The history of capitalism is diverse and the concept of capitalism has many debated roots. The history of the past 500 years is concerned with the development of capitalism in its various forms. Capital accumulated by a variety of methods, at a variety of scales, became associated with much variation in the concentration of wealth and economic power. Capitalism gradually became the dominant economic system throughout the world.

Historiography
The processes by which capitalism emerged, evolved, and spread are the subject of extensive research and debate among historians. Debates sometimes focus on how to bring substantive historical data to bear on key questions. Key parameters of debate include: the extent to which capitalism is a natural human behavior, versus the extent to which it arises from specific historical circumstances; whether its origins lie in towns and trade or in rural property relations; the role of class conflict; the role of the state; the extent to which capitalism is a distinctively European innovation; its relationship with European imperialism; whether technological change is a driver or merely a secondary byproduct of capitalism; and whether or not it is the most beneficial way to organize human societies.

The historiography of capitalism can be divided into two broad schools. One is associated with economic liberalism, with the 18th-century economist Adam Smith as a foundational figure. The other is associated with Marxism, drawing particular inspiration from the 19th-century economist Karl Marx.

Liberals view capitalism as an expression of natural human behaviors that have been in evidence for millennia and the most beneficial way of promoting human well-being. They see capitalism as originating in trade and commerce, and freeing people to exercise their entrepreneurial natures.

Marxists view capitalism as a unique mode of production involving the bourgeoisie and the proletariat that emerged as a result of the fall of feudalism and the beginning of the Industrial Revolution. This rejects the notion that capitalism has existed for millennia and is a part of human nature.

Origins
The origins of capitalism have been much debated (and depend partly on how capitalism is defined). The traditional account, originating in classical 18th-century liberal economic thought and still often articulated, is the 'commercialisation model'. This sees capitalism originating in trade. In this reading, capitalism emerged from earlier trade once merchants had acquired sufficient wealth (referred to as 'primitive capital') to begin investing in increasingly productive technology. This account tends to see capitalism as a continuation of trade, arising when people's natural entrepreneurialism was freed from the constraints of feudalism, partly by urbanisation. Thus it traces capitalism to early forms of merchant capitalism practiced in Western Europe during the Middle Ages.

Other views

A competitor to the 'commercialisation model' is the 'agrarian model', which explains the rise of capitalism by unique circumstances in English agrarianism. The evidence it cites is that traditional mercantilism focused on moving goods from markets where they were cheap to markets where they were expensive rather than investing in production, and that many cultures (including the early modern Dutch Republic) saw urbanisation and the amassing of wealth by merchants without the emergence of capitalist production.

The agrarian argument developed particularly through Karl Polanyi's The Great Transformation (1944), Maurice Dobb's Studies in the Development of Capitalism (1946), and Robert Brenner's research in the 1970s, the discussion of which is known as the Brenner Debate. In the wake of the Norman Conquest, the English state was unusually centralised. This gave aristocrats relatively limited powers to extract wealth directly from their feudal underlings through political means (not least the threat of violence). England's centralisation also meant that an unusual number of English farmers were not peasants (with their own land and thus direct access to subsistence) but tenants (renting their land). These circumstances produced a market in leases. Landlords, lacking other ways to extract wealth, were motivated to rent to tenants who could pay the most, while tenants, lacking security of tenure, were motivated to farm as productively as possible to win leases in a competitive market. This led to a cascade of effects whereby successful tenant farmers became agrarian capitalists; unsuccessful ones became wage-labourers, required to sell their labour in order to live; and landlords promoted the privatisation and renting out of common land, not least through the enclosures. In this reading, 'it was not merchants or manufacturers who drove the process that propelled the early development of capitalism. The transformation of social property relations was firmly rooted in the countryside, and the transformation of England's trade and industry was result more than cause of England's transition to capitalism'.

21st-century scholarship
The 21st century has seen renewed interest in the history of capitalism, and "History of Capitalism" has become a field in its own right, with courses in history departments. In the 2000s, Harvard University founded the Program on the Study of U.S. Capitalism; Cornell University established the History of Capitalism Initiative; and Columbia University Press launched a monograph series titled Studies in the History of U.S. Capitalism. This field includes topics such as insurance, banking and regulation, the political dimension, and the impact on the middle classes, the poor and women and minorities. These initiatives incorporate formerly neglected questions of race, gender, and sexuality into the history of capitalism. They have grown in the aftermath of the financial crisis of 2007–2008 and the associated Great Recession.

Some academic institutions which are managed in part by free-market think tanks, such as the Clemson Institute for the Study of Capitalism, reject the notion that race, gender, or sexuality have any significant relationship to capitalism at all and instead seek to show that laissez-faire capitalism, in particular, provides the moral foundations of a just society and the most numerous economic opportunities for all people.

Agrarian capitalism

Crisis of the 14th century

According to some historians, the modern capitalist system originated in the "crisis of the Late Middle Ages", a conflict between the land-owning aristocracy and the agricultural producers, or serfs. Manorial arrangements inhibited the development of capitalism in a number of ways.  Serfs had obligations to produce for lords and therefore had no interest in technological innovation; they also had no interest in cooperating with one another because they produced to sustain their own families. The lords who owned the land relied on force to guarantee that they received sufficient food. Because lords were not producing to sell on the market, there was no competitive pressure for them to innovate. Finally, because lords expanded their power and wealth through military means, they spent their wealth on military equipment or on conspicuous consumption that helped foster alliances with other lords; they had no incentive to invest in developing new productive technologies.

The demographic crisis of the 14th century upset this arrangement. This crisis had several causes: agricultural productivity reached its technological limitations and stopped growing, bad weather led to the Great Famine of 1315–1317, and the Black Death of 1348–1350 led to a population crash. These factors led to a decline in agricultural production. In response, feudal lords sought to expand agricultural production by extending their domains through warfare; therefore they demanded more tribute from their serfs to pay for military expenses. In England, many serfs rebelled. Some moved to towns, some bought land, and some entered into favorable contracts to rent lands from lords who needed to repopulate their estates.

The collapse of the manorial system in England enlarged the class of tenant farmers with more freedom to market their goods and thus more incentive to invest in new technologies. Lords who did not want to rely on renters could buy out or evict tenant farmers, but then had to hire free labor to work their estates, giving them an incentive to invest in two kinds of commodity owners. One kind was those who had money, the means of production, and subsistence, who were eager to valorize the sum of value they had appropriated by buying the labor power of others. The other kind was free workers, who sold their own labor. The workers neither formed part of the means of production nor owned the means of production that transformed land and even money into what we now call "capital". Marx labeled this period the "pre-history of capitalism".

In effect, feudalism began to lay some of the foundations necessary for the development of mercantilism, a precursor of capitalism. Feudalism lasted from the medieval period through the 16th century. Feudal manors were almost entirely self-sufficient, and therefore limited the role of the market. This stifled any incipient tendency towards capitalism. However, the relatively sudden emergence of new technologies and discoveries, particularly in agriculture and exploration, facilitated the growth of capitalism. The most important development at the end of feudalism was the emergence of what Robert Degan calls "the dichotomy between wage earners and capitalist merchants". The competitive nature meant there are always winners and losers, and this became clear as feudalism evolved into mercantilism, an economic system characterized by the private or corporate ownership of capital goods, investments determined by private decisions, and by prices, production, and the distribution of goods determined mainly by competition in a free market.

Enclosure

England in the 16th century was already a centralized state, in which much of the feudal order of Medieval Europe had been swept away. This centralization was strengthened by a good system of roads and a disproportionately large capital city, London. The capital acted as a central market for the entire country, creating a large internal market for goods, in contrast to the fragmented feudal holdings that prevailed in most parts of the Continent. The economic foundations of the agricultural system were also beginning to diverge substantially; the manorial system had broken down by this time, and land began to be concentrated in the hands of fewer landlords with increasingly large estates. The system put pressure on both the landlords and the tenants to increase agricultural productivity to create profit. The weakened coercive power of the aristocracy to extract peasant surpluses encouraged them to try out better methods. The tenants also had an incentive to improve their methods to succeed in an increasingly competitive labour market. Land rents had moved away from the previous stagnant system of custom and feudal obligation, and were becoming directly subject to economic market forces.

An important aspect of this process of change was the enclosure of the common land previously held in the open field system where peasants had traditional rights, such as mowing meadows for hay and grazing livestock. Once enclosed, these uses of the land became restricted to the owner, and it ceased to be land for commons. The process of enclosure began to be a widespread feature of the English agricultural landscape during the 16th century. By the 19th century, unenclosed commons had become largely restricted to rough pasture in mountainous areas and to relatively small parts of the lowlands.

Marxist and neo-Marxist historians argue that rich landowners used their control of state processes to appropriate public land for their private benefit. This created a landless working class that provided the labour required in the new industries developing in the north of England. For example: "In agriculture the years between 1760 and 1820 are the years of wholesale enclosure in which, in village after village, common rights are lost". "Enclosure (when all the sophistications are allowed for) was a plain enough case of class robbery". Anthropologist Jason Hickel notes that this process of enclosure led to myriad peasant revolts, among them Kett's Rebellion and the Midland Revolt, which culminated in violent repression and executions.

Other scholars argue that the better-off members of the European peasantry encouraged and participated actively in enclosure, seeking to end the perpetual poverty of subsistence farming. "We should be careful not to ascribe to [enclosure] developments that were the consequence of a much broader and more complex process of historical change." "[T]he impact of eighteenth and nineteenth century enclosure has been grossly exaggerated...."

Merchant capitalism and mercantilism

Precedents

While trade has existed since early in human history, it was not capitalism. The earliest recorded activity of long-distance profit-seeking merchants can be traced to the Old Assyrian merchants active in Mesopotamia the 2nd millennium BCE. The Roman Empire developed more advanced forms of commerce, and similarly widespread networks existed in Islamic nations. However, capitalism took shape in Europe in the late Middle Ages and Renaissance.

An early emergence of commerce occurred on monastic estates in Italy and France and in the independent city republics of Italy during the late Middle Ages. Innovations in banking, insurance, accountancy, and various production and commercial practices linked closely to a 'spirit' of frugality, reinvestment, and city life, promoted attitudes that sociologists have tended to associate only with northern Europe, Protestantism, and a much later age. The city republics maintained their political independence from Empire and Church, traded with North Africa, the Middle East and Asia, and introduced Eastern practices. They were also considerably different from the absolutist monarchies of Spain and France, and were strongly attached to civic liberty.

Emergence
Modern capitalism resembles some elements of mercantilism in the early modern period between the 16th and 18th centuries. Early evidence for mercantilist practices appears in early modern Venice, Genoa, and Pisa over the Mediterranean trade in bullion. The region of mercantilism's real birth, however, was the Atlantic Ocean.

England began a large-scale and integrative approach to mercantilism during the Elizabethan Era. An early statement on national balance of trade appeared in Discourse of the Common Weal of this Realm of England, 1549: "We must always take heed that we buy no more from strangers than we sell them, for so should we impoverish ourselves and enrich them." The period featured various but often disjointed efforts by the court of Queen Elizabeth to develop a naval and merchant fleet capable of challenging the Spanish stranglehold on trade and of expanding the growth of bullion at home. Elizabeth promoted the Trade and Navigation Acts in Parliament and issued orders to her navy for the protection and promotion of English shipping.

These efforts organized national resources sufficiently in the defense of England against the far larger and more powerful Spanish Empire, and in turn paved the foundation for establishing a global empire in the 19th century. The authors noted most for establishing the English mercantilist system include Gerard de Malynes and Thomas Mun, who first articulated the Elizabethan System. The latter's  England's Treasure by Forraign Trade, or the Balance of our Forraign Trade is The Rule of Our Treasure gave a systematic and coherent explanation of the concept of balance of trade. It was written in the 1620s and published in 1664. Mercantile doctrines were further developed by Josiah Child. Numerous French authors helped to cement French policy around mercantilism in the 17th century. French mercantilism was best articulated by Jean-Baptiste Colbert (in office, 1665–1683), although his policies were greatly liberalised under Napoleon.

Doctrines
Under mercantilism, European merchants, backed by state controls, subsidies, and monopolies, made most of their profits from buying and selling goods. In the words of Francis Bacon, the purpose of mercantilism was "the opening and well-balancing of trade; the cherishing of manufacturers; the banishing of idleness; the repressing of waste and excess by sumptuary laws; the improvement and husbanding of the soil; the regulation of prices..." Similar practices of economic regimentation had begun earlier in medieval towns. However, under mercantilism, given the contemporaneous rise of absolutism, the state superseded the local guilds as the regulator of the economy.

Among the major tenets of mercantilist theory was bullionism, a doctrine stressing the importance of accumulating precious metals. Mercantilists argued that a state should export more goods than it imported so that foreigners would have to pay the difference in precious metals. Mercantilists asserted that only raw materials that could not be extracted at home should be imported. They promoted the idea that government subsidies, such as granting monopolies and protective tariffs, were necessary to encourage home production of manufactured goods.

Proponents of mercantilism emphasized state power and overseas conquest as the principal aim of economic policy. If a state could not supply its own raw materials, according to the mercantilists, it should acquire colonies from which they could be extracted. Colonies constituted not only sources of raw materials but also markets for finished products. Because it was not in the interests of the state to allow competition, to help the mercantilists, colonies should be prevented from engaging in manufacturing and trading with foreign powers.

Mercantilism was a system of trade for profit, although commodities were still largely produced by non-capitalist production methods. Noting the various pre-capitalist features of mercantilism, Karl Polanyi argued that "mercantilism, with all its tendency toward commercialization, never attacked the safeguards which protected [the] two basic elements of production – labor and land – from becoming the elements of commerce." Thus mercantilist regulation was more akin to feudalism than capitalism. According to Polanyi, "not until 1834 was a competitive labor market established in England, hence industrial capitalism as a social system cannot be said to have existed before that date."

Chartered trading companies

The Muscovy Company was the first major chartered joint stock English trading company. It was established in 1555 with a monopoly on trade between England and Muscovy. It was an offshoot of the earlier Company of Merchant Adventurers to New Lands, founded in 1551 by Richard Chancellor, Sebastian Cabot and Sir Hugh Willoughby to locate the Northeast Passage to China to allow trade. This was the precursor to a type of business that would soon flourish in England, the Dutch Republic and elsewhere.

The British East India Company (1600) and the Dutch East India Company (1602) launched an era of large state chartered trading companies. These companies were characterized by their monopoly on trade, granted by letters patent provided by the state. Recognized as chartered joint-stock companies by the state, these companies enjoyed lawmaking, military, and treaty-making privileges. Characterized by its colonial and expansionary powers by states, powerful nation-states sought to accumulate precious metals, and military conflicts arose. During this era, merchants, who had previously traded on their own, invested capital in the East India Companies and other colonies, seeking a return on investment.

Industrial capitalism

Mercantilism declined in Great Britain in the mid-18th century, when a new group of economic theorists, led by Adam Smith, challenged fundamental mercantilist doctrines, such as that the world's wealth remained constant and that a state could only increase its wealth at the expense of another state. However, mercantilism continued in less developed economies, such as Prussia and Russia, with their much younger manufacturing bases.

The mid-18th century gave rise to industrial capitalism, made possible by (1) the accumulation of vast amounts of capital under the merchant phase of capitalism and its investment in machinery, and (2) the fact that the enclosures meant that Britain had a large population of people with no access to subsistence agriculture, who needed to buy basic commodities via the market, ensuring a mass consumer market. Industrial capitalism, which Marx dated from the last third of the 18th century, marked the development of the factory system of manufacturing, characterized by a complex division of labor between and within work processes and the routinization of work tasks. Industrial capitalism finally established the global domination of the capitalist mode of production.

During the resulting Industrial Revolution, the industrialist replaced the merchant as a dominant actor in the capitalist system, which led to the decline of the traditional handicraft skills of artisans, guilds, and journeymen. Also during this period, capitalism transformed relations between the British landowning gentry and peasants, giving rise to the production of cash crops for the market rather than for subsistence on a feudal manor. The surplus generated by the rise of commercial agriculture encouraged increased mechanization of agriculture.

There is an activate debate on the role of the Atlantic slavery in the emergence of industrial capitalism. Eric Williams (1944) argued on Capitalism and Slavery about the crucial role of plantation slavery in the growth of industrial capitalism, since both happened in similar time periods. Harvey (2019) wrote that "A flagship of the industrial revolution, the Lancashire mills and their 465,000 textile workers, was entirely reliant [in the 1860s] on the labour of three million cotton slaves in the American Deep South."

Industrial Revolution

The productivity gains of capitalist production began a sustained and unprecedented increase at the turn of the 19th century, in a process commonly referred to as the Industrial Revolution. Starting in about 1760 in England, there was a steady transition to new manufacturing processes in a variety of industries, including going from hand production methods to machine production, new chemical manufacturing and iron production processes, improved efficiency of water power, the increasing use of steam power and the development of machine tools. It also included the change from wood and other bio-fuels to coal.

In textile manufacturing, mechanized cotton spinning powered by steam or water increased the output of a worker by a factor of about 1000, due to the application of James Hargreaves' spinning jenny, Richard Arkwright's water frame, Samuel Crompton's Spinning Mule and other inventions. The power loom increased the output of a worker by a factor of over 40. The cotton gin increased the productivity of removing seed from cotton by a factor of 50. Large gains in productivity also occurred in spinning and weaving wool and linen, although they were not as great as in cotton.

Finance

The growth of Britain's industry stimulated a concomitant growth in its system of finance and credit. In the 18th century, services offered by banks increased. Clearing facilities, security investments, cheques and overdraft protections were introduced. Cheques had been invented in the 17th century in England, and banks settled payments by direct courier to the issuing bank.  Around 1770, they began meeting in a central location, and by the 19th century a dedicated space was established, known as a bankers' clearing house.  The London clearing house used a method where each bank paid cash to and then was paid cash by an inspector at the end of each day. The first overdraft facility was set up in 1728 by The Royal Bank of Scotland.

The end of the Napoleonic War and the subsequent rebound in trade led to an expansion in the bullion reserves held by the Bank of England, from a low of under 4 million pounds in 1821 to 14 million pounds by late 1824.

Older innovations became routine parts of financial life during the 19th century. The Bank of England first issued bank notes during the 17th century, but the notes were hand written and few in number. After 1725, they were partially printed, but cashiers still had to sign each note and make them payable to a named person. In 1844, parliament passed the Bank Charter Act tying these notes to gold reserves, effectively creating the institution of central banking and monetary policy. The notes became fully printed and widely available from 1855.

Growing international trade increased the number of banks, especially in London. These new "merchant banks" facilitated trade growth, profiting from England's emerging dominance in seaborne shipping. Two immigrant families, Rothschild and Baring, established merchant banking firms in London in the late 18th century and came to dominate world banking in the next century. The tremendous wealth amassed by these banking firms soon attracted much attention. The poet George Gordon Byron wrote in 1823: "Who makes politics run glibber all?/ The shade of Bonaparte's noble daring?/ Jew Rothschild and his fellow-Christian, Baring."

The operation of banks also shifted. At the beginning of the century, banking was still an elite preoccupation of a handful of very wealthy families. Within a few decades, however, a new sort of banking had emerged, owned by anonymous stockholders, run by professional managers, and the recipient of the deposits of a growing body of small middle-class savers. Although this breed of banks was newly prominent, it was not new – the Quaker family Barclays had been banking in this way since 1690.

Free trade and globalization
At the height of the First French Empire, Napoleon sought to introduce a "continental system" that would render Europe economically autonomous, thereby emasculating British trade and commerce. It involved such stratagems as the use of beet sugar in preference to the cane sugar that had to be imported from the tropics. Although this caused businessmen in England to agitate for peace, Britain persevered, in part because it was well into the industrial revolution. The war had the opposite effect – it stimulated the growth of certain industries, such as pig-iron production which increased from 68,000 tons in 1788 to 244,000 by 1806.

In 1817, David Ricardo, James Mill and Robert Torrens, in the famous theory of comparative advantage, argued that free trade would benefit the industrially weak as well as the strong. In Principles of Political Economy and Taxation, Ricardo advanced the doctrine still considered the most counterintuitive in economics:

 When an inefficient producer sends the merchandise it produces best to a country able to produce it more efficiently, both countries benefit.

By the mid 19th century, Britain was firmly wedded to the notion of free trade, and the first era of globalization began. In the 1840s, the Corn Laws and the Navigation Acts were repealed, ushering in a new age of free trade. In line with the teachings of the classical political economists, led by Adam Smith and David Ricardo, Britain embraced liberalism, encouraging competition and the development of a market economy.

Industrialization allowed cheap production of household items using economies of scale, while rapid population growth created sustained demand for commodities. Nineteenth-century imperialism decisively shaped globalization in this period. After the First and Second Opium Wars and the completion of the British conquest of India, vast populations of these regions became ready consumers of European exports. During this period, areas of sub-Saharan Africa and the Pacific islands were incorporated into the world system. Meanwhile, the European conquest of new parts of the globe, notably sub-Saharan Africa, yielded valuable natural resources such as rubber, diamonds and coal and helped fuel trade and investment between the European imperial powers, their colonies, and the United States.

The global financial system was mainly tied to the gold standard during this period. The United Kingdom first formally adopted this standard in 1821. Soon to follow was Canada in 1853, Newfoundland in 1865, and the United States and Germany (de jure) in 1873. New technologies, such as the telegraph, the transatlantic cable, the Radiotelephone, the steamship, and the railway allowed goods and information to move around the world at an unprecedented degree.

The eruption of civil war in the United States in 1861 and the blockade of its ports to international commerce meant that the main supply of cotton for the Lancashire looms was cut off. The textile industries shifted to reliance upon cotton from Africa and Asia during the course of the U.S. civil war, and this created pressure for an Anglo-French controlled canal through the Suez peninsula. The Suez canal opened in 1869, the same year in which the Central Pacific Railroad that spanned the North American continent was completed. Capitalism and the engine of profit were making the globe a smaller place.

20th century
Several major challenges to capitalism appeared in the early part of the 20th century. The Russian revolution in 1917 established the first state with a ruling communist party in the world; a decade later, the Great Depression triggered increasing criticism of the existing capitalist system. One response to this crisis was a turn to fascism, an ideology that advocated state capitalism. Another response was to reject capitalism altogether in favour of communist or democratic socialist ideologies.

Keynesianism and free markets

The economic recovery of the world's leading capitalist economies in the period following the end of the Great Depression and the Second World War—a period of unusually rapid growth by historical standards—eased discussion of capitalism's eventual decline or demise. The state began to play an increasingly prominent role to moderate and regulate the capitalistic system throughout much of the world.

Keynesian economics became a widely accepted method of government regulation and countries such as the United Kingdom experimented with mixed economies in which the state owned and operated certain major industries.

The state also expanded in the US; in 1929, total government expenditures amounted to less than one-tenth of GNP; from the 1970s they amounted to around one-third. Similar increases were seen in all industrialised capitalist economies, some of which, such as France, have reached even higher ratios of government expenditures to GNP than the United States.

A broad array of new analytical tools in the social sciences were developed to explain the social and economic trends of the period, including the concepts of post-industrial society and the welfare state.

The long post-war boom ended in the 1970s, amid the economic crises experienced following the 1973 oil crisis. The "stagflation" of the 1970s led many economic commentators and politicians to embrace market-oriented policy prescriptions inspired by the laissez-faire capitalism and classical liberalism of the nineteenth century, particularly under the influence of Friedrich Hayek and Milton Friedman. The theoretical alternative to Keynesianism was more compatible with laissez-faire and emphasised rapid expansion of the economy. Market-oriented solutions gained increasing support in the Western world, especially under the leadership of Ronald Reagan in the United States and Margaret Thatcher in the UK in the 1980s. Public and political interest began shifting away from the so-called collectivist concerns of Keynes's managed capitalism to a focus on individual choice, called "remarketized capitalism".

The three booming decades that followed the Second World War, according to political economist Clara E. Mattei, were an anomaly in the history of contemporary capitalism. She writes that austerity did not originate with the emergence of the neoliberal era starting in the 1970s, but "has been the mainstay of capitalism."

Globalization

Although overseas trade has been associated with the development of capitalism for over five hundred years, some thinkers argue that a number of trends associated with globalisation have acted to increase the mobility of people and capital since the last quarter of the twentieth century, combining to circumscribe the room to manoeuvre of states in choosing non-capitalist models of development. Today, these trends have bolstered the argument that capitalism should now be viewed as a truly world system (Burnham). However, other thinkers argue that globalisation, even in its quantitative degree, is no greater now than during earlier periods of capitalist trade.

After the abandonment of the Bretton Woods system in 1971, and the strict state control of foreign exchange rates, the total value of transactions in foreign exchange was estimated to be at least twenty times greater than that of all foreign movements of goods and services (EB). The internationalisation of finance, which some see as beyond the reach of state control, combined with the growing ease with which large corporations have been able to relocate their operations to low-wage states, has posed the question of the 'eclipse' of state sovereignty, arising from the growing 'globalization' of capital.

While economists generally agree about the size of global income inequality, there is a general disagreement about the recent direction of change of it. In cases such as China, where income inequality is clearly growing it is also evident that overall economic growth has rapidly increased with capitalist reforms. Indur M. Goklany's book The Improving State of the World, published by the libertarian think tank Cato Institute, argues that economic growth since the Industrial Revolution has been very strong and that factors such as adequate nutrition, life expectancy, infant mortality, literacy, prevalence of child labor, education, and available free time have improved greatly. Some scholars, including Stephen Hawking and researchers for the International Monetary Fund, contend that globalization and neoliberal economic policies are not ameliorating inequality and poverty but exacerbating it, and are creating new forms of contemporary slavery. Such policies are also expanding populations of the displaced, the unemployed and the imprisoned along with accelerating the destruction of the environment and species extinction. In 2017, the IMF warned that inequality within nations, in spite of global inequality falling in recent decades, has risen so sharply that it threatens economic growth and could result in further political polarization. Surging economic inequality following the economic crisis and the anger associated with it have resulted in a resurgence of socialist and nationalist ideas throughout the Western world, which has some economic elites from places including Silicon Valley, Davos and Harvard Business School concerned about the future of capitalism.

According to the scholars Gary Gerstle and Fritz Bartel, with the end of the Cold War and the emergence of neoliberal financialized capitalism as the dominant system, capitalism has become a truly global order in a way not seen since 1914. Economist Radhika Desai, while concurring that 1914 was the peak of the capitalist system, argues that the neoliberal reforms that were intended to restore capitalism to its primacy have instead bequeathed to the world increased inequalities, divided societies, economic crises and misery and a lack of meaningful politics, along with sluggish growth which demonstrates that, according to Desai, the system is "losing ground in terms of economic weight and world influence" with "the balance of international power . . .  tilting markedly away from capitalism." Gerstle
argues that in the twilight of the neoliberal period "political disorder and dysfunction reign" and posits that the most important question for the United States and the world is what comes next.

21st century
By the beginning of the twenty-first century, mixed economies with capitalist elements had become the pervasive economic systems worldwide. The collapse of the Soviet bloc in 1991 significantly reduced the influence of socialism as an alternative economic system. Leftist movements continue to be influential in some parts of the world, most notably Latin-American Bolivarianism, with some having ties to more traditional anti-capitalist movements, such as Bolivarian Venezuela's ties to Cuba.

In many emerging markets, the influence of banking and financial capital have come to increasingly shape national developmental strategies, leading some to argue we are in a new phase of financial capitalism.

State intervention in global capital markets following the financial crisis of 2007–2010 was perceived by some as signalling a crisis for free-market capitalism. Serious turmoil in the banking system and financial markets due in part to the subprime mortgage crisis reached a critical stage during September 2008, characterised by severely contracted liquidity in the global credit markets posed an existential threat to investment banks and other institutions.

Future
According to Michio Kaku, the transition to the information society involves abandoning some parts of capitalism, as the "capital" required to produce and process information becomes available to the masses and difficult to control, and is closely related to the controversial issues of intellectual property. Some have further speculated that the development of mature nanotechnology, particularly of universal assemblers, may make capitalism obsolete, with capital ceasing to be an important factor in the economic life of humanity. Various thinkers have also explored what kind of economic system might replace capitalism, such as Bob Avakian, Jason Hickel, Paul Mason, Richard D. Wolff and contributors to the "Scientists' warning on affluence".

Role of women
Women's historians have debated the impact of capitalism on the status of women. Alice Clark argued that, when capitalism arrived in 17th-century England, it negatively impacted the status of women, who lost much of their economic importance. Clark argued that, in 16th-century England, women were engaged in many aspects of industry and agriculture. The home was a central unit of production, and women played a vital role in running farms and in some trades and landed estates. Their useful economic roles gave them a sort of equality with their husbands. However, Clark argued, as capitalism expanded in the 17th century, there was more and more division of labor, with the husband taking paid labor jobs outside the home, and the wife reduced to unpaid household work. Middle-class women were confined to an idle domestic existence, supervising servants; lower-class women were forced to take poorly paid jobs. Capitalism, therefore, had a negative effect on women. By contrast, Ivy Pinchbeck argued that capitalism created the conditions for women's emancipation. Tilly and Scott have emphasized the continuity and the status of women, finding three stages in European history. In the preindustrial era, production was mostly for home use, and women produced many household needs. The second stage was the "family wage economy" of early industrialization. During this stage, the entire family depended on the collective wages of its members, including husband, wife, and older children. The third, or modern, stage is the "family consumer economy", in which the family is the site of consumption, and women are employed in large numbers in retail and clerical jobs to support rising standards of consumption.

See also

 Brenner debate
 Capitalism and Islam
 Capitalist mode of production
Enclosure and British Agricultural Revolution
 Fernand Braudel
 Financial crisis of 2007–2008
 History of capitalist theory
 History of globalization
 History of private equity and venture capital
 Primitive accumulation of capital
 Protestant work ethic
 Simple commodity production

References

Further reading

 Appleby, Joyce. The Relentless Revolution: A History of Capitalism (2011)
 Business History Review, Special issue on Italy and the Origins of Capitalism, Business History Review, Volume 94 - Issue 1 - Spring 2020.

 Cheta, Omar Youssef. "The economy by other means: The historiography of capitalism in the modern Middle East", History Compass (April 2018) 16#4
 Comninel, George C.  "English feudalism and the origins of capitalism"  Journal of Peasant Studies, 27#4 (2000), pp. 1–53
 Maurice Dobb and Paul Sweezy's famous debate on transition from feudalism to capitalism. Hilton, Rodney H. 1976. ed. The Transition from Feudalism to Capitalism.
 blog on the Dobb-Sweezy debate Leftspot.com
 Duplessis, Robert S. Transitions to Capitalism in Early Modern Europe (1997).
 Friedman, Walter A. "Recent trends in business history research: Capitalism, democracy, and innovation". Enterprise & Society 18.4 (2017): 748–771.
 Giddens, Anthony. Capitalism and modern social theory: An analysis of the writings of Marx, Durkheim and Max Weber (1971).
 Hilt, Eric. "Economic History, Historical Analysis, and the 'New History of Capitalism'". Journal of Economic History (June 2017) 77#2 pp 511–536. online
 Kocka, Jürgen.  Capitalism: A Short History (2016) excerpt
 McCarraher, Eugene. The Enchantments of Mammon: How Capitalism Became the Religion of Modernity (2022) excerpt
 Marx, Karl (1867) Das Kapital
 Morton, Adam David.  "The Age of Absolutism: capitalism, the modern states-system and international relations" Review of International Studies (2005), 31 : 495–517 Cambridge University Press
 Neal, Larry, and Jeffrey G. Williamson, eds. The Cambridge History of Capitalism (2 Vol 2016)
 Olmstead, Alan L., and Paul W. Rhode. "Cotton, slavery, and the new history of capitalism". Explorations in Economic History 67 (2018): 1–17. online
 O'Sullivan,  Mary. "The Intelligent Woman's Guide to Capitalism". Enterprise & Society 19.4 (2018): 751–802. online
 Nolan, Peter (2009) Crossroads: The end of wild capitalism. Marshall Cavendish,
 Patriquin, Larry "The Agrarian Origins of the Industrial Revolution in England" Review of Radical Political Economics, Vol. 36, No. 2, 196–216 (2004)
 Perelman, Michael (2000) The Invention of Capitalism: Classical Political Economy and the Secret History of Primitive Accumulation.  Duke University Press. ,
 Prak, Maarten; Zanden, Jan Luiten van (2022). Pioneers of Capitalism: The Netherlands 1000–1800. Princeton University Press.
 Schuessler, Jennifer. "In History Departments, It's Up With Capitalism" April 6, 2013 The New York Times
 Schumpeter, Joseph A. Can capitalism survive? (1978)
 James Denham-Steuart [1767] An Inquiry into the Principles of Political Economy vol 1, vol2, vol 3
 Weber, Max. The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism (2002).
 Zmolek, Mike (2000). "The case for Agrarian capitalism: A response to albritton" Journal of Peasant Studies, Volume 27, Issue 4 July 2000, pp. 138–59
 Zmolek M. (2001) DEBATE – Further Thoughts on Agrarian Capitalism: A Reply to Albritton The Journal of Peasant Studies, Volume 29, Number 1, October 2001, pp. 129–54 (26)
 Debating Agrarian Capitalism: A Rejoinder to Albritton
 Research in Political Economy, Volume 22
 The Roots of Merchant Capitalism
 World Socialist Movement. "What Is Capitalism?" World Socialism. 13, August 2007.
 Thomas K. McCraw, "The Current Crisis and the Essence of Capitalism", The Montreal Review (August, 2011)
 Zofia Łapniewska, "History of Capitalism", Museum des Kapitalismus, Berlin 2014.

Capitalism
Capitalism
Economic history
Late modern economic history

History of capitalism


Egbert (also spelt Ecgberht) (–839) was King of Wessex from 802 until 839. In the 780s Egbert was forced into exile by Offa of Mercia and Beorhtric of Wessex, but on Beorhtric's death in 802 Egbert returned and took the throne. He was the father of Athelwulf of Wessex.

Early career

Egbert was the son of Ealhmund, King of Kent. He was descended from Ingeld, brother of Ine of Wessex. In 786 he made a bid for the throne of Wessex after the death of Cynewulf. Offa of Mercia however, made Beorhtric king instead. As a youth Egbert was seen as a problem for Beorhtric. He didn't want Egbert in England. While Beorhtric was negotiating to marry Offa's daughter he asked that Egbert be handed over to him. While Offa was considering doing just that, Egbert fled Mercia and at some point left England. He appears to have been welcomed at the court of Charlemagne for at least three years. This is at the time Frankish ports were closed to English ships and trading. Offa had offended Charlemagne by his son marry one of Charlemagne's daughters. While at the Frankish court Egbert married a noblewoman, Redburga. She was possibly a close relative of Charlemagne. Egbert and Redburga had a son born in Francia, Athelwulf, about 795. In 802 Beorhtric died. Egbert returned to become King of Wessex, probably with military aid from Charlemagne.

King of Wessex

His first few years as king are not well recorded. It is very probable that he used this time to reorganize his army and his administration. Egbert formed an alliance with Wulfred, Archbishop of Canterbury. In 815 Egbert invaded Cornwall and brought it under his rule. He allowed sub-kings to rule it for him. In 825 the new king of Mercia, Beornwulf, invaded Wessex. Beornwulf had extended his authority over Kent, Essex and Middlesex. In what Frank Stenton called "one of the most decisive battles of Anglo-Saxon history" Egbert defeated Beornwulf. This was the end of the Mercian kings dominating England. Egbert sent his son Athelwulf with an army to overthrow Baldred, the Mercian sub-king. As a result, all of Kent, Surrey, Sussex and East Anglia submitted to Egbert. Beornwulf tried to recover East Anglia later the same year and was killed in the attempt. Kent, Surrey and Sussex remained a part of the kingdom of Wessex from this time on. Essex was later lost to the Danes. Egbert appointed his son Athelwulf as sub-king of Kent which included all the new territories of Wessex.

Egbert then defeated all of Mercia in 829. The king of Northumbria submitted to him after the defeat of Mercia. He assumed the title  (King of Mercia). This title was also on coins made in the former Mercian port of London. In 830 Wiglaf returned to power in Mercia, but the gains of Kent and southwest England remained with Wessex. Egbert died 4 February 839. He left a territory larger than any other Wessex king since Ine. He was the bretwalda or overlord of Anglo-Saxon England until Wiglaf returned in 830. Even so, he remained the most powerful king during his time.

Family

Together he and Redburga had:

 Athelwulf, who succeeded his father.
 Athelstan.

Notes

References

Other websites
 Britannia: Kings of Wessex

770s births
839 deaths
Kings of Wessex

Egbert of Wessex


Nurmemet Yasin (c. 1977 - reportedly died 2011) was a Uighur author who lived in the People's Republic of China. He was charged for inciting separatism and imprisoned after the publication of his short story "The Wild Pigeon", and in 2013, was reported to have died in prison in 2011.

Nurmemet published three poetry collections: First Love, Crying from the Heart and Come on, Children. His short story "The Wild Pigeon" is a first-person narrative from the point-of-view of a blue pigeon king captured by pigeons of another color; he commits suicide rather than live his life in confinement. The Ministry of State Security objected to the story in part because blue is the color used by some factions of the Uighur independence movement. The story appeared in the Kashgar Literary Journal, a magazine based in Kashgar, Xinjiang. Yasin was arrested a month later.

On 2 February 2005, a court in Kashgar sentenced Yasin to ten years' imprisonment on a charge of inciting separatism. Rebiya Kadeer, president of the World Uyghur Congress, called his arrest an example of "the simple truth ... that whenever Uighurs contradict the official narrative of the benevolence of the Communist Party, they are severely punished". Human Rights Watch cited it as an example of "official policy that criticism or minority expression in art and literature can be deemed a disguised form of secessionism, its author a criminal or even 'terrorist'".

After suffering from ill health, on 1 January 2013, Yasin was reported to have died in Shaya Prison sometime in 2011. Amnesty International stated that "if confirmed, the death of this young writer in prison is a shameful indictment of the Chinese government's notion of justice".

References

1970s births
2011 deaths
Chinese prisoners and detainees
Prisoners and detainees of China
Uyghur writers
Year of birth missing

Nurmemet Yasin


The Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) is a legal regulatory entity, working under the supervision of a governing body of Maldives under the Ministry of Environment and Energy. The EPA was formed when Environmental Research Center and Maldives Water & Sanitation Authority was merged by the president on December 18, 2008. The EPA Governing Board is a statutory body, established under the Environment Protection Act, with expertise in environment protection, industry, environmental science, regional issues, environmental law and local government.

Environment of the Maldives
Maldives
Government of the Maldives

Environmental Protection Agency (Maldives)


Exterior insulation and finish system (EIFS) is a general class of non-load bearing building cladding systems that provides exterior walls with an insulated, water-resistant, finished surface in an integrated composite material system.

EIFS has been in use since the 1960s in North America and was first used on masonry buildings. Since the 1990s, the majority of wood-framed buildings have used EIFS.

History of EIFS
EIFS was developed in Europe after World War II and was initially used to retrofit masonry walls. EIFS started to be used in North America in the 1960s, at first on commercial masonry buildings. EIFS became popular in the mid-1970s due to the oil embargo and the resultant surge in interest in insulating wall systems that conserve energy used for heating and cooling.

In the late 1980s problems started developing due to water leakage in EIFS-clad buildings. This led to international controversy and lawsuits. EIFS installation was found to be a contributing factor in the multibillion-dollar problem known as the "Leaky condo crisis" in southwestern British Columbia and the "Leaky homes" issue in New Zealand that emerged separately in the 1980s and 1990s.

Critics argue that, while not inherently more prone to water penetration than other exterior finishes, barrier-type EIFS systems (non-water-managed systems) do not allow water that does penetrate the building to escape. The EIFS industry has consistently maintained that poor craftsmanship and bad architectural detailing at the perimeter of the EIFS was the problem. As a result, building codes began mandating a drainage system for EIFS systems on wood-frame buildings and additional on-site inspection.

Though there are some cases where insurance companies may not offer coverage for EIFS, several companies do.  EIFS systems installed at lower building levels are subject to vandalism, as the material is soft and can be chipped or carved resulting in significant damage. In these cases, heavier ounce reinforcing mesh can drastically increase the durability of the EIFS system.

EIFS is now used all over North America, and in other areas around the world, especially in Europe and the Pacific Rim. The use of EIFS over stud-and-sheathing framing instead of over solid walls is a technique used primarily in North America. As of 1997 EIFS accounted for about 4% of the residential siding market and 12% of the commercial siding market.

Terminology

In the United States, the International Building Code and ASTM International define Exterior Insulation and Finish System (EIFS) as a non-load-bearing exterior wall cladding system that consists of an insulation board attached either adhesively, mechanically, or both, to the substrate; an integrally reinforced base coat; and a textured protective finish coat.

The predominant method of EIFS applied today is EIFS with Drainage, which provides a way for moisture accumulated in the wall cavity to evacuate.

EIFS is not stucco despite often called "synthetic stucco". Traditional stucco is a centuries-old, hard, dense, thick, non-insulating material which consists of aggregate, a binder, and water. EIFS is a lightweight synthetic wall cladding that includes foam plastic insulation and thin synthetic coatings. There are also specialty stuccos that use synthetic materials but no insulation, and these are also not EIFS. A common example is one-coat stucco, which is a thick, synthetic stucco applied in a single layer (traditional stucco is applied in 3 layers).

EIFS are proprietary systems of a particular EIFS manufacturer and consist of specific components. EIFS are not generic products made from common separate materials. The materials and installation methods specified by different EIFS manufacturers are not all compatible and should not be used interchangeably in new construction or repair work.

The technical definition of an EIFS does not include wall framing, sheathing, flashings, caulking, water barriers, windows, doors, and other wall components. However, some architects have begun specifying flashings, sealants, and wiring fasteners as being a part of the EIFS scope of work. Many of the EIFS manufacturers have their own standard details showing typical building conditions for window and door flashings, control joints, inside/outside corners, penetrations, and joints at dissimilar materials which should be followed for that manufacturer's warranty.

EIFS installation
EIFS are typically attached to the outside face of exterior walls with an adhesive (cementitious or acrylic based) or mechanical fasteners. Adhesives are commonly used to attach EIFS to gypsum board, cement board, or concrete substrates. EIFS are attached with mechanical fasteners (specially designed for this application) when installed over house wraps (sheet-good weather barriers) such as are commonly used over wood sheathings.

EIFS since year 2000
Research, conducted by the Oak Ridge National Laboratory and supported by the Department of Energy, has affirmed that EIFS are the "best performing cladding" in relation to thermal and moisture control when compared to brick, stucco, and cementitious fiberboard siding. EIFS are in compliance with modern building codes that emphasize energy conservation through the use of CI (continuous insulation) and a continuous air barrier.

EIFS before 2000 were barrier systems, meaning that the EIFS itself was the weather barrier. After 2000, the EIFS industry introduced the air/moisture barrier that resides behind the foam. In a study done by the Department Of Energy's Office of Science - Oak Ridge National Laboratory, it was found that the best air/moisture barrier was a fluid barrier. The Oak Ridge National Laboratory, ATLANTA, Oct. 28, 2006 — EIFS "outperformed all other walls in terms of moisture while maintaining superior thermal performance." The National Institute of Standards and Technology (NIST) has evaluated the five life cycle stages of the environmental impact of EIFS alongside brick, aluminum, stucco, vinyl, and cedar. Depending on a variety of site and project specific conditions, EIFS have the potential to save money in construction costs and contribute toward energy efficient operations and environmental responsibility when correctly designed and executed.

Some types of EIFS have passed some fire tests that range from resistance to ignitability, that include: ASTM E 119, NFPA 268, NFPA 285. However, some types and thicknesses of EIFS have been involved in large uncontrolled exterior building fires, such as the 2008 Monte Carlo Hotel Casino fire.

Composition & types of EIFS

Types of EIFS are defined by their materials and the existence/absence of a drainage plane. The EIFS Industry Members Association (EIMA) defines two classes of EIFS: Class PB (polymer based) identified as PB EIFS, and Class PM (polymer modified) identified as PM EIFS.

PB EIFS is the most common type in North America. It uses expanded polystyrene (EPS) insulation adhered to the substrate with fiberglass mesh embedded in a nominal  base coat which can receive additional layers of mesh for stronger impact resistance. Other types of insulation board can include polyisocyanurate.

PM EIFS use extruded polystyrene insulation (XEPS) and a thick, cementitious base coat applied over mechanically attached glass fiber reinforcing mesh. The system has joints similar to traditional stucco. PM EIFS have evolved to include different insulation materials and base coats.

The most common type of EIFS used today is the system that includes a drainage cavity, which allows any and all moisture to exit the wall. EIFS with drainage typically consists of the following components:

 An optional water-resistive barrier (WRB) that covers the substrate.
 A drainage plane between the WRB and the insulation board that is most commonly achieved with vertical ribbons of adhesive applied over the WRB.
 Insulation board typically made of expanded polystyrene (EPS) which is secured with an adhesive or mechanically to the substrate.
 Glass-fiber reinforcing mesh embedded in the base coat
 A water-resistant base coat that is applied on top of the insulation to serve as a weather barrier.
 A finish coat that typically uses colorfast and crack-resistant acrylic co-polymer technology.

If an EIFS with Drainage, or water-managed EIFS is installed, a water resistive barrier (aka a WRB) is first installed over the substrate (generally glass faced exterior-grade gypsum sheathing, oriented strand board (OSB) or plywood).  The moisture barrier is applied to the entire wall surface with a mesh tape over joints and a liquid-applied membrane or a protective wrap like tyvek or felt paper. Then a drainage cavity is created and the other 3 layers, described above, are added. This type of EIFS is required by many building codes areas on wood-frame construction and is intended to provide a path for incidental water that may get behind the EIFS with a safe route back to the outside. The purpose is to preclude water from damaging the supporting wall.

Adhesives and finishes are water-based, and thus must be installed at temperatures well above freezing. Two types of adhesives used contain Portland cement ("cementitious"), or do not have any Portland cement ("cementless"). Adhesives that contain Portland cement harden by the chemical reaction of the cement with water. Adhesives and finishes that are cementless harden by the evaporation of water. Adhesives come in two forms: The most common is in a plastic pail as a paste, to which Portland cement is added and as dry powders in sacks, to which water is added. Finishes come in a plastic pail, ready to use, like paint. EIFS insulation comes in individual pieces, usually 2' x 4', in large bags. The pieces are trimmed to fit the wall at the construction site.

Legal issues
EIFS systems have been the subject of several lawsuits in the United States, mostly related to the installation process and failure of the system causing moisture buildups and subsequent mold growth. The most notable case concerned the former San Martin, California courthouse. This case was settled for $12 million.

The basic underlying problem behind EIFS litigation was that EIFS was marketed as a cost-effective replacement for stucco. Stucco is expensive to install because it must be carefully applied by skilled craftsmen. General contractors switched to EIFS because they were supposed to be easy to install with unskilled or semi-skilled labor and would not crack like traditional stucco. Although EIFS if properly installed according to the manufacturer's directions should not have water intrusion problems, many installers cut corners by using insufficiently trained labor and also failed to supervise their work adequately. In turn, thousands of EIFS installations were noncompliant and suffered severe water intrusion and mold as a result. While the EIFS industry has consistently tried to shift the blame to installing contractors, the construction industry has retorted that using journeymen carpenters in turn eliminates the cost advantage of EIFS over stucco, and that the EIFS industry should have anticipated this issue and engineered its products from the beginning to be installed by unskilled labor or semi-skilled labor (that is, it should have been a fault-tolerant design).

Marketing of EIFS & the EIFS industry
EIFS account for about 10% of the US commercial wall cladding market. There are several dozen EIFS manufacturers in North America. Some sell nationwide, and some are regional in their area of business operations. The top five EIFS producers account for about 90% of the US market. These producers include Dryvit Systems, STO Corp., BASF Wall Systems, Master Wall, and Parex.

EIFS architectural details
EIFS offer the option of adding architectural details that are composed of the same materials. These mouldings come in a variety of shapes and sizes. They are widely used on residential and commercial projects in North America and are gaining popularity worldwide.

References

Building materials
Building insulation materials

Exterior insulation finishing system


Named after the 19th century British mathematician Arthur Cayley, a Cayley table describes the structure of a finite group by arranging all the possible products of all the group's elements in a square table reminiscent of an addition or multiplication table.  Many properties of a groupsuch as whether or not it is abelian, which elements are inverses of which elements, and the size and contents of the group's centercan be discovered from its Cayley table.

A simple example of a Cayley table is the one for the group {1, −1} under ordinary multiplication:

History
Cayley tables were first presented in Cayley's 1854 paper, "On The Theory of Groups, as depending on the symbolic equation θ n = 1".  In that paper they were referred to simply as tables, and were merely illustrativethey came to be known as Cayley tables later on, in honour of their creator.

Structure and layout
Because many Cayley tables describe groups that are not abelian, the product ab with respect to the group's binary operation is not guaranteed to be equal to the product ba for all a and b in the group.  In order to avoid confusion, the convention is that the factor that labels the row (termed nearer factor by Cayley) comes first, and that the factor that labels the column (or further factor) is second. For example, the intersection of row a and column b is ab and not ba, as in the following example:

Properties and uses

Commutativity
The Cayley table tells us whether a group is abelian.  Because the group operation of an abelian group is commutative, a group is abelian if and only if its Cayley table's values are symmetric along its diagonal axis.  The group {1, −1} above and the cyclic group of order 3 under ordinary multiplication are both examples of abelian groups, and inspection of the symmetry of their Cayley tables verifies this.  In contrast, the smallest non-abelian group, the dihedral group of order 6, does not have a symmetric Cayley table.

Associativity
Because associativity is taken as an axiom when dealing with groups, it is often taken for granted when dealing with Cayley tables.  However, Cayley tables can also be used to characterize the operation of a quasigroup, which does not assume associativity as an axiom (indeed, Cayley tables can be used to characterize the operation of any finite magma).  Unfortunately, it is not generally possible to determine whether or not an operation is associative simply by glancing at its Cayley table, as it is with commutativity. This is because associativity depends on a 3 term equation, , while the Cayley table shows 2-term products. However, Light's associativity test can determine associativity with less effort than brute force.

Permutations
Because the cancellation property holds for groups (and indeed even quasigroups), no row or column of a Cayley table may contain the same element twice.  Thus each row and column of the table is a permutation of all the elements in the group.  This greatly restricts which Cayley tables could conceivably define a valid group operation.

To see why a row or column cannot contain the same element more than once, let a, x, and y all be elements of a group, with x and y distinct.  Then in the row representing the element a, the column corresponding to x contains the product ax, and similarly the column corresponding to y contains the product ay.  If these two products were equalthat is to say, row a contained the same element twice, our hypothesisthen ax would equal ay.  But because the cancellation law holds, we can conclude that if ax = ay, then x = y, a contradiction.  Therefore, our hypothesis is incorrect, and a row cannot contain the same element twice.  Exactly the same argument suffices to prove the column case, and so we conclude that each row and column contains no element more than once.  Because the group is finite, the pigeonhole principle guarantees that each element of the group will be represented in each row and in each column exactly once.

Thus, the Cayley table of a group is an example of a latin square.

Another, maybe simpler proof: the cancellation property implies that for each x in the group, the one variable function of y f(x,y)= xy must be a one to one map. And one to one maps on finite sets are permutations.

Constructing Cayley tables

Because of the structure of groups, one can very often "fill in" Cayley tables that have missing elements, even without having a full characterization of the group operation in question.  For example, because each row and column must contain every element in the group, if all elements are accounted for save one, and there is one blank spot, without knowing anything else about the group it is possible to conclude that the element unaccounted for must occupy the remaining blank space.  It turns out that this and other observations about groups in general allow us to construct the Cayley tables of groups knowing very little about the group in question. However, a Cayley table constructed using the method that follows may fail to meet the associativity requirement of a group, and therefore represent a quasigroup.

The "identity skeleton" of a finite group
Inverses are identified by identity elements in the table.  Because in any group, even a non-abelian group, every element commutes with its own inverse, it follows that the distribution of identity elements on the Cayley table will be symmetric across the table's diagonal.  Those that lie on the diagonal are their own unique inverse.

Because the order of the rows and columns of a Cayley table is in fact arbitrary, it is convenient to order them in the following manner: beginning with the group's identity element, which is always its own inverse, list first all the elements that are their own inverse, followed by pairs of inverses listed adjacent to each other.

Then, for a finite group of a particular order, it is easy to characterize its "identity skeleton", so named because the identity elements on the Cayley table constructed in the manner described in the previous paragraph are clustered about the main diagonaleither they lie directly on it, or they are one removed from it.

It is relatively trivial to prove that groups with different identity skeletons cannot be isomorphic, though the converse is not true (for instance, the cyclic group C8 and the quaternion group Q are non-isomorphic but have the same identity skeleton).

It is also the case that not all identity skeletons correspond to actual groups. For example, there is no six-element group with all elements their own inverses.

Permutation matrix generation

The standard form of a Cayley table has the order of the elements in the rows the same as the order in the columns. Another form is to arrange the elements of the columns so that the nth column corresponds to the inverse of the element in the nth row.  In our example of D3, we need only switch the last two columns, since f and d are the only elements that are not their own inverses, but instead inverses of each other.

This particular example lets us create six permutation matrices (all elements 1 or 0, exactly one 1 in each row and column).  The 6x6 matrix representing an element will have a 1 in every position that has the letter of the element in the Cayley table and a zero in every other position, the Kronecker delta function for that symbol.  (Note that e is in every position down the main diagonal, which gives us the identity matrix for 6x6 matrices in this case, as we would expect.)  Here is the matrix that represents our element a, for example.

This shows us directly that any group of order n is a subgroup of the permutation group Sn, order n!.

Generalizations
The above properties depend on some axioms valid for groups.  It is natural to consider Cayley tables for other algebraic structures, such as for semigroups, quasigroups, and magmas, but some of the properties above do not hold.

See also
 Latin square

 Sudoku

References
 Cayley, Arthur. "On the theory of groups, as depending on the symbolic equation θ n = 1", Philosophical Magazine, Vol. 7 (1854), pp. 40–47.  Available on-line at Google Books as part of his collected works.
 Cayley, Arthur. "On the Theory of Groups", American Journal of Mathematics, Vol. 11, No. 2 (Jan 1889), pp. 139–157. Available at JSTOR.

Finite groups

Cayley table


John Marshall (September 24, 1755 – July 6, 1835) was an American statesman and jurist who shaped American constitutional law and made the Supreme Court more powerful. Marshall was the fourth Chief Justice of the United States, working from February 4, 1801, until his death in 1835. He worked in the United States House of Representatives from March 4, 1799, to June 7, 1800, and, under President John Adams, was Secretary of State from June 6, 1800, to March 4, 1801. Marshall was from the Commonwealth of Virginia and a leader of the Federalist Party.

The longest working Chief Justice in Supreme Court history, Marshall ruled the Court for thirty years and was an important part of making the American legal system. His most important addition was judicial review; the power to stop laws that violate the Constitution. Marshall has been called the one that made the judicial branch special and powerful. Marshall also balanced the power between the federal and state government. He made sure the federal law was more powerful than state law and agreed with an expansive reading of the enumerated powers.

Chief justices of the United States
United States Secretaries of State
United States Supreme Court justices
Founding Fathers of the United States
Politicians from Virginia
Lawyers from Virginia

John Marshall


The Ministry of Works or  was one of the Six Ministries under the Department of State Affairs in imperial China.

The Ministry of Works is also commonly translated into English as the  or

History
The ministry was established during the Sui dynasty as one of the six functional divisions of the Department of State Affairs. It was also part of the same department during the Five Dynasties period and the Song dynasty. After the merger of the "three departments" (Zhongshu Sheng, Menxia Sheng and Shangshu Sheng), it was reassigned to the Zhongshu Sheng (Secretariat) in the Yuan Empire and later the Ming Empire. In 1380, the office of Secretariat was abolished and the ministries, including the Ministry of Works, became independent and continued to report directly to the emperor.

Under the Ming and Qing, it lost some influence in favor of agencies run by palace eunuchs, provincial coordinators, and governors. It was usually considered the weakest of the six ministries. During some periods (under the Southern Song and Yuan) it was merged with the Ministry of Justice.

The ministry was headed by the Minister of Shangshu (pinyin: shàng shū, Chinese: 尚書; Manchu: aliha amban), who had the Standard class, Rank 3 under the Changs (in the Nine-rank system); Secondary class, Rank 2 under the Song; Standard class, Rank 1 under the Jin, Yuan and Ming up to 1380; Standard class, Rank 2 under the Ming after 1380 and Qing; and Secondary class, Rank 1 under the Qing after 1730. During the Qing dynasty, there was one minister for the Manchu and another for the Chinese. He was assisted by two deputy ministers, called Shilang (pinyin: shì lang, Chinese: 侍郎; Manchu: ashan-i amban).

Functions
Under the Ming, the Ministry of Works had charge of weights and measures, the construction and maintenance of transportation infrastructure (especially roads and canals), other government construction works (especially flood control projects), the manufacturing and provision of government equipment, the public exploitation of natural resources, and the hiring of artisans or laborers for temporary service. Permanent hires fell under the purview of the Ministry of Personnel.

See also
 Traditional Chinese measures

References

Citations

Sources

Government of Imperial China
Six Ministries
Government of the Ming dynasty
Government of the Tang dynasty
Government of the Song dynasty
Government of the Yuan dynasty
Government of the Qing dynasty
Government of the Sui dynasty

Ministry of Works (imperial China)


The Thief of Bagdad is a 1940 British American fantasy adventure movie directed by Alexander Korda, Zoltan Korda, Ludwig Berger, Michael Powell, Tim Whelan and starring Sabu, Conrad Veidt, John Justin, June Duprez, Rex Ingram, Miles Malleson, Hay Petrie. It was distributed by United Artists. The movie won three and was nominated for one Academy Awards in 1941.

References

Other websites

1940s epic movies
1940s fantasy movies
1940 adventure movies
British fantasy movies
British adventure movies
American fantasy movies
American adventure movies
Movies directed by Alexander Korda
Movies directed by Michael Powell
Movies directed by Ludwig Berger
Movies directed by Zoltan Korda
Movies directed by William Cameron Menzies
Movies set in Iraq

The Thief of Bagdad (1940 movie)


Eldridge Glacier is a major glacier in Denali National Park and Preserve in the U.S. state of Alaska. The  long glacier originates on the east side of  Explorers Peak, flowing northeast to a basin below Mount Eldridge, gathering flow from several glaciated cirques, then flowing southeast to the valley of the Chulitna River, where it gives rise to the Fountain River. A large unnamed tributary glacier joins Eldridge Glacier a few miles above its terminus.

See also
 List of glaciers

References

Glaciers of Matanuska-Susitna Borough, Alaska
Glaciers of Denali National Park and Preserve
Glaciers of Alaska

Eldridge Glacier


Fighting Girl is a Japanese television drama starring Kyoko Fukada.

Synopsis
Sayoko is a tough 19-year-old with ambition, energy and nowhere to direct it. Her father clearly favors her blind 16-year-old sister. Junior college is unstimulating. She is fired from her part-time job in a dress shop because she is too diligent at catching shoplifters and slaps them around a bit when she does. Even her boyfriend opts out for a more docile girl, but Sayoko doesn't think she is tough enough.

Coming home on the train, she nonchalantly puts on her makeup and changes her shirt, oblivious to the other passengers' silent glares, until Ami (South Korean actress Yoon Son-ha) confronts her. They stare each other down and Sayoko gets off. The passengers commend the Korean student but she scoffs at them too, asking, "Instead of praising me, why don't you say something yourself?"

A few days later Ami is also the one who comes to the aid of Sayoko's sister, who has sprained her ankle when pushed on the platform. Ami can't understand whether the Japanese are kind or cold. They all look worried about you but no one steps forward to help, she tells the girl.

In gratitude, Sayoko's poor father invites Ami for expensive sushi. She shows up with five friends to make things more cheery and in doing so shows a lack of cross-cultural understanding herself.

Life gets more complicated when Sayoko goes to the beach to sulk and comes across a frustrated rich kid who she fends off with her considerable kickboxing skills. She loses her new belly-button jewel in the process, a guarantee they will meet again.

Cast
 Kyoko Fukada as Sayoko Yoshida
 Yoon Son-ha as Ami Sō
 Aya Hirayama as Fuyumi Yoshida
 Shigeru Izumiya as Mitsuo Kurimura
 Yūki Amami as Shōko Mitsui
 Kenichi Hagiwara as Yūzō Yoshida

References

External links

Japanese drama television series
2001 in Japanese television
2001 Japanese television series debuts
2001 Japanese television series endings
Fuji TV dramas

Fighting Girl


John Caldicott Cavell (12 January 1813 – 5 February 1887) was a department store proprietor and mayor of Oxford, England.

John Cavell was born in Bardwell, Suffolk, the son of  Charles and Sarah Cavell, He married Sarah Elliston of Summertown, Oxford on 9 April 1835, at the age of 22. She was the sister of Jesse Elliston, who owned a draper's shop in central Oxford. Elliston made John Cavell a partner and the shop became known as Elliston & Cavell. This went on to become the largest department store in Oxford.

Mayor of Oxford
Cavell became a city councillor in 1860 and an Alderman in 1868. He was also Mayor of Oxford in 1865–6, 1877–8 and briefly in 1879–80.

Cavell's funeral took place at St Mary Magdalen Church on 10 February 1887. It was attended by 1,500–2,000 mourners. He was buried in St Sepulchre's Cemetery off Walton Street.

References
 John Caldicott Cavell, Mayor of Oxford

1813 births
1887 deaths
English businesspeople in retailing
Debenhams
Mayors of Oxford
People from Bardwell, Suffolk
19th-century English businesspeople
Burials at St Sepulchre's Cemetery

John Cavell


The Ministry of Information, Culture, Arts and Sports is a government ministry of Tanzania. The ministry was founded in 2006 by presidential notice, merging extant sections of sports, information, and culture into one functional ministry.

Organization and operations

Departments of the Ministry include the following:

Information Development
Department is responsible to collect, write and disseminate government statements; to collect and disseminate news and news  material; to organize government news conferences and news briefings; to monitor and coordinate news bureaus, radio news and television news, and other information-related duties.

Culture Development
 Traditions and culture; arts, music, cinema; languages
Bagamoyo College of Art

Sports Development
 Registration of leagues and associations; planning and construction of stadiums and sports facilities;  stadium management; sports infrastructure development.
Tanzania Football Federation

Policy & Planning
Policy and planning

Administration
Administration

See also
Government of Tanzania

References

External links

Information, Culture, arts and Sports
Tanzania
Tanzania
Tanzania
Sport in Tanzania
Tanzania, Information, Culture, Arts and Sports
2006 establishments in Tanzania

Ministry of Information, Culture, Arts and Sports (Tanzania)


Ayesha, the Return of She is a gothic-fantasy novel by the English Victorian author H. Rider Haggard, published in 1905 as a sequel to his 1887 novel She. Chronologically, it is the final novel of the Ayesha and Allan Quatermain series. It was serialised in issues 120 (December 1904) to 130 (October 1905) of the Windsor Magazine, where it was illustrated by Maurice Greiffenhagen.

In his introduction to the novel Haggard links the name Ayesha to Muhammad's wives, and the Arabic name (Arabic: عائشة, , pronounced ), stating that it should be pronounced "Assha" , although the pronunciation A·ye·sha  or  is more common.

Along with the other three novels in the series, Ayesha, the Return of She was adapted into the 1935 film She.

Synopsis

In the prologue the book's anonymous "Editor" receives a parcel. Opening it, he finds a letter from Horace Holly, with an enclosed manuscript containing a second memoir about She. There is also a second letter, from Holly's doctor, to whom Holly has entrusted his letter and manuscript, along with a wooden box, which contains an ancient sistrum. The doctor recounts how, when attending Holly in his last hours, he arrived at the house to find that Holly had risen from his deathbed and made his way to a local ring of ancient standing stones. Following him, the doctor glimpsed a manifestation that appears to Holly, but as the vision vanished, Holly had let out a happy cry and died.

The narrative of Holly's manuscript begins nearly twenty years after his first adventure in Africa. Holly and his ward Leo Vincey are convinced that Ayesha did not die. Following their dreams, they wander for years through Asia, eventually coming to "Thibet" (as it is spelled in the book). Taking refuge over winter in a remote lamasery, they meet the old Abbot Kou-En, who claims to recall a past-life encounter with a witch queen from the time of Alexander the Great. The Abbot tries to dissuade them from going on and warns them that, however beautiful, nothing is immortal. He believes the Queen is holding on to the distractions of life, which will lead them away from Enlightenment and peace.

Despite the Abbot's warning, Leo is compelled to press on and Holly will not abandon his adopted son. When spring breaks, they travel out into the uncharted region beyond the monastery; after a perilous journey and many narrow escapes, they arrive in the city of Kaloon, which is ruled by the evil Khan Rassen and his imperious wife, the Khania Atene, who claim to be descendants of Alexander the Great's ancient Hellenist generals. The people of Kaloon live under an uneasy truce with the people who serve the Hesea, the Priestess of Hes, who dwells on the Mountain, a huge volcano that dominates the region, at the summit of which is a massive natural rock formation in the shape of an ankh. Atene declares her love for Leo, but the jealous and dissolute Rassen (who has been driven mad by the sorcery of Atene and her uncle, the wizard Simbri) wants to kill them.

Atene's rival, the mysterious Hesea, orders Atene to send Leo and Holly to her, or risk breaking their peace treaty. Atene vows to kill Leo, rather than let him go, but with the help of Rassen, they escape the city. They soon realise that Rassen has betrayed them and is hunting them with his monstrous Death-Hounds. They make a dash to the foot of the mountain, where they are caught by Rassen, but after a desperate struggle they manage to kill the Khan and his hounds.

As Leo and Holly ascend the Mountain they are intercepted by the people of Hes, who are then joined by a ghost-like Messenger, who leads them up the mountain. After they arrive at the vast temple-palace complex near the summit, they are taken into the presence of the veiled Hesea, who admits that she is the Messenger who guided them up the Mountain.

In accordance with ancient custom, Atene comes to the mountain temple for the funeral of Rassen. The Hesea now declares that she is indeed the reincarnation of Ayesha, and that Atene is the reincarnation of her ancient rival, Amenartas. To the horror of Leo and Holly, Ayesha reveals she has been reborn into the body of a wizened old crone. Atene challenges Ayesha, but Leo declares his love for Ayesha, regardless of the form in which she appears. With his choice, the mysterious life-force within the volcano reaches out and engulfs her – when it clears, her former beauty and majesty has been restored.

Ayesha vows that if Leo still loves her, they will return to her ancient home in Africa. There they will both bathe in the Flame of Life, become immortal, and rule the world together. However she refuses Leo's entreaties to marry him right away, saying that they must wait for the change of seasons and the weather to clear, before they can travel.

While waiting out the winter, Ayesha writes her memories (which are the basis for the fourth book in the series, Wisdom's Daughter). Ayesha shows Holly and Leo how she commands mortals, spirits, and demons. She questions Holly at length about the modern world and expounds to him her plan that, once united with Leo, they will rule the world, conquering the existing Empires by flooding the world's gold supply with her alchemy. Appalled, Holly fears that Ayesha may succeed.

Leo presses Ayesha to marry him without delay, but she is unwilling, insisting they must wait. Bored with his confinement, Leo goes hunting in the mountains but Ayesha, fearful for his safety, uses her psychic powers to watch him and sees that he and his men have been attacked by a leopard, and that Leo has been injured. When the party returns, the furious Ayesha sentences Leo's retainers to death, but Leo is horrified by her cruelty and prevails on her to spare them.

Soon after, Atene sends Ayesha an ultimatum, challenging her to battle. Ayesha marshalls her forces and marches out, but while they are camped at the foot of the mountain, Atene uses her magic to appear in the guise of Ayesha, luring Holly and Leo away from Ayesha's protection, and Leo is captured.

Enraged, Ayesha declares that she will destroy Atene and rescue Leo. Although greatly outnumbered, she leads her men into battle, and when the two armies meet Ayesha reveals her power over the elements, summoning up a terrible lightning storm. In the ensuing holocaust, Ayesha obliterates Atene's army and lays waste to Kaloon, while her own army reaches the city without the loss of a single man.

When Ayesha and Holly burst into the room where Leo is confined, they discover that Atene has realised her utter defeat and taken poison. They see the wizard Simbri standing poised to kill Leo, but Ayesha paralyses him with her power, and Leo is released unharmed. Leo demands that Ayesha must give herself to him immediately, and she yields to his wish. They kiss, but Ayesha's power proves too great for his mortal body, and he dies in her arms. Ayesha then charges the wizard Simbri to go ahead into the realm of Death and carry a message to the departed spirits, and with these words Simbri falls dead where he stands.  The distraught Ayesha takes Leo's body to the temple on the peak, where the flames rise up from the crater and consume their bodies. Holly is led down from the mountain and finds his way back to the lamasery.

Literary history
Haggard dedicated the novel to his friend Andrew Lang. Eighteen years pass between books, and in the characters' lives.

It is set in Tibet, reincarnation being a familiar tenet of Tibetan Buddhism; however, the back story is set in the ancient Mediterranean.

In her biography of her father Haggard's daughter Lilias Rider Haggard explains the origins of the names. "She-Who-Must-Be-Obeyed" was a doll in the author's nursery. "Ayesha" was borrowed from Arabic, being the name of one of Mohammed's wives.

In this book Haggard explains the origins of the "rolling Pillar of Life", which he associates to effects of radiation:

Recent discoveries would appear to suggest that this mysterious "Fire of Life", which, whatever else it may have been, was evidently a force and no true fire, since it did not burn, owed its origin to the emanations from radium, or some kindred substance. Although in the year 1885, Mr. Holly would have known nothing of the properties of these marvellous rays or emanations, doubtless Ayesha was familiar with them and their enormous possibilities, of which our chemists and scientific men have, at present, but explored the fringe.

Influences
Ayesha is mentioned by Freud in The Interpretation of Dreams and by Jung in a lecture, "The Spirit in Man, Art, and Literature".

References

Sources

External links

 Cook, Alan R. "'She': The Veiled Reflection of the Femme Fatale's Fire"&#93
 The Vengeance of She (1968), at IMDb.
 H. Rider Haggard (novel). A list of movies and novels, at IMDb.

1905 British novels
1905 fantasy novels
British novels adapted into films
English Gothic novels
Lost world novels
She series by H. Rider Haggard
Novels by H. Rider Haggard
Sequel novels
Fiction set in 1899
Novels set in Tibet
Novels first published in serial form
Works originally published in The Windsor Magazine
Ward, Lock & Co. books

Ayesha (novel)


Oinikhol Bobonazarova is a Tajikistani human rights activist. In 2014 she received the International Women of Courage Award from the U.S. Department of State.

Work

In 1993, the Tajik government arrested Bobonazarova. They said Bobonazarova planned to take over the government by violence. Bobonazarova was in jail for a few months. Then she became a human rights counselor in the Tajik office of the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe. She also worked for the Tajik branch of the Open Society Foundation. In 2013, she became the head of the "Perspektiva Plus" human rights group. They work for the rights of prisoners, women, and Tajikistani labor migrants. She also worked to create Tajikistan's first independent prison monitoring program. In 2004, Tajik prisons closed to outsiders.

In 2013, Bobonazarova was the first woman to try to run for president in Tajikistan. Her campaign did not get enough signatures. She was the first Tajikistani woman to receive the International Women of Courage Award.

References

Other websites

 2015 International Women of Courage Awards, U.S. State Department photostream on Flickr
 Secretary's International Women of Courage Award (U.S. Department of State)

Living people
Women who received the International Women of Courage Award

Oinikhol Bobonazarova


New York Radical Women (NYRW) was an early second-wave radical feminist group that existed from 1967 to 1969. They drew nationwide media attention when they unfurled a banner inside the 1968 Miss America pageant displaying the words "Women's Liberation".

Origins
The protest group was founded in New York City in late 1967, by former television child star Robin Morgan, Carol Hanisch, Shulamith Firestone, and Pam Allen. Early members included Ros Baxandall, Pat Mainardi, Irene Peslikis, Kathie Sarachild, and Ellen Willis. New York Radical Women were a group of young friends in their twenties who were part of the New Left, who had grown tired of the male-dominated civil rights and anti-war movements, and men who they saw as still preferring their female counterparts to stay at home. Because Carol Hanisch was the head of the New York office of the Southern Conference Educational Fund (SCEF), by early 1968, Hanisch had secured the SCEF offices for the weekly meetings of New York Radical Women, and it remained their base until the group dissolved in the early 1970s.

Protests
New York Radical Women's first public action was at the convocation of the Jeannette Rankin Brigade. Members of the group led an alternative protest event, a "burial of traditional womanhood", held in Arlington National Cemetery. Kathie Sarachild wrote a flier for the keynote speech she gave at the convocation, and in this flier she coined the phrase "Sisterhood is powerful".

The group also participated in the Miss America protest with their brochure No More Miss America in Atlantic City, New Jersey, on September 7, 1968. About 400 women were drawn together from across the United States to a protest outside the event. The women symbolically threw a number of "feminine" products into a large trash can. These included mops, pots and pans, Playboy magazines, false eyelashes, high-heeled shoes, curlers, hairspray, makeup, girdles, corsets, and bras, items the protestors called "instruments of female torture." Carol Hanisch, one of the protest organizers, said "We had intended to burn it, but the police department, since we were on the boardwalk, wouldn't let us do the burning." A New York Post story about the protest made an analogy between the feminist protest and Vietnam War protesters who burned their draft cards. It has been argued there was no bra burning, nor did anyone take off her bra.
A local news story reporting on the event did report there was a burning of bras and other items. It said "as the bras, girdles, falsies, curlers, and copies of popular women's magazines burned in the 'Freedom Trash Can'..."

Hanisch said, "Up until this time, we hadn't done a lot of actions yet. We were a very small movement. It was kind of a gutsy thing to do. Miss America was this 'American pie' icon. Who would dare criticize this?" Along with tossing the items into the trash can, they marched with signs, passed out pamphlets, and crowned a live sheep, comparing the beauty pageant to livestock competitions at county fairs. A small group bought tickets and entered the hall. While 1967 Miss America, Debra Barnes Snodgrass, was giving her farewell address, four protestors unfurled a bed sheet from the balcony that said "Women's Liberation" and began to shout. They were quickly removed by police but drew coverage by newspapers from across the United States. "The media picked up on the bra part", Hanisch said later. "I often say that if they had called us 'girdle burners', every woman in America would have run to join us."

In January 1969, the last event they attended was the Counter-Inauguration in Washington D.C. The protest targeted women who supported the Vietnam War. Protestors were sent invitations telling them not to bring flowers or even to cry at the 'burial', but to be prepared to bury traditional female roles.

Publications
The organization compiled and published feminist texts in Notes from the First Year (1968), followed by Notes from the Second Year (1970). "Principles" by New York Radical Women was included in the 1970 anthology Sisterhood Is Powerful edited by Robin Morgan.

Notes from the First Year is based on speeches given by members and discussions held at the weekly meetings of the New York Radical Women in 1968. This pamphlet was part of a movement of mimeographed movement journals that coincided with the new radical feminism erupting in the United States. Many pieces from this pamphlet were foundational in the development of what we now call women and gender studies. The pamphlet notably marks the first appearance of the theory that would later grow into Anne Koedt's well-known pamphlet and book, The Myth of the Vaginal Orgasm.

Notes from the Second Year was created in response to the popularity and demand for Notes from the First Year. It was produced as a radical feminist periodical to present new ideas and clarify relevant political issues. Articles chosen were seen to be politically important and/or influential and have the potential to open up further debate. With its choice to publish new material rather than material that had already been widely circulated, the publication notably marks the first appearance of foundational women and gender studies theories such as Carol Hanisch's "The Personal Is Political", and Kate Millett's "Sexual Politics: A Manifesto for Revolution", which would later become part of her classic feminist book Sexual Politics.

Dissolution
By 1969, ideological differences split the group into a radical feminist faction and a socialist feminist (or "politico") faction. Tension grew between the two splinter groups until January 1969 when the organization fell apart. Socialist feminists like Robin Morgan left to form Women's International Terrorist Conspiracy from Hell (W.I.T.C.H.), while radical feminists led by Shulamith Firestone and Ellen Willis started Redstockings.

See also

 Consciousness raising

References

External links

 Notes from the First Year. June 1968.
 Notes from the Second Year: Women's Liberation. 1970.
 Notes from the Third Year: Women's Liberation. 1971.

1967 establishments in New York City
1969 disestablishments in New York (state)
Defunct organizations based in New York City
Feminism in New York City
Feminist organizations in the United States
History of women in New York City
Organizations based in New York City
Organizations disestablished in 1969
Organizations established in 1967
Radical feminist organizations
Second-wave feminism in the United States
Southern Conference Educational Fund
Women's political advocacy groups in the United States

New York Radical Women


Joe Keyes (c. 1907–November 1950) was an American jazz trumpeter during the 1930s and 1940s with the band of Bennie Moten, Count Basie, and Hot Lips Page.

Life and career
He was born in Houston, Texas, and was playing in local bands such as Johnson's Joymakers by 1928.  He then played in bands led by Gene Coy, Jap Allen, and Blanche Calloway, before joining Bennie Moten's band in 1932.  Following Moten's death in 1935, and together with several other members of the band, he joined the Count Basie Orchestra, but left in 1937.  He then worked in the band led by "Hot Lips" Page, and recorded with guitarist Eddie Durham and saxophonist Buster Smith.  Around 1941, he played briefly with both Fletcher Henderson and Fats Waller, and in 1943 with Claude Hopkins.

However, by 1943 Keyes had become unreliable as a result of alcoholism, and performed rarely.  After Keyes had pawned his trumpet, Cab Calloway offered him the opportunity to join his band if he could clean up his act, but Keyes was unable to do so.   His body was found floating in the Harlem River in New York City on November 6, 1950. He had apparently drowned, but unsubstantiated rumours circulated that he had been murdered.

Discography
With Count Basie
The Original American Decca Recordings (GRP, 1992)

References

1900s births
1950 deaths
Musicians from Houston
American jazz trumpeters
American male trumpeters
20th-century American musicians
20th-century trumpeters
Jazz musicians from Texas
20th-century American male musicians
American male jazz musicians

Joe Keyes (musician)