The National Party (, NP), also known as the Nationalist Party, was a political party in South Africa from 1914 to 1997, which was responsible for the implementation of apartheid rule. The party was an Afrikaner ethnic nationalist party, which initially promoted the interests of Afrikaners but later became a stalwart promoter and enactor of white supremacy, for which it is best known. It first became the governing party of the country in 1924. It merged with its rival, the SAP, during the Great Depression, and a splinter faction became the official opposition during World War II and returned to power. With the National Party governing South Africa from 4 June 1948 until 9 May 1994, the country for the bulk of this time was only a de jure or partial democracy, as from 1958 onwards non-white people were barred from voting. In 1990, it began to style itself as simply a South African civic nationalist party, and after the fall of apartheid in 1994, attempted to become a moderate conservative one. The party's reputation was damaged irreparably by perpetrating apartheid, and it rebranded itself as the New National Party in 1997 before eventually dissolving in 2005.

Beginning in 1948 following the general election, the party as the governing party of South Africa began implementing its policy of racial segregation, known as apartheid (the Afrikaans term for "separateness"). Although White-minority rule and racial segregation were already in existence in South Africa with non-Whites not having voting rights and efforts made to encourage segregation, apartheid intensified the segregation with stern penalties for non-Whites entering into areas designated for Whites-only without having a pass to permit them to do so (known as the pass laws), interracial marriage and sexual relationships were illegal and punishable offences. Black people faced significant restrictions on property rights. After South Africa was condemned by the British Commonwealth for its policies of apartheid, the NP-led government had South Africa leave the Commonwealth, abandon its monarchy led by the British monarch and become an independent republic. The party's system of apartheid was officially labelled a crime against humanity by the United Nations General Assembly on 16 December 1966.

During the 1970s and 1980s, the NP-led white apartheid government faced internal unrest in South Africa and international pressure for the accommodation of non-Whites in South Africa. It resulted in policies of granting concessions to the non-White population while still retaining the apartheid system, such as the creation of Bantustans that were autonomous self-governing Black homelands (criticised for several of them being broken up into unconnected pieces and that they were still dominated by the White minority South African government), removing legal prohibitions on interracial marriage, and legalising non-White and multiracial political parties (however the outlawed though very popular African National Congress (ANC), was not legalised due to the government identifying it as a terrorist organisation). Those identified as Coloureds and Indian South Africans were granted separate legislatures in 1983 alongside the central legislature that represented Whites to provide them self-government while maintaining apartheid, but no such congress was supplied to the Black population as their self-government was to be provided through the Bantustans. The NP-led government began changing laws affected by the apartheid system that had come under heavy domestic and international condemnation, such as removing the pass laws, granting Blacks full property rights that ended previous significant restrictions on Black land ownership, and the right to form trade unions. Following escalating economic sanctions over apartheid, negotiations between the NP-led government led by P. W. Botha and the outlawed ANC led by then-imprisoned Nelson Mandela began in 1987 with Botha seeking to accommodate the ANC's demands and consider releasing Mandela and legalising the ANC on the condition that it would renounce the use of political violence to attain its aims.

In the 1989 South African general election, the party under F. W. de Klerk's leadership declared that it intended to negotiate with the Black South African community for a political solution to accommodate Black South Africans. This resulted in De Klerk declaring in February 1990 the decision to transition South Africa out of apartheid, and permitted the release of Mandela from prison and ending South Africa's ban on the ANC and other anti-apartheid movements, and began negotiations with the ANC for a post-apartheid political system. In September 1990 the party opened up its membership to all racial groups and rebranded itself as no longer being an ethnic nationalist party only representing Afrikaners, but would henceforth be a civic nationalist and conservative party representing all South Africans. However, there was significant opposition among hardliner supporters of apartheid that resulted in De Klerk's government responding to them by holding a national referendum on Apartheid in 1992 for the White population alone that asked them if they supported the government's policy to end apartheid and establish elections open to all South Africans: a large majority voted in favour of the government's policy. In the 1994 elections, it expanded its base to include many non-Whites, including significant support from Coloured and Indian South Africans. It participated in the Government of National Unity between 1994 and 1996. In an attempt to distance itself from its past, the party was renamed the New National Party in 1997. The attempt was largely unsuccessful and the new party was decided to merge with the ANC.

Founding and early history

The National Party was founded in Bloemfontein in 1914 by Afrikaner nationalists soon after the establishment of the Union of South Africa. Its founding was rooted in disagreements among South African Party politicians, particularly Prime Minister Louis Botha and his first Minister of Justice, J. B. M. Hertzog. After Hertzog began speaking out publicly against the Botha government's "one-stream" policy in 1912, Botha removed him from the cabinet. Hertzog and his followers in the Orange Free State province subsequently moved to establish the National Party to oppose the government by advocating a "two-stream" policy of equal rights for the English and Afrikaner communities. Afrikaner nationalists in the Transvaal and Cape provinces soon followed suit, so that three distinct provincial NP organisations were in existence in time for the 1915 general elections.

The NP first came to power in coalition with the Labour Party in 1924, with Hertzog as Prime Minister. In 1930 the Hertzog government worked to undermine the vote of Coloureds (South Africans of mixed White and non-White ancestry) by granting the right to vote to White women, thus doubling White political power. In 1934, Hertzog agreed to merge his National Party with the rival South African Party of Jan Smuts to form the United Party. A hardline faction of Afrikaner nationalists led by Daniel François Malan refused to accept the merger and maintained a rump National Party called the Gesuiwerde Nasionale Party (Purified National Party). The Purified National Party used opposition to South African participation in World War II to stir up anti-British feelings amongst Afrikaners. This led to a reunification of the Purified Nationalists with the faction that had merged with the South African Party; together, they formed the Herenigde Nasionale Party (Reunited National Party), which went on to defeat Smuts' United Party in 1948 in coalition with the much smaller Afrikaner Party. In 1951, the two amalgamated to once again become known simply as the National Party.

Apartheid

Upon taking power after the 1948 general election, the NP began to implement a program of apartheid – the legal system of political, economic and social separation of the races intended to maintain and extend political and economic control of South Africa by the White minority. The party's actions made South Africa for the most part a pariah state across the world. Apartheid was officially labelled a crime against humanity by the United Nations General Assembly on 16 December 1966.

In 1959 the Bantu Self-Government Act established so-called Homelands (sometimes pejoratively called Bantustans) for ten different Black tribes. The ultimate goal of the NP was to move all Black South Africans into one of these homelands (although they might continue to work in South Africa as "guest workers"), leaving what was left of South Africa (about 87 per cent of the land area) with what would then be a White majority, at least on paper. As the apartheid government saw the homelands as embryonic independent nations, all Black South Africans were registered as citizens of the homelands, not of the nation as a whole, and were expected to exercise their political rights only in the homelands. Accordingly, the three token parliamentary seats reserved for White representatives of Black South Africans in the Cape Province were scrapped. The other three provinces – Transvaal Province, the Orange Free State Province, and Natal Province had never allowed any Black representation.

Coloureds were removed from the Common Roll of Cape Province in 1953. Instead of voting for the same representatives as White South Africans, they could now vote only for four White representatives to speak for them. Later, in 1968, the Coloureds were disenfranchised altogether. In the place of the four parliamentary seats, a partially elected body was set up to advise the government in an amendment to the Separate Representation of Voters Act. This made the electorate entirely White, as Indian South Africans had never had any representation.

In a move unrecognised by the rest of the world, the former German colony of South West Africa (now Namibia), which South Africa had occupied in World War I, was effectively incorporated into South Africa as a League of Nations mandate, with seven members elected to represent its White citizens in the Parliament of South Africa. The White minority of South West Africa, predominantly Germans and Afrikaners, considered its interests akin to those of the Afrikaners in South Africa and therefore supported the National Party in subsequent elections.

These reforms bolstered the NP politically, as they removed Black and Coloured influence – which was hostile to the NP – from the electoral process and incorporated the pro-nationalist Whites of South-West Africa. The NP increased its parliamentary majority in almost every election between 1948 and 1977.

Numerous segregation laws had been passed before the NP took power in 1948. Among the most significant were the 'Natives Land Act, No 27 of 1913', and the 'Natives (Urban Areas) Act of 1923'. The former made it illegal for Blacks to purchase or lease land from Whites except in reserves, which restricted Black occupancy to less than eight percent of South Africa's land. The latter laid the foundations for residential segregation in urban areas. Apartheid laws passed by the NP after 1948 included the 'Prohibition of Mixed Marriages Act', the 'Immorality Act', the 'Population Registration Act', and the 'Group Areas Act', which prohibited non-white males from being in certain areas of the country (especially at night) unless they were employed there.

From Dominion to republic

The NP strongly advocated republicanism, a sentiment rooted in Boer history. Beginning in 1836, waves of Boers began to migrate north from the Cape Colony to live beyond the reach of the British colonial administration. Eventually, the migrating Boers founded three republics in southern Africa: the Natalia Republic, the South African Republic and the Orange Free State. British colonial expansion in the 19th century led to the annexation of the Natalia Republic by Britain and the First and Second Boer Wars, which resulted in the South African Republic and the Orange Free State being annexed into the Empire as well.

Despite Britain's victory in the Second Boer War, Afrikaners resisted British control in southern Africa. In 1914, a group of anti-British Afrikaners led the Maritz rebellion against the Union of South Africa during World War I; two years later, an NP congress called for South Africa to become a republic before changing its mind and deciding that it was too early. The Afrikaner Broederbond, a secret organization founded in 1918 to support the interests of Afrikaners in South Africa, soon became a powerful force in the South African political scene. The Republican Bond was established in the 1930s, and other republican organisations such as the Purified National Party, the Voortrekkers, Noodhulpliga (First-Aid League) and the Federasie van Afrikaanse Kultuurverenigings (Federation of Afrikaans Cultural Organisations) also came into being. There was a widespread outpouring of nationalist sentiment around the 1938 centenary of the Great Trek and the Battle of Blood River. It was seen to signify the perpetuation of white South African culture, and anti-British and pro-republican feelings grew more assertive.

It was obvious in political circles that the Union of South Africa was headed inevitably towards republicanism. Although it remained a Dominion after unification in 1910, the country was granted increased amounts of self-government; indeed, it already had complete autonomy on specific issues. It was agreed in 1910 that the South African government would look after domestic matters but that the country's external affairs would remain British-controlled.

Hertzog's trip to the 1919 Paris Peace Conference was a definite (if failed) attempt to gain independence. In 1926, however, the Balfour Declaration was passed, affording every British dominion within the British Empire equal rank and bestowing upon them their right of the direction of foreign issues. This resulted the following year in the institution of South Africa's first-ever Department of Foreign Affairs. 1931 saw a backtrack as the Statute of Westminster resolved that British Dominions could not have "total" control over their external concerns, but in 1934 the Status and Seals Acts were passed, granting the South African Parliament even greater power than the British government over the Union.

The extreme NP members of the 1930s were known collectively as the Republikeinse Bond. The following organisations, parties and events promoted the Republican ideal in the 1930s:

 The Broederbond
 The Purified National Party
 The FAK
 The Voortrekkers and
 The 1938 Great Trek Centenary
 The
 The Ossewabrandwag
 Pirow's  (New Order)
 The adjustment to  and the national flag

Daniel François Malan

There was some confusion about the republican ideal during the war years. The Herenigde Nasionale Party, with Hertzog its leader, pushed the issue into the background. After Hertzog left the party, however, it became republican. In 1942 and 1944, Daniel François Malan introduced a motion in the House of Assembly in favour of the establishment of a republic, but this was defeated.

When the NP came to power in 1948 (making it the first all-Afrikaner cabinet since 1910), there were two uppermost priorities that it was determined to fulfil:

 Find a solution to the racial problem.
 Lead South Africa to independence and republican status.

Between 1948 and 1961, Prime Ministers D. F. Malan, J. G. Strijdom and Hendrik Verwoerd all worked very hard for the latter, implementing a battery of policies and changes in a bid to increase the country's autonomy. Divided loyalty, they felt, was holding South Africa back. They wanted to break the country's ties with the United Kingdom and establish a republic, and many South Africans grew confident that a republic was possible.

Unfortunately for its republicans, the NP was not in a strong parliamentary position. Although it held a majority (only five) of seats, many of these were in rural constituencies, which had far fewer voters than urban constituencies. Malan appealed to many rural voters due to his agricultural policy, meaning black workers relied on white farmers for work, fuelling his quest for a segregated nation. The United Party held a 100,000-vote lead. Consequently, the NP had to rely on the Afrikaner Party's support. It did not, therefore, have the groundswell of public support that it needed to win a referendum, and only when it had that majority on its side could a referendum be held on the republican matter. However, with a small seating majority and a total vote-tally minority, it was impossible for now for Malan and his ardently republican Nats to bring about a republic constitutionally. In the interim, the NP would have to consolidate itself and not antagonise the British.

Many English speakers did not want to break their ties with the United Kingdom. However, in 1949, at the 1949 Commonwealth Prime Ministers' Conference in London (with Malan in attendance), India requested that, despite its newly attained republican status, it remain a member of the British Commonwealth. When this was granted the following year by the London Declaration, It roused much debate in South Africa between the pro-republican NP and the anti-republican UP (under Strauss). It meant that, even if South Africa did become a republic, it did not automatically have to sever all of its ties with the UK and the British Commonwealth. This gained the movement further support from the English-speaking populace, which was less worried about being isolated, and the republican ideal looked closer than ever to being fulfilled.

Although he could not make South Africa a republic, Malan could prepare the country for this eventuality. In his term of office, from 1948 to 1954, Malan took several steps to break ties with the UK:

 The South African Citizenship Act was passed in 1949. Before, South Africans were not citizens but rather subjects of the British Crown, regardless of whether they were permanent residents or had only recently migrated. The 1949 Act established South African citizenship. Before, British citizens needed a mere two years in the country to qualify as South Africans; now, British immigrants were just like any other immigrant: they would have to register and remain in South Africa for five years to become citizens of the country. It was believed that this could well influence a republican referendum. The Act ensured that the British immigrant population would not reduce the Afrikaner majority.
 In 1950, the right of appeal to the British Privy Council in London was terminated under the Privy Council Appeals Act. The Appellate Division of the Supreme Court in Bloemfontein was now South Africa's highest court.
 Malan was a crucial player in the move to get the word "British" taken away from "British Commonwealth". This change was taken as an affirmation of the fact that all member countries were voluntary and equal members.
 In 1951, pro-republican Ernest George Jansen was assigned the post of Governor-General of South Africa. This endorsed the idea of Afrikaner leadership.
 The title of the just-crowned Queen was modified in 1953 from "Elizabeth II, Queen of Great Britain, Ireland and the British Dominions beyond the Seas" to "Elizabeth II, Queen of South Africa". This was meant to indicate that the South African upper house had bequeathed the title upon her.

The 1953 ballot votes saw the NP fortify its position considerably, winning comfortably but still falling well short of the clear majority it sought: it had 94 seats in parliament to the UP's 57 and the Labour Party's five.

J. G. Strijdom

Malan retired in 1954 at the age of eighty. The two succession contenders were J. G. Strijdom (Minister of Lands and Irrigation) and Havenga (Minister of Finance). Malan personally preferred the latter and, indeed, recommended him. Malan and Strijdom had clashed frequently over the years, particularly on the question of whether a republican South Africa should be inside or outside the Commonwealth.

Strijdom, however, had the support of Verwoerd and Ben Schoeman, and he was eventually voted in as Prime Minister. Strijdom was a passionate and outspoken Afrikaner and republican who wholeheartedly supported apartheid. He was completely intolerant towards non-Afrikaners and liberal ideas, utterly determined to maintain White rule with zero compromise. Known as the "Lion of the North", Strijdom made few changes to his cabinet and pursued with vigour the policy of apartheid. By 1956, he successfully placed the Coloureds on a separate voters' roll, thus further weakening ties with the Commonwealth and gaining support for the NP.

He also took several other steps to make South Africa less dependent on Britain:

 In 1955, the South African parliament became recognised as the highest authority.
 In 1957, following a motion from Arthur Barlow MP, the flag of the Union of South Africa became the country's only flag; the Union Jack, alongside which the Union Flag had flown since 1928, was flown no longer, to be hoisted only on special occasions.
 Likewise, "Die Stem van Suid-Afrika" (The Call of South Africa) became South Africa's only national anthem and was also translated into English to appease the relevant population. God Save the Queen would be sung only on occasions relating to the UK or the Commonwealth.
 In 1957, the maritime base in Simonstown was reassigned from the command of the British Royal Navy to that of the South African government. The British had occupied Simonstown since 1806.
 In 1958, "OHMS" was replaced by "Official" on all official documents.
 C. R. Swart, another staunch Afrikaner republican, became the new Governor-General.

Anti-republican South Africans recognised the shift and distancing from Britain, and the UP grew increasingly anxious, doing all it could to persuade Parliament to retain Commonwealth links. Strijdom, however, declared that South Africa's participation (or otherwise) in the Commonwealth would be determined only by its best interests.

Hendrik Verwoerd

The question of apartheid dominated the 1958 election, and the NP took 55% of the vote, thus winning a clear majority for the first time. When Strijdom died that same year, there was a tripartite succession contest between Swart, Dönges and Verwoerd. The latter, devoted to the cause of a republican South Africa, was the new Prime Minister. Verwoerd, a former Minister of Native Affairs, played a leading role in the institution of the apartheid system. Under his leadership, the NP solidified its control over South African apartheid-era politics.

To gain the support of the English-identified population of South Africa, Verwoerd appointed several English speakers to his cabinet. He also cited the radical political movements elsewhere in Africa as vindication of his belief that White and Black nationalism could not work within the same system. Verwoerd also presented the NP as the party best equipped to deal with the widely perceived threat of communism.

By the end of his term (caused by his assassination), Verwoerd had solidified the NP's domination of South African politics. In the 1966 elections the party won 126 out of the 170 seats in Parliament.

By 1960, however, much of the South African electorate called for withdrawal from the Commonwealth and establishing South Africa as a republic. It was decided that a republican referendum was to be held in October. International circumstances made the referendum a growing necessity. In the aftermath of the World War II, former British colonies in Africa and Asia were gaining independence and publicising the ills of apartheid. Commonwealth members were determined to isolate South Africa.

There were numerous internal factors which had paved the way for and may be viewed as influences on the result:

 Harold Macmillan's "Winds of Change" speech, in which he declared that independence for Black Africans was an inevitability;
 Many Whites were unwilling to give up apartheid and realised that South Africa would have to go for it alone if it was to pursue its racial policies.
 The assertion that economic growth and relaxation of racial tensions could be achieved only through a republic;
 The Sharpeville Massacre;
 The attempted assassination of Verwoerd; and, most importantly,
 The 1960 census revealed more Afrikaners in the country than English, thus almost guaranteeing the NP victory in a republican referendum.

The opposition accused Verwoerd of trying to break from the Commonwealth and the West, thus losing South Africa's trade preferences. The NP, however, launched a vigorously enthusiastic political campaign with widely advertised public meetings. The opposition found it very difficult to fight for the preservation of British links.

There were numerous pro-republican arguments:

 It would link more closely the two European language groups.
 It would eliminate confusion about South Africa's constitutional position.
 The monarchy was essentially British, with no roots in South Africa.
 South Africans desired a home-grown Head of State.
 The Queen of South Africa, living abroad, inherited her title as the United Kingdom's monarch without the assistance or approval of South Africa.
 In a republic, the Head of State would not be another country's ruler but rather the elected representative of the nation, a unifying symbol.
 A republic symbolised a sovereign free, and independent state.
 South Africa could approach its internal problems more realistically since they would be strictly "South African" problems to be solved by South Africans rather than foreign intervention.
 It would clear the misconception amongst many Blacks in South Africa that foreigners had the final say in their affairs.

There were also numerous arguments  the establishment of a republic:

 It could lead to a forced withdrawal from the Commonwealth.
 With the entire world in a state of political unrest, bordering on turmoil, it was dangerous to change South Africa's political status.
 It could lead to isolation from allies.
 A republic would solve none of South Africa's problems; it would only worsen them, especially the racial issue, to which the Commonwealth was increasingly opposed.
 The NP had supposedly not given one good reason for the change.
 The ruling party already had twelve years to bring about national unity but had only driven the two White sects further apart.
 A majority of just one vote could establish a republic. This did not entail unity nor, indeed, democracy.
 Countries did not generally change their form of government unless the present form was inefficient or unstable due to internal strife or hardship. Nothing like this had happened in (White) South Africa, where so many were so content.

On 5 October 1960, 90.5% of the White electorate turned out to vote on the issue. 850,458 (52%) voted in favour of a republic, while 775,878 were against it. The Cape, Orange Free State and Transvaal were all in favour; Natal, a mainly English-speaking province, was not. It was a narrow victory for the republicans. However, a considerable number of Afrikaners did vote against the measure. The few Blacks, Indians and Coloureds allowed to vote were decidedly against the measure.

English speakers who voted for a republic had done so on the condition that their cultural heritage be safeguarded. Many had associated a republic with the survival of the White South Africans. Macmillan's speech illustrated that the British government was no longer prepared to stand by South Africa's racist policies. Nevertheless, the referendum was a significant victory for Afrikaner nationalism as British political and cultural influence waned in South Africa.

However, one question remained after the referendum: would South Africa become a republic outside the Commonwealth (the outcome favoured by the most Afrikaner nationalists)? Withdrawal from the Commonwealth would likely alienate English speakers and damage relations with many other countries. Former British colonies such as India, Pakistan and Ghana were all republics within the Commonwealth, and Verwoerd announced that South Africa would follow suit "if possible".

In January 1961, Verwoerd's government enacted legislation to transform the Union of South Africa into the Republic of South Africa. The constitution was finalised in April. It merged the authority of the British Crown and Governor-General into a new post, State President of South Africa. The State President would have relatively little political power, serving more as the ceremonial head of state. The political power was to lie with the Prime Minister (head of government). The Republic of South Africa would also have its monetary system, employing Rand and Cents.

In March 1961, Verwoerd visited the 1961 Commonwealth Prime Ministers' Conference in London to discuss South Africa becoming a republic within the Commonwealth, presenting the Republic of South Africa's application for a renewal of its membership to the Commonwealth. The Commonwealth had earlier declined to predict how republican status would affect South Africa's membership; it did not want to be seen meddling in its members' domestic affairs. However, many of the Conference's affiliates (prominent among them the Afro-Asia group and Canadian Prime Minister John Diefenbaker) attacked South Africa's racial policies and rebuffed Verwoerd's application; they would go to any lengths to expel South Africa from the Commonwealth. Numerous anti-apartheid movements also campaigned for South Africa's exclusion from the UK. Some member countries warned that they would pull out of the organisation unless South Africa were expelled. Verwoerd disregarded the censure, arguing that his Commonwealth cohorts had no right to question and criticise his country's domestic affairs. On this issue, he even had the support of his parliamentary opposition.

Thus, on 15 March 1961, ostensibly to Britain an awkward decision and causing a split within the Commonwealth, but more likely to avoid further condemnation and embarrassment, Verwoerd withdrew his application and announced that South Africa would become a republic outside the Commonwealth. His decision was received with regret by the Prime Ministers of the UK, Australia and New Zealand but was met with obvious approval from South Africa's critics. Verwoerd said the next day that the move would not affect South Africa's relationship with the United Kingdom. On his homecoming, he was met with a rapturous reception. Afrikaner nationalists were not deterred by the relinquishment of Commonwealth membership, for they regarded the Commonwealth as little more than the British Empire in disguise. They believed that South Africa and the United Kingdom had absolutely nothing in common, and even UP leader Sir De Villiers Graaff praised Verwoerd for his handling of the situation.

On 31 May 1961, South Africa became a republic. The date was a significant one in Afrikaner history, as it heralded the anniversary of several historical events, the 1902 Treaty of Vereeniging, which ended the Anglo-Boer War; South Africa's becoming a union in 1910; and the first hoisting of the Union flag in 1928. The Afrikaner republican dream had finally come to reality.

The significance of Commonwealth withdrawal turned out to be less than expected. It was not necessary for South Africa to amend its trading preferences, and Prime Minister Macmillan reciprocated Verwoerd's assurance that withdrawal would not alter trade between South Africa and the UK.

South Africa now had its first independent constitution. However, the only real constitutional change was that the State President, in charge for seven years, would assume the now-vacant position of the Queen as Head of State. C. R. Swart, the State President-elect, took the first republican oath as State President of South Africa before Chief Justice L.C. Steyn (DRC).

Although White inhabitants were generally happy with the republic, united in their support of Verwoerd, the Blacks defiantly rejected the move. Nelson Mandela and his National Action Council demonstrated from 29 to 31 May 1961. The republican issue would strongly intensify resistance to apartheid.

Support

The NP won most parliamentary seats in all elections during the apartheid era. Its popular vote record was more mixed: While it won the popular vote with a comfortable margin in most general elections, the NP carried less than 50% of the electorate in 1948, 1953, 1961, and 1989. In 1977, the NP got its best-ever result in the elections with the support of 64.8% of the White voters and 134 parliamentary seats out of 165. After this, the party's consent declined as a proliferation of right-wing parties siphoned off important segments of its traditional voter base.

Throughout its reign, the party's support came mainly from Afrikaners, but other White people were courted by and increasingly voted for the NP after 1960. By the 1980s, however, in reaction to the "verligte" reforms of P. W. Botha, the majority of Afrikaners drifted to the Conservative Party of Andries Treurnicht, who called for a return to the traditional policies of the NP. In the 1974 general elections for example 91% of Afrikaners voted for the NP; however, in the 1989 general elections, only 46% of Afrikaners cast their ballot for the National party.

Division and decline

Factional warfare: "Verkramptes" and "Verligtes"

Following the assassination of Verwoerd, John Vorster took over as party leader and Prime Minister. From the 1960s onwards, the NP and the Afrikaner population in general was increasingly divided over the application of apartheid (the legal opposition being similarly divided over its response), leading to the emergence of the "verkramptes" and "verligtes". Verkramptes were members of the party's right-wing who opposed any deviation from the rigid apartheid structure. Verligtes took a somewhat more moderate stance towards racial issues, primarily from a pragmatic standpoint over fears of international scrutiny should reforms fail to be made.

In addition to the question of apartheid, the two factions were divided over such issues as immigration, language, racially-mixed sporting teams, and engagement with Black African states. In 1969, members of the "verkrampte" faction including Albert Hertzog and Jaap Marais, formed the Herstigte Nasionale Party, which claimed to be the true upholder of pure Verwoerdian apartheid ideology and continues to exist today. While it never had much electoral success, it attracted sufficient numbers to erode support for the government at crucial points, although not to the extent that the Conservative Party would do. Meanwhile, the verligtes began to gain some traction inside the party in response to growing international opposition to apartheid.

Perhaps a precursor to the split came around 1960 when Japie Basson, a moderate, was expelled for disagreements on racial questions and would form his own National Union Party, he would later join the United Party and Progressive Federal Party before rejoining the NP in the 1980s. Former Interior Minister Theo Gerdener formed the Democratic Party in 1973 to attempt its own verligte solution to racial questions.

National Party under Botha

Beginning in the early 1980s, under the leadership of Pieter Willem Botha, Prime Minister since 1978, the NP began to reform its policies. Botha legalised interracial marriages and multiracial political parties and relaxed the Group Areas Act. Botha also amended the constitution to grant a measure of political representation to Coloureds and Indians by creating separate parliamentary chambers in which they had control of their "own affairs". The amendments also replaced the parliamentary system with a presidential one. The powers of the Prime Minister were essentially merged with those of the State President, which was vested with sweeping executive powers. Although portraying the new system as a power-sharing agreement, Botha ensured that the real power remained in White hands, and in practice, in the hands of the NP. Whites had large majorities in the electoral college which chose the State President, as well as on the President's Council, which settled disputes between the three chambers and decided which combination of them could consider any piece of legislation. However, Botha and the NP refused to budge on the central issue of granting meaningful political rights to Black South Africans, who remained unrepresented even after the reforms. Most Black political organisations remained banned, and prominent Black leaders, including Nelson Mandela, remained imprisoned.

While Botha's reforms did not even begin to meet the opposition's demands, they sufficiently alarmed a segment of his own party to engender a second split. In 1982, hardline NP members including Andries Treurnicht and Ferdinand Hartzenberg formed the Conservative Party, committed to reversing Botha's reforms, which by 1987 became the largest parliamentary opposition party. The party later merged into the Freedom Front, which today represents Afrikaner nationalism. On the other hand, some reformist NP members also left the party, such as Dennis Worrall and Wynand Malan, who formed the Independent Party which later merged into the Democratic Party (a similar breakaway group existed for a time in the 1970s). The loss of NP support to both the DP and CP reflected the divisions among White voters over continued maintenance of apartheid.

National Party under de Klerk and final years of apartheid

In the midst of rising political instability, growing economic problems and diplomatic isolation, Botha resigned as NP leader, and subsequently as State President in 1989. He was replaced by F. W. de Klerk in this capacity. Although conservative by inclination, De Klerk had become the leader of an "enlightened" NP faction that realised the impracticality of maintaining apartheid forever. He decided that it would be better to negotiate while there was still time to reach a compromise, than to hold out until forced to negotiate on less favourable terms later. He persuaded the NP to enter into negotiations with representatives of the Black community. Late in 1989, the NP won the most bitterly contested election in decades, pledging to negotiate an end to the very apartheid system that it had established.

On 2 February 1990, the African National Congress was legalised, and Nelson Mandela was released after twenty-seven years of imprisonment. In the same year, the NP opened its membership to all racial groups and moves began to repeal the racial legislation which had been the foundations of apartheid. A referendum in 1992 gave De Klerk plenipotentiary powers to negotiate with Mandela. Following the negotiations, a new interim constitution was drawn up, and non-racial democratic elections were held in 1994. These elections were won by the African National Congress. The NP remained in government, however, as a coalition partner to the ANC in the Government of National Unity until 30 June 1996, when it withdrew to become the official opposition.

Post-apartheid era

The National Party won 20.39% of the vote and 82 seats in the National Assembly at the first multiracial election in 1994. This support extended well beyond the White community and into other minority groups. For instance, two-thirds of Indian South Africans voted for the NP. It became the official opposition in most provinces and also won a majority in the Western Cape, winning much of the White and Coloured vote. Its Coloured support also earned it a strong second place in the Northern Cape. The party was wracked by internal wranglings whilst it participated in the Government of National Unity, and finally withdrew from the government to become the official opposition in 1996. Despite this, it remained uncertain about its future direction, and was continually outperformed in parliament by the much smaller Democratic Party (DP), which provided a more forceful and principled opposition stance. In 1997, its voter base began to gradually shift to the DP. The NP renamed itself the New National Party towards the end of 1997, to distance itself from the apartheid past.

However, the NNP would quickly disappear from the political scene, faring poorly at both the 1999 and 2004 general elections. After initially aligning with the DP in 2000 (forming the Democratic Alliance), the merger was aborted, and after a back and forth on whether to oppose or work with the ANC, the NNP and ANC finally formed an alliance in late-2001. After years of losing members and support to other parties, the NNP's collapse in its previous stronghold in the Western Cape at the 2004 general election proved to be the final straw; its federal council voted to dissolve the party on 9 April 2005, following a decision the previous year to merge with the ANC.

Re-establishment

On 5 August 2008 a new party using the name of "National Party South Africa" was formed and registered with the Independent Electoral Commission. The new party had no formal connection with the now defunct New National Party. The relaunched National Party of 2008 pushes for a non-racial democratic South Africa based on federal principles and the legacy of F. W. de Klerk.

List of presidents

Electoral history

State Presidential elections

House of Assembly elections

Senate elections

Notable people

 Vera Reitzer (1921–2006) Hungarian-born Jewish holocaust survivor, and National Party member

References
Notes

Citations

Bibliography

Apartheid in South Africa
Politics and race
Far-right politics in South Africa
Political parties established in 1914
Political parties disestablished in 1997
Civic nationalism
Christian democratic parties in South Africa
Anti-communist parties
Conservative parties in South Africa
Political parties of minorities
Protestant political parties
Republicanism in South Africa
20th century in South Africa
Political history of South Africa
White supremacy in South Africa
Afrikaner nationalism
Ethnic nationalism
White nationalist parties in South Africa

National Party (South Africa)


Hudson is a city in northern Summit County, Ohio, United States. The population was 23,110 at the 2020 census. It is a suburban community in the Akron metropolitan area. John Brown made his first public vow to destroy slavery here and the city later became part of the Underground Railroad. The Village of Hudson and Hudson Township were formerly two separate governing entities that merged in 1994.

History

The city is named after its founder, David Hudson, who settled there from Goshen, Connecticut, in 1799, when it was part of the Connecticut Western Reserve. The village of Hudson, located in the center of Hudson Township, was incorporated in 1837. In Hudson, David Hudson built the first log house in Summit County, Ohio. There is a marker at the intersection of Baldwin Street and North Main Street (Ohio State Route 91), on the right when traveling east on Baldwin Street. The marker is embedded in the west face of the boulder.

Hudson, which had a distinctly New England character from its early settlers, was the home of Western Reserve College and Preparatory School, founded in 1826 by David Hudson among others. It was spoken of as the "Yale of the West". The college moved to Cleveland in 1882 and later, as Western Reserve University, merged with the Case Institute of Technology to form the modern Case Western Reserve University. The Yale-inspired red brick buildings are now the Western Reserve Academy. The Loomis Observatory was built in 1838 and is the oldest observatory in the U.S. still in its original location.

The Cleveland and Pittsburgh Railroad began service to Hudson in 1852. In 1861, President-elect Abraham Lincoln spoke to about 6,000 people for 2 to 3 minutes from the last train car at the old Hudson Depot, near the south end of College Street. The railroad ended passenger service at Hudson in 1965. A former train station (built in the 1910s) that was located near the intersection of West Streetsboro and Library Streets was demolished in 2013.

East of Morse Road, there is an unfinished Clinton Air Line Railroad bridge (over Hurricane Creek near the power line from Morse Road to W. Prescott Road).

There was a fire on the west side of Hudson's Main Street in 1892. The fire destroyed the buildings between Park Lane and Clinton Street. A. W. Lockhart's saloon and the Mansion House [Hotel] burned. The Hudson-born Pennsylvania coal mine owner James Ellsworth assisted in the rebuilding of Main Street after the street had been destroyed by fire in 1903. Ellsworth also refinanced the bankrupt Western Reserve Academy, housed on the former campus of Western Reserve College, which had been closed from 1903 until 1916.

In 1882, Gustave H. Grimm established the G.H. Grimm Manufacturing Company to build and sell corrugated tin-pan evaporators for use in maple syrup production. That area, now called "The Evaporator Works," is on the south of Ravenna Street and just east of Ohio Route 91.

The Hudson Clock Tower was built in 1912 by James Ellsworth who was born in Hudson in 1849. The original clock movement was supplied by the E. Howard Clock Company of Boston. The energy from 3000-pound weights powered the movement of the clocks and Westminster chimes. The town marshall was responsible for entering the tower every few days and winding (lifting) the weights.

Lincoln Ellsworth was the son of James Ellsworth. Lincoln Ellsworth is the only Hudsonite on a U.S. postage stamp. The Ellsworth Mountains are named after Lincoln Ellsworth. Lincoln was born in Chicago and lived in Hudson when he was a child. Lincoln was awarded two Congressional Gold Medals.

From 1957 until the late 1980s, General Motors had a factory of almost one thousand workers in Hudson that built crawler tractor earth-moving equipment. The factory was beside and east of Ohio State Route 91 and it was south of Terex Road. The original 1958 factory had 660,000 square feet. In 1961, GM added 340,000 square feet for a total of 1 million square feet of factory. In 1970, GM renamed their earth-moving equipment division as Terex. Currently Jo-Ann Stores uses most of the former GM factory. Hudson had an airport from mid-1920s until 1957, known as the Hudson Mid-City Airport, near the former General Motors Euclid Division.

On November 28, 1973, a large area of the village, "roughly bounded by College, Streetsboro, S. Main, and Baldwin" streets, was listed on the National Register of Historic Places as the Hudson Historic District. The historic district was expanded on October 10, 1989, to also include the area "roughly bounded by Hudson St., Old Orchard Dr., Aurora St., Oviatt St., Streetsboro St., and College St. to Aurora (street)". In addition to the Hudson Historic District, there are several additional properties in Hudson listed on the Register. The City of Hudson came about in 1994 when voters approved the merger of Hudson Township and Hudson Village, which had previously been two separate governing entities.

In July 2003, Hudson received over  of rain from three storm events within 24 hours. Hudson had flood damage within all its three watersheds ... Mud Brook, Brandywine Creek and Tinker's Creek. The Brandywine Creek Watershed experienced the most flood damage in 2003. Two men drowned in an underground parking garage of a condominium complex on July 21, 2003. State Routes 91 and 303 flooded where the highways dip low to pass under the train tracks and the highways were closed by 7:40 PM on July 21.

An abolitionist center
Ohio's Western Reserve "was probably the most intensely antislavery section of the country". Hudson, with the Reserve's first college, was for a time its intellectual capital. The founders of Hudson were abolitionists, although founder David Hudson favored the soon-to-be-discarded strategy of "colonization": sending free Blacks "back to Africa". Another founder, Owen Brown, father of John Brown, also from Connecticut, was a fervent abolitionist. The latter, who arguably did more to end slavery in the United States than any other person, grew up and was educated in Hudson from 1805 to 1825. There is a marker at the site of his family's home, at the intersection of Ravenna and South Main Streets.

There is also a historical marker at the location of the first meetinghouse of the First Congregational Church, at East Main and Church Streets, reading: "In August, 1835, church members unanimously adopted a resolution declaring that slavery is 'a direct violation of the law of Almighty God.' At a November 1837 prayer meeting, church member and anti-slavery leader John Brown made his first public vow to destroy slavery."

Thousands of fugitive slaves, heading for freedom in Canada, passed through Hudson; it was a stop on the Underground Railroad. Owen Brown was very active in assisting the fugitives. As of 2019, 21 locations in and around Hudson associated with the Underground Railroad have been identified. and in 1992 there appeared a book by James Caccamo, Hudson and the Underground Railroad.

Hudson cheese manufacturer Seymour Straight was the primary funder of Straight University, founded in 1868, the first university in New Orleans for Black students.

Hudson's period of anti-slavery leadership ended in the early 1830s. Beriah Green, the lone professor of theology at the college, was influenced by William Lloyd Garrison's new newspaper, The Liberator, and his Thoughts on African Colonization. He preached four fiery anti-slavery sermons, which so inflamed the college that nothing else was being discussed, the president said, and the town was torn apart. Green, expecting to be fired, left to become president of the Oneida Institute, on condition Blacks be admitted on the same terms as whites. Oneida, near Utica, New York, replaced Hudson as the nation's leading abolitionist center.

Geography

Hudson is located in northeastern Summit County. According to the United States Census Bureau, the city has a total area of , of which  is land and  is water.

Neighboring communities
Hudson's neighbors are, starting at the northern corporate boundary and proceeding clockwise:
 Northfield Center Township (meets at Hudson's northwest corner)
 Macedonia (western quarter of Hudson's northern boundary)
 Twinsburg Township (remainder of Hudson's northern boundary)
 Aurora (meets at northeast corner)
 Streetsboro (entire eastern boundary)
 Franklin Township (meets at southeast corner)
 Stow (entire southern boundary)
 Cuyahoga Falls (meets at southwest corner)
 Boston Township (southern third of Hudson's western boundary)
 Boston Heights (remainder of western boundary)

Watersheds
Hudson's surface water flows into five major watersheds. The three most prominent are Brandywine Creek, Mud Brook, and Tinkers Creek. A small part of the western edge of town drains into the Cuyahoga River, and the southeastern corner of the city drains into Fish Creek.

Demographics

Of the city's population over the age of 25, 68.0% held a bachelor's degree or higher. According to a 2007 estimate, the median income for a household in the city was $112,740, and the median income for a family was $128,727. Males had a median income of $87,169 versus $38,226 for females. The per capita income for the city was $40,915. About 1.3% of families and 1.7% of the population were below the poverty line, including 2.2% of those under age 18 and 2.0% of those age 65 or over.

Note: Historical Population figures before 2000 are for the former Village of Hudson only and do not include the former Hudson Township.

2020 census
As of April 1, 2020, there were 23,110 people residing in the city.

2010 census
As of the census of 2010, there were 22,262 people, 7,620 households, and 6,301 families residing in the city. The population density was . There were 8,002 housing units at an average density of . The racial makeup of the city was 92.7% White, 1.3% African American, 0.1% Native American, 4.3% Asian, 0.3% from other races, and 1.3% from two or more races. Hispanic or Latino of any race were 1.7% of the population.

There were 7,620 households, of which 43.2% had children under the age of 18 living with them, 74.9% were married couples living together, 5.9% had a female householder with no husband present, 1.9% had a male householder with no wife present, and 17.3% were non-families. 15.3% of all households were made up of individuals, and 8.4% had someone living alone who was 65 years of age or older. The average household size was 2.87 and the average family size was 3.21.

The median age in the city was 42.5 years. 30.1% of residents were under the age of 18; 5.5% were between the ages of 18 and 24; 18.5% were from 25 to 44; 34% were from 45 to 64; and 11.8% were 65 years of age or older. The gender makeup of the city was 49.1% male and 50.9% female.

2000 census
As of the 2000 census, there were 22,439 people, 7,357 households, and 6,349 families residing in the city. The population density was . There were 7,636 housing units at an average density of . The racial makeup of the city was 94.65% White, 2.82% Asian, 1.48% African American, 0.09% Native American, 0.20% from other races, and 0.75% from two or more races. Hispanic or Latino of any race were 0.82% of the population.

There were 7,357 households, out of which 49.5% had children under the age of 18 living with them, 79.7% were married couples living together, 5.1% had a female householder with no husband present, and 13.7% were non-families. 12.3% of all households were made up of individuals, and 6.5% had someone living alone who was 65 years of age or older. The average household size was 3.01 and the average family size was 3.30.

In the city the population was spread out, with 33.5% under the age of 18, 4.1% from 18 to 24, 25.4% from 25 to 44, 27.7% from 45 to 64, and 9.4% who were 65 years of age or older. The median age was 39 years. For every 100 females, there were 98.5 males. For every 100 females age 18 and over, there were 93.0 males.

Religion
There are many churches and other places of worship in Hudson. There are several Christian denominations present, including the Eastern Orthodox, Episcopal Church, United Church of Christ, Lutheran, Christian Science, Presbyterian, United Methodist, Anglican, and Roman Catholic, and non-denominational congregations as well as a Jewish temple.

Economy

In November 2002, Hudson was the first community in the U.S. to launch a citywide electronic gift card. The card was introduced by the Hudson Chamber of Commerce to help stimulate and keep shopping dollars with the independent merchants in town.

Commercial
Jo-Ann Stores has its corporate headquarters in Hudson. Jo-Ann operates 751 stores in 48 states, plus its Web site, Joann.com. Its three distribution centers are located in Hudson, Ohio; Visalia, California; and Opelika, Alabama.
Allstate Insurance Company established a call center/data center in Hudson in 1971. In 1991, it expanded the Hudson facility and now employs more than 1,300.

Retail
Most of Hudson's retail outlets are located in concentrated areas. Most notable are the two downtown blocks of historic buildings located on North Main Street. The original center of business in Hudson, the stores and offices located "downtown" still stand today in continued commercial use.
In 1962, the first part of the Hudson Plaza shopping center opened on West Streetsboro Street. It has always been anchored by the Acme grocery store, which moved there from its former location on North Main Street. Expansions of the plaza continued through the 1990s. A unique McDonald's restaurant, resembling a house, opened in 1985. The original building, housing Acme, was extensively renovated in 2000.
2004 marked the opening of First & Main, a mixed-use development just west of North Main Street. The Hudson Library & Historical Society relocated there in 2005.

Parks and recreation
The Hudson Park Board oversees more than one thousand acres (4 km2) of parkland in the city. The most prominent property is Hudson Springs Park, which has a 50-acre lake open to kayaks, canoes and small motorized boats. Boat storage is available to residents only for an annual fee. The lake is stocked with fish and encircled by walking trails based around a 1.8 mile loop that ventures into the woods that stretch along a large portion of the lake. The park also has a disc golf course, docks, sand volleyball pit and permanent corn-hole boards (bring your own bean bags). Cascade Park, Barlow Farm Park, and Colony Park are large neighborhood parks used for sports and general family recreation. Other properties, such as Doc's Woods, MacLaren Woods, Trumbull Woods, and Bicentennial Woods, are kept as forested nature preserves. The first Hudson Park, Wildlife Woods, is actually located west of the city in the Cuyahoga Valley National Park.

Government
The city is governed by a seven-member city council. There are four council representatives representing the four wards in Hudson, and three representatives at-large. Hudson has a council-manager government. At present, the Council President is Chris Foster. The current City Manager is Thomas J. Sheridan. The Mayor's office is held by Jeffrey Anzevino.

Resignation of Craig Shubert
At a February 8, 2022, council meeting, during discussion whether to permit ice fishing at Hudson Springs Park, mayor Craig Shubert voiced concerns that allowing the construction of ice shanties might lead to incidents of prostitution. The resulting negative attention led to Shubert resigning six days later.

Education

Public education
Public schools are included in the Hudson City School District. The largest school in the district is Hudson High School. Hudson City Schools provides education for approximately 4,600 children. Hudson City School District Sports teams are a part of the Suburban League. The sports teams are called the Hudson Explorers.

Private
There are also many private schools in the area. Seton Catholic School is one. Founded in 1962, Hudson Montessori School is the 13th oldest Montessori school in the United States. Hudson is the original home of what would become Case Western Reserve University in Cleveland and remains home to the Western Reserve Academy, a coeducational boarding and day college preparatory school housed on the original campus of Western Reserve College.

Infrastructure

Transportation
Ohio's State Route 303, State Route 91, and State Route 8 pass through Hudson. Interstate 480 cuts through the extreme northeast corner of the city, and Interstate 80, the Ohio Turnpike, bisects the city from west to east.

Hudson, unlike many surrounding communities, has retained two-lane roadways in much of its downtown. This has helped preserve the open spaces, historical buildings, and trees that the city values. There are some services from Metro RTA, and much of Hudson is accessible by foot or bike.

The Cleveland Line (Norfolk Southern) runs from Rochester, Pennsylvania to Cleveland, Ohio going through locations such as Ravenna, Hudson, and Maple Heights. There is a spur rail line for local freight from Little Tikes.

Healthcare
The University Hospitals Hudson Health Center, affiliated with University Hospitals of Cleveland, offers primary and specialty care services, laboratory and general diagnostic radiology services. Also located at this facility are outpatient rehabilitation services.

Notable people
 R.W. Apple Jr., associate editor of The New York Times
 Elmer Brandt, also known as Buzz Clic, guitarist for punk rock band the Rubber City Rebels
 John Brown, abolitionist who led the 1859 raid on Harpers Ferry grew up and attended school in Hudson, 1805–1825.
 John Brown, Jr., son of John Brown
 Owen Brown, father of John Brown. Owned a successful tannery and was a founding trustee of Western Reserve College and Preparatory School. The college, but not the preparatory school, moved to Cleveland and as Western Reserve University, was merged with Case to create Case Western Reserve University.
 Owen Brown, son of John Brown, named after his grandfather Owen Brown
 John Edwards, Professional basketball player in the National Basketball Association and NBA Development League
 James Ellsworth, industrialist helped modernize Hudson in the early twentieth century
 Lincoln Ellsworth, polar explorer and also the only Hudsonite ever featured on a U.S. postage stamp
 Ian Frazier, author and contributor to The New Yorker
 Ben Gedeon, professional football player in the NFL
 Beriah Green, professor of sacred literature at Western Reserve College and Preparatory School; left Western Reserve to head the Oneida Institute, in Whitesboro, New York, the first college in the United States to accept African-American students
 John Hart, Broadway and Hollywood producer
 Matt Kaulig, founder of LeafFilter and Kaulig Racing.
 David Kirkpatrick, film producer, screenwriter, and studio executive
 Kramies, folklore songwriter/singer-songwriter
 Dante Lavelli, professional football player in the National Football League (NFL) and Pro Football Hall of Fame member
 Brad Lepper, archaeologist
 Liam Lynch, musician
 Bill McCreary Jr., professional ice hockey player in the National Hockey League
 Bill Nagy, professional football player in the NFL
 Brian Winters, professional football player in the NFL

Sister cities
 Landsberg am Lech, Bavaria, Germany since 1984

References

Further reading
 People from Hudson, Ohio

External links

City website
Hudson Chamber of Commerce

Cities in Summit County, Ohio
Populated places established in 1799
Populated places on the Underground Railroad
1799 establishments in the Northwest Territory
Cities in Ohio
Western Reserve, Ohio

Hudson, Ohio


Wayne McLoughlin (1944–2015) was a Welsh artist who dedicated his drawings to nature. He was most known for his cover art in Erin Hunter's Warriors and Seekers series.

McLoughlin began as a young explorer in Hampstead Heath, London, and later, in the swamps of northern Florida. Fascinated by nature, he often recorded his experiences in sketches and paintings. McLoughlin served in the United States Marine Corps during the Vietnam War before studying both Fine Art and Anthropology at San Diego State University. He first worked on creating illustrated humor parodies for national magazines, including Esquire, Omni, Yankee, and National Lampoon. He illustrated for Citibank, Ford Motor Company, IBM, Motorola, Adidas, Texaco, MasterCard, the National Geographic Society, Audubon, Scientific American, Woods Hole Oceanographic Institution, and the Nature Museum in Grafton, Vermont. His artwork can also be found in outdoor magazines such as Sports Afield and Sporting Tales, as well as many books and publications that focus on animals and aspects of nature, such as the bestselling Warriors and Seekers novel series.

The Internet Speculative Fiction Database credits McLoughlin with the cover art of dozens of books.

He lived with his wife, Jackie, in Bellows Falls, Vermont. Their daughter, Allison, lives in New Hampshire with her husband, Christopher Judkins. Wayne died at 71 years old in 2015.

References

External links
Wayne's official website is Blue Loon Fine Arts
isfbd Summary Bibliography: Wayne McLoughlin

Welsh illustrators
Warriors (novel series)
Living people
1944 births

Wayne McLoughlin


Brubaker is a 1980 American prison drama film directed by Stuart Rosenberg. It stars Robert Redford as a newly arrived prison warden, Henry Brubaker, who attempts to clean up a corrupt and violent penal system. The screenplay by W. D. Richter is a fictionalized version of the 1969 book, Accomplices to the Crime: The Arkansas Prison Scandal by Tom Murton and Joe Hyams, detailing Murton's uncovering of the 1967 prison scandal.

The film features a large supporting cast, including Yaphet Kotto, Jane Alexander, Murray Hamilton, David Keith, Tim McIntire, Matt Clark, M. Emmet Walsh, Everett McGill, and an early appearance by Morgan Freeman. It was nominated for Best Original Screenplay at the 1981 Academy Awards.

Plot
In 1969, Henry Brubaker arrives at Wakefield State Prison in Arkansas disguised as an inmate. He immediately witnesses rampant abuse and corruption, including open and endemic sexual assault, torture, worm-ridden diseased food, fraud, and rampant graft. During a dramatic standoff involving Walter, a deranged prisoner who was being held in solitary confinement, Brubaker reveals himself to be the new prison warden, to the amazement of both prisoners and officials alike.

Brubaker attempts to reform the prison, with an eye towards prisoner rehabilitation and human rights, clashing frequently with corrupt officials on the state prison board who have profited from graft for decades. He recruits several longtime prisoners, including trustys Larry Lee Bullen, Richard "Dickie" Coombes, and former warden's clerk Purcell (who secretly remains loyal to the unscrupulous trustys) to assist him with the reform. Lillian Gray, a public relations specialist for the governor's office, also attempts to influence Brubaker to reform the prison in a way that will cast the governor in a positive light.

To improve the prison, Brubaker fires his crooked bookkeeper, who built up a stash of illicit food ostensibly for inmates but actually sold to generate profit, tosses the former prison doctor out of the facility when he learns inmates were being charged for medical treatment, and burns down an illicit pleasure shack on prison grounds where influential trusty Huey Rauch and his girlfriend Carol lived. After a faulty roof cave-in in the prison barracks, Brubaker meets with C.P. Woodward, a lumber salesman and longtime participant in the prison graft scheme. Accusing Woodward of using prisoners as slave labor and purposely pocketing contract money while intentionally building a shoddy, uninsured roof, Brubaker terminates Woodward's contract. He also oversees the formation of an inmate council, allowing the inmates to govern themselves. During the first meeting of the inmate council, Abraham Cook, an elderly black inmate still imprisoned three years after the end of his sentence, pulls Brubaker aside and confesses that he was instructed to construct coffins for murdered prisoners. Eddie Caldwell, a sadistic trustee, takes notice, and he, Purcell, and Rauch lure Abraham to the medical ward, where he is tortured with a Tucker Telephone. Brubaker attends the prison board meeting, where he discovers that many of the members are enraged at the disruption of their graft schemes via his reforms and are uninterested at investing any money to improve the prison. Brubaker accuses prison board head John Deach of defrauding the prison through insurance policies on nonexistent farm equipment (while leaving the prison buildings uninsured) before storming out of the meeting.

The morning after the prison board meeting, Brubaker awakes and discovers Abraham's body suspended from the warden's residence flagpole. While excavating the area Abraham disclosed to him, Brubaker discovers multiple unmarked graves which contain bodies of prisoners who died violently. Word reaches the governor's office, and Gray, alongside Edwards, a liberal member of the prison board, and corrupt State Senator Hite, attempt to convince Brubaker to stop excavating graves with the promise of funding for the prison, trying to convince him he has instead discovered an old pauper's graveyard. Brubaker refuses, and continues the excavations. Rauch rudely laments Abraham's confession, and Coombes, knowing Rauch's involvement in Abraham's death, threatens Rauch, who then escapes the prison and hides out at a local restaurant. Brubaker and several trustys pursue him, and in the resulting gunfight, Bullen and Rauch are killed. Due to the spillage of violence outside the prison walls, the board fires Brubaker and holds a hearing about the exhumed bodies where the board continues to lie about their origin. Brubaker walks in and makes a comment about saving taxpayer money by shooting prisoners rather than sending them to Wakefield, which enrages Deach. Brubaker leaves and Gray follows him, imploring him to compromise, but he refuses to compromise over murder.

Brubaker exits the prison as the new warden, hardline disciplinarian Rory Poke, addresses the prisoners. Coombes approaches Brubaker and tells him simply, "You were right." Coombes begins clapping, and the convicts ignore Poke and approach the fence, clapping a farewell to a teary Brubaker.

A pre-credits title card reads:

Cast

In addition, Wilford Brimley, Nathan George and William Newman appeared as Prison Board Members, John McMartin as State Senator, and Nicolas Cage appeared in an uncredited background role as a prisoner, one year before his first credited role.

Production

Screenplay
The film is based on the real-life experiences of warden Thomas Murton, co-author with Joe Hyams of the 1969 book, Accomplices to the Crime: The Arkansas Prison Scandal. In 1967, he was hired by Governor Winthrop Rockefeller to reform Arkansas' Tucker State and Cummins State Prison Farms, but Murton was dismissed less than a year into the job because his work was creating too much bad publicity for the state's penal system—in particular, the discovery of numerous graves belonging to prisoners who had been killed in these prisons. Much of the squalid conditions, violence and corruption depicted in the film was the subject of a 1970 federal court case, Holt v. Sarver, in which the federal court ruled that Arkansas' prison system violated inmates' constitutional rights, and ordered reform.

The film was originally based on the Louisiana State Prison (Angola) but the State of Louisiana successfully sued to block publication of both the novel and the screenplay if it made references to conditions at Angola. Due to the successful legal outcome, violence and slavery-era treatment of inmates at Angola continued unabated throughout the 1980s and 1990s until two lawsuits were filed in 2013 regarding medical care and inhumane treatment, and excessive high temperatures at the facility. Angola's solitary confinement block, which had no air conditioning and had the highest suicide rates in the United States, was closed in 2018 after a 2013 lawsuit.

Filming
Rosenberg replaced Bob Rafelson, who was removed as director early in production. This would become Rosenberg's second prison film after directing Cool Hand Luke in 1967. Rafelson filed a breach-of-contract and slander lawsuit in May 1979 asking for damages of $10 million, claiming that Fox had assured him that he would have complete autonomy and creative control and had made statements that implied that he was incompetent, emotionally unstable, and not qualified to direct a major motion picture.

Most exteriors were filmed at the then-recently closed Junction City Prison in Junction City, southeast of Columbus in central Ohio. Additional locations included Bremen, New Lexington, and the Fairfield County Fairgrounds in Lancaster. The opening scenes of the prison bus departure show the skyline and a view up South Front Street in Columbus.

Novelization
A paperback screenplay novelization by the celebrated and award-winning American novelist and short story writer William Harrison was issued shortly in advance of the film's release (as was the custom of the era) by Ballantine Books.

Reception
Brubaker was a critical and commercial success. Produced on a budget of $9 million, the film grossed $37,121,708 in North America, earning $19.3 million in theatrical rentals, making it the 19th highest-grossing film of 1980. The movie was also well received by critics, holding a 75% "Fresh" rating on the review aggregate website Rotten Tomatoes based on 24 reviews.

Roger Ebert of the Chicago Sun-Times wrote:The movie (refuses) to permit its characters more human dimensions. We want to know these people better, but the screenplay throws up a wall; they act according to the ideological positions assigned to them in the screenplay, and that's that. ... Half of Redford's speeches could have come out of newspaper editorials, but we never find out much about him, What's his background? Was he ever married? Is this his first prison job? What's his relationship with the Jane Alexander character, who seems to have gotten him this job? (Alexander has one almost subliminal moment when she fans her neck and looks at Redford and, seems to be thinking unpolitical thoughts, but the movie hurries on.) Brubaker is a well-crafted film that does a harrowingly effective job of portraying the details of its prison, but then it populates it with positions rather than people."

Awards
Wins
 Motion Picture Sound Editors: Golden Reel Award. Best Sound Editing.

Nominations
 Academy Awards: Best Writing, Screenplay Written Directly for the Screen; W.D. Richter (screenplay/story) and Arthur A. Ross (story).

See also
 List of American films of 1980
 Arkansas Prison scandal
 Fast-Walking(1982)
 Shawshank Redemption(1994)
 Runaway Train(1985)
 American Me(1992)

References

External links

1980 films
20th Century Fox films
1980s prison drama films
American prison drama films
Films scored by Lalo Schifrin
Films set in Arkansas
Films set in the 1960s
Films directed by Stuart Rosenberg
Films shot in Ohio
Films with screenplays by W. D. Richter
1980 drama films
1980s English-language films
1980s American films

Brubaker


Nettastoma syntresis is an eel in the family Nettastomatidae (duckbill/witch eels). It was described by David G. Smith and James Erwin Böhlke in 1981. It is a marine, deep water-dwelling eel which is known from the western central Atlantic Ocean, including the Bahamas, Cuba, and the northeastern Gulf of Mexico. It dwells at a depth range of . Males can reach a maximum standard length of .

The species epithet "syntresis" means "channel" in Greek, and is treated as a noun in apposition. It refers to several channels in which the species has been found, including the Santaren, Nicholas and Northwest Providence Channels.

References

Nettastomatidae
Fish of the Caribbean
Fish described in 1981

Nettastoma syntresis


The Morris County Traction Company began trolley service in downtown Dover, New Jersey in July 1904. It was expanded over the years until the system was completed in 1914 to Newark, New Jersey. Service lasted until 1928.

Routes and service

According to records, service was provided to: Bertrand Island Amusement Park at Lake Hopatcong, Ledgewood, Succasunna, Kenvil, Mine Hill, Dover, Wharton, Rockaway Borough, Denville, Mountain Lakes, Boonton, Morris Plains (including Greystone Park Psychiatric Hospital), Morristown, Madison, Chatham, Summit, Irvington, Elizabeth, and Newark, a distance of about 75 miles.

The line ran on both exclusive right-of-way streets and on city streets, some of which, such as Broad Street in Summit, were designed and built to accommodate the trolley line. The power house for the trolley was located along the Passaic River in Summit, on the border of Chatham, New Jersey.

Between 1926 and 1928, after private automobiles became more prominent on the roads, the trolley lines were replaced by buses.

Modern remnants

A two mile portion of the former Morris County Traction Company trolley line, along New Jersey Transit's Morris and Essex line in Morris Township, New Jersey, now serves as a bike and walking trail called the
Traction Line Recreation Trail, under the supervision of the Morris County Park System.

In Union, a portion of the line forked off of Morris Avenue. Part of the right of way and partial grading is very noticeable behind Holy Spirit Church. Huguenot Avenue and Euclid Avenues have the same compass orientation as this portion of the line.

The Summit car barn was still in existence as of November 2008.  The building was located on River Road in Summit, just north of the intersection with Chatham Road.  A turntable was visible between the Passaic River and the building. The building, then vacant, had been a car dealership, and earlier, a Public Service Coordinated Transport bus servicing facility for the number 70 and 72 routes.  These routes replaced the MCTC lines when PS assumed the routes in the late 1920s.

The bridge over the Passaic River between Chatham and Summit is gone, but the piers still stand in the river.

The Dover NJ car barn is still in use as a facility for Lakeland Bus Lines.

In Mountain Lakes the right-of-way is used as a paved cycle and walking path. It is located along the left side of Boulevard between Boonton and Route 46.

See also
List of New Jersey street railroads

References

Further reading
MORRIS COUNTY TRACTION COMPANY by Larry Lowenthal & William T. Greenberg, Jr.
Morris County Parks page on the Traction Line accessed September 28, 2007

Transportation in Morris County, New Jersey
Transportation in Union County, New Jersey
Transportation in Essex County, New Jersey
Defunct New Jersey railroads
New Jersey streetcar lines
Interurban railways in New Jersey
Tram, urban railway and trolley companies

Morris County Traction Company


Francis Watson (born 1956) is an English theologian and New Testament scholar. He commenced his career at King's College London before being appointed to the Kirby Laing Chair of New Testament Exegesis at the University of Aberdeen in 1999. In 2007 he took up his current position as Professor in the Department of Theology and Religion at the Durham University.

Watson is well known as a critic of the so-called New Perspective on Paul (NPP). His criticisms of the NPP are all the more significant as he received a positive endorsement of James D.G. Dunn (a NPP proponent) for his doctoral study. After the latter endorsement, Watson explored in particular the social-scientific work of Klaus Berger which contributed to Watson changing his mind dramatically about some results of his unpublished thesis. The result was Paul, Judaism, and the Gentiles: A Sociological Approach, which chronicles Watson's change of mind.

Watson's 2013 volume, Gospel Writing. A Canonical Approach, is his most voluminous study to date. Extensive critical review articles include those by Markus Bockmuehl and Richard Bauckham.

Ted Dorman suggests that for Watson, "hermeneutical sovereignty resides not in the text but in the subject matter to which it points" – namely, Jesus Christ.

Watson is the editor of New Testament Studies.

Works

Thesis

Books
 - published form of his thesis

As editor

Articles and chapters

References

1956 births
Living people
English theologians
British biblical scholars
New Testament scholars
Academic journal editors
Academics of King's College London
Academics of the University of Aberdeen
Academics of Durham University

Francis Watson (theologian)


Georgina Muir Mackenzie (1833–1874) was a British Balkan sympathiser, writer and traveller. She was arrested as a spy with Paulina Irby and published a book that William Gladstone said was "the best English book I have seen on Eastern matters".

Life
Georgina Muir Mackenzie was born in Scotland. She was the first child of Sir John William Pitt Muir Mackenzie and Sophia Matilda (born Johnstone) of Delvine in Perthshire.

Mackenzie moved with her family to London in 1855 where she met Paulina Irby. She set out with her new companion to visit spa towns in Austria-Hungary and Germany in 1857. Despite Mackenzie's perceived family weakness for consumption, they travelled alone relying on their British passports and planning to travel by hay cart.

In 1858 they were arrested as spies in the spa town of Schmocks in the Carpathian mountains because they had "pan-Slavistic tendencies" (neither of them were then aware of these issues). They were both annoyed at being woken at 4 a.m. to have the indignity of having their persons and luggage searched. They lodged an official complaint with the British Ambassador and this brought an apology of sorts from the relevant minister.  They now had a purpose as they traveled in the Balkans investigating the conditions and both became supporters of Serbia and the southern Slavs as they saw their conditions under the perceived poor government by the Turkish rulers. They were particularly concerned by the plight of Orthodox women and girls who found they had poor access to positions and schooling. They published "Across the Carpathians" which explained how they had been arrested for spying.

Mackenzie took vacations in Corfu in 1862 and 1863 where she met her future husband. In 1864 Mackenzie published "Notes on the South Slavonic Countries in Austria and Turkey in Europe" based on Mackenzie's lecture to the annual meeting of the British Association for the Advancement of Science. She was the only female speaker. The following year she was invited to return with Irby to present another paper on the Slavonic people. Mackenzie was the major contributor and she was the prime author when they published the first edition of their book Travels in the Slavonic Provinces of Turkey-in-Europe in 1867. This scientific description included accounts of their travels with supportive data presented in appendices.

Irby was to continue with the work that they had initiated for the rest of her life but Mackenzie became Lady Sebright. She married Charles Sebright who was consul-general of the Ionian Islands and she went to live with him in Corfu. Lady Sebright died there only a few years later in 1874. Her husband retired in 1880 and died four years later. Mackenzie and Irby's book went to a second edition with a foreword by William Gladstone as the Serb Christian population revolted against Ottoman rule starting the year after Mackenzie died.

References

External links

1833 births
1874 deaths
People from Perthshire
Founders of academic institutions
Daughters of baronets

Georgina Muir Mackenzie


The Phoenix Theatre is a West End theatre in the London Borough of Camden, located in Charing Cross Road (on the corner of Flitcroft Street). The entrances are on Phoenix Street and Charing Cross Road. The Phoenix Theatre was built on the site of a former factory and then music hall Alcazar before.

Description

Built for Sidney Bernstein, Baron Bernstein, the theatre was designed by Sir Giles Gilbert Scott, Bertie Crewe and Cecil Massey. It has a restrained neoclassical exterior, but an interior designed in an Italianate style by director and designer Theodore Komisarjevsky. Vladimir Polunin copied works by Tintoretto, Titian, Pinturicchio, and Giorgione. It has a safety curtain that holds Jacopo del Sellaio's The Triumph of Love.

There are golden engravings in the auditorium, and red seats, carpets and curtains. This look is based on traditional Italian theatres. There are decorated ceilings and sculpted wooden doors throughout the building.

It opened on 24 September 1930 with the premiere of Private Lives by Noël Coward, who also appeared in the play, with Adrienne Allen, Gertrude Lawrence and Laurence Olivier. Coward returned to the theatre with Tonight at 8.30, a series of ten plays, in 1936 and Quadrille in 1952.

On 16 December 1969, the long association with Coward was celebrated with a midnight matinee in honour of his 70th birthday, and the foyer bar was renamed the Noel Coward Bar.

Productions

The Phoenix has had a number of successful plays including Norman Ginsbury's Viceroy Sarah in 1935, and John Gielgud's Love for Love during the Second World War. Harlequinade and The Browning Version, two plays by Terence Rattigan, opened on 8 September 1948 at the theatre. In 1950, it staged Frederick Lonsdale's final play The Way Things Go.

In the mid-1950s, Paul Scofield and Peter Brook appeared at the theatre. In 1968, a musical version of Chaucer's The Canterbury Tales opened and ran for around two thousand performances. Night and Day, a 1978 play by Tom Stoppard, ran for two years.

The theatre hosted many musicals in the 1980s and 1990s, including The Biograph Girl with Sheila White, The Baker's Wife by Stephen Schwartz directed by Trevor Nunn, and Into the Woods by Stephen Sondheim, starring Julia McKenzie. There were also a number of plays by William Shakespeare. Its first pantomime was Snow White and the Seven Dwarfs starring Dana in 1983.

The production of Blood Brothers, the Willy Russell musical that transferred from The Albery Theatre in November 1991, ended a 21-year run on 10 November 2012 after becoming the longest-running production at the theatre. Following limited engagements of Goodnight Mr Tom and Midnight Tango. The theatre then played host to the original West End production of Broadway musical Once, which opened in April 2013 and closed on 21 March 2015.

Bend it Like Beckham: The Musical, Guys and Dolls and The Last Tango played in 2016, with Dirty Dancing and Peppa Pig's Surprise comprising the 2016 Christmas season.

The Girls, a musical by Gary Barlow and Tim Firth based on The Calendar Girls film, played at the Phoenix Theatre with previews from 28 January 2017, and officially opened on 21 February 2017. The production closed on 15 July 2017.

Chicago the Musical opened at the Phoenix Theatre on 11 April 2018, starring Cuba Gooding Jr. as Billy Flynn, Sarah Soetaert as Roxie Hart, Josefina Gabrielle as Velma Kelly, and Ruthie Henshall as Mama Morton. A cast change saw Martin Kemp take over the role of Billy Flynn, with Alexandra Burke as Roxie Hart, Mazz Murray as Mama Morton. Denise Van Outen was due to take over as Velma Kelly however a foot injury meant that Josefina Gabrielle returned to the role. The show closed on 5 January 2019.

In June 2018, it was announced that the hit Broadway musical Come from Away would transfer to the Phoenix, which it did in February 2019. The production closed on 7 January 2023.

The theatre is owned by the Ambassador Theatre Group. Since 1973 it has been a Grade II Listed Building.

See also
 Phoenix Garden

References
Citations

Further reading

External links

West End theatres
Theatres completed in 1930
Theatres in the London Borough of Camden
Grade II listed buildings in the London Borough of Camden
Grade II listed theatres
Cecil Massey buildings
Charing Cross Road
Giles Gilbert Scott buildings

Phoenix Theatre, London


RMS Wray Castle was a training college for Merchant Navy radio officers based at Wray Castle in the Lake District, from 1958 to 1998.

At 11:40 p.m., on 14 April 1912 the  hit an iceberg. The collision opened five of her watertight compartments to the sea; the ship gradually filled with water and by 2:20 a.m., she broke apart and foundered, with well over one thousand people still aboard. Two hours after Titanic foundered, the Cunard liner  arrived and took aboard an estimated 705 survivors.

There was worldwide shock at the huge loss of life and the procedural errors that had led to it. Public inquiries in Britain and the United States led to major improvements in maritime safety. One of their most important legacies was the establishment in 1914 of the International Convention for the Safety of Life at Sea (SOLAS), which still governs maritime safety today. Additionally, several new wireless regulations were passed around the world in an effort to learn from the many missteps in wireless communications—which could have saved many more passengers.
Primary to these improved regulations were the installation of radio equipment on ALL ships, fixed Distress frequencies and 24-hour watch on those frequencies.

During the forty years that the college was in operation students studied the SOLAS Radio Procedures & Regulations, MRGC (Maritime Radiocommunications General Certificate including Morse Code), SCOTVEC (Maintenance of Radar Equipment),  and the maintenance and repair of Maritime Radio and Radar equipment.

References

External links
 International Convention for the Safety of Life at Sea, Treaty in ECOLEX-the gateway to environmental law (English)
 Facebook group for ex-students from Wray Castle College

1958 establishments in England
1998 disestablishments in England
British Merchant Navy
Lake District
Westmorland

RMS Wray Castle


Brooks Bowman (October 21, 1913 – October 17, 1937) composed the song "East of the Sun (and West of the Moon)" which has become a jazz standard.

Biography
A native of Cleveland, Ohio, he graduated from University School in that city, but had completed his first three years of preparatory school at Asheville School in Asheville, North Carolina. He then attended Stanford University for one year before transferring to Princeton University as a sophomore, in the fall of 1933. While an undergraduate student at Princeton he wrote the songs for the Princeton Triangle Club musical titled Stags at Bay in 1934, including "East of the Sun" (which almost didn't make it into the play due to a copyright dispute). Other songs he wrote for the show included "Love and a Dime" and "Will Love Find a Way?" For the Triangle Club production of 1936, he wrote What a Relief! which included the songs "Give Me a Gibson Girl," "Love Will Live On," "A Newspaper Picture of You," and "Then I Shan't Love You Anymore." He was also president of the Princeton Tower Club during his senior year.

Following his graduation from Princeton with the class of 1936, Bowman moved to California where, in 1937, he briefly worked under contract as a songwriter for Selznick International Pictures. Released from his contract in September 1937, he returned to the East where he formed a songwriting partnership, in which he would have been the lyricist, with a former Princeton classmate.

Death
A New York music publisher offered the team a contract, but before it was signed Brooks Bowman died on October 17, 1937, when a car in which he was riding crashed into a stone wall on Cat Rock Road near Garrison, New York. Four days later, on October 21, he would have celebrated his 24th birthday.

He is buried in the family plot at Grandview Cemetery in Salem, Ohio where his family moved while he was attending Princeton University.

Sources
Princeton University Archives

Link: www.tribute-to-brooks.de (in German)

References

American male composers
American musical theatre lyricists
Princeton University alumni
1913 births
1937 deaths
Road incident deaths in New York (state)
Musicians from Cleveland
Songwriters from Ohio
20th-century American composers
20th-century American male musicians
American male songwriters

Brooks Bowman


Arnold Borisovich Lakhovsky (, , also known as Aaron Berkovich; born 1880 – 1937) was a painter and sculptor of Ukrainian-Jewish descent, he was known for his landscape paintings.

Lakhovsky completed his art education at the Art Academy of Odessa, and also in Munich and Saint Petersburg, where he eventually resided. In 1925 he emigrated to Paris, and his paintings were exhibited in an art museum there. Later in 1933 he finally moved to New York City and taught at Boston's School of the Museum of Fine Arts.

Biography
Arnold Borisovich Lakhovsky was born  in Chernobyl, Russian Empire (now Ukraine).

Having graduated from Odessa Art School (1902), where he studied in the workshops of K. Kostandi and G. Ladyzhensky, he later studied at the workshop of Maro at the Academy of Fine Arts, Munich.

In 1904 he moved to St. Petersburg, Russia, to join the workshop of Ilya Repin at the Royal Academy of Arts Higher Fine Art School. In 1908 he left for Palestine and spent 3 months teaching at Bezalel Art School (now Bezalel Academy of Arts and Design) in Jerusalem.

Having returned to Russia, he continued his studies at the Higher Fine Art School at the workshops of P. Tchistyakov (1908–09), A. Kiselyov (1909–11), and N. Doubovskoy (1911–12). Graduated at A-level on November 1, 1912. Awarded the "qualified artist" title for The Last Rays painting in 1912.

Lakhovsky lived in St. Petersbourg and worked mostly in the city and its suburbs and Northwest Russia, including the town of Pskov. He joined the Kouindgi Society (1915) and The Wanderers Society (1916). He became one of the founding members of the Jewish Arts Encouragement Society in November 1915, donating his works to charity auctions.

In 1925, Lakhovsky was invited by the Luxembourg Museum in Paris and left for France. He was a board member of the artists section of the Russian Artists Union in France.

In 1933 he moved to New York City, where his main occupation was painting portraits on commission. In 1935, along with Boris Grigoriev and A. Yakovlev, he taught at the School of the Museum of Fine Arts, Boston.

Lakhovsky died on January 7, 1937, at Beth Israel Hospital in New York City of leukemia, followed by pneumonia. He was buried at Beth David Elmont cemetery in Long Island, New York.

References

External links

 Garmash, Tatiana. Lakhovsky. Moscow, Asrea-Center Publishers, 2014. – 204 p. (in Russian)

Ukrainian male painters
19th-century painters from the Russian Empire
Russian male painters
20th-century Russian painters
American people of Ukrainian-Jewish descent
1880 births
1937 deaths
School of the Museum of Fine Arts at Tufts faculty
19th-century male artists from the Russian Empire
People from Chornobyl
Ukrainian Jews
Jews from the Russian Empire
20th-century Russian male artists

Arnold Lakhovsky


Philips Records is a record label. It was founded by the Dutch electronics company Philips. It was started by "Philips Phonographische Industrie" (PPI) in 1950. Recordings were made with popular artists of various nationalities and also with classical artists from Germany, France and the Netherlands. Philips also distributed recordings made by the American Columbia Records on the European continent. After the split of English Columbia and American Columbia in late 1954, Philips also began distributing original Columbia recordings on the Philips label in the UK.

History
In 1958, Philips created a subsidiary label, Fontana Records, which meant that American-Columbia recordings were released on the Philips and Fontana labels. Under the direction of US President of Columbia Records, Goddard Lieberson, in late 1964 CBS Records formed its own international operations, adopting the name of its then parent CBS. CBS established their UK operation on Theobalds Road in Holborn. Products issued by Philips and Fontana Columbia were later withdrawn.
Philips Records and Deutsche Grammophon were linked into the Gramophon-Philips Group (GPG) joint venture, which later became PolyGram in 1972. UK pressings were manufactured at the company's large factory based at Walthamstow, North East London.

In 1964, after Philips lost its North American distribution deal with Columbia Records, it signed a sawp deal with Mercury Records. A year later, Philips' US subsidiary "Consolidated Electronics Industries Corp." (also known as "Conelco"), bought Mercury and its subsidiary labels, like Smash. Philips classical, jazz and pop records were marketed by Mercury in the US under the Philips label. The Mercury Living Presence team also made classical recordings for Philips, in July 1961.  These records, made in Walthamstow Town Hall near London, included: Liszt piano concertos by Sviatoslav Richter and the London Symphony Orchestra conducted by Kiril Kondrashin; two albums of symphonic "bon-bons" by the London Symphony Orchestra and Charles Mackerras released as "Kaleidoscope"; "Russian Song Recital" by Galina Vishnevskaya and Mstislav Rostropovich; and Beethoven sonata op. 69 for cello and piano by Richter and Rostropovich.  The Richter Liszt album was recorded on 3-track 35mm magnetic film and was reissued on CD from a remaster made from the film by original producer Wilma Cozart Fine, (wife of the late recording pioneer Bob) as part of the Philips Solo series.

Classical groups that Philips heavily recorded included the Royal Concertgebouw Orchestra, the Beaux Arts Trio, and the Quartetto Italiano. The violinist Arthur Grumiaux and the pianist Claudio Arrau were under contract with Philips. Symphony orchestras under contract, including the LSO, were led by prestigious young conductors such as Colin Davis and Bernard Haitink.

References

1950 establishments
Dutch record labels

Philips Records


In military terminology, a demonstration is an attack or show of force on a battlefield designed to trick or mislead an enemy. Unlike a feint, a demonstration does not make contact with the enemy. It is usually used as a supporting attack intended to deceive an enemy into thinking the demonstration is the main attack.

An example of a demonstration in the American Civil War was at the Battle of Gettysburg.  On July 2, 1863, General Robert E. Lee ordered Lieutenant General Richard S. Ewell to stage a demonstration against Culp's Hill on the Union right flank. This was in support of Lieutenant General James Longstreet's main attack against the Union left flank.

Advantages
The advantages of a demonstration include:
 A demonstration does not make actual contact with an enemy and the demonstrating force may be used elsewhere on the battlefield. In April 1945, the amphibious attack on Okinawa involved landing craft that made a demonstration on the southeast coast of the island. Once they had drawn Japanese troops away from the actual landing site, they returned to serve as reserves in the actual landing.
 A full force is often not necessary to deceive the enemy. For example, in modern warfare, the noise of helicopters often gives away troop movements by air. However, in a demonstration, empty helicopters may land and take-off several times leading the enemy to believe there is a large scale attack coming.
 Simulation devices (when available) may be used to trick enemy reconnaissance. For example, during Operation Overlord in World War II inflatable tanks, fake radio chatter and dummy paratroopers which made the sounds of rifle fire when hitting the ground.

Disadvantages
Disadvantages include:
 Without enemy contact, it is harder to convince an enemy the demonstration is a real attack. At Gettysburg, Lee's orders to Ewell on July 1 had been contradictory and confusing. If practicable, Ewell was to take the heights but not to bring on a general engagement. Ewell took that to mean a demonstration. On July 2, Lee made himself clearer. Ewell was to demonstrate against the Union right side to prevent General George G. Meade from transferring troops to the left side of the line, where the main Confederate attack was planned. Ewell's orders were to attack if the opportunity presented itself by the demonstration not getting results from the Union commander. Ewell apparently decided the demonstration had not worked and attacked.
 A demonstration is often discovered earlier than a feint. A feint has to appear real to the enemy so contact is often necessary to continue the deception. A feint must be of great enough strength to convince the enemy it is a real attack. The key is to show the enemy what it expects to see. A demonstration may need be to be only long enough to get the enemy to hesitate.

References

Other websites
 DCS: A-10C - Show of Force in Operation Bactria

Demonstration

Demonstration (military)