Eastern Borderlands () or simply Borderlands (, ) was a term coined for the eastern part of the Second Polish Republic during the interwar period (1918–1939). Largely agricultural and extensively multi-ethnic with a Polish minority, it amounted to nearly half of the territory of interwar Poland. Historically situated in the eastern Polish–Lithuanian Commonwealth, following the 18th-century foreign partitions it was divided between the Empires of Russia and Austria-Hungary, and ceded to Poland in 1921 after the Treaty of Riga. As a result of the post-World War II border changes, all of the territory was ceded to the USSR, and none of it is in modern Poland.

The Polish plural term  corresponds to the Russian okrainy (), meaning "the border regions". During the existence of the Polish–Lithuanian Commonwealth,  only referred to the borderlands of the Kingdom of Poland and not the Grand Duchy of Lithuania.  is also largely co-terminous with the northern areas of the Pale of Settlement, a scheme devised by Catherine II of Russia to limit Jews from settling in the homogenously Christian Orthodox core of the Russian Empire, such as Moscow and Saint Petersburg. The Pale was established after the Second Partition of Poland and lasted until the Russian Revolution in 1917, when the Russian Empire ceased to exist. In the aftermath of the Polish wars against Ukraine, Lithuania and Soviet Russia, the latter of which was ended by the Treaty of Riga, large parts of the Austrian and Russian partitions became part of Poland. As many as 12 million inhabitants lived in the Eastern Borderlands, but ethnic Poles only were a third of that population, with another third being Ukrainian. Most small towns in the Borderlands were shtetls.

Administratively, the Eastern Borderlands territory was composed of Lwów, Nowogródek, Polesie, Stanisławów, Tarnopol, Wilno, Wołyń, and Białystok voivodeships (provinces). Today, all these regions are divided between Western Ukraine, Western Belarus, and south-eastern Lithuania, with the major cities of Lviv, Vilnius, and Grodno no longer in Poland. During the Second Polish Republic, the Eastern Borderlands denoted the lands beyond the Curzon Line proposed after World War I in December 1919 by the British Foreign Office as the eastern border of the re-emerging sovereign Polish Republic, after over a century of partition. In September 1939, after Germany invaded Poland and follow-up invasion by Soviet Union, in accordance with Molotov–Ribbentrop Pact all Eastern Borderlands territories were incorporated into the Soviet republics of Ukraine, Belarus and Lithuania, often by means of terror.

Soviet territorial annexations during World War II were later ratified by the Allies at the Conferences of Tehran, Yalta and Potsdam and most of Poles here were expelled after the end of World War II in Europe. After the dissolution of the Soviet Union in 1991, there was no change to the post-World War II borders. Despite the former provinces of the Eastern Borderlands no longer being part of Poland, a Polish minority remains.

Etymology

The Polish word  ("borderlands") is the plural form of the word  meaning 'edge'. According to , it is "a medieval borrowing from the German word ", which in the Middle Ages meant  ("borderline, delineation or circumscribed territory"). Samuel Linde in his Dictionary of the Polish Language gives a different etymology of the term. According to him,  meant the borderline between Poland and the Crimean Khanate, in the region of the lower Dnieper. The term  appeared for the first time in literature in  poems, "" (1854) and "". Pol claimed that Kresy was the line between the Dniester and Dnieper rivers, neighbouring the Tatar borderland. Coincidentally in relation to Jewish settlement in the macro region, the notion of the pale is an archaic English term derived from the Latin word , (which in Polish exists as pal and also means a stake), extended in this instance to mean the area enclosed by a fence or boundary.

At the beginning of the 20th century, the meaning of the term expanded to include the lands of the former eastern provinces of the Polish–Lithuanian Commonwealth, east of the  line. In the Second Polish Republic,  equated to historically Polish settled lands to the east of the notional Curzon line. Currently, the term applies to all the eastern lands of the Second Polish Republic that are no longer within the frontiers of modern Poland, together with lands further east, that had been integral to the Commonwealth before 1772, and where Polish communities continue to exist.

History
Polish eastern settlements date back to the dawn of Poland as a state. In 1018, King Bolesław I the Brave invaded Kievan Rus' (see Bolesław I's intervention in the Kievan succession crisis, 1018), capturing Kyiv, and annexing the Cherven Cities. In 1340, Red Ruthenia came under Polish control, which intensified defensive Polish settlement and the introduction of Catholicism. After the Union of Lublin 1569, more Polish settlers moved into the eastern borderlands of the vast Polish–Lithuanian Commonwealth. Most of them came from the Polish provinces of Mazovia and Lesser Poland. They had moved gradually eastwards settling in sparsely populated areas, inhabited by earlier inhabitants such as Lithuanians and Ruthenians. Moreover, the indigenous upper classes of Kresy accepted Polish religion, culture and language, resulting in their assimilation and Polonization.

The Partitions of Poland
The year 1772 marked the first partition of the Commonwealth of the Kingdom of Poland and the Grand Duchy of Lithuania (see Partitions of Poland). By 1795, the whole eastern half of the state had been annexed by the Russian Empire in concert with the Habsburgs and Prussia's Hohenzollerns. The dramatic westward expansion of the Russian Empire through the annexation of Polish-Lithuanian territory substantially increased the new "Russian" Jewish population. Kresy and the superimposed Pale, in the former Polish and Lithuanian territories, had a Jewish population of over five million, and represented the largest community (40%) of the world Jewish population at that time.

From the Polish perspective, the lands came to be called the "Stolen Lands". Even though Poles were a minority in those areas, owing to forced depopulation, the "Stolen Lands" remained an integral part of Polish national identity, with Polish cultural centres and seats of learning in Vilnius University, Jan Kazimierz University and Krzemieniec Lyceum among many others. Since many local educated inhabitants had actively participated in Polish–Lithuanian national insurgencies (November Uprising, January Uprising), the Russian authorities resorted to intensified persecution, confiscations of property and land, penal deportation to Siberia, and the systematic attempt at Russification of Poles and their traditional culture and institutions.

The Pale of Settlement

From the Russian perspective the "Pale of Settlement" included all of Belarus, Lithuania and Moldova, much of present-day Ukraine, parts of eastern Latvia, eastern Poland, and some parts of western Russia, generally corresponding to the  macroregion and the modern-day western border of Russia. It extended from the eastern pale, or demarcation line, to the Russian border with the Kingdom of Prussia (later the German Empire) and Austria-Hungary. It also comprised about 20% of the territory of European Russia and largely corresponded to historical lands of the former Polish–Lithuanian Commonwealth, Cossack Hetmanate, and the Ottoman Empire (with Crimean Khanate).

The area included in the Pale, with its large Roman Catholic, Eastern Catholic and Jewish populations, was acquired through a series of military conquests and diplomatic manoeuvres, between 1654 and 1815. While the religious nature of the edicts creating the Pale is clear: conversion to Russian Orthodoxy, the state religion, released individuals from the strictures - historians argue that the motivations for its creation and maintenance were primarily economic and nationalistic in nature.

Economic decline of Kresy

The Russian Empire had abandoned Kresy to decline as a vast rural backwater after the original Polish–Lithuanian landowners had been disposed of in the wake of insurrections and the Abolition of serfdom in Poland in 1864. The devastation of country estates put a halt to large scale economic activity which had depended on agriculture, forestry, brewing and small scale industries. Paradoxically, the Southern Kresy (present-day Ukraine) was famous for its fertile soil and was known as the "bread basket of Europe". Towards the end of the 19th century, the decline was so acute that trade and food supplies became problematic and large scale emigration from towns and villages began as Jewish communities, in particular, began heading West, to Europe and the United States. By the time of a newly resurgent Polish state, the provinces had been additionally disadvantaged by having the lowest literacy levels in the country, since education had not been compulsory during Russian rule. The regions had suffered a legacy of decades of neglect and underinvestment so were generally less economically developed than the western parts of interwar Poland.

Between the World Wars
The years 1918–1921 were especially turbulent for , due to the resurgence of the Polish nation-state and the formation of new borders. At that time, Poland had fought three wars to establish its eastern frontier: with Ukraine, Lithuania and Soviet Russia. In all three conflicts, Poland made territorial conquests, and as a result, it seized territories east of the Curzon line that were previously conquered by Russia, in addition to the land formerly part of the Austrian Galicia. The  was the most war-devasted area in the whole of interwar Poland. The region later formed the eastern provinces of the Second Polish Republic.

Territories included in the  during the interbellum period comprised the eastern parts of the Voivodeships of Lwów and Białystok and the whole of the Nowogródek, Polesie, Stanisławów, Tarnopol, Wilno, Wołyń Voivodeships. The Polish government undertook an active policy of Polonizing the  to alter its ethnic profile in favour of the Poles. One of the ways to do so was through the Osadnik colonists. These military colonists were one of the most "emotionalized" parts of the Polish government's policy in the  and elicited opposition from the locals. The German historian  said that the  were "the poorhouse of Poland", while the Yad Vashem historian Leonid Rein even wrote that "it would not be a great exaggeration to say it was the poor-house of the whole of Europe." This led to frequent conflicts with Ukrainian nationalists in the southeastern part of , which led to the pacification of Ukrainians in Eastern Galicia.

Numerous Polish communities continued to live beyond the eastern border of the Second Polish Republic, especially around Minsk, Zhytomyr and Berdychiv. In the late 1920s and early 1930s, the Soviet authorities created two Polish National District in Belarus and Ukraine, but during the Polish Operation of the NKVD, most of the Poles in those areas were murdered, while those remaining were forcibly resettled in Kazakhstan (see also Poles in the Soviet Union).

During and after World War II

As a consequence of the Molotov–Ribbentrop Pact, on 17 September 1939, the Kresy territories were annexed by the Soviet Union (see Soviet invasion of Poland), and a significant part of the ethnic Polish population of Kresy was deported to other areas of the Soviet Union including Siberia and Kazakhstan. The new border between Nazi Germany and the Soviet Union was re-designated by the German–Soviet Boundary and Friendship Treaty, signed on 29 September 1939. After the elections to the People's Assemblies of Western Ukraine and Western Belarus, communist governments for Western Ukraine and Western Belarus were formed and immediately announced their intention of joining their respective republics to the Soviet Union (see also Territories of Poland annexed by the Soviet Union). After the German invasion of the USSR, the southeastern part of Kresy was absorbed into Greater Germany's General Government, whereas the rest was integrated with the Reichskommissariats Ostland and Ukraine. In 1943–1944, units of the Ukrainian Insurgent Army, with the help of Ukrainian peasants, carried out mass exterminations of Poles living in southeastern  (see Massacres of Poles in Volhynia and Eastern Galicia).

In January 1944, Soviet troops had reached the former Polish–Soviet border, and by the end of July 1944, they again re-annexed the whole territory that had been taken by the USSR in September 1939 into their control. During the Tehran Conference in 1943, a new Soviet-Polish border was established, in effect sanctioning most of the Soviet territorial acquisitions of September 1939 (except for some areas around Białystok and Przemyśl), ignoring protests from the Polish government-in-exile in London. The Potsdam Conference, via substantive recognition of the pro-Soviet Polish Committee of National Liberation, implicitly consented to the deportation of Polish people from  (see Polish population transfers (1944–1946)). Most Polish inhabitants of Kresy were ordered by the Soviets to migrate west to Germany's former eastern provinces, newly emptied of their German population and renamed as the "Recovered Territories" of the Polish People's Republic, based on Polish medieval settlement of the areas. Poles from the southern  (now Ukraine) were forced to settle mainly in Silesia, while those from the north (Belarus and Lithuania) moved to Pomerania and Masuria. Polish residents of Lwów settled not only in Wrocław, but also in Gliwice and in Bytom. Those cities had not been destroyed during the war. They were relatively closer to the new eastern border of Poland, which could become significant in case of a sudden hoped for a return to the East.

Frequently, whole Kresy villages and towns were deported in a single rail transport to new locations in the west. For instance, the village of Biała, near Chojnów, is still divided into two parts: Lower Biała and Upper Biała. Lower Biała was settled by people who used to live in a Bieszczady village of Polana near Ustrzyki Dolne (this area belonged to the Soviet Union until 1951: see 1951 Polish–Soviet territorial exchange), while inhabitants of the village Pyszkowce near Buczacz moved to Upper Biała. Every year in September, Biała is the scene of an annual festival called Kresowiana. In Szczecin and Polish West Pomerania, in the immediate postwar period, one-third of Polish settlers were either people from Kresy or Sybiraks. In 1948, people born in the Eastern Borderlands made up 47.5% of the population of Opole, 44.7% of Baborów, 47.5% of Wołczyn, 42.1% of Głubczyce, 40.1% of Lewin Brzeski, and 32.6% of Brzeg. In 2011, people with Kresy background made up 25% of the population of the Opole Voivodeship. The town of Jasień was settled by people from the area of Ternopil in late 1945 and early 1946, while Poles from Borschiv moved to Trzcińsko-Zdrój and Chojna. The situation was completely different in Wschowa and its county. In 1945–1948, more than 8,000 people moved there. They came from different areas of the  — Ashmyany, Stanislawow, Równe, Lwów, Brody, Dzyatlava District, and Ternopil.

Altogether, between 1944 and 1946, more than a million Poles from the  were moved to the Recovered Territories, including 150,000 from the area of Wilno, 226,300 from Polesia, 133,900 from Volhynia, 5,000 from Northern Bukovina, and 618,200 from Eastern Galicia. The so-called First Repatriation of Poles (1944–1946) was carried out in a chaotic, disorganized way. People had to spend weeks, even months at railroad stations, waiting for transport. During that time, they were robbed of their belongings by either locals, Soviet soldiers or Soviet rail workers. For lack of railroad cars, in Lithuania at some point the "one-suitcase policy" was introduced, which meant that Poles had to leave behind all their belongings. They travelled in freight or open wagons, and the journeys were long and dangerous, as there was no protection from the military or the police. In the years 1955–1959, the second mass repatriation of Poles from  took place. As a result, in the years 1945–1960, over 2 million Polish people left . About  more remained in the  after 1960 (especially in the territories of the Lithuanian SSR and the Byelorussian SSR). Even today, Poles constitute the majority of inhabitants in many regions in the Grodno and Vilnius regions.

In the immediate postwar period, Polish Communists, who ceded the Eastern Borderlands to the Soviet Union, were universally regarded as traitors, and Władysław Gomułka, First Secretary of the Polish Workers' Party, was fully aware of it. People who moved from the East to the Recovered Territories talked amongst themselves about their return to Lwów and other eastern locations, and the German return to Silesia, as a result of World War III, in which Western Allies would defeat the Soviets. One of the adages of the postwar period was: "Just one atom bomb, and we will be back in Lwów again.
Just second one is small but strong and we will be back in Wilno again." ("Jedna bomba atomowa i wrócimy znów do Lwowa. Druga mała, ale silna i wrócimy znów do Wilna").   Polish settlers in former German areas were insecure about their future there until the 1970s (see Kniefall von Warschau). Eastern settlers did not feel at home in Lower Silesia, and as a result, they did not care about the machinery, households and farms abandoned by Germans. Lubomierz in 1945 was in good condition, but in the following years, Polish settlers from the area of Chortkiv in Podolia let it run down and become a ruin. The Germans were aware of it. In 1959, German sources wrote that Lower Silesia had been ruined by the Poles. Zdzisław Mach, a sociologist from the Jagiellonian University, explains that when Poles were forced to resettle in the West, which they resented, they had to leave the land they considered sacred and move to areas inhabited by the enemy. In addition, Communist authorities did not initially invest in the Recovered Territories because, like the settlers, for a long time they were unsure about the future of these lands. As Mach says, people in Western Poland for years lived "on their suitcases", with all their belongings packed in case of return to the East.

Interwar population
The population of  was multi-ethnic, primarily comprising Poles, Ukrainians, Jews and Belarusians. According to official Polish statistics from the interwar period, Poles formed the largest linguistic group in these regions, and were demographically the largest ethnic group in the cities. Other national minorities included Lithuanians and Karaites (in the north), Jews (scattered in cities and towns across the area), Czechs and Germans (in Volhynia and East Galicia), Armenians and Hungarians (in Lviv) and also Russians and Tatars.

The proportions of different native languages in each voivodeship in 1931, according to the Polish census of 1931, were as follows:
Lwów Voivodeship; 58% Polish, 34% Ukrainian, 8% Yiddish
Nowogródek Voivodeship; 53% Polish, 39% Belarusian, 7% Yiddish, 1% Russian
Polesie Voivodeship; 63% "Other" or Tutejszy (Polesian and other dialects), 14% Polish, 10% Yiddish, 6% Belarusian, 5% Ukrainian
Stanisławów Voivodeship; 69% Ukrainian, 23% Polish, 7% Yiddish, 1% German
Tarnopol Voivodeship; 50% Polish, 45% Ukrainian, 5% Yiddish
Wilno Voivodeship; 60% Polish, 23% Belarusian, 8% Yiddish, 3% Russian, 8% Other (including Lithuanian)
 Wołyń Voivodeship; 68% Ukrainian, 17% Polish, 10% Yiddish, 2% German, 1% Russian, 2% Other
Białystok Voivodeship; 71% Polish, 13% Belarusian, 11% Yiddish, 3% Russian, 2% Other

In addition to ethnic Poles in former eastern Poland, there were also large Polish communities in the USSR and in the Baltic states. Polish population east of the Curzon Line before World War II can be estimated by adding together figures for Former Eastern Poland and for pre-1939 Soviet Union:

Largest cities and towns

In 1931, according to the Polish National Census, the ten largest cities in Polish Eastern Borderlands were: Lwów (pop. 312,200), Wilno (pop. 195,100), Stanisławów (pop. 60,000), Grodno (pop. 49,700), Brześć nad Bugiem (pop. 48,400), Borysław (pop. 41,500), Równe (pop. 40,600), Tarnopol (pop. 35,600), Łuck (pop. 35,600) and Kołomyja (pop. 33,800).

In addition, Daugavpils (pop. 43,200 in 1930) in inter-war Latvia was also a major Polish community with 21% ethnic Polish inhabitants.

Polish minority after World War II
Despite the expulsion of most of ethnic Poles from the Soviet Union between 1944 and 1958, the Soviet census of 1959 still counted around 1.5 million ethnic Poles remaining in the USSR:

According to a more recent census, there were about 295,000 Poles in Belarus in 2009 (3.1% of the Belarus population).

Notable people

A number of influential figures in Polish history were born in the area of kresy (note: the redirected list does not include Poles born in the cities of Lwów (Lviv), and Wilno (Vilnius) - see List of Leopolitans, List of people from Vilnius). The family of former President of Poland, Bronisław Komorowski, allegedly hails from northern Lithuania. The mother of Bogdan Zdrojewski, Minister of Culture and National Heritage is from Boryslav, and the father of former First Lady Jolanta Kwaśniewska was born in Wołyń, where his sister was murdered in 1943 by the Ukrainian nationalists.

Cradle of Polish culture

Since some of the most distinguished names of Polish literature and music were born in , e.g. Mikołaj Rej, Adam Mickiewicz, Juliusz Słowacki, Karol Szymanowski or Czesław Miłosz, Eastern Borderlands have featured repeatedly in the Polish Literary canon. Mickiewicz's Pan Tadeusz begins with the Polish language invocation, "O Lithuania, my fatherland, thou art like good health...." Other notable works located in , are Nad Niemnem, Sanatorium Under the Sign of the Hourglass, With Fire and Sword, Fire in the Steppe. In Communist Poland, all -related topics, such as Poland's eastern centuries old heritage, including ecclesiastical architecture, country houses and stately homes down to the Massacres of Poles in Wołyń were banned from publication for Soviet propaganda reasons, because these lands now belonged to the Soviet Union. In official documents, people born in the Eastern Borderlands were declared as born in the Soviet Union, and very few -themed books or films were passed by the state censor at that time.  One of the exceptions was the immensely popular comedy trilogy by Sylwester Chęciński (Sami swoi from 1967, Nie ma mocnych from 1974, and Kochaj albo rzuć from 1977). The trilogy tells the story of two quarreling families, who after the end of the Second World War were resettled from current Western Ukraine to Lower Silesia, after Poland was shifted westwards.

After the collapse of the Communist system, the old  returned as a Polish cultural theme in the form of historical polemics. Numerous books and albums were published about the Eastern Borderlands, frequently with original photos from the prewar era. Examples of such publications include:

 Roman Aftanazy. Dzieje rezydencji na dawnych kresach Rzeczypospolitej. Wrocław: Wydawnictwo Ossolineum, 1991–1997. History of Residences in Poland's Former Eastern Borderlands, (1991–1997), listing and describing in a monumental eleven volume work the cultural heritage contained in the myriad estates and grand residences in the once Polish Kresy and Inflanty regions.
 Kresy in Photos of Henryk Poddębski, published in May 2010 in Lublin, with a foreword by people with a  background - Anna Seniuk, Krzesimir Dębski and Maciej Płażyński
 The World of Kresy, with numerous photos, postcards and maps
 Sentimental Journeys. Travel across Kresy with Andrzej Wajda and Daniel Olbrychski
 The Encyclopedia of Kresy, with 3600 articles, and foreword by another famous person from , Stanisław Lem. Articles about the Eastern Borderlands frequently appear in Polish newspapers and magazines. The local office of Gazeta Wyborcza in Wrocław in late 2010 began a Kresy Family Album, stories and photos of those who were forced to move from the East.

In the first half of 2011, Rzeczpospolita daily published a series called "The Book of Eastern Borderlands" (Księga kresów wschodnich). The July 2012 issue of the Uważam Rze Historia magazine was dedicated to the Eastern Borderlands and their importance in Polish history and culture.

Present day

The territory known to Poles as  is now partitioned off between the states of Ukraine, Belarus and Lithuania. Ethnic Poles still live in those areas: in Lithuania, they are the largest ethnic minority in the country (see Poles in Lithuania), in Belarus, they are the second largest ethnic minority in the country after Russians (see Poles in Belarus), and in Ukraine, they officially number 144,130, but some Polish organizations claim that the number of Poles in Ukraine may be as many as 2 million, most of them assimilated. (see Poles in Ukraine). Furthermore, there is a 50,000 Polish minority in Latvia. In Lithuania and Belarus, Poles are more numerous than in Ukraine. This is the result of the Polish population transfers (1944–1946) as well as Massacres of Poles in Volhynia. Those Poles who survived the slaughter begged for the opportunity to emigrate.

Many Polish organizations are active in the former Eastern Borderlands, such as the Association of Poles in Ukraine, Association of Polish Culture of the Lviv Land, the Federation of Polish Organizations in Ukraine, Union of Poles in Belarus, and the Association of Poles in Lithuania. There are Polish sports clubs (Pogoń Lwów, FK Polonia Vilnius), newspapers (Gazeta Lwowska, Kurier Wileński), radio stations (in Lviv and Vilnius), many theatres, schools, choirs and folk ensembles. Poles living in Kresy are helped by a government-sponsored organization Fundacja Pomoc Polakom na Wschodzie, and by other organizations, such as the Association of Help of Poles in the East Kresy (see also Karta Polaka). Money is frequently collected to help those Poles who live in Kresy, and there are several annual events, such as "Christmas Package for a Polish Veteran in Kresy", and "Summer with Poland", sponsored by Association "Polish Community", in which Polish children from Kresy are invited to visit Poland. Polish language handbooks and films, as well as medicines and clothes are collected and sent to Kresy. Books are most often sent to Polish schools which exist there — for example, in December 2010, University of Wrocław organized an event called "Become a Polish Santa Claus and Give a Book to a Polish Child in Kresy". Polish churches and cemeteries (such as Cemetery of the Defenders of Lwów) are renovated with money from Poland. For example, in Nysa, money is collected to renovate the Roman Catholic church in Łopatyn near Lviv, while residents of Oława collect funds to renovate the church in Sasiv, also in the area of Lviv. Also, physicians from Kraków's organization Doctors of Hope regularly visit Eastern Borderlands, and the Polish Ministry of Education runs a special program, which sends Polish teachers to the former Soviet Union. In 2007, more than 700 teachers worked in the East, most of them in Kresy. Studio East of Polish TV Wrocław organizes an event called "Save your grandfather's tomb from oblivion" (Mogiłę pradziada ocal od zapomnienia), during which students from Lower Silesia visit Western Ukraine, to clean Polish cemeteries there. In July 2011, about 150 students cleaned 16 cemeteries in the areas of Lviv, Ternopil, Podolia and Pokuttya.

Despite wars and ethnic cleansing many treasures of Polish culture still remain in the East. In Vilnius, there is the Wróblewski Library, with 160,000 volumes and 30,000 manuscripts, which now belong to the Lithuanian Academy of Sciences. In Lviv, there is the Ossolineum, one of the most important Polish culture centres. Adolf Juzwenko, current president of Wrocław's office of the Ossolineum, says that in 1945, there was a mass public campaign in Poland, aimed at transporting the whole Ossolineum to Wrocław. It succeeded in recovering only 200,000 volumes, as the Soviets decided that the bulk of the library had to remain in Lviv.

In contemporary Poland
Even though Poland lost its Eastern Borderlands in the aftermath of World War II, Poles connected with the Kresy still have some affection for those lands. Since Poles from current Western Ukraine mostly moved to Silesia. The cities of Wrocław and Gliwice are regarded as miasta lwowskie (cities of Lwów affinity), while Szczecin, Gdańsk and Olsztyn are regarded as miasta wileńskie (cities of Wilno affinity). Lwów's Ossolineum Foundation, its collections and famous library are now located in Wrocław. Polish academics from Lwów established the Polish University of Wrocław (taking over from the old German University of Breslau) and Silesian University of Technology in Gliwice. At the same time, Polish academics from Vilnius founded Nicolaus Copernicus University in Toruń (even though Toruń belonged to Poland before the outbreak of World War II before 1939).

There are numerous Kresy-oriented organizations, with the largest one, World Congress of Kresy Inhabitants (Światowy Kongres Kresowian), located in Bytom, and branches scattered across Poland, and abroad. The Congress organizes annual World Convention and Pilgrimage of Kresy Inhabitants to Jasna Góra Monastery.

Other important Kresy organizations, active in contemporary Poland, include:
 Polskie Towarzystwo Miłośników Miasta Krzemieńca i Ziemi Krzemienieckiej (Polish Association of Lovers of Krzemieniec and Krzemieniec Land) from Poznań.
 Stowarzyszenie Kresowe "Podkamień" (Kresy Association "Podkamien") from Wołów,
 Stowarzyszenie Odra-Niemen (Association Odra - Niemen) from Wrocław,
 Stowarzyszenie Przyjaciół Ziemi Drohobyckiej (Association of Friends of Drohobycz Land) from Legnica,
 Stowarzyszenie Rodzin Osadników Wojskowych i Cywilnych Kresów Wschodnich (Association of Families of Osadniks of Eastern Borderlands) from Warsaw,
 Towarzystwo Miłośników Kultury Kresowej (Association of Friends of Kresy Culture) from Wrocław,
 Towarzystwo Miłośników Wołynia i Polesia (Association of Lovers of Wołyn and Polesie) from Warsaw,
 Towarzystwo Miłośników Lwowa i Kresów Południowo-Wschodnich (Association of Lovers of Lwów and Southeastern Kresy) from Wrocław, with branches in Brzeg, Bydgoszcz, Bytom, Chełm, Gdańsk, Jelenia Góra, Kłodzko, Kraków, Leszno, Lublin, Poznań, Szczecinek, Świdwin, Warszawa, Węgliniec and Zabrze,
 Towarzystwo Przyjaciół Grodna i Wilna (Association of Friends of Grodno and Wilno), with branches in Białystok, Ełk, Gdańsk, Giżycko, Lublin, Łódź, Ostrołęka, Stargard Szczeciński, Warszawa, Węgorzewo, Wrocław,
 Związek Sybirakow (Association of Sybiraks) from Warsaw, with branches scattered across Poland and abroad.

Every year, in the Masurian town of Mrągowo, there is a Festiwal Kultury Kresowej (Festival of Kresy Culture), sponsored among others by the Senate of the Republic of Poland and the Minister of Culture, with the patronage of the First Lady. The Festival is broadcast by TVP2 and TVP Polonia, and in 2011 it was organized for the 17th time. Among participants of the 2011 Festival, there were such artists, as Folk Ensemble Mozyrzanka from Mozyr, Children and Youth Band Tęcza from Minsk, Folk Band Kresowianka from Ivyanets, Polish Academic Choir Zgoda from Brest, Instrumental Band Biedronki from Minsk, Vocal Duo Wspólna wędrówka from Minsk, Children's Polonia Ensemble Dolinianka from Stara Huta (Ukraine), Ensemble Fujareczka from Sambir, Ensemble Boryslawiacy from Boryslav, Ensemble Niebo do Wynajecia from Stralhivci (Ukraine), Polish Dance and Song Ensemble Wilenka from Vilnius, Dance and Song Band Troczenie from Trakai, Band Wesołe Wilno from Vilnius, Song and Dance Ensemble Kotwica from Kaunas, and Folk and Polish Folklore Dance and Song Ensemble Syberyjski Krakowiak from Abakan in Siberia.

Other notable Kresy-oriented festivals are:
 Dzień Kresowiaka (Kresy Inhabitant Day) in the village of Lagiewniki near Malbork,
 Dzień Kresowy (Kresy Day) in Wschowa,
 Dzień Kultury Kresowej (Day of Kresy Culture) in Kędzierzyn-Koźle,
 Dni Kultury Kresowej (Days of Kresy Culture) in Białystok,
 Dni Kultury Kresowej (Days of Kresy Culture) in Brzeg,
 Dni Kultury Kresowej (Days of Kresy Culture) in Prochowice,
 Kaziuki (Kaziuko mugė), an annual folk arts and crafts fair, which takes place in Vilnius, is organized in several Polish cities (Gdańsk, Olsztyn, Poznań, Suwałki, Warsaw), on initiative of Poles resettled from Vilnius,
 Kresowy Festiwal Polonijny Młodzieży Szkolnej (Kresy Festival of Polonia Schoolchildren) in Zamość,
 Legnickie Dni Kultury Kresowej (Legnica Days of Kresy Culture) in Legnica, Lubin, Jawor, Chojnów,
 Lipcowy Festiwal Kresowy (July Kresy Festival) in Rejowiec,
 Międzynarodowy Festiwal Kultury Kresowej (International Festival of Kresy Culture) in Jarosław,
 Prezentacja Kultury Polaków z Kresów Wschodnich i Bukowiny (Show of Culture of Poles from Eastern Borderlands and Bucovina) in Zielona Góra, Szprotawa, Nowa Sól, Kożuchów, Żagań
 Świdnicki Dzień Kultury Kresowej i Lwowa (Świdnica Day of Kresy and Lwów Culture) in Świdnica.

In Lubaczów is a Museum of Kresy, and there is a project, supported by local government, to create a Museum of Eastern Borderlands in Wrocław, the city where a number of Poles from Kresy settled after World War II. Numerous photo albums and books, depicting cities, towns and landscapes of Kresy are published every year in Poland. In Chełm, there is Kresy Bicycle Marathon, Polish Radio Białystok every week broadcasts Kresy Magazine, dedicated to the history and present times of the Eastern Borderlands. Every Sunday, Polish Radio Katowice broadcasts a program based on famous prewar Lwów's Merry Wave, every Tuesday, Polish Radio Rzeszów broadcasts a program Kresy Landscapes. In Wrocław, the Association of Remembrance of Victims of Ukrainian Nationalists publishes Na Rubieży (On the Border) magazine. Among best known Kresy activists of contemporary Poland are Father Tadeusz Isakowicz-Zaleski, and Dr. Tadeusz Kukiz, father of popular singer Paweł Kukiz. Since 2007, annual medals Heritage of Eastern Borderlands are awarded in Wrocław. The 2011 recipient was emeritus Archbishop of Wrocław, Henryk Gulbinowicz. Participants of annual Katyń Motorcycle Raid (Motocyklowy Rajd Katyński) always visit Polish centers in Kresy, giving presents to children, and meeting local Poles.

The program of 2011 Days of Kresy Culture (October 22–23) in Brzeg covered such events, as: Kresy themed cabaret, promotion of Kresy books, Eastern Borderlands cuisine, mass in a local church, meetings with Kresy activists and scholars, and theatre shows of Brzeg's Garrison Club as well as Lwów Eaglets Middle School number 3 in Brzeg. Organizers of the festival assured that for the two days Brzeg would turn into the "capital of interwar Polish Kresy".

In January, February and March 2012, Centre for Public Opinion Research did a survey, asking Poles about their ties to Kresy. It turned out that almost 15% of the population of Poland (4,3 - 4,6 million people) declared that they either were born in the Kresy, or have a parent or a grandparent from that region. The number of Kresowiacy is high in northern and western Poland – as many as 51% of inhabitants of Lubusz Voivodeship, and 47% of inhabitants of Lower Silesian Voivodeship stated that their family has ties to the Kresy. Furthermore, Kresowiacy now make 30% of the population of Opole Voivodeship, 25% of the population of West Pomeranian Voivodeship, and 18% of the population of Warmian–Masurian Voivodeship.

Polish regional dialects
Since Poles have lived in Kresy for hundreds of years, two groups of Kresy Polish dialects emerged: the northern (dialekt północnokresowy), and the southern (dialekt południowokresowy). Both dialects have been influenced either by Ukrainian, Belarusian or by Lithuanian. To Polish speakers in Poland, Kresy dialects are easy to distinguish, as their pronunciation and intonation are markedly different from standard Polish. Before World War II, the Kresy provinces were part of Poland, and both dialects were in common usage, spoken by millions of ethnic Poles. After the war and Soviet annexation of Kresy, however, the majority of ethnic Poles were deported westward, resulting in a severe decline in the number of native speakers. The northern Kresy dialect is still used along the Lithuanian-Belarusian border, where Poles still live in large numbers, but the southern Kresy dialect is endangered, as Poles in western Ukraine do not form a majority of the population in any district. Particularly notable among the Kresy dialects is the Lwów dialect which emerged early in the 19th century and was spoken in the city gaining much recognition in the 1920s and 1930s, partly due to the countrywide popularity of numerous Kresy-born and trained actors and comedians whose native speech it was (see also: Dialects of the Polish language).

 See also
Bug River land
Lithuanian and Belarusian Self-Defence
Lwów Eaglets
Peace of Riga
Poles in the former Soviet Union
Polish historical regions
Polish National-Territorial Region
Polonia
Republic of Central Lithuania
Repatriation of Poles (1955–1959)
Soviet repressions of Polish citizens (1939–1946)
Suwałki Agreement
Territories of Poland annexed by the Soviet Union
Treaty of Brest-Litovsk
Treaty of Warsaw (1920)
Vilnius Region
Volhynia Experiment
Wanda Wasilewska
West Ukrainian People's Republic
 Zakerzonia
Żeligowski's Mutiny

 References

 Bibliography
 Beauvois, Daniel Trójkąt ukraiński, szlachta, carat i lud na Wołyniu, Podolu i Kijowszczyźnie 1793–1914'', University of Maria Curie-Sklodowska, Lublin, 2005, 2011 and 2016 (in Polish)
 Mały rocznik statystyczny 1939, Central Statistical Office of Poland, Warsaw 1939 (in Polish)

External links
Kresy.pl - The Biggest Polish Kresy Portal
Commonwealth of Diverse Cultures: Poland's Heritage
Eastern Borderlands of Poland (in English)
Polish maps of present-day Western Ukraine and Belarus (1930s)
Virtual Commonwealth - Eastern Borderlands
Virtual Tour of Kresy
Volhynia in the Interwar Period
An extensive digital collection of Kresy-oriented historic publications
MojeKresy.pl The newest Polish Kresy Portal

Historical regions in Belarus

Geographic history of Ukraine
World War II crimes in Poland
Poland in World War II
Historical regions in Lithuania
Deportation
Aftermath of World War II
Borders of Poland
Polish irredentism
Victims of post–World War II forced migrations

Kresy


Digital therapeutics, a subset of digital health, are evidence-based therapeutic interventions driven by high quality software programs to prevent, manage, or treat a medical disorder or disease. Digital therapeutic companies should publish trial results inclusive of clinically meaningful outcomes in peer-reviewed journals. The treatment relies on behavioral and lifestyle changes usually spurred by a collection of digital impetuses. Because of the digital nature of the methodology, data can be collected and analyzed as both a progress report and a preventative measure. Treatments are being developed for the prevention and management of a wide variety of diseases and conditions, including type 1 & type II diabetes, congestive heart failure, obesity, Alzheimer's disease, dementia, asthma, substance abuse, ADHD, hypertension, anxiety, depression, and several others. Digital therapeutics often employ strategies rooted in cognitive behavioral therapy.

Definitions

Although digital therapeutics can be employed in numerous ways, the term can broadly be defined as a treatment or therapy that utilizes digital and often Internet-based health technologies to spur changes in patient behavior. The use of digital products to improve health outcomes dates as far back as 2000. The term itself has been in use since around 2012. The first mention of the term in a peer-reviewed research publication was in 2015, in which Dr. Cameron Sepah formally defined the field as: "Digital therapeutics are evidence-based behavioral treatments delivered online that can increase accessibility and effectiveness of health care." Digital therapeutics can be used as a standalone therapy or in conjunction with more conventional treatments like pharmacological or in-person therapy. As of 2018, digital therapeutics continues to be an evolving field that medical professionals, students, and patients are beginning to utilize.

The Digital Therapeutics Alliance states: "Digital therapeutics (DTx) deliver evidence-based therapeutic interventions to patients that are driven by high quality software programs to prevent, manage, or treat a broad spectrum of physical, mental, and behavioral conditions." Digital therapeutics are different from wellness apps or medication reminders in that they require rigorous clinical evidence to substantiate intended use and impact on disease state.

It is often used as a preventive measure for patients who are at risk of developing more serious conditions. For instance, a patient with prediabetes may be prescribed digital therapeutics as a method to change their diet and behavior that could otherwise lead to a diabetes diagnosis. Digital therapeutics can also be used as a treatment option for existing conditions. For instance, a patient with type II diabetes can use digital therapeutics to manage the disease more effectively.

The methodology uses a variety of digital implements to help manage, monitor, and prevent illnesses in at-risk patients. These include mobile devices and technologies, apps, sensors, desktop computers, and various Internet of Things devices. These implements can collect a wide variety of data, ranging from big to small. Digital therapeutics can theoretically collect a high volume of data from a variety of sources. It also collects "smaller" data, "capturing personalized physiological parameters, behavior patterns and social and geographical patterns that can be recorded from multiple digital sources."

Methodologies

Digital therapeutics can be used for a variety of conditions. There is no single methodology used in the practice of digital therapeutics. Many approaches use methods based upon cognitive behavioral therapy to spur patients to make lifestyle changes, reinforced with gamification, peer support, and in some cases telehealth such as coaching or psychotherapy. The method can be used to manage and improve outcomes in numerous conditions, including type II diabetes, Alzheimer's disease, dementia, congestive heart failure, chronic obstructive pulmonary disease, asthma, lung disease, obesity, substance abuse, ADHD, insomnia, hypertension, anxiety, depression, and others.

Methodologies can be as simple as psychoeducation or sending notifications designed to alter behavior to patients who are at risk of obesity or diabetes and as complex as administering an ingestible radio tag that communicates with an external sensor to monitor the efficacy of a given medication. Diabetes and obesity prevention and management is a major focus in the field of digital therapeutics. Connected devices like insulin pumps, blood glucose meters, and wearable devices can all send data to a unified system. The therapy also uses self-reported data like diet or other lifestyle factors. It is also often used to monitor the potential for heart and lung conditions and change behaviors like smoking, poor diet, or a lack of exercise.

Digital therapeutics can also be used to treat patients with psychological and neurological symptoms. For example, patients with disorders like ADHD, depression, and anxiety can receive cognitive behavioral therapy via their mobile devices. One study looked at the efficacy of avatar-based therapeutic interventions to reduce depressive symptoms. Another study analyzed seven clinical trials to demonstrate the efficacy of a digital therapeutic in significantly reducing blood pressure. A preliminary study suggested that a mobile mindfulness app may be able to decrease acute stress while improving mood.

Outcomes

The general consensus among researchers in the field of digital therapeutics is that the discipline requires more clinical data and investigation to be fully evaluated. A variety of studies have been conducted to evaluate the efficacy and impact of behavior change techniques that utilize a digital platform, however. In a meta-analysis of 85 such studies comprising a total sample size of over 43,000 participants, researchers discovered that digital therapeutics have a "statistically small but significant effect on health-related behavior." The study also showed that a broader use of theory, behavior change techniques, and modes of delivery (especially regular notifications) improved the efficacy of a given program.

Individual studies have also showed some benefits for patients. For instance, a diabetes prevention program using digital therapeutics saw participants lose an average of 4.7% of baseline body weight after 1 year (4.2% after 2 years) and undergo a 0.38% reduction in A1c levels after 1 year (0.43% after 2 years). Another weight loss pilot program using digital therapeutics reported a mean weight loss of 13.5 pounds (or 7.3% of baseline) with a significant average drop in both systolic and diastolic blood pressure (18.6 mmHg and 6.4 mmHg respectively). The study also saw a slight but statistically insignificant drop in total cholesterol, LDL, triglycerides, and A1c.

That said, the concept of outcomes and impact in the context of digital therapeutics is generally defined broader than strictly health outcomes. A recent review of 244 studies highlighted that, on top of improving health outcomes in certain circumstances as outlined above, the value of digital therapeutics can also arise from improving healthcare access to underserved populations and address health inequalities, or reducing healthcare expenditure. This broader interpretation has also called into question the fitness of traditional health technology assessment frameworks and given rise to calls to develop novel frameworks that embrace the variety of impacts that digital therapeutics can have.

Regulation of digital therapeutics

While a broad range of unregulated health apps have historically been available in the App Store (iOS/iPadOS) or Google Play since their launch, many of these have been found to produce inconsistent, misleading, or dangerous results. In response, regulators in the United States such as the Food and Drug Administration have developed regulatory frameworks such as software as a medical device (SaMD) which require manufacturers to prove that their apps are safe, effective, and that rigorous quality management system processes are in place to ensure that remains the case as software updates occur. However, in an assessment of 4,936 apps that fall under the SaMD umbrella in the United States published in 2019, only 105 (2.13%) included a specific summary of their cybersecurity content. While the content of cybersecurity in SaMD devices was observed to be growing in newer SaMD applications, the (perceived) absence of clear cybersecurity measures in the vast majority of SaMD devices remains a substantial barrier for patients and health professionals to start using digital therapeutics in practice.

In the European Union, regulation (EU) 2017/745, commonly known as "EU MDR" classifies potential digital therapeutics in terms of their intended use, application, and potential to cause harm. Because digital therapeutics are increasingly operating within a regulated environment, the degree of documentation and regulatory compliance (such as ISO 13485 or the CE mark) has increased too.

Reimbursement and commercialization

Unlike medication or the billable hours of healthcare professionals, there are not currently clear pathways to reimbursement in most health systems. While many manufacturers seek FDA clearance or approval, this is only the first step on the path to being reimbursed for the use of a DTX. Accordingly, digital therapeutics companies pursue a range of business models:

 Direct-to-consumer (DTC) - A digital therapeutic available directly through a smartphone's app store. Business models available include Freemium, subscriptions, advertising, and selling the anonymized data to third parties
 Business-to-business (B2B) - Employers may wish to make digital therapeutics available for their workforce, either directly as a benefit or via a benefits administration company
 Pharmaceutical industry partnership - Jointly developing solutions either to directly treat patients or to be used adjunctively i.e. in tandem with a drug, where the DTx may serve to enhance the effectiveness of the drug by promoting medication adherence or having its own effect. While such partnerships can bring in multi-million dollar revenues, ultimately the pharmaceutical company itself will seek reimbursement and is potentially not the ultimate customer.
 Payer reimbursement - Being paid directly by a health system or health insurance company. While still in a nascent state in most countries, lobbying efforts are underway in the US for there to be specific reimbursement codes for DTx.  Germany is the first country with specific processes for reimbursement (known as DiGa), with France, Italy, and the UK currently considering new pathways to reimbursement. Although German physicians and insurers can prescribe digital therapeutics and be reimbursed at a national level for around 300 Euro per course of treatment, adoption to date has been slow.

To help build the business case for their usage, DTx companies often commission health economics evaluations of their interventions to show that their use ultimately lowers healthcare costs in the medium-long term, such as by reducing the need for hospital admissions or expensive surgeries.

See also
 List of digital therapeutics companies

References

Health informatics
Behavior modification

Digital therapeutics


All Saints' Church is a heritage-listed Anglican church located in Dunedin, New Zealand. Established in 1865, the church is part of the Dunedin North parish in the Diocese of Dunedin.

The church building has a Category I listing with the New Zealand Historic Places Trust.

Parish
The parish comprises the former parish of All Saints and the former parish of St. Martin's North East Valley. It is part of the  The parish boundaries include North East Valley, Pine Hill, North Dunedin, Ravensbourne and Leith Valley.

Church building
The building is the oldest church still used as a place of worship in Dunedin. All Saints' Church is the chapel of Selwyn College, Otago. The college was built around the church and the college and parish have a close relationship. Selwyn College was built as an Anglican theological college in 1893, from the beginning it also housed non-theological students from the university. All Saints' is located close to the campuses of the University of Otago and the Otago Polytechnic.

Architecture
The nave of the church was designed by William H. Clayton and built in 1865; the transepts and chancel, designed by William Mason were added in 1873. All Saints' is an example of gothic revival architecture.

A notable architectural feature is the polychrome brickwork. The bricks came from the brickworks in Filleul Street, Dunedin. Also used in the building is Oamaru stone, an early use of the stone in Dunedin. In 1969, All Saints' Church was restored, in which the foundations, hardwood floor, and slate roof were replaced. At this time a nave altar was installed with altar rails designed by Ted McCoy.

Art
Notable art works in the church include a large rood hanging above the sanctuary carved by leading sculptor Frederick George Gurnsey (1868–1953) who also carved the aumbry door and the pulpit. A small Christus Rex by the eminent New Zealand sculptor Ria Bancroft is above the pulpit. In 2017 a set of ceramic sculptures of the Scriptural Way of the Cross by Whanganui sculptor Kirk Nicholls was installed.

In 2019 an appeal was launched to install a stained glass window in memory of the Ross Sea Party and in honour of Rev. Arnold Spencer-Smith.

History
All Saints' parish was organised before the Diocese of Dunedin was formed in 1869; for the first few years of the parish it was part of the Diocese of Christchurch. The land was given by James Allen Senior, father of James Allen and the foundation stone laid on 11 February 1865 by Henry Harper 1st Bishop of Christchurch. The church was built rapidly (admittedly only the nave and narthex) and opened on 23 July 1865. The church was consecrated on 21 April 1869. At the 1886 Annual General Meeting the parish discussed an offer from the Bishop Samuel Tarratt Nevill 'to take over the Parish Church for the purpose of making it the Cathedral of the Diocese, and to facilitate the legal transfer by contributing ₤2,000 towards liquidating the debt on the property, at that time ₤2,600.' The AGM agreed to the bishop's offer however the project failed, 'the General Synod hesitating on legal grounds to sanction the transfer of the property.'

Vicars
 Rev. E.H. Granger 1865–1872
 Rev. R.L. Stanford 1872–1879
 Very Rev Alfred R. Fitchett Alfred Fitchett 1879–1928 (Dean of Dunedin 1894–1929)
 Fr. William Hardy-Johnson 1928–1935 (Rector of Rosslyn Chapel 1923–1928)
 Ven. L.G. Whitehead 1935–1948 Algy Whitehead also Warden of Selwyn College
 Fr. Charles Harrison 1948–1964
 Rev. Canon Arthur Philip Atkinson Gaze 1964–1980 (Cousin of Arnold Spencer-Smith)
 Rev. Dr. John Irwin 1980–1983
 Fr. David Best 1983–1997
 Rev. Canon Erice Fairbrother 1999–2002
 Fr. Tim Hurd 2002–2009
 Rev. Canon Michael Wallace 2010–

Notable parishioners
 James Allen, a politician who served as a churchwarden
 George Bell (1809-1899), a newspaper editor and proprietor who served as a churchwarden
 George Eliot Elliott, Clerk at signing of Te Tiriti o Waitangi/Treaty of Waitangi and who saved it from fire in 1841
 Thomas Sherlock Graham
 Frances and William Matthew Hodgkins, artists
 Choie Sew Hoy and Eliza Prescott who lived in a house known as Canton Villa at 798 Cumberland St, the site to the north of the vicarage is now owned by the parish.
 William Larnach of Larnach Castle
 Alois Duffus Lubecki (died 1926), a founder of the church, was a Polish Prince, son of Prince Alois Konstanty Drucki-Lubecki (1814-1864). Lubecki was a member of Diocesan Synod, Diocesan Standing Committee and the Diocesan Trust Board. He endowed scholarships at the University of Otago and the University of Auckland.
 Dr. Richardson, after whom the Richardson building at the University Of Otago is named

Worship
Worship at All Saints' is in the Anglo-Catholic tradition, Incense and bells are used for High Mass.

Music
The first organ at All Saints was donated by the first vicar in 1871: "(Mr Granger) has to act as organist- or rather harmonium player- and later he presented the Church with an organ." Mr. Granger left All Saints in 1872. This organ went to Holy Trinity Church, Lawrence, New Zealand in 1874. The second All Saints' organ (1874-1905), has a label on the back:  'John B. West, Organ Builder, Dunedin, New Zealand', however, it appears that this label has been pasted over the position occupied by a former label and it may be a Halmshaw & Sons organ. This organ was re-located to the original wooden 1863 St Peter's Church in Queenstown, New Zealand in 1906.
The third and current organ was built by Bevington & Sons, a London firm founded in 1794.  Two of the most notable Bevington organs are in St Patrick's Cathedral, Dublin and St Martin-in-the-Fields, London. Bevington organs won medals at exhibitions in Paris (1855 and 1867) and London (1862), and are held in high regard for the quality of their construction and voicing. The firm was absorbed into Hill, Norman and Beard in 1944.
All Saints' Bevington organ was built in 1877 for St Paul's Presbyterian Church, Christchurch. In 1905 the organ was transferred to All Saints. It was restored in 1969 by the South Island Organ Company. The two manuals have tracker action, and the pedals have tubular pneumatic action. In recent years a Bourdon pedal stop has been added. All Saints' organ is one of three Bevington organs in Aotearoa New Zealand, the others being at the Cathedral of the Blessed Sacrament Christchurch and at St. John the Baptist Waimate North.

Groups

The Church presently has a baby and toddler group, runs a Catechesis of the Good Shepherd course, and has a long association with the Student Christian Movement.  All Saints' also has a branch of the Association of Anglican Women (successor organization to the Mothers' Union) and has an active branch of the Guild of the Servants of the Sanctuary. In 2015 the parish launched All Saints' Fruit & Veges, a vegetable box scheme to offer the community fruit and veges.

All Saints' Hall
All Saints' Hall was built as the Cumberland St Wesleyan Methodist Chapel.
It is constructed from timber from the Bell Hill Methodist Church (1862-8) designed by George Greenfield. During a gale in 1862 the Bell Hill church was badly twisted and deemed unsafe until the addition of a transept designed by William Mason permitted its reuse in February 1863. Its poor design and inconvenient position prompted its early demolition.
From the sale of the Bell Hill property in 1868 £150 was set aside for the building of a new church. A weatherboard schoolhouse able to accommodate 150 worshippers was built on a quarter acre of freehold next to All Saints given by James Allen. The hall was erected in 1869, but the Wesleyan Methodist congregation didn't last very long - until about 1872.

The front portion of the hall has windows designed by prominent Dunedin architect Basil Hooper and installed in 1911, Hooper was an All Saints' parishioner who also designed the church fence on Cumberland St. (which has been altered several times). The University of Otago creche was established in the hall in 1968. Araiteuru Maori club (with Muru Walters as leader) used the hall before Araiteuru Marae was built.

References

Further reading

External links

Churches completed in 1869
19th-century Anglican church buildings in New Zealand
Anglo-Catholic churches in New Zealand
Churches in Dunedin
Heritage New Zealand Category 1 historic places in Otago
Listed churches in New Zealand
1860s architecture in New Zealand
William Clayton (architect) buildings
Gothic Revival church buildings in New Zealand
1865 establishments in New Zealand

All Saints' Church, Dunedin


Amalie Schütz (22 January 1803 – 21 September 1852) known under the stage name Amalia Schütz Oldosi, was an early 19th-century Austrian soprano who performed in Austria, France, England and Italy.

Biography
Born in Baden bei Wien near Vienna, the daughter of the Viennese painter Joseph Holdhaus, Schütz received her training in Vienna from Antonio Salieri and Giuseppe Tomaselli. She made her debut in 1821 at the Theater an der Wien, where she sang roles by Rossini as soprano or mezzo-soprano. In 1820 she married the baritone , also hired by this theatre.

In 1822–1823, she sang at the Wiener Hofoper, and replaced Schröder-Devrient in the title role in Conradin Kreutzer's , a role she will take over as part of her international career at the Amsterdamer . In 1825, she performed in Paris, where she forged her stage name "Schütz-Oldosi", composing her husband's name and an Italianized form of her maiden name. She quickly became one of the first female singers of the time, facing Giuditta Pasta and Joséphine Fodor-Mainvielle. In 1828, she sang at the Théâtre italien de Paris the role of Elena in Rossini's La donna del lago, which she also gave at the King's Theatre of London.

The highlight of his career took place in Italy. In 1830, Schütz made her debut at La Scala of Milan as Giulietta in Bellini's I Capuleti e i Montecchi. She then went on to perform at opera stages in Naples, Florence, Bologna, Lucca and Rome to sing Rossini, Bellini and  Donizetti.

In 1835, she returned to Vienna for the Italian Opera Festival and sang again at the Hofoper in Bellini's La sonnambula and Donizetti's Anna Bolena. In 1836, she premiered in Naples the role of Serafina in Donizetti's Il campanello.

In 1838, she withdrew from the stage and devoted herself solely to concerts. She then moved to Vienna as a singing teacher. She was invited once again to London, shortly before her death at age 49.

Amalie Schütz is buried at the St. Helena Cemetery of Baden.

Bibliography
 Edith Grünsteidl: Die Geschichte des Linzer Landständischen Theaters im 19. Jahrhundert, Dissertation, Universität Wien 1970.

References

External links

  and following page

Austrian sopranos
Singers from Vienna
1803 births
1852 deaths
19th-century Austrian women opera singers

Amalia Schütz Oldosi


The banded archerfish (Toxotes jaculatrix) is a brackish water fish of the genus Toxotes. It's famous for its ability to shoot water at prey. They are very difficult to take care of, so you may not want one in your aquarium. Banded archerfish are found in Indo-Pacific and Oceanian waters, generally in river mouths and mangrove estuaries.

Defenses

Water shooting
The banded archerfish shoots a jet of water at its prey to knock them down and into the water. The way it works is because it shoots the jet of water by raising its tongue against the roof of its mouth, forming a "tube". The opercula then close quickly, pressurizing water along the tube. A study found that banded archerfish could be trained to hit moving targets at an accuracy rate of greater than 50%.

Description
Banded archerfish have four dorsal spines, 11 to 13 dorsal soft rays, three anal spines (of which the third is longest) and 15 to 17 anal soft rays. The first one is the shortest. The dorsal fin is yellowish-green and located towards the posterior end, and its base is shorter than that of the anal fin. The caudal fin is dirty green and about the same height until the point of attachment, where it becomes shallower. The anal fin is silver in color.

Behaviour

Breeding
The breeding habits of an archerfish aren't well known.  Banded archerfish first begin to breed when they are about 10 centimetres (3.9 in) long. The banded archerfish reproduces by spawning. The reports that archerfish go to saltwater reefs to spawn are not confirmed.

Distribution
It inhabits the Indo-Pacific and waters off northern Australia, and less frequently those on the southern coast of Australia. It can be found from India eastwards to the Philippines, southwards to Australia, as well as in waters off the Solomon Islands and the Indonesian Archipelago.

In aquaria
Toxotes jaculatrix is often kept as an aquarium fish, but sometimes, they can be aggressive. Banded archerfish are usually not recommended for average home aquaria despite their attractive appearance because they are so difficult to care for and require special conditions.

Related pages

 Toxotes chatareus

References

 Hoese, D. (2012). "Toxotes jaculatrix". IUCN Red List of Threatened Species. 2012: e.T196451A2458352. doi:10.2305/IUCN.UK.2012.RLTS.T196451A2458352.en. Retrieved 19 November 2021.
 Froese, Rainer; Pauly, Daniel (eds.) (2010). "Toxotes jaculatrix" in FishBase. January 2010 version.
 Weber, Max Carl Wilhelm; Lieven Ferdinand de Beaufort (1936). The Fishes of the Indo-australian Archipelago VII. The Fishes of the Indo-australian Archipelago. Vol. 7. Leiden: E. J. Brill Ltd. pp. 200–201.
 McGrouther, Mark (15 May 2009). "Banded Archerfish, Toxotes jaculatrix (Pallas, 1767)". Australian Museum. Retrieved 11 February 2011.
 Walker, Matt (2007). Fish That Fake Orgasms: And Other Zoological Curiosities (illustrated ed.). Macmillan. pp. 105. ISBN 978-0-312-37116-6.
 "Toxotes jaculatrix". Integrated Taxonomic Information System. Retrieved 18 February 2010.

Other websites

 Banded archerfish on English Wikipedia

IUCN Red List least concern species
Ray-finned fish

Banded archerfish


Water is the base of human life. Water is the nector in human life. The life of humans and animals are not possible without water. Plants growth by water. As human also use of it in his daily life. He fulfilled his necessary by it. Thus we can say that water is the base of life.

विशाल जलविद्युत गृहों की सूची