An economic surplus is when you have more of something in the economy than people demand. There are two types:

Consumers' surplus is the gain by consumers who can buy a product for less than the highest price that they would be willing to pay.

Producers' surplus is the amount got by producers who sell at a market price higher than the least  they would be willing to sell for.

References

Microeconomics
Welfare economics

Economic surplus


Peter Arne Ruzicka (born 16 April 1964) is a Norwegian businessman.

Ruzicka's father was Czech, migrated to Norway in 1951 and ultimately became professor of chemistry. Ruzicka earned siv.øk. and MBA degrees at Oslo Business School. In 1990 he was hired in Hakon Gruppen by Stein Erik Hagen. He became director of markets in RIMI after nine months, and successively became CEO of RIMI and Hakon Gruppen. From 2000 to 2003 Ruzicka was the CEO of Ahold in the Czech Republic and Slovakia. He then left the conglomerate together with Stein Erik Hagen. Instead, Ruzicka became CEO of Jernia in 2003 and Canica in 2006.

Since February 2014, Mr. Ruzicka has been president and CEO of Orkla.

References

1964 births
Living people
Norwegian businesspeople in retailing
BI Norwegian Business School alumni
Norwegian people of Czech descent

Peter Arne Ruzicka


A Lecture on Camouflage is a 1944 American animated film directed by Chuck Jones. A Private Snafu cartoon short made for the troops during World War II.

Plot summary

Technical Fairy, First Class gives the troops "A Lecture On Camouflage" with the aid of Private Snafu. He points that modern camouflage, if used intelligently, is both an art and a science.

The camera shifts from the Fairy to what seems to be a small boat on wheels, traveling down a road. A gunsight shaped like a swastika targets the boat. A direct hit reveals the boat to be actually a jeep, driven by Snafu. The soldier takes cover in the nearby woods, but the Fairy reminds him to cover his tracks. After doing so, it is time for Snafu to relax. He smokes under the shade of a tree. He is not alarmed when the tree asks for a light, speaking in a German accent. The Fairy has to remind him that the enemy can use camouflage too.

Snafu sneaks away, but he is being followed by enemy soldiers posing as a tree, a tree stump, and a boulder. He runs to escape and ends up at the top of an enemy cannon. He is sent flying and then seeks shelter in the shade of another tree. The effect of the shifting sun tricks him into chasing the shadow around the tree. Next, a confused Snafu seeks shelter under another shadow. It turns out to be the shadow of a German observation balloon which drops a bomb on Snafu. This concludes his story.

The camera shifts back to the Fairy, who points that to fool the enemy, one must blend in with the natural surroundings. He demonstrates by joining two topless mermaids.

Cast
Mel Blanc as Technical Fairy - First Class / German Soldier / German General

Soundtrack
 "Powerhouse" (Music by Raymond Scott)
 "I'm Ridin' For a Fall" (by Frank Loesser)

Analysis
The gag with the enemy soldier disguised as a tree can be traced back to Shoulder Arms (1918). It was also used in Commando Duck (1944).

Sources

See also
Private Snafu
List of SNAFU shorts

References

External links

1944 films
1944 animated films
American animated documentary films
Short films directed by Chuck Jones
American black-and-white films
Private Snafu
Articles containing video clips
Films scored by Carl Stalling
Films produced by Leon Schlesinger
1944 documentary films
1944 comedy films
1940s Warner Bros. animated short films
1940s English-language films
American short documentary films
Camouflage

A Lecture on Camouflage


The baggy green is a cricket cap of dark myrtle green colour, which has been worn by Australian Test cricketers since around the turn of the twentieth century. The cap was not originally baggy as evidenced by photographs of early players. The cap has long been a symbol of national pride in Australia, and was described by the chief executive of the MCC as the "most famous cricket cap in the world".

While respect for the baggy green cap has always been very high, it has grown in stature since the 1990s, chiefly due to the efforts of captains Mark Taylor and Steve Waugh. Waugh regularly expressed his belief that the honouring of the traditions of the game was critical to the success of a team: "To be able to partake of these rituals and traditions has meant you have been awarded the highest honour in Australian cricket — you have been selected to play for your country."

The baggy green cap was originally supplied to the player as part of a kit of equipment, and a new one was routinely issued for each tour, with the year number on it. Former Australian players have been known to use the cap for 'non-cricketing' purposes. Bill Lawry used the cap while cleaning his pigeon's nest, while Bill Ponsford was known to wear the cap to protect his hair while painting the fence in front of his house. Ian Chappell never kept any of his baggy green caps. In the early 1990s an unofficial practice emerged amongst test players never to replace a baggy green cap, most notably by Steve Waugh. Although there is no official rule against a player obtaining a replacement cap from Cricket Australia, this almost never occurs, and the increasingly dilapidated state of an aging baggy green cap is a symbol of seniority amongst the players in the team.

During his captaincy Taylor instituted a pre-match ceremony for the awarding of a cap. This continued under Waugh, who introduced a refinement whereby new players would receive their "baggy green" from a past player of a similar discipline (batsman, spin bowler, etc.). Ponting changed it again, making the presentation himself rather than using a former player. Another tradition instituted by Taylor (but suggested by Steve Waugh, and one that has also continued) is the practice of all players wearing the cap during the first session in the field of a Test match, as a symbol of solidarity. Even Shane Warne, known for his preference for a floppy sun hat, observed this tradition without question. Modern players seldom wear the baggy green cap while batting, choosing a protective helmet instead, especially when facing faster bowlers.

Baggy green caps can in some cases be prized as valuable sporting memorabilia. The cap worn by
Sir Donald Bradman during his final season in 1948 sold in 2003 for A$425,000, and the 1953 cap of Keith Miller sold at auction for A$35,000. Even the caps of lesser-known players have fetched figures above A$10,000. The baggy green of Shane Warne was sold at auction, purchased by the Commonwealth Bank in January 2020 for A$1,007,500. Warne's cap is to be taken on a national tour, and subsequently put on display in the International Cricket Hall of Fame. The proceeds from the auction were used to support emergency services responding to 2019–20 Australian bushfire season.

See also

Cricket cap
Baseball cap
Beret
Flat cap

References

Further reading

External links

Australia in international cricket
Cricket equipment
Caps
Sportswear
Australian headgear

Baggy green


Lynde Phelps Wheeler (July 27, 1874 – February 1, 1959) was an American physicist and engineer.

He was born in Bridgeport, Connecticut and was educated at Yale University, where he received a Ph.D. in physics in 1902, with a thesis on "The Reflection of Polarized Light from Mercury in Water."  He remained at Yale as a professor in the physics department until 1926, when he joined the Radio Division of the United States Naval Research Laboratory.  In 1936 he became chief of engineering in the information division of the Federal Communications Commission (FCC).  He retired from the FCC in 1946 and became a consultant for the private firm Pickard and Burns, Inc., in Needham, Massachusetts.

Wheeler was also a fellow of the Institute of Radio Engineers since 1928, and served as its president in 1943.  In addition to his research in optics, electricity, and radio, Wheeler published a biography of his mentor at Yale, mathematical physicist J. Willard Gibbs.  He died in Roanoke, Virginia.

External links

 "Lynde Wheeler", IEEE Global History Network

American physicists
1959 deaths
1874 births

Lynde Wheeler


Masculinity (also called manhood or manliness) is a set of attributes, behaviors, and roles associated with men and boys. Masculinity can be theoretically understood as socially constructed, and there is also evidence that some behaviors considered masculine are influenced by both cultural factors and biological factors. To what extent masculinity is biologically or socially influenced is subject to debate. It is distinct from the definition of the biological male sex, as anyone can exhibit masculine traits. Standards of masculinity vary across different cultures and historical periods.

Overview

Standards of manliness or masculinity vary across different cultures, subcultures, ethnic groups and historical periods. Traits traditionally viewed as masculine in Western society include strength, courage, independence, leadership, and assertiveness. When women's labor participation increased, there were men who felt less comfortable in their masculinity because it was increasingly difficult for them to reconfirm their status as the breadwinner.

The academic study of masculinity received increased attention during the late 1980s and early 1990s, with the number of courses on the subject in the United States rising from 30 to over 300. This has sparked investigation of the intersection of  masculinity with concepts from other fields, such as the social construction of gender difference (prevalent in a number of philosophical and sociological theories).

People regardless of biological sex may exhibit masculine traits and behavior. Those exhibiting both masculine and feminine characteristics are considered androgynous, and feminist philosophers have argued that gender ambiguity may blur gender classification.

History
The concept of masculinity varies historically and culturally. Since what constitutes masculinity has varied by time and place, according to Raewyn Connell, it is more appropriate to discuss "masculinities" than a single overarching concept.

Antiquity

Ancient literature dates back to about 3000 BC, with explicit expectations for men in the form of laws and implied masculine ideals in myths of gods and heroes. According to the Code of Hammurabi (about 1750 BC):
Rule 3: "If any one bring an accusation of any crime before the elders, and does not prove what he has charged, he shall, if it be a capital offense charged, be put to death."
Rule 128: "If a man takes a woman to wife, but has no intercourse with her, this woman is no wife to him."

In the Hebrew Bible of 1000 BC, when King David of Israel drew near to death, he told his son Solomon: "I go the way of all the earth: be thou strong therefore, and shew thyself a man".

In his book Germania (98 AD), Tacitus stated that the men from the ancient Germanic tribes fought aggressively in battle to protect their women from capture by the enemy."It stands on record that armies already wavering and on the point of collapse have been rallied by the women, pleading heroically with their men, thrusting forward their bared bosoms, and making them realize the imminent prospect of enslavement - a fate which the Germans fear more desperately for their women than for themselves." -Tacitus (Germania)Tacitus presented the Germanic warrior Arminius as a masculine hero in his account of ancient Germany whose already violent nature was further heightened by the abduction of his beloved wife Thusnelda by the Roman general Germanicus. In his rage Arminius demanded war against the Roman empire.

Medieval and Victorian eras

Jeffrey Richards describes a European "medieval masculinity which was essentially Christian and chivalric". Courage, respect for women of all classes and generosity characterize the portrayal of men in literary history. According to David Rosen, the traditional view of scholars (such as J. R. R. Tolkien) that Beowulf is a tale of medieval heroism overlooks the similarities between Beowulf and the monster Grendel. The masculinity exemplified by Beowulf "cut[s] men off from women, other men, passion and the household".

During the Victorian era, masculinity underwent a transformation from traditional heroism. Scottish philosopher Thomas Carlyle wrote in 1831: "The old ideal of Manhood has grown obsolete, and the new is still invisible to us, and we grope after it in darkness, one clutching this phantom, another that; Werterism, Byronism, even Brummelism, each has its day".

Boxing was professionalized in America and Europe in the 19th century; it emphasized the physical and confrontational aspects of masculinity.  Bare-knuckle boxing without gloves represented "the manly art" in 19th-century America.

20th century to present

At the beginning of the 20th century, most families in the western world consisted of a father working outside the home as breadwinner and a mother as working homemaker in the home, often working together to raise children and/or taking care of elderly family members. The roles were often divided quite sharply between providing resources (considered masculine) and maintenance and redistribution of resources (considered feminine). Despite women's increasing participation in the paid labor force and contributions to family income, men's identities remained centered on their working lives and specifically their economic contributions. In 1963, social theorist Erving Goffman's seminal work on stigma management presented a list of traits prescribed as categorically masculine for American men:In an important sense there is only one complete unblushing male in America: a young, married, white, urban, northern, heterosexual Protestant father of college education, fully employed, of good complexion, weight and height, and a recent record in sports.:128

Writing in 1974, R. Gould asserted that the provider role was central to adult men's identities, as masculinity is often measured by the size of a man's economic contribution to the family. Masculinity is also secured by denying any semblance of softness, emotion, femininity, or any characteristic associated with women. Overwhelmingly, the construction of masculinity most valued in the latter part of the 20th century and the early 21st century is one that is independent, sexually assertive, and athletic, among other normative markers of manhood. There is some evidence of this construction developing slightly however. A 2008 study showed that men frequently rank good health, a harmonious family life and a good relationship with their spouse or partner as more important to their quality of life than physical attractiveness and success with women.

Development

Nature versus nurture

Scholars have debated the extent to which gender identity and gender-specific behaviors are due to socialization versus biological factors. Social and biological influences are thought to be mutually interacting during development. Studies of prenatal androgen exposure have provided some evidence that femininity and masculinity are partly biologically determined. Other possible biological influences include evolution, genetics, epigenetics, and hormones (both during development and in adulthood). Scholars suggest that innate differences between the sexes are compounded or exaggerated by the influences of social factors. However, others have pointed to the fact that personality differences between the sexes are seen to increase with increased levels of egalitarianism.

Social construction of masculinity
Across cultures, characteristics of masculinity are similar in essence but varying in detail, another shared pattern is that non-typical behavior of one's sex or gender may be viewed as a social problem. In sociology, this labeling is known as gender assumptions and is part of socialization to meet the mores of a society. Non-standard behavior may be considered indicative of homosexuality, despite the fact that gender expression, gender identity and sexual orientation are widely accepted as distinct concepts. When sexuality is defined in terms of object choice (as in early sexology studies), male homosexuality may be interpreted as effeminacy. Machismo is a form of masculinity that emphasizes power and is often associated with a disregard for consequences and responsibility.

Some believe that masculinity is linked to the male body; in this view, masculinity is associated with male genitalia. Others have suggested that although masculinity may be influenced by biology, it is also a cultural construct. Many aspects of masculinity assumed to be natural are linguistically and culturally driven. Reeser argues that although the military has a vested interest in constructing and promoting a specific form of masculinity, it does not create it. Facial hair is linked to masculinity through language, in stories about boys becoming men when they begin to shave.

Some social scientists conceptualize masculinity (and femininity) as a performance. Gender performances may not necessarily be intentional and people may not even be aware of the extent to which they are performing gender, as one outcome of lifelong gender socialization is the feeling that one's gender is "natural" or biologically-ordained.

Masculine performance varies over the life course, but also from one context to another. For instance, the sports world may elicit more traditionally normative masculinities in participants than would other settings. Men who exhibit a tough and aggressive masculinity on the sports field may display a softer masculinity in familial contexts. Masculinities vary by social class as well. Studies suggest working class constructions of masculinity to be more normative than are those from middle class men and boys. As these contexts and comparisons illustrate, theorists suggest a multiplicity of masculinities, not simply one single construction of masculinity.

Historian Kate Cooper wrote: "Wherever a woman is mentioned a man's character is being judged – and along with it what he stands for." Scholars cite integrity and equality as masculine values in male-male relationships.

Gay and lesbian people

Gay men are considered by some to be "effeminate and deviate from the masculine norm" and are sometimes benevolently stereotyped as "gentle and refined", even by other gay men. According to gay human-rights campaigner Peter Tatchell:
Contrary to the well-intentioned claim that gays are "just the same" as straights, there is a difference. What is more, the distinctive style of gay masculinity is of great social benefit. Wouldn't life be dull without the flair and imagination of queer fashion designers and interior decorators? How could the NHS cope with no gay nurses, or the education system with no gay teachers? Society should thank its lucky stars that not all men turn out straight, macho and insensitive. The different hetero and homo modes of maleness are not, of course, biologically fixed.

Psychologist Joseph Pleck argues that a hierarchy of masculinity exists largely as a dichotomy of homosexual and heterosexual males: "Our society uses the male heterosexual-homosexual dichotomy as a central symbol for all the rankings of masculinity, for the division on any grounds between males who are "real men" and have power, and males who are not". Michael Kimmel adds that the trope "You're so gay" indicates a lack of masculinity, rather than homosexual orientation. According to Pleck, to avoid male oppression of women, themselves and other men, patriarchal structures, institutions and discourse must be eliminated from Western society.

In the documentary The Butch Factor, gay men (one of them transgender) were asked about their views of masculinity. Masculine traits were generally seen as an advantage in and out of the closet, allowing "butch" gay men to conceal their sexual orientation longer while engaged in masculine activities such as sports. Some did not see themselves as effeminate, and felt little connection to gay culture. Some effeminate gay men in The Butch Factor felt uncomfortable about their femininity (despite being comfortable with their sexuality), and feminine gay men may be derided by stereotypically-masculine gays.

Feminine-looking men tended to come out earlier after being labeled gay by their peers. More likely to face bullying and harassment throughout their lives, they are taunted by derogatory words (such as "sissy") implying feminine qualities. Effeminate, "campy" gay men sometimes use what John R. Ballew called "camp humor", such as referring to one another by female pronouns (according to Ballew, "a funny way of defusing hate directed toward us [gay men]"); however, such humor "can cause us [gay men] to become confused in relation to how we feel about being men". He further stated:

A study by the Center for Theoretical Study at Charles University in Prague and the Academy of Sciences of the Czech Republic found significant differences in shape among the faces of 66 heterosexual and gay men, with gay men having more "stereotypically masculine" features ("undermin[ing] stereotypical notions of gay men as more feminine looking.") However, other studies with larger sample sizes have found that homosexual men were seen as significantly more feminine and less masculine than those of heterosexual men  Furthermore, a 2017 study utilized neural networks to see whether artificial intelligence would be able to differentiate accurately between more than 35,000 images of gay and straight faces. The results showed that the "classifier could correctly distinguish between gay and heterosexual men in 81% of cases, and in 71% of cases for women." Supporting the idea that men's faces are perceived as more feminine, analysis suggests that gay men have more "gender-atypical facial morphology, expression and grooming styles".

Gay men have been presented in the media as feminine and open to ridicule, although films such as Brokeback Mountain are countering the stereotype. A recent development is the portrayal of gay men in the LGBT community as "bears", a subculture of gay men celebrating rugged masculinity and "secondary sexual characteristics of the male: facial hair, body hair, proportional size, baldness".

Second-wave pro-feminism paid greater attention to issues of sexuality, particularly the relationship between homosexual men and hegemonic masculinity. This shift led to increased cooperation between the men's liberation and gay liberation movements developing, in part, because masculinity was understood as a social construct and in response to the universalization of "men" in previous men's movements. Men's-rights activists worked to stop second-wave feminists from influencing the gay-rights movement, promoting hypermasculinity as inherent to gay sexuality.

Masculinity has played an important role in lesbian culture, although lesbians vary widely in the degree to which they express masculinity and femininity. In LGBT cultures, masculine women are often referred to as "butch".

Hegemonic masculinity

Traditional avenues for men to gain honor were providing for their families and exercising leadership. Raewyn Connell has labeled traditional male roles and privileges hegemonic masculinity, encouraged in men and discouraged in women: "Hegemonic masculinity can be defined as the configuration of gender practice which embodies the currently accepted answer to the problem of the legitimacy of patriarchy, which guarantees the dominant position of men and the subordination of women". Connell (1987) placed emphasis on heterosexuality and its influence on the construction of gender. From this perspective, there is a dominant (hegemonic) and idealized form of masculinity in every social system and an apotheosized form of femininity that is considered proper for men and women. This idealized form of masculinity (hegemonic masculinity) legitimates and normalizes certain performances of men, and pathologizes, marginalizes, and subordinates any other expressions of masculinities or femininities (masculine and feminine subject positions). Alongside hegemonic masculinity, Connell postulated that there are other forms of masculinities (marginalized and subordinated), which, according to a plethora of studies, are constructed in oppressive ways (Thorne 1993). This is symptomatic of the fact that hegemonic masculinity is relational, which means that it is constructed in relation to and against an Other (emphasized femininity, marginalized and subordinated masculinities). In addition to describing forceful articulations of violent masculine identities, hegemonic masculinity has also been used to describe implicit, indirect, or coercive forms of gendered socialization, enacted through video games, fashion, humor, and so on.

Precarious manhood
Researchers have argued that the "precariousness" of manhood contributes to traditionally-masculine behavior. "Precarious" means that manhood is not inborn, but must be achieved. In many cultures, boys endure painful initiation rituals to become men. Manhood may also be lost, as when a man is derided for not "being a man". Researchers have found that men respond to threats to their manhood by engaging in stereotypically-masculine behaviors and beliefs, such as supporting hierarchy, espousing homophobic beliefs, supporting aggression and choosing physical tasks over intellectual ones.

In 2014, Winegard and Geary wrote that the precariousness of manhood involves social status (prestige or dominance), and manhood may be more (or less) precarious due to the avenues men have for achieving status.

In women

Although often ignored in discussions of masculinity, women can also express masculine traits and behaviors. In Western culture, female masculinity has been codified into identities such as "tomboy" and "butch". Although female masculinity is often associated with lesbianism, expressing masculinity is not necessarily related to a woman's sexuality. In feminist philosophy, female masculinity is often characterized as a type of gender performance which challenges traditional masculinity and male dominance. Zachary A. Kramer argues that the discussion of masculinity should be opened up "to include constructions of masculinity that uniquely affect women." Masculine women are often subject to social stigma and harassment, although the influence of the feminist movement has led to greater acceptance of women expressing masculinity in recent decades.

Women who participate in sports, especially male-dominated sports, are sometimes derided as being masculine. Even though most sports emphasize stereotypically masculine qualities, such as strength, competition, and aggression, women who participate in sports are still expected to conform to strictly feminine gender norms. This is known as the "female athlete paradox". Although traditional gender norms are gradually changing, female athletes, especially those that participate in male-dominated sports such as boxing, weight lifting, American football, rugby, ice hockey, and motorsport, are still often viewed as deviating from the boundaries of femininity and may suffer negative repercussions.

Women face a similar paradox in the business world, as corporate leadership roles are widely associated with stereotypically masculine characteristics. Women who adopt these characteristics may be more successful, but also more disliked due to not conforming with expected feminine stereotypes. According to a study in the UK, women with stereotypically masculine personality traits are more likely to gain access to high-paying occupations than women with feminine personality traits. According to another study conducted in Germany, women who fit the stereotypical masculine gender role are generally more successful in their careers.

Health

Evidence points to the negative impact of hegemonic masculinity on men's health-related behavior, with American men making 134.5 million fewer physician visits per year than women. Twenty-five percent of men aged 45 to 60 do not have a personal physician, increasing their risk of death from heart disease. Men between 25 and 65 are four times more likely to die from cardiovascular disease than women, and are more likely to be diagnosed with a terminal illness because of their reluctance to see a doctor. Reasons cited for not seeing a physician include fear, denial, embarrassment, a dislike of situations out of their control and the belief that visiting a doctor is not worth the time or cost.

Studies of men in North America and Europe show that men who consume alcoholic drinks often do so in order to fulfill certain social expectations of manliness. While the causes of drinking and alcoholism are complex and varied, gender roles and social expectations have a strong influence encouraging men to drink.

In 2004, Arran Stibbe published an analysis of a well-known men's-health magazine in 2000. According to Stibbe, although the magazine ostensibly focused on health it also promoted traditional masculine behaviors such as excessive consumption of convenience foods and meat, alcohol consumption and unsafe sex. Masculinity and sexual health is also a complex issue in the Global South, as well. In South Africa, HIV transmission was one of the significant reasons for the development of masculinities research. Risky actions commonly representative of toxic masculinity are also present in Western and Chinese male clients' attitudes and behaviors toward female sex workers in China's commercial sex industry. While many male clients frequently exhibited physical violence toward the female workers, in order to more overtly display their manliness, some men also admitted to being more sexually aggressive at times and purposefully having unprotected sex without the worker's knowledge.

Research on beer-commercial content by Lance Strate yielded results relevant to a study of masculinity. In beer commercials, masculine behavior (especially risk-taking) is encouraged. Commercials often focus on situations in which a man overcomes an obstacle in a group, working or playing hard (construction workers, farm workers or cowboys). Those involving play have central themes of mastery (of nature or each other), risk and adventure: fishing, camping, playing sports or socializing in bars. There is usually an element of danger and a focus on movement and speed (watching fast cars or driving fast). The bar is a setting for the measurement of masculinity in skills such as billiards, strength, and drinking ability. Men engage in positive health practices, such as reducing fat intake and alcohol, to conform to masculine ideals.

Men, boys and people who were assigned male at birth face gender policing from people who think they are not masculine enough. Gender policing can increase the risk of alcoholism, anxiety, and depression.

Criticism
Study of the history of masculinity emerged during the 1980s, aided by the fields of women's and (later) gender history. Before women's history was examined, there was a "strict gendering of the public/private divide"; regarding masculinity, this meant little study of how men related to the household, domesticity and family life. Although women's historical role was negated, despite the writing of history by (and primarily about) men, a significant portion of the male experience was missing. This void was questioned during the late 1970s, when women's history began to analyze gender and women. Joan Scott's seminal article, calling for gender studies as an analytical concept to explore society, power and discourse, laid the foundation for this field.

According to Scott, gender should be used in two ways: productive and produced. Productive gender examined its role in creating power relationships, and produced gender explored the use and change of gender throughout history. This has influenced the field of masculinity, as seen in Pierre Bourdieu's definition of masculinity: produced by society and culture, and reproduced in daily life. A flurry of work in women's history led to a call for study of the male role (initially influenced by psychoanalysis) in society and emotional and interpersonal life. Connell wrote that these initial works were marked by a "high level of generality" in "broad surveys of cultural norms". The scholarship was aware of contemporary societal changes aiming to understand and evolve (or liberate) the male role in response to feminism.John Tosh calls for a return to this aim for the history of masculinity to be useful, academically and in the public sphere.

Two concerns over the study of the history of masculinity are that it would stabilize the historical process (rather than change it) and that a cultural overemphasis on the approach to masculinity lacks the reality of actual experience. According to John Tosh, masculinity has become a conceptual framework used by historians to enhance their cultural explorations instead of a specialty in its own right. This draws attention from reality to representation and meaning, not only in the realm of masculinity; culture was becoming "the bottom line, the real historical reality". Tosh critiques Martin Francis' work in this light because popular culture, rather than the experience of family life, is the basis for Francis' argument. Francis uses contemporary literature and film to demonstrate that masculinity was restless, shying away from domesticity and commitment, during the late 1940s and 1950s. Francis wrote that this flight from commitment was "most likely to take place at the level of fantasy (individual and collective)". In focusing on culture, it is difficult to gauge the degree to which films such as Scott of the Antarctic represented the era's masculine fantasies. Michael Roper's call to focus on the subjectivity of masculinity addresses this cultural bias, because broad understanding is set aside for an examination "of what the relationship of the codes of masculinity is to actual men, to existential matters, to persons and to their psychic make-up" (Tosh's human experience).

According to Tosh, the culture of masculinity has outlived its usefulness because it cannot fulfill the initial aim of this history (to discover how manhood was conditioned and experienced) and he urged "questions of behaviour and agency". His work on Victorian masculinity uses individual experience in letters and sketches to illustrate broader cultural and social customs, such as birthing or Christmas traditions.

Stefan Dudink believes that the methodological approach (trying to categorize masculinity as a phenomenon) undermined its historiographic development. Abigail Solomou-Godeau's work on post-revolutionary French art addresses a strong, constant patriarchy.

Tosh's overall assessment is that a shift is needed in conceptualizing the topic back to the history of masculinity as a speciality aiming to reach a broader audience, rather than as an analytical tool of cultural and social history. The importance he places on public history hearkens back to the initial aims of gender history, which sought to use history to enlighten and change the present. Tosh appeals to historians to live up to the "social expectation" of their work, which would also require a greater focus on subjectivity and masculinity. This view is contrary to Dudink's; the latter called for an "outflanking movement" towards the history of masculinity, in response to the errors he perceived in the study. This would do the opposite of what Tosh called for, deconstructing masculinity by not placing it at the center of historical exploration and using discourse and culture as indirect avenues towards a more-representational approach. In a study of the Low Countries, Dudink proposes moving beyond the history of masculinity by embedding analysis into the exploration of nation and nationalism (making masculinity a lens through which to view conflict and nation-building). Martin Francis' work on domesticity through a cultural lens moves beyond the history of masculinity because "men constantly travelled back and forward across the frontier of domesticity, if only in the realm of the imagination"; normative codes of behavior do not fully encompass the male experience.

Media images of boys and young men may lead to the persistence of harmful concepts of masculinity. According to men's-rights activists, the media does not address men's-rights issues and men are often portrayed negatively in advertising. Peter Jackson called hegemonic masculinity "economically exploitative" and "socially oppressive": "The form of oppression varies from patriarchal controls over women's bodies and reproductive rights, through ideologies of domesticity, femininity and compulsory heterosexuality, to social definitions of the value of work, the nature of skill and the differential remuneration of 'productive' and 'reproductive' labor."

Psychological research
According to a paper submitted by Tracy Tylka to the American Psychological Association, "Instead of seeing a decrease in objectification of women in society, there has just been an increase in the objectification of both sexes. And you can see that in the media today." Men and women restrict food intake in an effort to achieve what they consider an attractively-thin body; in extreme cases, this leads to eating disorders. Psychiatrist Thomas Holbrook cited a recent Canadian study indicating that as many as one in six people with eating disorders are men.

Research in the United Kingdom found, "Younger men and women who read fitness and fashion magazines could be psychologically harmed by the images of perfect female and male physiques." Young women and men exercise excessively in an effort to achieve what they consider an attractively-fit and muscular body, which may lead to body dysmorphic disorder or muscle dysmorphia. Although the stereotypes may have remained constant, the value attached to masculine stereotypes has changed; Todd Reeser has argued that masculinity is an unstable phenomenon, never ultimately achieved.

In January 2019, the American Psychological Association warns that conforming to traditional standards of masculinity can cause harm to mental health.

Gender-role stress

In 1987, Eisler and Skidmore studied masculinity, creating the idea of "masculine stress" and finding three elements of masculinity which often result in emotional stress:
 The emphasis on prevailing in situations requiring body and fitness
 Being perceived as emotional
 The need for adequacy in sexual matters and financial status

Because of social norms and pressures associated with masculinity, men with spinal-cord injuries must adapt their self-identity to the losses associated with such injuries; this may "lead to feelings of decreased physical and sexual prowess with lowered self-esteem and a loss of male identity. Feelings of guilt and overall loss of control are also experienced." Research also suggests that men feel social pressure to endorse traditional masculine male models in advertising. Brett Martin and Juergen Gnoth (2009) found that although feminine men privately preferred feminine models, they expressed a preference for traditional masculine models in public; according to the authors, this reflected social pressure on men to endorse traditional masculine norms.

In their book Raising Cain: Protecting The Emotional Life of Boys, Dan Kindlon and Michael Thompson wrote that although all boys are born loving and empathic, exposure to gender socialization (the tough male ideal and hypermasculinity) limits their ability to function as emotionally-healthy adults. According to Kindlon and Thompson, boys lack the ability to understand and express emotions productively because of the stress imposed by masculine gender roles.

In the article "Sexual Ethics, Masculinity and Mutual Vulnerability", Rob Cover works to unpack Judith Butler's study of masculinity.  Cover goes over issues such as sexual assault and how it can be partially explained by hypermasculinity.

Masculinity in crisis
A theory of masculinity in crisis has emerged; Australian archeologist Peter McAllister said, "I have a strong feeling that masculinity is in crisis. Men are really searching for a role in modern society; the things we used to do aren't in much demand anymore". Others see the changing labor market as a source of stress. Deindustrialization and the replacement of smokestack industries by technology have allowed more women to enter the labor force, reducing its emphasis on physical strength.

The crisis has also been attributed to the questioning of male dominance and rights granted to men solely on the basis of sex following the feminist movement. British sociologist John MacInnes wrote that "masculinity has always been in one crisis or another", suggesting that the crises arise from the "fundamental incompatibility between the core principle of modernity that all human beings are essentially equal (regardless of their sex) and the core tenet of patriarchy that men are naturally superior to women and thus destined to rule over them".

According to John Beynon, masculinity and men are often conflated and it is unclear whether masculinity, men or both are in crisis.  He writes that the "crisis" is not a recent phenomenon, illustrating several periods of masculine crisis throughout history (some predating the women's movement and post-industrial society), suggesting that due to masculinity's fluid nature "crisis is constitutive of masculinity itself". Film scholar Leon Hunt also writes: "Whenever masculinity's 'crisis' actually started, it certainly seems to have been in place by the 1970s".

East Asian cultures

In 2008, the word "herbivore men" became popular in Japan and was reported worldwide. Herbivore men refers to young Japanese men who naturally detach themselves from masculinity. Masahiro Morioka characterizes them as men 1) having gentle nature, 2) not bound by manliness, 3) not aggressive when it comes to romance, 4) viewing women as equals, and 5) hating emotional pain. Herbivore men are severely criticized by men who love masculinity. Some contemporary Japanese writers like Ao Omae have made the nature of masculinity a focus of their fiction.

In Chinese and Taiwanese popular culture, phrases such as "" (), "" (), and "" () are used as pejoratives referring to men exhibiting misogyny, dominance, and homophobia.

East African cultures
During Margrethe Silberschmidt's research of urban and rural men in East Africa, she concludes that men experience disempowerment when they cannot not fulfill their role as breadwinner and feel inferior to women when they cannot provide for their family. The changes in East Africa's cultural and economic framework can partially be attributed to British colonial rule because it altered the gender division of labor. There was an increase in wage labor which led to a demand for more skilled workers in an environment where there were primarily unskilled workers. Eventually, there was a shift to growing cash crops and the emphasis was put on men to be the breadwinner. A man's social value is traditionally connected to his ability to provide so when he can no longer do that, it negatively impacts his ego. Masculinity is seen as en entity to be protected, and when a man feels disempowered, he finds other ways to reaffirm their masculinity. Research that examines the struggles among men and look into their personal experiences can help to understand the social structures of masculinity.

In the Global South

Westernized influence in the media
Masculinities as depicted in the media of countries categorized as the Global South can depict stereotypical gender roles in various ways. In India, such roles have been pushed through Bollywood films. Additionally, there is some indication that Westernized views of masculinity have been pushed onto a global audience through print media advertisements, as well. This has been observed in India with the expansion of availability of transnational men's magazines. While there is some evidence of Western and specifically, North American, influence in advertisements found in Chinese and Taiwanese men's magazines as well, it seems that more often than not, those countries' magazines have just adopted a globally uniform perception of masculinity. This theme also presents itself in visual depictions of men in Afghanistan and the Democratic Republic of the Congo.

Sports media outlets have not necessarily promoted a completely "Westernized" version of masculinity, and white, male sports icons may have had an impact when presented alongside those players of other races, such as Asians or black people. A 2019 study found that in Major League Baseball, for example, Korean players and their respective accomplishments tend to be pushed to the side when compared with white, male players in print media and online news outlets.

Novels may be affected by Westernized perceptions. Amjad Alsyouf argues that African novelists Tayeb Salih and Chinua Achebe, for example, bring some Western influence to the gender roles portrayed in their respective novels.

Visual portrayals in fashion
Masculinity is also an important concept in advertisement branding in the Islamic culture. In Kuwait, Muslim men must remain vigilant in making sure that their consumption decisions are representative of the socially accepted masculine norms — particularly in regard to their fashion choices. Additionally, advertising in fashion branding choices and its effectiveness has been examined in the context of Chinese male consumers' choices. Men interested in wearing luxury fashion brands were often more concerned with making sure their choices were visually representative of a more professional and refined person, as opposed to someone that simply looked tough or strong. This kind of focus on visual portrayals can also appear in media depictions. In the Japanese film Sooshokukeidanshi, one of the main characters is made to appear like more of an outsider than the other male characters because of his unique style choices being seen as less traditionally masculine than the cultural expectation is, in Japan.

Effects on youth
Adharsh Raj and Manash Pratim Goswami write that in India, young people often copy negative behaviors seen as being traditionally masculine in Bollywood films. Turkish young people can also fall prey to such negative media influence, According to Özlem Akkaya. In a 2018 study, young males often thought that the violent behavior displayed by the main character, "Behzat", in the Turkish television crime series, Behzat Ç. Bir Ankara Polisiyesi, was relatable to what they already experienced in their own day to day lives (and therefore, saw violence as a seemingly reasonable thing to occur in the series).

Amongst secondary school students in New Zealand, a 2017 study found that when examining print media advertisements, young girls occasionally fall back into a preconceived idea of what constitutes "typical" masculine behavior.

Fatherhood
In the Global South, many societies still follow very patriarchal norms. Through media depictions and real-life scenarios, men are seen as being the head of the family — those that provide financially, have decision making power, and really are in charge. The image of the nuclear family being the societal norm is also ever-present in many places. When men are not able to fulfill that traditionally masculine, fatherly role, they may have a difficult time proving themselves as being worthy enough to have relationships with their children. In South Africa, for example, females often take on more of a culturally masculine role in providing for the household, due to the high percentage of absent fathers in some communities. Fathers' decision to desert the mother and their biological child is fairly common in South Africa, particularly with regard to those fathers who are younger and come from lower income families. They are often trying to provide for their own nuclear families and cannot also fulfill the cultural obligations commonly attached to fatherhood.

Efforts toward gender equality
While gender equality has not been achieved, changes are happening in regard to these commonly believed gender roles, particularly with gender justice work in the Global South. In New Delhi, India, males are more frequently becoming involved in this work, while also trying to remain mindful of how their privileged status as men affects the public perception of what they are doing. In Pakistan and Afghanistan, the tide is also turning, and men's involvement in opposing violence against women is generally seen as being very positive, a good thing for all. However, there are some who still very much see conflict and violence against women as simply going hand in hand with those cultures.

Some want to shift the focus from specifically viewing females as the ones deserving of stronger rights to everyone deserving the opportunity to be viewed as an equal; however, this can create the potential for men to fall back into the mindset of "male victimhood", as opposed to focusing on female oppression. Although gender equality is becoming a more acknowledged topic in South Africa, for instance, fathers would often rather still hold on to the more traditional gender roles – and pass those ideas down to their sons.

The International Men and Gender Equality Survey (IMAGES) has also been developed and the results from countries in the Global South studied more in recent years. Although the survey indicated areas for further improvement, a significant recent finding comes in regard to men's childhood upbringing and their attitudes surrounding gender equality. If men were raised seeing more equal division of household labor tasks, older female relatives working in non-traditional occupations, less violence toward females, etc., those behaviors and attitudes had a tendency to carry over into their adult lives, according to the survey.

A 2012 study found some evidence that youth have perhaps, inadvertently, made contributions toward greater acceptance of gender equality. Popular culture consumed by youth and those of lesser social status in East Asia, including manga, singing competitions, bands, and more are starting to showcase more modernized males that combine some stereotypically masculine and feminine aspects in their behaviors.

In South Africa, stricter governmental policies are being put into place regarding abuse and violence. Additionally, initiatives like the "One Man Can" program were formed, which aim to provide HIV prevention and an anti-violence program to men in the country. The 'We Can End Violence against Women' campaign is another anti-violence initiative in Pakistan, developed by the Oxfam GB group in South Asia. In 2019, the program garnered much voluntary male participation in its gender equality work out of Afghanistan and Pakistan.

See also

References

Further reading

Contemporary

 Also available as:

Historical

 , Historiography.

External links

Bibliographic
The Men's Bibliography, a comprehensive bibliography of writing on men, masculinities, gender and sexualities, listing over 16,700 works. (mainly from a constructionist perspective)
Boyhood Studies, features a 2200+ bibliography of young masculinities.
Other
 Men in America, series by National Public Radio

Anthropology
Social constructionism

Masculinity


Nashville Christian Institute (NCI) was an African-American preparatory school associated with the Churches of Christ. It was located in Nashville, Tennessee.

With considerable funding from Nashville insurance magnate A. M. Burton, NCI opened as a night school for adults in 1940 and became a fully accredited elementary school and high school in 1942. It ceased operation on 1967 June 2, shortly after the racial integration of Lipscomb University, also in Nashville and likewise affiliated. From 1942 until 1958 the president of NCI was Marshall Keeble.

In 2012, during a ceremony awarding an honorary doctorate to NCI graduate Fred Gray, Lipscomb University president L. Randolph Lowry III announced a restructuring of the financial arrangements involved in merging the enrollments as the 1967 adjustments had not fully satisfied NCI's supporters.

Notes

African-American history in Nashville, Tennessee
Educational institutions disestablished in 1967
Educational institutions established in 1940
Defunct schools in Tennessee
Lipscomb University
Universities and colleges affiliated with the Churches of Christ
1940 establishments in Tennessee
1967 disestablishments in Tennessee

Nashville Christian Institute


The 56th New York State Legislature, consisting of the New York State Senate and the New York State Assembly, met from January 1 to April 30, 1833, during the first year of William L. Marcy's governorship, in Albany.

Background
Under the provisions of the New York Constitution of 1821, 32 Senators were elected on general tickets in eight senatorial districts for four-year terms. They were divided into four classes, and every year eight Senate seats came up for election. Assemblymen were elected countywide on general tickets to a one-year term, the whole Assembly being renewed annually.

At this time, there were three political parties: the Jacksonian Democrats, the Anti-Masonic Party, and the National Republican Party.

The Anti-Masonic state convention met on June 21, and nominated again Assemblyman Francis Granger for governor and Samuel Stevens, of New York City, for lieutenant governor. They also nominated a full ticket of presidential electors, apparently composed of some supporters of William Wirt, and  some of Henry Clay, but not pledged to any candidate.

The National Republican state convention met on July 26, Ambrose Spencer was chairman. They endorsed The Anti-Masonic nominees Granger and Stevens. They also endorsed the ticket of presidential electors nominated by the Anti-Masons, who—if they won the election—should vote for Henry Clay if this would help to defeat Jackson, otherwise for Wirt. In effect, both parties were in the process of merging, forming an Anti-Jacksonian bloc which eventually became the Whig Party.

The Jacksonian state convention met on September 19 at Herkimer, Samuel Young was chairman. They nominated U.S. Senator William L. Marcy for governor, and Judge John Tracy for lieutenant governor.

Elections
The state election was held from November 5 to 7, 1832. William L. Marcy and John Tracy were elected governor and lieutenant governor; and the Andrew Jackson/Martin Van Buren electoral ticket won.

State Senator John F. Hubbard (6th D.) was re-elected. John Sudam (2nd D.), Peter Gansevoort (3rd D.), Louis Hasbrouck (4th D.), John G. Stower (5th D.), Samuel L. Edwards (7th D.), John Griffin (8th D.) and Assemblyman Myndert Van Schaick (1st D.) were also elected to the Senate. Griffin and Hasbrouck were Anti-Jacksonians, the other six were Jacksonians.

Sessions
The Legislature met for the regular session at the Old State Capitol in Albany on January 1, 1833; and adjourned on April 30.

Charles L. Livingston (D) was re-elected Speaker with 99 votes against 22 for John C. Spencer (A-M).

On January 4, the Legislature elected State Comptroller Silas Wright, Jr. to the U.S. Senate, to fill the vacancy caused by the resignation of Gov. Marcy. Wright resigned the office of Comptroller on January 7.

On January 11, the Legislature elected Secretary of State Azariah C. Flagg to succeed Wright as State Comptroller. Flagg resigned the office of Secretary of State on January 12.

On January 15, the Legislature elected Adjutant General John Adams Dix to succeed Flagg as Secretary of State.

On February 4, the Legislature re-elected State Treasurer Abraham Keyser, Jr.

On February 5, the Legislature elected State Senator Nathaniel P. Tallmadge to succeed Charles E. Dudley as U.S. Senator for a six-year term beginning on March 4, 1833.

On February 21, the Legislature passed "An act for the construction of the Chenango Canal".

On March 23, the Legislature passed "An act authorising the appointment of an additional Canal Commissioner", and on April 4, the Legislature elected Michael Hoffman as such.

State Senate

Districts
 The First District (4 seats) consisted of Kings, New York, Queens, Richmond and Suffolk counties.
 The Second District (4 seats) consisted of Delaware, Dutchess, Orange, Putnam, Rockland, Sullivan, Ulster and Westchester counties.
 The Third District (4 seats) consisted of Albany, Columbia, Greene, Rensselaer, Schenectady and Schoharie counties.
 The Fourth District (4 seats) consisted of Clinton, Essex, Franklin, Hamilton, Montgomery, St. Lawrence, Saratoga, Warren and Washington counties.
 The Fifth District (4 seats) consisted of Herkimer, Jefferson, Lewis, Madison, Oneida and Oswego counties.
 The Sixth District (4 seats) consisted of Broome, Chenango, Cortland, Otsego, Steuben, Tioga and Tompkins counties.
 The Seventh District (4 seats) consisted of Cayuga, Onondaga, Ontario, Seneca, Wayne and Yates counties.
 The Eighth District (4 seats) consisted of Allegany, Cattaraugus, Chautauqua, Erie, Genesee, Livingston, Monroe, Niagara and Orleans counties.

Note: There are now 62 counties in the State of New York. The counties which are not mentioned in this list had not yet been established, or sufficiently organized, the area being included in one or more of the abovementioned counties.

Members
The asterisk (*) denotes members of the previous Legislature who continued in office as members of this Legislature. Myndert Van Schaick changed from the Assembly to the Senate.

Employees
 Clerk: John F. Bacon

State Assembly

Districts

 Albany County (3 seats)
 Allegany County (1 seat)
 Broome County (1 seat)
 Cattaraugus County (1 seat)
 Cayuga County (4 seats)
 Chautauqua County (2 seats)
 Chenango County (3 seats)
 Clinton County (1 seat)
 Columbia County (3 seats)
 Cortland County (2 seats)
 Delaware County (2 seats)
 Dutchess County (4 seats)
 Erie County (2 seats)
 Essex County (1 seat)
 Franklin County (1 seat)
 Genesee County (3 seats)
 Greene County (2 seats)
 Hamilton and Montgomery counties (3 seats)
 Herkimer County (3 seats)
 Jefferson County (3 seats)
 Kings County (1 seat)
 Lewis County (1 seat)
 Livingston County (2 seats)
 Madison County (3 seats)
 Monroe County (3 seats)
 The City and County of New York (11 seats)
 Niagara County (1 seat)
 Oneida County (5 seats)
 Onondaga County (4 seats)
 Ontario County (3 seats)
 Orange County (3 seats)
 Orleans County (1 seat)
 Oswego County (1 seat)
 Otsego County (4 seats)
 Putnam County (1 seat)
 Queens County (1 seat)
 Rensselaer County (4 seats)
 Richmond County (1 seat)
 Rockland County (1 seat)
 St. Lawrence County (2 seats)
 Saratoga County (3 seats)
 Schenectady County (1 seat)
 Schoharie County (2 seats)
 Seneca County (2 seats)
 Steuben County (2 seats)
 Suffolk County (2 seats)
 Sullivan County (1 seat)
 Tioga County (2 seats)
 Tompkins County (3 seats)
 Ulster County (2 seats)
 Warren County (1 seat)
 Washington (3 seats)
 Wayne County (2 seats)
 Westchester County (3 seats)
 Yates County (1 seat)

Note: There are now 62 counties in the State of New York. The counties which are not mentioned in this list had not yet been established, or sufficiently organized, the area being included in one or more of the abovementioned counties.

Assemblymen
The asterisk (*) denotes members of the previous Legislature who continued as members of this Legislature.

The party affiliations follow the vote on U.S. senators and other State officers on January 4, 11 and 15; February 4 and 5; and April 4.

Employees
 Clerk: Francis Seger
 Sergeant-at-Arms: Cornelius A. Waldron
 Doorkeeper: Alonzo Crosby
 Assistant Doorkeeper: James Courter

Notes

Sources
 The New York Civil List compiled by Franklin Benjamin Hough (Weed, Parsons and Co., 1858) [pg. 109 and 441 for Senate districts; pg. 129 for senators; pg. 148f for Assembly districts; pg. 213f for assemblymen]
 The History of Political Parties in the State of New-York, from the Ratification of the Federal Constitution to 1840 by Jabez D. Hammond (4th ed., Vol. 2, Phinney & Co., Buffalo, 1850; pg. 424 to 435)

056
1833 in New York (state)
1833 U.S. legislative sessions

56th New York State Legislature


Westport is an unincorporated community and census-designated place on the Columbia River in Clatsop County, Oregon, United States. As of the 2010 census, it had a population of 321.

Westport is connected to Cathlamet, Washington, across the river via the Wahkiakum County ferry to Puget Island. U.S. Route 30 passes through the community, connecting it to Astoria to the west and Clatskanie to the east.

Westport is named after "Captain" John West, a millwright and lumberman who settled in the area in the early 1850s. West was a native of Scotland, emigrated to Canada as a young man where he worked in a sawmill on the St. Lawrence River and then came to Oregon via California during the gold rush of 1849. West ran a sawmill and a salmon cannery in the community. The Westport post office was established in 1863 with West was its first postmaster.

Demographics

References

Unincorporated communities in Clatsop County, Oregon
Unincorporated communities in Oregon
Census-designated places in Clatsop County, Oregon
Census-designated places in Oregon
1863 establishments in Oregon
Populated places established in 1863
Oregon populated places on the Columbia River

Westport, Oregon


Francis Chagrin (born Alexander Paucker, 15 November 1905 – 10 November 1972), was a composer of film scores and popular orchestral music, as well as a conductor. He was also the "organizer and chief moving spirit" who founded the Society for the Promotion of New Music.

Career

He was born in Bucharest, Romania to Jewish parents and at their insistence studied for an engineering degree in Zurich while secretly studying at that city's music conservatoire. He graduated in 1928 but when his family failed to support his musical ambitions, left home and moved to Paris where he adopted his new, French-sounding name.<ref name=cole>[https://www.oxfordmusiconline.com/grovemusic/grovemusic/abstract/10.1093/gmo/9781561592630.001.0001/omo-9781561592630-e-0000005358 Cole Hugo. 'Francis Chagrin' in Grove Music Online"]</ref>

By playing in nightclubs and cafes and writing popular songs, he funded himself for two years, from 1933, at the Ecole Normale, where his teachers included Paul Dukas and Nadia Boulanger, and settled in England in 1936.

At the outbreak of World War II, he was appointed musical adviser and composer-in-chief to the BBC French Service and the programme . For this, he was decorated  by the French government in 1948. He spoke French fluently, as well as perfect English (with a French accent), Romanian and German, and good Italian and Spanish. For a trip to the USSR in October 1966, he studied Russian.

In January 1943 Chagrin founded The Committee for the Promotion of New Music (later renamed Society for the Promotion of New Music) with the intention of promoting the creation, performance and appreciation of new music by young and unestablished composers. Ralph Vaughan Williams agreed to be its president, with Arthur Bliss the committee's vice-president.Payne, Anthony. "Society for the Promotion of New Music", Grove Music Online, Oxford University Press, retrieved 15 June 2014.  In his obituary of Chagrin, fellow composer Benjamin Frankel said that through the Society Chagrin "gave many composers (not only the young ones) their first opportunity of a hearing: he had travelled abroad as our representative, had battled with publishers and spoken passionately on the question of performing rights. He had, in fact, become the first person to whom we turned when composer's problems arose".

In 1951 Chagrin formed his own chamber group, the Francis Chagrin Ensemble which performed and broadcast regularly over the next two decades, including many first performances.

Family

Chagrin married his second wife Eileen during the Second World War and they lived in London, at 48 Fellows Road, Hampstead. His sons are the actors Nicolas and Julian Chagrin, husband of actress and comedian Rolanda Chagrin. There was also a stepson, the poet Gerald Benson. Chagrin died in Hampstead after several heart attacks. The Francis Chagrin Fund for Young Composers was established in his memory in 1973 and continues today.

Music

Chagrin's compositions include orchestral concert works, light music, chamber music and over 200 film scores, television and commercials. His Prelude and Fugue for orchestra was given its world premiere at The Proms in 1947 by the London Philharmonic Orchestra, conducted by Basil Cameron. He composed the score for the 1955 film about Colditz, The Colditz Story. His harmonica work Roumanian Fantasy was composed in 1956 for Larry Adler. In 1959 he composed the theme and incidental music for the Sapphire Films TV series The Four Just Men for ITV. In 1963, he won the Harriet Cohen International Music Award as "film composer of the year". The following year, he composed music for the Doctor Who television episodes The Dalek Invasion of Earth.

He left a third symphony incomplete at his death. Chagrin had also been commissioned to write a new piece for performance at the SPNM's 30th-anniversary concert at the Queen Elizabeth Hall on 5 February 1973 - one of the few times his own work was ever performed at an SPNM event - but was unable to complete the work. At his request, the Lamento appassionato'' for string orchestra was played instead.

Concert music

Including:

Film scores

References

External links
*
 Concert Programmes: The Francis Chagrin Collection
 The Francis Chagrin Award
 List of émigré composers in Britain

Musicians from Bucharest
Romanian Jews
20th-century classical composers
Romanian classical composers
BBC radio producers
1905 births
Jewish classical composers
1972 deaths
Male classical composers
Romanian emigrants to the United Kingdom
Romanian expatriates in France
British classical composers
British people of Romanian-Jewish descent
BBC World Service people
20th-century British male musicians

Francis Chagrin


A septimal tritone is a tritone (about one half of an octave) that involves the factor seven. There are two that are inverses. The lesser septimal tritone (also Huygens' tritone) is the musical interval with ratio 7:5 (582.51 cents). The greater septimal tritone (also Euler's tritone), is an interval with ratio 10:7 (617.49 cents). They are also known as the sub-fifth and super-fourth, or subminor fifth and supermajor fourth, respectively.

The 7:5 interval (diminished fifth) is equal to a 6:5 minor third plus a 7:6 subminor third.

The 10:7 interval (augmented fourth) is equal to a 5:4 major third plus an 8:7 supermajor second, or a 9:7 supermajor third plus a 10:9 major second.

The difference between these two is the septimal sixth tone (50:49, 34.98 cents) .

12 equal temperament and 22 equal temperament do not distinguish between these tritones; 19 equal temperament does distinguish them but doesn't match them closely. 31 equal temperament and 41 equal temperament both distinguish between and closely match them.

The lesser septimal tritone is the most consonant tritone when measured by combination tones, harmonic entropy, and period length.

Depending on the temperament used, "the" tritone, defined as three whole tones, may be identified as either a lesser septimal tritone (in septimal meantone systems), a greater septimal tritone (when the tempered fifth is around 703 cents), neither (as in 72 equal temperament), or both (in 12 equal temperament only).

References

Augmented fourths
Diminished fifths
Tritones
7-limit tuning and intervals

Septimal tritone


The Kitsault River is a river on the North Coast of British Columbia, Canada, located at the head of Alice Arm, which is the east arm of Observatory Inlet, which is itself an arm of Portland Inlet (see Portland Canal).  Located at the mouth of the river are the localities of Alice Arm (a former post office and steamer landing), Kitsault (a former mining town) and Gits'oohl, a community of the Nisga'a people which was the Gitzault Indian Reserve No. 24 prior to the Nisga'a Treaty.

Name
"Kitsault" is derived from the Nisga'a language phrase and the name of the local Nisga'a community, Gits'oohl, which means "at the inside", "a ways in back (of something)", i.e. the inlets. Variant spellings have included Kitzault, Kitzaulte, Gitzault, Chigitsoult, and Kitsaulte.

See also
List of rivers in British Columbia
 Kitsault

References

Rivers of the North Coast of British Columbia
Nisga'a
Cassiar Land District

Kitsault River


Crown Estate Scotland () is the self-financing public corporation of the Scottish Government responsible for the management of land and property in Scotland owned by the monarch 'in right of the Crown'. It was separated from the Crown Estate of the United Kingdom under the Scotland Act 2016. It is responsible for a range of rural, coastal, urban and marine assets across Scotland. The monarch remains the legal owner of these assets, but they do not form the private property of the monarch, and cannot be sold by the monarch. The primary purpose of Crown Estate Scotland is to invest in property, natural resources, and places to create lasting value for the people of Scotland. Surplus revenue (i.e. revenue profit after maintaining and enhancing the value of the estate, as per the Scottish Crown Estate Act 2019) does not belong to the monarch, but is paid to the Scottish Consolidated Fund which in turn helps finance the Scottish Government.

Crown Estate Scotland's main income source is from leases on the property, which is mostly in sectors such as offshore renewables, farming, tourism and aquaculture. The corporation is one of the largest property managers in Scotland, managing assets worth £568.2 million as of 2022. These include over  of land in rural Scotland, the majority of which is let for farming, residential, commercial, sporting and mineral operations. The estate also has significant holdings in the coastal and marine environment, including virtually all of the seabed out to , rights to lease seabed for renewable energy generation and gas and carbon dioxide storage out to 200 nautical miles (370 kilometres) and just under half of Scotland's foreshore. The corporation works alongside the Scottish Government, Scottish Parliament, local authorities, communities, third sector and businesses with the aim to create "lasting value for Scotland".

History
The basis for the assets now comprising the Scottish Crown Estate comes from various ancient rights, functions and assets that came to be owned by the Scottish Crown, and later the British Sovereign in Scotland. In 1790 King George III revoked his claim to the income from the crown estates in England, receiving in return an annual payment known as the civil list from the Treasury. The Crown retained the income from estates in Scotland until 1830, when under King William IV the hereditary land revenues of the Crown in Scotland were transferred from the Barons of the Exchequer to the Commissioners of Woods, Forests, Land Revenues, Works and Buildings and their successors under the Crown Lands (Scotland) Acts of 1832, 1833 and 1835. These holdings mainly comprised former ecclesiastical land (following the abolition of the episcopacy in 1689) in Caithness and Orkney, and ancient royal possession in Stirling and Edinburgh, and feudal dues. There was virtually no urban property. Most of the present Scottish estate excepting foreshore and salmon fishing is due to inward investment, including Glenlivet Estate, the largest area of land managed by the Crown Estate in Scotland, purchased in 1937, Applegirth, Fochabers and Whitehill estates, purchased in 1963, 1937 and 1969 respectively.

After winning the 2011 Scottish election, the Scottish National Party (SNP) called for the devolution of the Crown Estate income to Scotland. In response to this demand, the Scotland Office decided against dividing up the Crown Estates, but plans were developed to allocate some of the Crown Estate income to the Big Lottery Fund, which would then distribute funds to coastal communities. Following the 2014 Scottish independence referendum, there were calls for more powers to be devolved from the United Kingdom Parliament to the Scottish Parliament. The Smith Commission was announced by Prime Minister David Cameron, with Lord Smith of Kelvin asked to "convene cross-party talks and facilitate an inclusive engagement process across Scotland to produce, by 30 November 2014, Heads of Agreement with recommendations for further devolution of powers to the Scottish Parliament". On 27 November 2014, the commission published a number of recommendations, which included that "responsibility for the management of the Crown Estate's economic assets in Scotland, including the Crown Estate's seabed and mineral and fishing rights, and the revenue generated from these assets, [should] be transferred to the Scottish Parliament."

A bill based on the Smith Commission's recommendations became law as the Scotland Act 2016 in March 2016. This made provision for the devolution for the management and revenues of Crown Estate assets in Scotland. Crown Estate Scotland was established by The Crown Estate Scotland (Interim Management) Order 2017. Under the Crown Estate Transfer Scheme 2017, the existing functions of the Crown Estate Commissioners and the rights and liabilities set out in the transfer scheme transferred from the Crown Estate Commissioners to Crown Estate Scotland on 1 April 2017. Prior to the handover, the Crown Estate owned a multi-million stake in the Fort Kinnaird retail park which represented about 60% of the value of all Crown assets in Scotland. This was not passed to Crown Estates Scotland with other Scottish properties in 2016. Two years later, the Crown Estate sold its stake and used the funds to assume full ownership of the Gallagher Retail Park in Cheltenham.

In January 2022 Crown Estate Scotland announced the outcome of the "ScotWind" auction process, where 74 entities applied for rights to offshore wind generation in 17 areas of the seabed (covering a total area of 7,000 km2). The auction raised almost £700m for the Scottish Government, and covers sites estimated to be capable of generating over 24 GW of electricity in total. In April, all 17 winners had signed options. Crown Estate Scotland expects that the supply chain industry spends £1.5bn per project.

Assets
Crown Estate Scotland is responsible for managing:
 35,565 hectares of rural land with agricultural tenancies, residential and commercial properties and forestry on four rural estates (Glenlivet, Fochabers, Applegirth and Whitehill)
 Salmon and sea trout fishing rights on many Scottish rivers
 Around half the foreshore around Scotland including 5,800 moorings and some ports and harbours
 Leasing of virtually all seabed out to  covering some 750 fish farming sites and agreements with cables & pipeline operators
 The rights to offshore renewable energy and gas and carbon storage out to
 Mineral rights over naturally occurring gold and silver across most of Scotland
 Retail and office units at 39-41 George Street Edinburgh

Although The Crown has first claim on all "royal fish" (whales which measure more than  from the snout to the middle of the tail) found dead or stranded in Scottish waters, since 1999 this right has been administered by the Scottish Government's Marine Directorate, and royal fish do not become the property of Crown Estate Scotland. Similarly, assets that have no owner (bona vacantia) also revert to The Crown, but in Scotland such assets are dealt with by the King's and Lord Treasurer's Remembrancer.

Management and governance
Crown Estate Scotland is a self-financing public corporation of the Scottish Government, i.e. a commercial enterprise under government control. As such it is overseen by a board whose members and chair are appointed by Ministers. Board members are appointed to serve for a two or three-year term, and may not serve for longer than eight years in total. The board appoints a Chief Executive, who is responsible for day-to-day running of the body and is accountable to the board. As of September 2022 the Chief Executive was Ronan O'Hara.

See also
Crown Estate

Notes

External links

Agriculture in Scotland
Companies established in 2002
Crown Estate
Government agencies established in 2017
Public corporations of the Scottish Government
Scottish coast and countryside
Scottish landowners
2017 establishments in Scotland

Crown Estate Scotland


The United States Department of Veterans Affairs (VA) is a government-run military veteran benefit system with Cabinet-level status. It is responsible for administering programs of veterans' benefits for veterans, their families, and survivors. The benefits provided include disability compensation, pension, education, home loans, life insurance, vocational rehabilitation, survivors' benefits, medical benefits and burial benefits.
It is administered by the United States Secretary of Veterans Affairs.

References


Louis-Jacques-Mandé Daguerre (; 18 November 1787 – 10 Julie 1851) wis a French airtist an photographer, recognised for his invention o the daguerreoteep process o photografie. He acame kent as ane o the faithers o photografie. Tho he is maist famous for his contreibutions tae photografie, he wis an aa an accomplished penter an a developer o the diorama theatre.

1787 births
1851 daiths
Fowk frae Cormeilles-en-Parisis
French inventors
French airtists
French pheesicists
French photografers
Members o the French Academy o Sciences
19t-century French photografers
Fowk o the Industrial Revolution
Pioneers o photografie
Recipients o the Pour le Mérite (ceevil cless)
19t-century physicists

Louis Daguerre


is the first game in the Cho Aniki series. It was originally released in 1992 on the Super CD-ROM² System. Years later, the game was released as part of Project EGG for Windows Store and Wii's Virtual Console in Japan, North America, and Europe. This makes it the first time any game of this series has seen release outside Japan.

Plot
The game's plot involves the heroes moving through various locations — space, urban environments, elaborate ruins — and fighting alien invaders. Bo Emperor Bill (Botei-biru, a pun on bodibil, a shortened form of bodybuild in Japanese), the man who achieved ten consecutive victories in the Great Galaxy Bodybuilding contest, faces an ever-decreasing supply of protein. He unilaterally invades neighboring star systems, in order to establish protein factories to replenish his supply. Feeling threatened, the heaven realm sent Idaten and Benten to vanquish Bo Emperor Bill. Thus the sweaty hot battle between the muscle brothers (aniki) and Builders Army begins.

Gameplay

Upon beginning a game or continuing, the player chooses between two playable characters: Idaten, a young man wearing a cape, and Benten, a blue-haired woman.

The player can pick up one of three support options by collecting randomly appearing power-ups. The most common is Samson/Adon, musclebound men clad in Speedos. The two hover about the hero, firing shots from the holes in their bald heads. The pair eventually became the series' mascots. The other options are Angel and Uminin.

The player character's firepower is increased by collecting proteins. They also have a stock of bombs which can be replenished with bomb pickups. Each player character has ten build levels, while each option has five build levels.

Reception
Lucas M. Thomas of IGN rated the Wii Virtual Console game 7.5 (good) for being the weirdest and most nonsensical Import to come to the American Virtual Console so far. Scott Sharkey of 1up.com listed the PC Engine game's sequel as having one of the worst game box covers of all time.

Soundtrack
Cho Aniki Aniki no subete is a soundtrack based on the video game. It was released by NEC Avenue in 1993-03-21, then by Columbia Music Entertainment in 1998-05-21.

References

External links
Hudson Soft page
soundtrack review

1992 video games
Hudson Soft games
Masaya Games games
Horizontally scrolling shooters
LGBT-related video games
Single-player video games
TurboGrafx-CD games
Video games developed in Japan
Virtual Console games
Windows games
PlayStation Network games

Cho Aniki (video game)


The Rock Island Arsenal comprises , located on Arsenal Island, originally known as Rock Island, on the Mississippi River between the cities of Davenport, Iowa, and Rock Island, Illinois. It lies within the state of Illinois.  Rock Island was previously used as the summer camp site for Sauk Native Americans, and the dispute over tribal ownership led to the Black Hawk War of 1832, after the primary leader of the Sauk, Black Hawk.  It is now home of First Army headquarters, and the US Army's Center of Excellence for Additive Manufacturing.

The island was originally established as a government site in 1816, with the building of Fort Armstrong.  It is now the largest government-owned weapons manufacturing arsenal in the United States. It has manufactured military equipment and ordnance since the 1880s. In 1919–1920 one hundred of the Anglo-American or Liberty Mark VIII tanks were manufactured, although too late for World War I.  It is designated as a National Historic Landmark.

Established as both an arsenal and a center for the manufacture of leather accoutrements and field gear, today it provides manufacturing, logistics, and base support services for the Armed Forces. The Arsenal is the only active U.S. Army foundry, and manufactures ordnance and equipment, including artillery, gun mounts, recoil mechanisms, small arms, aircraft weapons sub-systems, grenade launchers, weapons simulators, and a host of associated components. Some of the Arsenal's most successful products include the M198 and M119 towed howitzers, and the M1A1 gun mount.  About 250 military personnel and 6,000 civilians work there. The 2000 census population was 145.

History

From the autobiography of Sauk Native American Black Hawk: "When we arrived we found that the troops had come to build a fort on Rock Island...We did not object, however, to their building their fort on the island, but were very sorry, as this was the best one on the Mississippi, and had long been the resort of our young people during the summer. It was our garden, like the white people have near their big villages, which supplied us with strawberries, blackberries, gooseberries, plums, apples and nuts of different kinds."

The island facilities were converted and built in 1863; they were not yet completed in December of that year, when the first Confederate prisoners were incarcerated. The construction was makeshift. The first prisoners were 468 Confederates captured in battles at Chattanooga, Tennessee. That month more than 5,000 Confederates would swell the population of Rock Island military prison. They were kept in 84 barracks, each holding around 100 prisoners. A total of 41 Confederate prisoners successfully escaped during the prison's operation, and many more would try but fail.

A total of 1,964 Confederate prisoners and 125 Union guards are buried in the adjacent military cemetery, including 49 members of the 108th Regiment of United States Colored Troops, who served as guards. Most died from disease, since sanitation was primitive as in all army encampments, and exposure to heat and humidity during the summers and freezing temperatures during winters. In 1864, deadly smallpox epidemics rapidly spread through the prison.

The prison camp operated from December 1863 until July 1865, when the last prisoners were freed. After the war, the prison facility was completely destroyed. During its two years in operation, the prison camp housed a total of more than 12,400 Confederates.

Other historical sites in the area include the Confederate Cemetery, the Rock Island National Cemetery, 19th-century stone workshops, officers' quarters along the river, Col. Davenport's House, and the site of the first bridge built across the Mississippi. Following the war, the federal government retained ownership of Arsenal Island and developed it for use as an arsenal and ordnance manufacturing center, which led to its being renamed.

Rock Island Arsenal Museum
The Rock Island Arsenal Museum was established on July 4, 1905. It is the second-oldest US Army Museum in the US after the West Point Museum.  The museum has been closed twice, during World War I and World War II, to provide more space for manufacturing facilities.

Exhibits interpret the history of Rock Island Arsenal and the Union prison camp during the American Civil War, and the site's role as a military industrial facility.  The museum contains the second-largest collection of small arms weapons in the U.S. Army, and an outdoor vehicle display.

Indoor exhibits include (as of June 2012):

Outdoor exhibits include (as of June 2012):

See also
 Black Hawk
 American Civil War
 List of Civil War POW Prisons and Camps
 Prisoner-of-war camp
 List of National Historic Landmarks in Illinois

References

External links

The Rock Island Arsenal Joint Manufacturing & Technology Center (archive link)
The Rock Island Arsenal profile at globalsecurity.org
Rock Island Arsenal Museum
Rock Island Civil War prison (archive link)
Rock Island National Cemetery, Arsenal, and Confederate POW Camp
Rock Island Memorial POW Camp #2229
Rock Island Arsenal Wikimapia

1816 establishments in Illinois Territory
United States Army posts
Illinois in the American Civil War
American Civil War prison camps
Defunct prisons in Illinois
Prison islands
Islands of Illinois
Tourist attractions in Rock Island, Illinois
United States Army arsenals
National Historic Landmarks in Illinois
Military installations in Illinois
Economy of the Quad Cities
Tourist attractions in the Quad Cities
Quad Cities
Military and war museums in Illinois
Museums in Rock Island County, Illinois
National Register of Historic Places in Rock Island County, Illinois
Military facilities on the National Register of Historic Places in Illinois
Archaeological sites on the National Register of Historic Places in Illinois
Armories on the National Register of Historic Places in Illinois
Industrial buildings and structures on the National Register of Historic Places in Illinois
United States Army arsenals during World War II
Historic American Engineering Record in Illinois
Landforms of Rock Island County, Illinois
American Civil War on the National Register of Historic Places
Historic districts on the National Register of Historic Places in Illinois

Rock Island Arsenal


Jørgen Dybvad (died 1612), was a Danish theologian and mathematician of the sixteenth and seventeenth century.

Jørgen was born to prosperous Yeoman stock in Dybvad in Gosmer Parish, Aarhus, and took the name of his place of birth.

Dybvad studied under Caspar Peucer and Sebastian Theodoricus at the University of Wittenberg. He later became a prominent scholar who wrote on astronomy, meteorology, and mathematics. He tended toward new, radically anti-Aristotelian ways of thinking. He was the first Dane to publish a commentary on Copernicus, and he
had no trouble accepting the new star of 1572 as evidence of celestial mutability. However he was not a systematic astronomer. In astrology he merged the Ptolemaic approach with a contemporary tradition of historical chronology. He was also a Hebrew scholar.

Appointment as professor
In 1575 Dybvad was sent by Augustus I of Saxony to Denmark with a letter for Frederick II of Denmark which concerned the Crypto-Calvinists who had recently been imprisoned in Saxony. They had pleaded that they were following a precedent set in Denmark. In particular, the Dane, Niels Hemmingsen had recently published Syntagma institutionum christianarum which offered a Calvinist interpretation of the Eucharist. King Frederick responded by organising a hearing in Copenhagen Castle on 15 June. Despite resolute interrogation by Jørgen Rosenkrantz, Hemmingsen was defended by Peder Oxe. However, after Oxe's death in October and a further recommendation from Augustus I, Dybvad was appointed professor of theology at the University of Copenhagen. However Frederick II secured a retraction from Hemmingsen and forbade further discussion of the Eucharist despite pressure from Augustus I. Nevertheless, Hemmingsen lobbied for Tycho Brahe to be appointed as Rector of the University in the hope that Brahe could curb Dybvad's influence. However Brahe declined.

Augury at Sorø Abbey
At the Feast of St Martin, held in Sorø Abbey, on 11 November 1577, Dybvad was amongst the royal entourage gathered there around Frederick II. A comet was seen which led Dybvad to write En nyttig Vnderuissning Om den COMET, som dette Aar 1577. in Nouembrj først haffuer ladet sig see (Copenhagen: Laurentz Benedicht, 1578). This contained all sorts of apocalyptical prophecies, many of a political nature:
"Hungary may well fear highly of the Turk. Hispania will feel a hard rod. Cologne on the Rhine will not be left out. Saxony, Thuiringen, Hesse, Steiermark, the Brandenburg lands, Augsburg, Kostnitz, Cleve, Berg, Ghent, Mecklenburg, Lithuania, must make ready for the effects of this comet, and especially for pestilence. Poland dare not be proud, for it must also drink of the cup, and it appears in particular, that the Muscovite or the Tartar will bring a sour visitation upon them.... Denmark, uplift thine eyes, shake off the sleep ... look about thee, and mark, that this comet does also threaten thee with pestilence and dear times.... The Muscovite, Sweden, Walachia, Westphalia, Trent, Hamburg, Bremen, Salzburg, Calabria, Portugal, Alexandria, and many other realms and lands will also receive something of this comet's effects."

Tycho Brahe also observed the comet and wrote a report for Fredrick II. A German language text has been identified as being this report and includes a passage which may be taken as referring to Dybvad:
"Not alone they, but many others, who seek their own honor and gain in the guise of the true religion, and as pseudo-prophets, not born of the Divine light from heavens and stars, but set up in the vineyard unsummoned and on their own volition, will be punished and tamed by these pseudo-planets, for the comet has let itself be seen as a pseudo-planet so that the children of the planets, both clerical and secular, who have mounted too high in their arrogance, and have not wandered in divine wisdom, will be punished."

His son was Christoffer Dybvad.

References

People from Aarhus
16th-century Danish mathematicians
Danish Lutherans
Danish mathematicians
1612 deaths
Year of birth unknown

Jørgen Dybvad


António Augusto dos Santos (January 22, 1929 - October 13, 2004) was a Portuguese General and commander of the Portuguese forces in Mozambique from 1964 until he was relieved of command at the end of 1969. On the outbreak of the Mozambican War of Independence in 1964, Augusto dos Santos commanded the Portuguese forces in that Portuguese territory and favored the use of African units trained by Portuguese regulars who fought alongside the Portuguese Army regulars.

General Dos Santos believed in a hearts and minds campaign that resulted in the construction of schools and other infrastructure and the training of African Units to build partner capacity (a technique that is used today by the U.S. Military in Africa).  He was relieved by General Kaúlza de Arriaga who took over in 1970 and demonstrated poorer success for the Portuguese in the counterinsurgency operations (Gordian Knot Operation) in that the scorched earth policy he pursued turned the people against him. For his efforts in Mozambique, Gen dos Santos was awarded the Military Order of the Tower and Sword.  A year later, Augusto dos Santos began serving as the Portuguese Army Chief of Staff (Chefes do Estado-Maior do Exército), a post he held until 1972.  He was retired at the time of the military coup in Lisbon on 25 April 1974, which overthrew the Portuguese government headed by Marcelo Caetano and would put to an end the Portuguese Colonial War (1961-1974) shortly thereafter. He refused to participate in the revolution even though he was asked to participate in the revolutionary government.  He withdrew from public life and remained a private citizen until his death.

Notes

Mozambican War of Independence
Portuguese generals
1929 births
2004 deaths

António Augusto dos Santos