A kickoff is a method of starting a drive in gridiron football. Additionally, it may refer to a kickoff time, the scheduled time of the first  kickoff of a game. Typically, a kickoff consists of one team – the "kicking team" – kicking the ball to the opposing team – the "receiving team". The receiving team is then entitled to return the ball, i.e., attempt to advance it towards the kicking team's end zone, until the player with the ball is tackled by the kicking team, goes out of bounds, scores a touchdown, or the play is otherwise ruled dead. Kickoffs take place at the start of each half of play, the beginning of overtime in some overtime formats, and after scoring plays.

Common variants on the typical kickoff format include the onside kick, in which the kicking team attempts to regain possession of the ball; a touchback, which may occur if the ball is kicked into the receiving team's end zone; or a fair catch, in which a player on the receiving team asks to catch the ball without interference from the kicking team, waiving his entitlement to attempt a return rush. Additionally, penalties exist for various infractions such as a player violating his position restrictions prior to the kick (5-yard penalty), or if the ball goes out of bounds before touching a player (25 yards past the spot of the kick or placed at the spot the ball left the field of play, whichever is more advantageous to the receiving team).

Award

A kickoff occurs at the start of each half and before the first overtime (in the National and Arena Football Leagues). It is also traditionally decided by a coin toss at the beginning of each game carried out by the referee. The visiting team captain calls either heads or tails. The winner of the coin toss elects whether to take first choice in the first half or the second half. The captain with first choice then picks either a team to kick off or an end of the field to defend. The other captain chooses the remaining option. At the beginning of the second half, the two captains choose in the reverse order. If an overtime is required, another coin toss takes place to decide who gets first possession during the overtime. After a touchdown the scoring team kicks the ball off to the opposing team. In American football a field goal also results in a kickoff by the scoring team, but in Canadian football the scored-against team has an option of scrimmaging from their 35-yard line or receiving a kickoff. An exception to the Canadian rule applies in U Sports competition; if a team scores a field goal on a play that began after the three-minute warning in the fourth quarter, a kickoff is mandatory, with the scoring team kicking off from the standard position of its own 45-yard line.

After a safety in Canadian football, the scored-against kicks off. In American football, a kickoff is an option, but most teams choose to punt the ball on the free kick; the National Football League, in contrast to most other leagues, prohibits the use of a kicking tee on a safety free kick.

Procedure

The line where the ball is placed for kickoff varies among the rule books. It is placed on the kicking team's 20-yard line in the current USFL, the 30-yard line in six-man football and the current XFL, 35-yard line in college and the NFL, 40-yard line in American high school football, on the 45-yard line in amateur Canadian football, and the goal line in indoor and arena football. For the 2016 season only, the Ivy League placed the ball on the 40-yard line in conference games. All players on the kicking team except the kicker (and, if used, a holder) must not cross the line at which the ball is placed until the ball is kicked. The receiving team must stay behind the line that is 10 yards from where the ball is placed. The ball can be fielded by the receiving team at any point after it has been kicked, or by the kicking team after it has traveled 10 yards or has been touched by a member of the receiving team. In American football (but not Canadian) touchback and fair catch rules apply to the kicked ball. If it is fielded by the kicking team, it is called an onside kick. A low, bouncing kick is called a squib kick. Although a squib kick typically gives the receiving team better field position than they would if a normal kick had been used, a squib kick is sometimes used to avoid giving up a long return, as well as use up a valuable amount of time on the clock, as it is impossible to fair catch such a kick. It is usually done when a team takes the lead in the final seconds, and is done to safely run out the remainder of the clock. Squib kicking with more than 20 seconds remaining has had unfortunate results (a line drive kick is more common when there are 20 to 50 seconds remaining; the typical hurry-up offense drive takes over a minute), but has been done by some teams.

The current XFL uses a unique kickoff procedure. Kickoffs take place from the kicking team's 30-yard line, as opposed to the 35-yard line in the NFL. The positioning of players is dramatically different from that in any other outdoor football league. All players on both teams, except the kicker and a single returner, must line up directly across from each other, with the kicking team on the receiving team's 35 and the receiving team on its own 30. On each side of the ball, each team must have at least two players lined up between the outside of the yard markers and the sideline, and at least two players between the inside of the yard marker and the hashmarks. All players except the kicker and returner must remain stationary, with both feet on the ground and at least one on the team's appropriate yard line, until the returner catches the ball, or the ball has been on the ground for 3 seconds. Touchbacks are spotted at the receiving team's 35-yard line. The XFL also has severe penalties for kicks that go out of bounds, or fall short of the receiving team's 20-yard line. Onside kicks are allowed, using more conventional outdoor football rules, but the referee must be informed before such a kick can be attempted.

Penalties

If a receiving player crosses his restraining line before the kick, the ball is to be advanced 5 yards, then re-kicked. If a kicking team player crosses the line at which the ball is placed before it is kicked, the receiving team has the option either to have the kicking team re-kick from 5 yards farther back, or have 5 yards added on to the end of the return. In high school football, the receiving team only has the option to make the kicking team re-kick.

If the ball goes out of bounds without being touched by a player, the receiving team can choose either to have the ball moved back 5 yards and re-kicked, to take the ball 25 yards (30 yards under NCAA rules; 25 yards under National Federation high school rules) past the spot of the kick (usually at their own 35-yard line), or to take the ball where it went out of bounds. On an onside kick, if the ball does not travel ten yards before the kicking team recovers the ball, they will take a 5-yard penalty and have the chance to kick another onside kick. If the onside kick goes less than 10 yards again, the receiving team will receive the ball at the spot the kicking team recovered it. However, if the receiving team touches the ball before it goes 10 yards, either team can recover it unpenalized.

The XFL has distinctive penalties for kicks that go out of bounds, fail to reach the receiving team's 20-yard line in flight, or return behind the 20 after touching the ground past it. For a kick that goes out of bounds, the receiving team may take possession either at the spot where the ball went out of bounds, or at the kicking team's 45-yard line. On kicks that fail to reach the 20, or return to the area between the 20 and the kicking team, the ball is immediately whistled dead and the receiving team receives possession at the kicking team's 45. The USFL has a similarly severe penalty for kicks that go out of bounds; the receiving team may take possession at the spot where the ball went out of bounds, or at the 50-yard line

Kickoff into end zone
Kickoffs entering the end zone are handled differently in American and Canadian rules. In the American college and professional game, as well as Texas high school football, if the ball goes out of bounds in the receiving team's end zone or is recovered and downed in the receiving team's end zone, the ball is placed at the receiving team's 25-yard line, and possession is given to the receiving team; these are known as touchbacks. High school football (apart from Texas) immediately rules the ball dead when the ball crosses the goal line; the ball cannot be returned from the end zone, nor can it be recovered there for a touchdown. NFL immediately rules the ball dead, when the ball touches the ground in the endzone, if not been touched by the receivers before. In the Canadian game if the ball goes into the end zone and then out of bounds without being touched, the receiving team scrimmages from the 25-yard line (no points are scored). If the receiving team gains possession of a kickoff in its own end zone and then fails to return it into the field of play, the kicking team scores one point, and the receiving team scrimmages from the 35-yard line. If the kicking team gains possession in the end zone, they score a touchdown. Various forms of indoor football also recognize the single, but the ball must not only cross the end zone, but pass through the uprights (as in a field goal) as well. If the kicking team recovers its own kickoff in the end zone in any version of the game (something that, as previously mentioned, is impossible in high school football outside of Texas), it scores a touchdown.

Kickoffs into the end zone resulting in touchbacks became much more common in the NFL in 2011 as a result of a rule change. Whereas the kicking team previously kicked the ball off from their 30-yard line, the NFL moved the spot of the kickoff up 5 yards before the 2011 season in an attempt to avoid injuries from high-speed collisions. Only 16 percent of kickoffs in the 2010 season were touchbacks, but that jumped to almost 44 percent after the rule change.

In the current XFL, the standard spot for a touchback is the receiving team's 35-yard line. However, if a kickoff or free kick after a safety first bounces outside the end zone and is then downed by the receiving team in its end zone, the ball is spotted on the receiving team's 15 instead of the 35.

Return

Under standard rules (i.e., those in leagues other than the XFL), to receive a kickoff and set up a kickoff return, the receiving team sets up its players starting from 10 yards back from the point the ball is kicked from. There are usually one or two players positioned deep (around the goal line) that will attempt to catch or pick up the ball after it is kicked off by the opposing team's kicker. They will then attempt to carry the ball as far as possible upfield, without being tackled or running out of bounds. The other players are to block the kickoff team from getting to their kickoff returner.

Alternatives
In certain leagues consisting of younger players, and in the short-lived professional Alliance of American Football, there are no kickoffs. Teams are automatically awarded the ball at a certain spot on the field. In the AAF, this spot was the 25-yard line of the team receiving possession.

See also
 Punt

External links
 NFL rulebook online
 NFL Rules concerning Free Kicks (Kickoffs and Safety Kicks)
 CFL Rulebook

Footnotes

References

American football plays
American football terminology
Canadian football terminology
Articles containing video clips

Kickoff (gridiron football)


Iván Fliszár (Ivan Flisar, Janoš Flisar) was an obscure Slovene Lutheran teacher in Hungary. He wrote his manuscript prayer-book in Prekmurje Slovene in Bodonci. This may have been the first Lutheran prayer-book in the Prekmurje dialect. In 1797, István Szijjártó published the first printed prayer-book for the Hungarian Slovene Lutherans, Molítvi na ſztári ſzlovenſzki jezik (Prayers in Old Slovene).

Today the manuscript is the property of Simon Sever, the Lutheran priest in Bodonci.

See also
 List of Slovene writers and poets in Hungary

Slovenian writers and poets in Hungary
People from the Municipality of Puconci

Iván Fliszár


Dame Judith Obiajulu Amaechi  (née Nwankwo; born 24 December 1970) is the wife of former Rivers State Governor Chibuike Amaechi. She is head of the Empowerment Support Initiative (ESI) which campaigns against HIV/AIDS, advocates the rights of the women and children, and promotes gender equity and Girl Child education.

Amaechi was born on 24 December 1970 in Enugu Ukwu, Anambra State. She attended Federal Government Girls' College, Abuloma for her secondary education. She then attended Rivers State University of Science and Technology, where she graduated as an Urban and Regional Planning Professional.
She married Chibuike Amaechi and they have three children.

Amaechi launched the Empowerment Support Initiative, a Non-Governmental Organization (NGO), on 16 October 2008. The NGO provides practical support and advice for women and children, particularly the most disadvantaged.
In June 2009, speaking during International Widows Day, Amaechi called for review of native laws and customary practices that cause distress to widows, sometimes throwing them into abject poverty.
In March 2010 she visited Israel with the State Commissioner for Women Affairs, Manuela George-Izunwa, to inspect farms and discuss training and development of agriculture among women in Rivers State.

In 2009 Amaechi sponsored a free mass de-worming program Rivers State children.
She was a strong supporter of the Child Rights Act passed in Rivers state in 2010, aiming to prevent abuse of children.
In August 2010 she opened a four-week Information and Communication Technology Farm, which provides free computer training in the holidays to junior and senior secondary school students.

References

Living people
Nigerian women in politics
First ladies and gentlemen of Rivers State
Rivers State politicians
1970 births
Rivers State University alumni
People from Anambra State
Nigerian feminists
HIV/AIDS activists
Nigerian Christians
Activists from Rivers State

Judith Amaechi


The HTC Universal is a Windows Mobile 5.0 Pocket PC PDA manufactured by High Tech Computer Corporation. It was the first 3G/UMTS-enabled Pocket PC PDA with a telecommunications function, and also the first to come with Windows Mobile 5.0 pre-installed.

It was sold by many different vendors under the names of O2 xda Exec, Orange SPV M5000, Dopod 900, Qtek 9000, T-Mobile MDA Pro, I-mate JasJar, Vodafone v1640, Vodafone VPA IV, E-Plus PDA IV, etc. Despite all the different model names and housing appearance, they all have identical hardware specifications with small differences in the external color and branding.

The most notable feature of the HTC Universal is its 180-degree swivel screen, allowing a quick swap between portrait mode and landscape mode. The included version of Windows Mobile 5.0 automatically adjusts screen orientation to match screen orientation.

SIM lock
Most network-supplied versions of the Universal are shipped SIM-locked, with the O2 XDA Exec being a notable exception. HowevXdaer, a free SIM unlocking tool was released.  This process involves flashing a new Radio ROM onto the device, and it may invalidate the device's warranty.

Detailed specifications
Screen Size: 3.7 in (9.4 cm) Transflective LCD
Screen Resolution: 640 x 480 VGA at 216 ppi
Input: 62-key QWERTY keyboard and touchscreen with stylus (included; stylus also available separately for 19 EUR as of October 2008)
Cameras: 2
1.3 MP CMOS Camera with LED "flash" mounted on the reverse of the keyboard section
QVGA (320 x 240) CMOS Camera for 3G video calling, mounted beside the screen, close to the hinge
Processor: Intel Bulverde (PXA270) 520 MHz CPU
Memory: Flash ROM: 128 MB, RAM: 128 MB/64 MB SDRAM
Memory expansion: SDIO/MMC card slot (officially without SDHC, with maximum capacity supported being 4GB, but there is unofficial SDHC support from xda-developers  SDHC cards are accepted with Windows Mobile 6.1 or higher and there is another unofficial update to Windows Mobile 5 that allows the use of SDXC cards up to 64GB.)
Network Standard: Tri-Band GSM/GPRS (900/1800/1900) + WCDMA (UMTS) (2100 MHz)
GPRS: Class B Multi-slot standard class 10 PBCCH MO/MT SMS over GPRS
Connection interface: Client only Mini-USB connector, USB charging, USB 2.0 protocol
Wireless connectivity: Infrared IrDA FIR, Bluetooth 1.2 Class 2 compliant, WiFi 802.11b IEEE 802.11b compliant, Internal Antenna, 11, 5.5, 2 and 1 Mbit/s per channel, 64-, 128-bit WEP and WPA standard data encryption
Standard battery capacity: 1620 mAh (included; battery is removable)
Charging: Mini USB (also used for data transfer)

Extended batteries
There have been many high-capacity "extended" batteries available for the HTC Universal. 2600mAh, 3150mAh, 3200mAh, 3800mAh, 4800mAh and even 5200mAh models have been sold by various retailers, which allow the device to run for an extended period of time. Similarly to most expandable battery technology, they make the device heavier. The 3800 mAh battery is a Lithium-Ion battery with model number PU16B manufactured by Dynapack International Technology Corporation in Taiwan.

Unofficial extensions
Registry editing and ROM reflashing can be used to modify the device's included software to add such features as:

Wireless G (802.11g) connectivity. This only allows the device to communicate using the 802.11g protocol instead of 802.11b, it does not give a speed increase beyond 11 Mbit. However, numerous online sources now say this no longer works.
Full emulation of an "SD card reader" (USB mass storage device class).
Full VGA (640 x 480 resolution) graphics, as opposed to the "QVGA (320 x 240) emulation/compatibility mode" which the Universal runs in by default. The two main downsides to this are that some software cannot handle "true VGA" mode, which usually results in corrupted graphics, and that it can be quite difficult to see (and use a stylus with) such small screen elements as text.
Emulation and mapping of additional keys not found on the Universal native keyboard, such as CTRL and ALT.
Support for SDHC cards. 8 GB, 16 GB and 32 GB cards have been tested successfully. This is only made possible via a third-party hacked driver.
128 MB of RAM. It is possible to replace 64 MB memory modules with 128 MB one. It can be only used with 128 MB enabled ROMs but it makes more space for running applications.

Linux
It is possible to install a custom version of Linux on the HTC Universal. Despite the lack of cooperation by HTC (and most other smartphone/PPC manufacturers for that matter), drivers for most of the device's components are functional (the two cameras and the flash ROM being the only significant exceptions). It is possible to run various handheld Linux distributions on the Universal, though application support is in its infancy.

Windows Mobile 6 (Crossbow)
There are numerous "unofficial" builds of Windows Mobile 6 (Crossbow) which have been made to run on this device, and now even some tools whthatllow users to create their own custom WM6 ROM images (a process commonly known by the term "cooking ROMs"). There is a community dedicated to improving these WM6 builds (and associated tools) on the Universal.

References

External links
xda-developers The largest community of Pocket PC phone users. The majority of "unofficial" WM6 ROM development/hacking for the Universal & many other PPC phones is located here.
Android on the HTC Universal
www.iPocketPC.Net The largest software website for free HTC software for Pocket PC and Windows Mobile.
 HTC Universal section of the xda-developers' wiki
Linux on Universal status page
Supported hardware page of the Openmoko project
Runnable Linux images for the HTC Universal
Titchy Mobile - Debian GNU/Linux on the HTC Universal
Linux on the HTC Universal

Windows Mobile Professional devices
Universal
Mobile phones with an integrated hardware keyboard
Mobile phones with infrared transmitter

HTC Universal


The ITB Berlin (Internationale Tourismus-Börse Berlin) is the world's largest tourism trade fair. The companies represented at the fair include hotels, tourist boards, tour operators, system providers, airlines and car rental companies.

The ITB Berlin takes place annually in March at the Messe Berlin. The fair always has an official partner country, in 2018 (March 7–11) represented by the German state of Mecklenburg-Vorpommern. In 2020 the ITB Berlin did not take place. Due to the rapid spread of the new coronavirus (COVID-19) the Federal Ministry of Health and the Federal Ministry of Economics have stated their opinion that ITB Berlin be cancelled. ITB Berlin 2021 and 2022 both took place entirely as virtual events. The next physical ITB Berlin 2023 will be taking place from Wednesday, 8 March to Sunday, 12 March 2023.

ITB Berlin (or just ITB) has been running since 1966 and now has managed to establish satellite events in China, India and Singapore.

The thematically ordered market segments help visitors and exhibitors to quickly find their way through the wide product range of ITB Berlin: Book World, Business Travel Days, Cruises, Cultural Tourism, Economy Accommodation, eTravel World, Adventure & Responsible Tourism, Gay & Lesbian Travel, ITB Mobile Travel Services, Training and Employment (Career Center), Travel Technology, Trends & Events, Wellness, Youth Travel.

In 2012, about 7,000 journalists attended the ITB Berlin, of whom about 1,500 came from abroad. In addition to the industry's leading trade magazines, business and travel journalists from 94 countries also report on the latest travel trends and products. 11,000 exhibitors from 180 countries welcomed 170,000 visitors, among these, 113,000 were trade visitors.

References

External links

Annual events in Berlin
Tourism in Germany
Trade fairs in Germany
Tourism industry

ITB Berlin


Holsworthy was a railway station in Devon, England, on the now-closed railway line from Okehampton to Bude. It opened in 1879 to serve the market town of Holsworthy and closed in 1966, a victim of the Beeching Axe.

History

Parliamentary authority to construct a line from Okehampton to Bude had first been obtained as far back as 1865 with the passing of the Bude Canal and Launceston Junction Railway Act (c.cclxiii). However, this scheme was never put into action and the construction powers lapsed. In 1873 new powers were obtained by the Devon and Cornwall Railway in the shape of the Devon and Cornwall Railway (Western Extensions) Act (c.cxii) which authorised a line from Meldon Junction to Holsworthy where a terminus was to be constructed; Bude was not, at the time, considered important enough to warrant its own station. In 1874 the Devon and Cornwall Railway was purchased by the London and South Western Railway (LSWR), commencing construction on the line the following year.

The station was opened along with the single track line on 20 January 1879 and the LSWR began operating a smart horse-bus service to Bude in connection with the trains. The station was approached across Holsworthy Viaduct, a structure consisting of nine 50 ft spans and the first of its kind to be built entirely out of concrete.

By 1898 Bude had developed sufficiently for the LSWR, under pressure from local residents, to extend the line westwards to the coastal port. The new section opened on 11 August 1898 and necessitated the rebuilding of Holsworthy Station; little is known about the first station as no plans or photographs appear to exist of it. The new station was rather unusual in that it was situated between two viaducts—Holsworthy Viaduct to the east and Derriton Viaduct to the west. A new 20-lever signalbox was installed and the turntable and engine shed from the earlier station were kept. The turntable lasted until 1 January 1911 when it was demolished, and the goods shed until the 1920s. The goods yard was unusually large and complicated for a local station such as Holsworthy and incorporated a run-around line to enable short trains to bypass the station without fouling the main line.

The station was served for many years by the Atlantic Coast Express from London Waterloo, but this was withdrawn following the transfer of the line to the Western Region of British Railways in January 1963. The withdrawal was a portent of worse to come as the station and line were proposed for closure by Richard Beeching, Chairman of the British Transport Commission, in his report published in March of that year. For the last few years of its life, the service to Holsworthy was operated entirely by Diesel Multiple Units working as "locals" between Okehampton and Bude.

Stationmasters

Thomas Lock 1878 - 1894 (formerly station master at South Molton Road)
Thomas Furze 1894 - 1898 (afterwards station master at Bude)
Alfred Hearson Webb 1898 - 1914 (formerly station master at Bow)
J.A. Balch 1914 - 1920 (formerly station master at Halwill Junction, afterwards station master at Ilfracombe)
F. Fishleigh 1920 - 1925
Harry George Parbery 1925 - 1936
A.E. Heard 1935 - 1942 (formerly station master at Otterham, afterwards station master at Sherborne)
G. Copp 1942 - 1947 (formerly station master at Milborne Port, afterwards station master at Exmouth)

Services

The station today

Holsworthy has experienced steady growth since the closure of its station in the 1960s. The population increased by 15% from 1981 to 1999 and was estimated at 2,116. The town (no longer a village) has also seen significant economic growth with the development of the Dobles Lane Industrial Estate to its north and the conversion of 4.6 hectares of land to industrial use between 1989 and 2000. However, the town suffers from a lack of public transport; as Torridge District Council recently stated, "Holsworthy is not well served by public transport", notably with regard to connections to Bideford, Barnstaple and Great Torrington; these towns are, at present, linked by buses which are "limited in respect of frequency of service". Connections to Exeter and Plymouth are even more limited, "often only weekly if available at all".

One means of alleviating the lack of facilities has been to provide for a cycleroute, the "Ruby Way" - part of the National Cycle Network, along the trackbed of the former railway which opened in 2005, linking Holsworthy with Bude and Halwill. The cycleway brought one of the viaducts (Derriton) back into public use. Both are now in the ownership of Sustrans. Torridge District Council has indicated that the viaducts, as well as the trackbed, are safeguarded against future development in accordance with planning policies. Access to Derriton Viaduct is provided by the "Cornish Corkscrew", an elaborate spiralling ramp. In the meantime, Devon County Council have continued to support the development and extension of the cycleway project by purchasing further sections of trackbed and seeking to connect the Bude to Holsworthy route to other cyclepaths such as the Cornish Way at Helebridge.

The station buildings were swept away following the line's closure and the site, lying between Underlane, Bodmin Street and Station Road, was until recently derelict. It then became brownfield land and is now the site of a Supermarket and part of a housing development. Nevertheless, the route of the cyclepath, which runs along the southern part of the site, will be protected and the Council has suggested that facilities be provided to serve the route's users, a possible suitable location being the site of the former turntable which is to the east of Chapel Street.

References

Disused railway stations in Devon
Former London and South Western Railway stations
Railway stations in Great Britain opened in 1879
Railway stations in Great Britain closed in 1898
Railway stations in Great Britain opened in 1898
Railway stations in Great Britain closed in 1966
Beeching closures in England
Industrial archaeological sites in Devon
Holsworthy

Holsworthy railway station


Ecotourism is a form of tourism marketed as "responsible" travel (using what proponents say is sustainable transport) to natural areas, conserving the environment, and improving the well-being of the local people. The stated purpose may be to educate the traveler, to provide funds for ecological conservation, to directly benefit the economic development and political empowerment of local communities, or to foster respect for different cultures and human rights.

Since the 1980s, ecotourism has been considered an important endeavor by environmentalists, who have said they want future generations to experience destinations relatively untouched by human intervention. Ecotourism may focus on educating travelers on local environments and natural surroundings with an eye to ecological conservation. Some include in the definition of ecotourism the effort to produce economic opportunities that make the conservation of natural resources financially possible.

Generally, ecotourism deals with interaction with biotic components of the natural environments. Ecotourism focuses on what advocates define as socially responsible travel, personal growth, and environmental sustainability. Ecotourism typically involves travel to destinations where flora, fauna, and cultural heritage are the primary attractions. Ecotourism is intended to offer tourists an insight into the impact of human beings on the environment and to foster a greater appreciation of our natural habitats. Ecotourism aims at minimal environmental impact on the areas visited. Besides fostering respect towards the natural environment, ecotourism endeavors to create socio-economic benefits for the area's communities.

Responsible ecotourism programs include those that minimize the negative aspects of conventional tourism on the environment and enhance the cultural integrity of local people. Therefore, in addition to evaluating environmental and cultural factors, an integral part of ecotourism is the promotion of recycling, energy efficiency, water conservation, and the creation of economic opportunities for local communities. For these reasons, ecotourism often appeals to advocates of environmental and social responsibility.

Many consider the term "ecotourism", like "sustainable tourism" (which is a related concept but broader), an oxymoron. Like most long-distance travel, ecotourism often depends on air transportation, which contributes to climate change. Additionally, "the overall effect of sustainable tourism is negative where like ecotourism philanthropic aspirations mask hard-nosed immediate self-interest."

Risks and benefits

Ecotourism is a sub-component of the field of sustainable tourism. Ecotourism must serve to maximize ecological benefits while contributing to the economic, social, and cultural wellbeing of communities living close to ecotourism venues.

Potential ecological, economic, and sociocultural benefits associated with ecotourism are described below.

Potential risks
Even while ecotourism is often presented as a responsible form of tourism, it nonetheless carries several risks.

Ecological risk

Ecotourism activities, or merely the presence of travelers in a particular region or location, may negatively impact the ecological integrity of protected areas.

Risks to local communities

Local communities may be negatively impacted by ecotourism. For example, as is the case with other forms of tourism, ecotourism may result in friction between tourists and local community members, and may potentially increase the cost of rent, rates, and property values, thereby marginalizing local community members.

Health risks

Ecotourism carries known health risks for tourists and local community members, along with wildlife and ecosystems. Travelers may bring pathogens to ecologically sensitive areas, putting wildlife as well as local communities at risk; ecotourism activities may also place travelers at risk of health problems or injuries.

Potential ecological benefits
Ecotourism may also have positive ecological consequences, and some of them are listed as follows:

Direct benefits

 Incentive to protect natural environments
 Incentive to rehabilitate modified environments and lands
 Provides funds to manage and expand protected areas
 Ecotourists assist with habitat maintenance and enhancement through their actions
 Ecotourists serving as watchdogs or guardians who personally intervene in situations where the environment is perceived to be threatened
The locals may also learn new skills from the ecotourists

Indirect benefits

 Exposure to ecotourism fosters a broader sense of environmentalism
 Communities experience changes in environmental attitude and behavior
 Areas protected for ecotourism provide environmental benefits
sharpens the future of well well-being of the locals

Potential economic benefits
For some decision-makers, economic factors are more compelling than ecological factors in deciding how natural resources should be used. Potential ecotourism economic benefits are presented below:

Direct benefits

 Generates revenue (related to visitor expenditures) and creates employment that is directly related to the sector
 Provides economic opportunities for peripheral regions

Indirect benefits

 High multiplier effect and indirect revenue employment
 Supports cultural and heritage tourism, sectors that are highly compatible with ecotourism.

Potential socio-cultural benefits
A holistic approach to ecotourism must promote socio-cultural as well as economic and ecological practices. The direct and indirect socio-cultural benefits are outlined as follows:

Direct and indirect benefits

 Foster community stability and well-being through economic benefits and local participation
 Aesthetic and spiritual benefits and enjoyment for locals and tourists
 Accessible to a broad spectrum of the population

When assessing the potential positive impacts of ecotourism, it is necessary to mention that ecotourism can have unintended negative effects as well. Negative impacts can be mitigated through regulations and codes of conduct that effectively and persuasively impart messages about appropriate visitor behavior.

Terminology and history

Ecotourism is a late 20th-century neologism compounded eco- and tourism. According to the Oxford English Dictionary, ecotour was first recorded in 1973 and ecotourism, "probably after ecotour", in 1982.
ecotour, n. ... A tour of or visit to an area of ecological interest, usually with an educational element; (in later use also) a similar tour or visit designed to have as little detrimental effect on the ecology as possible or undertaken with the specific aim of helping conservation efforts.
ecotourism, n. ... Tourism to areas of ecological interest (typically exotic and often threatened natural environments), esp. to support conservation efforts and observe wildlife; spec. access to an endangered environment controlled to have the least possible adverse effect.

Some sources suggest the terms were used nearly a decade earlier. Claus-Dieter (Nick) Hetzer, an academic and adventurer from Forum International in Berkeley, CA, coined ecotourism in 1965, according to the Contra Costa Times, and ran the first ecotours in the Yucatán during the early 1970s.

The definition of ecotourism adopted by Ecotourism Australia is: "Ecotourism is ecologically sustainable tourism with a primary focus on experiencing natural areas that foster environmental and cultural understanding, appreciation and conservation."

The Global Ecotourism Network (GEN) defines ecotourism as "responsible travel to natural areas that conserves the environment, sustains the well-being of the local people, and creates knowledge and understanding through interpretation and education of all involved (visitors, staff, and the visited)".

Ecotourism is often misinterpreted as any form of tourism that involves nature (see jungle tourism). Self-proclaimed practitioners and hosts of ecotourism experiences assume it is achieved by simply creating destinations in natural areas. According to critics of this commonplace and assumptive practice, true ecotourism must, above all, sensitize people to the beauty and fragility of nature. These critics condemn some operators as greenwashing their operations: using the labels of "green" and "eco-friendly", while behaving in environmentally irresponsible ways.

Although academics disagree about who can be classified as an ecotourist and there is little statistical data, some estimate that more than five million ecotourists—the majority of the ecotourist population—come from the United States, with many others from Western Europe, Canada, and Australia.

Currently, there are various moves to create national and international ecotourism certification programs. National ecotourism certification programs have been put in place in countries such as Costa Rica, Australia, Kenya, Estonia, and Sweden.

Related terms

Sustainable tourism

Improving sustainability

Principles
Ecotourism in both terrestrial and marine ecosystems can benefit conservation, provided the complexities of history, culture, and ecology in the affected regions are successfully navigated. Catherine Macdonald and colleagues identify the factors that determine conservation outcomes, namely whether: animals and their habits are sufficiently protected; conflict between people and wildlife is avoided or at least suitably mitigated; there is good outreach and education of the local population into the benefits of ecotourism; there is effective collaboration with stakeholders in the area; and there is proper use of the money generated by ecotourism to conserve the local ecology. They conclude that ecotourism works best to conserve predators when the tourism industry is supported both politically and by the public, and when it is monitored and controlled at local, national, and international levels.

Regulation and accreditation
Because the regulations of ecotourism may be poorly implemented, ecologically destructive greenwashed operations like underwater hotels, helicopter tours, and wildlife theme parks can be categorized as ecotourism along with canoeing, camping, photography, and wildlife observation. The failure to acknowledge responsible, low-impact ecotourism puts legitimate ecotourism companies at a competitive disadvantage.

Management strategies to mitigate destructive operations include but are not limited to establishing a carrying capacity, site hardening, sustainable design, visitation quotas, fees, access restrictions, and visitor education.

Many environmentalists have argued for a global standard that can be used for certification, differentiating ecotourism companies based on their level of environmental commitment, creating a standard to follow. A national or international regulatory board would enforce accreditation procedures, with representation from various groups including governments, hotels, tour operators, travel agents, guides, airlines, local authorities, conservation organizations, and non-governmental organizations. The decisions of the board would be sanctioned by governments so that non-compliant companies would be legally required to disassociate themselves from the use of the ecotourism brand.

In 1998, Crinion suggested a Green Stars System, based on criteria including a management plan, benefits for the local community, small group interaction, education value, and staff training. Ecotourists who consider their choices would be confident of a genuine ecotourism experience when they see the higher star rating.

In 2008 the Global Sustainable Tourism Council Criteria was launched at the IUCN World Conservation Congress. The Criteria, managed by the Global Sustainable Tourism Council, created a global standard for sustainable travel and tourism and includes criteria and performance indicators for destinations, tour operators and hotels. The GSTC provides accreditation through a third party to Certification Bodies to legitimize claims of sustainability.

Environmental impact assessments could also be used as a form of accreditation. Feasibility is evaluated on a scientific basis, and recommendations could be made to optimally plan infrastructure, set tourist capacity, and manage the ecology. This form of accreditation is more sensitive to site-specific conditions.

Some countries have their certification programs for ecotourism. Costa Rica, for example, runs the GSTC-Recognized Certification of Sustainable Tourism (CST) program, which is intended to balance the effect that business has on the local environment. The CST program focuses on a company's interaction with natural and cultural resources, the improvement of quality of life within local communities, and the economic contribution to other programs of national development. CST uses a rating system that categorizes a company based on how sustainable its operations are. CST evaluates the interaction between the company and the surrounding habitat; the management policies and operation systems within the company; how the company encourages its clients to become active contributors towards sustainable policies; and the interaction between the company and local communities/the overall population. Based upon these criteria, the company is evaluated for the strength of its sustainability. The measurement index goes from 0 to 5, with 0 being the worst and 5 being the best.

Labels and certification
Over 50 ecolabels on tourism exist. These include (but are not limited to):
 Austrian Ecolabel for Tourism
 Asian Ecotourism Standard for Accommodations (AESA)
 Eco-certification Malta
 EarthCheck Australia
 Ecotourism Australia
 Ecotourism Ireland
 Ecotourism Kenya
 European Ecotourism Labelling Standard (EETLS)
 Korean Ecotourism Standard

Guidelines and education

An environmental protection strategy must address the issue of ecotourists removed from the cause-and-effect of their actions on the environment. More initiatives should be carried out to improve their awareness, sensitize them to environmental issues, and care about the places they visit.

Tour guides are an obvious and direct medium to communicate awareness. With the confidence of ecotourists and intimate knowledge of the environment, tour guides can actively discuss conservation issues. Informing ecotourists about how their actions on the trip can negatively impact their environment and the local people. A tour guide training program in Costa Rica's Tortuguero National Park has helped mitigate negative environmental impacts by providing information and regulating tourists on the parks' beaches used by nesting endangered sea turtles.

Small scale, slow growth, and local control
The underdevelopment theory of tourism describes a new form of imperialism by multinational corporations that control ecotourism resources. These corporations finance and profit from the development of large-scale ecotourism that causes excessive environmental degradation, loss of traditional culture and way of life, and exploitation of local labor. In Zimbabwe and Nepal's Annapurna region, where underdevelopment is taking place, more than 90 percent of ecotourism revenues are expatriated to the parent countries, and less than 5 percent go into local communities.

The lack of sustainability highlights the need for small-scale, slow-growth, and locally-based ecotourism. Local peoples have a vested interest in the well-being of their community and are therefore more accountable to environmental protection than multinational corporations, though they receive very little of the profits. The lack of control, westernization, adverse impacts to the environment, and loss of culture and traditions outweigh the benefits of establishing large-scale ecotourism. Additionally, culture loss can be attributed to cultural commodification, in which local cultures are commodified to make a profit.

The increased contributions of communities to locally managed ecotourism create viable economic opportunities, including high-level management positions, and reduce environmental issues associated with poverty and unemployment. Because the ecotourism experience is marketed to a different lifestyle from large-scale ecotourism, the development of facilities and infrastructure does not need to conform to corporate Western tourism standards, and can be much simpler and less expensive. There is a greater multiplier effect on the economy, because local products, materials, and labor are used. Profits accrue locally and import leakages are reduced. The Great Barrier Reef Park in Australia reported over half of a billion dollars of indirect income in the area and added thousands of indirect jobs between 2004 and 2005. However, even this form of tourism may require foreign investment for promotion or start-up. When such investments are required, communities must find a company or non-governmental organization that reflects the philosophy of ecotourism; is sensitive to their concerns, and is willing to cooperate at the expense of profit. The basic assumption of the multiplier effect is that the economy starts with unused resources, for example, that many workers are cyclically unemployed and much of industrial capacity is sitting idle or incompletely used. By increasing demand in the economy, it is then possible to boost production. If the economy was already at full employment, with only structural, frictional, or other supply-side types of unemployment, any attempt to boost demand would only lead to inflation. For various laissez-faire schools of economics which embrace Say's Law and deny the possibility of Keynesian inefficiency and under-employment of resources, therefore, the multiplier concept is irrelevant or wrong-headed.

As an example, consider the government increasing its expenditure on roads by $1  million, without a corresponding increase in taxation. This sum would go to the road builders, who would hire more workers and distribute the money as wages and profits. The households receiving these incomes will save part of the money and spend the rest on consumer goods. These expenditures, in turn, will generate more jobs, wages, profits, and so on with the income and spending circulating the economy.

The multiplier effect arises because of the induced increases in consumer spending which occur due to the increased incomes – and because of the feedback into increasing business revenues, jobs, and income again. This process does not lead to an economic explosion not only because of the supply-side barriers at potential output (full employment) but because at each "round", the increase in consumer spending is less than the increase in consumer incomes. That is, the marginal propensity to consume (MPC) is less than one so that each round some extra income goes into saving, leaking out of the cumulative process. Each increase in spending is thus smaller than that of the previous round, preventing an explosion.

Efforts to preserve ecosystems at risk
Some of the world's most exceptional biodiversity is located in the Galapagos Islands. These islands were designated a UNESCO World Heritage site in 1979, then added to UNESCO's List of World Heritage in Danger in 2007. IGTOA is a non-profit dedicated to preserving this unique living laboratory against the challenges of invasive species, human impact, and tourism. For travelers who want to be mindful of the environment and the impact of tourism, it is recommended to use an operator that is endorsed by a reputable ecotourism organization. In the case of the Galapagos, IGTOA has a list of the world's premiere Galapagos Islands tour companies dedicated to the lasting protection and preservation of the destination.

Natural resource management
Natural resource management can be used as a specialized tool for the development of ecotourism. There are several places throughout the world where several natural resources are abundant, but with human encroachment and habitats, these resources are depleting. Without the sustainable use of certain resources, they are destroyed, and floral and fauna species are becoming extinct. Ecotourism programs can be introduced for the conservation of these resources. Several plans and proper management programs can be introduced so that these resources remain untouched, and there are many organizations–including nonprofits–and scientists working on this field.

Natural resources of hill areas like Kurseong in West Bengal are plenty in number with various flora and fauna, but tourism for business purpose poised the situation. Researchers from Jadavpur University are presently working in this area for the development of ecotourism to be used as a tool for natural resource management.

In Southeast Asia government and nongovernmental organizations are working together with academics and industry operators to spread the economic benefits of tourism into the kampungs and villages of the region. A recently formed alliance, the South-East Asian Tourism Organization (SEATO), is bringing together these diverse players to discuss resource management concerns.

A 2002, summit held in Quebec led to the 2008 Global Sustainable Tourism Criteria–a collaborative effort between the UN Foundation and other advocacy groups. The criteria, which are voluntary, involve the following standards: "effective sustainability planning, maximum social and economic benefits for local communities, minimum negative impacts on cultural heritage, and minimum negative impacts on the environment."There is no enforcing agency or system of punishments for summit.

Impact on indigenous people and indigenous land
Valorization of the Indigenous territories can be important for designation as a protected area, which can deter threats such as deforestation. Ecotourism can help bring in revenue for Indigenous peoples.

However, there needs to be a proper business plan and organizational structure, which helps to ensure that the generated money from ecotourism indeed flows towards the Indigenous peoples themselves, and the protection of the Indigenous territory. Debates around ecotourism focus on how profits off of Indigenous lands are enjoyed by international tourist companies, who do not share back with the people to whom those lands belong. Ecotourism offers a tourist-appealing experience of the landscape and environment, one that is different from the experience of the residents; it commodifies the lives of Indigenous people and their land which is not fair to its inhabitants.

Indigenous territories are managed by governmental services (i.e. FUNAI in Brazil, ...) and these governmental services can thus decide whether or not to implement ecotourism in these Indigenous territories.

Ecotourism can also bring in employment to the local people (which may be Indigenous people). Protected areas for instance require park rangers, and staff to maintain and operate the ecolodges and accommodation used by tourists. Also, the traditional culture can act as a tourist attraction, and can create a source of revenue by asking payment for the showing of performances (i.e., traditional dance, ...) Ecotourism can also help mitigate deforestation that happens when local residents, under economic stress, clear lands and create smallholder plots to grow cash crops. Such land clearing hurts the environment. Ecotourism can be a sustainable and job-creating alternative for local populations.

Depending on how protected areas are set up and handled, it can lead to local people losing their homes, usually with no compensation. Pushing people onto marginal lands with harsh climates, poor soils, lack of water, and infested with livestock and disease does little to enhance livelihoods even when a proportion of ecotourism profits are directed back into the community. Harsh survival realities and deprivation of traditional use of land and natural resources by local people can occur. Local Indigenous people may also feel strong resentment towards the change, especially if tourism has been allowed to develop with virtually no controls. Without sufficient control mechanisms, too many lodges may be built, and tourist vehicles may drive off-track and harass the wildlife. Vehicle use may erode and degrade the land".

There is a longstanding failure by the Peruvian government to acknowledge and protect Indigenous lands, and therefore the Indigenous peoples have been forced to protect their own land. The land has a better chance of staying safe and free from deforestation if the people who care about the land are the ones maintaining it.

Criticism

Definition
In the continuum of tourism activities that stretch from conventional tourism to ecotourism, there has been a lot of contention to the limit at which biodiversity preservation, local social-economic benefits, and environmental impact can be considered "ecotourism". For this reason, environmentalists, special interest groups, and governments define ecotourism differently. Environmental organizations have generally insisted that ecotourism is nature-based, sustainably managed, conservation supporting, and environmentally educated. The tourist industry and governments, however, focus more on the product aspect, treating ecotourism as equivalent to any sort of tourism based in nature. As a further complication, many terms are used under the rubric of ecotourism. Nature tourism, low impact tourism, green tourism, bio-tourism, ecologically responsible tourism, and others have been used in literature and marketing, although they are not necessarily synonymous with ecotourism.

The problems associated with defining ecotourism have often led to confusion among tourists and academics. Many problems are also subject of considerable public controversy and concern because of green washing, a trend towards the commercialization of tourism schemes disguised as sustainable, nature based, and environmentally friendly ecotourism. According to McLaren, these schemes are environmentally destructive, economically exploitative, and culturally insensitive at its worst. They are also morally disconcerting because they mislead tourists and manipulate their concerns for the environment. The development and success of such large scale, energy intensive, and ecologically unsustainable schemes are a testament to the tremendous profits associated with being labeled as ecotourism.

Negative impact
Ecotourism has become one of the fastest-growing sectors of the tourism industry. One definition of ecotourism is "the practice of low-impact, educational, ecologically and culturally sensitive travel that benefits local communities and host countries". Many of the ecotourism projects are not meeting these standards. Even if some of the guidelines are being executed, the local communities are still facing many of the negative impacts.The other negative side of ecotourism is that it transforms nature and the environment into commodities people are interested in paying and visiting. When the environment becomes a product with economic value, people try to advertise and sell it. Some of the ecotourism sites are turning to private sectors, and the government cut off their funding. Hence, they are obligated to make money on their own. Private natural parks and sites are looking for their own advantage by advertising the soundness of natural parks or coastal marines in the Caribbean. They try to show they are protecting nature and attract people interested in ecotourism. However, they will focus on the phenomenon that might be more interesting for tourists and neglect other aspects of nature when they prioritize their profits. Consequently, this policy will result in abandoning rich ecological sites or destroying those valuable sites. For example, in Montego Bay, hotel staff cut the seagrass that appeared to drive back tourists; conversely, they are crucial for local nutrient cycles.

The other problem is that the companies try to hide the truth behind the ecotourism to maintain their profit. They don't cover the fact that traveling from other countries to the natural sites burns extensive amounts of aircraft fuel. In Montego Bay and Negril, a considerable amount of run-off is released to the coastal water produced directly or indirectly by ecotourists. Hotels in Jamaica release much more wastewater than a city. The tourists generate a lot of waste that ends up in the coastal water. The indirect effect of ecotourism in Jamaica is that many people migrated to the town near the natural site because of the more job opportunities due to construction increase, resulting in destroying the environment. South Africa is one of the countries that is reaping significant economic benefits from ecotourism, but the negative effects far outweigh the positive—including forcing people to leave their homes, gross violations of fundamental rights, and environmental hazards—far outweigh the medium-term economic benefits. A tremendous amount of money and human resources continue to be used for ecotourism despite unsuccessful outcomes, and even more, money is put into public relation campaigns to dilute the effects of criticism. Ecotourism channels resources away from other projects that could contribute more sustainable and realistic solutions to pressing social and environmental problems. "The money tourism can generate often ties parks and managements to ecotourism". But there is a tension in this relationship because ecotourism often causes conflict and changes in land-use rights, fails to deliver promises of community-level benefits, damages environments, and has many other social impacts. Indeed, many argue repeatedly that ecotourism is neither ecologically nor socially beneficial, yet it persists as a strategy for conservation and development due to the large profits. While several studies are being done on ways to improve the ecotourism structure, some argue that these examples provide a rationale for stopping it altogether. However, there are some positive examples, among them the Kavango-Zambezi Transfrontier Conservation Area (KAZA) and the Virunga National Park, as judged by WWF.

The ecotourism system exercises tremendous financial and political influence. The evidence above shows that a strong case exists for restraining such activities in certain locations. Funding could be used for field studies aimed at finding alternative solutions to tourism and the diverse problems Africa faces in result of urbanization, industrialization, and the overexploitation of agriculture.

At the local level, ecotourism has become a source of conflict over control of land, resources, and tourism profits. In this case, ecotourism has harmed the environment and local people and has led to conflicts over profit distribution. Very few regulations or laws stand in place as boundaries for the investors in ecotourism. Calls have been made for more efforts toward educating tourists of the environmental and social effects of their travels, and for laws to prohibit the promotion of unsustainable ecotourism projects and materials which project false images of destinations and demean local and Indigenous cultures.

Though conservation efforts in East Africa are indisputably serving the interests of tourism in the region it is important to make the distinction between conservation acts and the tourism industry. Eastern African communities are not the only of developing regions to experience economic and social harms from conservation efforts. Conservation in the Southwest Yunnan Region of China has similarly brought drastic changes to traditional land use in the region. Prior to logging restrictions imposed by the Chinese Government the industry made up 80 percent of the regions revenue. Following a complete ban on commercial logging the Indigenous people of the Yunnan region now see little opportunity for economic development. Ecotourism may provide solutions to the economic hardships suffered from the loss of industry to conservation in the Yunnan in the same way that it may serve to remedy the difficulties faced by the Maasai. As stated, the ecotourism structure must be improved to direct more money into host communities by reducing leakages for the industry to be successful in alleviating poverty in developing regions, but it provides a promising opportunity.

Drumm and Moore (2002) discuss the price increase and economic leakage in their paper; saying that prices might augment since the visitors are more capable to pay higher rates for goods and services in opposition to the locals. Also, they have mentioned two solutions regarding the previous issue: (1) either a two pricing system represented as two separate price lists (the first for the locals and the second for the tourists with respect to the local's purchase power ability); (2) design unique goods and services subject only or the tourists' consumption. Leakage appears when international investors import foreign products instead of using local resources; thus, the tourists will be using international products and in-turn contributing to the outside economy rather than the local one (Drumm & Moore, 2002).

Direct environmental impacts
Ecotourism operations occasionally fail to live up to conservation ideals. It is sometimes overlooked that ecotourism is a highly consumer-centered activity, and that environmental conservation is a means to further economic growth.

Although ecotourism is intended for small groups, even a modest increase in population, however temporary, puts extra pressure on the local environment and necessitates the development of additional infrastructure and amenities. The construction of water treatment plants, sanitation facilities, and lodges come with the exploitation of non-renewable energy sources and the use of already limited local resources. The conversion of natural land to such tourist infrastructure is implicated in deforestation and habitat deterioration of butterflies in Mexico and squirrel monkeys in Costa Rica. In other cases, the environment suffers because local communities are unable to meet the infrastructure demands of ecotourism. The lack of adequate sanitation facilities in many East African parks results in the disposal of campsite sewage in rivers, contaminating the wildlife, livestock, and people who draw drinking water from it.

Aside from environmental degradation with tourist infrastructure, population pressures from ecotourism also leaves behind garbage and pollution associated with the Western lifestyle. An example of this is seen with ecotourism in Antarctica. Since it is such a remote location, it takes a lot of fuel to get there; resulting in ships producing large pollution through waste disposal and green house gas emissions. Additionally, there is a potential for oil spills from damaged ships traversing through aggressive waters filled with natural obstacles such as icebergs. Although ecotourists claim to be educationally sophisticated and environmentally concerned, they rarely understand the ecological consequences of their visits and how their day-to-day activities append physical impacts on the environment. As one scientist observes, they "rarely acknowledge how the meals they eat, the toilets they flush, the water they drink, and so on, are all part of broader regional economic and ecological systems they are helping to reconfigure with their very activities." Nor do ecotourists recognize the great consumption of non-renewable energy required to arrive at their destination, which is typically more remote than conventional tourism destinations. For instance, an exotic journey to a place 10,000 kilometers away consumes about 700 liters of fuel per person.

Ecotourism activities are, in and of themselves, issues in environmental impact because they may disturb fauna and flora. Ecotourists believe that because they are only taking pictures and leaving footprints, they keep ecotourism sites pristine, but even harmless-sounding activities such as nature hikes can be ecologically destructive. In the Annapurna Circuit in Nepal, ecotourists have worn down the marked trails and created alternate routes, contributing to soil impaction, erosion, and plant damage. Where the ecotourism activity involves wildlife viewing, it can scare away animals, disrupt their feeding and nesting sites, or acclimate them to the presence of people. In Kenya, wildlife-observer disruption drives cheetahs off their reserves, increasing the risk of inbreeding and further endangering the species. In a study done from 1995 to 1997 off the Northwestern coast of Australia, scientists found that whale sharks' tolerance for divers and swimmers decreased. The whale sharks showed an increase in behaviors over the course of the study, such as diving, porpoising, banking, and eye rolling that are associated with distress and attempt to avoid the diver. The average time the whale sharks spent with the divers in 1995 was 19.3 minutes, but in 1997 the average time the whale sharks spent with the divers was 9.5 minutes. There was also an increase in recorded behaviors from 56% of the sharks showing any sort of diving, porpoising, eye rolling or banking in 1995 to 70.7% in 1997. Some whale sharks were also observed to have scars that were consistent with being struck by a boat.

Environmental hazards
The industrialization, urbanization and agricultural practices of human society are having a serious impact on the environment. Ecotourism is now also considered to be playing a role in environmental depletion including deforestation, disruption of ecological life systems and various forms of pollution, all of which contribute to environmental degradation. For example, the number of motor vehicles crossing a park increases as tour drivers search for rare species. The number of roads disrupts the grass cover, which has serious consequences on plant and animal species. These areas also have a higher rate of disturbances and invasive species due to increasing traffic off of the beaten path into new, undiscovered areas. Ecotourism also has an effect on species through the value placed on them. "Certain species have gone from being little known or valued by local people to being highly valued commodities. The commodification of plants may erase their social value and lead to overproduction within protected areas. Local people and their images can also be turned into commodities". Kamuaro points out the relatively obvious contradiction that any commercial venture into unspoiled, pristine land inevitably means a higher pressure on the environment. The people who live in the areas now becoming ecotourism spots have very different lifestyles than those who come to visit. Ecotourism has created many debates based on if the economic benefits are worth the possible environmental sacrifices.

Who benefits?
Most forms of ecotourism are owned by foreign investors and corporations that provide few benefits to the local people. An overwhelming majority of profits are put into the pockets of investors instead of reinvestment into the local economy or environmental protection leading to further environmental degradation. The limited numbers of local people who are employed in the economy enter at its lowest level and are unable to live in tourist areas because of meager wages and a two-market system.

In some cases, the resentment by local people results in environmental degradation. As a highly publicized case, the Maasai nomads in Kenya killed wildlife in national parks but are now helping the national park to save the wildlife to show aversion to unfair compensation terms and displacement from traditional lands. The lack of economic opportunities for local people also constrains them to degrade the environment as a means of sustenance. The presence of affluent ecotourists encourage the development of destructive markets in wildlife souvenirs, such as the sale of coral trinkets on tropical islands and animal products in Asia, contributing to illegal harvesting and poaching from the environment. In Suriname, sea turtle reserves use a very large portion of their budget to guard against these destructive activities.

Eviction of Indigenous peoples

Fortress conservation is a conservation model based on the belief that biodiversity protection is best achieved by creating protected areas where ecosystems can function in isolation from human disturbance. It is argued that money generated from ecotourism is the motivating factor to drive Indigenous inhabitants off the land. Up to 250,000 people worldwide have been forcibly evicted from their homes to make way for conservation projects since 1990, according to the UN special rapporteur on the rights of Indigenous peoples.

Mismanagement by government
While governments are typically entrusted with the administration and enforcement of environmental protection, they often lack the commitment or capability to manage ecotourism sites. The regulations for environmental protection may be vaguely defined, costly to implement, hard to enforce, and uncertain in effectiveness. Government regulatory agencies, are susceptible to making decisions that spend on politically beneficial but environmentally unproductive projects. Because of prestige and conspicuousness, the construction of an attractive visitor's center at an ecotourism site may take precedence over more pressing environmental concerns like acquiring habitat, protecting endemic species, and removing invasive ones. Finally, influential groups can pressure, and sway the interests of the government to their favor. The government and its regulators can become vested in the benefits of the ecotourism industry which they are supposed to regulate, causing restrictive environmental regulations and enforcement to become more lenient.

Management of ecotourism sites by private ecotourism companies offers an alternative to the cost of regulation and deficiency of government agencies. It is believed that these companies have a self-interest in limited environmental degradation because tourists will pay more for pristine environments, which translates to higher profit. However, theory indicates that this practice is not economically feasible and will fail to manage the environment.

The model of monopolistic competition states that distinctiveness will entail profits, but profits will promote imitation. A company that protects its ecotourism sites is able to charge a premium for the novel experience and pristine environment. But when other companies view the success of this approach, they also enter the market with similar practices, increasing competition and reducing demand. Eventually, the demand will be reduced until the economic profit is zero. A cost-benefit analysis shows that the company bears the cost of environmental protection without receiving the gains. Without economic incentive, the whole premise of self-interest through environmental protection is quashed; instead, ecotourism companies will minimize environment related expenses and maximize tourism demand.

The tragedy of the commons offers another model for economic unsustainability from environmental protection, in ecotourism sites used by many companies. Although there is a communal incentive to protect the environment, maximizing the benefits in the long run, a company will conclude that it is in their best interest to use the ecotourism site beyond its sustainable level. By increasing the number of ecotourists, for instance, a company gains all the economic benefit while paying only a part of the environmental cost. In the same way, a company recognizes that there is no incentive to actively protect the environment; they bear all the costs, while the benefits are shared by all other companies. The result, again, is mismanagement.

Taken together, the mobility of foreign investment and lack of economic incentive for environmental protection means that ecotourism companies are disposed to establishing themselves in new sites once their existing one is sufficiently degraded.

In addition, the systematic literature review conducted by Cabral and Dhar (2019) have identified several challenges due to slow progression of ecotourism initiatives such as (a) economic leakages, (b) lack of government involvement, (c) skill deficiency among the local communities, (d) absence of disseminating environmental education, (e) sporadic increase in pollution, (f) conflict between tourism management personnel and local communities and (g) inadequate infrastructure development.

Case studies
The purpose of ecotourism is to engage tourists in low impact, non-consumptive and locally oriented environments to maintain species and habitats – especially in underdeveloped regions. While some ecotourism projects, including some found in the United States, can support such claims, many projects have failed to address some of the fundamental issues that nations face in the first place. Consequently, ecotourism may not generate the very benefits it is intended to provide to these regions and their people, and in some cases leaving economies in a state worse than before.

The following case studies illustrate the rising complexity of ecotourism and its impacts, both positive and negative, on the environment and economies of various regions in the world.

 Ecotourism in Costa Rica
 Ecotourism in Jordan
 Ecotourism in South Africa
 Ecotourism in the United States

See also

 Overtourism

References

Further reading

 Ceballos-Lascurain, H. 1996. Tourism, Ecotourism, and Protected Areas.
 Larkin, T. and K. N. Kähler. 2011. "Ecotourism." Encyclopedia of Environmental Issues. Rev. ed. Pasadena: Salem Press. Vol. 2, pp. 421–424.
 IUCN. The International Union for the Conservation of Nature. 301 pp.
 Ceballos-Lascurain, H. 1998. Ecoturismo. Naturaleza y Desarrollo Sostenible.

 Reguero Oxide, M. del. 1995. Ecoturismo. Nuevas Formas de Turismo en el Espacio rural. Ed. Bosch Turismo

External links

https://ecotourism.org/what-is-ecotourism/

Adventure travel
Ecological economics
Natural resource management
Types of tourism

Ecotourism


The Cup Winners' Cup was a peripheral cup competition of the British Basketball League. It was a pre-season tournament competed over two legs, one home and one away, between the winners of BBL Cup and BBL Trophy from the previous season. Each leg was staged prior to the beginning of the regular season and was considered the curtain-raiser for the new BBL campaign. The winner was decided over a total aggregate score over the two game series.

History

The competition was first announced on 13 July 2007 with the inaugural series taking place between Guildford Heat (BBL Cup winners 2006-07) and Plymouth Raiders (BBL Trophy winners 2006-07).

The first leg, which took place on 9 September in Plymouth, saw a tight affair finish 83-77 to the visiting Guildford Heat, despite the Raiders clawing back from an 18-point deficit to take the lead during the third quarter. Another close game in the second leg played in Guildford the following weekend, on 15 September, saw the Guildford Heat defeat the Plymouth Raiders 93-91 and claim the inaugural BBL Cup Winners' Cup 176-168 on aggregate.

The second edition saw Trophy winners Heat competing to retain their crown against the 2008 BBL Cup winners Milton Keynes Lions. The first leg, played in Milton Keynes on 14 September, saw the visitors claim a slender advantage to win 89-91. The second leg, on 19 September, was almost as close and finished 68-60 to the home-court Heat, resulting in a 10-point aggregate victory for the Guildford Heat, who retained the Cup.

The Cup Winners' Cup hasn't been competed for since and thus was only staged twice.

Previous finals
2007/08: Guildford Heat 176-168 Plymouth Raiders (Aggregate score)
2008/09: Guildford Heat 159-149 Milton Keynes Lions (Aggregate score)

See also
Basketball in England
British Basketball League
BBL Cup
BBL Trophy

Basketball cup competitions in the United Kingdom
British Basketball League
2007–08 in British basketball
2008–09 in British basketball
Defunct basketball cup competitions in Europe

BBL Cup Winners' Cup


Søren Berg Sørensen Moen (17 March 1899 – 16 May 1946) was a Norwegian politician for the Labour Party.

He was elected to the Norwegian Parliament from Troms in 1945, but he died less than one year into the term. He was replaced by Peder Nikolai Leier Jacobsen. Moen had previously served in the position of deputy representative during the terms 1934–1936 and 1937–1945.

Moen was born in Lenvik and was a member of the executive committee of Lenvik municipality council from 1925 to 1934, served as mayor during the terms 1934–1937 and 1937–1940 and was a regular council member from 1940 to 1946.

References

1899 births
1946 deaths
Labour Party (Norway) politicians
Members of the Storting
20th-century Norwegian politicians
People from Lenvik

Søren Berg Sørensen Moen


Ida Crouch-Hazlett (born Ida Estelle Crouch, c. 1870 – 1941) was an American political activist prominent in the suffrage and socialist movements. Crouch-Hazlett is best remembered as a prominent orator and organizer for the Socialist Party of America during the first two decades of the 20th century. In 1902 Crouch-Hazlett became the first female candidate for U.S. Congress from Colorado when she ran for a seat in the House of Representatives.

Biography

Early years

Ida Estelle Crouch was born c. 1870 in Chicago, Illinois, the daughter of two college-educated schoolteachers. Crouch grew up in Monmouth, Illinois, where she attended elementary school, before enrolling in the Monticello Seminary of Godfrey, Illinois. She was an 1888 graduate of Illinois State Normal School (an institution that would later become Illinois State University) at Bloomington and later did course work at Stanford University, where she studied economics, and the Chicago School of Social Sciences following completion of her training as a teacher at Illinois Normal School.

Crouch was married at a fairly early age to N. Hazlett, who died not long thereafter.

After graduation, Crouch-Hazlett ran for local school board on the ticket of the Prohibition Party. Following that unsuccessful attempt, she held a series of positions as a teacher of elocution in Illinois, Colorado, and Wyoming, an occupation that helped her to craft her skills as an orator.

In 1894, Crouch-Hazlett turned to journalism, working as a newspaper reporter. Crouch-Hazlett worked for newspapers in Chicago, Denver, and Leadville, Colorado, and St. Louis. She continued to work as a journalist through 1900. While in Colorado Crouch-Hazlett was first exposed to the bitter class struggle between miners and mine-owners, which further shaped her political views.

Political career

Crouch-Hazlett's first foray into politics came in 1896, when she was named a national organizer for the National American Woman Suffrage Association (NAWSA). Crouch-Hazlett was one of the NAWSA's professional organizers who toured the length and breadth of California during the unsuccessful 1896 election campaign, joining such stalwarts of the movement as Susan B. Anthony, Carrie Chapman Catt, and Anna Howard Shaw. Crouch-Hazlett continued on the staff of the NAWSA until 1901, touring the country for the organization and conducting public lectures building public support for women's right to vote.

Shortly after the start of the 20th century, Crouch-Hazlett began to see the fight for socialism as a central component of the struggle of women for equal rights and she made advancement of the socialist movement a central part of her political efforts. She joined the fledgling Socialist Party of America (SPA) around the time of its formation in 1901 and thereafter became one of its most prominent female voices.

In 1902, Hazlett became the first female candidate for U.S. Congress in the state of Colorado when she ran for the House of Representatives on the Socialist ticket.

After the 1902 campaign, Hazlett continued without pause taking her oratorial skills on the road on behalf of the Socialist Party as one of its national organizers. Crouch-Hazlett spent the better part of the next two years, holding public lectures and thereby attempting to help build state and local organizations for the new political party. She remained one of the SPA's touring national organizers through 1904.

Crouch-Hazlett was a delegate of the Socialist Party of Colorado to the 1904 National Convention of the Socialist Party and a Socialist Party of Montana delegate to the 1908 Convention.

Following her time as a Socialist Party traveling lecturer, Crouch-Hazlett settled down as an organizer for the Socialist Party of Montana, an organization at the time of about 450 dues-paying members active in 25 "locals." Hazlett was named editor of the Socialist Party of Montana's newspaper, Montana News, in December 1905.

One historian has called Crouch-Hazlett "a most different administrator" of the party newspaper, noting that  she preferred to play the role of "roving reporter" and leaving the technical and administrative details of newspaper production to her close political associate, State Secretary James D. Graham. Her time traversing the massive state of Montana in this period involved Crouch-Hazlett closely with the Western Federation of Miners. Her association in the labor movement also had a certain participatory element, as during the course of her life, Hazlett was herself a member of the Knights of Labor and the American Labor Union, ultimately unsuccessful rivals of the American Federation of Labor.

Beginning in 1908, the Montana Socialist Party was divided by a bitter factional split, pitting Graham and party editor Crouch-Hazlett on one side and Lewis Duncan, the future Socialist mayor of Butte, on the other. Driven by Local Butte, the 1908 State Convention of the Socialist Party of Montana appointed an auditing committee headed by Duncan to closely inspect the organization's books. Duncan proclaimed the state party's books to be in "wretched condition" and led Local Butte in organizing a call for the resignation of Graham and Hazlett. While Graham was amenable, Crouch-Hazlett refused to accede to this demand, so in the spring of 1909 the Duncan-dominated State Executive Committee expelled both Graham and Hazlett from the party's ranks and formally terminated the organization's connection with the Lewistown-based Montana News.

Graham and Crouch-Hazlett were accused of the misappropriation of party funds by the Duncan faction, and the matter ended up in the courts. The Unitarian minister Duncan also made morals allegations against Crouch-Hazlett, charging that she had been "living openly in an adulterous and licentious relationship with a former member of the Lewistown local."

Back of these factional fisticuffs in addition to financial and personal disagreements there lay a policy difference. Local Butte was at this time warmly supportive of Big Bill Haywood, industrial unionism, and the syndicalist Industrial Workers of the World, going so far as to endorse Haywood as a potential candidate for President of the United States, while Crouch-Hazlett in Montana News stressed the historic refusal of the Socialist Party to directly intervene in trade union matters.

in 1910, with Montana News broken by the factional warfare and party membership down by 45 percent, Crouch-Hazlett again resumed her role as a professional organizer for the Socialist Party of America. She dedicated the bulk of her time to organizing efforts in the American South from 1914 to 1916. Crouch-Hazlett moved to Brooklyn, New York during the latter part of the decade and ran for New York State Assembly in the 1st District of Kings County, New York on the Socialist ticket in 1920.

Crouch-Hazlett ended her career as an organizer on behalf of the Socialist Party in 1921. During this final year, Crouch-Hazlett was at least once kidnapped by a band of members of the American Legion, who transported her hundreds of miles before leaving her in a deserted area. This experience did not break Crouch-Hazlett's commitment, but it did nonetheless coincide with an end to her tenure as a Socialist Party organizer.

Membership in the SPA plummeted during the early part of the 1920s, following its splitinto rival Socialist and Communist organizations at its 1919 Emergency National Convention. With dues collections drastically diminished, the party was forced to curtail the number of its paid functionaries due to ensuing budgetary difficulties, forcing Hazlett to seek other means of support.

Crouch-Hazlett visited England, arranging beforehand with British labor activist Jessie Stephen to have her letters typed whilst there.

Death and legacy

In 1925 Crouch-Hazlett enrolled at New York University in an effort to earn a Doctorate degree. She died in May 1941. Her papers reside among the Social Democratic Party Papers of the Milwaukee County Historical Society in Milwaukee, Wisconsin.

Footnotes

Works

 "Women in the Socialist Movement," Montana News [Lewiston], June 1, 1904, pg. 1.
 "Mrs. Hazlett Brutally Treated at Spokane," The Socialist [Seattle], whole no. 344 (September 21, 1907), pg. 1.
 "The Socialist Movement and Woman Suffrage," Socialist Woman, vol. 2 (June 1908), pg. 5.
 "Finale!" (poem), The New Review, vol. 1, no. 9 (March 1, 1913), pg. 276.

Further reading
 "Legion Mob Kidnaps Mrs. Hazlett in Iowa," New York Call, vol. 14, no. 225 (August 13, 1921), pp. 1, 4.
 Obituary, The New Leader, May 10, 1941.

1870s births
1941 deaths
Journalists from Chicago
People from Lewistown, Montana
Suffragists from Colorado
Women in Colorado politics
American Christian socialists
Socialist Party of America politicians from Colorado
American women journalists
American newspaper editors
American socialist feminists
Proponents of Christian feminism
Illinois Prohibitionists
Women newspaper editors
Journalists from Montana
Socialist Party of America politicians from Montana
Illinois State University alumni
Female Christian socialists
National American Woman Suffrage Association activists

Ida Crouch-Hazlett


Autumn Exhibition of Leningrad artists of 1978 () opened in Exhibition Halls of the Leningrad Union of Soviet Artists and became one of the largest art exhibitions of 1978 in the USSR.

History and Organization

A special exhibition committee which consisted of the most authoritative art-experts was formed to organise and prepare the exhibit. A catalog of the exhibition was published. In total, the exhibition displayed almost 1100 works of art by painters, sculptors, graphic artists, artists of theater and cinema, and masters of arts and crafts. The event involved over 650 artists of Leningrad.

Contributing Artists

In the largest department, Painting, the works of 300 artists appeared. These included Piotr Alberti, Taisia Afonina, Irina Baldina, Nikolai Baskakov, Evgenia Baykova, Vsevolod Bazhenov, Piotr Belousov, Veniamin Borisov, Boris F Borzin, Zlata Bizova, Dmitry Buchkin, Lev Chegorovsky, Evgeny Chuprun, Sergei Frolov, Nikolai Galakhov, Vladimir Gorb, Irina Dobrekova, German Egoshin, Alexei Eriomin, Mikhail Kaneev, Yuri Khukhrov, Maya Kopitseva, Elena Kostenko, Nikolai Kostrov, Anna Kostrova, Gevork Kotiantz, Mikhail Kozell, Marina Kozlovskaya, Vladimir Krantz, Anatoli Levitin, Dmitry Maevsky, Gavriil Malish, Boris Maluev, Eugene Maltsev, Yuri Mezhirov, Nikolai Mukho, Vera Nazina, Alexander Naumov, Dmitry Oboznenko, Victor Otiev, Yuri Pavlov, Varlen Pen, Evgeny Pozdniakov, Valentina Rakhina, Semion Rotnitsky, Alexander Semionov, Yuri Shablikin, Boris Shamanov, Alexander Stolbov, Alexander Tatarenko, German Tatarinov, Nikolai Timkov, Leonid Tkachenko, Yuri Tulin, Vitaly Tulenev, Boris Ugarov, Ivan Varichev, Anatoli Vasiliev, German Yegoshin, Ruben Zakharian, Elena Zhukova, and others - the most prominent painters of the Leningrad School.

In the Department of Sculptures were exhibited art works of 76 sculptors. Department of graphics presented the creations of 177 artists.

Contributed Artworks

For the Exhibition were selected art works created in 1977-1978, as well as some earlier works. All were exhibited for the first time. Some of them were subsequently added to the collections of Soviet Art museums, as well as domestic and foreign galleries and collectors.

Portraits were presented: "Portrait of a Korean woman Tamara" by Taisia Afonina, "Portrait of a surgeon" by Piotr Belousov, "My Grandmother" by Veniamin Borisov, "Portrait of Riyn Urg" by Lev Chegorovsky, "Loneliness" by Lev Chegorovsky, "Stanislav", "Student" by Yuri Khukhrov, "Selfportrait", "Portrait of art critic Kryzhanovskaya" by Elena Kostenko, "Portrait of Bochkin, a Hero of Socialist Labor", "Engineer Masha Soboleva" by Anatoli Levitin, "Portrait of Kirill Lavrov, actor of cinema and theater" by Yuri Mezhirov, "Portrait of artist Leonid Ptitsyn" by Yuri Pavlov, "Portrait of wife", "Portrait of artist Yaroslav Nikolaev" by Varlen Pen, "Portrait of mother, actress Anna Plekhanova" by Alexander Tatarenko, "Portrait of son" by Boris Ugarov, "Andrey" by Elena Zhukova, and others.

Genre paintings included "Lenin in Switzerland" by Piotr Belousov, "After work", "Spring care" by Zlata Bizova, "Loneliness" by Lev Chegorovsky, "At the 5th Heat power plant" by Evgeny Chuprun, "A Spring" by Alexei Eriomin, "In Art Studio" by Vladimir Gorb, "Prophet" by Eugene Maltsev, "Plovdiv" by Boris Maluev, "Concerto for piano", "Concert with the ballerina" by Leonid Tkachenko, "Grandma's mirror" by Vitaly Tulenev, "Night grazing" by Boris Ugarov, and others.

Landscapes and Cityscapes featured "A Lake" by Piotr Alberti, "Spring on the Volkhov River" by Nikolai Baskakov, "The Last Snow" by Vsevolod Bazhenov, "Abandoned house", "Pesochnaya embankment" by Dmitry Buchkin, "House in Pogost village", "Bathhouses are stoked" by Alexei Eriomin, "Kem town. A Winter is coming" by Nikolai Galakhov, "Chukhloma", "Leningrad courtyard", "Nevsky Prospekt" by Mikhail Kaneev, "Autumn garden", "Rowan tree" by Maya Kopitseva, "In an autumn attire", "Near Pudost village" by Mikhail Kozell, "Ravine", "Old linden alley", "Petrogradskaya Storona district of the Leningrad"  by Marina Kozlovskaya, "April" by Vladimir Krantz, "Sunny May", "Cool May" by Dmitry Maevsky, "Mouth of the Neva River" by Nikolai Mukho, "Bukhara. Rainy day" by Alexander Naumov, "In the wood", "A Window" by Vera Nazina, "Warm spring day", "Golden forest", "Spring song", "Summer Garden" by Dmitry Oboznenko, "On the Black Sea", "Beach in Jamete" by Victor Otiev, "Autumn" by Varlen Pen, "Rainy day in Terentievo village", "Autumn Twilight" by Evgeny Pozdniakov, "A Canal in winter", "Shkipersky protok street in Leningrad" by Valentina Rakhina, "Forest Lake", "Windy day in Tolmachyovo" by Semion Rotnitsky, "Furmanov street", "At the Saint Isaac's Square", "Summer Garden in Autumn" by Alexander Semionov, "Before Sunset" by Yuri Shablikin, "Landscape with tractor" by Alexander Stolbov, "Bird cherry blossomed", "Melody of Autumn" by German Tatarinov, "Torzhok", "A Winter", "Rains" by Nikolai Timkov, "Terpigorie village", "Crimea. Kipchak village" by Yuri Tulin, "Lopino village", "Autumn in Zastenje village", "Banks of the Volkhov River" by Ivan Varichev, "Spring on Mstino Lake" by Anatoli Vasiliev, "Streets of Paris", "Tatar houses", "Krasnokamenka village" by German Yegoshin, "Spring on the Okhta", "Gulf", "Relict of the Past" by Elena Zhukova, and others.

Still life paintings were presented of "Flowers" by Irina Baldina, "Autumn Bouquet" by Evgenia Baykova, "Flowers and Sink" by Vladimir Gorb, "Sunflowers" by Irina Dobrekova, "Plums and Pears", "Lilies of the valley", "Plums and pears" by Maya Kopitseva, "Still life", "Still life with a book" by Gevork Kotiantz, "Jug and Fruits", "Bread with Black Jug"  by Gavriil Malish, "Peonies and green sofa" by Valentina Rakhina, "Flowers of North", "A White night. A Lilac" by Boris Shamanov, "Still life with Red Tray" by Alexander Stolbov, "Golden fish" by Yuri Tulin, "Countryside Still life" by Anatoli Vasiliev, "A Lilac" by Ruben Zakharian, and others.

Acknowledgment

The Autumn Exhibition of Leningrad artists of 1978 was widely covered in the press and in literature on Soviet fine art.

See also

 Fine Art of Leningrad
 1978 in fine arts of the Soviet Union
 Leningrad School of Painting
 Saint Petersburg Union of Artists

References

Sources

 Осенняя выставка произведений ленинградских художников 1978 года. Каталог. Л., Художник РСФСР, 1983.
 Кекушева Г. Осенняя традиционная // Ленинградская правда, 1978, 28 ноября.
 Справочник членов Ленинградской организации Союза художников РСФСР. Л., Художник РСФСР, 1980.
 Художники народов СССР. Биобиблиографический словарь. Т.1-4. М., Искусство, 1970-1995.
 Справочник членов Союза художников СССР. Т.1-2. М., Советский художник, 1979.
 Хроника узловых событий художественной жизни России 1960-1980-х годов // Time for Change. The Art of 1960-1985 in the Soviet Union. Saint Petersburg, State Russian Museum, 2006.
 Sergei V. Ivanov. Unknown Socialist Realism. The Leningrad School. Saint Petersburg, NP-Print Edition, 2007. P.396, 417, 442. ,
 Юбилейный Справочник выпускников Санкт-Петербургского академического института живописи, скульптуры и архитектуры имени И. Е. Репина Российской Академии художеств. 1915—2005. Санкт Петербург, «Первоцвет», 2007.

Art exhibitions in Russia
1978 in the Soviet Union
Socialist realism

Autumn Exhibition (Leningrad, 1978)