The Republican National Hispanic Assembly is an American political organization founded in 1967 which seeks to promote Hispanic-American issues and interests within the Republican Party, and the Party's interests and candidates within the Hispanic-American population. The group is partially an outgrowth of the Spanish Speaking Advisory Committee of the Republican National Committee, which itself was created as a response to successful efforts to attract Hispanic-American voters to the presidential candidacy of Richard Nixon.

History

Founding
In 1967, an informal meeting was held in Washington, DC by thirteen Hispanic-American men. As one participant, Francisco Vega, later recalled: "... the meeting came about by word of mouth... we were from Florida, California, Texas, New Jersey, Michigan, and several other states...."  The purpose of the gathering was to discuss how they could increase Hispanic political involvement. Although all of men intimated some kind of affiliation with the Democrats, none of them felt especially attached to any political party.

Having had their offers to organize some kind of Hispanic outreach rebuffed by both the Democratic and Republican Party's national offices, the dejected group returned to their hotel. Eventually, the gathering dwindled down to five: Ben Fernandez, Manuel Lujan, Fernando Oaxaca, Martin Castillo, and Vega. These last attendees continued to talk, bonded over their common World War II service and political ideologies, and, eventually, formed the Republican National Hispanic Council. Fernandez was selected as its first president. The next year, the name of the organization was changed to the Republican National Hispanic Assembly with Fernandez taking up the title of national chairman.

Without formal acknowledgment from the Republican Party, the group immediately began to organize chapters in their home and surrounding states. They also managed to raise more than $400,000 by the end of 1968 which they presented to astonished Party officials. Relations between the two political entities soon warmed considerably.

RNC affiliation

As part of its 1972 re-election campaign strategy, the Nixon Administration sought to increase Hispanic electoral participation. In addition to others, key RNHA personnel were tapped to assist in this endeavor and the Spanish Speaking Committee for the Re-Election of President Nixon was formed. This committee has been credited an integral role in garnering more than 35% of the Hispanic vote for the President- a vast improvement over the previous three election cycles where the Republican candidate averaged only 10%. Additionally, Fernandez and Vega occupied several important positions within Nixon's re-election campaign, in particular, the Hispanic Finance Committee. Chaired by Fernandez, the HFC raised over $250,000 for the President in 1972. Later that year, newly appointed RNC chairman George H. W. Bush began to lay the groundwork for a more permanent organization to woo and retain Hispanic voters.

In April 1973, Bush authorized the formation of the Spanish Speaking Advisory Committee; Castillo became its national chairman. In meetings held with the SSAC in Crystal City, Virginia from July 11 to July 13, 1974, the RNHA was formally recognized and chartered by the RNC (it is also from this point that the RNHA dates its existence for organizational purposes). Since that time, it has been the only Hispanic Republican group officially affiliated with the national Republican Party.

The RNHA began increasing their public profile by holding Annual Banquets starting in 1976. President Gerald Ford delivered the keynote address at the first such event on July 29. At that time, Oaxaca was serving as an associate director in the Office of Management and Budget. A "Hispanic Heritage Leadership Breakfast" series was added in 1995.

Special occurrences
The RNHA ran into financial difficulties in 2007 due to declining membership concomitant with declining Hispanic numbers within the Republican Party.  However, chairman Danny Vargas reported that new fundraising efforts were underway.  Additionally, a new executive director, Bettina Inclan, was hired to revitalize the group's image.

Nevertheless, attempts at increasing Hispanic participation at the highest levels of the RNC were stymied in 2009.  The leaders of several prominent Republican and Republican-leaning Hispanic organizations- including the RNHA- complained in a March 6 letter to RNC chairman Michael Steele of the situation. Despite assurances in a follow-up meeting, RNHA's Vargas and others would report that no movement had taken place as of a few months later.

Hispanic leaders also decried the state of Hispanics in the Party at a RNHA conference entitled "Future of Hispanics in the GOP." Citing the debate over- and the Party's stance on- immigration as the single most important issue driving away potential voters, Vargas stated: "We know that the party will not recover its majority until we get this right."

In 2015, the organization was on the brink of collapse. To prevent this from happening, the Vice Chairman of RNHA sought the help of Betty Cardenas. She was a prominent Hispanic contributor to the RNC and was well-respected within Republican circles. After being convinced to take on the role of Finance Chair, she accepted the responsibility in 2016.

On September 8, 2018, a National Convention was held in Las Vegas, Nevada.  Representative Jenniffer González from Puerto Rico was the special speaker. Betty Cardenas was elected as the national chairwoman with unanimous support. Prior to this, she had served as the RNHA Finance Chair for a period of two years. However, before the convention adjourned, Mitt Romney's Hispanics were quick to criticize the new leadership's stance in favor of then-President Trump and the America First Agenda and immediately walked out of the convention. Later, Betty was invited to join the board of Trump's presidential campaign "Latinos For Trump" in 2019. On November 18, 2020, Betty Cardenas presented the organization's annual report indicating an exponential growth of over 600%. She credited the work of the Republican National Hispanic Assembly and President Trump's incredible strides with the Hispanic community. Trump received a remarkably 38% of the Hispanic vote in 2020, surpassing the number of HW Bush, Mitt Romney, and McCain.  "We have shown both parties that the Hispanic vote can no longer be taken for granted." - Betty Cardenas https://rnha.org/chairwoman-annual-report-2020/

Recent developments
On November 20, 2021, former National Chairwoman Betty Cardenas resigned from her national role to help launch Voz Media a Hispanic news network, and the New Mexico State Chairman Ronnie Lucero was unanimously appointed as the new National Chairman. His first action as Chairman was a complete restructure of the National organization. With a career in finance and business management Chairman Lucero set an immediate goal of growing the financial network and membership reach of the organization. In just 7 months as the National Chairman, Mr. Lucero and the National team have grown the financial side of the organization in a way that will allow the RNHA National team to expand in other states not yet affiliated to RNHA.

The National team has worked diligently and in less than one year opened 4 new state chapters bringing the organization into 27 States, and 75 counties across the country. "Not only is RNHA focused on winning the election, RNHA is focused on helping people live the American Dream" said RNHA National Chairman Lucero at a recent Press and Media event held in Albuquerque, NM.

The RNHA is now setting up classes in many states to teach legal immigrants the process of citizenship, how to start business and ways that they can get involved in their communities.

Mission
The mission of the RNHA is to increase Hispanic-Americans participation in electoral politics at all levels as well as boost Hispanic-Americans membership in the Republican Party.  Furthermore, the RNHA seeks to promote the philosophy and political ideology of the Party within the Hispanic-American community.  Finally, the RNHA desires to create and sustain an association of Hispanic-Americans Republican leaders.  To that end, a series of objectives- as posted on their official web site- were formulated:

Objectives
 To promote the core principles and values of Republicanism throughout the Hispanic-American community in the United States
 To develop and maintain a strong, effective and informed Republican Hispanic-American constituency throughout the country.
 To recruit and encourage qualified, registered Republicans who support the Hispanic community to seek office at all levels of government.
 To ensure candidates who represent the true values of Republicanism are elected to office and continue to represent those values.
 To adopt resolutions and policy positions on local, state and national issues and to seek to implement these resolutions and policy positions through networks of the Republican Party and other appropriate means.
 To promote and encourage civic participation
 To insure the participation of citizens of Hispanic heritage in the American political process and in all levels of the Republican Party.

Past Chairs

 1967-1978 Benjamin Fernandez
 1978-1983 Fernando Oaxaca
 1983-1985 Dr. Tirso del Junco
 1985-1987 Fernando C. de Baca
 1987-1989 Catalina Vásquez Villalpando (resigned to assume the post of U.S. Treasurer)
 1989-1989 Al Villalobos (acting- completed Villalpando's term)
 1989-1993 Jose Manuel Casanova
 1993-1995 Alicia Casanova
 1995-1997 Antonio Monroig Malatrasi
 1997-2001 Jose "Cheo" Rivera
 2001-2005 Massey Villareal
 2005-2007 Pedro Celis, PhD
 2007-2009 Raul Danny Vargas - Businessman, Media Commentator, Political Activist
 2009-2013 Alci Maldonado
 2013-2017 Gonzalo J. Ferrer
 2017-2018 Marlynn Burns
 2018–2021 Betty Cardenas
 2021–Present Ronnie Lucero

See also

Jason Villalba
Hispanic and Latino Conservatism in the United States
Republican National Committee

Notes

External links
RNHA web site

Republican Party (United States) organizations
Hispanic and Latino American organizations
Political advocacy groups in the United States
1967 establishments in the United States

Republican National Hispanic Assembly


In enzymology, a L-galactonolactone oxidase () is an enzyme that catalyzes the chemical reaction

L-galactono-1,4-lactone + O2  L-ascorbate + H2O2

Thus, the two substrates of this enzyme are L-galactono-1,4-lactone and O2, whereas its two products are L-ascorbic acid and H2O2.

This enzyme belongs to the family of oxidoreductases, specifically those acting on the CH-CH group of donors with oxygen as acceptor.  The systematic name of this enzyme class is L-galactono-1,4-lactone:oxygen 3-oxidoreductase. This enzyme is also called L-galactono-1,4-lactone oxidase.  This enzyme participates in ascorbic acid and aldaric acid metabolism. It employs one cofactor, FAD.

References

EC 1.3.3
Flavoproteins
Enzymes of unknown structure

L-galactonolactone oxidase


The Dutch Association of Teachers (, NGL) was a trade union representing secondary school teachers in the Netherlands.

The union was founded in 1972, when the Dutch Teachers' Association merged with the General Association for Secondary Education, the Christian Association for Secondary and Higher Education, and the Catholic Teachers' Union.  It affiliated to the Centre for Middle and Senior Civil Servants until 1974, then to the Civil Service Centre, and from 1990, to the General Trade Union Federation.  By 1995, it had 21,185 members.  At the start of 1997, it merged with the General Union of Education Personnel, to form the General Education Union.

External links

Education trade unions
Trade unions established in 1972
Trade unions disestablished in 1996
Trade unions in the Netherlands

Dutch Association of Teachers


Li Qiu (黎球) (died 911/912) was an army officer who ruled Qian Prefecture (虔州, in modern Ganzhou, Jiangxi) briefly after assassinating the previously ruler Lu Yanchang in 911, early in the Chinese Five Dynasties and Ten Kingdoms period.  He died shortly after taking over Lu's position.

Brief rule of Qian Prefecture
Little is known about Li Qiu's background.  What is known is that, as of 911, he carried the title of the commander of the Baisheng Army (百勝軍) under Lu Yanchang the prefect of Qian Prefecture. (Lu's father Lu Guangchou had carried the title of defender of Baisheng Circuit, so presumably this was a title that Li had carried over from serving under Lu Guangchou.)  That year, with Lu Yanchang's having alienated his army by spending his time on games and hunts, Li assassinated him and took over Qian Prefecture.  He also considered killing Lu Guangchou's chief strategist Tan Quanbo, but Tan escaped by claiming that he was retiring due to old age.  Zhu Wen thereafter made Li the defender of Qian Prefecture.  Li died soon thereafter and was succeeded by his officer Li Yantu.

Notes and references

9th-century births
910s deaths
Year of birth unknown
Year of death uncertain
Later Liang (Five Dynasties) generals

Li Qiu


Oscar Blando (1924–1994) was an Italian film actor. He made his debut after being cast in Renato Castellani's neorealist film Under the Sun of Rome in 1948. The following year he played the lead in Twenty Years, again alongside actress Liliana Mancini. His brief stardom coincided with neorealist attempts to replace the traditional star system by casting more ordinary figures drawn from the public. However he appeared in only a few more productions, in more minor roles.

Selected filmography
 Under the Sun of Rome (1948)
 Twenty Years (1949)
 Terminal Station (1953)
 Matrimonial Agency (1953)
 The Boatman of Amalfi (1954)
 Wild Love (1955)
 Guardia, guardia scelta, brigadiere e maresciallo (1956)

References

Bibliography
 Enrico Lancia. Dizionario del cinema italiano: Gli atori, Volume I. Gremese Editore, 2003.

External links

1924 births
1994 deaths
Italian male film actors
Male actors from Rome

Oscar Blando


The ACEGES model (Agent-based Computational Economics of the Global Energy System) is a decision support tool for energy policy by means of controlled computational experiments. The ACEGES tool is designed to be the foundation for large custom-purpose simulations of the global energy system.  The ACEGES methodological framework, developed by Voudouris (2011) by extending Voudouris (2010), is based on the agent-based computational economics (ACE) paradigm. ACE is the computational study of economies modeled as evolving systems of autonomous interacting agents.

The ACEGES tool is written in Java and runs on Windows, Mac OS and Linux platforms. The ACEGES tool is based on:
 The MASON librarya discrete-event multiagent simulation library
 The R Project for statistical computing
 The GAMLSS framework

It is important to clarify that although the ACEGES model builds on the available scholarly and policy literature, it does not strictly follow any existing approach.

History
The ACEGES project was conceived by Vlasios Voudouris (with contributions by Michael Jefferson). Voudouris is now head of Data Science at Argus Media.  The first version of the ACEGES decision-support tool was written in 2010. The ACEGES models energy demand and supply of 218 countries. The ACEGES tool was the main output of the ACEGES Project. The overall aim of the ACEGES project was to develop, test and disseminate an agent-based computational laboratory for the systematic experimental study of the global energy system through the mechanism of Energy Scenarios. In particular, the intention was to show how the ACEGES framework and prototype can be used to help leaders in government, business and civil society better understand the challenging outlook for energy through controlled computational experiments.

Demonstrations
The ACEGES tool has been used, for example, to test the peak oil theory and to develop plausible scenarios of conventional oil production by means of demonstration at:
 4th International Conference on Computational and Financial Econometrics, University of London & London School of Economics, 2010
 16th International Conference on Computing in Economics and Finance, Society for Computational Economics, 2010
 Università Bocconi, 2010
 UCL Energy Institute, 2011
Moscow State University, 2011
 UK Energy Day: Sustainable Supply – An energy day within the EU Sustainable Energy Europe Week supported by the Intelligent Energy Europe, 2011
 Energy and Climate Change select committee (Westminster system), UK Parliament- The UK's Energy Supply: security or independence? Link, 2011

Details about the ACEGES decision-support tool (including supporting documentation) are available from ABM Analytics.

References

Computational economics
Decision support systems
Energy economics
Energy models
Simulation software

ACEGES


Goopy–Bagha is a series of Indian Bengali fantasy adventure comedy films. The series is based on a story by Satyajit Ray's grandfather Upendrakishore Ray Chowdhury. The first two films Gupi Gain Bagha Bain and its sequel Heerak Rajar Deshe were directed by Satyajit Ray, and the third Gupi Bagha Phire Elo was directed by his son Sandip Ray. The trilogy starred Tapen Chatterjee and Rabi Ghosh as Goopy and Bagha respectively.
An animated film Goopi Gawaiya Bagha Bajaiya was made in Hindi, based on the story Goopy Gyne Bagha Byne. The film is directed by Shilpa Ranade.

Satyajit Ray series

Goopy Gyne Bagha Byne (1969)

The story revolves around Gopinath Gayin (alias Gupi, played by Tapen Chatterjee), the son of a poor grocer Kanu Kyne from a village called Amloki. Goopy wants to become a singer but has a hoarse voice. Persuaded by village elders to sing for the king, he does so and is driven out of Amloki on a donkey for waking the king with his terrible singing. Exiled into a forest, he meets Bagha (Rabi Ghosh), another exile from nearby Hortuki sent to the forest – in Bagha's case, due to playing the drum badly. They start singing and drumming, initially to scare off a roaming tiger, and in the process, they attract a group of ghosts who are fascinated by their music. The king of ghosts grants them three boons:

 They can get food and clothes whenever needed by clapping their hands.
 They are given a pair of magic slippers with which they can travel anywhere.
 They gain the ability to hold people in awe (literally, their music renders people motionless) with their music.

They travel to Shundi, where a benevolent king appoints them court musicians. However, the king of Halla (the long lost brother of the king of Shundi) is planning to attack Shundi, after being poisoned with magic potion that makes him evil, given to the king of Halla by his self-centered prime minister. Goopy and Bagha travel to Halla in an attempt at preventing the attack, but are captured instead. Since they have now lost their slippers, they can't escape by magic, but manage to do so instead by strategy. They arrive singing and drumming when the soldiers are about to launch their attack, capturing the king of Halla, who is returned to Shundi. The two brothers are reunited and Goopy and Bagha marry the daughters of the two kings.

Hirak Rajar Deshe (1980)

The magically musical duo of Goopy Gyne and Bagha Byne make a comeback in this sequel, where they are invited to the court of the Hirak Raja (The Diamond King), for their musical skills. They are to perform at the kingdom's Jubilee Celebrations.

Goopy and Bagha are bored with their lives as crown princes of Shundi and Halla. They are looking for a change, which comes in the form of a chance to visit Hirak Rajya (Land of Diamonds), known for its huge diamond mines. They jocundly set out for Hirak Rajya.
They are unaware of the machinations of Aishik Rehman (Utpal Dutt). The king is a tyrant. Diamonds and riches get pent up in his treasuries, while his subjects suffer. Those who protest are taken care of in the 'Jantarmantar', a chamber for brainwashing devised by the scientist (Santosh Dutta), who the king mocks calling as "Gobeshok Gobochondro Gyanotirtho Gyanorotno Gyanambudhi Gyanochuramoni". His ministers are mere puppets. The only enemy the king has in his land is Udayan Pandit (Soumitra Chatterjee). He is a school teacher and, more than that, he is a believer of values. The king forcefully closes his school down. Udayan flees to hide in the mountains.

Meanwhile, Goopy and Bagha are on their way to Hirok Rajya. By coincidence, they meet Udayan, who intimates them of the king's true nature. The two impress Udayan with their magical powers, who plans to use them against the tyrant. Goopy and Bagha agree. The duo then head into Hirok Rajya, where they are welcomed with grandeur. They entertain the rogue king, fooling him into believing that they think he is great. They rob the treasury (which was guarded by a tiger) using their magical music, for bribing the guards.

The king has his tricks, too. He captures Udayan and all his students, and takes them to the Jantarmantar for brainwashing. But Goopy Bagha have already reached there using their magical powers. They have also bribed the Gobeshok onto their side, with the guards. On reaching the laboratory, the king and his ministers are stunned magically by Goopy's singing and then pushed into the Brainwashing machine. After the king is brainwashed he turns to goode, he then along with the villagers pull down his own statue situated at the center of the village, and everything goes back to normal in the land of Hirak Raja.

Goopy Bagha Phire Elo (1992)

Goopy Gyne and Bagha Byne have ruled the kingdom of Shundi and are bored of royal luxuries. They want to get back to the days of adventure they had enjoyed all their lives, but age comes in the way. They leave the kingdom in search of new experiences. Finally, they reach Anandagarh and win the king's heart with their musical abilities and powers. In the court room they meet Brahmananda Acharya, who invites Goopy and Bagha to come to Anandagarh fort. When they go to his place he offers them a job to steal three valuable stones, making use of their miraculous powers gifted by Bhuter Raja (King of Ghosts). In return he promises to make them 20 years younger. They steal two rare stones with a hope to become young again.

However, in their dream the King of Ghost appears and advises them to keep off injustice. They apologise to him and return the stones to the respective owners. Brahmananda Acharya had gained immense powers, as shown when he was not rendered motionless when they sang in front of the court. But for his greed for rare and valuable stones, he was not offered immortality. It was foretold of the 12-year boy, Bikram, with divine powers, would defeat him. To prevent his death, Brahmananda Acharya had all the boys in Anandagarh, who were 12 years old and were named Bikram, kidnapped by his soldiers. He hypnotized them, making them his servants. In the end, Goopy and Bagha find out that one boy named Kanu was previously named Bikram. He was to receive divine powers at the age of 12. He, along with Goopy and Bagha, goes towards Anandagarh fort. There, as Bikram entered the fort and came close to Brahmananda Acharya, the Acharya sank beneath the ground, signifying that he had been destroyed. His valuable stones also vanished.

Future
Sandip Ray wanted to make another sequel to this series. He had received many requests to make the fourth Goopy–Bagha movie. Ray said to The Times of India about the plot of fourth film: "Making a Goopy Bagha movie without Tapen and Rabi is unthinkable. The only way I can do a fourth is by taking the story forward and introducing Goopy and Bagha's sons". The idea to weave a story around the next generation came from a line from the introductory song 'Mora dujonai rajar jamai in 'Hirak Rajar Deshe' — "aar ache polapan, ek khan ek khan... (we have one child each)".

Animated adaptations
Goopi Gawaiya Bagha Bajaiya is an Indian animated film made in Hindi, based on these two characters Goopy and Bagha. The film is directed by Shilpa Ranade.

The film won and was nominated for several awards:
 ASIFA (India) for Best Professional Animated Feature Film (Won)
 18th ICFF (Hyderabad) for Best Artwork (Won)
 The WIFTS Award (Los Angeles) (Won)
 APSA (Brisbane Australia) for Best Animated Feature (Nominated)

Cast and characters

Accolades

National

Other

References

External links
Goopy Gyne Bagha Byne (SatyajitRay.org)

 Satyajit Ray Film and Study Collection, UCSC
 satyajitray.org on this film

 BBC-h2g2 Entry: Satyajit Ray's Goopy-Bagha trilogy

Bengali-language films
Indian film series
Comedy film series
Fantasy film series

Goopy–Bagha


The Injilarija people were an Aboriginal Australian people who lived south of the Gulf of Carpentaria in Queensland, east of the Waanyi, south of the Nguburinji and west of the Mingginda peoples. They are considered extinct.

History
The Gulf Country's Aboriginal peoples were severely affected by the rapid seizure and occupation of their lands by the great pastoral boom of the 1880s. One station at Lawn Hill in Injilarija territory was run by the Melbourne Grammar-educated Jack Watson, whose home had a trophy room with 40 pairs of Aboriginal people's ears nailed to the walls, which he would show proudly to visitors.

The traditional lands of the Injilarija are today partially covered by the Boodjamulla National Park (which includes the Lawn Hill region) in the Shire of Burke. They were taken over by right of succession by the Waanyi people, after the Injilariya were deemed to be extinct, around 1880.

Notes and references

Notes

References

Aboriginal peoples of Queensland

Injilarija


Attentat is a Swedish punk band originating from Askim, Gothenburg, Sweden and established in 1978. It fronted Mats Jönsson on vocals. Original members also included Magnus "Paddan" Rydman, Martin "Grodan" Fabian and Dag Wetterholm. The band was known as The Frogs before being renamed Attentat. The first singles were on their own label "Rickman", but the debut album Tatuerade tårar was released in 1981 on Hiss Records, before being signed to Transmission. The band was on a hiatus after 1984 but had a comeback in 1991 and 1992 after signing with Arda Records. They also came together in 1998 for the 20th anniversary and in 2003 for the 25th anniversary. Later line-ups included Mats Jönsson on vocals, Magnus "Paddan/Remdo" Rydman on guitar, both from the original band as well as Cristian "Crippa" Odin on bass and Peter Björklund on drums. The compilation album Fy Fan! released in 2013 on the band's own Rykkman Records raised interest in the band's legacy and climbed the Swedish Albums Chart reaching number 20.

Discography

Albums
Studio albums
1981: Tatuerade tårar (Hiss Records)
1983: Här å nu!
1984: I denna stan
1992: Nerv
Compilations
1991: Pilsner, punk & poesi (Arda Records)
2010: Attentat är bäst
2010: Jag ska inte bli som dom (early punk singles and outtakes - on vinyl)
2013: Fy Fan! (Rykkman Records) (peaked at #20 in Swedish Albums Chart)

Live albums
2003: Attentat lever

Singles
1979: "Ge fan i mej (Rykkman Records)
1979: "Stila dej inte (Rykkman Records)
1980: "Born To Be Malaj" (Rykkman Records)
1982: "Fågel" (Nacksving)
1985: "Like Yesterdays"
1992: "Tvärs Över Tiden" (Arda Records)

References

External links
Official website

1978 establishments in Sweden
Musical groups established in 1978
Musical groups from Gothenburg
Swedish punk rock groups

Attentat (band)


An ex post facto law (Latin for "after the fact" or "from after the action") is a law that changes the legal consequences (or status) of actions that were committed before the law went into effect. In criminal law, an ex post facto law may criminalize actions that were legal at the time they were committed, or may make a crime worse by bringing it into a more severe category than it was in when it was committed.

 In criminal law
It may make the punishment prescribed for a crime, more severe. It may also add new penalties or it may extend a sentence. It may change the rules of evidence in order to make conviction for a crime likelier than it would have been when the deed was committed. Conversely, a form of ex post facto law, commonly called an amnesty law, may decriminalize certain acts. A pardon has a similar effect in a specific case. Other legal changes may lessen or eliminate possible punishments (for example by replacing the death sentence with lifelong imprisonment) retroactively. Such legal changes are also known by the Latin term in mitius.

US Constitution
The United States Constitution prohibits ex post facto laws. Two clauses in the constitution prohibit ex post facto. Article 1 Section 9 of the U.S. Constitution states: 'No Bill of Attainder or ex post facto Law shall be passed,'. Section 10 says: 'No State shall enter into any Treaty, Alliance, or Confederation; grant Letters of Marque and Reprisal; coin Money; emit Bills of Credit; make any Thing but gold and silver Coin a Tender in Payment of Debts; pass any Bill of Attainder, ex post facto Law. . .'

In civil law
Ex post facto laws relate only to criminal laws passed by legislations. It does not apply to civil laws "that affect private rights adversely." In 2003 the US Supreme court noted the difference between civil and penal laws. In the case of Smith v. Doe, the court questioned the constitutionality of the Alaska Sex Offender Registration Act's retroactive requirements. Alaska's Megan's Law was applied to sex offenders before the law went into effect. It required offenders to register with the local police. It also required public notification via the Internet. The court made a legal precedent in deciding the intent of the law was civil and non-punitive. That it was to protect the public saftey by "protecting the public from sex offenders."

Europe
The European Parliament prohibits ex post facto legislation by all member nations. They determined "Ex post facto legislation may also violate citizens' right to effective legal redress and a fair trial..."

In English law, ex post facto laws are very rare. One example was the War Crimes Act 1991 by the Parliament of England. It allowed British citizens to be put on trial for war crimes that took place during World War II.

References

Other websites
 Prohibition Against Ex Post Facto Laws
 Ex Post Facto in the Civil Context: Unbridled Punishment

Legal terms
Law

Ex post facto law


Francesco Mainardi (born December 29, 1942) is an Italian physicist and mathematician.

Early life
Mainardi was born in Lugo, Italy, on December 29, 1942. He graduated from the University of Bologna in 1966 with a degree in theoretical physics.

Career
Mainardi became a professor of mathematical physics at Bologna. From 1971 to 1973, he was a lecturer at the Marche Polytechnic University on rational mechanics. He teaches non-Gaussian stochastics and mathematics among other science-related subjects. He has offered courses on statistical mechanics and fractional calculus. From January 24–28, 2000, he worked for the Center for Mathematical Physics and Stochastic at the University of Aarhus, Denmark.

Publications
In 1982, he was the editor of Wave Propagation in Viscoelastic Media, which was published by Pitman Publishing in London. In September 1996, he and A. Carpinteri authored Scaling Laws and Fractality in Continuum Mechanics. A year later. Mainard and Carpintei co-edited Fractals and Fractional Calculus in Continuum Mechanics. He went on hiatus until 2010 when the Imperial College Press issued Fractional Calculus and Waves in Linear Viscoelasticity in London. A year later, he co-authored (with S. Rogosin), The Legacy of A.Ya. Khintchine's Work in Probability Theory.

Works abroad
He gave lectures abroad at institutions such as the Indian Institute of Science of Bangalore, International Centre of Mathematical Sciences of Palai in India, the Free University of Berlin. He worked at the Courant Institute of Mathematical Sciences in New York City and at the Institute of Oceanography of San Diego. He was a lecturer at the University of Sydney and then worked at the University of KwaZulu-Natal of South Africa. In Brazil, worked at the University of Campinas in applied mathematics.

References

1942 births
Living people
20th-century Italian physicists
Academic staff of the Indian Institute of Science
University of Bologna alumni
Academic staff of the University of Bologna
Academic staff of the University of Sydney
University of KwaZulu-Natal
People from Lugo, Emilia-Romagna

Francesco Mainardi


In the United Kingdom a Migration Authorisation Code (MAC) was a 17 to 19-character unique identifier code used by DSL customers when they wish to switch internet service provider (ISP).  A MAC is generated by the actual telecommunication provider (most commonly BT), identifies the local loop (telephone line) to be switched, and authorises the provider to switch the customer to the new ISP.

MACs usually begin with "BBIP", "FTIP", "BBDS", or "BBDP", and consist of 4 letters, 7 digits (sometimes up to 9), a slash, 2 letters, 2 digits (this indicates the day in the month the MAC was issued), and 1 final letter. (For example: BBIP87654321/AB12C).

Background
After a request for a MAC it should be provided by the ISP within five working days. MACs are valid for 30 days once issued, providing the customer with the opportunity of switching ISPs within that period. It usually takes around three to ten working days for accounts to be switched over from one ISP to another.

The code was first introduced by Ofcom and BT as a voluntary code of practice.
However, as of 14 February 2007, the rule became compulsory (General Condition No. 22: Service Migrations). This meant that if a broadband customer requested a MAC from their ISP then the provider must supply one free of charge. The rules were implemented in order to ease the process of switching ISPs. Switching customers will usually only lose their Internet connection for up to a few hours during the migration.

As of 20 June 2015 the MAC code is no longer required to enable switching of ISPs. A customer who wishes to change broadband provider now only needs to request the service from the gaining provider.

Reasons for refusal
The grounds on which an ISP may refuse to issue a MAC are:
 The ISP is unable to confirm the identity of the account holder by performing standard checks
 The broadband service contract has already been terminated
 A valid MAC has already been requested and issued by the ISP
 The ISP has already submitted a cease request for the broadband service
 The underlying broadband network communications provider used by the ISP is unable to generate a MAC. In the UK the underlying broadband network communications provider is generally BT as they own the majority of the telecoms infrastructure.
 If the service is provided over an MPF or "fully unbundled" network (where the ISP provides Broadband, Line Rental and Calls together)
Ofcom regulations only apply to individuals and businesses with fewer than 15 employees.  The MAC request must be made by the end user.

Problems

Some ISPs, such as Pipex were reported to be unwilling to provide MACs even if they have no reasonable grounds for refusal.

On at least one occasion, in a crisis situation, BT set up a help line to enable customers to get their MAC codes directly from BT Wholesale.

See also
 Transfer secret

References

External links
 MAC Codes – instructions for obtaining your MAC Code

Broadband
Mobile telecommunications standards
Unique identifiers

Migration Authorisation Code


Stella Unuezi Omu (born 22 December 1946) is a Nigerian politician who was elected Senator on the People's Democratic Party (PDP) platform in 1999 for the Delta South Senatorial District of Delta State.

Background

Omu is of Isoko origin.
She was born on 22 December 1946.
Her husband is retired Major-General Paul Omu, formerly Military Governor of South-Eastern State, Nigeria.
She is the mother of three daughters and three sons. She was an assistant Comptroller General of the Nigerian Immigration Service, and retired from the civil service as Controller of the Prisons Service.
She was a member of the committee on devolution of power constituent assembly (1994–95).

Senate career

Omu was elected Senator on the People's Democratic Party platform in 1999 for the Delta South constituency.
She was appointed chief whip of the Senate and vice-chairman of the Senate committees on National Planning and on Women Affairs & Youth Development.
In May 2001, Omu denied allegations of financial impropriety against the Senate led by Anyim Pius Anyim, maintaining that they were unfounded and would have been discovered by auditors if real.

In November 2001, she received a letter containing a suspicious powdery substance, with the logo of the Federal Ministry of Communications. Other National Assembly members later received similar letters. This caused alarm as lawmakers suspected the substance to be anthrax, an agent of biological terrorism. Letters tainted with anthrax had recently been reported in United States after the 11 September 2001 terrorist attacks.
In June 2002, after a supreme court ruled that the National Assembly did not have the power to make laws for the governance of the local governments, Omu started the process of amending the relevant provisions of the 1999 constitution.

In August 2002, she was a target of attack by senators who distrusted her close relationship with President Obasanjo and her statement that the one-day election clause in the Electoral Bill 2002 might be reversed.
She resigned at the end of the month.
She ran for the PDP nomination for reelection in 2003, but lost to James Manager, a former Delta State commissioner for Works in the James Ibori cabinet.

Later career

In June 2003, Omu called on the national Assembly to quickly pass the bill for the establishment of National Agency for the Social Welfare of Nigeria Citizens. While in office she had jointly sponsored the bill with Senators Omololu Meroyi and Lekan Salami.
In an August 2003 interview, she urged all the warring groups in Warri to lay down their arms, saying that Ijaws and Itsekiris are brothers and should not allow political differences or other socio-economic factors to separate them.
In December 2005, she was chair of a Presidential Committee investigating a jail break in Port Harcourt.
She also served as a member of the National Political Reform Conference in 2005. In September 2008 she was a member of the Niger Delta Technical Committee.

Omu was a member of a committee set up by the National Executive Committee (NEC) of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) to review why the party lost the 2019 presidential election.

References

1946 births
20th-century Nigerian politicians
21st-century Nigerian politicians
21st-century Nigerian women politicians
Delta State politicians
Living people
Peoples Democratic Party members of the Senate (Nigeria)

Stella Omu


Curtis Mathes, Inc., is a North American electronics retailer initially based in Garland, Texas, and specializing in the sale of private label brand electronics and repair services. It manufactured its own brand of televisions in Athens, Texas, until July 31, 1982; ten years later, it filed for Chapter 11 bankruptcy and reorganization which allowed it to stay in business and use future earnings to pay off creditors. The company is now based in Frisco, Texas.

Known for its commercials touting its televisions as the "most expensive television set in America, and darn well worth it", the company was credited with introducing longer warranties to electronics retailing.

History

Early products
The Curtis Mathes Corporation started in 1919 as Connor and Mathes, a manufacturer and retailer of automobile and tractor parts. By the late 1920s, the company moved into the air conditioning industry. It also manufactured wooden cabinets and eventually furniture, acquiring Hub Furniture in 1942. The leading product through the 1930s and '40s were electrical fans, many styles built into custom cabinets and permanent-type window fans. In the early '50s the company added a "central" or "attic fan" to its inventory. It pulled air from all open windows into the attic where it also ventilated the attic, making the house much cooler.

As compressors were commercially introduced in the late '40s, Curtis Mathes' Fort Worth factory began making a wide variety of compressors that could be used in cars or buildings.  Leonard L. Northrup, Jr., became one of the leading distributors of Curtis Mathes Products including developing and selling an add-on air conditioning unit first used in Cadillacs.

By the late 1940s, the Curtis Mathes Company had diversified into radios.

Televisions
The Curtis Mathes Corporation was founded in 1957 and shortly thereafter entered the television industry, founding plants in Tarrant and Dallas Counties and in Athens, Texas, eventually moving most of its manufacturing to a huge Athens facility.  From 1968 to 1988 it was one of three fully American-owned electronics firms and manufacturers (along with RCA and GE).

In the late 1960s, Leonard L. Northrup, Jr., bought a controlling interest in Donmark Corporation, a manufacturer of residential air conditioning and heating equipment from his lifelong friend Curtis Mathes, Sr., as Curtis Mathes moved toward electronics.

During the next few years Curtis Mathes worked to design a modular TV and modular TV parts and chassis, so that warranty service would involve quickly switching a part, tube, tuner or picture tube. These all had snap-in connectors and were held in place by brackets instead of solder or screws. He envisioned a TV that would never require costly repairs, and early on started offering a 4-year warranty on picture tube, parts and labor.

By the mid-1970s and the advent of solid-state electronics, Mathes had achieved results. The TV consisted of 11 parts: 7 circuit boards, a tuner, a picture tube, a transformer, and the cabinet. A repair person carried all ten electronic parts in their truck and a repair call seldom lasted more than 20 minutes. In home the fee was $20, and free in the shop.

Curtis Mathes TVs that were used for rentals (such as ColorTyme) were sometimes rebranded "Rutherford".

Curtis Mathes, Sr., died in 1977. Curtis Mathes, Jr., became the chairman of the board and the company's public face, appearing in its television commercials until his 1983 death in the Air Canada Flight 797 fire at Cincinnati/Northern Kentucky International Airport.

The company began to decline, going from a peak of 5,000 employees and seven manufacturing facilities to about 50 employees in 1988 when it was sold to Enhanced Electronics. At the time of this sale, the GE/RCA television division was also sold to French firm Thomson SA.

For a time, the company sold equipment sourced from Matsushita, Pioneer, Thomson, Samsung, Daewoo, Toshiba, and other manufacturers.

2000s
In the late 1990s to early 2000s, the Curtis Mathes brand became an in-house brand for the Kmart discount chain. As of late 2007, Curtis Mathes had re-emerged with products marketed at several discount retailers such as Wal-Mart, Sam's Club, Meijer and Target.  Beginning in 2013, Curtis Mathes expanded its portfolio into LED lighting.

References

External links

1919 establishments in Texas
1988 mergers and acquisitions
Companies based in Frisco, Texas
Companies that filed for Chapter 11 bankruptcy in 1992
Consumer electronics brands
Consumer electronics retailers in the United States
Electronics companies established in 1919
Defunct manufacturing companies based in Texas
Radio manufacturers

Curtis Mathes Corporation


Lunatics: A Love Story is a 1991 comedy romance film with neo-noir (especially psycho-noir) connections written and directed by Josh Becker, starring Ted Raimi, Deborah Foreman and Bruce Campbell. The film tells the story of a young, paranoid aspiring poet who, after an accidental phone conversation with a seemingly sweet woman, is forced to overcome his worries in order to win her heart. The film's music was composed by Joseph LoDuca, and was edited by Kaye Davis.

Plot
In a rough area in Los Angeles, an aspiring poet has spent six months without leaving his apartment because of his obsessive delusions concerning cruel doctors, rappers, and spiders. Meanwhile, a woman who appears to curse things by wanting to help is dumped by her boyfriend and finds herself flat broke on the streets of LA. Soon she runs into a local gang. Due to a telephone glitch, our hero calls her at a phone booth trying to dial a "talk line" and invites her to his place. There they are forced to aid each other in overcoming their particular problems.

Cast
Deborah Foreman as Nancy
Ted Raimi as Hank
Bruce Campbell as Ray
George Aguilar as Comet
Brian McCree as Presto

References

External links

1991 films
American romantic comedy films
1991 romantic comedy films
Films shot in Michigan
Films directed by Josh Becker
American neo-noir films
1990s English-language films
1990s American films
English-language romantic comedy films

Lunatics: A Love Story


The Whilkut (variants: Whiylqit, Hwil'-kut, Hoilkut, Hoilkut-hoi) also known as "(Upper) Redwood Creek Indians" or "Mad River Indians" were a Pacific Coast Athabaskan tribe speaking a dialect similar to the Hupa to the northeast and Chilula to the north, who inhabited the area on or near the Upper Redwood Creek and along the Mad River except near its mouth (with the North Fork Mad River), up to Iaqua Butte, and some settlement in Grouse Creek in the Trinity River drainage in Northwestern California, before contact with Europeans.

The Whilkut may then be divided into four subgroups (tribelets):
 the Chilula Whilkut (Lower Redwood Indians) (by Goddard and Kroeber the ″Chilula Whilkut″ would occupy essentially the territory assigned to the Chilula and are considered a separate tribe called Chilula)
 the Kloki Whilkut / Prairie Whilkut' (Tł'o:q'-xwe / Xontehł-xwe - "Prairie People" or Tł'o:q' Xwiy¬q'it - "Prairie Whilkut", also: "(Upper) Redwood Creek Indians"; about 12 villages along Upper Redwood Creek)
 the Mad River Whilkut (Me:w-yinaq / Me:w-yinuq, Mawenok - "underneath - upstream", also: "Mad River Indians"; about 16 villages along Mad River, Maple Creek and Boulder Creek), and
 the North Fork (Mad River) Whilkut (also: "Blue Lake Whilkut", about six villages along North Fork Mad River and in Blue Lake area (Yitse'ni-xohch'indił-ding).

Known Whilkut villages: ch'iłq'un-ding, mił-tehsch'e:-me'.

The common tribal name as "Whilkut" is an adaption from the Hupa name for the Redwood Creek respectively the Redwood Ridge / Bald Hills as Xwiy¬q'it / Xwe:ył-q'it / Xoył-q'it.

The Whilkut (together with Chilula) were called by the neighboring Hupa-speaking peoples Xwiy¬q'it-xwe / Xwe:yłq'it-xwe ("Redwood Ridge / Bald Hills People"), therefore they were also known as (Upper) Redwood Creek Indians. Because of their close Hupa kin they are also called Upper Redwood Creek Hupa or Upstream Redwood Creek Hupa.

Most authors consider class the Chilula as a separate people, sometimes they are also considered another fourth tribelet (subgroup) of the Whilkut and are called the Chilula Whilkut.

Little is known of the Whilkut culture beyond its similarity to that of the Hupa and criticized by the Hupa and Chilula as guarded, traditional , less settled hill people.  Following the gold rush in Northwestern California, routes of pack trains between Humboldt Bay and Weaverville, California, lay through their territory, and their population, never large, was drastically reduced in the 1858-1864 Bald Hills War.  Estimated to have 250-350 warriors at the start of the war, the survivors were taken to the Hupa reservation soon after its establishment.  After 1870 they drifted back to their traditional homes where they continued to live. Only 50 remained in the 1910 census.  In 1972 only a remnant was left, perhaps only 20 to 25 individuals.

Whilkut descendants have since been incorporated into the Hupa:

 Hoopa Valley Tribe (Hoopa, Humboldt County, Population 2013: 3.139) (Hupa, Tsnungwe, Chimalakwe, Chilula, Whilkut)
 Blue Lake Rancheria (Blue Lake, Humboldt County, Population 2010: 58) (Wiyot, Yurok, Hupa, Whilkut)

References

Further reading
 Alfred Louis Kroeber, Handbook of the Indians of California, Volume 1, Kessinger Publishing, 2006, pp. 123, 141.
 Hupa, Chilula, and Whilkut by William J. Wallace from Robert Heizer, William C. Sturtevant, Handbook of North American Indians: California, Volume 3, Government Printing Office, Washington, 1978, pp. 178-179

See also
Population of Native California
Native Americans in California

Native American tribes in California
Native Americans in Humboldt County, California
Hupa
Bald Hills War

Whilkut


Michael Joseph "Ozzie" Myers (born May 4, 1943) is an American politician who served in the United States House of Representatives from 1976 to 1980. A member of the Democratic Party, Myers became involved in the Abscam scandal during his tenure in Congress and was later expelled from the House of Representatives after being caught taking bribes in an FBI sting operation. He spent three years in federal prison.

In 2020, he was accused of stuffing ballot boxes in Philadelphia elections during the 2010s, and charged with election fraud. He pleaded guilty in 2022, and was sentenced to  years in federal prison.

Early life
Myers was born on May 4, 1943, in Philadelphia. In 1963, Myers was arrested for burglary but was later acquitted.

Career

State legislature
In December 1970, Michael Joseph Sullivan, his cousin who later served as an election judge while incarcerated, killed a construction worker during a union dispute. It was revealed in 1974 by The Philadelphia Inquirer that Myers was in possession of the gun used while he himself was lobbying against Philadelphia's gun registration law. In August 1975 the state House voted 176 to 1 in favor of removing Representative Leonard Sweeney after he was sentenced to three years in prison for his involvement in a phony accident organization with Myers as the only nay.

In 1975, the state legislature was voting on an appropriations bill to allocate $23 million for Philadelphia's United States Bicentennial celebrations, but was defeated on October 15. The bill was brought up for another vote by Myers who was told by Appropriations Committee Chairman Stephen Wojdak to send it back to the Appropriations Committee, but Myers stated that the bill had enough support to pass and put it up for a vote. The bill was defeated with 107 to 88 voting to reject it.

House of Representatives
On July 2, 1976, he was given the Democratic nomination to run in the special election to fill the first congressional district seat following William A. Barrett's death. In 1979 Representative Ronald M. Mottl proposed a constitutional amendment that would ban forced busing and Myers supported the amendment.

In 1979, he got into a fight with a security guard and a 19-year-old female cashier in an elevator leading from the rooftop lounge of a Quality Inn motel in Arlington, Virginia, punching and kicking them. Myers became combative after they told him to turn down the music at a party he was having in the motel, shouting, "I'm a congressman: we don't have to be quiet." He was subsequently charged with assault and battery, and eventually pleaded no contest to a charge of disorderly conduct three months later. He received a six-month suspended sentence.

Myers was involved in the Abscam scandal. He was videotaped accepting a bribe of $50,000 from undercover FBI agents on August 22, 1979. On that tape, Myers is recorded saying that "money talks in this business and bullshit walks." Myers was expelled from the House of Representatives on October 2, 1980, by a vote of 376 to 30, becoming the first member of the House to be expelled since the Civil War. Myers was defeated by Thomas M. Foglietta (D) in the 1980 election. Myers was then convicted of bribery and conspiracy and sentenced to three years in prison in 1981.

Later life
After release, Myers started his own political consulting firm.

Myers was accused of conspiring to violate voting rights by fraudulently stuffing the ballot boxes for specific candidates in the 2014, 2015, 2016, 2017, and 2018 elections. He was charged on July 21, 2020, with bribery of an election official, falsification of records, voting more than once in federal elections, and obstruction of justice.

The charges included conspiring with and bribing Domenick J. Demuro, the former Judge of Elections for the 39th Ward, 36th Division. Demuro pleaded guilty in May 2020 in federal court in Philadelphia that he was responsible for overseeing the entire election process and all voter activities of his division in accordance with federal and state election laws. On June 6, 2022, Myers pled guilty to those new charges. On September 27, 2022, he was sentenced to  years in federal prison by Judge Paul S. Diamond.

Electoral history

See also
List of American federal politicians convicted of crimes
List of federal political scandals in the United States
List of United States representatives expelled, censured, or reprimanded

References

External links

Pennsylvania House of Representatives page
The Political Graveyard
Former Congressman Charged with Ballot Stuffing, Bribery, and Obstruction

|-

|-

1943 births
21st-century American criminals
20th-century American politicians
American people convicted of assault
American politicians convicted of fraud
Democratic Party members of the United States House of Representatives from Pennsylvania
Expelled members of the United States House of Representatives
Living people
Democratic Party members of the Pennsylvania House of Representatives
Pennsylvania politicians convicted of crimes
Politicians convicted of bribery under 18 U.S.C. § 201
Politicians convicted of conspiracy to defraud the United States
Politicians convicted under the Travel Act
Politicians from Philadelphia
People convicted in the Abscam scandal

Michael Myers (Pennsylvania politician)


The Linggardjati Agreement (Linggarjati in modern Indonesian spelling) was a political accord concluded on 15 November 1946 by the Dutch administration and the unilaterally declared Republic of Indonesia in the village of Linggarjati, Kuningan Regency, near Cirebon in which the Dutch recognised the republic as exercising de facto authority in Java, Madura and Sumatra.

Background
In 1942, the Japanese occupied the Dutch East Indies. On 17 August 1945, two days after the Japanese surrender, Indonesian nationalist leader Sukarno declared Indonesian independence. The Dutch viewed the Indonesian leadership as collaborators with the occupying Japanese, and were determined to reassert their control over the nation by force. Fighting broke out, which developed into a full-scale war of independence between Dutch forces and Indonesian republicans. By mid-1946, both sides were under pressure to negotiate. In July, 1946, Acting Governor-General of the Dutch East Indies Hubertus van Mook organised a conference in Malino at which representatives from Borneo and eastern Indonesia backed the proposal for a federal United States of Indonesia with links to the Netherlands.

The negotiations

On 3 July 1946 a new Dutch government (Cabinet- Beel) was formed, and this government established a Commission-General to set up a new political structure for the Dutch East Indies. This four-member commission, headed by former Dutch Prime Minister Willem Schermerhorn traveled to Jakarta to negotiate with the republican delegation arrived in Indonesia on 14 September. These negotiations with the Indonesian authorities began on 7 October 1946 and a ceasefire in Java and Sumatra was agreed to and signed on 14 October. Recognizing their still weakened position following World War II, the Netherlands were more prepared to negotiate with the republic than they were later in the Indonesian National Revolution. In November, the negotiations then moved to Cirebon from where it was easier to communicate with Sukarno and Hatta.

Most of the negotiations took place at the residence of the Kwee family of Ciledug, now a museum, in the hill station of Linggadjati around 25 km south of Cirebon, although the final document was actually initialed in Cirebon. The Dutch side comprised the following:
 Willem Schermerhorn, Dutch Prime Minister from 1945-1946
 F. De Boer, Liberal politician
 Max van Poll, Catholic Party politician
 Hubertus van Mook, Lieutenant General Governor (ex officio)
On the Republican side were:
 Sutan Sjahrir, Prime Minister
 Amir Sjarifuddin, Defense Minister
 Johannes Leimena, Junior Minister of Health, chairman of the Indonesian Christian Party
Former British ambassador to Egypt Lord Killearn acted as intermediary in the early stages, but he was not needed as the two sides established good relations. The two sides initialed the draft agreement on 15 November.

The agreement

The agreement comprised an introduction, 17 articles and a final clause. According to the terms, the Netherlands agreed to recognize the Republic as exercising de facto authority over Java, Sumatra and Madura (Article 1). The Republic would become one of three constituent states of the federal United States of Indonesia, along with the State of Borneo and the Great Eastern State, comprising the region of the Eastern Dutch East Indies known as the Great East. Any region that did not want to join the USI could determine its relationship with the USI and the Netherlands through a democratic process. (Articles 2, 3 & 4). The constitution of the USI would be drawn up by an elected Constituent Assembly. The Netherlands Indies, together with the Netherlands, Suriname, and the Netherlands Antilles, would form a Netherlands-Indonesian Union with the Dutch monarch as official head of this Union (Articles 5, 7 & 8). Both the United States of Indonesia and the Union which would be established by 1 January 1949 at the latest (Article 12). Once the agreement was signed, both parties would reduce their armed forces (Article 16). Any disputes regarding the agreement would be resolved by arbitration in the event that joint consultation failed. The last resort was to be a ruling by the president of the International Court of Justice.

Both sides made concessions. The republicans committed to the establishment of a federal Indonesian state, while the Dutch conceded the inclusion of Sumatra in the Republic of Indonesia as well as Java. The two sides reached a compromise on the form of the relationship between the USI and the Netherlands. The Dutch had wanted a political union (), while the republicans had wanted merely an alliance (). The final agreement was for  the USI to be a "sovereign and equal partner in a union", although the Dutch succeeded in persuading the republicans to agree to the Dutch monarch being the head of this union.

Ratification and signing
The Dutch Commission-General subsequently issued an "Elucidation" to the agreement, interpreting it as a "program of principles" to bring the status of the Dutch kingdom into line with the political facts in the Dutch East Indies. On 10 December 1946, the Dutch government announced its own interpretation of the agreement in a statement from Foreign Minister Jan Jonkman. As a result of pressure from the Dutch Catholic Party, which wanted to conduct missionary activities in the West Papua, Jonkman stated that the region would not after all be handed over to the United States of Indonesia, a statement at odds with article 3 of the Linggadjati Agreement. On 19 December, the Dutch parliament ratified the agreement on the basis of the Commission General's Elucidation.

Although the agreement called for the Dutch and the Republican sides to cooperate in the establishment of a federal system, van Mook began to do so unilaterally, and in December, organised the Denpasar Conference which resulted in the establishment of the State of East Indonesia. This increased Republican opposition to the agreement, especially from the Indonesian National Party, Masjumi and followers of Tan Malaka. This led to the establishment of an opposition group, the Republican Fortress (). Supporters of Prime Minister Sjahrir and the agreement, including the Socialist Party of Indonesia and the Communist Party of Indonesia formed the Left Wing (). In order to ensure ratification of the agreement, the Central Indonesian National Committee was increased in size through the appointment of government supporters and this, together with resignation threats from Indonesia leaders Sukarno and Hatta, ensured the agreement was ratified by the Indonesian side on 5 March 1947.

The agreement was signed in Jakarta at 5.30pm on 25 March 1947 in the presence of 70 guests from the Netherlands, Indonesia and other nations. The signing was followed by speeches from Schemerhorn,  van Mook and Sjahrir. There were celebrations on the streets of Jakarta and Palembang, South Sumatra. However, the agreement had been interpreted differently by the two sides, particularly regarding the meaning of the terms "cooperation" and "federal".

Subsequent developments

Both sides were unhappy with the agreement, and one member and two advisers to the Commission-General resigned in protest after it was signed. The Dutch were unhappy with the Republic establishing foreign relations, including with the Arab League, and with the Indonesia maintaining governors in the area that had become the State of East Indonesia. Meanwhile, the Indonesians complained about Dutch establishment of states in East Indonesia and West Borneo. The Dutch public's reception of the agreement was mixed - a survey found 38% of respondents supporting the agreement and 36% opposing it. One telegram to members of the Dutch Parliament compared the Linggadjati agreement with the Dutch capitulation to Germany in 1940, questioning why the agreement "extradited seventy million Indonesians to Sukarno".

On 27 May 1947, the  Commission General proposed the establishment of a federal council headed by a representative of the Dutch crown to serve as an interim government, as well as a joint police force and the regulation of food distribution. The Republic would not be allowed to have an independent foreign policy. The Dutch would cooperate with "various political entities of Indonesia" rather than exclusively the Republic. The Dutch side asked for a response in 14 days. The Indonesian side viewed this as an ultimatum - capitulate to the Dutch or face military action as it would mean de jure Dutch sovereignty over Indonesia. Sjahrir agreed to an interim government, but with the Republic comprising half the membership and East Indonesia and Borneo the other half, with no Dutch participation. He also rejected a combined police force. The Dutch rejected these counter-proposals, but the concessions that Sjahrir had made cost him political support, leaving him fatally weakened. He resigned on 27 June. Sukarno then declared a state of emergency and took personal charge of the negotiations.

On 29 June, van Mook wrote to Sukarno to repeat the main points that he believed must be agreed on, including continuing Dutch sovereignty and the joint police force. New Prime Minister Amir Sjariffuddin accepted the de jure Dutch authority, but refused to agree to the joint police force. The Dutch then also demanded an end to Republican hostilities, and the food blockade of Dutch-controlled areas by midnight on 16 July. The Republicans agreed to a ceasefire if the Dutch would also be bound by it. The Indonesian side also suggested arbitration under Article 17 of the agreement.  However, on 20 July the Dutch abrogated the Linggadjati Agreement and following a recommendation by van Mook, Dutch Prime Minister Louis Beel ordered the army to commence military intervention. This began on the night of 20–21 July in form of Operation Product.

See also
 Timeline of the Indonesian National Revolution
 Nationaal Comité Handhaving Rijkseenheid
 Dutch police actions
 Renville Agreement

Notes

References

External links
Text of the Linggadjati Agreement

Indonesian National Revolution
Treaties concluded in 1946
Treaties of Indonesia
Treaties of the Netherlands
History of Java
1946 in the Dutch East Indies
1946 in Indonesia
Indonesia–Netherlands relations
United States of Indonesia
November 1946 events in Asia
1946 documents

Linggadjati Agreement


The 1995 Rugby World Cup Final was the final match of the 1995 Rugby World Cup, played in South Africa. The match was played at Ellis Park Stadium, Johannesburg on 24 June 1995 between the host nation, South Africa, and New Zealand.

South Africa won the match by three points in their first Rugby World Cup Final, which was also the first to require extra time. Unusually, the points were scored by only one player from each team, with Andrew Mehrtens of New Zealand scoring all 12 of the All Blacks points, (three penalties and one drop goal) and Joel Stransky tallying all 15 points (three penalties and two drop goals) for the Springboks, including a drop goal in extra time, which sealed the victory and their first ever  Rugby World Cup title.

At the end of the match, South African President Nelson Mandela, wearing a number 6 Springbok rugby shirt and cap, presented the Webb Ellis Cup to the South African captain François Pienaar.

Path to the final
The final was contested by the hosts, South Africa, and New Zealand. Both teams finished at the top of their pools, both undefeated in the pool stages. South Africa defeated Western Samoa in the quarter finals, and then France in the semi-finals to reach the final; the All Blacks defeated Scotland in the quarter-finals, and England in the semi-finals, a game in which Jonah Lomu famously scored four tries.

Going into the final, New Zealand had led the tournament in points scored, outscoring their opponents 315–104, while South Africa had outscored their opponents 129–55. The high scoring All Blacks had been led by Lomu, who had the record for most tries in a world cup match summary. Prior to the game, the national anthem of New Zealand, "God Defend New Zealand", and the then-dual national anthems of South Africa "Die Stem van Suid-Afrika" and "Nkosi Sikelel' iAfrika" were sung by the Imilonji Kantu Choral Society.

First half
No tries were scored, but this did not diminish the tense atmosphere and climactic finish. The South Africans played a largely defensive game. Due to the strength of flanker Ruben Kruger and No. 8 Mark Andrews plus scrum-half Joost van der Westhuizen, the expansive attacks from New Zealand were repeatedly closed down. Andrew Mehrtens opened the scoring with a penalty after six minutes to give New Zealand a 3–0 lead. A Joel Stransky penalty put South Africa on the scoreboard after 11 minutes. Mehrtens and Stransky swapped successful penalty kicks. Following a period of pressure, Stransky landed a 32nd minute drop goal to give South Africa a 9–6 lead at half time.

Second half
The All Blacks levelled the scores at 9–9 with a Mehrtens drop goal after 55 minutes. Though All Blacks fly-half Andrew Mehrtens almost kicked a late drop goal, the score remained unchanged at full time, forcing the game into extra time for the first time in a Rugby World Cup final.

Extra time
Extra time began with South Africa needing to take the initiative, due to the ruling that if extra time finished with scores still level with no side having scored more tries than the other, then the team with the better overall disciplinary record during the tournament would win. But early in the first half, the Springboks were penalized for chasing a Stransky kick from an offside position. From just inside the half-way line, Mehrtens kicked truly to give New Zealand a 12–9 lead. As half-time approached, Stransky put a high kick for his teammates to chase, and from the resultant play referee Morrison penalized the All Blacks for diving to the ground near the tackle, and right on the stroke of half-time Stransky levelled the scores at 12–12. Seven minutes from time it was Stransky who scored the final point. From thirty metres out he struck the drop goal, securing South Africa's victory and the Rugby World Cup crown.

Aftermath

After the match Nelson Mandela, wearing a Springbok rugby shirt and cricket cap, presented the Webb Ellis Cup to South Africa captain François Pienaar. The moment is one of the most famous of any sporting final. In 2002, Mandela's presentation was listed at number 70 in a list of the 100 Greatest Sporting Moments on a British television programme.

During the end of tournament banquet, South Africa's rugby president, Louis Luyt said in his speech that "There were no true world champions in the 1987 and 1991 World Cups because South Africa were not there." This claim led the New Zealand team to walk out of the dinner.

Match details

In popular culture
Mandela and Pienaar's involvement in the 1995 World Cup became the subject of Clint Eastwood's Oscar-nominated 2009 film Invictus, featuring Morgan Freeman as Mandela and Matt Damon as Pienaar, with the final as the climactic scene and filmed on location at Ellis Park. Chester Williams, the only black player in the 1995 Springbok squad, was a technical consultant.

Poisoning allegations
New Zealand coach Laurie Mains and doctor Mike Bowen have claimed that the All Blacks were intentionally food poisoned while staying at a South African hotel. The South African side has rebuffed these claims and New Zealand manager Colin Meads has attributed the poisoning to "dodgy milk" rather than an intentional act.

See also
 List of Rugby World Cup finals

References

Final
1995
Final
Final
New Zealand national rugby union team matches
South Africa national rugby union team matches
History of rugby union matches between New Zealand and South Africa

1995 Rugby World Cup final


Stop Press Girl is a 1949 British fantasy comedy film directed by Michael Barry and starring Sally Ann Howes, Gordon Jackson, Basil Radford and Naunton Wayne; the latter two appearing in several different roles in the film. It marked an early screen appearance by Kenneth More who later co starred with Hows in The Admirable Crichton.

The film was one of the four of David Rawnsley's films that used his "independent frame" technique, a form of back projection.

Plot
Roy Fairfax, junior partner for timepiece manufacturers Fairfax & Sons, arrives in the quiet village of Slipfold to visit his fiancée Jennfier Peters and ask her uncle for permission to marry. On his way through town in his new motorcar, Roy causes a commotion and spooks the horse of village dentist Arthur Peters. Arriving at her home, Roy encourages Jennifer to join him for a drive and gives her a new watch in lieu of an engagement ring, however Jennifer explains she never wears a watch as they always seem to stop. After only fifteen minutes Roy's car stops working as does the watch he gave to Jennifer and later his own watch, a fact which frightens Roy as it could ruin the reputation of his father's company. Jennifer however is able to perfectly tell the time without the need for a watch.

Roy and Jennifer walk home where Roy nervously awaits his meeting with Jennifer's uncle Arthur, whom Roy now knows is the same man whose horse he spooked earlier. Arthur tests Roy by roughly examining him on the dentist chair whilst Roy attempts to pitch why he would be a respectable suitor for Jennifer. Arthur then explains that all the women in his family including Jennifer inherit a strange ability, able to stop any mechanical device they encounter from working. Roy flees the house afterwards. That night Arthur and his sister, Aunt Mab debate telling Jennifer about her gift, although Arthur believes she is not yet old enough. Jennifer catches the train to London following Roy, where she meets a group of journalists including Jock Melville, who falls in love with Jennifer. Eventually the train mysteriously stops due to Jennifer's abilities before a tree then falls onto the track. Jennifer and journalist Angela hitch a lift in the back of a truck leaving Jock behind, however later the truck breaks down. Jock arrives in the back of a cart and picks up Jennifer, leaving Angela behind. As Jock and Jennifer settle down for the night in their cart Angela drives past in the now working truck.

The next morning Arthur and Aunt Mab discover Jennifer has gone, working out she is heading for London after reading an article about the train miraculously stopping, with Arthur worrying that her abilities will cause chaos in London. In the city, Jennifer visits Fairfax & Sons and asks to see Roy but is mistakenly introduced to his father John Fairfax who takes Jennifer on a tour round their London factory and showroom. During the tour all the machines and clocks stop and after Jennifer leaves Roy arrives and tells his father about Jennifer's abilities. Later, Jennifer attempts to stop a smash and grab robbery but ends up being bundled into the thief's car, which breaks down. The thieves are caught but Jennifer is knocked out in the process, causing the car to start up again as her powers stop working while Jennifer is asleep or unconscious. Jock rescues her from the police and writes an article about her involvement in stopping the robbery which prompts Angela to become interested in her story.

Arthur and Aunt Mab head to London to find Jennifer, with Mab sedated for most of the journey to negate her own ability to stop mechanical devices. They meet Jennifer's roommate Carole who has stayed at home with a bad tooth and has asked Jennifer to cover her shift, however she works as an air hostess, which causes a worried Arthur and Mab to hurry to the airport in a horse-drawn milk cart to stop the plane from taking off. They are too late however and the converted Handley Page Halifax takes off with Jennifer, Jock, Roy, and John Fairfax on board. Roy and John panic when they see Jennifer and tell Jock about her abilities, who then tells Jennifer. As the plane stops working Jock parachutes out with Jennifer and they land safely. The next morning Jennifer wakes up to find that Jock has headed back to London on his own and written a story about Jennifer, her abilities, and how she saved the plane, which has caused her to become an over-night sensation, being dubbed "the miracle girl". Angela remains unconvinced by Jennifer's supposed abilities.

Jennifer tells Jock that she is appalled by his story and how he selfishly used her for his big break, and says she will never speak to him again. She then tries to return to London but is turned away at the train station and by buses and motorists who have read the story, so asks Carole for help. Angela overhears and arranges to take Jennifer back to London by horse and cart, testing her abilities on the way and writing an article about Jennifer being a fake when she fails to stop her watch (although this is due to Jennifer sleeping for the whole journey). Angela's article prompts a nation-wide media frenzy as journalists continue writing articles either supporting or disregarding Jennifer and extending challenges for her to prove if her abilities are real. Throughout this Jock repeatedly tries to see Jennifer but she refuses to let him up. With Carole's help Jock sneaks up to her room, however Jennifer furiously kicks him out after he suggests accepting the challenge to prove her powers. Later however Jennifer agrees to the challenge when Arthur suggests Jock might lose his job if people don't believe his stories. Jennifer, Jock, Angela, and other journalists assemble at the Evening Comet machine room to see if Jennifer can stop their printing press. After fifteen minutes the machines begin to slow and a triumphant Jennifer and Jock embrace, however immediately the machines begin to speed up again. Arthur and Aunt Mab explain that the abilities Jennifer possesses stop the moment she falls in love and continue to not work as long as she remains in love, causing an excited Jock to write another story explaining why she failed the challenge. Jennifer and Jock marry, however when Jock rushes off to chase an interview the train the pair are riding stops, causing Jock to return and apologise, however Jennifer points out that the train stopping had nothing to do with her abilities.

Main cast
 Sally Ann Howes as Jennifer Peters
 Gordon Jackson as Jock Meville
 Nigel Buchanan as Roy Fairfax
 Sonia Holm as Angela Carew
 James Robertson Justice as Arthur Peters
 Joyce Barbour as Aunt Mab
 Campbell Cotts as John Fairfax
 Julia Lang as Carole Saunders
 Percy Walsh as Editor, Evening Comet
 Oliver Burt as Editor, Morning Sun
 Kenneth More as Police Sgt. 'Bonzo'
 Basil Radford as The Mechanical Type
 Naunton Wayne as The Mechanical Type
 Cyril Chamberlain as Johnnie
 Humphrey Lestocq as Radio Commentator
 Michael Goodliffe as McPherson

Critical reception
TV Guide called it "A British comedy with a premise that promises but never delivers"; whereas Allmovie wrote, "Stop Press Girl is admittedly a one-joke film, though that joke is a good one."

References

External links

1949 films
1940s fantasy comedy films
Films shot at Pinewood Studios
British fantasy comedy films
Films set in London
British black-and-white films
1949 comedy films
1940s English-language films
1940s British films

Stop Press Girl