Franciszek Przysiężniak (nom de guerre "Ojciec Jan", "Father John") (September 22, 1909 in the village of Krupe, near Krasnystaw – September 30, 1975 in Jarosław) - was a lieutenant in the Polish Army, an officer of anti-communist resistance groups National Military Organization (NOW) and National Military Union (NZW).

Przysiężniak finished the Volhynian School for Reserve Cadets of Artillery in Włodzimierz Wołyński in 1938. He then began his military service in the 16th Pomeranian Regiment of Light Artillery in Grudziądz. He took part in the Invasion of Poland in 1939, against the Nazi invaders. On September 28, 1939, he was captured by the Germans at Tomaszów Lubelski, but on his way to the POW camp he managed to escape. In 1942 he joined the National Military Organization and was made the commander of its units in the Krasnystaw county. He headed a unit that specialized in diversion and sabotage which later the merger with the Home Army (AK-NOW). Eventually, he was promoted to the rank of major.

During World War II, the partisan unit led by "Father John", which operated in the region of Janów Forests was one of the best armed units of the Polish anti-Nazi underground. On June 14, 1944, under his leadership it took part in one of the largest battles between German forces and Polish partisans, at Porytowe Wzgorze which was part of the Sturmwind I operation carried out by the Nazis.

After the Red Army entered Poland he was forced to go into hiding. In April 1945 in Kuryłówka his wife, Janina Przysiężniak Jaga, who was seven months pregnant was murdered, with a shot to the back of the head, by the communist secret police (UB). As a result, he organized a group of anti-communist fighters in the "San" region. On 7 May this unit fought in one of the largest battles between Soviet NKVD and the Polish underground, the Battle of Kuryłówka, in which 57 NKVD soldiers were killed and their operational group dispersed. In the fall of 1945 he moved to Pomerania where he was made the commander of all NZW units in Brodnica and Wąbrzeźno counties. He was arrested on May 15, 1946, and sentenced to four years in prison. He was released during the Amnesty of 1947, but a year later arrested again. This time his sentence was 15 years in prison. He was released again on December 24, 1954.

He was a recipient of the Silver Cross of the Virtuti Militari.

References

1909 births
1975 deaths
People from Krasnystaw County
People from Lublin Governorate
Cursed soldiers
Polish soldiers
Polish anti-communists
Recipients of the Silver Cross of the Virtuti Militari
Polish prisoners and detainees
Home Army members
Polish prisoners of war
People detained by the Polish Ministry of Public Security

Franciszek Przysiężniak


Frank Dorrel is an American peace activist. A former United States Air Force personnel, he is now a Veteran for Peace.

Dorrel publishes and distributes Addicted to War, Why The U.S. Can't Kick Militarism by Joel Andreas. This anti-war comic book is a history of U.S. militarism and has become one of the most popular books in the Peace Movement. It is being used in hundreds of high schools and colleges all over the country.

Dorrel put together a two-hour film titled What I've Learned About U.S. Foreign Policy: The War Against The Third World, which has been seen by as many as 2 million people since 2000. He also distributes the  film Arlington West by Peter Dudar and Sally Marr.

Dorrel is a member of Veterans For Peace, both local and national chapters. He was in the U.S. Air Force. He helped to start the Arlington West Memorial in Santa Monica, a project of the Los Angeles Chapter of Veterans For Peace. The Arlington West Memorial has been erected next to the Santa Monica Pier each and every Sunday since February 2004.

He is on the board of the Coalition Against Militarism in Our Schools (CAMS) and the executive board of the Office of the Americas.

Dorrel has worked closely with Cole Miller, founder of No More Victims and with many other Peace and Justice organizations  in Los Angeles and around the country.

Dorrel has put on many anti-war events in the Los Angeles area in the last six years, many times co-hosting with Don White. During this same time period, Dorrel and his wife Jane, have hosted four or five events each year at their home in Culver City.

See also
 List of peace activists

External links
http://www.addictedtowar.com/frankdorrel.html

References

Living people
American anti-war activists
American pacifists
Year of birth missing (living people)

Frank Dorrel


Ulysses Awakes (after Monteverdi) is a musical composition for solo viola and strings by English composer John Woolrich. It is a creative transcription of Ulysses's first aria in act 1, scene 7 of Claudio Monteverdi's opera Il ritorno d'Ulisse in patria. Ulysses has been washed up on the coast of Ithaca, his homeland.
 Am I sleeping or awake?
 And what country surrounds me?

'It's a powerfully effective piece, which manages to be utterly faithful to the spirit of Monteverdi and yet entirely part of Woolrich's musical world, too.'

Ulysses Awakes was commissioned by Dartington International Summer School and first performed there by Clare Finnimore and the Guildhall String Ensemble on August 11, 1989.

Instrumentation
The composition consists of a solo viola with 6 violins, 1 viola, 2 cellos, and 1 double bass.

Discography
 Jane Atkins (viola); John Lubbock (conductor); Orchestra of St John's, Smith Square; ASV (1998); Black Box Classics 1091 (2004)
 Simon Rowland-Jones (viola); 12 Ensemble; Sancho Panza Records SPANCD001(2018)

References

Bibliography
Robert Philip Performing Music in the Age of Recording (Yale University Press 2004)
John Wenham and Richard Wistreich (editors) The Cambridge Companion to Monteverdi (Cambridge University Press 2008)

Compositions for viola
1989 compositions

Ulysses Awakes


Geoffrey Ian Allott (born 24 December 1971) is a former New Zealand cricketer who played in 10 Tests and 31 One Day Internationals (ODIs) from 1996 to 2000. He retired from all cricket in 2001, following series of injuries. Allott was a member of the New Zealand team that won the 2000 ICC KnockOut Trophy.

International career
Allott was a member of the New Zealand squad that won a bronze medal at the 1998 Commonwealth Games, which was the only time cricket was included in Commonwealth games. Allott was a revelation at the 1999 Cricket World Cup in England May/June 1999. With 20 wickets in nine matches he topped the wicket taking ranks for the tournament. Gaining prodigious movement in the air and off the pitch, the left-armer deceived some of the world's best batsmen, and made a huge contribution towards New Zealand's semi-final finish.

He was first selected by Glenn Turner for the Test series against Zimbabwe in 1995/6, when New Zealand had an injury crisis and were looking to give Test experience to new players of quality. Although he was moderately successful he was not selected for the subsequent ODI series or for the 1996 Cricket World Cup. A quick left armer in the Richard Collinge "dig it in" mould he was considered too inaccurate for limited overs. Over the winter he built up his strength and bowled well for his province at the start of 1996/7. A great game for New Zealand A versus England in 1997 earned him a recall to the Test team, and he bowled far better in two Tests than his figures might indicate.

Trivia
He held the record for the longest time taken to score a duck in Test cricket as well as taking a long time to get off the mark, but was dismissed for duck – 77 balls and 101 minutes for New Zealand versus South Africa in 1999. Though his record for longest time for a duck still stands, his record for longest time for no runs was held until March 2013, when England cricketer Stuart Broad batted for 103 minutes against New Zealand before scoring a run.

References

1971 births
Living people
Canterbury cricketers
New Zealand One Day International cricketers
New Zealand Test cricketers
New Zealand cricketers
Cricketers at the 1998 Commonwealth Games
Commonwealth Games bronze medallists for New Zealand
Commonwealth Games medallists in cricket
Medallists at the 1998 Commonwealth Games

Geoff Allott


Goniobranchus gleniei is a species of colourful sea slug, a dorid nudibranch, a marine gastropod mollusc in the family Chromodorididae.

Distribution
This species was described from the inner harbour, Trincomalee and Cottiar, opposite Fort Fredrick, Sri Lanka. It has been reported from the Maldives and Tanzania.

Description
Goniobranchus gleniei is a chromodorid nudibranch with a continuous, sinuous black or deep purple line all round the mantle, outside the gills and rhinophores. The outer part of the mantle is white with a faint submarginal grey line. The inner part of the mantle is golden-brown with irregular black spots.

References

Chromodorididae
Gastropods described in 1858

Goniobranchus gleniei


Scottie Wilson (28 February 1891 – 1972), born Louis Freeman (birth certificate says Lewis), was a Scottish, Jewish, outsider artist known particularly for his highly detailed style. Starting his artistic career at the age of 44, his work was  admired and collected by the likes of Jean Dubuffet and Pablo Picasso and is generally accepted to be in the forefront of 20th-century outsider art.

Early years
Born in Glasgow, Scotland, at 24 Ropework Lane in what is now the Merchant City area. His father Julius worked as a fur skin dresser (furrier) who married his wife Esther in Riga (then in Russia and now Latvia) on 13 May 1878. He had 3 older brothers (Philip, Samuel & Morris), 2 older sisters (Sarah and Leah), 4 younger brothers (Charles/Levi, Joseph, David, Joseph - born after the first Joseph died) and 2 younger sisters (Dora and Betsy). Wilson (Freeman) dropped out of school at  the age of 8 to help subsidise his family's meagre income by, amongst other things, selling newspapers on the street. In 1906 he enlisted with the Scottish Rifles and subsequently served in India and South Africa. He bought himself out in 1911 but rejoined in 1914 during World War I  to fight on the Western Front. At the end of the war he emigrated to Toronto, Ontario, Canada, where he owned and operated a second-hand shop.

Artistic career

Beginning
At the age of 44 he began doodling with one of the fountain pens that he collected for resale in his shop and discovered his passion for art. In his own words:

I'm listening to classical music one day – Mendelssohn – when all of a sudden I dipped the bulldog pen into a bottle of ink and started drawing – doodling I suppose you'd call it – on the cardboard tabletop. I don't know why. I just did. In a couple of days – I worked almost ceaselessly – the whole of the tabletop was covered with little faces and designs. The pen seemed to make me draw, and them images, the faces and designs just flowed out. I couldn't stop – I've never stopped since that day.

It was there that he began his work, embodying a personal code of morality wherein characters called "evils and greedies" are juxtaposed with naturalistic symbols of goodness and truth. The first dealer to encounter Wilson's work was a Canadian, Douglas Duncan, who displayed them in various gallery shows. While Wilson did not want to part with his drawings, he found the idea of an artistic career preferable to shopkeeping and attempted to solve the problem of raising money by staging travelling shows for viewing only and charging modest entrance fees or holding tray collections.

Success
After receiving recognition for his work in Toronto, he abruptly went to London in 1945 and continued to exhibit his drawings for modest fees while maintaining a deep distrust of dealers. A few months after his arrival he was persuaded by dealers to show in galleries, and had a solo exhibition at the Arcade Gallery in London, shown concurrently with other works by such 20th-century artists as Pablo Picasso, Giorgio de Chirico, Paul Klee, Joan Miró, amongst others. Wilson's rejection of commercialism was unabated, however, and he continued to sell his work on the street for a minute fraction of the prices the gallery owners were asking. He said of the working-class customers he attracted, "They're the intellect, you know".

Later years

Wilson spent his remaining years in Kilburn, an area of northwest London, working alone in his small lodgings. In the early 1950s, he travelled to France at the persuasion of artist and outsider art fanatic Jean Dubuffet. There Wilson was met by not only Dubuffet, but also by Pablo Picasso; both were fans and owners of Wilson's work. According to art critic Bill Hopkins, a friend of Wilson who accompanied him on the trip:
When we arrived, not only was Dubuffet waiting, Pablo Picasso was with him. Both owned a few of Scottie's pieces, and Picasso had come to see – and perhaps buy – some more. I vividly remember both artists eagerly admiring Scottie's work, squabbling in their fierce, theatrical, Gallic voices over who would buy which piece.

In the 1960s, Wilson began to create paintings on plates and was subsequently commissioned by Royal Worcester and had designed a series of dinnerware, which was produced until 1965. The pattern was based on totem poles and imagery from North America. His picture 'Bird Song' was chosen as a design for the 1970 UNICEF Christmas Card. He died in 1972 from cancer. Though he always complained of poverty, Wilson was discovered at the time of his death to have secreted a suitcase full of money under his bed and large sums in various bank accounts.

Subject matter and style
The evolution of his style was notoriously non-existent and, because he did not date most of his works, it is very difficult to place his works in time apart from the few documentary records that exist. He stuck mainly to a narrow range of visual elements: botanical forms, birds and animals, clowns (self-portraits), and "Greedies" and "Evils" (malignant personifications). His work can be placed in a purely speculative chronological order by the subtle changes and progressions in his subject matter and style. His earlier pieces are thought to be generally more organic in composition and have less precise cross-hatching and detail. Certain images did become more prevalent, while others were used less frequently, and the level of detail is thought to have increased over time. As he once said:
When I'm working I can see what's happening, and I can imagine what's going to happen. I can see best when I'm finishing my pictures with a pen. When I'm making strokes; hundreds and thousands of strokes.

References

External links
Collection of photographs of Scottie Wilson by Ida Kar
Raw Vision magazines article on the life and work of Scottie Wilson

1890s births
1972 deaths
Outsider artists
Scottish artists
Artists from Glasgow
Scottish Jews

Scottie Wilson


Memons in South Africa form a prosperous Muslim subgroup in that country's Indian community and are largely descended from Memons from Kathiawar who immigrated from India in the late 19th century/early 20th century. Villages and towns that South African Memons originated from include Porbander, Bhanvad, Ranavav and Jodiya.

Memons were converted to Islam by the aulad of Hadrath Sheikh Abdul Qadir Jilani, around 700 families, in the 15th century.
Memons played a major role in the promotion of Islam in South Africa, and there have been rivalries for the management of local mosques between Memons and Surtis, who are Gujarati-speaking Sunni Muslims. This is primarily due to the different 'Maslak' (path) tablighis mainly Surti, and Sufi who are mainly Memon although they are far less prominent than they were in the past.

Although the Memoni language (called the Memon language in South Africa) is not widely spoken by younger Memons in South Africa, South African Memons continue to maintain a strong (although slowly eroding) Memon identity. Already, few younger Memons are aware of the towns where their ancestors came from. Although the early Memons practiced endogamy (marrying within their social group, including ancestral village), intermarriage between Memon groups and other Sunni Muslims is now widely accepted, mirroring a similar integration among Gujarati Hindu groups from Surat and Shauarashtra.

Memon organisations in South Africa include the Memon Association of South Africa (formerly the 'Memon Association of the Transvaal'), the Southern African Memon Foundation and the Natal Memon Jamaat.

References

Memon people
Ethnic groups in South Africa
South African people of Indian descent
South African people of Gujarati descent

Memons in South Africa


Haneburg is a castle in East Frisia, Germany. It is one of the few buildings remaining of the Renaissance time in north-west Germany, which was much affected by the Netherlands. The castle was built by the chieftain of Leer, Hayo Unken, in the middle of the 15th century.

Subsequently, the castle passed via the Frese family into the possession of the Hane family, from whom the building takes its present name. Joest Hane, the steward (Drost) of the Count of East Frisia in Stickhausen, began to repair the castle in 1621 and extended it by the addition of the southern Renaissance wing. His son Dietrich Arnold Hane built the northern wing in 1671.

Until some years ago the Haneburg was an old people's home. After complex renovation work it is today the home of the office of the people's high school for the city and district of Leer. Temporarily it is in use for art exhibitions and conferences. It is the property of the district of Leer, which uses the knights' hall for representative causes.  However, historical interiors are no longer present in the castle.

References

Castles in Lower Saxony
Renaissance architecture in Germany

Haneburg


The Písek Stone Bridge () is the oldest preserved early Gothic bridge in the Czech Republic and by its originality, although deprived of its dominants, which formed its tower with gates, is one of the rarest medieval bridges in Central Europe. It spans the Otava River, a tributary of the Vltava. It is located in the south Bohemian town of Písek. It was probably built in the 3rd quarter of the 13th century.

The bridge has been on the list of the Czech cultural monuments since 1989, becoming a national cultural monument in 1998.

It is sometimes called the Stag Bridge, according to legend because it was to be named after the first being to pass over it. At the time, Písek was surrounded by deep woods, so the first being to cross the bridge was a stag. However, most local people still call it the Old Bridge.

The bridge became an important link on the Golden Trail, which connected the Baltic areas with the Mediterranean and imported salt from Bavaria to the Písek salt store.

Structure
The bridge was probably built in the 3rd quarter of the 13th century during the reign of Ottokar II of Bohemia. Interestingly, it was built on dry ground. Only after its completion was the river redirected to a new trough, which passed under the bridge.

The length of the bridge is 109.75 m and the width 6.25m. It is built on six pillars and has seven arches and gives the impression of a "small" Charles Bridge. Six arches are original. The seventh arch, with a double span width, was added in 1768 and served for the raft passage (timber used to be pulled down the river). Two towers guarded the bridge, one on each side. Unfortunately, none of them has survived. The first collapsed during the 1768 flood and the second was deliberately torn down in 1825 due to the growing transportation demands. Their fragments, salvaged from the river bottom, are on display on the left river bank near the bridge.

Sculptures
Originally, the bridge was without a sculptural decoration. Today, replicas of baroque sculptures are lining the bridge. Their sandstone originals can be seen in the Prácheň Museum. There are four sculptural groups:

 Calvary dates from the 18th century and was sculpted in the Jan Hammer workshop. Statues of the Virgin Mary, Mary Magdalene and the Apostle John are arranged around a 6-meter high Cross with Christ. Replicas come from 1997.
 John of Nepomuk with two angels - original by an unknown author
 Saint Anne original - original dates from 1770
 Saint Anthony of Padua - original dates from 1770

Bridge statues

Floods

The bridge has been exposed to the onslaught of floods several times throughout the centuries, for example in 1432 and 1768. The most recent being the "thousand year flood" of 2002, when the Otava water level rose so high that it tore off a stone wall. Despite the current's fifty-fold increase in force, however, the bridge structure withstood the flood. The flood water removed the railings and some statues. After the flood, town of Písek started a general bridge reconstruction. The railings and statues were repaired; copy of the lost statue was recreated and the structure was retrofitted with a net of concrete and iron tubes. The bridge repair was enabled thanks to a public fundraiser that spontaneously started after the flood.

Cyclone
On 20 January 2007 cyclone Kyrill damaged the Christ Cross, luckily, the statue itself was almost undamaged. During the cross restoration historical documents were discovered in two time capsules placed inside the cross. There was a report by sculptor Karel Vlačiha about a repair the cross underwent between 1897 and 1899. The second report was related to the repairs done between 1957 and 1959. This report was accompanied with a period copy of Rudé právo, then a leading newspaper of the Czechoslovak communist party.

See also
Charles Bridge, the second oldest bridge in the Czech Republic

References

External links

Oldest bridge in the Czech Republic reopens

Bridges over the Otava
Stone Bridge
Buildings and structures in Písek
National Cultural Monuments of the Czech Republic
Gothic architecture in the Czech Republic
Stone bridges
2000s floods in Europe
2002 floods
Bridges completed in the 13th century

Písek Stone Bridge


Janis Sidovský (born 21 January 1968 in Pardubice) is a Czech producer, manager and publicity supervisor. He has been awarded 3 Platinum records, his theatre production "Night on Karlštejn" was nominated on the Czech Theatre Award Thalie (2017).

Career
Sidovský is the leading representative of PR in show business. Created a campaign for the Czech versions of the world's musical Les Misérables, Mamma Mia!, Miss Saigon, Rocky and Grease, he also participated in domestic theatre projects such as Cleopatra, Dracula and Rebels. He lectures on public relations in culture at universities.

As a producer and author, he created a 13-part series of the TV show "Queens of Pop", which is one of the most successful TV events in the Czech Republic. He was the producer of the special event Tribute to President Václav Havel in the Prague National Theatre during 2003, as well many charity concerts, pop stars tours and theatre performances. His theatre production "Night on Karlštejn" with music from Karel Svoboda is successfully presented for the fourth season at Karlštejn Castle (from summer 2016).

He was a member of the marketing board at the Prague National Theatre, and has co-operated with the charity foundation Vize 97 of Dagmar a Václav Havel and Kapka naděje. Now, he is a member of the Czech Academy of Popular Music. Between 2008 and 2012, he worked as a marketing and program director of Czech digital television TV Barrandov. He was also Vice-Chairman. During the period of his leadership of the station became the fourth most watched TV in the country.

In 2017, he was chairman of the Czech jury of Eurovision. In February 2019 Germany elected him as a member of The International Expert Jury Of the national finale Eurovision "Unser Lied für Israel".

He is currently the speaker of The Czech National Symphony Orchestra and Prague Proms Music Festival.

Personal life
Sidovský and his life partner Pavel Vítek were the first gay Czech couple to announce their marriage after the Czech Republic legalised same-sex civil unions in 2006. He supported the Czech minority LGBT several financial gift, especially at an auction of artworks in a charity project Art For Life.

References

External links
 sidovsky.cz Official website
 Janis Sidovský: Jak se "dělá" nová televize (Ondřej Aust – zpravodajství o médiích v Česku)

1968 births
Living people
LGBT theatre managers and producers
Czech television producers
People from Pardubice
Czech gay men
LGBT television producers

Janis Sidovský


Paledang, peledang, or pledang is a type of Indonesian sailing vessel used for aboriginal whaling from the communities of Lamalera and Lamakera in the islands of Lembata and Solor, respectively. It is propelled by sails made from woven pandan leaves and by paddles. The boat is equipped with a bamboo harpoon, whose hook is attached to the boat using the "sacred rope" called leo, which is made from the leaves of the gebang palm (Corypha utan) and fiber from waru bark (Hibiscus tiliaceus). The boat's crew of around 6 to 10 people also wear a leo aka sacred rope made from cotton and turi bark (Sesbania grandiflora) for luck. The person tasked with the harpoon is called the Lamafa, a position of great importance. Alongside him is an assistant who handles the leo, who also has a high status along with the person who controls the boat (called the Tuan Perahu, lit. "boat master"). Paledang are made by traditional boat-makers called the Ata Molan. He decides on which part of a hunted whale goes to which crew member.

Until the late 90s, these boats were used exclusively for whale hunting, but in modern times, motorized boats called "Johnsons" are also being used.

Gallery

See also
 Whaleboat

References

Boats of Indonesia
Indigenous boats
Outrigger canoes

Paledang


A traditional hunter-gatherer or forager is a human living an ancestrally derived lifestyle in which most or all food is obtained by foraging, that is, by gathering food from local naturally occurring sources, especially edible wild plants but also insects, fungi, honey, bird eggs, or anything safe to eat, and/or by hunting game (pursuing and/or trapping and killing wild animals, including catching fish). This is a common practice among most omnivores. Hunter-gatherer societies stand in contrast to the more sedentary agricultural societies, which rely mainly on cultivating crops and raising domesticated animals for food production, although the boundaries between the two ways of living are not completely distinct.

Hunting and gathering was humanity's original and most enduring successful competitive adaptation in the natural world, occupying at least 90 percent of human history. Following the invention of agriculture, hunter-gatherers who did not change were displaced or conquered by farming or pastoralist groups in most parts of the world.

Only a few contemporary societies of uncontacted people are still classified as hunter-gatherers, and many supplement their foraging activity with horticulture or pastoralism.

Archaeological evidence

Hunting and gathering was presumably the subsistence strategy employed by human societies beginning some 1.8 million years ago, by Homo erectus, and from its appearance some 200,000 years ago by Homo sapiens. Prehistoric hunter-gatherers lived in groups that consisted of several families resulting in a size of a few dozen people. It remained the only mode of subsistence until the end of the Mesolithic period some 10,000 years ago, and after this was replaced only gradually with the spread of the Neolithic Revolution.

The Late Pleistocene witnessed the spread of modern humans outside of Africa as well as the extinction of all other human species. Humans spread to the Australian continent and the Americas for the first time, coincident with the extinction of numerous predominantly megafaunal species. Major extinctions were incurred in Australia beginning approximately 50,000 years ago and in the Americas about 15,000 years ago. Ancient North Eurasians lived in extreme conditions of the mammoth steppes of Siberia and survived by hunting mammoths, bison and woolly rhinoceroses. The settlement of the Americas began when Paleolithic hunter-gatherers entered North America from the North Asian mammoth steppe via the Beringia land bridge.

During the 1970s, Lewis Binford suggested that early humans obtained food via scavenging, not hunting. Early humans in the Lower Paleolithic lived in forests and woodlands, which allowed them to collect seafood, eggs, nuts, and fruits besides scavenging. Rather than killing large animals for meat, according to this view, they used carcasses of such animals that had either been killed by predators or that had died of natural causes. Scientists have demonstrated that the evidence for early human behaviors for hunting versus carcass scavenging vary based on the ecology, including the types of predators that existed and the environment. Archaeological and genetic data suggest that the source populations of Paleolithic hunter-gatherers survived in sparsely wooded areas and dispersed through areas of high primary productivity while avoiding dense forest cover.

According to the endurance running hypothesis, long-distance running as in persistence hunting, a method still practiced by some hunter-gatherer groups in modern times, was likely the driving evolutionary force leading to the evolution of certain human characteristics. This hypothesis does not necessarily contradict the scavenging hypothesis: both subsistence strategies may have been in use sequentially, alternately or even simultaneously.

Starting at the transition between the Middle to Upper Paleolithic period, some 80,000 to 70,000 years ago, some hunter-gatherer bands began to specialize, concentrating on hunting a smaller selection of (often larger) game and gathering a smaller selection of food. This specialization of work also involved creating specialized tools such as fishing nets, hooks, and bone harpoons. The transition into the subsequent Neolithic period is chiefly defined by the unprecedented development of nascent agricultural practices. Agriculture originated as early as 12,000 years ago in the Middle East, and also independently originated in many other areas including Southeast Asia, parts of Africa, Mesoamerica, and the Andes.

Forest gardening was also being used as a food production system in various parts of the world over this period. Forest gardens had originated in prehistoric times along jungle-clad river banks and in the wet foothills of monsoon regions. In the gradual process of families improving their immediate environment, useful tree and vine species were identified, protected, and improved, whilst undesirable species were eliminated. Eventually superior introduced species were selected and incorporated into the gardens.

Many groups continued their hunter-gatherer ways of life, although their numbers have continually declined, partly as a result of pressure from growing agricultural and pastoral communities. Many of them reside in the developing world, either in arid regions or tropical forests. Areas that were formerly available to hunter-gatherers were—and continue to be—encroached upon by the settlements of agriculturalists. In the resulting competition for land use, hunter-gatherer societies either adopted these practices or moved to other areas. In addition, Jared Diamond has blamed a decline in the availability of wild foods, particularly animal resources. In North and South America, for example, most large mammal species had gone extinct by the end of the Pleistocene—according to Diamond, because of overexploitation by humans, one of several explanations offered for the Quaternary extinction event there.

As the number and size of agricultural societies increased, they expanded into lands traditionally used by hunter-gatherers. This process of agriculture-driven expansion led to the development of the first forms of government in agricultural centers, such as the Fertile Crescent, Ancient India, Ancient China, Olmec, Sub-Saharan Africa and Norte Chico.

As a result of the now near-universal human reliance upon agriculture, the few contemporary hunter-gatherer cultures usually live in areas unsuitable for agricultural use.

Archaeologists can use evidence such as stone tool use to track hunter-gatherer activities, including mobility.

Ethnobotany is the field of study whereby food plants of various peoples and tribes worldwide are documented.

Common characteristics

Habitat and population
Most hunter-gatherers are nomadic or semi-nomadic and live in temporary settlements. Mobile communities typically construct shelters using impermanent building materials, or they may use natural rock shelters, where they are available.

Some hunter-gatherer cultures, such as the indigenous peoples of the Pacific Northwest Coast and the Yokuts, lived in particularly rich environments that allowed them to be sedentary or semi-sedentary. Amongst the earliest example of permanent settlements is the Osipovka culture (14–10.3 thousand years ago), which lived in a fish-rich environment that allowed them to be able to stay at the same place all year. One group, the Chumash, had the highest recorded population density of any known hunter and gatherer society with an estimated 21.6 persons per square mile.

Social and economic structure
Hunter-gatherers tend to have an egalitarian social ethos, although settled hunter-gatherers (for example, those inhabiting the Northwest Coast of North America and the Calusa in Florida) are an exception to this rule. For example, the San people or "Bushmen" of southern Africa have social customs that strongly discourage hoarding and displays of authority, and encourage economic equality via sharing of food and material goods. Karl Marx defined this socio-economic system as primitive communism.

The egalitarianism typical of human hunters and gatherers is never total, but is striking when viewed in an evolutionary context. One of humanity's two closest primate relatives, chimpanzees, are anything but egalitarian, forming themselves into hierarchies that are often dominated by an alpha male. So great is the contrast with human hunter-gatherers that it is widely argued by paleoanthropologists that resistance to being dominated was a key factor driving the evolutionary emergence of human consciousness, language, kinship and social organization.

Most anthropologists believe that hunter-gatherers do not have permanent leaders; instead, the person taking the initiative at any one time depends on the task being performed.

Within a particular tribe or people, hunter-gatherers are connected by both kinship and band (residence/domestic group) membership. Postmarital residence among hunter-gatherers tends to be matrilocal, at least initially. Young mothers can enjoy childcare support from their own mothers, who continue living nearby in the same camp. The systems of kinship and descent among human hunter-gatherers were relatively flexible, although there is evidence that early human kinship in general tended to be matrilineal.

The conventional assumption has been that women did most of the gathering, while men concentrated on big game hunting. An illustrative account is Megan Biesele's study of the southern African Ju/'hoan, 'Women Like Meat'. A recent study suggests that the sexual division of labor was the fundamental organizational innovation that gave Homo sapiens the edge over the Neanderthals, allowing our ancestors to migrate from Africa and spread across the globe.

A 1986 study found most hunter-gatherers have a symbolically structured sexual division of labor. However, it is true that in a small minority of cases, women hunted the same kind of quarry as men, sometimes doing so alongside men. Among the Ju'/hoansi people of Namibia, women help men track down quarry. In the Australian Martu, both women and men participate in hunting but with a different style of gendered division; while men are willing to take more risks to hunt bigger animals such as kangaroo for political gain as a form of "competitive magnanimity", women target smaller game such as lizards to feed their children and promote working relationships with other women, preferring a more constant supply of sustenance.

In 2018, 9000-year-old remains of a female hunter along with a toolkit of projectile points and animal processing implements were discovered at the Andean site of Wilamaya Patjxa, Puno District in Peru. A 2020 study inspired by this discovery found that of 27 identified burials with hunter gatherers of a known sex who were also buried with hunting tools, 11 were female hunter gatherers, while 16 were male hunter gatherers. Combined with uncertainties, these findings suggest that anywhere from 30 to 50 percent of big game hunters were female.

A 2023 study that looked at studies of contemporary hunter gatherer societies from the 1800s to the present day found that women hunted in 79 percent of hunter gatherer societies. In the vast majority of cases, "the hunting was purposeful. Women had their own toolkit. They had favourite weapons. Grandmas were the best hunters of the village."

At the 1966 "Man the Hunter" conference, anthropologists Richard Borshay Lee and Irven DeVore suggested that egalitarianism was one of several central characteristics of nomadic hunting and gathering societies because mobility requires minimization of material possessions throughout a population. Therefore, no surplus of resources can be accumulated by any single member. Other characteristics Lee and DeVore proposed were flux in territorial boundaries as well as in demographic composition.

At the same conference, Marshall Sahlins presented a paper entitled, "Notes on the Original Affluent Society", in which he challenged the popular view of hunter-gatherers lives as "solitary, poor, nasty, brutish and short", as Thomas Hobbes had put it in 1651.
According to Sahlins, ethnographic data indicated that hunter-gatherers worked far fewer hours and enjoyed more leisure than typical members of industrial society, and they still ate well. Their "affluence" came from the idea that they were satisfied with very little in the material sense. Later, in 1996, Ross Sackett performed two distinct meta-analyses to empirically test Sahlin's view. The first of these studies looked at 102 time-allocation studies, and the second one analyzed 207 energy-expenditure studies. Sackett found that adults in foraging and horticultural societies work, on average, about 6.5 hours a day, whereas people in agricultural and industrial societies work on average 8.8 hours a day. Sahlins' theory has been criticized for only including time spent hunting and gathering while omitting time spent on collecting firewood, food preparation, etc. Other scholars also assert that hunter-gatherer societies were not "affluent" but suffered from extremely high infant mortality, frequent disease, and perennial warfare.

Researchers Gurven and Kaplan have estimated that around 57% of hunter-gatherers reach the age of 15. Of those that reach 15 years of age, 64% continue to live to or past the age of 45. This places the life expectancy between 21 and 37 years. They further estimate that 70% of deaths are due to diseases of some kind, 20% of deaths come from violence or accidents and 10% are due to degenerative diseases.

Mutual exchange and sharing of resources (i.e., meat gained from hunting) are important in the economic systems of hunter-gatherer societies. Therefore, these societies can be described as based on a "gift economy."

A 2010 paper argued that while hunter-gatherers may have lower levels of inequality than modern, industrialised societies, that does not mean inequality does not exist. The researchers estimated that the average Gini coefficient amongst hunter-gatherers was 0.25, equivalent to the country of Denmark in 2007. In addition, wealth transmission across generations was also a feature of hunter-gatherers, meaning that "wealthy" hunter-gatherers, within the context of their communities, were more likely to have children as wealthy as them than poorer members of their community and indeed hunter-gatherer societies demonstrate an understanding of social stratification. Thus while the researchers agreed that hunter-gatherers were more egalitarian than modern societies, prior characterisations of them living in a state of egalitarian primitive communism were inaccurate and misleading.

This study, however, exclusively examined modern hunter-gatherer communities, offering limited insight into the exact nature of social structures that existed prior to the Neolithic Revolution. Alain Testart and others have said that anthropologists should be careful when using research on current hunter-gatherer societies to determine the structure of societies in the paleolithic era, emphasising cross-cultural influences, progress and development that such societies have undergone in the past 10,000 years. As such, the combined anthropological and archaeological evidence to date continues to favour previous understandings of early hunter-gatherers as largely egalitarian.

Diet

As one moves away from the equator, the importance of plant food decreases and the importance of aquatic food increases. In cold and heavily forested environments, edible plant foods and large game are less abundant and hunter-gatherers may turn to aquatic resources to compensate. Hunter-gatherers in cold climates also rely more on stored food than those in warm climates. However, aquatic resources tend to be costly, requiring boats and fishing technology, and this may have impeded their intensive use in prehistory. Marine food probably did not start becoming prominent in the diet until relatively recently, during the Late Stone Age in southern Africa and the Upper Paleolithic in Europe.

Fat is important in assessing the quality of game among hunter-gatherers, to the point that lean animals are often considered secondary resources or even starvation food. Consuming too much lean meat leads to adverse health effects like protein poisoning, and can in extreme cases lead to death. Additionally, a diet high in protein and low in other macronutrients results in the body using the protein as energy, possibly leading to protein deficiency. Lean meat especially becomes a problem when animals go through a lean season that requires them to metabolize fat deposits.

In areas where plant and fish resources are scarce, hunter-gatherers may trade meat with horticulturalists for carbohydrates. For example, tropical hunter-gatherers may have an excess of protein but be deficient in carbohydrates, and conversely tropical horticulturalists may have a surplus of carbohydrates but inadequate protein. Trading may thus be the most cost-effective means of acquiring carbohydrate resources.

Variability

Hunter-gatherer societies manifest significant variability, depending on climate zone/life zone, available technology, and societal structure. Archaeologists examine hunter-gatherer tool kits to measure variability across different groups. Collard et al. (2005) found temperature to be the only statistically significant factor to impact hunter-gatherer tool kits. Using temperature as a proxy for risk, Collard et al.'s results suggest that environments with extreme temperatures pose a threat to hunter-gatherer systems significant enough to warrant increased variability of tools. These results support Torrence's (1989) theory that the risk of failure is indeed the most important factor in determining the structure of hunter-gatherer toolkits.

One way to divide hunter-gatherer groups is by their return systems.
James Woodburn uses the categories "immediate return" hunter-gatherers for egalitarianism and "delayed return" for nonegalitarian.
Immediate return foragers consume their food within a day or two after they procure it.
Delayed return foragers store the surplus food.

Hunting-gathering was the common human mode of subsistence throughout the Paleolithic, but the observation of current-day hunters and gatherers does not necessarily reflect Paleolithic societies; the hunter-gatherer cultures examined today have had much contact with modern civilization and do not represent "pristine" conditions found in uncontacted peoples.

The transition from hunting and gathering to agriculture is not necessarily a one-way process.
It has been argued that hunting and gathering represents an adaptive strategy, which may still be exploited, if necessary, when environmental change causes extreme food stress for agriculturalists. In fact, it is sometimes difficult to draw a clear line between agricultural and hunter-gatherer societies, especially since the widespread adoption of agriculture and resulting cultural diffusion that has occurred in the last 10,000 years.

Nowadays, some scholars speak about the existence within cultural evolution of the so-called mixed-economies or dual economies which imply a combination of food procurement (gathering and hunting) and food production or when foragers have trade relations with farmers.

Modern and revisionist perspectives

Some of the theorists who advocate this "revisionist" critique imply that, because the "pure hunter-gatherer" disappeared not long after colonial (or even agricultural) contact began, nothing meaningful can be learned about prehistoric hunter-gatherers from studies of modern ones (Kelly, 24–29; see Wilmsen)

Lee and Guenther have rejected most of the arguments put forward by Wilmsen. Doron Shultziner and others have argued that we can learn a lot about the life-styles of prehistoric hunter-gatherers from studies of contemporary hunter-gatherers—especially their impressive levels of egalitarianism.

There are nevertheless a number of contemporary hunter-gatherer peoples who, after contact with other societies, continue their ways of life with very little external influence or with modifications that perpetuate the viability of hunting and gathering in the 21st century. One such group is the Pila Nguru (Spinifex people) of Western Australia, whose habitat in the Great Victoria Desert has proved unsuitable for European agriculture (and even pastoralism). Another are the Sentinelese of the Andaman Islands in the Indian Ocean, who live on North Sentinel Island and to date have maintained their independent existence, repelling attempts to engage with and contact them. The Savanna Pumé of Venezuela also live in an area that is inhospitable to large scale economic exploitation and maintain their subsistence based on hunting and gathering, as well as incorporating a small amount of manioc horticulture that supplements, but is not replacing, reliance on foraged foods.

Americas

Evidence suggests big-game hunter-gatherers crossed the Bering Strait from Asia (Eurasia) into North America over a land bridge (Beringia), that existed between 47,000 and 14,000 years ago. Around 18,500–15,500 years ago, these hunter-gatherers are believed to have followed herds of now-extinct Pleistocene megafauna along ice-free corridors that stretched between the Laurentide and Cordilleran ice sheets. Another route proposed is that, either on foot or using primitive boats, they migrated down the Pacific coast to South America.

Hunter-gatherers would eventually flourish all over the Americas, primarily based in the Great Plains of the United States and Canada, with offshoots as far east as the Gaspé Peninsula on the Atlantic coast, and as far south as Chile, Monte Verde. American hunter-gatherers were spread over a wide geographical area, thus there were regional variations in lifestyles. However, all the individual groups shared a common style of stone tool production, making knapping styles and progress identifiable. This early Paleo-Indian period lithic reduction tool adaptations have been found across the Americas, utilized by highly mobile bands consisting of approximately 25 to 50 members of an extended family.

The Archaic period in the Americas saw a changing environment featuring a warmer more arid climate and the disappearance of the last megafauna. The majority of population groups at this time were still highly mobile hunter-gatherers. Individual groups started to focus on resources available to them locally, however, and thus archaeologists have identified a pattern of increasing regional generalization, as seen with the Southwest, Arctic, Poverty Point, Dalton and Plano traditions. These regional adaptations would become the norm, with reliance less on hunting and gathering, with a more mixed economy of small game, fish, seasonally wild vegetables and harvested plant foods.

Scholars like Kat Anderson have suggested that the term Hunter-gatherer is reductive because it implies that Native Americans never stayed in one place long enough to affect the environment around them. However, many of the landscapes in the Americas today are due to the way the Natives of that area originally tended the land. Anderson specifically looks at California Natives and the practices they utilized to tame their land. Some of these practices included pruning, weeding, sowing, burning, and selective harvesting. These practices allowed them to take from the environment in a sustainable manner for centuries.

California Indians view the idea of wilderness in a negative light. They believe that wilderness is the result of humans losing their knowledge of the natural world and how to care for it. When the earth turns back to wilderness after the connection with humans is lost then the plants and animals will retreat and hide from the humans.

See also

 Beachcombing
 Nomads
 Cro-Magnon
 Homo floresiensis
 Human migration
 Human history
 Indigenous peoples
 Neanderthals
 Neolithic Revolution
 Origins of society
 Paleolithic
 Prehistoric music
 Primitive skills
 Stateless society
 Tribe
 Clan
 Caucasian Hunter-Gatherer
 Comb Ceramic culture
 Pitted Ware culture
 Uncontacted peoples

Modern hunter-gatherer groups

 Aeta people
 Aka people
 Andamanese people
 Angu people
 Awá-Guajá people
 Batek people
 Efé people
 Fuegians
 Hadza people
 Indigenous peoples of the Pacific Northwest Coast
 Inuit
 Iñupiat
 Jarawa people (Andaman Islands)
 Kawahiva people
 Maniq people
 Mbuti people
 Mlabri people
 Moriori people
 Nukak people
 Onge people
 Penan people
 Pirahã people
 Raute people
 San people
 Semang people
 Sentinelese people
 Tjimba people
 Yaruro (Pumé) people
 Ye'kuana people
 Yupik people

Social movements
 Anarcho-primitivism, which strives for the abolishment of civilization and the return to a life in the wild.
 Freeganism involves gathering of food (and sometimes other materials) in the context of an urban or suburban environment.
 Gleaning involves the gathering of food that traditional farmers have left behind in their fields.
 Paleolithic diet, which strives to achieve a diet similar to that of ancient hunter-gatherer groups.

References

Further reading

Books

  (Reviewed in The Montreal Review)

Articles

External links

 International Society for Hunter Gatherer Research (ISHGR)
 History of the Conference on Hunting and Gathering Societies (CHAGS)
 The Association of Foragers: An international association for teachers of hunter-gatherer skills.
 A wiki dedicated to the scientific study of the diversity of foraging societies without recreating myths

Anthropological categories of peoples
Nomads
Stone Age

Human evolution
Economic systems
Foraging

Hunter-gatherer


The Tories were one of the two political parties which existed in Britain from the 17th to the early 19th centuries. They were the opponents of the Whigs, which were for a long time the ruling party.

The Tories were first part of the Parliament of England, the legislature of the kingdom of England. After the Acts of Union 1707, the Tories were part of the United Kingdom's Parliament of Great Britain, and after the Act of Union 1800 they were part of the Parliament of the United Kingdom.

The Tories were originally (1678 to about 1770) the supporters of the Catholic kings (Charles I and II, James I and II), limiting the power of UK Parliament and supporting freedoms for Catholics. Later, (1780 to 1830) they became the New Tory Party, and were again a successful party able to hold government.

The most famous leaders of the New Tory Party were William Pitt the Younger, and Robert Peel the industrialist. Benjamin Disraeli built the modern Conservative Party out of the remains of the New Tory Party.

References

Former political parties in the United Kingdom
17th-century establishments in England
19th-century disestablishments in the United Kingdom
Conservative Party (UK)

Tories


Hazairin (Gelar Pangeran Alamsyah Harahap; 28 November 1906 – 11 December 1975) was the Indonesia's Minister of Home Affairs from 30 July 1953 to 18 November 1954, serving in the First Ali Sastroamidjojo Cabinet.

Biography
Hazairin was born in Bukittinggi, West Sumatra, Dutch East Indies on 28 November 1906 to a strict religious family of Persian descent. His father, Zakaria Bahar, was a teacher from Bengkulu and his mother was of Minangkabau descent. As a child, he moved to Bengkulu to begin his schooling at a Hollands Indlandsche School, or Dutch school for Native Indonesians. After graduating in 1920, he moved to Padang to study at a Meer Uitgebreid Lager Onderwijs, graduating in 1924. During the same period, he studied Arabic and the Quran with his grandfather, expanding on his Islamic studies in his own time.

Hazairin later left for Bandung, in West Java, to study at the Algemene Middelbare School there, graduating in 1927. He then went to Batavia (modern day Jakarta) to study at the Institute of Law (Rechtkundige Hoogeschool), focusing on adat law. He graduated in 1935.

After graduation, Hazairin returned to Bengkulu under the tutelage of B. Ter Haar, a respected Dutch expert on adat, to study the Rejang people there. Using the results as the basis for his dissertation, entitled "De Redjang" ("The Rejang"), he received a doctorate on 29 May 1936. He was the only native Indonesian doctor to graduate from the Batavia Institute of Law. From 1935 until 1938 he also served as a guest lecturer at the institution.

In 1938 Hazairin obtained a post at a court in Padang Sidempuan, North Sumatra, where he stayed until the Japanese invaded the Indies in 1942; during the same period he served to enforce adat law throughout South Tapanuli. Throughout the Japanese occupation, he served as one of their legal advisers.

After Indonesia's independence in 1945, Hazairin served as chief justice of the South Tapanuli court. He also served on the Central Indonesian National Committee. In 1946, he was promoted to regent (residen) of Bengkulu, also becoming the Vice Military Governor of South Sumatra; during his time as regent, he released his own currency to bolster the faltering economy of the region. In 1948, he served as head of the Great Indonesia Party (Partai Indonesia Raya), an offshoot of the Indonesian National Party, which he had helped found.

In 1950 Hazairin returned to Jakarta, becoming a lecturer on adat and Islamic law at the University of Indonesia. In early 1953 he served as the head of the Civil / Criminal Law Division at the Ministry of Justice. He later was selected as Minister of Internal Affairs for the First Ali Sastroamidjojo Cabinet, serving from 30 July 1953 to 18 November 1954. During his term, he helped pass a law guaranteeing inheritance rights to children born out of wedlock and unmarried live-together partners. He later served in the Ministry of Justice, retiring in 1959.

After retiring from politics, Hazairin founded the Wakaf Foundation of Islamic Higher Learning (Yayasan Wakaf Perguruan Tinggi Islam, later the Islamic University of Jakarta Foundation) in Jakarta, later serving as the rector of its university. Beginning in 1960 until his death on 11 December 1975, he served as president of Syarif Hidayatullah State Islamic University. He also taught at the Jakarta School of Policing (Perguruan Tinggi Ilmu Kepolisian).

Views
Hazairin wrote extensively on marriage law in relation to Islam, and is considered a moderate. He saw Islam as having a bilateral marriage system; in other words, not matrilineal and not patrilineal. He based this opinion on three things. Firstly, he read Sura An-Nisa verses 23 and 24 as allowing cousin marriages, which in his opinion showed support for the bilateral system. Secondly, he noted that verse 11 of Sura An-Nisa allowed inheritances to both sons and daughters; he believed that a patrilineal society would only allow sons to inherit wealth. Finally, verses 12 and 176 of Sura An-Nisa allowed all siblings to share equally in the inheritance.

Legacy
For his work in South Tapanuli, Hazairin was given the title Gelar Pangeran Alamsyah Harahap. The government awarded him several medals, including the Bintang Satya Lencana Widya Satia, the Bintang Gerilya, the Bhayangkara Kelas III, and the Bintang Kartika Eka Paksi Kelas III. Hazairin University in Bengkulu is named after him.

Personal life
Hazairin was a polyglot, fluent in Dutch, Indonesian, English, and French, with a passive comprehension of Arabic, Latin, and German.

Selected works
Hazairin published 17 works regarding adat and Islamic law, with those about adat noting the diversity found in Indonesia, and those on Islamic law pushing for an amalgamation of Islamic and secular law. Among his works are:

References
Footnotes

Bibliography

1906 births
1975 deaths
Academic staff of the University of Indonesia
Indonesian people of Iranian descent
Interior ministers of Indonesia
People from West Sumatra
Indonesian Muslims
National Heroes of Indonesia

Hazairin


The French Revolutionary Wars are conflicts between 1792 and 1802 that started by the French Revolution in which France fought Britain, Austria, Prussia, Russia and several other countries that were called monarchies. There are (mostly) two conflicts: the War of the First Coalition (1792–1797) and the War of the Second Coalition (1798–1802). The fighting was at first mainly in Europe but then spread across the world. After ten years of fighting, France took much land from what is now Italy, Belgium, Luxembourg, the Netherlands and Germany and gave up Louisiana, which is now in the United States and Canada. Because France won the wars, it spread revolutionary ideas across much of Europe.

The French Revolution removed the King of France, King Louis XVI, from power. As early as 1791, the other monarchies of Europe hated the French Revolution and wondered if they should intervene to stop the revolution from spreading, or they should take advantage of the disorder in France. Austria put many troops next to its French border and, together with Prussia, threatened France if it hurt King Louis and his wife, Queen Marie Antoinette in the Declaration of Pillnitz. After Austria refused to move its troops away from the French border or to stop threatening France, a French declaration of war on Austria and Prussia happened in the spring of 1792. both countries then invaded France, but France won the Battle of Valmy in September. The victory gave the National Convention, a new French government, the confidence to get rid of the monarchy. France won more battles but was stopped after it was defeated at Neerwinden, now in Belgium, in the spring of 1793. France lost more battles for the rest of the year, and the difficult times allowed the Jacobins to rise to power and start the Reign of Terror, which killed people who opposed the revolution.

In 1794, the situation was very good for France, which won huge battles against the Austrians and the Spanish. That started a new stage in the wars. By 1795, the French took land in much of present-day Belgium from Austria and land in much of the present-day Netherlands from the Dutch. France also made Spain and Prussia sign peace treaties to end the war. A general, Napoleon Bonaparte, who was mostly unknown, began his first campaign in Italy in April 1796. In less than a year, he led French armies that destroyed the Habsburg forces, kicked them out of Italy, won almost every battle and took 150,000 prisoners. After France started to get near Vienna, the capital of Austria, the Austrians surrendered and ended the War of the First Coalition against France.

The War of the Second Coalition began in 1798 after Napoleon invaded Egypt. The other countries took advantage of Napoleon being far away to take back lost land taken by France. The war began well for them in Europe, and they kicked France out of Italy, invaded Switzerland and won many battles along the way. However, they quickly started to lose after France won a battle at Zürich in September 1799, which made Russia stop fighting. Meanwhile, Napoleon destroyed many Egyptian and Ottoman armies. Napoleon's victories in Egypt made him more popular back in France, and he returned home successful in the autumn of 1799 although he had failed his goal in Egypt. Also, thr Royal Navy had won the Battle of the Nile in 1798, which gave Britain more powerful control of the Mediterranean and weakened the French Navy.

Napoleon overthrew the Directory, the government of France, in a coup after he had arrived in France. He became a dictator with the title of First Consul. Napoleon then reorganised the French Army and attacked the Austrians in Italy during the spring of 1800. France won the Battle of Marengo in June 1800, which madeAustria leave Italy once again.

France won again at Hohenlinden, Bavaria, and made Austria surrender for a second time after the signing of the Treaty of Lunéville in 1801. Britain was alone after Austria and Russia stopped fightin, and agreed to the Treaty of Amiens with France in 1802, which ended the Revolutionary Wars. However, both countries still hated each other, and the Napoleonic Wars began over a year later after the Third Coalition had been formed.

References

Revolutions
Wars involving France
1790s in Europe
1800s in Europe
18th-century conflicts
19th-century conflicts

als:Koalitionskriege

French Revolutionary Wars


A lava lamp is a decorative lamp, invented in 1963 by British entrepreneur Edward Craven Walker, the founder of the lighting company Mathmos.

It consists of a bolus of a special coloured wax mixture inside a glass vessel, the remainder of which contains clear or translucent liquid. The vessel is placed on a base containing an incandescent light bulb whose heat causes temporary reductions in the wax's density and the liquid's surface tension. As the warmed wax rises through the liquid, it cools, loses its buoyancy, and falls back to the bottom of the vessel in a cycle that is visually suggestive of pāhoehoe lava, hence the name. The lamps are designed in a variety of styles and colours.

Lava lamps can be associated with hippie and cannabis cultures.

Operation

A classic lava lamp contains a standard incandescent or halogen lamp which heats a tall (often tapered) glass bottle. A formula from a 1968 US patent consisted of water and a transparent, translucent, or opaque mix of mineral oil, paraffin wax, and carbon tetrachloride.p. 2, line 30 The clear water or mineral oil can optionally be coloured with translucent dyes.

Common wax has a density much lower than that of water and would float on top at any temperature. However, carbon tetrachloride is denser than water (also nonflammable and miscible with wax) and is added to the wax to make its density at room temperature slightly higher than that of the water. When heated, the wax mixture becomes less dense than the water, because it expands more than water when both are heated.p. 1, lines 40 & 45  It also becomes fluid, causing blobs of it to ascend to the top of the lamp. There, they cool, increasing their density relative to that of the water, and descend.p. 1, line 47 A metallic wire coil in the bottle's base breaks the cooled blobs' surface tension, allowing them to recombine.

Since 1970, lava lamps made for the US market have not used carbon tetrachloride, whose use was banned that year due to toxicity. Haggerty, their current manufacturer, has stated that their current formulation is a trade secret.

The underlying fluid mechanics phenomenon in lava lamps is a form of Rayleigh–Taylor instability.

The bulb is normally 25 to 40 watts. It generally takes 45–60 minutes for the wax to warm up enough to form freely rising blobs, when operating the lamp at standard room temperature, and as long as 2 to 3 hours if the room is cooler.

Once the wax is molten, the lamp should not be agitated, or the two fluids may emulsify, and the fluid surrounding the wax blobs will remain cloudy rather than clear. Some recombination will occur as part of the normal cycle of the wax in the container, but the only way to recombine all of the wax is to turn off the lamp and wait for a few hours. The wax then settles back to the bottom, forming one blob once again. Severe cases can require many heating-cooling cycles to clear.

In 2015, a new design was introduced that uses ferrofluid in place of wax.

History

British entrepreneur Edward Craven Walker had the idea for the lava lamp in 1963 after watching a homemade egg timer, made from a cocktail shaker filled with liquids, as it bubbled on a stovetop in a pub. This precursor was designed and patented  by Donald Dunnet. Craven Walker hired British inventor David George Smith to develop the device and the chemical formula it required. Smith is credited as the inventor on the original  for a "Display Device" filed and assigned to Craven-Walker's company in 1965, and subsequently issued in 1968. Craven Walker's company, Crestworth, was based in Poole, Dorset, United Kingdom. He named the lamp "Astro" and had variations such as the "Astro Mini" and the "Astro Coach" lantern.

In 1965, Adolph Wertheimer and Hy Spector were intrigued by Walker's product when they saw it at a German trade show. They bought the American rights and began the Lava Manufacturing Corporation in Chicago to sell what they called the Lava Lite Lamp. In the late 1970s, US rights were sold to Larry Haggerty, who created a subsidiary of his company, Haggerty Enterprises, called Lava World International, which produced American lava lamps for over 30 years.

In 2003, American lava lamp maker Lava World International (formerly Lava-Simplex-Scribe Internationale) moved its production to China. In 2008, it was acquired by Talon Merchant Capital and its name was changed to Lava Lite LLC. As of 2016, lava lamps were being sold under Lifespan brands in North America. In 2018, the 'Lava Lamp' brand was acquired by toy and gift maker Schylling Inc. of North Andover, MA. who continue to hold the US trademark rights to both the shape and name of LAVA lamp.

When the American rights were sold, Craven Walker retained the rights for the rest of the world, and took on two business partners in the late 1980s, Cressida Granger and David Mulley. They eventually took over the company and changed its name to Mathmos in 1992. Edward Craven Walker remained a consultant to them until his death in 2000. Mathmos continues to make Lava Lamps and related products. They have won two Queens Awards for Export, and the Best Multi-Media prize at the Design Week awards. Astro lava lamp was launched in 1963 and celebrated its 50th anniversary in 2013. Mathmos lava lamps are still made in the original factory in Poole, Dorset.

See also
 Bubble light
 Lavarand, a random number generator that used lava lamps
 Plasma globe

References

Further reading

External links

 How Do Lava Lamps Work? - from The Straight Dope
 How Liquid Motion Lamps Work - from howstuffworks.com
 What exactly is the goop inside a lava lamp? - from Technology Connections
 Lava lamps creators mark 50 years of 1960s icon - BBC News
 The history of the original lava lamp - Flow of lava

1960s fads and trends
1970s fads and trends
20th-century inventions
Articles containing video clips
Brands that became generic
British inventions
Hippie movement
Novelty items
Products introduced in 1968
Types of lamp

Lava lamp


Frederick of Anhalt-Harzgerode (16 November 1613, Ensdorf, Bavaria – 30 June 1670, Plötzkau), was a German prince of the House of Ascania and the first ruler of the principality of Anhalt-Harzgerode.

He was the fourth (but third surviving son) of Christian I, Prince of Anhalt-Bernburg, by his wife Anna of Bentheim-Tecklenburg, daughter of Arnold III, Count of Bentheim-Steinfurt-Tecklenburg-Limburg. In fact, he was the youngest son of his parents who survived into adulthood: his younger brother, Frederick Louis, born in 1619, died in infancy.

Life
After the death of his father in 1630, Frederick and his brother Ernest were excluded from the government of Anhalt-Bernburg by their older brother Christian II. Ernest died two years later, unmarried and childless.

Only in 1635 Christian II concluded a treaty to divide the principality with Frederick, then his only surviving brother, who received Harzgerode.

Frederick ruled his small principality without complications for almost thirty years, until 1665, when the extinction of the line of Anhalt-Plötzkau changed the original division of the Anhalt principalities. Plötzkau returned to Anhalt-Bernburg, from which it was originally extracted in order to create a new principality; Christian II granted this land to Frederick, who moved there until his death, five years later.

From 1660 until 1668, Frederick was heir presumptive to the principality of Anhalt-Bernburg, preceded only by his nephew Victor Amadeus.

Marriages and Issue
In Bückeburg on 10 August 1642 Frederick married Johanna Elisabeth (b. Dillenburg, 7 January 1619 – d. Harzgerode, 2 March 1647), daughter of John Louis, Prince of Nassau-Hadamar. They had three children:
William Louis, Prince of Anhalt-Harzgerode (b. Harzgerode, 18 August 1643 – d. Harzgerode, 14 October 1709).
Anna Ursula (b. Harzgerode, 24 June 1645 – d. Harzgerode, 25 February 1647).
Elisabeth Charlotte (b. Harzgerode, 11 February 1647 – d. Osterholm, 20 January 1723), married on 25 August 1663 to William Louis, Prince of Anhalt-Köthen, then for a second time on 6 October 1666 to Augustus, Duke of Schleswig-Holstein-Sonderburg-Plön-Norburg.

In Harzgerode on 26 May 1657 Frederick married for a second time to Anna Katharina (b. Brake, 31 July 1612 – d. Harzgerode, 15 October 1659), daughter of Simon VII, Count of Lippe-Detmold. This union was childless.

1613 births
1670 deaths
People from Amberg-Sulzbach
Princes of Anhalt-Harzgerode
House of Ascania

Frederick, Prince of Anhalt-Harzgerode