Satanic Twins is a remix album by the band of Montreal.  The album contains twelve remixes (six each) from their two previous full-length albums Satanic Panic in the Attic (2004) and The Sunlandic Twins (2005).  The album was released as a double LP and digital download. "Satanic Twins" is a portmanteau of the names of the two albums from which its remixed songs originate.

Track listing
Satanic Panic in the Attic Remixes LP
 "Disconnect the Dots (Mixel Pixel remix)" - 4:17
 "How Lester Lost His Wife (Pocket remix)" - 3:32
 "My British Tour Diary (Restiform Bodies (anticon.) remix)" - 4:00
 "Climb the Ladder (Rory Phillips Trash UK remix)" - 5:34
 "Chrissy Kiss the Corpse (Nils Lannon remix)" - 2:31
 "Rapture Rapes the Muses (DJ Dave P. and Adam Sparkles Making Time remix)" - 6:25

The Sunlandic Twins Remixes LP
 "Forecast Fascist Future (IQU remix)" - 4:56
 "The Party's Crashing Us (I Am The World Trade Center remix)" - 3:54
 "Wraith Pinned to the Mist and Other Games (Broken Spindles remix)" - 4:01
 "I Was a Landscape in Your Dream (Grizzly Bear remix)" - 4:49
 "Requiem for O.M.M.2 (United State of Electronica remix)" - 2:10
 "I Was Never Young (Supersystem remix)" - 4:02

Bonus track on digital version
"My British Tour Diary (Caro Remix)" – 5:37

Of Montreal albums
2006 remix albums
Polyvinyl Record Co. remix albums

Satanic Twins


In Greek Mythology, Eumolpus (; Ancient Greek: Εὔμολπος Eúmolpos, "good singer" or "sweet singing", derived from εὖ eu "good" and μολπή molpe "song", "singing") was a legendary king of Thrace. He was described as having come to Attica either as a bard, a warrior, or a priest of Demeter and Dionysus.

Family
Eumolpus was the son of Poseidon (Neptune in Roman tradition) and Chione. In the legend he is described as neither Greek, nor Thracian or Roman, but Libyan and a native of North Africa, though his mother Chione is said to be a Thracian princess. An alternative genealogy also stated that Eumolpus was born to the god Apollo and the nymph Astycome. He was the father of Immarados by the Oceanid Daeira.

Mythology

Early years
According to the mythographer Apollodorus, Chione, daughter of Boreas and the heroine Oreithyia, pregnant in secret with Eumolpus by Poseidon, was frightened of her father's reaction so she threw the baby into the ocean after giving birth to him. Poseidon however, looked after him and brought him to shore in Ethiopia, where Benthesikyme, a daughter of Poseidon and Amphitrite, raised the child as their own. When he grew up, Eumolpus married one of Benthesikyme's two daughters by her Ethiopian husband. Eumolpus however, loved a different daughter and made an attempt upon her chastity, and was banished because of this. He went to Thrace with his son Ismarus (or Immaradus) who was married to the daughter of King Tegyrius. Later on, Eumolpus was discovered in a plot to overthrow King Tegyrios and was obliged to take flight and fled to Eleusis where he formed a friendship with the Eleusinians.

In Eleusis, Eumolpus became one of the first priests of Demeter and one of the founders of the Eleusinian Mysteries. When Ismarus died, Tegyrios sent for Eumolpus to return to Thrace, they made peace and Eumolpus inherited the Thracian kingdom. During a war between Athens and Eleusis, Eumolpus sided with Eleusis and came with a numerous band of Thracians.

War with Athens
The traditions about this Eleusinian war, however, differ very much. According to some, the Eleusinians under Eumolpus attacked the Athenians under Erechtheus, but were defeated, and Eumolpus with his two sons, Phorbas and Immaradus, were slain. Pausanias relates a tradition that in the battle between the Eleusinians and Athenians, Erechtheus and Immaradus fell, and that thereupon peace was concluded on condition that the Eleusinians should in other respects be subject to Athens, but that they alone should have the celebration of their mysteries, and that Eumolpus and the daughters of Celeus should perform the customary sacrifices. His son, Immaradus, was killed by King Erechtheus. In some sources, Erechtheus having killed Eumolpus, Poseidon asked Zeus to avenge his son's death. Zeus killed Erechtheus with a lightning bolt or Poseidon made the earth open up and swallow Erechtheus. According to Hyginus, Eumolpus came to Attica with a colony of Thracians, to claim the country as the property of his father, Poseidon.

Eleusis lost the battle with Athens but the Eumolpides and Kerykes, two families of priests to Demeter, continued the Eleusinian mysteries. Eumolpus' youngest son, Herald-Keryx who succeeded him in the priestly office, founded the lines.

Other feats
Mythology regards Eumolpus as the founder of the Eleusinian mysteries, and as the first priest of Demeter and Dionysus; the goddess herself taught him, Triptolemus, Diocles, and Celeus, the sacred rites, and he is therefore sometimes described as having himself invented the cultivation of the vine and of fruit-trees in general.

Eumolpus was an excellent musician and singer; he played the aulos and the lyre.  He won a musical contest in the funereal games of Pelias. Eumolpus was regarded as an ancient priestly bard, poems and writings on the mysteries were fabricated and circulated at a later time under his name. One hexameter line of a Dionysiac hymn, ascribed to him, is preserved in Diodorus. The legends connected him also with Heracles, whom he is said to have instructed in music, or initiated into the mysteries.

According to Diogenes Laërtius Eumolpus was the father of Musaeus. Lastly, according to Philochorus, Eumolpus was the father of the legendary poet Musaeus by the lunar goddess Selene.

The tomb of Eumolpus was shown both at Eleusis and Athens. The difference in the traditions about Eumolpus led some of the ancients to suppose that two or three persons of that name ought to be distinguished.

Legacy
Vinzenz Brinkmann and Ulrike Koch-Brinkmann have identified a 5th-century bronze statue called Riace B as being a representation of Eumolpus.  The fingers of the well-preserved statue indicate that the figure was originally carrying a bow and arrow, typical of Thracian warriors.

Notes

References
Anonymous, The Homeric Hymns and Homerica, with an English translation by Hugh G. Evelyn-White. Homeric Hymns. Cambridge, Massachusetts.,Harvard University Press; London, William Heinemann Ltd. 1914.
Gaius Julius Hyginus, Fabulae from The Myths of Hyginus translated and edited by Mary Grant. University of Kansas Publications in Humanistic Studies. Online version at the Topos Text Project.
Graves, Robert. The Greek Myths. Volume 1, Penguin Books, Revised Edition (1960), Reprinted 1986.
Lucius Mestrius Plutarchus, Moralia with an English Translation by Frank Cole Babbitt. Cambridge, MA. Harvard University Press. London. William Heinemann Ltd. 1936. Online version at the Perseus Digital Library. Greek text available from the same website.
Pausanias, Description of Greece with an English Translation by W.H.S. Jones, Litt.D., and H.A. Ormerod, M.A., in 4 Volumes. Cambridge, MA, Harvard University Press; London, William Heinemann Ltd. 1918. . Online version at the Perseus Digital Library
Pausanias, Graeciae Descriptio. 3 vols. Leipzig, Teubner. 1903.  Greek text available at the Perseus Digital Library.
Apollodorus, The Library with an English Translation by Sir James George Frazer, F.B.A., F.R.S. in 2 Volumes, Cambridge, MA, Harvard University Press; London, William Heinemann Ltd. 1921. . Online version at the Perseus Digital Library. Greek text available from the same website.
Publius Ovidius Naso, Metamorphoses translated by Brookes More (1859-1942). Boston, Cornhill Publishing Co. 1922. Online version at the Perseus Digital Library.
Publius Ovidius Naso, Metamorphoses. Hugo Magnus. Gotha (Germany). Friedr. Andr. Perthes. 1892. Latin text available at the Perseus Digital Library.
Strabo, The Geography of Strabo. Edition by H.L. Jones. Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press; London: William Heinemann, Ltd. 1924. Online version at the Perseus Digital Library.
Strabo, Geographica edited by A. Meineke. Leipzig: Teubner. 1877. Greek text available at the Perseus Digital Library.
The Homeric Hymns and Homerica with an English Translation by Hugh G. Evelyn-White. Homeric Hymns. Cambridge, MA.,Harvard University Press; London, William Heinemann Ltd. 1914. Online version at the Perseus Digital Library. Greek text available from the same website.
Titus Flavius Clemens, Exhortation against the Pagans translated by Butterworth, G W. Loeb Classical Library Volume 92. Cambridge, MA. Harvard University Press. 1919. Online version at theio.com
William Smith. A Dictionary of Greek and Roman biography and mythology. s.v. Eumolpus. London (1848)

Musicians in Greek mythology
Mythological kings of Thrace
Kings in Greek mythology
Children of Apollo
Children of Poseidon
Demigods in classical mythology
Consorts of Selene
Libyan characters in Greek mythology
Mythology of Heracles
Attic mythology
Eleusinian mythology
Primordial teachers

Eumolpus


Linda Joy Holtzman is an American rabbi and author. In 1979, she became one of the first women in the United States to serve as the presiding rabbi of a synagogue, when she was hired by Beth Israel Congregation of Chester County, which was then located in Coatesville, Pennsylvania.

Biography
She had graduated in 1979 from the Reconstructionist Rabbinical College in Philadelphia, yet was hired by Beth Israel despite their being a Conservative congregation. Holtzman was thus the first woman to serve as a rabbi for a solely Conservative congregation, as the Conservative movement did not then ordain women. However, Sandy Eisenberg Sasso served as rabbi along with her husband at the congregation Beth-El Zedeck in Indianapolis from 1977 until 2013; Beth El Zedeck is identified with both the Reconstructionist and Conservative movements. In 1979, The New York Times published the article "Only Female Presiding Rabbi in U.S. Begins Her Work in a Small Town", in which the author described Holtzman's hiring as "a marked breakthrough for the growing numbers of women who have faced obstacles in becoming a rabbi-in-charge", and quoted Holtzman as saying "the fact that I have an appointment in a small town and that they have entrusted me with functions they believe are important is very significant for women and for the Jewish community". In 1981 Holtzman became the first female rabbi to give a keynote speech for the World Congress of Gay and Lesbian Jews.

While Holtzman believed in the tenets of the Reconstructionist movement, she said that members of the congregation could choose to follow either traditional or nontraditional ideas. Holtzman served at Beth Israel until 1985, when her contract was up for renegotiation. She had been living in Philadelphia and commuting to Coatesville for several years; although she and her lesbian partner had had an open commitment ceremony in Philadelphia, she had not yet come out to her congregation (but despite living something of a double life, she had enjoyed her time with the synagogue and found it very rewarding.) Now she informed Beth Israel's board of directors that she and her partner were planning to have children and that she wanted co-parenting leave, and by her subsequent account, each board member privately indicated they were okay with this but that the other board members were not ready for such a development. She left the synagogue and later that year became spiritual leader of Beth Ahavah, an LGBT congregation in Center City, Philadelphia.

She is the author of the article "Struggle, Change and Celebration: My Life as a Lesbian Rabbi" in the book Lesbian Rabbis: The First Generation, edited by Rebecca Alpert, Sue Levi Elwell, and Shirley Idelson (Rutgers University Press, 2000). She also wrote a chapter in Twice Blessed (Beacon Press, 1989) titled "Jewish Lesbian Parenting."

She is now the Adjunct Associate Professor of Practical Rabbinics at the Reconstructionist Rabbinical College and the rabbi of the Tikkun Olam Chavurah in Philadelphia. She is also the leader of her local Reconstructionist chevra kadisha. She is married to Betsy Conston, with whom she has raised two sons, Jordan and Zachary Holtzman-Conston.

See also
Timeline of women rabbis

References

External links

 Congregation Beth Ahavah records at John J. Wilcox, Jr. LGBT Archives, William Way LGBT Community Center

Year of birth missing (living people)
American Reconstructionist rabbis
Conservative women rabbis
American lesbian writers
LGBT rabbis
Living people
21st-century American women writers
LGBT Conservative Jews
21st-century American rabbis

Linda Joy Holtzman


Tipu Zahed Aziz, FMedSci (; born 9 November 1956) is a Bangladeshi-born British professor of neurosurgery at the John Radcliffe Hospital in Oxford, Aarhus Denmark and Porto, Portugal. He specialises in the study and treatment of Parkinson's disease, multiple sclerosis, dystonia, spasmodic torticollis, fixed abnormal posture of the neck, tremor, and intractable neuropathic pain. Besides his medical work, he is also notable as a public commentator in support of animal experimentation.

Early life and education
Aziz was born in Bangladesh into what The Guardian called a "medical dynasty". He arrived in Britain at the age of 17 with just three O-levels, but after passing A-levels, he studied Neurophysiology at University College London, where he became interested in deep brain stimulation. He went on to study for a doctorate at Manchester University, where he began his research on animals.

Career
In February 2006, Aziz came to public prominence in the UK when he spoke out in favour of the use of animals in medical research to several hundred demonstrators during a rally held by Pro-Test, a new British group set up to promote the construction by Oxford University of a new biomedical centre in which research on animals, including primates, will be conducted. Aziz is one of two Oxford neurosurgeons who sit on the Pro-Test committee. Pro-Test was formed to counter SPEAK, an animal rights organisation aiming to end vivisection in the UK.

In March 2006, he came to public attention again when he defended the use of animals in cosmetics testing, which is banned in Britain. His comments were described as "perhaps unfortunate" by one colleague.

Research interests
Aziz's work involves inducing Parkinsonian symptoms in monkeys, either surgically or using drugs, then switching off the symptoms using electrodes he has implanted in their brains. During development of his techniques he has used around 30 monkeys in tests over 20 years, and many believe that as many as 40,000 people around the world have benefitted from the techniques.

The Guardian writes that some patients have described the surgery as "miraculous". In a 2006 BBC Two documentary Monkeys, Rats and Me: Animal Testing, animal rights philosopher Peter Singer described Aziz's research as "justifiable" on utilitarian grounds. Singer later clarified his statement saying that it would only be justified, in his opinion, if Aziz were willing to do the same experiments on humans of a similar mental capacity.

Aziz has said that the emphasis of his future research will be upon viral, gene, and stem cell therapy to treat Parkinson's and similar movement disorders.

Research criticism
According to The Oxford Student, Malcolm Macleod, a clinical neuroscientist, was asked by Animal Aid to conduct a systemic review into Aziz's research. Macleod accidentally sent an email intended for a colleague to the animal rights group. The e-mail stated he felt that deep brain stimulation was an "area of weakness often trumpeted as a success, but which in reality is probably a failure."  He asked for "advice" and suggested he would "avoid, play a straight bat or price [himself] out of the market" for the review requested.

Animal Aid said about the e-mail "He [Dr Macleod] feared that an objective investigation of the associated animal research would expose the treatment's shortcomings. He was determined to avoid being drawn into the front line of the vivisection debate."

Dr Macleod claimed that he stood by his choice not to do the review "I was not comfortable taking part in a study which was motivated by a desire to undermine Aziz."

Animal testing controversy
Aziz has been vocal in support of animal testing and his criticism of the animal liberation movement, calling them "misinformed and sometimes illiterate anti-vivisectionists who adopt terrorist tactics" and who "[undermine] the process of democracy" through "intimidation". Britain has "probably the most violent and absurd animal rights movement in the world." He told The Guardian, "The problem with British society is it has a humanoid perception of animals that's almost cartoon-like."

Defence of cosmetics testing
In an interview published on 4 March 2005, Aziz condoned testing cosmetics on animals, a practice banned in the UK since 1998 and fully across the European Union by 2013. He said that to argue cosmetics testing is wrong is "a very strange argument", and that "[p]eople talk about cosmetics being the ultimate evil. But beautifying oneself has been going on since we were cavemen. If it's proven to reduce suffering through animal tests, it's not wrong to use them. To say cosmetics is an absolute evil is absurd."

Other scientists who use animals in research have "distanced themselves" from Aziz's remarks. Clive Page, a researcher at the University of London, said: "I don't think we can justify using animals for cosmetics research. [Prof Aziz], like myself and a few others who talk out about this have worked very hard to try and explain to the public why we do medical research on animals and why it's still necessary. To muddy the waters by bringing back an issue of using animals for something that's not actually approved in the UK is perhaps unfortunate."

Simon Festing, director of the pro-animal experimentation lobby group Research Defence Society said of Aziz: "He's not involved in cosmetic testing himself, [Britain's] not involved in cosmetic testing, it's been banned here. There's no movement from the scientific community or the cosmetics industry to have it brought back in. I can't see it being particularly relevant apart from being his personal view."

Felix

An animal rights campaign has formed around a seven-year-old macaque monkey that Aziz has used in his research. Named Felix by Aziz himself, he is one of 100 purpose-bred monkeys used in animal experiments by Oxford University. Felix was featured in a November 2006 BBC documentary about Aziz's work, "Monkeys, Rats and Me". The monkey was shown being "shaped", that is, being encouraged to perform certain tasks by having food and water withheld, in advance of having the symptoms of Parkinson's disease induced. Electrodes were implanted in his brain to test the effects of deep brain stimulation on the Parkinsonian symptoms and on his ability to perform the tasks. He will be destroyed at the end of the experiment, which could continue for several years.

Since the BBC documentary aired, SPEAK, a British animal rights campaign formed in 2002, has used the "Fight for Felix" as a public focus of their efforts to halt the construction of a new £20 million animal-testing facility in South Park Road, Oxford

Awards and nominations
In January 2013, Aziz was nominated for the Service to Medicine award at the British Muslim Awards.

See also
 British Bangladeshi
 List of British Bangladeshis
 John Stein (Professor of Physiology)
 Kevin Warwick

References

External links

1956 births
Living people
Bangladeshi Muslims
British Muslims
Bangladeshi emigrants to the United Kingdom
Naturalised citizens of the United Kingdom
British neurosurgeons
Alumni of University College London
Alumni of the University of Manchester
Fellows of the Academy of Medical Sciences (United Kingdom)
Physicians of the John Radcliffe Hospital
20th-century Bengalis
21st-century Bengalis

Tipu Aziz


Joachimson v Swiss Bank Corporation [1921] 3 KB 110 is a judicial decision of the Court of Appeal of England and Wales in relation to the fundamental nature of the legal relationship between banker and customer.  Together with Foley v Hill (1848) 2 HLC 28 it forms part of the foundational cases relating to English banking law and the nature of a bank's relationship with its customer in relation to the account.

The point decided in the case was that a customer does not have a right of action against its bank for repayment of sums until the customer makes a demand (and accordingly, for the purposes of limitation periods, that time does not run until such a demand is made).  However, the reason the decision is considered so important is for the influential comments made by way of obiter dictum by Atkin LJ in relation to the nature of the banker-customer relationship.

The case is also cited as the leading authority for the proposition that a demand for repayment must be made at the branch of the bank where the account is kept; a position which appears increasingly anachronistic in modern banking.

Facts
Siegfried Joachimson, Jacob Joachimson and L.E. Marckx jointly operated a business in Manchester as a partnership.  L.E. Marckx was a naturalised British citizen, but the other two partners were German nationals.  The firm opened and operated a bank account with the Swiss Bank Corporation.

On 1 August 1914 Siegfried Joachimson died.  Under English partnership law at the time, this had the effect of dissolving the partnership.  However three days later, on 4 August 1914, World War I broke out, and Jacob Joachimson returned to Germany.  The firm's account with the bank was dormant for the duration of the war; the case report suggests that this might have been because of legal prohibitions relating to property of enemy aliens.  After the war, the English partner, L.E. Marckx, tried to wind up the affairs of the partnership, and sought repayment of the £2,312 held in the bank account from the bank.  The bank refused to repay the sums in the account arguing that either (i) the firm had made no demand for repayment of the sums, and so they were not due; or in the alternative (ii) that if the right to repayment arose upon the death of Siegfried Joachimson, then it was now barred by the statute of limitation.

The case report indicates that there was a great deal of procedural wrangling at first instance in relation to whether the claim could be brought by an individual partner or had to be brought in the name of the firm.

Decision

The Court of Appeal held unanimously that the claim was not statute barred.  Until a customer demanded repayment from the bank, the debt was not due and payable, and thus limitation periods would not run.  Bankes LJ held:

(1921) 3 KB 110

The case is treated as important because of the fundamental principles which Atkin LJ set down in relation to the nature of the account.  He said:

The decision was handed down at a time when banks were transforming from a service available only to the very wealthy to a more mainstream part of daily commerce.  Ellinger's Modern Banking Law suggests that, taken together with Foley v Hill, the case established six fundamental propositions:
 For a current or savings account (as opposed to a fixed term deposit account), sums are only repayable upon demand.
 The demand for repayment must be made at the branch of the bank where the account is kept unless there is a contrary agreement between the bank and the customer.
 Even without a demand, the sums held on account become repayable immediately if the bank is wound up.
 The limitation period on the debt runs from the time when the customer makes demand and is refused.
 The nature of the relationship between the banker and customer is fundamentally one of debtor and creditor, but banks also provide other services to their customers which cannot be described in debtor-customer terms, such as the obligation of the bank to honour cheques and payment instructions, and to collect sums paid into the account by way of cheque.
 The legal position in relation to the banker-customer is largely expressed as being constituted by implied terms, and accordingly, can be modified by express agreement.

Some care needs to be taken with the last proposition: much of English law at the time was expressed in terms of "implied agreements" and "quasi contract"; a position which academics have pointed out should be deprecated and recognised that the courts were simply laying down legal rules and not implied agreements.

Footnotes

English banking case law
Court of Appeal (England and Wales) cases
1921 in case law
1921 in British law

Joachimson v Swiss Bank Corporation


Rebecca Gertrude Affachiner (1884, Nyasvizh, Belarus  – 1966, Jerusalem, Israel) was an active figure in Jewish public service in the United States until 1934 and in Israel from the time of her Aliyah to the mid-1950s.

Biography

Affachiner was born in the family of Isaac and Fanny Affachiner and Fannie Affachiner Port of Nezvizh, Belarus. Isaac Affachiner emigrated to the United States and then sent for his family to join him in New York City in 1890. She attended the School of Philanthropy and Art School in New York. She was the first teacher to graduate from the Jewish Theological Seminary, New York City and took special courses at Columbia and Yale Universities and Hartford College of Law, etc. She began her career in social work in New York City as an investigator for the United Hebrew Charities, later serving as Assistant Superintendent at Beth Israel Hospital, Y.W.H.A. Superintendent Columbia Religious and Industrial School for Jewish Girls.

Affachiner was the first woman to act as chaplain in a State Institution, serving in that capacity at the New York State Training School in Hudson, New York, under the auspices of the New York Section, Council of Jewish Women.

During World War I, Affachiner was Assistant Regional Director of the American Embarkation Center in Le Mans, leaving for France with the first women's unit of the Jewish Welfare Board. Upon her return from service overseas, she conducted a survey for Child Welfare for the United Jewish Aid Society of Brooklyn, N.Y., later making a study of the problem of the Jewish blind, in the same city.

For six years, she served as Superintendent of the United Jewish Charities in Hartford and was actively interested in the Connecticut State School for the Blind. Being a pioneer in work among juvenile delinquents, she was responsible for the earliest developments of the Jewish Big Sisters Movement in New York City, and founded the Jewish Big Sister and Big Brother Organizations in Hartford shortly after coming there in 1920.

In 1926, she made a tour of Palestine, Egypt, Italy, and the Near East; upon her return to America she was appointed the first National Field Secretary of Hadassah, of which she was a charter member. From 1929 to 1934, Affachiner was Director of Jewish Social Service for Greater Norfolk in Norfolk, Virginia. Under the auspices of the Norfolk Section of the National Council of Jewish Women, she also founded and directed Council House, the first Jewish Community Center in that city.

In 1929, she was elected to represent Norfolk at the World Zionist Congress held in Zurich, Switzerland. In 1934 at the age of 50, Affachiner resigned her post in Norfolk and again sailed for Palestine, where she organized the Palestine Society for Crippled Children, which would become Israel's leading pediatric rehabilitation hospital (ALYN Hospital), acting as its Director of Social Service. In 1937, she helped organize the Romanian Settlers' Association (Hitahdut Olei Rumania) of which she became the Director, and in whose interest she had visited Rumania and the USA 1937–38. In 1939, she was the only woman asked to serve on the Executive Vaad of the Child Placement Bureau Jerusalem – Miklat Dati.

She never returned to live in the U.S. and devoted the rest of her life to the welfare of Jews in every part of the world, especially in the state of Israel she had helped to create.  On May 14, 1948, after David Ben Gurion proclaimed Israel a state, Affachiner raised a flag bearing the Magen David, a flag she had sewn herself while her home was under enemy fire. She used what was at hand, cutting up a simple bed sheet, sewing it into a flag with the six-pointed star and stripes, and coloring it with a blue crayon

She died in Jerusalem in 1966 and was buried there in the Sanhedria Cemetery.

References

External links
 Affachiner, Rebecca G. - Private Collection / The Central Archives for the History of the Jewish People (CAHJP).
 Writings by R.G. Affachiner

Israeli Jews
Israeli people of Russian-Jewish descent
Russian Jews
Zionist activists
1884 births
1966 deaths
People from Nyasvizh
Belarusian emigrants to the United States
American emigrants to Israel
Jewish Theological Seminary of America alumni
Belarusian Jews
American social workers
Israeli social workers
People from Jerusalem

Rebecca Gertrude Affachiner


The termination rate is one of the three components in the cost of providing telephone service, and the one subject to the most variation.

Components

On every long-distance call in the United States, the customer pays for:
 Origination (dial tone service): connecting the call from the originating customer's equipment to a telephone company central office or exchange). In the era of wired local telephone service (slowly coming to an end with the ubiquity of cell service, starting in the 2010s) this was usually provided by a single company in each locality.
 The transportation of the signal (the call) to another telephone company office near the recipient of the call.
 Termination, completing the call from the receiving company central office to the receiving subscriber's equipment.

Historically, each of these steps could be carried out via a separate company, and the toll paid by the originating (or in some cases the receiving) caller would be split among the three providers. In the United States, the long-distance connection between the two local telephone company offices was furnished by the Bell System, until that was dismantled in 1984 with the mandated splitting of American Telephone & Telegraph (AT&T for anti-trust reasons. Since then, especially with the two largest remaining companies – AT&T (the same name, but quite different equipment and service) and Verizon), if the same company provides all three components it keeps the entire charge (toll) paid by the customer. Otherwise, the money received is divided; this is known as intercarrier compensation (ICC) and is intended to keep the telecommunications system functioning, by having every phone company receive compensation for the use of its network.

Through 2019 this was the system used for most international phone calls. The originating company in the originating country collects the money (except for collect calls, in which the receiver agrees to pay), keeps some for its expenses, pays some to a company which connects the two countries' networks, and pays another charge, the termination charge, to the company or government agency which connects the incoming international call to the subscriber's equipment in the destination country. While the toll for intra-country (domestic) calls is often controlled by government regulation, there is no world supervision of international call charges. The destination country company or government agency can charge anything the market will bear for its portion of the call — sometimes this varies depending on the part of the receiving country being called — and the originating company must collect and remit this fee to the destination country. As of 2019, there are dramatic differences between countries in the charge demanded by the receiving company for completing (terminating) the call. For example, on one network the 2019 cost of calling from the United States to the Dominican Republic is 6¢ ($0.06) per minute, while a connection to Cuba, a shorter distance, is 92¢ per minute. To some extent this reflects different costs and efficiencies in different countries, but it is used by some countries as a revenue source.

In the past, high termination charges in some countries were used as a payment mechanism for phone sex services. In the best-known example, the Guyana Telephone and Telegraph Company was acquired by a U.S. company specifically for this purpose. The Guyanese were (deliberately) unable to access the phone sex lines.

With the advent of cellular phone service, the basic structure did not change, but the services use different equipment than that used by the traditional networks, the companies are often different, and everything had to be renegotiated. There are often multiple providers for the originating and the termination portions of the call, since with cellular systems, in which the signal (the call) is transmitted between the customer and the central office via digital radio (before 2008, analog radio) rather than copper wire, the cost of setting up a new or competing service is far lower.

In the United States, as of 2011 the termination charge for cellular calls was eliminated by federal regulation, meaning that as perceived by the consumer, there is no difference between the cost of calling a phone on a cell phone network and a phone on the traditional wired network ("land line"). In most foreign countries this is not the case, and because of the termination charges charged by the mobile networks which complete the calls, which are usually paid by the caller ("calling party pays", although in a few places receiving party pays), the cost of calling a subscriber on a cellular network can be dramatically higher than calling a land line. In some countries the charges vary depending on which of several competing cellular companies completes the call (which company the call recipient subscribes to).

Explanation
For example, a customer of Operator A wishes to call a friend who has an Operator B mobile.  Operator A will charge the customer a fee per minute (the retail charge) for this call. Operator B will charge Operator A a fee for terminating the call on its network. This termination rate therefore forms part of Operator A's cost of providing the call to its customer.

Termination rates may be commercially negotiated or may be regulated. A range of approaches can be used to regulate rates. International benchmarking or cost models such as a LRIC (Long Run Incremental Cost Model) or LRIC+ cost models are the most common approaches to calculate the efficient levels of termination rates. In LRIC models, the termination costs are calculated for an efficient hypothetical mobile operator. The model assumes that firms use the best technologies to provide mobile calls and services. It is a long run model as it takes into account the growth of demand, which is calculated using data on observed traffic, income and user information. It considers the time period that the service provider needs to invest in capital improvements to provide the mobile call services. Termination rates (TRs) derived from this model therefore calculate capacity costs of each element of the network, expressed in terms of per minute use. Under a pure LRIC model, costs are also calculated for an efficient hypothetical firm. The difference between both models is that while the former calculates TRs through the division of total costs by total demand, pure LRIC methodology calculates TRs by comparing a firm that provides mobile voice access and one that does not, to determine the necessary costs of providing mobile services.

Historically there was and, in some countries, still is much debate about the best level for interconnection rates. Some argue that approaches based on models do not take into account real world risks and costs and suffer, among other things, from survivorship bias (they consider that risk can be assessed by looking only at the returns of surviving companies) and therefore underestimate the true level of risk.  Another concern is based on Real Options. This considers the benefit that is extinguished from the moment that an investor chooses to invest and suggests that the loss of this right to invest should be taken into account when looking at the expected returns on investments made.

The fundamental principle of any telecommunications network is to allow calls originating from a subscriber A to reach a subscriber B, whether on the same network or on another network, commonly known as "any to any connectivity". In more technical terms, traffic, originating from Subscriber A is terminated at a point of destination, Subscriber B, and in order to allow for traffic to be routed and terminated between different operators, "interconnection" must be established.  Interconnection allows for calls placed by a subscriber in one network to reach a subscriber in another network. Such a call is "terminated" in the destination network.

Data transfer rates

An alternative to traditional termination rates is to consider data transfer rates in conjunction with voice over IP (VOIP), which is, like the internet, a peering model. As data transfer is paid on both ends for the same VOIP call, this special form of termination is expected to gain importance. Such a model obviates the need for any regulation at a national level, other than a provision preventing mobile operators from restricting VOIP calls.

Specific markets

Africa
Morocco wants to cut the termination rates by up to 70% and end asymmetric rates by 2013. The Nigerian Communications Commission, responsible for the largest African mobile market with 61 million subscribers, continually lowers the termination rates.

North America

Fixed-line termination rates are below 1 ¢/min. The providers are free to negotiate termination rates as long as they are symmetric.

Mobile termination rates in Mexico are currently regulated by the Ley Federal de Telecomunicaciones y Radiodifusión. América Móvil group, consisting of Telcel in mobile services, and Telmex and Telnor in fixed services was declared incumbent in 2014 by the Federal Telecommunications Institute agency in Mexico. Because of this, and article 131 of the Federal Law, Telcel, Telmex and Telnor cannot charge a termination rates to other agents. In mobile services, Telefónica and AT&T charged $0.1869 MXN per minute for voice termination services and $0.0189 for SMS termination services in 2016. For 2017, the termination rates both operators charge will be $0.1906 MXN per minute for voice termination services, and $0.0250 for SMS termination services.

Asia

Mobile termination rates are 0.90 paisa per minute (nationwide) and Fixed line termination rates ranges from 0.65 to 1.20 paisa per minute (as per call type on the bases of distance.

Mobile termination rate for domestic voice call is 18 Paisa per minute charged based on actual duration. For domestic SMS service, mobile termination rate is 4.5 Paisa per SMS. For domestic MMS service, mobile termination rate is 60 Paisa per MMS. Mobile Termination Rate (MTR) for video call is yet to be fixed by operator / regulator. International voice termination to Bangladesh is 1.5 US cents per minute.

Termination charge for calls to Basic (Fixed, Wireless (Fixed), and Mobile with limited mobility) and Cellular networks would be uniform @ Rs. 0.30 per minute.
The same termination charge would be applicable for all types of calls viz. Local, National Long Distance and International Long Distance.

Europe

While termination rates between fixed line telecommunication operators frequently amount to less than US$0.01, mobile termination charges can be significantly higher, especially for international calls.  In Europe, the average termination charge for a call varies, ranging from less than 1ct in Austria and Cyprus to much higher charges in Bulgaria. This discrepancy in rates has been identified as a hindrance to competition among telecom providers in the European Union. Termination rates have also played a major role in recent regulation to cap the high cost of roaming in the European Union, where customers paid historically on average almost €1.50/minute in roaming charges. Ultimately, roaming charges have been capped at twice termination rates.

All references to prices in this section are in € Euro cents (ct) for Eurozone countries, and in local currencies otherwise.

Since 2009, the termination rates are symmetric, and decrease every six months by 0.5ct/min. Starting from 4.5ct/minute, they reached 2.01ct/min in mid-2011.

Mobile termination rate in France is 0.55 ct/min for mobile and 0.07 ct/min since Jan 1, 2022. SMS delivery costs 1 ct/SMS. All amounts are in Euro cents and are regulated by Arcep, part of the French government.

The Federal Network Agency has set mobile termination rates to 1.66ct/min for 2014.
Landline termination rates are significantly lower.

Effective on annual basis from 1 September 2016 to 31 December 2018, the maximum MTR in Ireland is regulated to be 0.84ct/min for 2016, 0.82ct/min for 2017, and 0.79ct/min for 2018.

Mobile termination rate in Italy was 1.5ct/min for all Mobile Operator except H3G (1.7ct/m) effective July 1, 2012, lowered to 0.98ct/min for all operators from 1 July 2013. Termination costs for SMS have not been regulated yet.

Termination rates in Montenegro were changed last time in February 2011, and are symmetric in mobile telecommunication networks. Termination rates in all three mobile networks (M:tel, Telenor and T-Mobile) are as high as 8.5ct/min. Termination rate for SMS and MMS messages is given solely in T-Mobile offer, and is 2.2ct and 6.6ct per message, respectively. Termination rates in T-Com fixed telecommunication network are €2.25ct/min within the same network access point code, and 2.7ct/min nationally. Termination rates in m:tel fixed telecommunication network is 2.81ct/min.

Fixed-line termination rates in Spain are currently from 0.56ct/min to 0.65ct/min depending on interconnect level, with a volume discount of maximum 20%. Mobile termination rates in Spain were historically 4.98ct/min for Yoigo and 4.00ct/min for other operators.

Mobile termination rates are capped to 0.0815 SEK/min (0.9 eurocent) as of July 3, 2014. The fixed line termination rate in Sweden was 0.0253 SEK/min (€0.28ct/min) for the most commonly used termination type (enkelsegment) effective January 2012. Mobile termination rate in Sweden was 0.21 SEK/min (2.35ct/min) effective July 1, 2011. . When it was suggested to lower it to 0.14 SEK (€1,25ct/min) by July 1, 2012.

The termination rates are approximately two or three times higher than in the neighbouring countries Germany and Austria. The rates are not yet symmetric. At 1 January 2011 they were 8.75 rp/min into the Sunrise and Orange networks, and 7 rp/min into the Swisscom network.

Termination charges in the UK are regulated by Ofcom. Maximum rates are set for a variety of number ranges including landline numbers starting 01 and 02, non-geographic numbers starting 03 and mobile numbers starting 071-075 and 077-079. The rates do not apply to landline or mobile numbers allocated in the Channel Islands or Isle of Man. Termination charges for calls to mobile numbers are reviewed every three years and annual reductions are set for the next three years. A separate set of regulations cover non-geographic numbers starting 084, 087, 09 and 118. The termination rate for mobile voice calls was set to 0.68 pence per minute in April 2015, down from more than 4 pence per minute in 2011. These cuts were in response to a campaign by the public, MPs and businesses (including BT and 3). Although fees from termination charges accounted for 14% of the revenue of mobile networks, it was argued that the cuts would allow them to become more competitive and offer cheaper packages to customers. From 1 May 2015, the cap on mobile termination rates was extended to cover calls terminating on all UK mobile providers, previously having applied only to the main four mobile providers. From 1 April 2017, the cap on mobile termination rates was reduced to 0.49 pence per minute.

Oceania

Termination rates in Australia are regulated by the Australian Competition & Consumer Commission. The Mobile Terminating Access Service (MTAS) has been steadily reduced from 21 cents per minute (AUD) in 2004 to 1.7 cents per minute in 2016.

Mobile Termination Rates monopoly

The calling party pays (CPP) principle is the most commonly used termination charging approach among MNOs around the world, especially in the European markets. Within the CPP principle the caller has to pay mobile termination rates (MTRs) and there is no contribution from the called party. However, the called party defined the cost of the MTRs once selected the MNO to register with. This is the root of the MTRs monopoly problem. Since the early days of mobile communications MTRs are considered to be a monopoly. However, this is a market-defined monopoly, since there is no physical limitation such as wires for reaching a mobile user. Thus, MTRs are regulated by national telecommunications regulatory bodies across the world.

See also

 History of mobile phones
 Interconnection

References

Telecommunications economics

Termination rates


Muhammad Hosni El Sayed Mubarak (; 4 May 1928 – 25 February 2020) was an Egyptian politician and military officer who served as the fourth president of Egypt from 1981 to 2011.

Before he entered politics, Mubarak was a career officer in the Egyptian Air Force. He served as its commander from 1972 to 1975 and rose to the rank of air chief marshal in 1973. In 1975, he was appointed vice president by President Anwar Sadat and assumed the presidency after his assassination in 1981. Mubarak's presidency lasted almost thirty years, making him Egypt's longest-serving ruler since Muhammad Ali Pasha, who ruled the country for 43 years from 1805 to 1848.

Less than two weeks after the assassination of President Sadat, Mubarak quickly assumed the presidency in the single-candidate 1981 referendum, and renewed his term through single-candidate referendums in 1987, 1993, and 1999. Under United States pressure, Mubarak held the country's first multi-party election in 2005, which he won. In 1989, he succeeded in reinstating Egypt's membership in the Arab League, which had been frozen since the Camp David Accords with Israel and returning the Arab League's headquarters back to Cairo. He was known for his supportive stance on the Israeli–Palestinian peace process, in addition to his role in the Gulf War. Despite providing stability and reasons for economic growth, his rule was repressive. The state of emergency, which had not been lifted since the 1967 war, stifled political opposition, the security services became known for their brutality, and corruption became widespread.

Mubarak stepped down during the Egyptian Revolution of 2011 after 18 days of demonstrations. On 11 February 2011, then Vice President Omar Suleiman announced that both Mubarak and Suleiman had resigned and transferred authority to the Supreme Council of the Armed Forces.

On 13 April 2011, a prosecutor ordered Mubarak and his two sons Alaa and Gamal to be detained for 15 days of questioning about allegations of corruption and abuse of power. Mubarak was then ordered to stand trial on charges of negligence for failing to halt the killing of peaceful protesters during the revolution. These trials began on 3 August 2011, making him the first Arab leader to be tried in his own country in an ordinary court of law. On 2 June 2012, an Egyptian court sentenced Mubarak to life imprisonment. After sentencing, he was reported to have suffered a series of health crises. On 13 January 2013, Egypt's Court of Cassation (the nation's high court of appeal) overturned Mubarak's sentence and ordered a retrial. On retrial, Mubarak and his sons were convicted on 9 May 2015 of corruption and given prison sentences. Mubarak was detained in a military hospital while his sons were freed on 12 October 2015 by a Cairo court. Mubarak was acquitted on 2 March 2017 by the Court of Cassation and was released on 24 March 2017.

Mubarak died in 2020, aged 91. He was honoured with a state funeral and buried at a family plot outside Cairo.

Early life and education
Hosni Mubarak was born on 4 May 1928 in Kafr El-Meselha, Monufia Governorate, Egypt. On 2 February 1949, he left the Military Academy and joined the Air Force Academy, gaining his commission as a pilot officer on 13 March 1950 and eventually receiving a bachelor's degree in aviation sciences.

Air Force career
Mubarak served as an Egyptian Air Force officer in various formations and units; he spent two years in a Spitfire fighter squadron. Some time in the 1950s, he returned to the Air Force Academy as an instructor, remaining there until early 1959. From February 1959 to June 1961, Mubarak undertook further training in the Soviet Union, attending a Soviet pilot training school in Moscow and another at Kant Air Base near Bishkek in the Kirghiz Soviet Socialist Republic.

Mubarak undertook training on the Ilyushin Il-28 and Tupolev Tu-16 jet bombers. In 1964 he gained a place at the Frunze Military Academy in Moscow. On his return to Egypt, he served as a wing commander, then as a base commander; he commanded the Cairo West Air Base in October 1966 then briefly commanded the Beni Suef Air Base. In November 1967, Mubarak became the Air Force Academy's commander when he was credited with doubling the number of Air Force pilots and navigators during the pre-October War years. Two years later, he became Chief of Staff for the Egyptian Air Force.

In 1972, Mubarak became Commander of the Air Force and Egyptian Deputy Minister of Defense. On 6 October 1973, at the breakout of the Yom Kippur War, the Egyptian Air Force launched a surprise attack on Israeli soldiers on the east bank of the Suez Canal. Egyptian pilots hit 90% of their targets, making Mubarak a national hero. The next year he was promoted to Air Chief Marshal in recognition of service during the October War of 1973 against Israel. Mubarak was credited in some publications for Egypt's initial strong performance in the war. The Egyptian analyst Mohamed Hassanein Heikal said the Air Force played a mostly psychological role in the war, providing an inspirational sight for the Egyptian ground troops who carried out the crossing of the Suez Canal, rather than for any military necessity. However Mubarak's influence was also disputed by Shahdan El-Shazli, the daughter of the former Egyptian military Chief of Staff Saad el-Shazly. She said Mubarak exaggerated his role in the 1973 war. In a 2011 interview with the independent Egyptian newspaper Al-Masry Al-Youm, El-Shazli said Mubarak altered documents to take credit from her father for the initial success of the Egyptian forces in 1973. She also said photographs pertaining to the discussions in the military command room were altered and Saad El-Shazli was erased and replaced with Mubarak. She stated she intended to take legal action.

Vice President of Egypt

In April 1975, President Anwar Sadat appointed Mubarak Vice President of Egypt. In this position, he took part in government consultations that dealt with the future disengagement of forces agreement with Israel. In September 1975, Mubarak went on a mission to Riyadh and Damascus to persuade the Saudi Arabian and Syrian governments to accept the disengagement agreement signed with the Israeli government ("Sinai II"), but was refused a meeting by the Syrian President Hafez Al-Assad. During his meetings with the Saudi government, Mubarak developed a friendship with the nation's powerful Crown Prince Fahd, whom Sadat had refused to meet or contact and who was now seen as a major player who could help mend the failing relationship between Egypt and Saudi Arabia. Mubarak also developed friendships with several other important Arab leaders, including Saudi Foreign Minister Prince Saud, Oman's Sultan Qaboos, Morocco's King Hassan II, and Sudan's President Jaafar Nimeiry.

Sadat also sent Mubarak to numerous meetings with foreign leaders outside the Arab world. Mubarak's political significance as Vice President can be seen from a conversation held on 23 June 1975 between Foreign Minister Fahmy and US Ambassador Hermann Eilts. Fahmy told Eilts that "Mubarak is, for the time being at least, likely to be a regular participant in all sensitive meetings" and he advised the ambassador not to antagonize Mubarak because he was Sadat's personal choice. Though supportive of Sadat's earlier efforts made to bring the Sinai Peninsula back into Egyptian control, Mubarak agreed with the views of various Arab leaders and opposed the Camp David Accords for failing to address other issues relating to the Arab–Israeli conflict. Sadat even transferred his decision-making authority to Mubarak temporarily at times he went on vacations.

President of Egypt

Mubarak was injured during the assassination of President Sadat in October 1981 by soldiers led by Lieutenant Khalid Islambouli. Following Sadat's death, Mubarak became the fourth president of Egypt.

Egypt's return to the Arab League
Until Libya's suspension from the Arab League at the beginning of the Libyan Civil War, Egypt was the only state in the history of the organization to have had its membership suspended, because of President Sadat's peace treaty with Israel. In June 1982, Mubarak met King Fahd of Saudi Arabia, which marked a beginning of an Egyptian-Saudi rapprochement. Since Egypt is the most populous Arab country and Saudi Arabia the richest, the Saudi–Egyptian axis was a powerful force in the Arab world. At an Arab League summit later in 1982 in Fez, Saudi Arabia put forward an Egyptian peace plan where in exchange for Israel resolving the Israeli–Palestinian conflict by allowing a Palestinian state, the entire Arab world would make peace with Israel.

The Islamic Republic of Iran had, from 1979 onward, been making the claim to be the leader of the Islamic world, and in particular Ayatollah Khomeini had called for the overthrow of the governments of Iraq, Saudi Arabia, Kuwait and other Arab states along the southern shores of the Persian Gulf, calling these states illegitimate. The claim of the Ayatollah Khomeini to be the rightful leader of the Islamic world and his attempts to export the Iranian revolution by working to overthrow governments that Khomeini deemed un-Islamic caused profound alarm and fear in the governments that were targeted like Iraq and Saudi Arabia. In the face of the Iranian challenge, the other Arab states looked towards Egypt as an ally. For King Fahd of Saudi Arabia and the other leaders of the Arab Gulf states, the Israeli–Palestinian conflict faded into the background and the main concern was resisting Iranian pretensions to be the leader of the Islamic world, meaning that Egypt could not be ignored.

During the Iran–Iraq War from 1980 to 1988, Egypt supported Iraq militarily and economically with one million Egyptians working in Iraq to take the place of Iraqi men serving on the front-line. In December 1983, Mubarak welcomed Yasser Arafat of the PLO to a summit in Cairo, marking a rapprochement with the PLO, and from that time, Egypt became the PLO's main ally. In 1985, the Achille Lauro hijacking caused a major crisis in relations when the U.S Air Force forced an EgyptAir plane carrying the Achille Lauro hijackers to Tunisia to land in Italy; otherwise the plane would have been shot down. Mubarak stated in a press conference on 12 October 1985: "I am very wounded. Now there is coolness and strain as a result of this incident." Egypt had been ostracized by the other Arab states for signing the Camp David Accords in 1979, but Egypt's weight within the Arab world had led to Egypt regaining its "central place in the Arab world" by 1989. In 1989, Egypt was re-admitted as a full member to the Arab League and the League's headquarters were moved to their original location in Cairo.

Governing style
Throughout the 1980s, Mubarak increased the production of affordable housing, clothing, furniture, and medicine. By the time he became President, Mubarak was one of a few Egyptian officials who refused to visit Israel and vowed to take a less enthusiastic approach to normalizing relations with the Israeli government. Under Mubarak, Israeli journalists often wrote about the "cold peace" with Egypt, observing Israeli–Egyptian relations were frosty at best. Mubarak was quick to deny that his policies would result in difficulties for Egyptian–Israeli dealings in the future.

The Israeli historian Major Efraim Karsh wrote in 2006 that in Egypt "...numberless articles, scholarly writings, books, cartoons, public statements, and radio and television programs, Jews are painted in the blackest terms imaginable". Karsh accused Mubarak of being personally antisemitic, writing he "evidently shared the premises" of his propaganda.

Egypt's heavy dependence on US aid and its hopes for US pressure on Israel for a Palestinian settlement continued under Mubarak. He quietly improved relations with the former Soviet Union. In 1987, Mubarak won an election to a second six-year term.

In his early years in power, Mubarak expanded the Egyptian State Security Investigations Service (Mabahith Amn ad-Dawla) and the Central Security Forces (anti-riot and containment forces). According to Tarek Osman, the experience of seeing his predecessor assassinated "right in front of him" and his lengthy military careerwhich was longer than those of Nasser or Sadatmay have instilled in him more focus and absorption with security than seemed the case with the latter heads of state. Mubarak sought advice and confidence not in leading ministers, senior advisers or leading intellectuals, but from his security chiefs—"interior ministers, army commanders, and the heads of the ultra-influential intelligence services." All through the 1980s, 1990s and 2000s, violations of human rights by the security services in Egypt were described as "systematic" by Amnesty International. In 2007, Amnesty International reported that the Egyptian police routinely engaged in "beatings, electric shocks, prolonged suspension by the wrists and ankles in contorted positions, death threats and sexual abuse". The state remained large under Mubarak employing 8 million people out of a population of 75 million.

Because of his positions against Islamic fundamentalism and his diplomacy towards Israel, Mubarak was the target of repeated assassination attempts. According to the BBC, Mubarak survived six attempts on his life. In June 1995, there was an alleged assassination attempt involving noxious gases and Egyptian Islamic Jihad while Mubarak was in Ethiopia for a conference of the Organization of African Unity. He was also reportedly injured by a knife-wielding assailant in Port Said in September 1999.

Gulf War of 1991

Egypt was a member of the allied coalition during the 1991 Gulf War; Egyptian infantry were some of the first to land in Saudi Arabia to remove Iraqi forces from Kuwait. Egypt's participation in the war solidified its central role in the Arab World and brought financial benefits for the Egyptian government. Reports of sums of up to  worth of debt forgiveness were published in the news media. According to The Economist: The programme worked like a charm: a textbook case, says the [International Monetary Fund]. In fact, luck was on Hosni Mubarak's side; when the US was hunting for a military alliance to force Iraq out of Kuwait, Egypt's president joined without hesitation. After the war, his reward was that America, the Arab states of the Persian Gulf, and Europe forgave Egypt around $20 billion of debt.

Stance on the invasion of Iraq in 2003

President Mubarak spoke out against the 2003 invasion of Iraq, arguing that the Israeli–Palestinian conflict should have been resolved first. He also said the war would cause "100 Bin Ladens". However, as President he did not support an immediate US withdrawal from Iraq because he believed it would probably lead to chaos.

2005 elections

President Mubarak was re-elected by majority votes in a referendum for successive terms on four occasions in 1987, 1993, and 1999. Each time, Mubarak secured his position by having himself nominated by Parliament then confirmed without opposition in a referendum.

The September 2005 ballot was a multiple-candidate election rather than a referendum, but the electoral institutions and security apparatus remain under the control of the President. On 28 July 2005, Mubarak announced his candidacy. The election was scheduled for 7 September 2005; according to civil organizations that observed the election it was marred by mass rigging activities. In a move widely seen as political persecution, Ayman Nour, a dissident and candidate for the El-Ghad Party ("Tomorrow party") was convicted of forgery and sentenced to five years' hard labor on 24 December 2005.

Widespread corruption
While in office, political corruption in the Mubarak administration's Ministry of the Interior rose dramatically. Political figures and young activists were imprisoned without trial. Illegal, undocumented, hidden detention facilities were established, and universities, mosques, and newspaper staff were rejected because of their political views.

In 2005 Freedom House, a non-governmental organization that conducts research into democracy, reported that the Egyptian government under Mubarak expanded bureaucratic regulations, registration requirements, and other controls that often feed corruption. Freedom House said, "corruption remained a significant problem under Mubarak, who promised to do much, but in fact never did anything significant to tackle it effectively".

In 2010, Transparency International's Corruption Perceptions Index report assessed Egypt with a CPI score of 3.1, based on perceptions of the degree of corruption from business people and country analysts, with 10 being very clean and 0 being highly corrupt. Egypt ranked 98th out of the 178 countries included in the report.

Wealth and allegations of personal corruption
In February 2011, ABC News reported that experts believed the personal wealth of Mubarak and his family was between  and  from military contracts made during his time as an air force officer. The Guardian reported that Mubarak and his family might be worth up to  garnered from corruption, bribes and legitimate business activities. The money was said to be spread out in various bank accounts, including some in Switzerland and the UK, and invested in foreign property. The newspaper said some of the information about the family's wealth might be ten years old. According to Newsweek, these allegations are poorly substantiated and lack credibility.

On 12 February 2011, the government of Switzerland announced it was freezing the Swiss bank accounts of Mubarak and his family. On 20February 2011, the Egyptian Prosecutor General ordered the freezing of Mubarak's assets and those of his wife Suzanne, his sons Alaa and Gamal Mubarak, and his daughters-in-law Heidi Rasekh and Khadiga Gamal. The Prosecutor General also ordered the Egyptian Foreign Minister to communicate this to other countries where Mubarak and his family could have assets. This order came two days after Egyptian newspapers reported that Mubarak filed his financial statement. Egyptian regulations mandate government officials submit a financial statement listing their assets and sources of income while performing government work. On 21February 2011, the Egyptian Military Council, which was temporarily given the presidential authorities following the 25January 2011 revolution, said it had no objection to a trial of Mubarak on charges of corruption.

On 23February 2011, the Egyptian newspaper Eldostor reported that a "knowledgeable source" described the order of the Prosecutor General to freeze Mubarak's assets and the threats of a legal action as nothing but a signal for Mubarak to leave Egypt after a number of attempts were made to encourage him to leave willingly. In February 2011, Voice of America reported that Egypt's top prosecutor had ordered a travel ban and an asset freeze for Mubarak and his family as he considered further action. On 21 May 2014 a Cairo court convicted Mubarak and his sons of embezzling the equivalent of  of state funds which were allocated for renovation and maintenance of presidential palaces but were instead diverted to upgrade private family homes. The court ordered the repayment of , fined the trio , and sentenced Mubarak to three years in prison and each of his sons to four years.

Presidential succession

The National Democratic Party of Egypt continued to state that Hosni Mubarak was to be the party's only candidate in the 2011 Presidential Election. Mubarak said on 1 February 2011 that he had no intention of standing in the 2011 presidential election. When this declaration failed to ease the protests, Mubarak's vice president stated that Gamal Mubarak would not run for president. With the escalation of the demonstration and the fall of Mubarak, Hamdy El-Sayed, a former influential figure in the National Democratic Party, said Gamal Mubarak intended to usurp the presidency, assisted by then Interior Minister, Habib El-Adly.

Israeli–Palestinian conflict

During his presidency, Mubarak upheld the U.S.-brokered Camp David Accords treaty signed between Egypt and Israel in 1978. Mubarak on occasion also hosted meetings relating to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict and made a number of attempts to serve as a broker between them. Mubarak was concerned that Rabbi Menachem M. Schneerson did not trust him on the issue and considered meeting him in New York.

In October 2000, Mubarak hosted an emergency summit meeting at Sharm el-Sheikh to discuss the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. In attendance were: U.S. President Bill Clinton, P.L.O. Chairman Yasser Arafat, Israeli Prime Minister Ehud Barak, King Abdullah of Jordan, NATO Sec. General Javier Solana, and U.N. Sec. General Kofi Annan.

Mubarak was involved in the Arab League, supporting Arab efforts to achieve a lasting peace in the region. At the Beirut Summit on 28 March 2002, the league adopted the Arab Peace Initiative, a Saudi-inspired plan to end the Arab–Israeli conflict.

In 2006, Mubarak condemned the Israeli military attack in Lebanon, but also indirectly criticised Hezbollah for harming Arab interests.

In June 2007, Mubarak held a summit meeting at Sharm el-Sheik with King Abdullah II of Jordan, President Mahmoud Abbas and Prime Minister Ehud Olmert. On 19 June 2008, the Egypt-brokered pause in hostilities between Israel and Hamas went into effect. According to The New York Times, neither side fully respected the terms of the ceasefire.

The agreement required Hamas to end rocket attacks on Israel and to enforce the ceasefire throughout Gaza. In exchange, Hamas expected the blockade to end, commerce in Gaza to resume, and truck shipments to be restored to 2005 levels. Israel tied an easing of the blockade to a reduction in rocket fire and gradually re-opened supply lines and permitted around 90 daily truck shipments to enter Gaza. Hamas criticized Israel for its continued blockade while Israel accused Hamas of continued weapons smuggling via tunnels to Egypt and pointed to continued rocket attacks.

In 2009, Mubarak's government banned the Cairo Anti-war Conference, which had criticised his lack of action against Israel.

Revolution and overthrow

Protests against Mubarak and his regime erupted in Cairo and other Egyptian cities in January 2011. On 1 February, Mubarak announced he would not contest the presidential election due in September. He also promised constitutional reform. This did not satisfy most protesters, who expected Mubarak to depart immediately. The demonstrations continued and on 2 February, violent clashes occurred between pro-Mubarak and anti-Mubarak protesters.

On 10 February, contrary to rumours, Mubarak said he would not resign until the September election, though he would be delegating responsibilities to Vice President Omar Suleiman. The next day, Suleiman announced that Mubarak had resigned. The announcement sparked cheers, flag-waving, and celebrations from protesters in Egypt. Discussions about the nation's future direction began. It had been suggested that Egypt be put in the hands of a caretaker government.

Protests
On 25 January 2011, protests against Mubarak and his government erupted in Cairo and around Egypt calling for Mubarak's resignation. Mubarak stated in a speech that he would not leave, and would die on Egyptian soil. Opposition leader Mohamed ElBaradei paid no attention to Mubarak's remarks and labeled it as a trick designed to help Mubarak to stay in power. In a state televised broadcast on 1 February 2011, Mubarak announced that he would not seek re-election in September but would like to finish his current term and promised constitutional reform. This compromise was not acceptable for the protestors and violent demonstrations occurred in front of the Presidential Palace. On 11 February, then Vice President Omar Suleiman announced Mubarak had resigned and that power would be turned over to the Egyptian military.

Two and a half hours after Mubarak's resignation, an Egyptian military member came on air and thanked Mubarak for "putting the interests of the country first." The statement, which said "The Supreme Council is currently studying the situation," did not state what the council would do next.

Post-resignation life
Mubarak made no media appearances after his resignation. Except for his family and a close circle of aides, he reportedly refused to talk to anyoneeven his supporters. His health was speculated to be rapidly deteriorating; some reports said he was in a coma. Most sources said he was no longer interested in performing any duties and wanted to "die in Sharm El-Sheikh".

On 28 February 2011, the General Prosecutor of Egypt issued an order prohibiting Mubarak and his family from leaving Egypt. It was reported that Mubarak was in contact with his lawyer in case of possible criminal charges against him. As a result, Mubarak and his family were placed under house arrest at a presidential palace in the Red Sea resort of Sharm el-Sheikh. On 13 April 2011, a prosecutor originally appointed by Mubarak ordered the former president and both his sons to be detained for 15 days of questioning about allegations of corruption and abuse of power amid growing suspicion that the Egyptian military was more aligned with the Mubaraks than with the revolution. Gamal and Alaa were jailed in Tora Prison; state television reported that Mubarak was in police custody in a hospital near his residence following a heart attack. Former Israeli Cabinet minister Benjamin Ben Eliezer told Israeli Radio that he had offered Mubarak refuge in the southern Israeli city of Eilat.

On 11 May 2013, he told El-Watan in his first media appearance since his resignation said, "History will judge and I am still certain that the coming generations will view me fairly." He added that President Mohammed Morsi faced a tough time and that it was too early to judge him.

Trial

On 24 May 2011, Mubarak was ordered to stand trial on charges of premeditated murder of peaceful protesters during the revolution and, if convicted, could face the death penalty. The decision to try Mubarak was made days before a scheduled protest in Tahrir Square. The full list of charges released by the public prosecutor was "intentional murder, attempted killing of some demonstrators ... misuse of influence, deliberately wasting public funds and unlawfully making private financial gains and profits".

On 28 May, a Cairo administrative court found Mubarak guilty of damaging the national economy during the protests by shutting down the Internet and telephone services. He was fined LE200 millionabout which the court ordered he must pay from his personal assets. This was the first court ruling against Mubarak, who would next have to answer to the murder charges.

The trial of Hosni Mubarak, his sons Ala'a and Gamal, former interior minister Habib el-Adly and six former top police officials began on 3 August 2011 at a temporary criminal court at the Police Academy in north Cairo. They were charged with corruption and the premeditated killing of peaceful protesters during the mass movement to oust the Mubarak government, the latter of which carries the death penalty. The trial was broadcast on Egyptian television; Mubarak made an unexpected appearancehis first since his resignation. He was taken into the court on a hospital bed and held in a cage for the session. Upon hearing the charges against him, Mubarak pleaded not guilty. Judge Ahmed Refaat adjourned the court, ruling that Mubarak be transferred under continued arrest to the military hospital on the outskirts of Cairo. The second court session scheduled for 15 August. On 15 August, the resumed trial lasted three hours. At the end of the session, Rifaat announced that the third session would take place on 5 September and that the remainder of the proceedings would be off-limits to television cameras.

The trial resumed in December 2011 and lasted until January 2012. The defense strategy was that Mubarak never actually resigned, was still president, and thus had immunity. On 2 June 2012, Mubarak was found guilty of not halting the killing of protesters by the Egyptian security forces; he was sentenced to life imprisonment. The court found Mubarak not guilty of ordering the crackdown on Egyptian protesters. All other charges against Mubarak, including profiteering and economic fraud, were dismissed. Mubarak's sons, Habib el-Adly, and six senior police officials were all acquitted for their roles in the killing of demonstrators because of a lack of evidence. According to The Guardian, the relatives of those killed by Mubarak's forces were angered by the verdict. Thousands of demonstrators protested the verdict in Tahrir Square, Arbein Square and Al-Qaed Ibrahim Square.

In January 2013, an appeals court overturned Mubarak's life sentence and ordered a retrial. He remained in custody and returned to court on 11 May 2013 for a retrial on charges of complicity in the murder of protesters. On 21 August 2013, a Cairo court ordered his release. Judicial sources confirmed that the court had upheld a petition from Mubarak's longtime lawyer that called for his release. A day later, interim prime minister Hazem El Beblawi ordered that Mubarak be put under house arrest.

On 21 May 2014, while awaiting retrial, Mubarak and his sons were convicted on charges of embezzlement; Mubarak was sentenced to three years in prison, while his sons received four-year sentences. The three were fined the equivalent of , and were ordered to repay .

In November 2014, conspiracy to kill charges were dismissed by the Cairo Criminal Court on a technicality. The court also cleared Mubarak of corruption charges. On 13 January 2015, Egypt's Court of Cassation overturned Mubarak's and his sons' embezzlement charges, the last remaining conviction against him, and ordered a retrial. A retrial on the corruption charges led to a conviction and sentencing to three years in prison in May 2015 for Mubarak, with four-year terms for his sons, Gamal and Alaa. It was not immediately clear whether the sentence would take into account time already served—Mubarak and his sons have already spent more than three years in prison, so potentially will not have to serve any additional time. Supporters of Mubarak jeered the decision when it was announced in a Cairo courtroom on 9 May. The sentence also included a 125 million Egyptian pound (US$16.3 million) fine, and required the return of 21 million embezzled Egyptian pounds (US$2.7 million). These amounts were previously paid after the first trial.

Support for Sisi
Though mostly out of the public eye, Mubarak granted a rare interview in February 2014 with Kuwaiti journalist Fajer Al-Saeed, expressing support for then-Minister of Defense and Commander-in-Chief of the Egyptian Armed Forces Abdel Fattah el-Sisi as the next President of Egypt, recognizing that Sisi was working to restore the confidence of the Egyptian people. "The people want Sisi, and the people's will shall prevail," Mubarak noted. Mubarak also expressed great admiration and gratitude towards the late Sheikh Zayed bin Sultan Al Nahyan of the United Arab Emirates and his children, for their continuous support of Egypt and its people. However, Mubarak expressed his dislike of opposition politician Hamdeen Sabbahi, a Nasserist following the policies of Gamal Abdel Nasser.

Health problems
In July 2010, the media said Egypt was about to undergo dramatic change because Mubarak was thought to have cancer and because of the scheduled 2011 presidential election. Intelligence sources said he had esophageal cancer, stomach or pancreatic cancer; this was denied by Egyptian authorities. Speculation about his ill health increased after his resignation from the presidency. According to Egyptian media, Mubarak's condition worsened after he went into exile in Sharm el-Sheikh. He was reportedly depressed, refused to take medications, and was slipping in and out of consciousness. According to the sourcean unnamed Egyptian security official"Mubarak wants to be left alone and die in his homeland". The source denied that Mubarak was writing his memoirs, stating that he was almost completely unconscious. After his resignation, Egypt's ambassador to the United States Sameh Shoukry reported that his personal sources said Mubarak "is possibly in somewhat of bad health", while several Egyptian and Saudi Arabian newspapers reported that Mubarak was in a coma and close to death. On 12 April 2011, it was reported that he had been hospitalized after suffering a heart attack during questioning over possible corruption charges.

In June 2011, Mubarak's lawyer Farid el-Deeb said his client "has stomach cancer, and the cancer is growing". Mubarak had undergone surgery for the condition in Germany in 2010 and also suffered from circulatory problems with an irregular heart beat. On 13 July 2011, unconfirmed reports stated that Mubarak had slipped into a coma at his residence after giving his final speech, and on 17 July, el-Deeb confirmed the reports. On 26 July 2011, Mubarak was reported to be depressed and refusing solid food while in hospital being treated for a heart condition and in custody awaiting trial.

On 2 June 2012, Mubarak was reported as have suffered a health crisis while being transported to prison after his conviction on the charges of complicity in the killing of protestors. Some sources reported he had had a heart attack. Further reports stated that Mubarak's health continued to decline; some said he had to be treated with a defibrillator. On 20 June 2012, as Mubarak's condition continued to decline, state-run media erroneously reported that the former president had been declared "clinically dead", causing widespread confusion. Officials later clarified that Mubarak was in a critical condition.

On 27 December 2012, Mubarak was taken from Tora Prison to the Cairo military hospital after falling and breaking a rib. He was released from prison in August 2013.

On 19 June 2014, Mubarak slipped in the bathroom at the military hospital in Cairo where he was being held and broke his left leg, also fracturing his left thighbone, requiring surgery. Mubarak was serving a three-year sentence for corruption, and also awaiting retrial regarding the killing of protesters during his regime. At one time, his release was ordered. However, Mubarak had remained at the military hospital since January 2014 due to his ongoing health issues.

Acquittal
On 2 March 2017, the Court of Cassation, Egypt's top appeals court, acquitted Mubarak of conspiring in the killing of protesters during the 2011 uprising. He was subsequently released on 24 March 2017.

Death
Hosni Mubarak died on 25 February 2020, in a Cairo military hospital, at the age of 91. A full-honour State funeral was held for him at the Tantawi Mosque in eastern Cairo and he was later buried in a cemetery in Heliopolis. Egyptian President Abdel Fattah el-Sisi participated at the funeral and extended his condolences to Mubarak's widow, Suzanne, and his sons Alaa and Gamal; three days of national mourning were subsequently proclaimed.

Following his death, President El-Sisi praised Mubarak for his role in the Yom Kippur War, but remained silent over his role as President. Similarly, government-controlled newspaper Al-Ahram eulogized Mubarak for his military and political career.

Personal life
Hosni Mubarak was married to Suzanne Mubarak and together they had two sons: Alaa and Gamal. Both sons served four years in Egyptian jail for corruption and were released in 2015. Through his son Alaa, Mubarak has two grandsons, Mohammed and Omar; and through his son Gamal, he has a granddaughter Farida. Mohammed died in 2009 from a cerebral hemorrhage.

In April 2016, Alaa Mubarak was named in the Panama Papers as someone with financial interests that intersect with that of Mossack Fonseca, the firm implicated in that scandal.

Awards

National
 Grand Cordon of the Order of the Republic
 Grand Cordon of the Order of the Nile, 1st class
 Recipient of the Order of the Sinai Star
 Honor Star Medal, twice
 Military Training Medal

Foreign honours
: Member of the Family Order of Laila Utama
: First Class of the Order of the Balkan Mountains
: Grand Officer of the Order of Recognition
: Grand Officer of the National Order of the Leopard (Zaire)
: Knight of the Order of the Elephant
: Grand Cross of the Legion of Honour
: Grand Cross of the Order of Merit of the Federal Republic of Germany
: Grand Cross of the Order of the Redeemer
: Recipient of the Jawaharlal Nehru Award
: First Class (Adipurna) of the Star of the Republic of Indonesia, 1st class
:
 First Class of the Order of Zolfaghar
 Recipient of the Hamayon Merit
: Knight Grand Cross of the Order of Merit of the Italian Republic
: Grand Cordon of the Order of the Chrysanthemum
: Recipient of the Order of the Golden Eagle
: Collar of the Order of Mubarak the Great
: Grand Cross of the National Order of Mali
: Grand Cross of the Order of the Aztec Eagle
: Member First Class of the Order of the Star of Nepal
: Grand Cross of the National Order of Niger
: First Class of the Order of the National Flag
:
1st Class of the Order of Oman, civil
Recipient of the Civil Order of Oman
: Honor Star Medal
: Grand Cross of the Order of Merit of the Republic of Poland
: Grand Collar of the Order of Prince Henry
:
First Class of the Order of King Abdulaziz
Second Class of the Order of King Abdulaziz
Excellent Degree
: Grand Officer of the Order of Good Hope
: Knight of the Collar of Order of Isabella the Catholic
: Recipient of the Collar of Honour
: Knight of the Royal Order of the Seraphim
:
 Member First Class of the Order of the Umayyads
 Knight of the Military Honor Medal
:
 Grand Cross of the Order of the Republic
 Grand Cross of the Order of 7 November 1987
: First Class of the Order of the State of Republic of Turkey
: Honorary Knight Grand Cross of the Order of St Michael and St George

References

Further reading
 Amin, Galal. Egypt in the Era of Hosni Mubarak (American University in Cairo Press, 2011), a major scholarly overview
 Anagondahalli, Deepa. "Prior reputation and the transition from image repair to image makeover: The case of Hosni Mubarak." Public relations review 39.3 (2013): 241-244.
 Arafat, Alaa Al-Din. Hosni Mubarak and the future of democracy in Egypt (Springer, 2011).
 Beinin, Joel. "Workers and Egypt's January 25 Revolution." International Labor and Working-Class History 80.1 (2011): 189-196.
 Brownlee, Jason. "Democratization in the Arab World? The Decline of Pluralism in Mubarak's Egypt." Journal of democracy 13.4 (2002): 6-14. online.
 Cook, Steven A. The Struggle for Egypt: From Nasser to Tahrir Square (Oxford UP, 2011)
 Darraj, Susan Muaddi, and Vicki Cox. Hosni Mubarak (Infobase Publishing, 2007).
 Heiss, Andrew. "The failed management of a dying regime: Hosni Mubarak, Egypt's National Democratic Party, and the January 25 revolution." Journal of Third World Studies 29.1 (2012): 155-171. online
 Joya, Angela. The Roots of Revolt: A Political Economy of Egypt from Nasser to Mubarak (Cambridge University Press, 2020).
 Ketchley, Neil. Egypt in a Time of Revolution: Contentious Politics and the Arab Spring (Cambridge UP, 2017)
 Masoud, Tarek. "The upheavals in Egypt and Tunisia: The road to (and from) Liberation Square." Journal of Democracy 22.3 (2011): 20-34. excerpt
 Osman, Tarek. Egypt on the brink: from the rise of Nasser to the fall of Mubarak (Yale University Press, 2011)
 Piazza, Bárbara Azaola. "The foreign policy of post-Mubarak Egypt and the strengthening of relations with Saudi Arabia: balancing between economic vulnerability and regional and regime security." Journal of North African Studies 24.3 (2019): 401-425. online
 Roccu, Roberto. The political economy of the Egyptian revolution: Mubarak, economic reforms and failed hegemony (Springer, 2013).
 Rougier, Bernard, and Stéphane Lacroix (eds.) Egypt's Revolutions: Politics, Religion, and Social Movements (Palgrave, 2016)
 Shama, Nael. Egyptian foreign policy from Mubarak to Morsi: Against the national interest (Routledge, 2013).
 Sharp, Jeremy M. Egypt: The January 25 Revolution and implications for US foreign policy (Diane Publishing, 2011).

 Soliman, Samer. The Autumn of Dictatorship: Fiscal Crisis and Political Change in Egypt under Mubarak (Stanford University Press, 2011)

 Springborg, Robert. Mubarak's Egypt: Fragmentation of the Political Order (Routledge, 2019)
 Tripp, Charles, and Roger Owen, eds. Egypt under Mubarak (Routledge, 1989).

External links

  at the official Egyptian government site
 Air Marshal Hosni Mubarak at the official Egyptian Air Force site

 Hosni Mubarak: The Last Pharaoh , slideshow by Life'' magazine
 European Parliament Resolution on Egypt's Human Rights Situation, 16 January 2008

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1928 births
2020 deaths
20th-century presidents of Egypt
20th-century prime ministers of Egypt
21st-century presidents of Egypt
Candidates in the 2005 Egyptian presidential election
Egyptian Air Academy alumni
Egyptian Air Force air marshals
Egyptian Military Academy alumni
Egyptian people of the Yom Kippur War
20th-century Egyptian military personnel
Egyptian billionaires
Egyptian politicians convicted of crimes
Egyptian prisoners sentenced to life imprisonment
Egyptian Sunni Muslims
Frunze Military Academy alumni
Heads of government who were later imprisoned
Honorary Knights Grand Cross of the Order of St Michael and St George
Grand Crosses Special Class of the Order of Merit of the Federal Republic of Germany
Collars of the Order of Isabella the Catholic
Grand Cross of the Legion of Honour
Knights Grand Cross of the Order of Merit of the Italian Republic
Grand Crosses of the National Order of Mali
Recipients of the Order of the Star of Nepal
Grand Crosses of the Order of Merit of the Republic of Poland
Grand Collars of the Order of Prince Henry
Hosni
National Democratic Party (Egypt) politicians
People convicted of attempted murder
People from Monufia Governorate
People of the Egyptian revolution of 2011
Prisoners sentenced to life imprisonment by Egypt
Secretaries-General of the Non-Aligned Movement
Vice-presidents of Egypt
Recipients of the Order of the Sinai Star
Burials in Egypt
Recipients of the Collar of Honour
20th-century presidents in Africa

Hosni Mubarak


The Open Communication Universities Debating Network (/ ) was founded in 1997 in Belgrade. Founded by both professors and students, it was established as an organization which promotes civic discourse, non-violent communication, critical thinking, argumentative presentation of ideas, public speaking as a form of free speech and the use of parliamentary debate as an educational and promotional tool.

Working with students

Preserving the same goals, Open Communication has been working in three University centers (Belgrade, Novi Sad, Niš) and now has more than 150 active members out of over 850 students that passed its parliamentary debate training program. It currently encompasses 5 debate clubs, among which the Belgrade Law School Debate Club was formed first in 1997. The Club has been functioning since its foundation even during the times when its activities were banned. During that period the Law School Debate Club organized its activities as part of the Alternative Academic Network and Belgrade Open School. However, since the democratic changes in Serbia in 2000, the Law School Debate Club has continuously received generous financial and institutional support from the School of Law.

International recognition

Open Communication is a recognized member of International Debate Education Association (IDEA) and the Serbian representative in the European Universities Debating Council, currently holding the office of Vice President, and it successfully cooperates with numerous international, regional and local organizations through international tournaments and seminars.

Goals

The primary goals and activities of this organization include:
 promoting debate through faculty-based clubs;
 organizing seminars, debate tournaments and debate academies;
 organizing expert lectures, panel discussions and public debates;
 pursuing all forms of tolerant, rational and open communication to promote it as political and educational means, as well as a powerful tool for civil initiative and action.

Organizing public debates has been one of the priorities of Open Communication for the last several years. Raising public awareness is one of the crucial aims of our organization, as well as educating students and the society as a whole that peaceful communication through arguments is more efficient, more creative and will bring them closer to their goals.

Regional activities

Open Communication is also active in promoting debating around the region. Trainers who are members of the network have held workshops in Austria, Hungary, North Macedonia and Montenegro over the past year.

External links
 Official Web Site: Open Communication
 Official Web Site: Belgrade Open

Debating
1997 establishments in Serbia
Organizations established in 1997

The Open Communication


In music theory and tuning, the kleisma (κλείσμα), or semicomma majeur, is a minute and barely perceptible comma type interval important to musical temperaments. It is the difference between six justly tuned minor thirds (each with a frequency ratio of 6/5) and one justly tuned tritave or perfect twelfth (with a frequency ratio of 3/1, formed by a 2/1 octave plus a 3/2 perfect fifth). It is equal to a frequency ratio of 15625/15552 = 2−6 3−5 56, or approximately 8.1 cents (). It can be also defined as the difference between five justly tuned minor thirds and one justly tuned major tenth (of size 5/2, formed by a 2/1 octave plus a 5/4 major third) or as the difference between a chromatic semitone (25/24) and a greater diesis (648/625).

The interval was named by Shohé Tanaka after the Greek for "closure", who noted that it was tempered out to a unison by 53 equal temperament. It is also tempered out in 19, 34, and 72 equal temperament.

12 and 24 equal temperament, however, inflate the kleisma up to an entire semitone instead of tempering it out, as six minor thirds are equal to 18 semitones, while a perfect twelfth is 19 semitones. The same is true for the difference between five minor thirds (15 semitones) and one major tenth (16 semitones).

The interval was described but not used by Rameau in 1726.

Larry Hanson independently discovered this interval which also manifested in a unique mapping using a generalized keyboard capable of accommodating  all the above temperaments as well as just intonation constant structures (periodicity blocks) with these numbers of scale degrees

The kleisma is also an interval important to the Bohlen–Pierce scale.

References

5-limit tuning and intervals
Commas (music)

Kleisma


Joseph Constantine Carpue (4 May 1764 – 30 January 1846) was an English surgeon who was born in London. He was associated with St George's Hospital and Duke of York Hospital in Chelsea. He was a skilled surgeon and popular lecturer of anatomy.

Carpue is known for performing the first rhinoplastic surgery in England, using a technique created in India several centuries earlier. The Indian rhinoplastic reconstruction involved using a flap of skin taken from the forehead, and was to become known in Europe as "Carpue's operation". In 1816 Carpue described the procedure in his publication of Account of Two Successful Operations for Restoring a Lost Nose from the Integument of the Forehead.

Carpue was also a pioneer in experimentation with electricity in medicine, which he detailed in his treatise of An Introduction to Electricity and Galvanism, with Cases showing their Effects in the Cure of Disease.

Works
 1801- Description of the Muscles of the Human Body
 1803- An Introduction to Electricity and Galvanism, with Cases showing their Effects in the Cure of Disease
 1816- An Account of Two Successful Operations for Restoring a Lost Nose from the Integument of the Forehead
 1819- History of the High Operation for the Stone, by Inscision above the Pubis

See also
 Gaspare Tagliacozzi

External links

1764 births
1846 deaths
English surgeons
Medical doctors from London
Fellows of the Royal Society

Joseph Constantine Carpue


The KTM 1290 Super Duke R is a 1301 cc 75° V-twin engine, naked motorcycle from the Austrian manufacturer KTM. With the update in 2017 the motor is the most powerful LC8 engine ever built by KTM.

Design
The KTM 1290 Super Duke R is a naked bike. The 2014–2016 models suspension was considered to be too soft but the 2017 update has addressed this with stiffer springs. The 2016 model had compression ratio of 13.2:1 and 2017 model has increased compression ratio to 13.6:1. The 2017 model comes with Cruise control as standard and has upgraded electronics such as lean angle sensitive traction control, ride by wire, and optional track mode along with previous model's  cornering ABS, quickshifter, riding modes etc.

Performance
For 2014 model, it had acceleration of 0–60 mph in 2.6 seconds, 0–124 mph in 7.2 seconds, braking distance of 99.1 feet from 60–0 mph with ABS, and 138.5 feet from 60–0 mph without ABS. The 2014 model produces maximum of 180 hp  and 106 lb-ft of torque.

For the 2017 year model update, the engine and throttle response have become smoother and now produces 177 hp.

Rivals
The KTM 1290 Super Duke commonly rivals Suzuki B-King, EBR 1190SX, BMW S1000R,Triumph Speed Triple R, Yamaha MT-10, Ducati Monster 1200S/R, Ducati Streetfighter S, and Aprilia Tuono.

References

See also
List of motorcycles by type of engine
BMW S1000R
Aprilia Tuono

External links

Motorcycles introduced in 2013
KTM motorcycles

KTM 1290 Super Duke R


DiGiorno and Delissio are a co-owned brand of frozen pizzas respectively sold in the United States and Canada, and are subsidiaries of Nestlé.

About
DiGiorno manufactures over 250,000 pizzas each day for consumers for national sale in the mainland United States. Total revenue from pizza sales in 2017 was just over $1 billion.  The DiGiorno product line originally offered pastas and sauces in 1991, and pizzas have been available internationally in Canada and the U.S. since 1995.

The brand's slogan is "It's not delivery. It's DiGiorno/Delissio," which suggests that their frozen pizzas are of high enough quality that they might be mistaken for fresh pizzeria pizzas.

DiGiorno rebranded to Delissio in Canada in 1999, although Kraft had previously used the Delissio brand for other pizza products in the 1980s.

In 2010, Kraft sold the DiGiorno and Delissio brands, along with the rest of its frozen pizza business, to Swiss-based food manufacturer Nestlé. The move helped to finance Kraft's bid for Cadbury, while also effectively ensuring that Nestlé would not submit a competing bid for the confectionery company. Since Nestlé acquired Kraft's frozen pizza business, the DiGiorno brand has expanded to include bonus appetizers in a box, including breadsticks, boneless chicken pieces called Wyngz, and Toll House cookies.

In 2013, DiGiorno's dairy supplier, Foremost Farms USA, dropped Wiese Brothers Farm after the animal rights organization Mercy for Animals released undercover footage showing workers there beating, dragging, and whipping dairy cows, some of which appear unable to walk, while others have infected or freely bleeding wounds. Nestlé and Foremost Farms USA denied any knowledge of the abuse.

History

In 2013, DiGiorno had reached a four-year low sales growth, and the company decided to sell some of its assets to revamp its portfolio. However, the frozen food market is expected to grow globally, despite the continued demand for organic food and healthy diet. Following this optimistic news, the executive vice president of Nestle expressed his high hopes in the future growth of DiGiorno. Later that year, DiGiorno announced that it would launch the "Design A Pizza Kit," a customizable pizza which included a cheese pizza with individually wrapped meats, vegetables, shredded cheese and a seasoning packet.

In May 2018, DiGiorno took part in a social media competition campaign run by internet entertainers Kinda Funny titled "1st Annual Best Friend Tournament". The Twitter poll–based competition saw DiGiorno beating competition such as Napa Smith Gallery, Portillo's Restaurants and Oreo. The frozen pizza brand reached the semifinals where they were narrowly beaten by Rooster Teeth employee Barbara Dunkelman, who received 55% of 72,820 votes cast.

In February 2023, Nestle Canada announced their intentions to wind down and exit the frozen meals and pizza business within the next six months.

See also
 List of frozen food brands

References

External links

Products introduced in 1995
Frozen pizza brands
Nestlé brands

DiGiorno