron ratings by summer 1997 with a 3.2.

Talkers Magazine named KSFO's Savage among the 100 most important talk radio hosts in the U.S. in its March 1998 issue. In a time period with the Clinton–Lewinsky scandal and a California gubernatorial election dominating the news, KSFO was a top-10 station in San Francisco's Arbitron ratings throughout 1998.

Savage goes national and leaves, Brian Sussman joins (1999–2003)

KSFO continued to be in the top 10 in the spring of 1999 as the impeachment of President Bill Clinton took place. Also beginning in 1999, Savage divided The Savage Nation into local and national versions. KSFO added syndicated shows to its lineup in 2000.The Rush Limbaugh Show debuted July 3, 2000 on KSFO after KNBR dropped Limbaugh in order to create a full-time sports talk schedule. Talk Radio Network began complete national syndication of The Savage Nation on September 21, 2000. In February 2000, SF Weekly published an essay by former KSFO producer Samantha Spivack in which she recounted her experience interacting with whom she called "anti-fans" of KSFO in the Bay Area: "To be conservative, nowadays, particularly in San Francisco, is to be considered hateful. ... KSFO Radio has been described in tones of hysteria as a cauldron of racism and homophobia, a wacko gun-nut unit, a nest of conspiracy theorists spouting political paranoia."

Former KPIX meteorologist Brian Sussman began hosting evenings on KSFO in 2003. Also in 2003, KSFO dropped The Savage Nation on June 2 after being unable to renegotiate a contract with Savage and replaced it with The Sean Hannity Show. The Savage Nation moved to rival station KNEW a month later.

KSFO was also influential in the 2003 California gubernatorial recall election against Governor Gray Davis, with Morgan helping launch a fundraiser for a recall petition and interviewing recall advocates on the morning show.

Addition of Oakland Raiders and Mark Levin, sale to Citadel (2004–2006)
Beginning in the 2004 season, KSFO was the flagship station for the Oakland Raiders. Following a one-year contract in 2004, KSFO signed a contract extension in 2005.

In February 2006, KSFO added The Mark Levin Show to its schedule. In the same month, Disney announced a $2.7 billion sale of ABC Radio Networks and 22 stations, including KSFO and KGO, to Citadel Broadcasting. The ABC Radio-Citadel merger completed on June 12, 2007.

Morgan attracted media attention in June 2006 after suggesting anyone convicted of treason be sent to the gas chamber, including New York Times editor Bill Keller.

Dispute with blogger (2007)
KSFO entered 2007 in a dispute with "Spocko", a liberal blogger who recorded KSFO talk shows and posted excerpts as examples of hate speech and eliminationist rhetoric, such as Rodgers advocating that a protester be "stomped to death" and Sussman challenging a caller to refer to Allah as a "whore." Spocko began a letter-writing campaign to advertisers on KSFO, alerting them to these examples and urging them to withdraw their support of the station.  Some advertisers, including Netflix, MasterCard, Bank of America, and Visa, stopped running commercials on KSFO. On December 22, 2006, ABC lawyers sent a cease and desist letter to Spocko demanding that he remove the KSFO audio clips due to copyright violations. Spocko's Internet hosting provider 1&1 Internet complied with the cease-and-desist letter and took down Spocko's website.

On January 12, 2007, KSFO preempted the Laura Schlessinger show for a special three-hour program where Morgan, Rodgers, and Sussman responded to Spocko and other critics. Sussman apologized for remarks highlighted by Spocko while calling Spocko's website "a complete abuse of the First Amendment."

Changes to morning show, end of Raiders affiliation (2008–2010)
KSFO made several sports and talk programming changes starting in 2008. Due to budget constraints that resulted from parent company Citadel Broadcasting losing over $800 million in the fourth quarter of 2007, KSFO declined to renew Morgan's contract after it expired on March 31, 2008.

Several more programming changes followed. In 2009, KSFO began carrying the Hannity and Levin shows live in afternoons. Following the 2009 season, KSFO lost the Raiders broadcasting rights to CBS Radio stations KITS-FM and KFRC-AM (then on 1550). Meanwhile, declining advertising revenue and $2.5 billion in debt led Citadel Broadcasting to file for Chapter 11 bankruptcy in December 2009.

Sussman became full time morning drive host on February 19, 2010, after Rodgers retired. KSFO also began broadcasting The John Batchelor Show in Sussman's former 6 p.m. slot. After nearly 16 years managing KSFO and over 35 years with KGO, Luckoff resigned from both stations on October 4, 2010. Luckoff told the San Francisco Chronicle that he had been considering leaving the stations since November 2009 and cited the bankruptcy and management decisions by Citadel as reasons for leaving.

Sale to Cumulus, loss of Limbaugh, return of Savage (2011–2012)
KSFO changed ownership in 2011 after Cumulus Media bought Citadel for $2.5 billion. The deal was made on March 10, with the purchase closing on September 16.

On January 3, 2012, KSFO replaced The Rush Limbaugh Show with a local show hosted by J. D. Hayworth, a former U.S. Representative from Arizona. This move followed programming changes throughout local radio at the end of 2011, starting with sister station KGO laying off many of its talk show hosts. Limbaugh and some former KGO hosts moved to the newly branded "News/Talk 910" at KKSF, formerly KNEW. Morgan also returned to co-host the morning show with Sussman in 2012.

After Savage won a lawsuit against Talk Radio Network, Savage signed with Cumulus Media, and The Savage Nation returned to KSFO on October 23, 2012.

Return of Limbaugh and Cal basketball (2013–2017)
In July 2013, Morgan left KSFO for the second time, and Katie Green replaced Morgan as morning show co-host.

From the 2013–14 to 2016–17 seasons, Cal men's basketball returned to KSFO for select games. In July 2017, KGO became the exclusive home of Cal sports.

Beginning September 29, 2014, the Limbaugh and Hannity shows returned to KSFO after their former Bay Area station, KNEW (960 AM), changed to Bloomberg Radio.

On March 31, 2016, Cumulus Media announced that longtime KGO radio host Ronn Owens would move to KSFO as afternoon drive host, with KGO planning to replace Owens with all-news programming. However, four days later, Cumulus kept Owens on KGO due to language in his contract forbidding Cumulus from relocating his show from KGO.

Recent history (2018–present)
Airing the show in early evenings, KSFO became the 600th affiliate of The Dave Ramsey Show, a financial advice show, on January 8, 2018. Beginning in January 2019, The Savage Nation cut back from three hours to a one-hour radio show and separate hourlong podcast; Westwood One introduced The Ben Shapiro Show in place of the last two hours of the Savage radio show, and KSFO began carrying Shapiro following The Savage Nation radio show and podcast beginning February 11. Sussman went on medical leave in October 2019 before officially retiring on January 15, 2020.

On March 2, 2020, KSFO replaced its local morning show with Armstrong & Getty, a syndicated show based at KSTE in Sacramento that had previously been heard on KGO.  That gave the station an all-syndicated line up on weekdays.

The Savage Nation radio show ended on December 31, 2020, for reasons that Savage claimed were "constrained for legal reasons", but the show continued as an online-only podcast.

Programming and operations
With Fox News Radio top of the hour updates, KSFO broadcasts nationally syndicated conservative talk shows on weekdays. Select "California" as State and "5 Minute News" as Show. On weekday mornings, KSFO has the Fox News Rundown from Fox News Radio at 5 a.m., followed by Armstrong & Getty (based at KSTE Sacramento) from 6 to 9 a.m. and The Dan Bongino Show from 9 a.m. to noon. The remainder of the weekday schedule includes The Sean Hannity Show, The Mark Levin Show, The Ramsey Show, and The Ben Shapiro Show, and Red Eye Radio. Weekends have mostly paid brokered programming and repeats of weekday talk shows are also heard.

KSFO transmits with 5,000 watts.  When radio waves travel further at night, KSFO switches to a directional antenna using a two-tower array, to protect other stations on 560 AM.  The transmitter is near the Islais Creek Channel close to the San Francisco Bay seawall.

References
Citations

Works cited

External links
FCC History Cards for KSFO
KSFO 560 AM official website

Bay Area Radio Museum history of KSFO
The History of KTAB/KSFO
Tribute page to KSFO with audio from Alex Bennett
The Station for all Northern Californians - KSFO (1942)

Cumulus Media radio stations
SFO
News and talk radio stations in the United States
Radio stations established in 1925
1925 establishments in California
San Jose SaberCats
Former subsidiaries of The Walt Disney Company

KSFO


Ralph Arliss (born 11 September 1947) is a British actor.

His television credits include: Doctor Who (in the serial Planet of the Spiders), Z-Cars, The Sweeney, Survivors, Return of the Saint, Secret Army, Love for Lydia, Shoestring, Airline, The Jewel in the Crown, The Day Christ Died, A.D., Dempsey and Makepeace, Call Me Mister, Boon, Prime Suspect, Casualty and The Bill. He played the leading role of Kickalong in the ITV serial Quatermass opposite Sir John Mills in 1979.

His film appearances include roles in The Last Valley (1971), The Asphyx (1972), Deadly Strangers (1975), Blood Relations (1977) and Dead Man's Folly (1986).

He is involved in political training for the Green Party of England and Wales.

Filmography

External links

References

British male television actors
Living people
1947 births

Ralph Arliss


Full Metal Village is a 2006 documentary film about the lives of the residents of a small village in the German state of Schleswig-Holstein, Wacken, in a series of interviews and visual tableaux as it prepares for the annual Wacken Open Air Festival. Taglined "Ein Heimatfilm", the director Cho Sung-Hyung explores the relationship of the 1,800 resident townsfolk and the brief annual influx of 70,000 metal music enthusiasts who attend the open-air concert.

Notable scenes of the film are elderly villagers who confess to have 'heard' that the concert-goers worship Satan, and over-enthusiastic concert-goers headbanging to the traditional regional anthem played by a local fire department band to open the festival.

Awards
The film has so far garnered all three awards for which it has been nominated: the 2007 Best Documentary at the Guild of German Art House Cinemas, the 2006 Best Documentary at the Hessian Film Award (prior to the film's theatrical release) and the 2007 Max Ophüls Award at the Max Ophüls Festival.

References

External links

German documentary films
2006 films
2000s German-language films
2006 documentary films
Documentary films about heavy metal music and musicians
2000s German films

Full Metal Village


Christina Swan is an Australian television and radio presenter and media personality. Since 2023, Swan has hosted The Chrissie Swan Show on Nova FM. In 2022 and 2023, she served as a judge on The Masked Singer Australia alongside Dave Hughes, Mel B and Abbie Chatfield.

She was the host of Chrissie, Sam and Browny on Nova 100 with Sam Pang and Jonathan Brown, Mix 101.1's afternoon show 3PM Pick-Up and breakfast program Chrissie & Jane with Jane Hall. Swan was a co-host of Network Ten's morning show, The Circle 2010 to 2011 and was a co-host on The Great Australian Spelling Bee. Swan previously hosted television series Can of Worms. She has made television appearances on All Star Family Feud, The Project, Studio 10, Show Me the Movie!, Have You Been Paying Attention? and Hughesy, We Have a Problem.

Career

Television
Her primary career was in copywriting before appearing on television in 2003 as a contestant on the reality TV series Big Brother where she was the runner-up.

In 2010, Network Ten announced Swan as host of the new morning show The Circle alongside Denise Drysdale, Yumi Stynes and Gorgi Coghlan. The same year, she became a spokesperson for Jenny Craig, appearing in national print and television advertisements.

In 2012, she became the host of the second series of Network Ten's Can of Worms, produced by Cordell Jigsaw Zapruder in association with Watercooler Media. In February 2013, Swan returned as host of the third series.

In February 2015, she appeared on the Network Ten show I'm a Celebrity Get Me Out of Here!, finishing in third place.

In August 2015, she appeared as a co-host of The Great Australian Spelling Bee alongside Grant Denyer.

In March 2016, she became co-host of Long Lost Family on Network 10 alongside comedian Anh Do.

In October 2021, she appeared on the Network 10 show Celebrity MasterChef Australia, being first to be eliminated.

In 2022, she hosted the Australian version on the British comedy panel show, Would I Lie to You? Australia on Network 10. Later in 2022, it was announced that Swan will host a second season of the show set to air in 2023.

In March 2022, Carrie Bickmore announced that she will be taking extended leave from The Project, and it was announced that Swan will fill in and host the show on Monday nights. Swan commenced filling in from Monday 4 April.

In June 2022, Network 10 announced on Instagram that Swan would join the panel on The Masked Singer Australia for its fourth season as a replacement for Urzila Carlson.

Radio
She sought work with breakfast radio in Queensland in late 2003 where she worked at Hot 91.1 (a subsidiary of DMG Radio Australia) with co-host Ronnie Stanton.

She presented the Australian Idol radio show on Nova FM stations across Australia with Mark Holden and Ian Dickson.

She began work at the Vega 91.5 (3PTV) breakfast show alongside Australian Idol judge Ian Dickson and comedian Dave O'Neil in 2007. However, in November 2009, it was announced that Swan would not be returning to Vega 91.5 (now known as Smooth 91.5), due to a cost-cutting measure.

In August 2011, she became co-host of the newly created 3PM Pick-Up on Mix 101.1.

In December 2011, she resigned from The Circle to spend more time with her children and also concentrate on radio. She announced that she would be hosting the breakfast show on Mix 101.1 with Jane Hall and Jamie Row as anchor of the show in 2012.

In October 2015, she was announced as a host of Chrissie, Sam & Browny on Nova 100 with Jonathan Brown and Sam Pang from January 2016. In late 2022, it was announced that Chrissie, Sam & Browny would be ending at the end of the year, seven years after the show kicked off. Following her departure from breakfast radio at the end of 2022, Swan announced that she would be hosting her own radio show, The Chrissie Swan Show, on Nova FM, commencing in 2023.

Other
In March 2012, she was announced as an ambassador for CARE Australia, an organization working with and helping individuals and families in some of the poorest communities in the world.

In 2018, she was appointed the 'Queen of Moomba', Melbourne's largest community festival.

Awards
In 2011, she won Most Popular New Female Talent, and was nominated for Most Popular TV Presenter and the Gold Logie for Most Popular Personality on Australian Television at the 2011 TV Week Logie Awards for her hosting role on The Circle.

In 2012 and 2013, she was nominated for the Most Popular Presenter at the Logies for hosting The Circle, and her role on Can of Worms, respectively.

Personal life

She has three children with her former partner of 15 years, Chris Saville, from whom she split in mid-2021.

In 2021, she spoke to media about her lifestyle changes and health goals.  she had lost a total of .

References

External links
Official Website
The Circle Profile

Big Brother (Australian TV series) contestants
Australian game show hosts
Australian women radio presenters
Living people
Logie Award winners
Radio personalities from Melbourne
1973 births

Chrissie Swan


William Goodell (October 25, 1792 – February 14, 1878) was an abolitionist and reformer born in Coventry, New York.

Early life; temperance
Goodell spent several years of his early childhood confined to his room due to illness. It was during this confinement that he first discovered an appreciation for religion and writing. Following the deaths of his parents, William moved to Pomfret, Connecticut, to live with his paternal grandmother. He attended school but could not afford to go on to college. As a young adult, Goodell spent several years in various jobs in several different areas of the country, yet none of the work incorporated both of his interests in writing and religion. While working in Providence, Rhode Island, in 1823, William met and married Clarissa C. Cady. The couple later had two children.

In 1827, at age 35, Goodell became a journalist for a reform journal in Providence, allowing him to write from a religious perspective. His articles focused mostly on temperance. After moving the journal's headquarters to New York, Goodell became the leader of the American Temperance Society.

Abolitionist
In 1833 Goodell helped found the New-York Anti-Slavery Society, as well as the American Anti-Slavery Society (AASS). He worked as an editor of The Emancipator and served on the AASS Executive Committee. In 1835, Goodell quit his job at The Emancipator and directed his energy to the New York State Anti-Slavery Society, editing its paper The Friend of Man in Utica, New York. While in Utica, Goodell focused on achieving abolition through political means. He helped form the Liberty Party in 1840, writing the convention address and party platform.

Two year later, Goodell left The Friend of Man and formed his own paper in order to promote church reform that followed abolitionist principles. Goodell believed that it was wrong for a church to hold even a neutral stance on slavery. He hoped to unite all of the churches denouncing slavery into a "Christian Union" and for nine years Goodell worked as a pastor of the anti-slavery churches in Honeoye, New York.

In 1852, Goodell was chosen as the Liberty Party's nominee for President of the United States, with S.M. Bell of Virginia as his running mate. His party fought for the complete abolition of slavery as well as equal rights for African Americans. Although Goodell promoted the same principles, he was also wary of the realities of prejudice. If abolition were to instigate true societal changes, he believed, prejudices would have to be eliminated and equal rights gained for African Americans. Goodell was also a potential candidate for the Liberty Party in 1860. However, he didn't get the nomination.

Goodell edited yet another paper called the American Jubilee (later renamed the Radical Abolitionist) during the 1850s.  He also wrote an influential book entitled Slavery and Anti-Slavery: A History of the Great Struggle In Both Hemispheres; With a View of the Slavery Question in the United States, published in 1852. The next year he published The American Slave Code in Theory and Practice. That book previewed discussions of "law in books" and "law in action" made by the legal realists.  It also directly countered proslavery writing that increasingly justified slavery on economic grounds.  Goodell countered such arguments in two ways.  First, he argued that such utilitarian arguments ignored the human costs of slavery; second, he argued that slavery led to great costs and thus was not economically justified.

After the Civil War
When the Civil War ended, Goodell returned to fighting for his original cause of temperance and assisted in the creation of the Prohibition Party. He moved to Goshen, Connecticut, and later to Janesville, Wisconsin, where he died.

Goodell's daughter Lavinia Goodell (1839–1880) became the first woman admitted to practice law in Wisconsin, and his grandson, William Goodell Frost, served as president of Berea College.

Notes

References
Douglas M. Strong. "American National Biography Online: Goodell, William" February 2, 2008
David M. Stowe. "American National Biography Online: Goodell, William (missionary)" February 3, 2008
Goodell, William. Slavery and Anti-Slavery: A History of the Great Struggle In Both Hemispheres; With a View of the Slavery Question in the United States. New York: William Harnded, 1852.
Gowler, Steve. "Radical Orthodoxy: William Goodell and the Abolition of American Slavery." New England Quarterly 91, no. 4 (December 2018): 592-624.
Alkalimat, Abdul (2004). The African American Experience in Cyberspace. Pluto Press. .
eBlack Studies
Slavery and Anti-Slavery

External links
The American Slave Code in Theory and Practice, available at Internet Archive.

1792 births
1878 deaths
American abolitionists
American Christian clergy
19th-century Christian clergy
People from Coventry, New York
People from Janesville, Wisconsin
Liberty Party (United States, 1840) presidential nominees
American temperance activists
New York (state) Libertyites
People from Honeoye, New York
New York (state) Prohibitionists
Activists from New York (state)
People from Goshen, Connecticut
19th-century American clergy

William Goodell (abolitionist)


Baddeck, Nova Scotia is a village founded in 1908, with a history stretching back to early Mi'kmaq, French, and British settlements. The village was home to Alexander Graham Bell and was witness to the first flight in the commonwealth with Bell's Silver Dart.

Early Settlement

The name "Baddeck" is believed to originate from a Mi'kmaq word. One theory is that it originates from the word "Abadek" or "Abadak," which means "a portion of food set aside for someone or a sultry place," while another theory is that it originates from a word meaning "place with an island near."

Europeans discovered the inland part of Cape Breton Island during the 17th century when Jesuit missionaries from France established a settlement at nearby St. Anns in 1629.  British settlement came during the 18th century after the territory was ceded by France.

Island Settlement

In 1819, Lt. James Duffus (half pay Naval Officer), whose brother-in-law was Sir Samuel Cunard founder of the Cunard Line of steamships, founded his home on what is now known as Kidston Island—then known as Mutton Island—off the shore of present-day Baddeck. Duffus renamed the island Duke of Kent's Island, in honor of his patron. Duffus operated a mercantile business on the island, serving people from River Baddeck and Grand Narrows; customers were ferried to the island by canoe. In 1820 Duffus was appointed a magistrate and in 1826 he was granted 400 acres on the mainland. Duffus died in 1833, and his former assistants operated the business for a little over two years. In 1836 the executors of his estate in Halifax sent William Kidston to wind up his business.

Growth of the Village

Shire Town
Up until 1851 Baddeck was known as Little Baddeck and it was part of Cape Breton County.  William Kidston advocated the separation of Cape Breton County.  In 1851 Kidston's advocacy paid off and Victoria County was split off from Cape Breton county and Baddeck became known by its present name.  Kidston also advocated for Baddeck to become the site for the new county's jail and courthouse, which happened when Baddeck was established as the shire town of the county. When Baddeck became the shire town of the county, it established a municipal council and Murdoch MacAskill became the village custos rotulorum. The Victoria County Court House was finally constructed in 1889.

Baddeck, And that Sort of Thing
Baddeck rose to fame in 1874, with the publication of Baddeck, And That Sort of Thing by American writer and associate of Mark Twain, Charles Dudley Warner. Warner had visited Baddeck the previous year with Joseph Twichell and documented the voyage in the book. Warner stayed at the Telegraph House during his visit,  a hotel built in 1861 and that still operates today. Warner described Baddeck as a "clean-looking village of white wooden houses, of perhaps seven or eight hundred inhabitants". Warner attended a church service at the kirk near the water. This church would have been Knox Church, a Presbyterian church built on Bay Road in 1857. He describes the church as being similar in appearance to a New England meeting house, with a pretty wooden spire and a plain, ugly interior. Warner also visited the county jail in Baddeck, which at the time was housing a single prisoner—a carpenter who was permitted to have a workbench and newspapers.  The jail had four rooms on the ground floor and an attic with a "sleeping-room". The jailer's family was, at the time, staying in one of the empty cells. In addition to the church and jail, Warner describes Baddeck as having "very good schools" on par with those in Boston. Other travel books followed Warner's publication. In 1885 Samuel Greene Wheeler Benjamin published The Cruise of the Alice May in the Gulf of St. Lawrence and Adjacent Waters which included a description of Baddeck. According to Benjamin, Baddeck at this time consisted of highlanders—many of whom spoke only Gaelic.

Alexander Graham Bell Era

In 1885, Alexander Graham Bell, his wife Mabel, and their two young daughters, arrived by boat via the St. Peters Canal. They fell in love with Baddeck and built two homes on their estate, which they named "Beinn Bhreagh" (Gaelic for 'Beautiful Mountain'), as well as another Bell Laboratory, an additional namesake to AT&T's Bell Laboratories many years later. Dr. Bell and his family helped the people of the village begin a new era. Alec Bell, who was a Scot and could speak Gaelic, took Baddeck to heart and made their home a gathering place for the village. Alec and his wife Mabel promoted culture, sociability, science, and industry among the villagers.

In his new laboratory on Beinn Bhreagh across the bay from Baddeck, Alec Bell conducted experiments, built mammoth kites, airplanes, hydrofoil boats, and, during World War I, lifeboats for the Royal Canadian Navy. The Bells provided steady employment for many in the village; while Mabel Bell did much to foster home industries, among them the hooking of rugs for which the village of Chéticamp is in the present day famous.

Aviation
Bell undertook experiments with tetrahedral kites at his lab in Baddeck. On 6 December 1907, Thomas Etholen Selfridge piloted Bell's AEA Cygnet as it was towed into the air behind a motorboat, eventually reaching a height of  in what was the first recorded heavier-than-air flight in Canada. These experiments latter allowed Baddeck to become the site of the first controlled powered aircraft to fly in Canada and the British Empire. Bell's aircraft, named the Silver Dart, was first flown from the ice of Baddeck Bay on 23 February 1909 by Bell's associate, J.A.D. McCurdy.

In the months after the flight of the Silver Dart, Bell's associates Casey Baldwin and McCurdy established the Canadian Aerodrome Company in Baddeck with Bell's financial backing. It was the first commercial aircraft manufacturer in the British Empire and it produced the first Canadian designed and built aircraft in 1909, the Baddeck No. 1, and a copy named the Baddeck No. 2. They also produced the Hubbard Monoplane in 1910, the first Canadian plane built for export. McCurdy and Baldwin also built Bell's experimental Bell Oionus I, though it never took flight. The Canadian Aerodrome Company ceased operations in 1910.

Hydrofoils
Another one of Bell's experimental craft, the hydrofoil HD-4 (once piloted by Mabel Bell) established the world watercraft speed record in 1917 after traveling at  across Baddeck Bay (part of Bras d'Or Lake) – a speed record that endured for 20 years. In 1968 the Canadian Forces named a new experimental hydrofoil patrol ship  in honor of those early experiments. (see Frederick Walker Baldwin)

Construction of the Alexander Graham Bell Museum
The Alexander Graham Bell Museum, dedicated to preserving the legacy of Alexander Graham Bell, was constructed in Baddeck. The museum showcases Bell's numerous inventions and contributions to science and technology. Visitors can explore the life and work of this famous inventor, including his pioneering work in aviation and telecommunications.

Centenary Celebrations of the Flight of the Silver Dart
In 2009, Baddeck celebrated the centenary of the flight of the Silver Dart, an event that marked a significant milestone in aviation history. The centenary celebrations included various events and exhibitions, paying tribute to Alexander Graham Bell's pioneering contributions to aviation. Visitors from around the world gathered in Baddeck to commemorate this historic flight, highlighting the village's enduring connection to aviation innovation.

Recent History
In recent years, Baddeck has continued to be a hub of cultural and historical significance in Nova Scotia. Its picturesque surroundings, historic sites, and association with Alexander Graham Bell make it a popular destination for tourists and history enthusiasts. The village has also embraced its natural beauty, with activities such as sailing and hiking attracting outdoor enthusiasts.

The Baddeck community remains vibrant, hosting annual events, including the Alexander Graham Bell Symposium, which explores Bell's legacy and contributions to various fields. Today, the village stands as a living testament to the enduring impact of its historical figures and the ongoing preservation of its rich heritage.

References

External links
 Alexander Graham Bell National Historic Site
 Visit Baddeck

Baddeck
Victoria County, Nova Scotia

History of Baddeck


Jefferson Jones (1817 – 1879) was a 19th-century American army colonel.  He is best known for his role in leading the secessionist Kingdom of Callaway as its king in the 1860s.

The source of Jones' rank of colonel is uncertain. He does not appear on lists of officers of the United States Army, either regular or volunteer.  He may have had a commission in the Confederate Army or the Missouri State Guard, the latter of which was formed from secessionist Missourians.

The Kingdom of Callaway was a county in Missouri that did not agree with the politics of either side in the American Civil War.  As a result, it went on its own for a time. What made Callaway unique was that the Union general John B. Henderson signed a peace treaty with the Kingdom in October 1861, thus lending legitimacy to its existence.

The Union Army invaded Callaway, and Jones's administration was unable to stop it.

Jones was subsequently captured by Union forces and convicted for treason at a court martial. He was originally sentenced to solitary confinement, but the sentence was reduced to being confined to the limits of St. Louis. He remained in the city for the remainder of the war.

After the war, he was active in Democratic Party politics and was elected a state representative in 1875. He suffered a heart attack while he was giving a speech in 1876 and died in 1879.

References

Strauss, Erwin S., "How to Start Your Own Country." Paladin Press, 1997.

People of Missouri in the American Civil War
American separatists
Self-proclaimed monarchy
1817 births
1879 deaths
Missouri Democrats

Jefferson Jones


A public–private partnership (PPP, 3P, or P3) is a long-term arrangement between a government and private sector institutions. Typically, it involves private capital financing government projects and services up-front, and then drawing revenues from taxpayers and/or users for profit over the course of the PPP contract. Public–private partnerships have been implemented in multiple countries and are primarily used for infrastructure projects. Although they are not necessary, PPPs have been employed for building, equipping, operating and maintaining schools, hospitals, transport systems, and water and sewerage systems.

Cooperation between private actors, corporations and governments has existed since the inception of sovereign states, notably for the purpose of tax collection and colonization. Contemporary "public-private partnerships" came into being around the end of the 20th century. They were aimed at increasing the private sector's involvement in public administration. They were seen by governments around the world as a method of financing new or refurbished public sector assets outside their balance sheet. While PPP financing comes from the private sector, these projects are always paid for either through taxes or by users of the service, or a mix of both. PPPs are structurally more expensive than publicly financed projects because the private sector's higher cost of borrowing, resulting in users or taxpayers footing the bill for disproportionately high interest costs. PPPs also have high transaction costs.

PPPs are controversial as funding tools, largely over concerns that public return on investment is lower than returns for the private funder. PPPs are closely related to concepts such as privatization and the contracting out of government services. The secrecy surrounding their financial details complexifies the process of evaluating whether PPPs have been successful. PPP advocates highlight the sharing of risk and the development of innovation, while critics decry their higher costs and issues of accountability. Evidence of PPP performance in terms of value for money and efficiency, for example, is mixed and often unavailable.

Definition

There is no consensus about how to define a PPP. The term can cover hundreds of different types of long-term contracts with a wide range of risk allocations, funding arrangements, and transparency requirements. The advancement of PPPs, as a concept and a practice, is a product of the new public management of the late 20th century, the rise of neoliberalism, and globalization pressures. Despite there being no formal consensus regarding a definition, the term has been defined by major entities.

For example, The OECD formally defines public-private-partnerships as "long term contractual arrangements between the government and a private partner whereby the latter delivers and funds public services using a capital asset, sharing the associated risks".

According to David L. Weimer and Aidan R. Vining, "A P3 typically involves a private entity financing, constructing, or managing a project in return for a promised stream of payments directly from government or indirectly from users over the projected life of the project or some other specified period of time".

A 2013 study published in State and Local Government Review found that definitions of public-private partnerships vary widely between municipalities: "Many public and private officials tout public-private partnerships for any number of activities, when in truth the relationship is contractual, a franchise, or the load shedding of some previously public service to a private or nonprofit entity." A more general term for such agreements is "shared service delivery", in which public-sector entities join with private firms or non-profit organizations to provide services to citizens.

Debate on privatization

There is a semantic debate pertaining to whether public–private partnerships constitute privatization or not. Some argue that it isn't "privatization" because the government retains ownership of the facility and/or remains responsible for public service delivery. Others argue that they exist on a continuum of privatization; P3s being a more limited form of privatization than the outright sale of public assets, but more extensive than simply contracting-out government services.

Because "privatization" has a negative connotation in some circles, supporters of P3s generally take the position that P3s do not constitute privatization, while P3 opponents argue that they do. The Canadian Union of Public Employees describes P3s as "privatization by stealth".

Origins

Governments have used such a mix of public and private endeavors throughout history.

Muhammad Ali of Egypt utilized "concessions" in the early 1800s to obtain public works for minimal cost while the concessionaires' companies made most of the profits from projects such as railroads and dams. Much of the early infrastructure of the United States was built by what can be considered public-private partnerships. This includes the Philadelphia and Lancaster Turnpike road in Pennsylvania, which was initiated in 1792, an early steamboat line between New York and New Jersey in 1808; many of the railroads, including the nation's first railroad, chartered in New Jersey in 1815; and most of the modern electric grid. In Newfoundland, Robert Gillespie Reid contracted to operate the railways for fifty years from 1898, though originally they were to become his property at the end of the period.

The late 20th and early 21st century saw a clear trend toward governments across the globe making greater use of various PPP arrangements.  Pressure to change the model of public procurement was associated with the neoliberal turn. Instigators of the policy portrayed PPPs as a solution to concerns about the growing level of public debt during the 1970s and 1980s. They sought to encourage private investment in infrastructure, initially on the basis of ideology and accounting fallacies arising from the fact that public accounts did not distinguish between recurrent and capital expenditures.

In 1992, the Conservative government of John Major in the United Kingdom introduced the Private finance initiative (PFI), the first systematic program aimed at encouraging public-private partnerships. The 1992 program focused on reducing the public-sector borrowing requirement, although, as already noted, the effect on public accounts was largely illusory. Initially, the private sector was unenthusiastic about PFI, and the public sector was opposed to its implementation. In 1993, the Chancellor of the Exchequer described its progress as "disappointingly slow". To help promote and implement the policy, Major created institutions staffed with people linked with the City of London, accountancy and consultancy firms who had a vested interest in the success of PFI.

Around the same time, PPPs were being initiated haphazardly in various OECD countries. The first governments to implement them were ideologically neoliberal and short on revenues: they were thus politically and fiscally inclined to try out alternative forms of public procurement. These early PPP projects were usually pitched by wealthy and politically connected business magnates. This explains why each countries experimenting with PPPs started in different sectors. At that time, PPPs were seen as a radical reform of government service provision.

In 1997, the new British government of Tony Blair's Labour Party expanded the PFI but sought to shift the emphasis to the achievement of "value for money", mainly through an appropriate allocation of risk. Blair created Partnerships UK (PUK), a new semi-independent organization to replace the previous pro-PPP government institutions. Its mandate was to promote and implement PFI. PUK was central in making PPPs the "new normal" for public infrastructure procurements in the country. Multiple countries subsequently created similar PPP units based on PUK's model.

While initiated in first world countries, PPPs immediately received significant attention in developing countries. This is because the PPP model promised to bring new sources of funding for infrastructure projects in transition economies, which could translate into jobs and economic growth. However, the lack of investor rights guarantees, commercial confidentiality laws, and dedicated state spending on public infrastructure in these countries made the implementation of public–private partnership in transition economies difficult. PPPs in the countries usually can't rely on stable revenues from user fees either. The World Bank's Public-Private Infrastructure Advisory Forum attempts to mitigate these challenges.

Funding
A defining aspect of many infrastructure P3s is that most of the up-front financing is made through the private sector. The way this financing is done differs significantly by country. For P3s in the UK, bonds are used rather than bank loans. In Canada, P3 projects usually use loans that must be repaid within five years, and the projects are refinanced at a later date. In some types of public-private partnership, the cost of using the service is borne exclusively by the users of the service, for example, by toll road users such as in the case of Toronto's Yonge Street at the dawn of the 19th century, and the more recent Highway 407 in Ontario. In other types (notably the PFI), capital investment is made by the private sector on the basis of a contract with the government to provide agreed-on services, and the cost of providing the services is borne wholly or in part by the government.

Special purpose vehicle

Typically, a private-sector consortium forms a special company called a special-purpose vehicle (SPV) to develop, build, maintain, and operate the asset for the contracted period. In cases where the government has invested in the project, it is typically (but not always) allotted an equity share in the SPV. The consortium is usually made up of a building contractor, a maintenance company, and one or more equity investors. The two former are typically equity holders in the project, who make decisions but are only repaid when the debts are paid, while the latter is the project's creditor (debt holder).

It is the SPV that signs the contract with the government and with subcontractors to build the facility and then maintain it. A typical PPP example would be a hospital building financed and constructed by a private developer and then leased to the hospital authority. The private developer then acts as landlord, providing housekeeping and other non-medical services, while the hospital itself provides medical services.

The SPV links the firms responsible of the building phase and the operating phase together. Hence there is a strong incentives in the building stage to make investments with regard to the operating stage. These investments can be desirable but may also be undesirable (e.g., when the investments not only reduce operating costs but also reduce service quality).

Financial partners
Public infrastructure is a relatively low-risk, high-reward investment, and combining it with complex arrangements and contracts that guarantee and secure the cash flows make PPP projects prime candidates for project financing. The equity investors in SPVs are usually institutional investors such as pension funds, life insurance companies, sovereign wealth and superannuation funds, and banks. Major P3 investors include AustralianSuper, OMERS and Dutch state-owned bank ABN AMRO, which funded the majority of P3 projects in Australia. Wall Street firms have increased their interest in PPP since the 2008 financial crisis.

Government
Government sometimes make in kind contributions to a PPP, notably with the transfer of existing assets. In projects that are aimed at creating public goods, like in the infrastructure sector, the government may provide a capital subsidy in the form of a one-time grant so as to make the project economically viable. In other cases, the government may support the project by providing revenue subsidies, including tax breaks or by guaranteed annual revenues for a fixed period.

Profits
Private monopolies created by PPPs can generate a rent-seeking behavior, which leads to spiraling costs for users and/or taxpayers in the operation phase of the project.

Some public-private partnerships, when the development of new technologies is involved, include profit-sharing agreements. This generally involves splitting revenues between the inventor and the public once a technology is commercialized. Profit-sharing agreements may stand over a fixed period of time or in perpetuity.

P3 justifications
Using PPPs have been justified in various ways over time. Advocates generally argue that PPPs enable the public sector to harness the expertise and efficiencies that the private sector can bring to the delivery of certain facilities and services traditionally procured and delivered by the public sector. On the other hand, critics suggest that PPPs are part of an ideological program that seeks to privatize public services for the profits of private entities.

Off-balance-sheet accounting
PPPs are often structured so that borrowing for the project does not appear on the balance sheet of the public-sector body seeking to make a capital investment. Rather, the borrowing is incurred by the private-sector vehicle implementing the project, with or without an explicit backup guarantee of the loan by the public body. On PPP projects where the cost of using the service is intended to be borne exclusively by the end-user, or through a lease billed to the government every year during the operation phase of the project, the PPP is, from the public sector's perspective, an "off-balance sheet" method of financing the delivery of new or refurbished public-sector assets.

This justification was particularly important during the 1990s, but has been exposed as an accounting trick designed to make the government of the day appear more fiscally responsible, while offloading the costs of their projects to service users or future governments. In Canada, many auditor generals have condemned this practice, and forced governments to include PPP projects "on-balance sheet".

On PPP projects where the public sector intends to compensate the private sector through availability payments once the facility is established or renewed, the financing is, from the public sector's perspective, "on-balance sheet". According to PPP advocates, the public sector will regularly benefit from significantly deferred cash flows. This viewpoint has been contested through research that shows that a majority of PPP projects ultimately cost significantly more than traditional public ones.

In the European Union, the fact that PPP debt is not recorded as debt and remains largely "off-balance-sheet" has become a major concern. Indeed, keeping the PPP project and its contingent liabilities "off balance sheet" means that the true cost of the project is hidden. According to the International Monetary Fund, economic ownership of the asset should determine whether to record PPP-related assets and liabilities in the government's or the private corporation's balance sheet is not straightforward.

Project costs

The effectiveness of PPPs as cost-saving venture has been refuted by numerous studies. Research has showed that on average, governments pay more for PPPs projects than for traditional publicly financed projects. The higher cost of P3s is attributed to these systemic factors:
The private sector's higher cost of capital: governments can typically borrow capital at an interest rate lower than any private company ever could. This is because governments have the power of taxation, which guarantees that they will be able to repay their debts. Since lending to governments almost always come at a lower risk than lending to private entities, governments get better credit and cheaper financing costs for building large infrastructure projects than private finance.
Transaction costs: P3 contracts are much more complex and extensive than contracts made in traditional publicly financed projects. The negotiation of these contracts require the presence of lawyers on all sides of the table and can take months or even years to finalize. Barrie Mckenna reports that "transaction costs for lawyers and consultants [in P3s] add about 3 percent to the final bill."
Operating profits:  Private companies that engage in P3s expect a return on investment after the completion of the project. By financing PPPs, they partner engages in low-risk speculation. Over the course of the contract, the private partner can charge the end-users and/or the government for more money than the cost of the initial investment.

Sometimes, private partners manage to overcome these costs and provide a project cheaper for taxpayers. This can be done by cutting corners, designing the project so as to be more profitable in the operational phase, charging user fees, and/or monetizing aspects of the projects not covered by the contract. For P3 schools in Nova Scotia, this latter aspect has included restricting the use of schools' fields and interior walls, and charging after-hours facility access to community groups at 10 times the rate of non-P3 schools.

In Ontario, a 2012 review of 28 projects showed that the costs were on average 16% lower for traditional publicly procured projects than for PPPs. A 2014 report by the Auditor General of Ontario said that the province overpaid by $8 billion through PPPs.

Value for money

In response to these negative findings about the costs and quality of P3 projects, proponents developed formal procedures for the assessment of PPPs which focused heavily on value for money. Heather Whiteside defines P3 "Value for money" as:Not to be confused with lower overall project costs, value for money is a concept used to evaluate P3 private-partner bids against a hypothetical public sector comparator designed to approximate the costs of a fully public option (in terms of design, construction, financing, and operations). P3 value for money calculations consider a range of costs, the exact nature of which has changed over time and varies by jurisdiction. One thing that does remain consistent, however, is the favoring of "risk transfer" to the private partner, to the detriment of the public sector comparator.Value for money assessment procedures were incorporated into the PFI and its Australian and Canadian counterparts beginning in the late 1990s and early 2000s. A 2012 study showed that value-for-money frameworks were still inadequate as an effective method of evaluating PPP proposals. The problem is that it is unclear what the catchy term "value-for-money" means in the technical details relating to their practical implementation. A Scottish auditor once qualified this use of the term as "technocratic mumbo-jumbo".

Project promoters often contract a PPP unit or one of the Big Four accounting firms to conduct the value for money assessments.  Because these firms also offer PPP consultancy services, they have a vested interest in recommending the PPP option over the traditional public procurement method. The lack of transparency surrounding individual PPP projects makes it difficult to draft independent value-for-money assessments.

A number of Australian studies of early initiatives to promote private investment in infrastructure concluded that in most cases, the schemes being proposed were inferior to the standard model of public procurement based on competitively tendered construction of publicly owned assets. In 2009, the New Zealand Treasury, in response to inquiries by the new National Party government, released a report on PPP schemes that concluded that "there is little reliable empirical evidence about the costs and benefits of PPPs" and that there "are other ways of obtaining private sector finance", as well as that "the advantages of PPPs must be weighed against the contractual complexities and rigidities they entail".

In the United Kingdom, many private finance initiative programs ran dramatically over budget and have not provided value for money for the taxpayer, with some projects costing more to cancel than to complete. An in-depth study conducted by the National Audit Office of the United Kingdom concluded that the private finance initiative model had proved to be more expensive and less efficient in supporting hospitals, schools, and other public infrastructure than public financing. A treasury select committee stated that 'PFI was no more efficient than other forms of borrowing and it was "illusory" that it shielded the taxpayer from risk'.

Transfer of risk

One of the main rationales for P3s is that they provide for a transfer of risk: the Private partner assumes the risks in case of cost overruns or project failures. Methods for assessing value-for-money rely heavily on risk transfers to show the superiority of P3s. However, P3s do not inherently reduce risk, they simply reassign who is responsible, and the Private sector assumes that risk at a cost for the taxpayer. If the value of the risk transfer is appraised too high, then the government is overpaying for P3 projects.

Incidentally, a 2018 UK Parliament report underlines that some private investors have made large returns from PPP deals, suggesting that departments are overpaying for transferring the risks of projects to the private sector, one of the Treasury's stated benefits of PPP.

Supporters of P3s claim that risk is successfully transferred from public to private sectors as a result of P3, and that the private sector is better at risk management. As an example of successful risk transfer, they cite the case of the National Physical Laboratory. This deal ultimately caused the collapse of the building contractor Laser (a joint venture between Serco and John Laing) when the cost of the complex scientific laboratory, which was ultimately built, was very much larger than estimated.

On the other hand, Allyson Pollock argues that in many PFI projects risks are not in fact transferred to the private sector and, based on the research findings of Pollock and others, George Monbiot argues that the calculation of risk in PFI projects is highly subjective, and is skewed to favor the private sector:

Following an incident in the Royal Infirmary of Edinburgh where surgeons were forced to continue a heart operation in the dark following a power cut caused by PFI operating company Consort, Dave Watson from Unison criticized the way the PFI contract operates:

Furthermore, assessments ignore the practices of risk transfers to contractors under traditional procurement methods. As for the idea that the private sector is inherently better at managing risk, there has been no comprehensive study comparing risk management by the public sector and by P3s. Auditor Generals of Quebec, Ontario and New Brunswick have publicly questioned P3 rationales based on a transfer of risk, the latter stating he was "unable to develop any substantive evidence supporting risk transfer decisions". Furthermore, many PPP concessions proved to be unstable and required to be renegotiated to favor the contractor.

Accountability and transparency
One of the main criticisms of public-private partnerships is the lack of accountability and transparency associated with these projects. Part of the reason why evidence of PPP performance is often unavailable is that most financial details of P3s are under the veil of commercial confidentiality provisions, and unavailable to researchers and the public. Around the world, opponents of P3s have launched judicial procedures to access greater P3 project documentation than the limited "bottom line" sheets available on the project's websites. When they are successful, the documents they receive are often heavily redacted.

A 2007 survey of U.S. city managers revealed that communities often fail to sufficiently monitor PPPs: "For instance, in 2002, only 47.3% of managers involved with private firms as delivery partners reported that they evaluate that service delivery. By 2007, that was down to 45.4%. Performance monitoring is a general concern from these surveys and in the scholarly criticisms of these arrangements."

Sectors

Water services

After a wave of privatization of many water services in the 1990s, mostly in developing countries, experiences show that global water corporations have not brought the promised improvements in public water utilities. Instead of lower prices, large volumes of investment, and improvements in the connection of the poor to water and sanitation, water tariffs have increased out of reach of poor households. Water multinationals are withdrawing from developing countries, and the World Bank is reluctant to provide support.

The privatization of the water services of the city of Paris proved to be unwanted, and at the end of 2009 the city did not renew its contract with two of the French water corporations, Suez and Veolia. After a year of being controlled by the public, it is projected that the water tariff will be cut by between 5% and 10%.

In the 2010s, as wastewater treatment plants across North America came of age and needed to be replaced, multiple cities decided to fund the renewal of their water infrastructure through a public-private partnership. Among those cities were Brandenburg, Kentucky, which was the "first local government in Kentucky to execute a public-private partnership under legislation passed in 2016", and Regina, Saskatchewan, which held a referendum on the plant's funding model. The P3 option won out."

Transportation

Another major sector for P3s is transportation. The P3 Transportation sector can be broadly split into five sectors: airports, ports, roads, railways and urban passenger transport (which includes bus, light rail and heavy rail systems).

Many P3s in the United States have been toll road concessions. Transportation projects have accounted for 1/5 of all P3 projects in Canada. Major transportation P3 projects have included the Confederation Bridge linking Prince Edward Island and New Brunswick, the Pocahontas Parkway in Virginia, and the London Underground PPP.

Health services

For more than two decades, public-private partnerships have been used to finance health infrastructure. In Canada, they comprise 1/3 of all P3 projects nationwide. Governments have looked to the PPP model in an attempt to solve larger problems in health care delivery. However, some health-care-related PPPs have been shown to cost significantly more money to develop and maintain than those developed through traditional public procurement.

A health services PPP can be described as a long-term contract (typically 15–30 years) between a public-sector authority and one or more private-sector companies operating as a legal entity. In theory, the agreements entails that the government provides purchasing power and outlines goals for an optimal health system. It then contracts a private enterprise to design, build, maintain, and/or manage the delivery of agreed-upon services over the term of the contract. Finally, the private sector receives payment for its services and assumes additional risk while benefitting from returns on its investments during the operational phase.

A criticism of P3s for Hospitals in Canada is that they result in an "internal bifurcation of authority". This occurs when the facility is operated and maintained by the private sector while the care services are delivered by the public sector. In those cases, the nursing staff cannot request their colleagues from the maintenance staff to clean something (urine, blood, etc.) or to hang workplace safety signs, even if they are standing next to each other, without the approval of the private managers.

In the UK, P3s were used to build hospitals for the National Health Service. In 2017 there were 127 PFI schemes in the English NHS. The contracts vary greatly in size. Most include the cost of running services such as facilities management, hospital portering and patient food, and these amount to around 40% of the cost. Total repayments will cost around £2.1 billion in 2017 and will reach a peak in 2029.  This is around 2% of the NHS budget.

Forestry sector
PPP options in the forest sector can include joint forest management projects between government agencies, various investors and NGOs. USAID promotes the use of P3s to assist the exploitation of certified timber and non-timber products in Third World countries by foreign companies. They claim forestry PPPs are an agent of nature conservation and the sustainable harvesting of commercialized forest products, notwithstanding the fact that it was competition from foreign companies that forced local producers to engage in unsustainable harvesting practices in the first place. Many forestry sector partnerships with NGOs are nothing more than greenwashing operations.

Institutional support
Aside from the support of national governments and financial firms, PPPs are promoted by the following institutions:

PPP units

Public-private partnership units are organizations responsible for promoting, facilitating, and assessing P3s in their territory. They can be government agencies, or semi-independent organizations created with full or part government support. Governments tend to create these units as a response to criticisms of the implementation of P3 projects in their country prior to the creation of the P3 unit. In 2009, 50% of OECD countries had created a centralized PPP unit, and many more of these institutions exist in other countries.

Accounting firms
The "big four" accounting firms of PricewaterhouseCoopers, Deloitte, Ernst & Young, and KPMG have been involved in the public-private partnership model from its inception. Advisors from these companies have been tapped to develop PPP policies and procedures in multiple countries. These companies then went on to evaluate those procedures, appraise individual projects, and act as a consultants for private and public partners in PPP contract negotiations. Accounting firms sometimes even have an equity stake in projects that they appraise the value for money. Due to these conflict of interests, multiple authors have argues that the "big four"'s public project appraisals are biased towards the PPP funding option against the traditional procurement model.

International institutions

The World Bank works to promote Public-private partnerships in countries where it operates. The United Nations' Sustainable Development Goal 17 target 17.17 is formulated as: "Encourage effective partnerships: Encourage and promote effective public, public-private and civil society partnerships, building on the experience and resourcing strategies of partnerships." The success of this target is measured by the amount in United States dollars committed to public-private partnerships for infrastructure worldwide.

United States foreign policy
The American government seeks to promote public-private partnerships around the globe to meet its various foreign policy goals. USAID promoted PPPs with Global Development Alliances and through the Development Credit Authority, which was merged into the Overseas Private Investment Corporation in 2019. The State department also promotes PPPs through its Office of Global Partnerships.

Delivery models

There are many types and delivery models of PPPs, the following is a non-exhaustive list of some of the designs:

Operation and maintenance contract (O & M)
A private economic agent, under a government contract, operates a publicly-owned asset for a specific period of time. Formal, ownership of the asset remains with the public entity. In terms of private-sector risk and involvement, this model is on the lower end of the spectrum for both involvement and risk.

Build–finance (BF)
The private actor builds the asset and finances the cost during the construction period, afterwards the responsibility is handed over to the public entity. In terms of private-sector risk and involvement, this model is again on the lower end of the spectrum for both measures.

Build–operate–transfer (BOT)
Build–operate–transfer represents a complete integration of the project delivery: the same contract governs the design, construction, operations, maintenance, and financing of the project.  After some concessionary period, the facility is transferred back to the owner.

Build–own–operate–transfer (BOOT)
A BOOT structure differs from BOT in that the private entity owns the works. During the concession period, the private company owns and operates the facility with the prime goal to recover the costs of investment and maintenance while trying to achieve a higher margin on the project. BOOT has been used in projects like highways, roads mass transit, railway transport and power generation.

Build–own–operate (BOO)
In a BOO project ownership of the project remains usually with the project company, such as a mobile phone network. Therefore, the private company gets the benefits of any residual value of the project. This framework is used when the physical life of the project coincides with the concession period. A BOO scheme involves large amounts of finance and long payback period. Some examples of BOO projects come from the water treatment plants.

Build–lease–transfer (BLT)
Under BLT, a private entity builds a complete project and leases it to the government. In this way the control over the project is transferred from the project owner to a lessee. In other words, the ownership remains by the shareholders but operation purposes are leased. After the expiry of the leasing the ownership of the asset and the operational responsibility is transferred to the government at a previously agreed price.

Design–build–finance–maintain (DBFM)
"The private sector designs, builds and finances an asset and provides hard facility management or maintenance services under a long-term agreement." The owner (usually the public sector) operates the facility. This model is in the middle of the spectrum for private sector risk and involvement.

Design–build–finance–maintain–operate (DBFMO)
Design–build–finance–operate is a project delivery method very similar to BOOT except that there is no actual ownership transfer. Moreover, the contractor assumes the risk of financing until the end of the contract period. The owner then assumes the responsibility for maintenance and operation. This model is extensively used in specific infrastructure projects such as toll roads. The private construction company is responsible for the design and construction of a piece of infrastructure for the government, which is the true owner. Moreover, the private entity has the responsibility to raise finance during the construction and the exploitation period. Usually, the public sector begins payments to the private sector for use of the asset post-construction. This is the most commonly used model in the EU according to the European Court of Auditors.

Design–build–operate–transfer (DBOT)
This funding option is common when the client has no knowledge of what the project entails. Hence they contracts the project to a company to design, build, operate, and then transfer it. Examples of such projects are refinery constructions.

Design–construct–manage–finance (DCMF)
A private entity is entrusted to design, construct, manage, and finance a facility, based on the specifications of the government. Project cash flows result from the government's payment for the rent of the facility. Some examples of the DCMF model are prisons or public hospitals.

Concession
A concession is a grant of rights, land or property by a government, local authority, corporation, individual or other legal entity. Public services such as water supply may be operated as a concession. In the case of a public service concession, a private company enters into an agreement with the government to have the exclusive right to operate, maintain and carry out investment in a public utility (such as a water privatization) for a given number of years.

Other types
While long-term infrastructure projects compose the bulk of P3s worldwide, other types of Public–private partnerships exist to suit different purposes and actors.

Asset monetization
A form of P3 that became prevalent in American cities during the 21st century are asset monetization arrangements. They concerns a city's revenue-generating assets (parking lots, garage and meters, public lights, toll roads, etc.) and transforms them into financial assets that the city can lease to a private corporation in exchange for covering operation and maintenance. These deals are usually done during periods of financial distress for the city, and the immediate revenues municipalities receive is used to pay down the debt or to fill budget holes. The 2014 Detroit bankruptcy deal included many asset monetization arrangements.

Global public–private partnership

Global public–private partnership (GPPP) is a governance mechanism to foster public-private partnership (PPP) cooperation between an international intergovernmental organisation like the United Nations and private companies. Existing GPPPs strive, among other things, to increase affordable access to non-generic essential drugs and vaccines in developing countries, and to promote handwashing with soap to reduce diarrhoea.

Institutionalised public-private partnership

The European Commission issued an "interpretative communication" in 2008 regarding the establishment of institutionalised public-private partnerships (IPPP), whose formation generally involves simultaneously creating a new jointly-owned public-private entity and the award of a public sector contract or concession whereby the new entity supplies goods or services to the public body or the general public. The Commission acknowledged that separating these two procedures, such that the selection of the private partner and the decision on whether to contract with the new entity were distinct processes, would not be practical, and therefore a "transparent and competitive procedure" through which the private partner was identified and the terms of their involvement in the institutionalised entity could be compliant with treaty obligations and public procurement law. The guidance also noted that, following the establishment of the IPPP entity, it would be free to bid for future public contracts in the same way as other businesses, but particular care would be needed to ensure that the award process remained transparent.

Market-led proposal

Market-led proposals (MLP) are P3s proposed by the private sector. MLP policies encourage private sector firms to make unsolicited P3 infrastructure project proposals to the government, instead of putting the onus on the state to propose each projects. During the 2010s, MLP policies were implemented in most Australian states and territories. Amy Sarcevic from Informa Australia notes that "to date, market-led proposals have had a relatively high failure rate".

Public–private–community partnerships
Public–private partnerships with non-profits and private partners, sometimes called Public–private–community partnerships (PPCPs), are a modified version of the PPP model designed for the needs of Third world countries. They were notably proposed by the Asian Development Bank as early as 1991 as an "institutional reform ... to facilitate the participation of individuals, CBOs [community based organizations], other NGOs and the private sector" so that they become "actively involved in planning and management".

Social impact bond
Social impact bonds (also called pay for success bonds) are "a public-private partnership which funds effective social services through a performance-based contract", according to Social Finance's definition. They operate over a fixed period of time, but they do not offer a fixed rate of return. Generally, repayment to investors is contingent upon a specified social outcome being achieved. A similar system, development impact bonds, is being implemented in developing countries.

See also
Privatization
Public-private partnerships by country
Industry funding of academic research
Government procurement
Top 100 Contractors of the U.S. federal government
Sustainable procurement
Build–operate–transfer
Economic conversion

References

Further reading

 Abou-bakr, A (2013), Managing Disasters Through Public–Private Partnerships, Georgetown University Press.
 Burnett, M. "PPP – A decision maker's guide", European Institute of Public Administration, 2007
 Chinchilla, C. "El nuevo contrato de colaboración entre el setor público y el sector privado", Revista Española de Derecho Administrativo nº 132 (2006)
 Delmon, Jeff "Private Sector Investment in Infrastructure: Project finance, PPP projects and risk," Kluwer, 2009.
 Delmon, Jeff "Public Private Partnership Programs: Creating a framework for private sector investment in infrastructure, Kluwer, 2014.

 Monera Frédéric, Les financements innovants de services et de projets publics, Revue de la Recherche Juridique – Droit prospectif, PUAM, 2005–1, p. 337 & s.
 Moszoro M., Gasiorowski P. (2008), 'Optimal Capital Structure of Public–Private Partnerships', IMF Working Paper 1/2008.
 Colman, J. (2002), 'Mumbo jumbo...and other pitfalls:Evaluating PFI/PPP projects', National Audit Office PFI / PPP Conference "Bringing about beneficial change, London, May.
 Economic Planning Advisory Commission (EPAC) (1995), 'Final Report of the Private Infrastructure Task Force', Australian Government Publishing Service, Canberra.
 Economic Planning Advisory Commission (EPAC) (1995), 'Interim Report of the Private Infrastructure Task Force', Australian Government Publishing Service, Canberra.
 Harris, A. C. (1996), 'Financing infrastructure: private profits from public losses', Audit Office of NSW, Public Accounts Committee, Parliament of NSW, Conference, Public/Private infrastructure financing: Still feasible?, Sydney, September.
 Hart, Oliver (2003). "Incomplete contracts and public ownership: Remarks, and an application to public‐private partnerships". Economic Journal 113: C69-C76.

 House of Representatives Standing Committee on Communications Transport and Microeconomic Reform (1997), 'Planning not Patching: An Inquiry Into Federal Road Funding', The Parliament of the Commonwealth of Australia, Australian Government Publishing Service, Canberra.
 Industry Commission (1996), 'Competitive Tendering and Contracting by Public Sector Agencies', Australian Government Publishing Service, Canberra.

 Loxley, J. (2010). Public service, private profits: the political economy of public/private partnerships in Canada. Fernwood Publishing. 224 p.
 Minnow, Martha and Jody Freeman (2009), Government By Contract: Outsourcing and American Democracy, Harvard U.P.
 MSI Integrity. (2020). "Not Fit-for-Purpose The Grand Experiment of Multi-Stakeholder Initiatives in Corporate Accountability, Human Rights and Global Governance." San Francisco: Institute for Multi-Stakeholder Initiative Integrity

 Möric, K. (2009), 'Les partenariats public-privé – le choix du partenaire privé au regard du droit communautaire, Editions Larcier, 264 p.

 Quiggin, J. (1996), 'Private sector involvement in infrastructure projects', Australian Economic Review, 1st quarter, 51–64.

 Spackman, M. (2002), 'Public–private partnerships: lessons from the British approach', Economic Systems, 26(3), 283–301.
 Strauch, L. (2009), 'Public Private Partnership in European Road Infrastructure: PPP as Investment Asset Following the M6 Road Project in Hungary', VDM.
 Talibdjanov, N. and Koshnazarov, S. UNDP & Chamber of Commerce and Industry of Uzbekistan, Public-Private Partnership in Uzbekistan: Problems, Opportunities and Ways of Introduction (2008–2009)
 Venkat Raman, A. and J. W. Bjorkman (2009), 'Public-Private Partnerships in Health Care in India: Lessons for Developing Countries'. London. Routledge.
 Whiteside, H. (2015). Purchase for profit: public-private partnerships and Canada's public health-care system. University of Toronto Press.

Government finances
Public economics
Government procurement
Privatization
Construction management

Public–private partnership


Arbutus is a genus of flowering plants in the Ericaceae family. There are 12 species, which mostly grow around the Mediterranean, and in Central America. The type species is Arbutus unedo, which is known as strawberry tree in English. All species are either trees or shrubs.

Certain Lepidoptera species use Arbutus as food. Some species are cultivated as ornamental plants outside their range.

Ericaceae

Arbutus


Joseph Vernon Fougère (May 20, 1943 – June 18, 2013) was a Canadian prelate of the Roman Catholic Church. He was the 12th Bishop of Charlottetown.

Born in Petit-de-Grat, Nova Scotia, Fougère attended Saint Francis Xavier University for his undergraduate education and completed his theological studies at the Grand Séminaire de Montréal where he was awarded a Doctor of Divinity. He was ordained a priest for the Diocese of Antigonish in 1969. Fougère served seven years with the Diocesan Mission in Honduras while still in the priesthood in Nova Scotia.

While in Latin America, Fougère served on the Council of Priests for the Archdiocese of Tegucigalpa and carried out extensive work forming Delegados de la Palabra (Ministers of the Word). Following further education at the Jesuit Theological Union at the University of California, Fougère returned to Nova Scotia where he served in a number of parishes before being appointed Vicar General and Director of Pastoral Services for the Diocese of Antigonish in 1988. Fougère also served as Chair of the Council of Priests for the Diocese of Antigonish and served on the Board of Governors for Saint Francis Xavier University.

On December 11, 1991, Pope John Paul II appointed Father Fougère the twelfth Bishop of Charlottetown. Fougère was consecrated and installed as Bishop of Charlottetown at St. Dunstan's Basilica on March 19, 1992.  As Bishop of Charlottetown, Fougère served as a member of the National Council of the Canadian Catholic Organization for Development and Peace and was appointed to the Board of Directors of the Catholic Mission in Canada for the year 2000.

Bishop Fougère resigned his post on July 11, 2009, citing health reasons, becoming Bishop Emeritus. Pope Benedict XVI appointed Bishop Richard Grecco as his replacement.  Bishop Fougère died on June 18, 2013, at the Queen Elizabeth Hospital in Charlottetown, Prince Edward Island, aged 70.

References

External links
The official website of the Diocese of Charlottetown
Bishop Joseph Vernon Fougère at catholic-hierarchy.org

Roman Catholic bishops of Charlottetown
St. Francis Xavier University alumni
Acadian people
People from Richmond County, Nova Scotia
1943 births
2013 deaths
Canadian expatriates in Honduras

Vernon Fougère


Tamgaly () is a petroglyph site in the Zhetysu of Kazakhstan.
Tamgaly became a UNESCO World Heritage Site in 2004.
Tamgaly is located 170 km (by road) northwest of Almaty.

The earliest of the petroglyphs of Tamgaly date from the Bronze Age (about 3,000 years ago), when the area was populated by the precursors to the Saka/Scythian people, and the most recent from the 18th or 19th century.

Description
There are approximately 5,000 petroglyphs at Tamgaly distributed among 48 sites. Five of the most important sites, designated I, II, III, IV, and V, contain approximately 3,000 of the glyphs.  These five sites are concentrated in the small Tamgaly canyon.  Another 22 sites of secondary importance contain from 50 to 100 representations each.  The remaining sites contain from 1 to 50 figures each and are widely distributed in area.

The Tamgaly petroglyphs represent work of four different epochs.

Middle Bronze Age glyphs have the greatest aesthetic and cultural value.  Image sizes average around 25 to 30 cm with exceptional images reaching 0.7 to 1.0 meters in size.  They were developed primarily by picking with an engraving depth of 3 to 5 mm.  They tend to have a naturalistic allure with the range of images including anthropomorphic, zoomorphic, and syncretic subjects.  Examples include solar deities (sun-heads), disguised personages, men with clubs, archers with wolf masks, worshippers, armed warriors, animal and human sacrifices, erotic scenes, birthing women, chariots, bulls, asses, horses, camels, boars, wolves, deer, etc.  Some of the animalistic images represent species that are extinct today.

Late Bronze Age and transitional period glyphs have less variety and are less technically rendered.  They are picked to a depth of one to two millimeters.  Average size is less than 15 cm.  Complex subjects are rare.  Horses, bulls, and wild animals remain but with more scenes of pastoral life added.

Early Iron Age glyphs are the most quantitatively numerous at Tamgaly. These examples are not as homogenous in style, quality, or subject as those from the earlier periods.  They were created by a wider variety of peoples and tribes.  The hunt of wild animals and chase of deer and goats by predators are still common.

Middle Ages and modern time petroglyphs are fewer in number with only about 300 images.  Scenes include dueling warriors.  Hunting scenes tend to have more emphasis on the hunter rather than the prey.  More emphasis is placed on banners, weapons, and horse equipment.  Figures are more superficially engraved and many are made as additions to earlier glyphs.  Locations of the engravings are less prominent.

The name Tamgaly in Kazakh and other Turkic languages means "painted or marked place".

See also
 List of World Heritage Sites in Kazakhstan

Gallery

References

External links

 "Petroglyphs within the Archaeological Landscape of Tamgaly" UNESCO
 Goryachev, A. A. and Mariyashev, A. N. (2000) "Petrogliphs of Semirechye"; [Access to this URL no longer possible]
 "Semirechye Petroglifleri", in Turkish, from WebArchive;

Rock art in Asia
World Heritage Sites in Kazakhstan
Buildings and structures in Almaty Region

Tanbaly