Princess Marie Adelheid of Lippe (30 August 1895 – 25 December 1993) was a socialite and writer who was active in Nazi Germany. As the wife of Hanno Konopath, a prominent Nazi official, Marie Adelheid was a well known and ardent supporter of the Nazi regime. She was instrumental in the Nordic Ring, a forum for the discussion of issues concerning race and eugenics.

Marie Adelheid also served as an aide to Minister of Food and Agriculture Richard Walther Darré, and produced numerous works of fiction, poetry, translations, and other books. After the end of World War II, she published translations of prominent Holocaust-denying works, such as Paul Rassinier's Le Drame des Juifs européens (The Drama of European Jews) into German in 1964.

Family
Countess Marie Adelheid was born the youngest child and only daughter of Count Rudolf of Lippe-Biesterfeld (1856-1931), later Prince Rudolf of Lippe and his wife, Princess Luise von Ardeck (a morganatic granddaughter of Frederick William, Elector of Hesse). Her father, a son of Count Julius Peter of Lippe-Biesterfeld (1812-1884) and Countess Adelheid zu Castell-Castell, was an uncle of Prince Leopold IV, who ruled the small principality of Lippe from 1905 until the 1918 collapse of the German Empire in World War I. Marie Adelheid was also a first cousin once-removed of Prince Bernhard of Lippe-Biesterfeld (1911-2004) who, in 1937 became the prince consort of Juliana, future Queen of the Netherlands. Marie Adelheid's family could be traced back to the twelfth century and were reigning monarchs until she was 23 years old. In 1905, her branch of the House of Lippe inherited one of the two thrones held by the family (the other was the principality of Schaumburg-Lippe, also within the German Empire) and Marie Adelheid became a princess of Lippe, dropping the suffix "Biesterfeld". When Germany's various kingdoms and principalities were abolished, the dynasty lost its throne and rank as royalty, but the republic allowed them to retain much of their property, as well as their princely title in the form of a surname.

Marriages
At the age of 24, Marie Adelheid wed, in the castle in which she was born at Drogelwitz, Prince Heinrich XXXII Reuss, J(unior) L(ine), a man seventeen years her senior, who was her cousin in the fourth degree (their shared ancestor being King Frederick William II of Prussia) and in the sixth degree (both being descendants of George II of Great Britain). He belonged to a dynasty which reigned over two German principalities (Reuss) until abdication in 1918 of the one reigning Prince over both principalities. By tradition, the princes of his house used "Reuss" as a surname without any nobiliary particle such as "von" (of) or "zu" (at), and all the males bore the sole given name of Henry (Heinrich), distinguished each from the other by Roman numerals. Heinrich XXXII was a son of Prince Heinrich VII Reuss J.L. (1825-1906) and his wife Princess Marie of Saxe-Weimar, through whom he had, between 1894 and 1909, been near in the order of succession to the Dutch throne that was occupied by Queen Wilhelmina since 1890.

Soon after the wedding on 19 May 1920 the marriage began to break down: Marie Adelheid would give birth to a son, Prince Heinrich V, on 26 May 1921 and, in order to marry the father before she delivered the child, she divorced Heinrich XXXII at Guben on 18 February and on 12 April married his younger brother, Heinrich XXXV Reuss J.L. (1887-1936) who, to be eligible for the elopement to Bremen, had divorced his wife of 10 years, Princess Maria of Saxe-Altenburg (1888-1947), on 4 March. When Heinrich V was two years old, on 23 June 1923, his parents obtained a divorce in Berlin. Thereafter, Marie Adelheid used the title Princess Reuss zur Lippe.

Marie Adelheid married a third and final time to commoner Hanno Konopath (born surnamed "Konopacki"), a Nazi government official, on 24 February 1927. This marriage also ended in divorce nine years later in 1936, but not before it generated important contacts for her in the German regime.

Issue
 Prince Heinrich V Reuss (b. 26 May 1921, d. 28 Oct 1980), married morganatically on 22 June 1961 with Ingrid Jobst. They had three children:
 Marie Alexandra Luise Hermine Dora Helene Reuss (b. 1 September 1963), married on 13 July 1985 to Eberhard, Count of Erbach-Erbach (b. 2 June 1958), grandson of Josias, Hereditary Prince of Waldeck and Pyrmont. They had three children:
 Countess Felicitas Alexandra Magita Elena of Erbach-Erbach (b. 27 June 1987).
 Franz Georg Albrecht Wittekind Karl-Emich Raimund Kraft Carl, Hereditary Count of Erbach-Erbach (b. 6 June 1989).
 Count Franz Konrad Ludwig Heinrich Gustav of Erbach-Erbach (b. 12 December 1991).
 Heinrich Ico Reuss (b. 18 October 1964), married on 17 July 1999 to Baroness Corinna von Elmendorff. They had one daughter:
 Henriette Josephine Viktoria Luise Reuss (b. 16 November 2000).
 Caroline Marie Adelheid Freia Gabriele Elisabeth Reuss (b. 30 December 1968), married on 25 October 1995 to Sebastian Papst.

Nazi Germany

Early years
Alarmed by the failure of their class to respond to the troubles occurring in Germany, many younger members of royal families joined the emerging Nazi Party and other radical right-wing groups. In the beginning, many of them were women. Like the Hesse family, the Lippe dynasty joined the Nazi Party in great numbers (ultimately eighteen members would eventually join). Some German states provided a proportionally higher number of SS officers, including Hesse-Nassau and Lippe, Marie Adelheid's birthplace. As an ardent believer of the party's views, Marie Adelheid developed strong connections to the emerging Nazi regime, and became a leading socialite during that time.

She embraced "blood and soil" notions with great enthusiasm, and belonged to the paganist sect of Nazism. In 1921, the same year of her divorce, Marie Adelheid published Gott in mir (God In Me) in Bremen. A small work of forty-one pages, its spacious layout and the exceptional quality of its paper is evidence that while Germany was suffering from an economic depression, the book was distributed in small quantities to a select, wealthy clientele. It is likely that soon after producing this work, Marie Adelheid was already moving in far-right circles or on the verge of becoming an ardent National Socialist; she became employed as an aide to the Nazi Minister of Food and Agriculture, Richard Walther Darré (a friend of her third husband's). Her cousin Ernst, Hereditary Prince of Lippe (son of Leopold IV, Prince of Lippe) was also employed under Darré. As he was her mentor (and referred to her as "little sister"), Marie Adelheid devoted her writing talent to promoting National Socialist ideals, in particular those of Darré. These essays included Nordische Frau und Nordischer Glaube [Nordic Women and Nordic Religion] (1934), Deutscher Hausrat [Setting up the German Household] (1936), two edited collections of writings by Darre, and two novels, Mutter Erde [Mother Earth] (1935), and Die Overbroocks [The Overbroocks] (1942).

Nordic Faith Movement
In the late 1920s, Marie Adelheid regularly attended meetings for the paganist Nordic Ring, which was a forum for the discussion of issues concerning race and eugenics. Her third husband was a leader of this group. Konopath was a member of the Race and Culture Division in the Reich Leadership Office. The group was a great proponent of the "Nordic idea", in which they believed that the Occidental and Germanic cultures were a creation of the Nordic race. To them, the Nordic race had been "losing ground rapidly" in the new industrial age due to an influx of "inferior" races to the enlarging cities; their goal was thus to reverse this trend before Germany followed France, Italy, and Spain in racial decline. Through these meetings, Marie Adelheid emerged as a leader of the Nordic Faith Movement. At one meeting she presided over in March 1935, she stated that children should be forbidden from reading the Old Testament and asserted that there was not much sense in reading the New Testament.
"In the Old Testament, the greatest and most sacred things are treated as a variety of sin. One should not, therefore, place in children's hands the sort of tales of which the Old Testament is made up. However, the new Testament is not much better. Throughout the Old Testament woman is treated as something shameful. We read there that a woman who has borne a child should make a sacrifice".

In the same meeting, Marie Adelheid also called on other Nordic pagans to remember that "thousands of blond-haired, blue-eyed women" had been burned as witches during the Middle Ages, a fact, she declared, that meant they should be avenged by bringing back to life the old Nordic faith.

The Nordic Faith professed by Konopath and Marie Adelheid soon declined in importance. Wilhelm Kube, the leader of the Nazi Party in the Prussian parliament and a fervent Christian, soon discovered that Konopath belonged to "a school of thought that even the most radical of Kube's group could no longer consider Christian". Soon afterwards, Kube had Konopath ejected from his DC responsibilities; he was additionally deprived of all his party offices on "grounds of immorality".

Fall of Darré
As the war caused unwelcome developments, Darré's romantic "blood and soil" views suffered as new and more efficient plans were produced by important Nazi officials Heinrich Himmler and Hermann Göring. As Darré's influence declined, so did that of Marie Adelheid and her cousin, as their family lacked a viable power base. While Darré retired to his hunting lodge outside Berlin, she and Ernst continued their activities under the Nazi regime until the end of the war.

Post-World War II
After World War II ended, Marie Adelheid continued her extreme right-wing activities, working as an author and translator, as well as being active in various neo-Nazi organizations. She translated Paul Rassinier's Holocaust-denying work, Le Drame des Juifs européens (The Drama of European Jews), into German in 1964, and also published two more volumes of poetry.

She gave financial support to Die Bauernschaft, a periodical launched by neo-Nazi Thies Christophersen in 1969. As a result of his publications, Christophersen was threatened with imprisonment for spreading Nazi propaganda, and finally had to leave Germany for Denmark. In 1971, Marie Adelheid assumed the editorship and continued to keep the "blood and soil" ideas that had been so cherished under her and Darré in circulation.

Death
Marie Adelheid died on Christmas Day 25 December 1993 in Tangstedt, Schleswig-Holstein, Germany, aged 98.

List of works
Marie Adelheid produced and published many different works under the names Marie Adelheid Prinzessin Reuss-zur Lippe and Marie Adelheid Konopath throughout her life. All of these original works contained right-wing propaganda, both during and after the fall of the Nazi regime.

Novels
 Mutter Erde [Mother Earth] (1935)
 Die Overbroocks [The Overbroocks] (1942)

Poetry
 Gott in Mir [God in Me] (1921)
 Weltfrommigkeit (1960)
 Freundesgruss (1978)

Essays
 Das bist du [That is you] (1924)
 Deutscher Hausrat [Setting up the German Household] (1936)
 Nordische Frau und Nordischer Glaube [Nordic Women and Nordic Religion] (1934)
 Feiern im Jahresring (1968)
 Small contributions to the monthly magazine Odal. Monatsschrift für Blut und Boden (1932–1942)

Translations
As a speaker of French, English, and German, Marie Adelheid produced translations of various works after the end of World War II. Along with Paul Rassinier's Holocaust-denying work The Drama of the European Jews, Marie Adelheid also translated Lenora Mattingly Weber's work My True Love Waits from French into German and Harry Elmer Barnes' Perpetual War For Perpetual Peace: A Critical Examination of the Foreign Policy of Franklin Delano Roosevelt from English into German, among others.

Ancestry

References

Sources

1895 births
1993 deaths
German Holocaust deniers
German modern pagans
German people of World War II
German political writers
Princesses in Germany
House of Lippe
House of Reuss
Modern pagan novelists
Modern pagan poets
Modern pagan writers
People from Głogów County
People from the Province of Silesia
Princesses of Reuss
Royalty in the Nazi Party
Women in Nazi Germany

Princess Marie Adelheid of Lippe


Washington, D.C., has been home to many prominent musicians and is particularly known for the musical genres of Jazz, Rhythm & Blues,
bluegrass, punk rock and its locally-developed descendants hardcore and emo, and a local funk genre called go-go.  The first major musical figure from District of Columbia was John Philip Sousa, a military brass band composer. Later figures include jazz musicians, such as Duke Ellington, Charlie Rouse, Buck Hill, Ron Holloway, Davey Yarborough, Michael A. Thomas, Butch Warren, and DeAndrey Howard; soul musicians, including Billy Stewart, The Unifics, The Moments, Ray, Goodman & Brown, Van McCoy, The Presidents, The Choice Four, Vernon Burch, guitarist Charles Pitts (OST "Shaft", 1971), and Sir Joe Quarterman & Free Soul.

Overview
The District is home to the Washington Symphony Orchestra, the Washington National Opera, the National Symphony Orchestra (founded in 1931 by Hans Kindler), the DC Legendary Musicians Inc. a nonprofit founded by Rev. Dr. Sandra Butler Truesdale (founded in 2002) www.dclmusicians.org and the DC Youth Orchestra Program (founded in 1960).  The John F. Kennedy Center for the Performing Arts is a nationally important venue for a variety of musical performances, many of which are presented by Washington Performing Arts Society, an independent, non-profit organization founded by impresario Patrick Hayes.  Washingtonian magazine maintains a Washington Music Hall of Fame.

The United States Marine Band, and United States Navy Band are both based in Washington, D.C. The Marine Band is the oldest musical group in the United States (formed in 1798, before the District's founding).  The U.S. Marine Band's most famous conductor is John Philip Sousa, who composed many of the most famous American marches, as well as several musical comedies. The U.S. Navy Band's director throughout the 1960s was LCDR Anthony A. Mitchell who composed the march "Our Nation's Capital", the official march of Washington, D.C., as well as the "John F. Kennedy Cultural Center March", and the "National Capitol Parks March".

Music history

The U.S. Marine Band was founded in 1798. Some fifty years later, in 1851, the District's first choral society, the Washington Saengerbund, was formed. Other 19th century musicians included the minstrel singer and songwriter James Bland ("Carry Me Back to Old Virginny"). In 1872, the Coloured American Opera Society formed.

Washington native John Philip Sousa was conductor of the U.S. Marine Band from 1880 to 1892. He wrote 132 marches, including "The Washington Post" and "The Stars and Stripes Forever". Sousa formed his own band after leaving the Marine Corps that performed 15,623 concerts worldwide.

Later groundbreaking musicians included James Reese Europe, ragtime musician Claude Hopkins, Lithuanian immigrant and vaudeville performer Al Jolson and Lillian Evanti, who became the first African-American opera singer to perform in a foreign country.  The most widely renowned musician from 20th century District of Columbia is undoubtedly Duke Ellington, a jazz pioneer.  Later District of Columbia jazz musicians included Charlie Rouse (saxophonist, with Thelonious Monk), Billy Hart (drummer), Ira Sullivan (tenor saxophonist) and Leo Parker (bop baritone saxophonist). Ahmet Ertegun, a Turkish-born jazz fan, came to District of Columbia at age twelve and later went on to found Atlantic Records. Todd Duncan was a District of Columbia-born singer who made history by being the first to play the lead of the opera Porgy and Bess; he later became the first black man to play Tonio in Pagliacci. District of Columbia was also a home (and recording stop) for Jelly Roll Morton, Jimmie Rodgers and Bo Diddley. Local stars of the early part of the century include the singer Pearl Bailey.

In 1957, Elizabeth Cotten recorded for the family that employed her, which included a number of composers and musicologists.  One song, "Freight Train", became a folk music standard. Charlie Byrd, a District of Columbia-based jazz musician, recorded an innovative album in 1962 called Jazz Samba with Stan Getz, helping to launch the bossa nova craze. Skip Pitts played the famous riffs on Isaac Hayes's OST "Shaft",  R&B singer Ruth Brown, Billy Stewart, doo-wop groups The Orioles (based out of District of Columbia, though from Baltimore), The Clovers, The Rainbows, By the middle of the 1960s, District of Columbia had begun to produce some major stars, like soul singer Marvin Gaye, who had 3 No. 1 Hot 100 hits including "I Heard It Through the Grapevine" in 1968.  Other soul musicians are Herb Fame (of Peaches & Herb) who had the No. 1 Hot 100 hit "Reunited", and Van McCoy (disco producer, No. 1 hit "The Hustle"). Other musicians included famous folk singer Scott McKenzie (known for big hit "San Francisco"), John Fahey, one of the first "folk" musicians to gain national appeal, Peter Tork (of The Monkees), Tim Buckley, guitarist Link Wray, country singer Patsy Cline, guitarists Gregory Gaskins played with Jersey Cities Manhattan's and later Elvis Presley Danny Gatton, country star Roy Clark and Nils Lofgren (guitarist for Bruce Springsteen, Ringo Starr, and Neil Young).

During this period, Washington began to develop its own music scene, with a number of styles evolving by the end of the century. Some popular singers from later decades include AC singer Roberta Flack (#1 hit "Killing Me Softly with His Song"), Root Boy Slim & the Sex Change Band ("You Broke My Mood Ring"), singer-songwriter Tori Amos, Toni Braxton, Ginuwine, Mýa, Dave Grohl (of Nirvana and the Foo Fighters), Vertical Horizon (#1 Hot 100 hit "Everything You Want" in 2000; Matt Scannell attended Georgetown University), Starland Vocal Band (#1 Hot 100 hit "Afternoon Delight"), Joan Jett (rock singer with No. 1 hit "I Love Rock 'n' Roll").

Washington is also home to the Duke Ellington School of the Arts, founded in 1974 and part of the DC public school system.  Some other notable music education organizations which are located in Washington include the DC Youth Orchestra Program, founded in 1960; the Blues Alley Jazz Society, founded in 1985; Levine School of Music, founded in 1976, and the DC Legendary Musicians Inc, founded by Rev. Dr. Sandra Butler-Truesdale in 2006.

Musical genres

Choral

The Washington metropolitan area is considered by many to be the choral capital of the nation. Some choral groups active in the District today can trace their origins as far back as 1851, with a Choral Society being established to produce concerts and oratorios at least as early as the 1880s.  In the modern era, the District features several independently-established symphonic choruses, along with a very wide variety of mid-size choirs, chamber ensembles, and specialty groups.  The District has been described as "the only locality in America where there is a chorus for every type of niche."

Opera
The first established opera company in the District of Columbia was the semi-professional Washington National Opera active from 1919 through 1936; it performed in venues ranging from local school auditoriums to DAR Constitution Hall.  The present, entirely unrelated company of the same name, resident at the Kennedy Center, was known simply as the Washington Opera until 2000; a thoroughly professional organization under the direction of Plácido Domingo, it has, among other achievements, been a rare advocate for zarzuela in the United States. Among other, smaller-scale companies in the District of Columbia metropolitan area are the Washington Concert Opera, which specializes in unstaged presentations; Opera Lafayette, which specializes in French baroque opera; and Aurora Opera Theatre, formerly known as Opera Theatre of Northern Virginia.

Blues
Early in the 20th century, the District of Columbia was home to many bluesmen, such as Jelly Roll Morton and later rock and roll and rhythm and blues musicians such as Bo Diddley and Roy Buchanan.  In the 1960s, a number of white youths formed local blues bands, including the Northside Blues Band and the Nighthawks.  Starting in the early 1960s, Takoma Park native John Fahey became a nationally noted blues and folk guitarist who established the Takoma Records label, which attracted a number of other blues, folk, acoustic and fingerstyle guitarists to the District of Columbia area. Another local blues rock performer is Tom Principato.

Bluegrass
In the 1950s, Buzz Busby and the Bayou Boys became a noted bluegrass band that helped District of Columbia become known as the "Bluegrass Capital of America" in the 1950s and early 1960s.  Later bluegrass bands from the District included the Country Gentlemen. Seldom Scene eventually became the District's most prominent and longest-lasting bluegrass band.  The Washington bluegrass community extends into outlying areas such as Western Maryland and the panhandle of West Virginia which are home to bluegrass musicians who commute to perform in the area.  There has been substantial overlap between Washington, D.C.'s folk and bluegrass scene in the past several decades, in part due to the patronage of disc jockeys at public radio station WAMU, including Mary Cliff, longtime host of the music show Traditions.

Folk
Folk clubs began springing up in the District of Columbia in the late 1950s. One of the earliest folk venues was at the Hamilton Arms Coffee House, which was founded in 1939 in Georgetown at 1232 31st Street NW.  By the mid-1950s, Hamilton Arms was hosting "poetry readings, live music performances, art shows, movies, green tea (marijuana), and sometimes even coffee." After closing in 1957, other venues began to appear, including Coffee N' Confusion located briefly at 912 New Hampshire Avenue NW before moving to a basement location at 945 K Street NW.  It has been noted that rock musician Jim Morrison, who lived in Northern Virginia up until 1961, performed his first poems at Coffee N' Confusion.

In January 1961, the Unicorn Cafe Expresso was opened at 1710 17th Street NW, featuring abstract art, coffee, poetry readings, and music.  Founded by Yuri Kapralof and Roger Kaufman, the Unicorn became an important venue for up and coming folk musicians, especially after Kaufman and Kapralof sold the Unicorn to Elliott Ryan. With Hootenannys on Wednesday evening and more live performances, the Unicorn established its reputation as a music venue, where the likes of touring musicians Joan Baez, Erik Darling, and Pete LaFarge often performed along with local guitarists like John Fahey, Robbie Basho, Pat Sullivan and Max Ochs.

Another important folk venue in Georgetown in 1961 was The Shadows.  A band called "the Mugwumps" formed, eventually splitting up.  Two of the members, John Sebastian and Zal Yanovsky, became The Lovin' Spoonful, and the other two, Denny Doherty and Cass Elliott, formed The Mamas & the Papas.  Later, in Georgetown, then-folk singer John Denver, Taffy Nivert and Bill Danoff wrote a song called "Take Me Home, Country Roads", which launched Denver's career as one of the most popular singers in the country.  Other popular folk singers include Mary Chapin Carpenter; the duo Cathy Fink & Marcy Marxer have been nominated for several Grammy Awards, for both folk and children's music.

The Cellar Door at the foot of Key Bridge, was a stop for many touring folk and rock stars from the mid-1960s into the '70s.

Jazz

The District of Columbia has been home to many jazz pioneers, including the legendary Duke Ellington, as well as singer and pianist Shirley Horn, pianist Billy Taylor, and saxophonist Frank Wess. Ellington, Taylor, and Wess each attended Dunbar High School with its prominent music program. Ellington's first group, The Washingtonians, featured drummer Sonny Greer. They left for Harlem in 1923. Jazz great Jelly Roll Morton came from New Orleans, but took up residency in Washington as a regular performer at a club called the Jungle Inn in 1935.

During the first half of the 20th century, in a segregated District, the U Street Corridor became the economic, cultural, entertainment and jazz hub of the District of Columbia, earning it the nickname  "Black Broadway". The National Trust for Historic Preservation defines walking tours that include the jazz venues where the greats such as Ella Fitzgerald performed, Duke Ellington's childhood homes, and other music-related places in the neighborhood. Historic jazz club Bohemian Caverns launched many music careers, including that of R&B singer Ruth Brown. Pianist Ramsey Lewis recorded his The in Crowd album there in 1965. During the second half of the 20th century until the mid-1990s, a period that saw decline on U Street, jazz became associated with longtime venues in the Georgetown area such as Blues Alley and One Step Down; closer to the heart of the District was dc space. Subsequently, jazz saw a resurgence on U Street, with venues such as Bohemian Caverns and Republic Gardens re-opening.

Local singer Eva Cassidy, a native of Bowie, Maryland, died of cancer at the age of 33 but received posthumous international fame when several of her songs received BBC Radio airplay, though she was already well known in the Washington area, after a farewell concert at The Bayou. A singer in multiple genres, Cassidy also notably performed a crossover album with District of Columbia go-go artist Chuck Brown (see below).

Multi-instrumentalist Andrew White has been performing and releasing records in DC since his debut record in 1961, The JFK Quintet, who released two monumental LPs on Riverside Records for Cannonball Adderley.  Since then he has continued releasing albums, books, transcripts, and other publications for his self-produced label, Andrew's Music.

Tenor saxophonist Ron Holloway is a Washington, D.C., native. Ron began playing saxophone at an early age one of his first music experience was with The El Corols, where he met another great DC saxophonist, Carter Jefferson. His journeyman years sitting in with local groups from every genre of contemporary music. In the mid-1970s, Holloway expanded his practice of sitting in and more and more he was heard sharing the stage with the likes of Freddie Hubbard, Sonny Rollins and Dizzy Gillespie. In February 1982 Holloway joined Gil Scott-Heron's group. In June 1989, he left Scott-Heron to join Dizzy Gillespie's Quintet. Known for his versatility he has toured and recorded with a wide array of musical artists including Gillespie, Scott-Heron, Root Boy Slim, Little Feat, the Allman Brothers Band, Gov't Mule, Derek Trucks and Susan Tedeschi. He has released five CDs under his own name.

Progressive rock/psych
In the late 1960 and early 70s, a variety of DC groups pushed the rock envelope, forming bands and securing record deals.  The Fallen Angels were one of the first national psychedelic bands from DC, releasing two records on Roulette in the late 1960s.  Lead singer, writer, and musician Jack Bryant headed up a band that played up and down the east coast, as well as an occasional west coast show. Progressive metal band Animals as Leaders is from Washington, DC.

Soul and funk

The District of Columbia's Soul/Funk movement took shape during the mid-60s; about the same time Doo-Wop change to soul chorus group (The Temptations~), and "James Brown" became a big name. Parliament's 1975 song "Chocolate City," with vocals spoken by George Clinton, references and celebrates the District of Columbia as a majority black District. Artists such as Marvin Gaye, Black Heat, Experience Unlimited (E.U.), The Moments, The Unifics, Peaches & Herb, Terry Huff & Special Delivery, Act 1, The Dynamic Superiours, Sir Joe Quarterman & Free Soul, Chuck Brown & the Soul Searchers, Van McCoy, The Presidents, Anacostia, Vernon Burch, Ray, Goodman & Brown, True Reflection, The Unifics, Peaches & Herb, Act 1, The Dynamic Superiors, Skip Mahoaney & the Casuals, Dyson's Face, Bobby Thurston, Charles Pitts (OST "Shaft", 1971), The Choice Four, The Fuzz, Dane Riley, and Billy Stewart were from Washington, D.C. 1980s funk bands such as Osiris, Wax, Waldo, Tyrone Brunson influenced go-go bands. Minor group Aggression released 2 singles (roots of go-go) from SRI Records. Producer Maxx Kidd founded T.T.E.D. Records.

R&B
The soul and funk scene set the stage for District of Columbia's considerable influence in modern R&B. Besides Toni Braxton, District of Columbia is the hometown of mid-1990s crooners Ginuwine, Mýa, and Tank (raised in Clinton, MD), as well as the more current J. Holiday, Raheem DeVaughn and Reesa Renee (who are both from the neighboring Prince George's County, Maryland).  Central Heat, an East Coast touring R&B band based out of Northern Virginia originated in the late 1970s and features founding members Doug and Dennis Flynn, Mike Cavaliere and Bob Costlow.  Central Heat remains active in the DC club scene today. Johnny Gill, II D Extreme, and Stacy Lattisaw are also from the District of Columbia.  Also, independent recording  artist Dane Riley, who is the cousin of the late legendary Washington, DC singer Billy Stewart.

Go-go

Go-go music originated in Washington, D.C. during the mid-1970s and began to take its current shape by the late '70s. It has become known as D.C.'s answer to hip-hop. Its characteristic formula combined simple funk grooves with instrumental percussion and often rapping. It is a blend of funk, R&B, and early hip-hop, with a focus on lo-fi percussion instruments and melodic jamming in place of dance tracks, although some sampling is used. As such, it is primarily a dance music with an emphasis on live audience call and response. Go-go rhythms are also incorporated into street percussion. Many District of Columbia soul & funk artists contributed to the characteristic go-go sound, but the main pioneers were The Young Senators, also known as "The Emperors of Go-go", known for their hit tune "Jungle", and Chuck Brown & the Soul Searchers, known for "Bustin' Loose", which became a surprise national hit.  Later go-go bands include Rare Essence, Trouble Funk, Experience Unlimited (E.U., whose hit "(Doin') Da Butt" was featured in Spike Lee's 1988 "School Daze"), Hot Cold Sweat, AM/FM, The Junkyard Band, Slug-Go and the Southeast go-go band Aggressive Funk. Bands such as Backyard, TCB, and UCB have gained recognition by being featured in music by the rapper Wale.

Hardcore

The District of Columbia is primarily known in the rock community for its seminal influence on the evolution of hardcore punk, known locally as harDCore, particularly through bands such as Bad Brains, Minor Threat, and The Faith, and labels like Dischord Records, but it had a vibrant musical community prior to hardcore's arrival with bands like the Razz, Slickee Boys, Insect Surfers, Tru Fax and the Insaniacs, and The Penetrators, putting out records on local independent labels like Limp, Wasp, and Dacoit. Ian MacKaye, the frontman for Minor Threat, became an inspiration in part for the international Straight Edge movement after the song "Straight Edge" was released. MacKaye went on to co-found Fugazi, which attained international recognition under the Dischord record label, alongside Rites of Spring guitarist Guy Picciotto. Henry Rollins, a native of the District of Columbia hardcore scene, moved to Los Angeles in 1981 to join Black Flag.

Emo

In the mid-1980s, veterans of the D.C. hardcore scene created a new punk subgenre called "emo", meaning "emotive hardcore." This term has since evolved to become associated with a much broader group of musical styles. The most renowned District of Columbia area bands associated with the "first wave" of emo were Rites of Spring and Embrace.

Punk

In the 1980s, the District of Columbia, was rich with punk and new wave music.  Bands like The Slickee Boys, Urban Verbs, Tiny Desk Unit, Mother May I, Insect Surfers, Tru Fax & the Insaniacs, and Black Market Baby were popular at places like the 9:30 Club, The Psychedeli, dc space, Madam's Organ, The Bayou (in Georgetown).  See also: Bad Brains, Minor Threat, Henry Rollins. In the 1970s and 1980s, Georgetown had a diverse live music scene, and became known as a center for the early punk community. In the 1990s, U Street NW in the Shaw neighborhood became known as a new haven for post-hardcore punk, alternative rock, acid jazz and electronica, following the establishment of a variety of bars and clubs in the area, most notably The Black Cat (which was co-founded by Dave Grohl, another native of the DC punk scene). The 9:30 club subsequently moved to the area as well.

Post-hardcore

In the 1990s, bands taking heavy influence from the Washington, D.C., hardcore scene and the local go-go phenomenon contributed to the post-hardcore scene. Important players in this scene were The Dismemberment Plan, Fugazi, Nation of Ulysses, Trans Am, and Q and Not U. Currently, important post-punk/indie/dance-rock bands like Supersystem (formerly El Guapo), Medications, Metrorail, Maritime, Edie Sedgwick, Mass Movement of the Moth, The Fordists, and Beauty Pill hail from DC. Ian MacKaye continues his involvement in the DC music scene with his two-piece rock group The Evens. Record labels like Dischord, DeSoto Records, Exotic Fever, and Amor Y Lucha have been and remain to be a crucial means of distribution for DC bands.

Hip hop

The DC hip-hop scene has always taken a back seat to the other more prevalent genres in the area. Even so, influential groups have planted seeds in the District for future generations to follow. Groups like The Amphibians & Freestyle Union laid the foundation for artists like Asheru, Wale and Low Budget to help put DC's hip-hop scene on the map. Wale was the first District of Columbia artist to really break out on the national scene. He was a member of XXL'''s 2009 Freshman Class and released his debut album, Attention Deficit on Interscope Records. Representing the street-oriented side of hip-hop, District of Columbia-bred rapper Garvey "The Chosen One" released his debut album Hard Hat Area Volume#1, on independent record label Triple Team Entertainment and distributed by DTLR. When it came time to the video's shoot location for his single "Lock It Down," released 2010, he chose local high school Calvin Coolidge High School, alma mater of the video's director, Robert "Bob Smoke" Headen, did more than just provide the setting—members of the school's band, cheerleading team, step team and dance squad are all featured in the released video as noted by the Washington Post. DMV emcee Marky has been gaining national recognition for his song "Rasta Monsta," sampling Aloe Blacc's "I Need A Dollar.". Underground group Diamond District represent the vanguard as well as an underground rapper from (Fairmont Heights/P.G.County) born name Micah Paschal rap name MIKE.P also represent DC hip-hop today.

The District of Columbia's hip-hop scene was notably featured in the 1998 film Slam, about a would-be slam poet's ordeal in the District of Columbia Jail. Pharaoh Jonez, an Emcee from Southeast DC is one of the most successful rapper/producers from the DMV's underground scene. In 2010 he managed to get his music into the hands of an A&R over at Slip-n-Slide Records which did nothing for his career until 2012 when he landed a spread in Kapital Magazine alongside Kendrick Lamar, Drumma Boy, and fellow DC rapper Wale, who of which Jonez has never met before. In 2013 Pharaoh Jonez signed a management contract with Lawrence Mooney, CEO of Chocolate Mint and longtime friend of "Freeway" Rick Ross.

Electronic dance music/house
The District of Columbia has been home to a booming House music scene. Driven by weekly parties such as Buzz (DC), internationally recognized acts like Deep Dish, underground talent including DJ Sam "The Man" Burns, and DJ duos like East Coast Boogiemen (Ken Christensen and Juan Zapata), and Beautiful Swimmers. Venues include Echo Stage, Flash, U Street Music Hall, and Eighteenth Street Lounge. House music parties regularly take place at clubs and warehouses across the District. Past venues include Nation (nightclub) (formerly the Capital Ballroom), Red (nightclub), Club Five (Thomas Blondet was residents on Saturdays. Local and influential House music DJ Sam "The Man" Burns held a regular House club night on Sundays at Eighteenth Street Lounge up until his passing in 2020.

Another electronic-dance music subgenre that was born in the District of Columbia is Moombahton. The style of music was created by local D.J. Dave Nada (member of the duo Nadastrom alongside producer Matt Nordstrom) who accidentally created a new and unique EDM sound at a party in Fall 2009, by slowing down the tempo of an Electro House song and placing a reggaeton beat on top of the house track. His invention sparked an underground EDM movement not only in the District of Columbia but also worldwide, all through the early 2010s. In addition to Nadastrom, well known Moombahton producers include Munchi, Dillon Francis, and Bro Safari.

The District of Columbia is also the home to the group Thievery Corporation, who are well known in the electronic music community for their fusion of downtempo and trip hop with lounge music and Brazilian music such as bossa nova. They founded the label Eighteenth Street Lounge Music, which is also based in Washington, D.C.

Local recording artists Fort Knox Five have found success with a string of releases on their own label, Fort Knox Recordings, many notable remixes and their full-length album Radio Free DC.

Yoko K. is an electronic musician based in Washington, D.C.  Her self-produced debut album 012906 (Asahra Music, 2006) was nominated for Best Album in Electronica by the 6th Annual Independent Music Awards. The first single cut, "searching", was acclaimed by Adam Harrington (Whisperin' & Hollerin', UK) to be "truly the work of a visionary" and received Grand Prize in the Electronic Jazz category by the Artists Forum Electronic Music Competition (2006). She was an Artist in Residence at the Strathmore in North Bethesda, Maryland in 2011.

The District of Columbia, is also the home of multi-instrumentalist, producer, and synthesist Jeff Bragg, whose work spans over four decades, beginning with his residency as director of the University of Virginia's electronic music studio in the mid-1970s.

Anaud Strong is a premier dance-house, soul, r&b-funk, gospel international recording artist, remixer, singer-songwriter, producer and digital dj, born and raised in the District of Columbia and Maryland. Strong has been influential in the continuation and the pioneering of the early garage house, electronic dance music, underground dance, and art scene since the 90s to the present through various districtwide events and philanthropic efforts within the related community. The dance music collective and EP Anaud Strong Project Into The Future...The Deep House Experience RECHARGED! was nominated in the 24th Annual Wammies 2009–2010 in 4 categories for best Electronica Vocalist, Performance Artist, Electronica Artist/Producer (STUDIO), and electronica recording for "Into The Future". New 2015 Release and collaboration with US international artist, producer-remixer, prolific songwriter Anaud Strong team up with producer, dj, Splashfunk & Laera for their newest breakthrough soulful dance EDM release, sound on Italian label the LAERA TEAM. An inspirational club, radio, global dancefloor anthem and future classic from the US and Italy's finest composers. In 2018 with the release of the international soulful house anthem "BRAND NEW" by Anaud Strong + Darian Crouse aka Entity with the production and remix commissioned and released on New York label, VEKSLER Records. Also released in 2018, is the epic collaboration and release with DC dj, producer and label owner of Rhythm & Culture Recordings and resident dj dc premier Eighteenth Street Lounge, Thomas Blondet feat. Anaud Strong "LET IT SHINE". An inspirational, critically acclaimed, soulful house track being featured and supported in various dj mix shows global and by the legendary dj producer Kenny Dope (Masters at Work).

Electro-industrial band Chemlab formed in the District of Columbia, in 1989. Up until this point, frontman Jared Louche had been a part of the District of Columbia hardcore scene (see below).

Artists from District of Columbia area's premiere dark electronic label Octofoil Records, to include Maduro, Retrogramme, and Notecrusher, have appeared on numerous compilations around the world and have been featured on BBC. Octofoil has been defunct since 2014.

A cappella
The District of Columbia has a very vibrant a cappella scene. Sweet Honey in the Rock, which formed in 1973 and focuses on music rooted in African American culture, has shared a Grammy Award and received multiple Grammy nominations for its children's albums. Afro Blue, an a cappella vocal jazz ensemble based at Howard University, received significant national attention when it placed fourth on season three of the television show The Sing Off in 2011.  There are several ″vocal bands″ in the area, while ensembles like The Capital Hearings bridge the lines between the choral tradition, vocal jazz, and contemporary a cappella''.

Mod and soul
The Ambitions, led by former Checkered Cabs singer Caz Gardiner, are at the forefront of the mod/soul type bands drawing their inspiration from late 60s soul bands to 1970s British mod revivalists.

Garage revival
As of late, DC has been home to a growing scene of musicians who take inspiration from the primal stomp of the 1960s garage rock movement. Eschewing the more esoteric stylings of their art-school peers, bands like Soul Lip, the Hall Monitors, the breakUps, the Have Mercys, the Points, Shark Week, The Fed, and Fellowcraft mine a more primitive vein of rock 'n' roll, finding inspiration in fuzzed-out chords and grooves.

The Wammies
The Washington Area Music Awards, also known as the Wammies, was founded in 1985 by Michael Jaworek and Mike Schreibman and has been committed to raising the profile of the Washington area's diverse music community.

In 2019, The MusicianShip undertook the critical task of preserving the Wammie Awards. In an effort to celebrate, honor, and uplift creative heroes across the DMV area, The MusicianShip reintroduced and reinvigorated this storied community event, upholding its values, while infusing it with meaningful innovations and a contemporary flare that includes, and enriches, a diverse audience of art enthusiasts. The 2020 Virtual Wammies were hosted on July 13-July 17 and honored winners across 57 musical and general interest categories.

Performance venues

The Washington area has many venues large and small for music performances. Capital One Arena hosts many major concerts.  The Kennedy Center is home to the Washington National Opera and the National Symphony Orchestra. Wolf Trap National Park for the Performing Arts in Vienna, Virginia hosts many performances and the Wolf Trap Opera Company. The Merriweather Post Pavilion in Columbia, Maryland and Nissan Pavilion in Bristow, Virginia also host many national touring musical acts.

Notable licensed venues in the District of Columbia include and have included:
 Act IV (venue) (DC Nightclub) Upper Wisconsin Ave, Georgetown Classic Rock
 The Anthem (from 2017) – The Wharf
 The Atlantis (from 2023) - U Street
 Asylum (From 1991) – Adams Morgan / U Street – alternative rock, electronic
 The Atlas Performing Arts Center – H Street – musical theater, light opera
 The Bayou (1953–1998) – Georgetown – classic rock, metal
 Beneath It All – Georgetown, under the Crazyhorse, small venue with acoustic and softer rock
 Black Cat (From 1993) – U Street – alternative rock, international, various, post-hardcore
 Blues Alley (From 1965) – Georgetown – jazz, blues
 Bohemian Caverns (1926–1968) (From 1990s) – U Street – jazz, blues
 The Cave, (DC Nightclub) Behind My Mother's Place in the alley, 18th St
 Cafe Lautrec/Toulouse-Lautrec Mural / Cafe Toulouse (1980s-c.2004) – Adams Morgan – jazz, bossa nova
 The Cellar Door (1960s–1980s) – Georgetown – folk, classic rock, blues rock
 DAR Constitution Hall (From 1929) – Foggy Bottom – large concert hall
 Corpse Fortress (1986–2011) – various genres
 The Crazy Horse (DC Nightclub) M St, Georgetown Classic Rock
 DC9 (From 2004) – U Street – various genres, mid-size venue
 dc space (1980s) – initials meant to stand for "District Creative" as well as its locale, a small club primarily devoted to punk rock and free jazz concerts
 Electric Maid (From 2001) – Takoma – folk, post-hardcore, various genres
 Black Cat, Washington, D.C., nightclub, Food for Thought (1973–2000), folk, various genres
 Fort Reno Park (From 1967) – Upper Northwest, various genres, go-go, post-hardcore (outdoor)
 Fran O'brien's, Across the alley from the Cave, which was behind My Mother's Place, 18th & M, NW.
 The Hamilton Live, (Since 2011, DC Music Venue) 600 14th St NW (block from The White House)
 The Keg, (DC Nightclub) Upper Wisconsin Ave, about 1/2 block from "Good Guys" Georgetown Classic Rock
 Lincoln Theatre (1922–1968, reopened 1994) – U Street – concert hall
 Madam's Organ (From 1992) – Adams Morgan – various genres, blues, swing
 My Mother's Place, (DC Nightclub) 18th & M St NW Classic Rock
  Nation / The Capital Ballroom - (1995-2006) - 1015 Half Street SE - electronic music
 New Mac's, (DC Nightclub), M St, Georgetown, across 34th St from Cellar Door, Classic Rock, The Mugwumps, later called The Mamas & the Papas, started here.
 9:30 Club (1980–present) – originally at 930 F St. NW, since 1996 at U Street Corridor, alternative rock, major venue
 One Step Down (1960s–2000) – Foggy Bottom – jazz, blues
 Pearl Street Warehouse - Since October 2017, The Wharf
 The Paul Mall, (DC Nightclub) Couple doors down from the Crazy Horse, frequented by the "Washington Redskins"
 The Rabbits Foot, (DC Nightclub) Upper Wisconsin Ave, just above Georgetown
 The Red & the Black (From 2006) – H Street – rock, hardcore
Red (nightclub)
 Republic Gardens (1920s–1960s, reopened 1996) (1996–2007) – U Street – jazz, blues, dance hall
 Rock N Roll Hotel (From 2006) – H Street – rock, various genres
 Show Bar and the Palace of Wonders (From 2006) – H Street – various genres, burlesque
 Songbyrd Music House, (Washington, D.C., nightclub) (2015–present) [Adams Morgan] – various genres, mid-size venue
 State of the Union (1991-c.2001) – U Street – alternative rock, electronic dance
 "New" Vegas Lounge (From 1950s) – Logan Circle – motown, blues, R&B
 Velvet Lounge – U Street – punk rock, electronic, various genres
 Warehouse Next Door (1998–2009, merged with theater) – Downtown – various genres
 Warner Theatre (multiuse 1924–1989, concert venue from 1989) – Downtown – large concert hall
 The Wax Museum 4th and E st. SW, Washington, DC, National Acts, Stevie Ray Vaughan, Three Dog Night etc. open 1982 – 1984.
 The Corpse Fortress – A Co-Op house Venue formally in the Silver Spring Area, since shut down due to structural concerns, an iconic spot for 2000's Punk and Hardcore bands
 The Metro Cafe – Live Music Venue – Late 1990 – 2001 at 1522 14th St. NW, Washington, DC 20005

References

External links
DC Music Live: resource for live music happening in the Washington DC
DC Music Atlas

Washington

Music of Washington, D.C.


Al-Afdal al-Abbas (; r. 1363–1377) was a ruler of Yemen and a member of the Rasulid dynasty.

He was the son and successor of sultan al-Mujahid Ali. He produced a multilingual "dictionary" defining terms in Arabic, Persian, Turkic, Greek, Armenian, and Mongolian. He also took measures against extortion by local bureaucrats in the ports of the kingdom, thereby striving to maintain the attraction of Yemen in the eyes of foreign merchants. When he stayed in Aden one winter he was "dealing out measures of justice such are not usual. He gave robes of honour to the ship captains, and abolished many things recently introduced by the collectors of taxes. So the merchants departed recounting his praises and his abundant gifts in all quarters by land and by sea." At his death in 1377 he was succeeded by his son al-Ashraf Isma'il.

See also
 History of Yemen

References

Monarchs of Yemen
14th-century monarchs in Asia
Rasulid dynasty
14th-century Arab people

Al-Afdal al-Abbas


In politics, lobbying or advocacy, is the act of lawfully attempting to influence the actions, policies, or decisions of government officials, most often legislators or members of regulatory agencies, but also judges of the judiciary. Lobbying, which usually involves direct, face-to-face contact in cooperation with support staff that may not meet directly face-to-face, is done by many types of people, associations and organized groups, including individuals on a personal level in their capacity as voters, constituents, or private citizens; it is also practiced by corporations in the private sector serving their own business interests; by non-profits and non-governmental organizations in the voluntary sector through advocacy groups (interest groups) to fulfil their mission such as requesting humanitarian aid or grantmaking; and by fellow legislators or government officials influencing each other through legislative affairs (legislative assistance) in the public sector. Lobbying or certain practices that share commonalities with lobbying are sometimes referred to as government relations, or government affairs and sometimes legislative relations, or legislative affairs. It is also an industry known by many of the aforementioned names, and has a near complete overlap with the public affairs industry. Lobbyists may be among a legislator's constituencies, for example amateur lobbyists such as a voter or a bloc of voters within their electoral district acting as private citizens; others like professional lobbyists may engage in lobbying as a business or profession; while others are government relations support staff who work on behalf of professional lobbyists but do not actively participate in influencing or meeting face-to-face with targeted personnel enough to be considered registered lobbyists while working in the same professional circles as professional lobbyists who are legally designated as registered lobbyists.

Professional lobbyists are people whose business is trying to influence legislation, regulation, or other government decisions, actions, or policies on behalf of a group or individual who hires them. Nonprofit organizations whether as professional or amateur lobbyists can also lobby as an act of volunteering or as a small part of their normal job. Governments often define "lobbying" for legal purposes, and regulate organized group lobbying that has become influential.

The ethics and morals involved with legally lobbying or influence peddling are controversial. Lobbying can, at times, be spoken of with contempt, when the implication is that people with inordinate socioeconomic power are corrupting the law in order to serve their own interests. When people who have a duty to act on behalf of others, such as elected officials with a duty to serve their constituents' interests or more broadly the public good, can benefit by shaping the law to serve the interests of some private parties, a conflict of interest exists. Many critiques of lobbying point to the potential for conflicts of interest to lead to agent misdirection or the intentional failure of an agent with a duty to serve an employer, client, or constituent to perform those duties. The failure of government officials to serve the public interest as a consequence of lobbying by special interests who provide benefits to the official is an example of agent misdirection. That is why lobbying is seen as one of the causes of a democratic deficit.

Etymology
That architectural sense of lobby is believed to originate from the medieval Latin lobia or lobium, which refers to a gallery, hall, or portico. This architectural sense was later adopted to describe the practice of advocating or debating in such spaces.

In a report carried by the BBC, an OED lexicographer has shown that "lobbying" finds its roots in the gathering of Members of Parliament and peers in the hallways ("lobbies") of the United Kingdom Houses of Parliament before and after parliamentary debates where members of the public can meet their representatives.

One story held that the term originated at the Willard Hotel in Washington, D.C., where it was supposedly used by President Ulysses S. Grant to describe the political advocates who frequented the hotel's lobby to access Grant—who was often there in the evenings to enjoy a cigar and brandy—and then tried to buy the president drinks in an attempt to influence his political decisions. Although the term may have gained more widespread currency in Washington, D.C., by virtue of this practice during the Grant Administration, the OED cites numerous documented uses of the word well before Grant's presidency, including use in Pennsylvania as early as 1808.

The term "lobbying" also appeared in print as early as 1820:

Overview

Governments often define and regulate organized group lobbying as part of laws to prevent political corruption and by establishing transparency about possible influences by public lobby registers.

Lobby groups may concentrate their efforts on the legislatures, where laws are created, but may also use the judicial branch to advance their causes. The National Association for the Advancement of Colored People, for example, filed suits in state and federal courts in the 1950s to challenge segregation laws. Their efforts resulted in the Supreme Court declaring such laws unconstitutional.

Lobbyists may use a legal device known as amicus curiae () briefs to try to influence court cases. Briefs are written documents filed with a court, typically by parties to a lawsuit. Amici curiae briefs are briefs filed by people or groups who are not parties to a suit. These briefs are entered into the court records, and give additional background on the matter being decided upon. Advocacy groups use these briefs both to share their expertise and to promote their positions.

The lobbying industry is affected by the revolving door concept, a movement of personnel between roles as legislators and regulators and roles in the industries affected by legislation and regulation, as the main asset for a lobbyist is contacts with and influence on government officials. This climate is attractive for ex-government officials. It can also mean substantial monetary rewards for lobbying firms, and government projects and contracts worth in the hundreds of millions for those they represent.

The international standards for the regulation of lobbying were introduced at four international organizations and supranational associations: 1) the European Union; 2) the Council of Europe; 3) the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development; 4) the Commonwealth of Independent States.

Methods

In 2013, the director general of the World Health Organization, Margaret Chan, illustrated the methods used in lobbying against public health:

History

In pre-modern political systems, royal courts provided incidental opportunities for gaining the ear of monarchs and their councilors.

Lobbying by country

Australia

Since the 1980s, lobbying in Australia has grown from a small industry of a few hundred employees to a multi-billion dollar per year industry. What was once the preserve of big multinational companies and at a more local level (property developers, for example Urban Taskforce Australia) has morphed into an industry that employs more than 10,000 people and represents every facet of human endeavour.

Academic John Warhurst from the Australian National University noted that over this time, retired politicians have increasingly turned political lobbyists to leverage their networks and experience for private gain. In 2018 he noted that two of the top three Howard government ministers had become lobbyists: Alexander Downer and John Costello, and that the trend could be traced back to the Hawke Government of 1983. Mick Young stated that by 1983 the lobbying profession was an established part of the democratic political process in Canberra. Warhurst attests that by 2018, "political leader-lobbyists" were an established part of the same process. During the 1980s, political leaders traded on their own names, like Bob Hawke, or joined the "respectable" end of the lobbying spectrum, working for law firms or banks, like former New South Wales premiers Nick Greiner and Bob Carr. In 2008, Alexander Downer formed the lobbying firm Bespoke Approach, along with former Labor minister Nick Bolkus and Ian Smith, who is married to former Australian Democrats leader, Natasha Stott-Despoja. Peter Costello carried two former staffers to work with him in his lobbying firm, ECG Consulting: Jonathan Epstein and David Gazard. Politicians can become exposed to allegations of conflicts of interest when they both lobby and advise governments. Examples include Peter Costello.

Political party staff often form lobbying firms, or dominate their ranks. Former Howard chief-of-staff Grahame Morris is director of Barton Deakin Government Relations. His colleagues there include David Alexander (former Costello staffer), Sallyanne Atkinson (former Lord Mayor of Brisbane and former federal Liberal Party candidate), Howard staffer John Griffin and former New South Wales Liberal Party leader, Peter Collins. The Labor "sister" company is Hawker Britton, so named as both firms are owned by STW Group. In 2013, Hawker Britton had 113 client companies on its books.

In 2013, there were just under 280 firms on the Federal Australian Register of Lobbyists. Steve Carney of Carney Associated says that lobbyists "try to leave no thumbprints on the glass, no footprints in the sand. The best lobbying is when nobody knows you were there." Mark Textor of campaign advisory group Crosby Textor describes political lobbying as a "pathetic miserable industry".

Supermarket sector lobbying
Supermarket chains in Australia engage lobbying firms with political weight in their ranks. Australian Supermarket giant Coles is represented by both ECG Consulting and Bespoke Approach, while its own parent company, Wesfarmers, has former West Australian premier Alan Carpenter in charge of corporate affairs. Competitor Woolworths has a government relations team composed of former Labor and Liberal advisers, under the direction of a former leader of the National Party, Andrew Hall. Aldi engages GRA (Government Relations Australia), one of Australia's largest lobbying firms, whose staff includes former Federal Labor treasurer, John Dawkins.

Public lobbyist registers
A register of federal lobbyists is kept by the Australian Government and is accessible to the public via its website. Similar registers for State government lobbyists were introduced between 2007 and 2009 around Australia. Since April 2007 in Western Australia, only lobbyists listed on the state's register are allowed to contact a government representative for the purpose of lobbying. Similar rules have applied in Tasmania since 1 September 2009 and in South Australia and Victoria since 1 December 2009. A criticism of the lobbyist register is that it only captures professional third-party lobbyists, not employees of companies which directly lobby government. An example of this is BHP, which employs Geoff Walsh, a key advisor to Bob Hawke as an in-house lobbyist.

In 2022, The Mercury published a complete list of lobbyists registered at the Tasmanian Parliament. The field was dominated by former politicians, advisers and journalists in 2016.

Bahrain
In December 2022, Bahrain's lobbying efforts reflected in a report by The Guardian, which involved the name of a senior Czech MEP Tomáš Zdechovský. The controversy concerned the European Parliament's "friendship groups", the unofficial bodies operating with no formal regulations and sometimes under sponsored lobbyists and foreign governments. The European Parliament was preparing to vote on a resolution to call for a release of a Bahraini political prisoner Abdulhadi al-Khawaja. However, chair of European Parliament's Bahrain friendship group,  Zdechovský came under questions for visiting Bahrain in April 2022, without declaring. In a separate resolution, Zdechovský's EPP failed to call for Khawaja's release and instead called him a "political opponent". Director of BIRD, Sayed Ahmed Alwadaei accused the Czech MEP of acting as a mouthpiece for Bahrain.

Canada

Canada maintains a Registry of Lobbyists.
Over 5,000 people now working as registered lobbyists at Canada's federal level. Lobbying began as an unregulated profession, but since the late 20th century has been regulated by the government to increase transparency and establish a set of ethics for both lobbyists, and those who will be lobbied.
Canada does not require disclosure of lobbyist spending on lobbying activities.

European Union

The first step towards specialized regulation of lobbying in the European Union was a Written Question tabled by Alman Metten, in 1989. In 1991, Marc Galle, Chairman of the Committee on the Rules of Procedure, the Verification of Credentials and Immunities, was appointed to submit proposals for a Code of conduct and a register of lobbyists. Today lobbying in the European Union is an integral and important part of decision-making in the EU. From year to year lobbying regulation in the EU is constantly improving and the number of lobbyists increases. This increase in lobbying activity is a result of the growing recognition of lobbying as a critical discipline at the intersection of politics, economics, and society.

In 2003 there were around 15,000 lobbyists (consultants, lawyers, associations, corporations, NGOs etc.) in Brussels seeking to influence the EU's legislation. Some 2,600 special interest groups had a permanent office in Brussels. Their distribution was roughly as follows: European trade federations (32%), consultants (20%), companies (13%), NGOs (11%), national associations (10%), regional representations (6%), international organizations (5%) and think tanks (1%), (Lehmann, 2003, pp iii).

In addition to this, lobby organisations sometimes hire former EU employees (a phenomenon known as the revolving door) who possess inside knowledge of the EU institutions and policy process. This practice of hiring former EU employees is part of what lobbyist Andreas Geiger describes as lobbying's vital role in shaping law and decision-making processes, given the unique insights and access these individuals provide. A report by Transparency International EU published in January 2017 analysed the career paths of former EU officials and found that 30% of Members of the European Parliament who left politics went to work for organisations on the EU lobby register after their mandate and approximately one third of Commissioners serving under Barroso took jobs in the private sector after their mandate, including for Uber, ArcelorMittal, Goldman Sachs and Bank of America Merrill Lynch. These potential conflicts of interest could be avoided if a stronger ethics framework were established at the EU level, including an independent ethics body and longer cooling-off periods for MEPs.

In the wake of the Jack Abramoff Indian lobbying scandal in Washington, D.C., and the massive impact this had on the lobbying scene in the United States, the rules for lobbying in the EU—which until now consisted of only a non-binding code of conduct—may also be tightened.

Eventually, on 31 January 2019 the European Parliament adopted binding rules on lobby transparency. Amending its Rules of Procedure, the Parliament stipulated that MEPs involved in drafting and negotiating legislation must publish online their meetings with lobbyists. The amendment says that "rapporteurs, shadow rapporteurs or committee chairs shall, for each report, publish online all scheduled meetings with interest representatives falling under the scope of the Transparency Register"-database of the EU.

The European allies were being lobbied by the UAE and Saudi Arabia to regain the diplomatic ties with the Syrian government. The two Arab countries lobbied the European Union for months, pushing them to ease the sanctions on Syria for the revival of its collapsed economy. The UAE and its neighbour country argued that without the ease of sanctions, the diplomatic efforts to end the Syrian war will be ineffective. However, the EU nations, including France and Germany, turned down the idea of restoring ties with Syria, stating that it would legitimize the regime that is accused of massacring its own people.

France
There is currently no regulation at all for lobbying activities in France. There is no regulated access to the French institutions and no register specific to France, but there is one for the European Union where French lobbyists are able to register themselves. For example, the internal rule of the National Assembly (art. 23 and 79) forbids members of Parliament to be linked with a particular interest. Also, there is no rule at all for consultation of interest groups by the Parliament and the Government. Nevertheless, a recent parliamentary initiative (motion for a resolution) has been launched by several MPs so as to establish a register for representatives of interest groups and lobbyists who intend to lobby the MPs.

Germany

In Germany,  lobbying has existed since 1956, when the Federal Constitutional Court issued a ruling legalizing it. A mandatory lobby register (German: Lobbyliste) was introduced in Germany effective 1 January 2022, along with a code of conduct.  These rules were criticized as insufficient by several opposition party members and representatives from the Council of Europe, who argued that they did not adequately address issues of transparency and potential conflicts of interest. Stricter rules are scheduled to come into effect on January 1, 2024.

Italy
Nowadays Italy does not have a lobbying legislation at national level, even though during the years there have been proposals by lawmakers.
In 2016 the Chamber of deputies added an addendum that introduced a Regulation of interest representation.
The Regulation expired in late 2017, when the term of the sitting Parliament expired.
With the rising of the new parliamentary term in 2018, the Regulation was not being readopted.
At the subnational level, only six regions have legislations about lobbying: Tuscany (2002), Molise (2004), Abruzzo (2010), Calabria (2016), Lombardy (2016) and Puglia (2017). These regional legislations have similar structure, but only Tuscany took a step forward to implement this legislation and create a public register.

In Italy, over the years, lobbies and power groups have obstructed the liberalization of markets and favored the protection of existing privileges. Despite various attempts to promote competition, such as the Law for the Market and Competition passed a year ago, the process has been riddled with delays, amendments and compromises that have weakened the law.
Pressure from various lobbies led to the deletion of several important provisions. For example, due to pressure from pharmacists, the sale of Band C drugs in supermarkets and parapharmacies was skipped. Other provisions removed include the portability of pension funds, the sale of boxes or garages worth less than one hundred thousand euros without a notarized deed, the protected energy market, and the Postal Service monopoly. In addition, the rule on RCA tariffs was withdrawn after protests from insurance companies, while the diatribe between taxi drivers and Uber was postponed for a separate measure.
Professional associations, such as lawyers and dentists, opposed measures that undermined their interests, such as the requirement for lawyers to have a quote or the requirement that dental companies be at least two-thirds owned by registered members. Other categories, such as hoteliers, called for a ban on Airbnb in the country.
The lack of competitive markets is one of the main reasons Italy has not experienced economic growth in recent years. However, pressure groups continue to defend their privileges, hindering economic liberalization. The International Monetary Fund study indicates that true liberalization could grow Italy's GDP in a few years, but lobbies seem to be able to prevent such changes.

A 2016 study found evidence of significant indirect lobbying of then-Prime Minister Silvio Berlusconi through business proxies. The authors document a significant pro-Mediaset (the mass media company founded and controlled by Berlusconi) bias in the allocation of advertising spending during Berlusconi's political tenure, in particular for companies operating in more regulated sectors.
Using advertising data from the Nielsen AdEx database, the behavior of companies buying advertising space on Mediaset television channels during Berlusconi's tenure as prime minister was analyzed. It is hypothesized that some companies are more likely to advertise on Mediaset channels when Berlusconi is in power, indicating a potential correlation between advertising behavior and political influence.

A model of the Italian television advertising market was developed, distinguishing between regulated firms (interested in government actions) and unregulated firms (less interested in specific public policy changes). The model predicts that advertising prices on Mediaset increase when Berlusconi is in power and that the mix of advertisers on Mediaset channels shifts toward regulated firms during his tenure.
To assess the impact of Berlusconi's political influence, industries were ranked according to their regulatory score, obtained from a survey of Italian economists. Highly regulated industries, such as telecommunications, pharmaceuticals, and manufacturing, showed a greater tendency to allocate a portion of their advertising budgets to Mediaset during Berlusconi's tenure.
Despite higher prices for advertising space on Mediaset channels during Berlusconi's tenure, companies continued to advertise, suggesting that they expect significant political benefits from supporting the network. Mediaset's advertising partners are estimated to have paid about 1.9 billion euros more during Berlusconi's three terms, indicating the expected political value of their indirect lobbying efforts.
This study provides evidence of market-based lobbying, in which companies strategically allocate their advertising budgets to gain political influence. It also highlights the additional conflict of interest that politicians with corporate holdings face and raises important questions about the role of money in politics beyond direct campaign contributions.

Another relevant case of lobbying that has been going on for at least 16 years concerns owners of beach establishments. Beaches are the Italian State's properties: since 2022, owners have to pay a fee of 2698 euros to keep a public concession of a beach establishment. This is an amount of money that would be paid back just by renting for three months 2 beach umbrellas for 15 euros each (and in many cases the renting prices are higher). The Court of Accounts has declared an imbalance between the fee and the gains from the beach establishment. Until 2009, according to a 1949 law, people who had public concessions had the right to keep them if there was no opposition from third parties. In 2009 this law is abolished under menace of legal procedure from the Eu for infraction of a 2006 directive, that established mandatory public procedures that were impartial and transparent. Anyhow, since then, governments continuously postponed any decision regarding modyfing laws on public concessions for beach establishments. Under the government of Mario Draghi the deadline for all concessions was established for the 31st of December 2023: anyhow, the new Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni assured in a letter of November 3rd, 2022, that "their government would defend the families that work in that sector", and delayed the deadline of the concessions. Some politicians claim that the families involved in the issue represent a significant and influential number of electors.

Finally, lobbying from taxi drivers represents a growing issue. The current situation in Italy regarding taxi services is regulated by Law No. 21 of 1992. According to this law, the responsibility for determining the number of taxi licenses, shifts, and fares is given to the municipalities. Taxi licenses are held by artisan business owners who have passed a driver's exam and are registered with the Chamber of Commerce. After holding a license for five years, reaching the age of 60, or due to illness, license holders can transfer their license to someone else upon indicating their preference to the municipality. In case of death, the license can be passed to one of the heirs or their designated individuals.
Italy has an average of one taxi for every 2,000 inhabitants, whereas countries like France and Spain have ratios of 1,160 and 1,028 taxis per 2,000 inhabitants, respectively. This suggests that Italy has a relatively lower number of taxis available compared to its population.
In August 2019, the then Transport Councillor Marco Granelli acknowledged the need to increase the number of taxi licenses by 450 to meet the demand. Data showed that a significant percentage of calls for taxis were going unanswered during peak hours and weekends. However, the issue was put on hold due to the COVID-19 pandemic, and it remains uncertain when it will be addressed.

New Zealand

There is no register for lobbying activity and no cooling off period for public officials before they can enter the lobbying industry in New Zealand, allowing politicians and Parliamentary staffers to immediately become lobbyists after leaving office. Kris Faafoi joined a lobbying firm just three months after leaving Parliament, where he had been justice and broadcasting minister. Lobbyists also move directly into staffer positions. Gordon-Jon Thompson took a leave of absence from his lobbying firm to work as chief of staff to Prime Minister Jacinda Ardern for four months before returning to his lobbying firm. Andrew Kirton resigned from his lobbying company on 31 January, 2023 and the next day was announced as chief of staff for Prime Minister Chris Hipkins.

Some ad hoc provisions against revolving door politics exist in relation to certain industries. The Immigration Advisers Licensing Act 2007, for example, prohibits Ministers of Immigration, Associate Ministers of Immigration and immigration officials from becoming a licensed immigration adviser for one year after leaving government employment.

Transparency International (TI) criticized the lack of oversight in the New Zealand lobbying industry in a November 2022 report as lax.

Romania
Romanian legislation does not include an express regulation on lobbying activity. The legislative proposals initiated by various parliamentarians have not been finalized.

Attempts to regulate lobbying in Romania have appeared in the context of the fight against corruption. Anti-corruption strategies adopted in 2011 and 2004 mentions the purposes of the elaboration of a draft law on lobbying, as well as ensuring transparency in the decision-making activity.

In 2008 and 2011, the emphasis was mainly on transparency in the decision-making activity of the public authorities, regulation of lobbying activities no longer appearing as a distinct or expressly mentioned objective.

The Romanian Lobby Registry Association (ARRL) was founded in June 2010 to popularize and promote lobbying activity. ARRL is a non-profit legal entity that works under private law.

The majority of lobbying companies represent non-governmental organizations which activities include education, ecology, fundamental freedoms, health, consumer rights etc. Other entities that deal with lobby practice are multinational companies, Romanian companies, law firms and specialized lobby firms.

India
In India, where there is no law regulating the process, lobbying has traditionally been a tool for industry bodies like the National Association of Software and Service Companies, the Confederation of Indian Industry, the Federation of Indian Chambers of Commerce and Industry, the Associated Chambers of Commerce and Industry of India and other pressure groups to engage with the government ahead of the national budget and legislation in parliament. Lobbying activities have frequently been identified in the context of corruption cases, for example the 2010 controversy surrounding leaked audio transcripts of conversations between the corporate lobbyist Niira Radia and senior journalists and politicians. Besides private companies, the Indian government has been paying for the services a US firm since 2005 to lobby, for example, in relation to the India-US civilian nuclear deal. In India, there are no laws that defined the scope of lobbying, who could undertake it, or the extent of disclosure necessary. Companies are not mandated to disclose their activities and lobbyists are neither authorized nor encouraged to reveal the names of clients or public officials they have contacted. The distinction between lobbying and bribery still remains unclear.

In 2012, Walmart revealed it had spent $25 million since 2008 on lobbying to "enhance market access for investment in India". This disclosure came weeks after the Indian government made a controversial decision to permit foreign direct investment in the country's multi-brand retail sector.

Successful grassroots lobbying campaigns include the Mazdoor Kisan Shakti Sangathan's campaign to pass the 2005 Right to Information Act and Anna Hazare's anti-corruption campaign to introduce the 2011 Lokpal Bill.

United Kingdom

In the UK, lobbying plays a significant role in the formation of legislation.  Various commercial organisations, lobby groups "lobby" for particular policies and decisions by Parliament and other political organs at national, regional and local levels.
The phrase "lobbying" comes from the gathering of Members of Parliament and peers in the hallways (or lobbies) of Houses of Parliament before and after parliamentary debates.  The now-defunct UK Public Affairs Council (UKPAC) defined lobbying as:
in a professional capacity, attempting to influence, or advising those who wish to influence, the UK Government, Parliament, the devolved legislatures or administrations, regional or local government or other public bodies on any matter within their competence.
Formal procedures enable individual members of the public to lobby their Member of Parliament but most lobbying activity centres on corporate, charity and trade association lobbying, where organisations seek to amend government policy through advocacy.

United States

In the United States, some special interests hire professional advocates to argue for specific legislation in decision-making bodies, such as Congress. Some lobbyists are now using social media to reduce the cost of traditional campaigns, and to more precisely target public officials with political messages.

A 2011 study of the 50 firms that spent the most on lobbying relative to their assets compared their financial performance against that of the S&P 500, and concluded that spending on lobbying was a "spectacular investment" yielding "blistering" returns comparable to a high-flying hedge fund, even despite the financial downturn. A 2011 meta-analysis of previous research findings found a positive correlation between corporate political activity and firm performance. A 2009 study found that lobbying brought a  return on investment of as much as 22,000% in some cases. Major American corporations spent $345 million lobbying for just three pro-immigration bills between 2006 and 2008. A review of 30 food and beverage companies spent $38.2 million on lobbying in 2020 to strengthen and maintain their influence in Washington, D.C.

A study from the Kellogg School of Management found that political donations by corporations do not increase shareholder value. The authors posit a few reasons that firms continue giving despite little returns, including signaling firm values to investors and consumption value for individual managers.

Wall Street spent a record $2 billion trying to influence the 2016 United States presidential election.

Foreign lobbying

Foreign-funded lobbying efforts include those of Israel, Saudi Arabia, Turkey, Egypt, Pakistan, and China lobbies. In 2010 alone, foreign governments spent approximately $460 million on lobbying members of Congress and government officials.

In the US, lobbying for foreign governments is not illegal, but it requires registering as a foreign agent with the Justice Department under the Foreign Agents Registration Act (FARA). Unofficially, according to Politico, 'many lobbyists try to avoid representing countries that have tense relationships with Washington or troubled human rights records'. Between 2015 and 2017, around 145 registered lobbyists were paid $18 million by Saudi Arabia to influence the U.S. government.

In January 2017, an order by Donald Trump led to a lifetime ban on administration officials from lobbying for foreign governments and a five-year ban on other forms of lobbying. However, the rule was revoked by Trump right before the end of his presidency. A number of Trump allies were found guilty to lobbying on behalf of foreign governments during the 2016 US elections, including Paul Manafort and Elliott Broidy. A longtime Trump ally Thomas Barrack was arrested in July 2021 for illegally lobbying the Trump administration on behalf of the United Arab Emirates. In May 2022, the indictment was updated, stating that Barrack received millions of dollars from the UAE to boost Trump's agenda and get advantage from his presidency. Barrack was found not guilty on all charges in November 2022.

United Arab Emirates

The United Arab Emirates has a long history of lobbying government and politicians in the West for  its conflict of interest concerning building influence and using it to impact the country's foreign policy.  In November 2022 it was accused of hiring PR and lobbying firms in order to promote to the politicians in the United States about its selection to host the COP28 Climate Conference. The problem was that the promotion started even before Egypt hosted 2022's COP27 Climate event. Fleishmann Hillard were hired to compose letters that proposed the idea of Emirati ministers attending conferences and events and using the phrase "the UAE is hosting COP28 next year". Whereas, Akin Gump Strauss Hauer & Feld were hired to reach out to US politicians particularly pushing the environmental policies or favouring fossil fuels in addition to informing them about the UAE hosting COP28. The gulf nation even declared its intentions of achieving net zero emissions by 2050, even though 30% of their GDP relies on oil and gas directly, while the remaining relies upon industry run on heavy energy consumption.

Other countries

Israel (1994) – a unique lobby which is called "Lobby 99" is working at the Israeli parliament. This is a lobby which is funded by the people by crowdfunding and working for the people, the 99 percent who are not among the elites which most lobbying companies represents.
Ukraine: In 2009, a special working group of the Ministry of Justice of Ukraine developed a draft law "On Lobbying". However, this bill was not introduced into the Parliament of Ukraine.
Kazakhstan: Since 1998, Kazakhstan has been trying to pass a law on lobbying. The National Chamber of Entrepreneurs of Kazakhstan "Atameken" is one of the first official lobbying structures in the country, but there are other examples.
South Korea: In South Korea, lobbying is viewed as a form of corruption and is illegal.

See also

References

Bibliography

 Zelizer, Julian E., ed. The American Congress: The Building of Democracy (Houghton Mifflin. 2004) passim. online

 Joos, Klemens: Convincing Political Stakeholders – Successful Lobbying Through Process Competence in the Complex Decision-Making System of the European Union, 526 pages, , Wiley VCH 2016
P. L. Petrillo, Form of government and lobbying in UE and UK, in (march, 2013)
 Joos, Klemens: Lobbying in the new Europe. Successful representation of interests after the Treaty of Lisbon, 244 pages, , Wiley VCH 2011
Nesterovych V. (2015) EU standards for the regulation of lobbying. Prawa Człowieka. nr 18: 97–108.
Nesterovych, Volodymyr (2016). "International standards for the regulation of lobbying (EU, CE, OECD, CIS)". Krytyka Prawa. tom 8, nr 2: 79–101.
Nesterovych, Volodymyr (2010). "Legalization, accreditation, control and supervisory activity concerning lobbyists and lobbying organizations: prospects for Ukraine ". Power. Man. Law. International Scientific Journal. No. 1: 96–105.
 Geiger, Andreas: EU Lobbying handbook, A guide to modern participation in Brussels, 244 pages, , Helios Media GmbH, 2006
 GLOSSARY – Alphabetical list of terms associated with the Lobbying industry
 The Bulletin, 16 March 2006, p. 14, Lobbying Europe: facts and fiction
 The European Lawyer, December 2005/January 2006, p. 9, The lobbyists have landed
 Financial Times, 3 October 2005, p. 8, Brussels braces for a U.S. lobbying invasion
 Public Affairs News, November 2004, p. 34, Judgement Call
 The European Lawyer, December 2004/January 2005, p. 26, Lifting the lid on lobbying
 Pier Luigi Petrillo, Democracies under Pressures. Lobbies and Parliaments in a comparative public law, Giuffrè 2011 (www.giuffre.it)
 Pietro Semeraro, I delitti di millantato credito e traffico di influenza,ed. Giuffre, Milano,2000.
 Pietro Semeraro, Trading in Influence and Lobbying in the Spanish Criminal Code, PDF
 Wiszowaty, Marcin: Legal Regulation of Lobbying in New Members States of the European Union, Arbeitspapiere und Materialien – Forschungsstelle Osteuropa an der Universitat Bremen, No. 74: Heiko Pleines (ed.): Participation of Civil Society in New Modes of Governance. The Case of the New Member States. Part 2: Questions of Accountability. February 2006 (PDF)
 Heiko Kretschmer/ Hans-Jörg Schmedes: Enhancing Transparency in EU Lobbying? How the European Commission's Lack of Courage and Determination Impedes Substantial Progress, Internationale Politik und Gesellschaft 1/ 2010, S. 112–122

External links

United States

 Lobbyists.info – The largest, comprehensive database of 22,000 registered lobbyists. Contains searchable profiles of lobbyists and government relations professionals, their clients and issues.
  – Fortune listed the top 25 lobbying groups in 1999.
 LobbyWatch – a project of the Center for Public Integrity with reports on lobbyists and lobbying efforts as well as a searchable database.
 OpenSecrets.org
 NoLobby.com – Capitalism Magazine mini-site. Opposes lobbying restrictions on free speech grounds.
 The Citizen's Guide to the U.S. Government – an online tutorial containing information for individuals who wish to address issues with their elected officials.
 Free Speech National Right to Life page containing documents opposing excessive regulation of "lobbying" as infringement on "right to petition" guaranteed by the First Amendment.
 Public Affairs Links
 First Street Research Group powered by First Street by CQ Press - Where People and Policy Intersect – reports and analysis on the lobbying industry

Europe
 The Lobby Ticker  – website of independent Austrian MEP Hans-Peter Martin with original lobbyist invitations and voting recommendations he received
 Commission for the Prevention of Corruption of the Republic of Slovenia
 PubAffairs – the public affairs network
 LobbyPlanet website
 Alliance for Lobbying Transparency and Ethics Regulation (ALTER-EU)
 CEO Corporate Europe Observatory
 Spinwatch
 The New EU, European Affairs Jobs Community

Activism by type
Political law
Political terminology
Right to petition

Lobbying


Irv Brown  (March 30, 1935 – February 3, 2019) was an American sportscaster, and basketball and baseball player, coach, executive, and official.

Early life
Brown earned seven letters at North High School in Denver, where he starred in football, basketball and baseball. He played basketball and baseball at the University of Northern Colorado. After college, he coached football and baseball at Arvada High School in Arvada, Colorado, and he also coached baseball at the University of Colorado Boulder and Metro State College. From 1969 to 1977, Brown had a career as a basketball referee, officiating six Final Fours.  Brown served as commissioner of the Colorado Athletic Conference in the early 1990s.   In 2007, he was named the new commissioner of the Mountain Collegiate Baseball League (MCLB).

Brown began his broadcasting career in 1974 on KHOW radio. For over 25 years was on the air with Joe Williams, hosting the show The Fan. Brown and Williams later co-authored The Great Book of Denver Sports Lists.
Brown retired from hosting "The Irv and Joe Show" on Mile High Sports Radio AM 1340 with longtime partner Joe Williams, on April 7, 2016, ending a 42-year media career. He was also an analyst for the NBA on ESPN and the Southwest Conference on Raycom Sports and HSE during the 1980s.

Brown was inducted into the Colorado Sports Hall of Fame in 1997.

References

1935 births
2019 deaths
Baseball players from Denver
Basketball players from Denver
College athletic conference commissioners in the United States
College basketball announcers in the United States
College football announcers
College men's basketball referees in the United States
Colorado Buffaloes baseball coaches
Denver Broncos announcers
High school baseball coaches in the United States
High school football coaches in Colorado
Metro State Roadrunners baseball coaches
National Basketball Association broadcasters
Northern Colorado Bears baseball players
Northern Colorado Bears men's basketball players
Sportspeople from Denver
United States Football League announcers
American men's basketball players

Irv Brown


Barbara Reskin (born 1945) is a professor of sociology. As the S. Frank Miyamoto Professor of Sociology at the University of Washington, Reskin studies labor market stratification, examining job queues, nonstandard work, sex segregation, and affirmative action policies in employment and university admissions, mechanisms of work-place discrimination, and the role of credit markets in income poverty and inequality.

Reskin has spent many years teaching, holding previous faculty positions at University of California-Davis, Indiana University, University of Michigan, University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign, Harvard, and Ohio State University. Reskin has written six books and many articles on gender and racial inequality in the workplace.

Biography
Reskin was born in Saint Paul, Minnesota, and grew up in Renton, Washington. After a brief stint at Reed College, Reskin moved to Cleveland, Ohio, where she was involved in the Congress on Racial Equality. Reskin returned to the Pacific Northwest and received her bachelor's degree, in 1968, and Ph.D., in 1973, from the University of Washington.

Honors
Reskin served on the Board of Overseers of the General Social Survey and on several National Academy of Sciences/National Research Council committees. A past fellow at the Center for Advanced Study in the Behavioral Sciences, Reskin is a fellow of the American Association of Arts and Sciences and a member of the U.S. National Academy of Sciences. She served as the 93rd President of the American Sociological Association in 2002 and was awarded a Distinguished Scholar Award of the ASA Section on Sex and Gender. Other honors include the Cheryl Miller-Sociologists for Women in Society Lecturership and the SWS Mentorship Award.

Queuing theory
Barbara Reskin is known for her expansion and use of queuing theory to explain the persistence sex segregation in the workplace despite the movement of many women into new occupational fields. While occupational segregation has declined since 1970, most workers remain in sex-segregated jobs. Through the queuing approach we are able to see how and why sex segregation remains a prominent feature of the workplace. A variety of social and economic forces enable segregation as well as to diminish it.

Queuing
A queuing perspective suggests that labor markets consist of labor queues and job queues. Labor queues consist of all possible workers in a "queue" to fill a particular job, and the employer determines the order of the workers in this queue. Similarly, job queues consist of all possible jobs available to a worker, with workers ranking the available jobs. Employers hire workers from as high in the labor queue as possible and the workers will accept the best possible job. By doing this the most wanted jobs go to the most favored workers, while the less preferred jobs go to the less wanted workers. This procedure then leaves the deprived workers with no job or occupying jobs that others have rejected.

Three factors influence job and labor queues: the ordering of the elements, whether or not these elements overlap, and lastly their shape. The order of the elements pertains to the order that workers rank preferred jobs and employers rank potential workers. The overlap of the elements refers to the strength of the ranker's choices for one element over another. The shape is determined by the absolute and relative numbers of elements in a queue. An example would be a situation in which the preferred workers group was the same size as the preferred job group, in which the preferred group will dominate the occupation of the good jobs.

Occupational feminization
There are four notable reasons that there has been a change in occupations' sex composition.

The first is job deterioration which is attributed to the changing of the ordering of job queues. Most of the jobs Reskin studied feminized after the rewards changed, therefore making them less appealing than other possibilities.

The second factor is job growth which shows that there was a change in the shape of the job queues. There was a time when you wouldn't need to hire women because you had enough men to do the job.  But with an increasing job market, there was more of a spread of who wanted what jobs.

The third factor was the emergence of a sex-specific demand for women which reflected the changes in the ordering of labor queues. After anti-discrimination laws were passed, employers were concerned about the costs—both monetarily and reputation-based—that they would run into by hiring solely men.

Connected to the third factor is the fourth which is the declining preference for men. This is due to the changes in employers' preferences.  As stated before, the public would no longer tolerate discrimination towards women.  Actions such as the civil rights movement and the feminist movement reinforced this concept.

Understanding occupational composition
First, we see that queuing highlights the group nature of sex segregation that occurs due to rankings that are socially structured by groups in conflict. It also takes the effects of noneconomic factors into account—the rankings of both employers on potential employees and perspective employees' rankings on the jobs available. Lastly, queuing presumes that a person will rank occupations similarly based on their sex, which ultimately foreshadows women's entry into traditionally male occupations based on the rewards they offer.

Publications

Books

Book chapters

Recent peer-reviewed articles

References

External links
Biography at UW
Harvard Gazette story
West Coast Poverty Center bio
Center for the Study of Inequality, Cornell University, bio
Reskin, Barbara F. and Roos, Patricia A. (1990). Job Queues, Gender Queues: Explaining Women's Inroads Into Male Occupations. Temple University Press.

Year of birth missing (living people)
1940s births
Living people
Reed College alumni
University of Washington alumni
Harvard University faculty
University of Michigan faculty
Indiana University faculty
University of Illinois Urbana-Champaign faculty
People from Renton, Washington
Members of the United States National Academy of Sciences
American sociologists
American women sociologists
21st-century American women

Barbara Reskin


Freienbach SOB railway station is a railway station in the Swiss canton of Schwyz and municipality of Freienbach. The station is located on the Pfäffikon SZ–Arth-Goldau railway line, owned by the Südostbahn (SOB). It is an intermediate stop on Zurich S-Bahn service S40, from Einsiedeln to Rapperswil.

Freienbach SOB station should not be confused with the nearby Freienbach SBB railway station, which is on the Lake Zurich left-bank railway line. The two stations are approximately  apart on foot.

References

Freienbach SOB
Freienbach SOB
Freienbach

Freienbach SOB railway station