Revolts Against the Centralist Republic of Mexico proliferated after the fall of the First Mexican Republic in 1835, and would continue to agitate the Centralist Republic through its entire existence, until succeeding and having the Constitution of 1824 finally restored in 1846.

Many revolts were crushed by the centralist authorities, but most notably the Republic of Texas and the Republic of Yucatan succeeded in breaking away from Mexico and establishing themselves as independent nations albeit temporarily. It was the independence of the former and its annexation by the United States in 1845, while Texas was still considered a rebellious province by the centralist Mexican government, that led to the Mexican American War.

During the first year of the war, in the wake of a series of uninterrupted Mexican defeats, one final federalist revolt finally brought down the Centralist Republic of Mexico, leading to the restoration of a federalist constitution and establishing of the Second Federal Republic of Mexico.

Rebellion in Zacatecas

Zacatecas, a silver mining center in Mexico's north, was a strong proponent of federalism. The revolt in Zacatecas was the first rebellion to erupt as a reaction to the formation of the Central Republic. The rebellion began as a response to the order of the Central Government dissolving the State militias, which had been a foundation of state power. Zacatecas had previously been a supporter of Santa Anna in the political struggles of 1832 against conservative Anastasio Bustamante. Santa Anna himself led the Mexican army against the Zacatecas rebels, who were led by Governor Francisco García Salinas. Zacatecas had a militia of about four thousand men against the Central Government. In one of his many absences that were to come, Santa Anna left the Presidency to General Miguel Barragán. Likely Santa Anna did not want any state to challenge the power of the new central government and the army, but historian Will Fowler suggests that Santa Anna "expected his allies to be faithful even if he changed sides" when they did not support the Plan of Cuernavaca. Governor García Salinas and his army were defeated in the 1835 Battle of Zacatecas. As punishment for rebellious Zacatecas, the region of Aguascalientes was separated from Zacatecas and declared on 23 May 1835 to be Federation territory. Santa Anna's troops pillaged Zacatecas, and left the region embittered against him, but Zacatecos who surrendered to Santa Anna's forces were allowed to go free. Santa Anna himself profited from the conquest, carting off silver from the Fresnillo mine and distributing some of it to his friends, such as José María Tornel, with the Mexican treasury losing 180,000 pesos.

Texan independence

The Texan Revolution began with the Battle of Gonzales on October 2, 1835. The discontent of the Anglo-American settlers had begun almost as soon as they began settling in Coahuila y Tejas in the 1820s. Many were from the slave-owning southern region of the US, so that the abolition of slavery in Mexico during the presidency of Vicente Guerrero was abhorrent. The rebellion of 1827 of Fredonia (in eastern Texas) led to the government issuing the Law of April 6, 1830 that increased the discontent of the colonists due to its attempts to restrict further US American immigration into Texas, among other things.

In 1831, the Mexican authorities provided the town of González with a small cannon to help protect themselves from frequent Comanche raids. As a consequence of the order of the government to dissolve the state militias, Colonel Domingo Ugartechea, Commander of Mexican troops in Texas, sent a small group of soldiers to González to reclaim the cannon. On October 1, settlers voted to refuse the request, even defending it by force if necessary. The standoff ended the next day without violence with the withdrawal of Colonel Ugartechea's soldiers.

After González residents' victory and later, the unsuccessful Siege of Béxar, the Central government won a series of victories against the region's settlers, most of them commanded by General José de Urrea. On February 23, 1836, the Army of Operations in Texas, headed by President Antonio López de Santa Anna, began the siege of the Alamo. Most of the soldiers involved in the siege had been recruited against their will. Nonetheless, The Alamo fell two weeks later on March 6, resulting in the deaths of all but two of the Texans defending the mission.

On April 21, the Battle of San Jacinto (also known as "La Siesta del San Jacinto") took place, where the Mexican army was attacked while sleeping and was totally defeated. Santa Anna was captured days after the battle and signed under duress the Treaties of Velasco, which recognized the independence of Texas on May 14. The Mexican government headed by José Justo Corro did not recognize the treaty, maintaining that Santa Anna had no authority to grant independence to the territory. Despite that, Texas remained de facto independent until 1845, when it was annexed to United States.

Rebellion in northeastern Mexico

The Republic of the Rio Grande was a proposed republic composed of the Mexican states of Coahuila, Nuevo León, Tamaulipas and parts of the current U.S. state of Texas. On 17 January 1840, a group of notables of the three states met close to Laredo. They planned a secession from Mexico and the formation of their own federal republic composed of the three states, with Laredo as the capital. However, the legislatures of the states (then departments) did not take any constitutional action to support the creation of the new republic and instead asked the central government for help to quell the rebellion. The insurgents, in turn, asked for help from the president of the Republic of Texas, Mirabeau B. Lamar, who gave them no support because Texas was looking for the recognition of its own independence from Mexico.

Finally, after a series of defeats, on 6 November 1840, Antonio Canales, Commander in Chief of the insurgent army, met with Mexican General Mariano Arista, who offered him the post of Brigadier General of the Mexican army to entice Canales to abandon his loyalty to the secessionists. Canales accepted the offer, and the bid for independence was ended.

Rebellion in California
In 1836, supporters of federalism in Alta California, under the leadership of Monterey-born Juan Bautista Alvarado, revolted against the Centralist Republic and succeeded in removing the Centralist Republic interim Governor of California, Nicolás Gutiérrez, from office. With the support of other Californio politicians such as José Castro and Mariano Guadalupe Vallejo, Alvarado named himself the new governor of California and called a territorial congress which adopted a program known as the Monterey Plan that declared Alta California as an independent nation until the reinstatement of the Mexican constitution of 1824. In 1837 the Mexican government named Carlos Antonio Carrillo as the new governor of California, and the citizens of Los Angeles rose in opposition to the rebels taking oaths of loyalty to the Centralist government. However, when Carrillo attempted to assert his rule as governor by marching northwards in 1838 he was defeated by Alvarado's forces in minor skirmishes at Las Flores and San Buenaventura and then captured. The citizens of Los Angeles were then called into a public assembly and the ayuntamiento voted to recognize Alvaroda as the legitimate governor of California. The Mexican government responded by recognizing Alvarado's governorship in 1839 after which the Californian population, now satisfied that it had a strong governor that would represent its interests, ended its bid for independence.

Rebellion in New Mexico

On 1 August 1837 in Santa Cruz, New Mexico, a popular revolution against the Mexican Centralist Republic Governor Albino Pérez took place due in large part to widespread opposition to the governor's ineffective policies towards custom officials, who according to the revolutionaries were using corrupt taxation practices to take advantage of the lucrative Santa Fe Trail trade. Pérez attempted to raise a militia in response but on 8 August he was decapitated in a raid by a group of Indians and his head was taken to be displayed in public in Santa Fe. Along with Pérez at least 20 other government officials were killed and a new "popular junta" government was proclaimed. This government proved unpopular and a counterrevolutionary movement led by previous New Mexican governor and Albuquerque native Manuel Armijo rose in response with Armijo winning consecutive military victories and writing to the Mexican Central government requesting support and additional troops to quell the uprising. The rebellion would last until January 1838 with Armijo defeating the rebel leader José Gonzales in battle and proceeding to have the rebel leader publicly executed in Santa Cruz.

Rebellion in northwestern Mexico
In December 1837 former Mexican General José de Urrea, a veteran of the Texas Rebellion on the Mexican side, turned against the Centralist government and began a pro-federalist revolt in Sonora with the intention of reestablishing the 1824 Constitution of Mexico as the law of the land. With the support of federalist politicians in Sonora, Urrea gathered followers and traveled to Sinaloa in hopes of appealing to the federalist politicians there as well. However, he was instead intercepted and defeated in Sinaloa by Centralist government forces and was taken prisoner effectively ending the rebellion in Sonora and Sinaloa.

Rebellion in Tabasco
The Tabasco rebellion started in 1839. Like the other rebellions, it was led by Federalist rebels who opposed the Centralist government being implemented in Mexico. The rebels took several major cities and also asked for aid from the Government of Texas, who supported them with two boats. This rebellion culminated in January 1841, with the triumph of the Federalists and the fall of the Centralist Governor José Ignacio Gutiérrez.

The then-Mexican President Anastasio Bustamante, in retaliation for this rebellion, closed the port of San Juan Bautista, which affected the economic life of the territory. This caused further agitation among the Federalist Tabasco authorities, who then on February 13, 1841, declared Tabasco's independence from Mexico.

Months later, Antonio López de Santa Anna, in response to the declaration of independence, threatened to send in the troops if it was not reversed while also assuring the Tabasco authorities that Federalism would soon be reinstated. This combined threat and promise culminated in the reinstatement of Tabasco into the Mexican Republic on December 2, 1842. But four years later, Tabasco again declared its independence in November 1846 as a protest to the lack of Central government assistance in resisting the American occupation of its coast earlier that same year.

Independence of Yucatán

Yucatán joined the Federation in 1823 under a special status, the Federated Republic, as stipulated by the Constitution of Yucatán of 1825.

When the Federal system was changed to a Centralist system, Yucatán considered their pact with Mexico dissolved. After several demands by Yucatán to the Central government to restore the Federalist Constitution of 1824, revolution broke out in Yucatán on 29 May 1839. After a series of victories by the Yucatán militia against Mexican Army installations and troops, the Central Government declared war on Yucatán. On 4 March 1840, the Congress of Yucatan decreed that as long as the Mexican nation is not governed according to federal law, the State of Yucatán would remain separated from it, retaining the power to establish its own legislature.

On March 31, 1841, a new constitution of Yucatán was enacted, which established innovations such as freedom of worship, freedom of the press and the constitutional and legal bases of the Writ of Amparo. On October 1, 1841, the Chamber of Deputies of Yucatán issued the Act of Independence of the Yucatán Peninsula.

Santa Anna sent retired Mexican Supreme Court Justice and revolutionary hero Andrés Quintana Roo to dialogue with the Yucatecan authorities to negotiate their return to Mexico. The meeting resulted in signed treaties that were beneficial for Yucatán, and which were later rejected by Santa Anna. Santa Anna then sent Mexican troops to Yucatán to quell the rebellion, but his troops were defeated. Having failed to subdue the peninsula, Santa Anna then imposed a trade blockade. The blockade forced the Yucatecan authorities to negotiate with Santa Anna. On 5 December 1843, new treaties were signed that restored Yucatán relations with Mexico, but Yucatán continued to govern itself under its own laws and leaders. In 1845, Mexican President José Joaquín de Herrera set aside those treaties and again raised tensions between Yucatán and Mexico.

After Federalism was restored in 1846, Yucatán decided to rejoin Mexico, but a considerable minority opposed the reinstatement due to the U.S. invasion of Mexico in the Mexican–American War (1846–48). On 30 July 1847, Yucatán's Maya population rebelled in a conflict now known as the Caste War. The war forced Yucatán to seek help from Mexico, which negotiated their return to the Republic, which took place on 17 August 1848. The conflict in Yucatan was largely contained, with the Yucatecan government declaring victory. However, pockets of resistance continued to exist for another 50 years, when Mexican army troops destroyed the last Maya stronghold.

The flag of the Republic of Yucatán, created as part of its declaration of independence from Mexico, is still widely used as a civil emblem in the state and there are proposals even today to adopt it as the official state flag.

Engraved stone tells a few episodes of the Caste War between 1854 and 1855. Although the Centralist regime had already formally disappeared by that time, the stone still mentions the "Department of YUCATÁN".

Notes

Mexican Texas
Separatism in Mexico
1840s conflicts
1830s conflicts
History of Mexico
Wars involving Mexico


Johann Gottfried Walther (18 September 1684 – 23 March 1748) was a German music theorist, organist, composer, and lexicographer of the Baroque era.

Life and work

Walther was born at Erfurt.  Not only was his life almost exactly contemporaneous to that of Johann Sebastian Bach, he was the famous composer's cousin.

Walther was most well known as the compiler of the Musicalisches Lexicon (Leipzig, 1732), an enormous dictionary of music and musicians.  Not only was it the first dictionary of musical terms written in the German language, it was the first to contain both terms and biographical information about composers and performers up to the early 18th century. In all, the Musicalisches Lexicon defines more than 3,000 musical terms; Walther evidently drew on more than 250 separate sources in compiling it, including theoretical treatises of the early Baroque and Renaissance. The single most important source for the work was the writings of Johann Mattheson, who is referenced more than 200 times.

Some further information on Walther can be found in the book Musica Poetica by Dietrich Bartel. On page 22, Bartel quotes Walther's definition of musica poetica, or musical rhetoric, as:

"Musica Poetica or musical composition is a mathematical science through which an agreeable and correct harmony of the notes is brought to paper in order that it might later be sung or played, thereby appropriately moving the listeners to Godly devotion as well as to please and delight both mind and soul…. It is so called because the composer must not only understand language as does the poet in order not to violate the meter of the text but because he also writes poetry, namely a melody, thus deserving the title Melopoeta or Melopoeus." (22)

Walther was the music teacher of Prince Johann Ernst von Sachsen-Weimar. He wrote a handbook for the young prince with the title Praecepta der musicalischen Composition, 1708. It remained handwritten until Peter Benary's edition (Leipzig, 1955). As an organ composer, Walther became famous for his organ transcriptions of orchestral concertos by contemporary Italian and German masters. He made 14 transcriptions of concertos by Albinoni, Gentili, Taglietti, Giuseppe Torelli, Vivaldi and Telemann. These works were the models for Bach to write his famous transcriptions of concertos by Vivaldi and others. On the other hand, Walther as a city organist of Weimar wrote exactly 132 organ preludes based on Lutheran chorale melodies. Some free keyboard music also belongs to his legacy.

Selected recordings
 Johann Gottfried Walther: Complete Organ Music (2015). Simone Stella (organ).  12 cd box Brilliant Classics BC 94730
 , this is the first and only complete recording.

References
 Bartel, Dietrich. Musica Poetica: Musical-Rhetorical Figures in German Baroque Music. Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1997.
 Walther, Johann Gottfried: Musicalisches Lexicon oder Musicalische Bibliothec [1732] - Neusatz des Textes und der Noten. Hrsg.: Friederike Ramm. Kassel: Baerenreiter, 2001. (Version at Wikimedia Commons)
 Walther, Johann Gottfried: Briefe. Hrsg.: Klaus Beckmann und Hans-Joachim Schultze. Leipzig: VEB Deutscher Verlag für Musik, 1987.

External links

Musicians from Erfurt
German music theorists
German classical organists
Composers for pipe organ
Organists and composers in the North German tradition
German male organists
German Baroque composers
18th-century keyboardists
18th-century classical composers
German male classical composers
1684 births
1748 deaths
18th-century German composers
18th-century German male musicians
Male classical organists

Johann Gottfried Walther


Henry Arthur Evans (24 September 1898 – 25 September 1958), known as Arthur Evans, was a UK politician.

He contested the 1922 London County Council election as a Progressive candidate for Lewisham West but was unsuccessful.

He was National Liberal Party Member of Parliament (MP) for Leicester East from 1922 to 1923 and Conservative MP for Cardiff South from 1924 to 1929, and from 1931 to 1945.  At the 1945 general election he was defeated by the future Labour Prime Minister James Callaghan.

References

External links

1898 births
1958 deaths
Members of the Parliament of the United Kingdom for Cardiff constituencies
Members of the Parliament of the United Kingdom for English constituencies
UK MPs 1924–1929
UK MPs 1931–1935
UK MPs 1935–1945
Conservative Party (UK) MPs for Welsh constituencies
National Liberal Party (UK, 1922) politicians

Arthur Evans (politician)


Scott Bruce Rolen (born April 4, 1975) is an American former professional baseball third baseman. He played 17 seasons in Major League Baseball (MLB) for the Philadelphia Phillies, St. Louis Cardinals, Toronto Blue Jays, and Cincinnati Reds from 1996 to 2012.

Rolen started his career with the Phillies, being named the 1997 National League Rookie of the Year. After being traded to Cardinals, Rolen became known for two iconic postseason home runs: a go-ahead home run off of Roger Clemens in Game 7 of the 2004 NLCS and a Game 1 home run off of Justin Verlander in the 2006 World Series. Regarded as one of the best defensive third basemen of all time, Rolen also won eight Gold Glove Awards over his career, the fourth most among third basemen, and was a seven-time All-Star.

Rolen was elected to the Baseball Hall of Fame as part of its class of 2023.

Early life
Rolen was born in Evansville, Indiana, and attended Jasper High School in Jasper, Indiana. During his senior year at Jasper in 1993, he was named Indiana Mr. Baseball. He was also named to the Indiana high school basketball All-Star team.

Career

Draft and minor leagues (1993–1996)
After a flurry of scholarship offers from schools like Oklahoma State and the University of Alabama, Rolen ultimately committed to playing college basketball for the Georgia Bulldogs. That commitment was complicated when the Philadelphia Phillies of Major League Baseball (MLB) selected Rolen in the second round of the 1993 MLB Draft. Rolen told reporters after the draft that he hoped he could forge a deal that allowed him to play for the Phillies farm system in the summer and on the Georgia basketball team in the winter. On July 22, however, Rolen chose to forego his commitment to Georgia to sign with the Phillies and focus on baseball; he was subsequently assigned to the Rookie-level Martinsville Phillies of the Appalachian League. He played 25 games in his first season of professional baseball, batting .313 with five doubles and 12 runs batted in (RBIs) in 80 at bats.

After attending spring training with the Phillies, Rolen opened the 1994 season with the Low A Spartanburg Phillies of the South Atlantic League. While his offensive metrics in Spartanburg were strong, batting .295 with 10 home runs, 30 doubles, and 61 RBIs by the last week of August, Rolen's 35 defensive errors in that same span caused concern among sports analysts. Manager Roy Majtyka defended Rolen's defensive performance, saying, "I've seen bad hops that hit him in the head be ruled an error. It's a joke. I honestly think you could take half of them away." Rolen was named Spartanburg's Most Valuable Player after batting .294 with 14 home runs and 72 RBIs, but he "wasn't satisfied with anything [he] did", telling reporters after the season, "I need to improve my entire game." When the minor league season concluded, Rolen participated in the 1994 Florida Instructional League to continue honing his sport.

As a minor league baseball player, Rolen was unaffected by the 1994–95 MLB strike, and he reported that April to the Class A-Advanced Clearwater Phillies of the Florida State League. He missed the first part of the season, however, with a fractured hook of hamate on his glove hand that required surgery. He was activated from the disabled list on June 6, hitting two home runs against the Brevard County Manatees in his first game after the injury. The injury appeared to help Rolen's offensive performance, as it was less painful for him to hit a pitch well inside the strike zone than outside of it. After hitting .290 with ten home runs and 39 RBIs in 238 at bats in Clearwater, Rolen was promoted to the Double-A Reading Phillies of the Eastern League on August 16. He played in an additional 20 games after his promotion, batting .290 with three home runs and 15 RBIs in 76 at bats.

Rather than promoting Rolen directly to the major leagues, the Phillies chose to keep him in Reading for the start of the 1996 season, with Todd Zeile playing third base in Philadelphia. After recording nine home runs and 42 RBIs while leading the Eastern League by a .361 average, 83 hits, 22 doubles, a .568 slugging percentage, and 33 extra-base hits in 61 games for Reading, Rolen was promoted to the Triple-A Scranton/Wilkes-Barre Red Barons of the International League on June 13. Rolen's promotion coincided with a difficult stretch for the Phillies, and the team began planning at the end of June to call him up to Philadelphia after the All-Star Game break. He batted .274 in 45 games for Scranton, with two home runs and 19 RBIs in 168 at bats.

Philadelphia Phillies (1996–2002)
Rather than taking advantage of the MLB trading deadline to acquire new players for the struggling team, the Phillies chose to promote Rolen for his MLB debut on August 1, 1996. He debuted for the first game of a doubleheader against the St. Louis Cardinals, recording his first major league hit and error in the 2–1 Phillies victory. Rolen's first two home runs came on August 21 in a 6–0 shutout of the Los Angeles Dodgers.  What should have been Rolen's rookie season came to a premature end on September 7, when he suffered a fractured right ulna after being hit by a pitch from Steve Trachsel in a 4–2 Philadelphia victory over the Chicago Cubs. Rolen finished the season batting .254 with four home runs and 18 RBIs in 130 at bats, the maximum threshold to be considered a rookie for the 1997 season. Had Rolen not fractured his arm in his final plate appearance, he would have been considered a 1996 rookie, but a hit by pitch does not count as an at bat, thus preserving his eligibility for the following season.

In the next season, he was named National League Rookie of the Year, becoming the first Phillie since Dick Allen in  to win the award. In 1998, he won his first of eight Gold Glove awards. Only Hall of Famers Brooks Robinson (16) and Mike Schmidt (10), plus current Cardinals third baseman Nolan Arenado (10) have more at third base. Rolen was supposed to be one of the key pieces in the Phillies' revival. However, claiming that management was not trying hard enough to win, as well as having constant friction with manager Larry Bowa, Rolen demanded a trade. He was nearly traded to the Cincinnati Reds for prospect Brandon Larson, but the Reds' president John Allen killed the deal over financial concerns. Instead, on July 29, 2002, Philadelphia traded Rolen and Doug Nickle to the St. Louis Cardinals for Plácido Polanco, Mike Timlin, and Bud Smith. On September 25, 2002, Rolen signed an eight-year, $90 million extension with the Cardinals. Rolen was represented in negotiations by ACES Inc.

St. Louis Cardinals (2002–2007)

Rolen's  season was one of his best. For much of the season, he led the National League in RBIs, often ranked among the league leaders in most offensive statistics, and had the highest vote total of any player for the All-Star Game. Despite being injured for the last stretch of the season, he finished the year with a career-high .314 batting average, 34 home runs, and 124 RBIs. He finished fourth in the National League MVP voting. Rolen, along with Albert Pujols and Jim Edmonds earned the nickname "MV3" for their outstanding 2004 seasons. The 2004 Cardinals won the National League Central Division with 105 wins. Rolen's two-run home run in the sixth inning of Game 7 of the NLCS against Roger Clemens won the National League pennant for St. Louis by defeating the Astros in seven games. However, the Boston Red Sox swept the Cardinals in four games to win the 2004 World Series.

On May 10, 2005, Rolen injured his shoulder in a collision with Dodgers first baseman Hee-Seop Choi and was placed on the disabled list two days later. He was expected to be out of action for up to six weeks. On May 13, he underwent shoulder surgery; an additional MRI revealed a tear in the labrum. He eventually opted to have season-ending surgery on his shoulder in August, rather than attempt to let it heal on its own and return for the playoffs. He finally returned to full-time duties in 2006, a year in which Rolen was one of six nominees for the National League Comeback Player of the Year award. He finished 2006 hitting .292, hitting 22 home runs and 95 RBIs. Rolen and the Cardinals won the 2006 World Series over the Detroit Tigers, with Rolen most notably hitting a game-tying home run in Game 1. On September 15, 2006, Rolen set a personal record for RBIs in a game with 7 in a 14–4 win against the San Francisco Giants, hitting two home runs.

The next year, however, Rolen faced more injury woes. He was placed on the 15-day disabled list on August 31, 2007, because of his recurring left shoulder problems. On September 11, Rolen had season-ending shoulder surgery "for the removal of scar tissue and a bursectomy and a manipulation of his left (non-throwing) shoulder".

Toronto Blue Jays (2008–2009)

On January 12, 2008, the Cardinals reached a preliminary deal to send Rolen to the Toronto Blue Jays for Troy Glaus (which became finalized on January 14).

Rolen suffered a non-displaced fracture of his right middle finger during fielding drills at spring training. His fingernail was also torn off. As a result, Rolen missed the beginning of the regular season, having surgery to insert a screw in his broken finger. Marco Scutaro was the Blue Jays' third baseman in Rolen's place. On April 25, 2008, Rolen was activated from the 15-day disabled list. Two days later, against the Kansas City Royals, he hit his first home run as a Blue Jay.

After coming off another stint in the DL in late August, this time for his shoulder, he modified his batting stance by lowering his shoulders and arms by six inches, enabling him to reestablish his offensive power for the season's final month and hitting a couple of home runs at the comfort of less strain on the shoulder, which he had three prior surgeries to correct. He finished the year with a .262 batting average, 11 home runs and 50 RBIs in 115 games.

Cincinnati Reds (2009–2012)
On July 31, 2009, Rolen was traded to the Cincinnati Reds along with cash considerations for Edwin Encarnación, Josh Roenicke and Zach Stewart. During the 2010 season, Rolen regularly started at third base. He hit his 300th career home run on June 28, 2010, off Kyle Kendrick of the Philadelphia Phillies. His performance helped the Reds win the Central Division that year, their first division championship in 15 seasons. Rolen also won his eighth Gold Glove as a member of the Reds, the third team with which he received the award.

A middle-of-the-order hitter throughout his career, Rolen finished with a career .281 batting average, a .364 on-base percentage and a .490 slugging percentage. He had 2,077 hits, 316 home runs, and 1,287 RBIs, while scoring 1,211 runs. He finished with a career Wins Above Replacement (WAR) of 70.1, which ranks 10th all-time among third basemen.

On July 15, 2011, he became the fourth third baseman ever to have 2,000 hits, 500 doubles, 300 home runs and 1,200 RBIs, along with Mike Schmidt, George Brett, and Chipper Jones. Rolen ended his career with the 2012 National League Division Series, where a groundball error in Game 3 scored the go-ahead run for the San Francisco Giants when the Reds were one win away from the NLCS. With the potential in the ninth inning to tie or win in Game 5 by being at the plate with two runners on in a 6–4 game, Rolen struck out to clinch the series for the Giants.

Rolen did not attend 2013 spring training, but also did not announce his retirement.

Charity work
In 1999, Rolen created The Enis Furley Foundation (named after one of Rolen's dogs), wanting to help children and their families who struggle with illness, hardship, or other special needs. The scope of the foundation was intentionally left broad to give the flexibility to respond to a wide range of personal circumstances. Externally, the Enis Furley Foundation is active in community outreach programs, "Hot Corner Kids," and the construction of outdoor retreats, such as "Camp Emma Lou" (named after another one of Rolen's dogs). Rolen's goals for his charity efforts are simple: "To have fun, have a blast. Let's play."

Rolen gave Indiana University a "major gift" to the Indiana University baseball program and its facility, Bart Kaufman Field. Rolen made the contribution in honor of his parents, Ed and Linda Rolen, who are longtime educators and IU fans.

Awards and honors
1993 Selected to the Indiana Basketball All Star Team
1993 Mr. Baseball (Indiana)
1997 NL Rookie of the Year
8-time National League 3B Gold Glove Award (1998, 2000–04, 2006, 2010)
7-time National League All-Star (2002–2006, 2010, 2011)
National League Silver Slugger (2002)

Rolen was elected to the Baseball Hall of Fame by the Baseball Writers' Association of America in 2023, his sixth year of eligibility. Notably, he had received only 10.2% of the vote in his first appearance on the ballot in 2018, the lowest ever for a candidate eventually voted in by the BBWAA.

Personal life
Rolen is married and is a father of two children. When he was inducted into the Hall of Fame, Rolen celebrated the announcement with his parents, wife, and children. In 2018, when he first appeared on the Hall of Fame ballot, Rolen's son predicted that his father would someday be inducted.

On July 18, 2018, Rolen was hired as the Director of Player Development for Indiana University baseball.

See also

 Cincinnati Reds award winners and league leaders
 List of Major League Baseball career assists as a third baseman leaders
 List of Major League Baseball career doubles leaders
 List of Major League Baseball career games played as a third baseman leaders
 List of Major League Baseball career hit by pitch leaders
 List of Major League Baseball career hits leaders
 List of Major League Baseball career home run leaders
 List of Major League Baseball career putouts as a third baseman leaders
 List of Major League Baseball career strikeouts by batters leaders
 List of Major League Baseball career Wins Above Replacement leaders
 List of Philadelphia Phillies award winners and league leaders
 St. Louis Cardinals award winners and league leaders

References

External links

1975 births
Living people
American expatriate baseball players in Canada
Cincinnati Reds players
Clearwater Phillies players
Dunedin Blue Jays players
Gold Glove Award winners
Indiana Hoosiers baseball coaches
Louisville Bats players
Major League Baseball Rookie of the Year Award winners
Major League Baseball third basemen
Martinsville Phillies players
National League All-Stars
Baseball players from Evansville, Indiana
People from Vanderburgh County, Indiana
Philadelphia Phillies players
Reading Phillies players
Scranton/Wilkes-Barre Red Barons players
Silver Slugger Award winners
Spartanburg Phillies players
St. Louis Cardinals players
Toronto Blue Jays players

Scott Rolen


The South Africa Far East cable is an optical fiber submarine communications cable linking Melkbosstrand, South Africa to Penang, Malaysia.

It was commissioned in 2002 and built by Tyco Submarine Systems of the United States with an initial capacity of 10 Gigabits per second, and current capacity of 440 Gigabits per second. It has four fiber strands, using Erbium-doped fiber amplifier repeaters and wavelength division multiplexing.

It has a total length of  and is one of a pair of cables—SAT-3/WASC being the other—that provides high-speed digital links between Europe, West and Southern Africa, and the Far East. Together with SAT-3/WASC, it also provides redundancy for other cables travelling through the Middle East.

It has landing points at:
 Melkbosstrand, near Cape Town, Western Cape, South Africa (where it meets the SAT-2 and SAT-3 cable systems)
 Mtunzini, KwaZulu-Natal, South Africa (branch)
 Saint Paul, Réunion
 Baie du Jacotet, Savanne, Mauritius
 Kochi, India (branch) (where it meets the SEA-ME-WE 3 cable system)
 Penang, Malaysia (where it meets the FLAG and SEA-ME-WE 3 cable systems)

References

External links
 Official SAT-3/WASC/SAFE Homepage
 SAFE on Greg's Cable Map

Submarine communications cables in the Indian Ocean
2002 establishments in Africa
2002 disestablishments in Asia
Submarine communications cables in the Arabian Sea
2002 establishments in Kerala

SAFE (cable system)


The United States Women's Bureau (WB) is an agency of the United States government. It is a part of the United States Department of Labor.  The Woman's Bureau was established by Congress in 1920. It is the only federal agency mandated to represent the needs of women wage earners in the public policy process. The Director is appointed by the President and confirmed by the Senate. He or she is supported by a staff in the national office as well as ten regional offices.

History

In 1918 President Woodrow Wilson created Woman in Industry Service. It was the predecessor of the more permanent Women's Bureau which was founded in 1920. The agency was founded by an act of Congress. The first director was Mary Anderson. She had been the assistant director of the Woman in Industry Service. She remained the director through World War II. In 1922, the WB investigated and reported on the conditions facing 'negro women in industry.' The WB successfully advocated for the inclusion of women under the Fair Labor Standards Act of 1938. By 1942 shortages of manpower and efforts by woman's advocate groups such as the Women's Bureau saw the female labor force go up from 12 to 18 million. Their wages doubled and even tripled during the war. But after the war the difference between woman's and men's working wages returned. In the 1950s, the Woman's Board focused on 'older women as office workers.' The WB played a large role in the passage of the Equal Pay Act of 1963. In 1982, the Woman's Board started a major initiative to encourage employer-sponsored childcare. This was followed by the start of a multimedia Work and Family Clearinghouse in 1989. they also worked for the passage of the Family and Medical Leave Act of 1993. In 1996, the Woman's Board published a fact sheet on the workplace effects of domestic violence.

Related pages

 United States Department of Labor
 Fair Labor Standards Act of 1938
 Equal Pay Act of 1963

References

Other websites

 US Department of Labor; Woman's Bureau

1920 establishments in the United States
United States Department of Labor

United States Women's Bureau


A respondent is a person who is called upon to issue a response to a communication made by another. The term is used in legal contexts, in survey methodology, and in psychological conditioning.

Legal usage
In legal usage, this specifically refers to the defendant in a legal proceeding commenced by a petition, or to an appellee, or the opposing party, in an appeal of a decision by an initial fact-finder.

In the United States Senate, the two sides in an impeachment trial are called the management and the respondent.

Survey and psychology usage
In psychology, respondent conditioning is a synonym for classical conditioning or Pavlovian conditioning. Respondent behavior specifically refers to the behavior consistently elicited by a reflexive or classically conditioned stimulus.

In population survey, a respondent is a person replying with answers to a survey.  Depending on the survey questions and context, respondent answers may represent themselves as individuals, or a household or organization of which they are a part.

Other usages
In non-legal or informal usage, the term refers to one who refutes or responds to a thesis or an argument. In cross-cultural communication, the second person responding to the meaning or message from an original source which has been contextualised or decoded for the understanding of respondents as recipients or hearers of the message occurring from a different cultural context.

See also
 Survey methodology

Civil law legal terminology
Survey methodology
Psychology experiments
American legal terminology

Respondent


Aldo Deng is a former Sudanese politician and father of several professional basketball players.

Biography
A Christian and a member of the Dinka, Deng was elected to the Sudanese parliament in 1967. Between 1967 and 1989, he held positions of provincial governor, deputy speaker, minister of culture, minister of irrigation, minister of transportation, and deputy prime minister.

In 1988, Deng sent his wife and children to Alexandria to avoid the escalating Second Sudanese Civil War. The next year, Omar al-Bashir led a military coup that took control of the government, and Deng was arrested at gunpoint, spending three months in prison. Omar al-Bashir released Deng so that Deng could negotiate with the Sudan People's Liberation Army of southern Sudan, but in 1993, Deng fled to the United Kingdom and claimed political asylum. Shortly afterwards, he travelled to Egypt to collect his family, and they settled in South Norwood, London. He has since organized several charities to support women, children, and schools in Sudan. After the end of the civil war in 2005 and the independence of South Sudan in 2011, he returned to serve on the committee that wrote the new country's constitution.

Deng is the father of 16 children, several of whom have become notable for their basketball prowess. Son Luol Deng attended Duke University and has played for the Minnesota Timberwolves and the Chicago Bulls of the National Basketball Association; sons Ajou Deng and Deng Deng have played in the British Basketball League; and daughter Arek Deng played for the University of Delaware.

Notes

Year of birth missing (living people)
Living people
Dinka people
South Sudanese Protestants
South Sudanese emigrants to the United Kingdom
People from South Norwood
Government ministers of Sudan
South Sudanese politicians
Members of the National Assembly (Sudan)

Aldo Deng


A building model is either a physical (real) or virtual (computer) model of a building. Very often, the physical model is smaller than the original (scale model).

There are three basic types of building models: architectural, structural and mathematical (virtual).

Architectural building model
An architectural model is a type of a physical model of a structure to study an architectural design or to share design ideas to clients, committees, and the general public.  Architectural models are a tool which may be used for show, presentation, fundraising, getting permits, and sale purposes. Such models are a good tool for three-dimensional understanding of a design, used by architects, interior designers and exhibit designers.

Structural building model
Engineers who need scale models to test the likely performance of a design at an early stage of development without paying for a full-sized prototype.

Virtual building model
Virtual model is a digital model of the object (typically greatly simplified) that can be used in a computer simulation or virtual reality.

The most common examples of virtual models are those created in 3D for the purpose of visualisation - seeing how the structure looks before it is built. The field of architecture has greatly popularized the use of virtual models to animate fly-throughs of yet-to-be-built buildings.

Related pages
Earthquake engineering
Structural Engineering

References

Other websites

Buildings and structures
Architecture
Earthquake engineering
Modeling

Building model


Advanced Dungeons & Dragons is an Intellivision game; it was one of the first Advanced Dungeons & Dragons games to be licensed by TSR, Inc. It was later retitled to Advanced Dungeons & Dragons: Cloudy Mountain to distinguish it from the sequel, Advanced Dungeons & Dragons: Treasure of Tarmin. It is the first Intellivision cartridge to use more than 4K of ROM.

Plot
In Advanced Dungeons & Dragons, the player must cross difficult terrain, reach the resting place of a broken crown, and restore the crown. During the game, the player will navigate randomly generated rooms and corridors within a mountain range, collect items, and fend off monsters. The player's only weapon is a bow and arrow, which can be fired in any of eight directions by pressing the number-pad keys on the Intellivision controller.

Gameplay
The gameplay involves exploring a series of randomly generated scrolling mazes, looking for treasures and weapons with which to defeat monsters, and recovering the two pieces of the Crown of Kings. The speed of the monsters and the quantity of available arrows are determined by the choice of difficulty setting.

The player begins in a cabin on one side of a large wilderness map; on the other side is a huge mountain containing the crown, topped by clouds and inhabited by sleeping dragons. Smaller mountains and geographical obstacles bar the way to the goal. Some mountains are impassable, while others turn different colors as the player approaches them to indicate their difficulty level.

When the player enters a mountain, the screen shifts to an overhead view of a maze of rooms within it. The player is represented by a black figure with a bow, and must move from one room to another. Rooms and connecting passages initially cannot be seen, but gradually light up as the player moves into them. The player must avoid or destroy the monsters, collect useful items, and find an exit in order to return to the map screen. The difficulty level of the mountain determines the types of monsters and items that can be found inside. The player starts the game with three arrows to use in destroying monsters, but can find more as the game progresses.

Items include:

 Quiver: Adds arrows to the player's inventory.
 Boat: Required to move along the rivers on the map.
 Axe: Required to move through the forests on the map.
 Key: Required to pass the gates in the walls on the map.
 Crown: Found only in Cloudy Mountain; both halves must be found to win the game.

Quivers can be found in any mountain, while each of the other three items can only be found in mountains of one specific color (blue mountains for the boat, red mountains for the axe, and purple mountains for the key).

Most monsters will injure or kill the player character on contact, but evidence of their presence can be found in the form of tracks or audible cues. Spiders and bats inflict no injury, but spiders can steal arrows from the player on contact and the flapping of bats' wings will obscure any sounds made by other nearby monsters. The player begins the game with three lives; if a life is lost, a new character respawns in the same maze.

The final maze, Cloudy Mountain, has no exit. Upon entering it, the player must find both halves of the Crown of Kings, each guarded by a powerful winged dragon. The game ends once the player either loses all three lives or reassembles the crown, whichever comes first.

Reception

Electronic Games stated in 1983 that "Advanced Dungeons & Dragons ... proves to have been worth the wait". The game received an award in the category of "1984 Best Adventure Videogame" at the 5th annual Arkie Awards, where the judges noted that it was "the first videogame version of the role-playing game that has entertained millions for many years".

German gaming magazine TeleMatch gave the game a very positive review, giving it a one out of six, which is the highest on their rating system, and also stating: "In Advanced Dungeons & Dragons everything just makes sense. If you find yourself interested in other - and I repeat: inferior - so-called adventure games on other systems, you will find that this game is the Non Plus Ultra". Electronic Fun with Computers & Games gave the game four out of four, stating in their review: "The graphics are terrific. The dragons look a lot like Godzilla ... each creature has its own distinctive behaviour and charm", but expressed their disdain for the lack of a proper ending.

Levi Buchanan, in a classic Dungeons & Dragons video game retrospective for IGN, wrote that Advanced Dungeons & Dragons is a very basic adventure game similar to Adventure, and "uses so little of the license in game that you can almost see that as more of a branding deal than anything". He concluded by saying: "Even though it has so little to do with the actual D&D universe, this is still an entertaining retro game worth checking out".

In a retrospective review of Cloudy Mountain in Black Gate, Ty Johnston said: "All in all, that original Advanced Dungeons & Dragons game for the Intellivision was loads of fun with what then were considered flashy graphics. It still stands up today for limited play, and it would be worth your time to search out, especially if you are a fan of classic gaming consoles in general and the Intellivision specifically". In 1995, Flux magazine ranked the game 31st on their "Top 100 Video Games".

Legacy
In 2018, an updated version of the game, simply called Cloudy Mountain, was announced for release exclusively for the Intellivision Amico.

References

External links
 Entry on Intellivision Lives
 Game Manual

 Review in Electronic Games

1982 video games
Dungeons & Dragons video games
Intellivision games
Intellivision-only games
Mattel video games
North America-exclusive video games
Role-playing video games
Video games developed in the United States
Video games using procedural generation


Klara Hitler (born Klara Pölzl, 12 August 1860 - 21 December 1907) was an Austrian woman. She was the widow of Alois Hitler and the mother of German dictator Adolf Hitler.

Family background and marriage
Klara was born in the Austrian village of Spital, Weitra, Lower Austria. Her father was Johann Baptist Pölzl and her mother was Johanna Hiedler. Either Hiedler's father, Johann Nepomuk Hiedler, or his brother, Johann Georg Hiedler, was the biological father of Alois Hitler, the man she would later marry. It is presumed and accepted by most that the father was Johann Georg Hiedler. Klara and Alois were first cousins once removed.

In 1876, three years after Alois Hitler's first marriage to Anna Glasl-Hörer, Klara's uncle Alois had hired her as a household servant. She was 16 years old at the time. After the death of his second wife, Franziska Matzelsberger, in 1884, Alois and Klara were married on 7 January 1885 in a wedding held early in the morning at Hitler's rooms on the top floor of the Pommer Inn in Braunau. Alois then went to work for the day at his job as a customs official. Klara still called Alois "uncle" after the marriage. Their first son, Gustav, was born four months later, on 15 May 1885. Their second child, Ida, was born on 23 September 1886. Both infants died of diphtheria during the winter of 1886-1887. A third child, Otto, was born and died in 1887.

Adolf was born 20 April 1889, followed by Edmund on 24 March 1894 and Paula on 21 January 1896. Edmund died of measles on 28 February 1900, at the age of five. Klara's adult life was spent keeping house and raising children. According to Smith, Alois had little understanding or interest in raising children. Historian Alice Miller later wrote, "The family structure could well be characterized as the prototype of a totalitarian regime. Its sole, undisputed, often brutal ruler is the father. The wife and children are totally subservient to his will, his moods, and his whims; they must accept humiliation and injustice unquestioningly and gratefully. Obedience is their primary rule of conduct."

Klara was very devoted to her children. According to William Patrick Hitler, she was a typical stepmother to her stepchildren, Alois Jr. and Angela.

Klara was a devout Roman Catholic. She worshipped at church regularly with her children. Of her six children with Alois, only Adolf and Paula survived childhood.

Alois's and Klara's children were:

Gustav Hitler (born 10 May 1885, died of diphtheria on 8 December 1887 in Braunau am Inn)
Ida Hitler (born 23 September 1886, died of diphtheria 2 January 1888 in Braunau am Inn)
Adolf Hitler (born 20 April 1889 in Braunau Am Inn, died in Berlin on 30 April 1945) Nazi German dictator
Otto Hitler (born 17 June 1892, died of hydrocephalus on 23 June 1892 in Passau)
Edmund Hitler (born 24 March 1894 in Passau, died of measles, 28 February 1900 in Leonding)
Paula Hitler (born 21 January 1896 and died 1 June 1960), the last surviving member of Hitler's immediate family.

Later life and death
When Alois died in 1903, he left her a government pension. She sold the house in Leonding and moved with young Adolf and Paula to an apartment in Linz. Three or four years later, she was diagnosed with breast cancer. After many painful iodoform treatments given by her doctor, Eduard Bloch, Klara died at home in Linz from the toxic medical side-effects on December 21, 1907. Adolf and Paula were at her side.  Klara was buried in Leonding near Linz.

Adolf Hitler had a close relationship with his mother. He was crushed by her death and carried the grief for the rest of his long life. Bloch later recalled that, after Klara's death, he had seen in "one young man never so much pain and suffering broken fulfilled". Decades later, in 1940, Hitler showed gratitude to Bloch (who was Jewish) by letting him and his wife to leave Austria and go to the United States.

References

1860 births
1907 deaths
Austrian Roman Catholics
Cancer deaths in Austria
Deaths from breast cancer
Hitler family
People from Lower Austria

Klara Hitler


Magnitogorsk () is a city in Chelyabinsk Oblast, Russia. As of 2012, the city has 410,733 people.

History
Magnitogorsk was founded in 1929 and built upon an expanse of iron rich land towards the southern part of the Ural. Magnitogorsk was modeled after its American counterpart in Gary, Indiana, became the largest steel plant in the world.

A documentary believed The Russian Miracle Part II: Into the Future from c. 1961,. The crown jewel of the Stalin's First Five Year Plan, and one of the historic symbols for what came to be known as the 'building of socialism', is one of the achievements that this film profiles.

Geography
Magnitogorsk was both in Europe and Asia. It is 511 kilometers southwest from Yekaterinburg, 302 kilometers southwest from Chelyabinsk and 1,700 kilometers southeast from Moscow.

Climate
Magnitogorsk has a distinct four-season humid continental climate, which is same to those found in the Great Plains with warmer summers than subarctic climates, but Magnitogorsk has severe winters for the latitude. This climate type is typical for southern Russia, far from oceans. The average July high is around 25 °C (77 °F) with lows of 13 °C (55 °F) with January averages is from −10 °C (14 °F) in daytime high to −18 °C (0 °F) in average low. Temperatures approaching 34 °C (93 °F) or above have been measured from May to September with severe frosts below −36 °C (−33 °F) have been measured in all other months than that except transitional months April and October.
Cities and towns in Chelyabinsk Oblast

Magnitogorsk


The Worshipful Company of Goldsmiths, commonly known as the Goldsmiths' Company and formally titled The Wardens and Commonalty of the Mystery of Goldsmiths of the City of London, is one of the Great Twelve Livery Companies of the City of London. The company's headquarters are at Goldsmiths' Hall, London EC2.

The company, which originates from the twelfth century, received a Royal Charter in 1327 and ranks fifth in the order of precedence of City Livery Companies. Its motto is Justitia Virtutum Regina, Latin for Justice is Queen of Virtues.

History

The company was first established as a medieval guild for the goldsmith trade. The word hallmarking derives from the fact that precious metals were officially inspected and marked at Goldsmiths' Hall.

In 1812, twenty almshouses were built on the former Perryn estate in Acton, on open land west of London. The almshouses were built on land which had been left to the company by John Perryn in 1657.

In 1891, the Goldsmiths' Company founded the Goldsmiths' Technical and Recreative Institute, which went on to become Goldsmiths, University of London.

Today, the company is one of the few Livery Companies still to play a formal role in its ancient trade. The Goldsmiths' Company oversees The Goldsmiths' Company Assay Office, where objects made of precious metals are tested for purity, and then marked with an official symbol should they pass the necessary tests. At the Trial of the Pyx, the Goldsmiths' Company is also responsible for checking the validity of British coinage.

The Goldsmiths' Company also has a library and archive for those wishing to research goldsmithing, silversmithing and hallmarking.

List of recent Prime Wardens
1950: W. Godfrey Allen
1951: W. Godfrey Allen
1984: Arthur Grimwade
2004: Bryan Toye
2008: Grant Macdonald
2012: Hector Miller
2013: Richard Agutter
2014: William Parente
2015: Timothy Schroder
2016: Michael Wainwright
2017: Judith Cobham-Lowe
2018: Michael Prideaux
2019: Timothy Schroder
2020: Richard Fox
2021: Dame Lynne Brindley
2022: The Lord Bridges
2023: Charles Mackworth-Young (696th)

Goldsmiths' Centre

In 2012 the Goldsmiths' Centre, a space for workshops, exhibitions and events, and education including apprentice training, opened in Clerkenwell.

Current activities
In July 2017, the Goldsmiths' Company announced it was to become a founding partner of the new Museum of London, donating £10 million to the new site. It also announced a contribution of £250,000 to Westminster Abbey for the Queen's Diamond Jubilee Galleries, which opened in 2018.

The Goldsmiths' Company supported two large educational initiatives, providing funding for a science initiative in primary schools created by Imperial College London and the National Theatre's programme of streamed recordings for primary schools.

See also
 Harache family

Further reading

 Lisa Jefferson (ed.). 2023. The Register of the Goldsmiths' Company: Deeds and Documents, c. 1190 to c. 1666, Vol. 1–3. Boydell and Brewer.

References

External links

 The Goldsmiths' Company
 The Goldsmiths' Centre

Great Twelve City Livery Companies
12th-century establishments in England
1327 establishments in England
1870s in London
Livery companies
Corporatism
Companies of medieval England
Charities based in London
History of the City of London

Worshipful Company of Goldsmiths


Prosocial behavior, or intent to benefit others, is a social behavior that "benefit[s] other people or society as a whole", "such as helping, sharing, donating, co-operating, and volunteering". Obeying the rules and conforming to socially accepted behaviors (such as stopping at a "Stop" sign or paying for groceries) are also regarded as prosocial behaviors. These actions may be motivated by empathy and by concern about the welfare and rights of others, as well as for egoistic or practical concerns, such as one's social status or reputation, hope for direct or indirect reciprocity, or adherence to one's perceived system of fairness. It may also be motivated by altruism, though the existence of pure altruism is somewhat disputed, and some have argued that this falls into philosophical rather than psychological realm of debate. Evidence suggests that pro sociality is central to the well-being of social groups across a range of scales, including schools. Prosocial behavior in the classroom can have a significant impact on a student's motivation for learning and contributions to the classroom and larger community. In the workplace, prosocial behaviour can have a significant impact on team psychological safety, as well as positive indirect effects on employee's helping behaviors and task performance. Empathy is a strong motive in eliciting prosocial behavior, and has deep evolutionary roots.

Prosocial behavior fosters positive traits that are beneficial for children and society. It helps many beneficial functions by bettering production of any league and its organizational scale. Evolutionary psychologists use theories such as kin-selection theory and inclusive fitness as an explanation for why prosocial behavioral tendencies are passed down generationally, according to the evolutionary fitness displayed by those who engaged in prosocial acts. Encouraging prosocial behavior may also require decreasing or eliminating undesirable social behaviors.

Although the term "prosocial behavior" is often associated with developing desirable traits in children, the literature on the topic has grown since the late 1980s to include adult behaviors as well. The term "prosocial" has grown into a world-wide movement, using evolutionary science to create real-world pro-social changes from working groups to our whole culture.

Origin of the term
According to the psychology researcher Daniel Batson, the term "was created by social scientists as an antonym for antisocial."

Reciprocity vs. altruism in motivation
The purest forms of prosocial behavior are motivated by altruism, an unselfish interest in helping another person. According to Santrock, the circumstances most likely to evoke altruism are empathy for an individual in need, or a close relationship between the benefactor and the recipient. However, many prosocial behaviors that appear altruistic are in fact motivated by the norm of reciprocity, which is the obligation to return a favor with a favor. People feel guilty when they do not reciprocate and they may feel angry when someone else does not reciprocate. Reciprocal altruism suggests that "such helping is driven by a genetic tendency". Thus some professionals argue that altruism may not exist, and is completely motivated by reciprocity. Either reciprocity or altruism may motivate many important prosocial behaviors, including sharing.

Situational and individual factors
Prosocial behavior is mediated by both situational and individual factors.

Situational factors

One of the most common situation factors is the occurrence of the bystander effect. The bystander effect is the phenomenon that an individual's likelihood of helping decreases when passive bystanders are present in a critical situation. For example, when someone drops a stack of papers on a crowded sidewalk, most people are likely to continue passing him/her by. This example can be extended to even more urgent situations, such as a car crash or natural disaster.

The decision model of bystander intervention noted that whether or not an individual gives aid in a situation depends upon their analysis of the situation. An individual will consider whether or not the situation requires their assistance, if the assistance is the responsibility of the individual, and how to help.

This model, proposed by Latane and Darley, describes five things that must occur in order for a person to intervene:

Notice the situation
Construe it as an emergency.
Develop feelings of responsibility.
Believe they have skills to succeed.
Reach a conscious decision to help.

The number of individuals present in the situation requiring help is also a mediating factor in one's decision to give aid, where the more individuals are present, the less likely it is for one particular individual to give aid due to a reduction in perceived personal responsibility. This is known as diffusion of responsibility, where the responsibility one feels for the person(s) in need is divided by the number of bystanders. Another factor that comes into play is evaluation apprehension, which simply refers to the fear of being judged by other bystanders. Finally, pluralistic ignorance may also lead to someone not intervening. This refers to relying on the reaction of others, before reacting yourself.

Additionally, Piliavin et al. (1981) noted that individuals are likely to maximize their rewards and minimize their costs when determining whether or not to give aid in a situation – that is, that people are rationally self-motivated. Prosocial behavior is more likely to occur if the cost of helping is low (i.e. minimal time, or minimal effort), if helping would actually benefit the individual providing the help in some way, and if the rewards of providing the help are large. If it is in an individual's interest to help, they will most likely do so, especially if the cost of not providing the help is great.

People are also more likely to help those in their social group, or their "in group". With a sense of shared identity with the individual requiring assistance, the altruist is more likely to provide help, on the basis that one allocates more time and energy towards helping behavior within individuals of their own group. The labeling of another individual as a member of one's "in-group" leads to greater feelings of closeness, emotional arousal, and a heightened sense of personal responsibility for the other's welfare, all of which increase the motivation to act prosocially.

Researchers have also found that social exclusion decreases the likelihood of prosocial behavior occurring. In a series of seven experiments conducted by Twenge et al., (2007) researchers manipulated social inclusion or exclusion by telling research participants that other participants had purposefully excluded them, or that they would probably end up alone later in life. They found that this preliminary social exclusion caused prosocial behavior to drop significantly, noting that "Socially excluded people donated less money to a student fund, were unwilling to volunteer for further lab experiments, were less helpful after a mishap, and cooperated less in a mixed-motive game with another student." This effect is thought to be due to the fact that prosocial behavior, again, is motivated by a sense of responsibility in caring for and sharing resources with members of one's own group.

Individual factors

Individuals can be compelled to act prosocially based on learning and socialization during childhood. Operant conditioning and social learning positively reinforces discrete instances of prosocial behaviors. Cognitive capacities like intelligence for example, are almost always related to prosocial likings. Helping skills and a habitual motivation to help others is therefore socialized, and reinforced as children understand why helping skills should be used to help others around them.

Social and individual standards and ideals also motivate individuals to engage in prosocial behavior. Social responsibility norms, and social reciprocity norms reinforce those who act prosocially. As an example, consider the child who is positively reinforced for "sharing" during their early childhood years. When acting prosocially, individuals reinforce and maintain their positive self-images or personal ideals, as well as help to fulfill their own personal needs. The correlation between a helper's state and helping tendencies are greatly restricted to the relationship between whoever takes part in the situation.

Emotional arousal is an additional important motivator for prosocial behavior in general. Batson's (1987) empathy-altruism model examines the emotional and motivational component of prosocial behavior. Feeling empathy towards the individual needing aid increases the likelihood that the aid will be given. This empathy is called "empathetic concern" for the other individual, and is characterized by feelings of tenderness, compassion, and sympathy.

Agreeableness is thought to be the personality trait most associated with inherent prosocial motivation. Prosocial thoughts and feelings may be defined as a sense of responsibility for other individuals, and a higher likelihood of experiencing empathy ("other-oriented empathy") both affectively (emotionally) and cognitively. These prosocial thoughts and feelings correlate with dispositional empathy and dispositional agreeableness.

Wealth
Subjective wealth correlated positively with all aspects of prosociality in a preregistered study of 80,337 people from 76 countries, representing 90% of global population. Objective wealth correlated positively with positive reciprocity, donating, volunteering, and helping strangers but negatively with trust. The results were highly consistent across the world, without any systematic variation.

Other factors

In addition to situational and individualistic factors, there are some categorical characteristics that can impact prosocial behavior. Several studies have indicated a positive relationship between prosocial behavior and religion as well as social status. In addition, there may be sex differences in prosocial behavior, particularly as youths move into adolescence. Research suggests that while women and men both engage in prosocial behaviors, women tend to engage in more communal and relational prosocial behaviors whereas men tend to engage in more agentic prosocial behaviors. A recent study examining workplace charitable giving looked at the role of both sex and ethnicity. Results showed that women gave significantly more than men, and Caucasians gave significantly more than minority groups. However, the percent of minority individuals in the workplace was positively associated with workplace charitable giving by minorities. Culture, sex, and religion are important factors to consider in understanding prosocial behavior on an individual and group level.

In childhood through early adolescence
Prosocial behavior in childhood often begins with questions of sharing and fairness. From age 12–18 months, children begin to display prosocial behavior in presenting and giving their toys to their parents, without promoting or being reinforced by praise. The development of prosocial behavior continues throughout the second year of life, as children begin to gain a moral understanding of the world. As obedience to societal standards becomes important, children's ability to exhibit prosocial behavior strengthens, with occurrence and diversity of these behaviors increasing with age and cognitive maturity. What is important developmentally is that the child has developed a belief that sharing is an obligatory part of a social relationship and involves a question of right and wrong. So, as children move through childhood, their reasoning changes from being hedonistic and needs-oriented to becoming more concerned with approval and more involved in complex cognitive forms of perspective taking and reciprocity reasoning.  Additionally, children's prosocial behavior is typically more centered around interest in friends and concern for approval, whereas adolescents begin to develop reasoning that is more concerned with abstract principles such as guilt and positive affect.

Parents can set examples that children carry into their interactions and communication with peers, but parents are not present during all of their children's peer exchanges. The day-to-day constructions of fairness standards is done by children in collaboration and negotiation with each other. Recent research demonstrates that invoking the self using subtle linguistic cues (e.g. identifying someone as a "helper" versus labeling the action, "helping") fosters the perception that a behavior reflects identity, and increases helping, or prosocial, behaviors in children significantly across tasks.

Another study by Nantel-Vivier et al. used a multi-informant model to investigate the development of prosocial behaviour in both Canadian and Italian adolescents aged 10–15. Their findings have indicated that, in early adolescence, although empathy and moral reasoning continue to advance, the development of prosocial behaviors reaches a plateau. Theories for this change in development suggest that it is the result of more individualized and selective prosocial behaviors. During adolescence, youth begin to focus these behaviors toward their peer groups and/or affiliations.

Consistent with previous analyses, this study also found a tendency toward higher prosocial behaviors in young adolescent girls compared to their male classmates.  The earlier maturation in females may be a possible explanation for this disparity. A more recent study that focused on the effects of pubertal timing found that early maturation in adolescents has a positive impact on prosocial behaviors. While their findings apply to both genders, this study found a much more pronounced effect in males.  This suggests that earlier onset of puberty has a positive correlation with the development of prosocial behaviors.

In many Indigenous American communities, prosocial behavior is a valued means of learning and child rearing.  Such behaviors are seen as contributing in an eagerly collaborative and flexible environment, aimed at teaching consideration, responsibility, and skills with the guidance and support of adults.  Culturally valued developmental goals are integrally tied to children's participation in these contexts. It is also helpful for children to learn cultural mores in addition to individual personality development.  Children learn functional life skills through real-time observation of adults and interactive participation of these learned skills within their community.

Prosocial development in school
Prosocial behavior can act as a strong motivator in education, for it provides students with a purpose beyond themselves and the classroom. This purpose beyond the self, or self-transcendence, is an innate human need to be a part of something bigger than themselves. When learning in isolation, the way Western academics are traditionally designed, students struggle to make connections to the material and its greater overarching purpose. This disconnection harms student learning, motivation, and attitudes about education.

If teachers make space for prosocial behavior in education and social learning, then they can illustrate that what students are learning will have a direct impact on the world that they live in. This would be considered a mutually constituting relationship, or a relationship in which both individuals and culture develop interdependently. In other words, what students are learning in a classroom could be intimately connected with a purpose towards a greater cause, deepening the learning itself.

Studies by Yeager et al. test the effects of having a self-transcendent purpose for learning, with the results showing that such a purpose for learning led to fewer future college dropouts, increased high school math and science GPAs, and persistence on boring tasks. This self transcendent purpose may not only encourage persistence on boring tasks, but may help to make boring tasks more meaningful and engaging.

A person's ideas and opinions are largely shaped by the world that they grow up in, which in turn determines what sort of change they want to instill in the world.  For example: a girl who grew up in poverty becoming a social worker. The environment she grew up in gave her an awareness of the workings of poverty, motivating her to instill change in either the institutions that cause it, or help those affected by poverty.

There aren't many opportunities to make prosocial contributions in school; which makes school feel isolated and irrelevant.  By encouraging students to find a self-transcendent purpose in their learning, others enable them to enjoy their learning and make connections to community contributions.

Influence of media programming and video games on children
Studies have shown that different types of media programming may evoke prosocial behaviors in children.

The channels aimed at younger viewers like Nickelodeon and Disney Channel had significantly more acts of altruism than the general-audience demographic channels like A&E and or TNT, according to one large-scale study. This study examined the programming of 18 different channels, including more than 2,000 entertainment shows, during a randomly selected week on television. The study revealed that nearly three quarters (73 percent) of programs contained at least one act of altruism and on average viewers saw around three acts of altruism an hour. Around one-third of those behaviors were explicitly rewarded in the plot, potentially sending the message that these acts of prosocial behavior can come with positive consequences.

Another study on the topic was conducted by University at Buffalo, Iowa State University and University of Minnesota professors. They studied children for two years for the purpose of investigating the role of media exposure on prosocial behavior for young boys and girls. The study concluded that media exposure could possibly predict outcomes related to prosocial behavior.

Other experimental research has suggested that prosocial video games may increase prosocial behavior in players although some of this work has proven difficult to replicate.  However other scholars have been critical of this work for tending to falsely dichotomize video games into prosocial/violent categories despite significant overlap as well as methodological flaws in the experimental studies .  For instance a study by Ferguson and Garza found that exposure to violent video games was associated with increased prosocial behavior, both on-line as well as volunteering in the real world. The authors speculated this may be due to the prosocial themes common in many violent games, as well as team oriented play in many games.

Legislation
In the United States, in an effort to get stations to air education and prosocial programming for children, the Children's Television Act was adopted in 1990. It states that channels must produce and air programming developed specifically for children as a condition to renew broadcast licenses. After discussions as to what the definition of "specifically designed for children" really means, in 1996 guidelines were passed to correct this ambiguity.

Influence of arts
Arts are increasingly recognized as influential for health behaviors in strengthening social bonds and cohesion and promoting prosocial behavior. Evidence of the impact of different arts is emerging and research is growing on literature, movies and theatre. A review of current litterature argues that performative arts are more prone to elicit empathic concern which is linked with more durable prosocial behavior during stressful situations such as the COVID-19 pandemic outbreak: in particular theatre and virtual reality are seen as promising. An active role of the arts in sustaining prosocial behavior should however integrate an ethical approach to avoid the risk of mass manipulation and intergroup bias.

Influence of observation

People are generally much more likely to act pro-socially in a public setting rather than in a private setting. One explanation for this finding has to do with perceived status, being publicly recognized as a pro-social individual often enhance one's self-image and desirability to be considered for inclusion in social groups. Other research has shown that merely given people the "illusion" that they are being observed (e.g., by hanging up posters of "staring" human eyes) can generate significant changes in pro-social acts such as charitable giving and less littering. Pictures of human eyes trigger an involuntary neural gaze detection mechanism, which primes people to act pro-socially. There are two different forms of prosocial behaviors. Ordinary prosocial behavior requires "situational and sociocultural demands". Extraordinary prosocial behavior doesn't include as much. This indicates that one form is used for a more selfish result while the other is not.

Influence of perception of responsibility and guilt
Guilt has long been regarded as a motivator for prosocial behavior. Extensive data from a 2012 study conducted by de Hooge, demonstrates that when a secondary individual repairs a transgressors' damage caused to victims, the transgressors' guilt feelings, reparative intentions, and prosocial behavior drastically diminish. Thus, reduction of guilt may have more to do with reparative actions broadly, rather than necessarily prosocial behaviors taken on by oneself.

Social media in natural disasters

Social media can also be a catalyst for a stimulus for prosocial behavior. Social media is one of the most newly profound ways to spread awareness. Not only is this communication channel a quick way to show recognition worldwide, but it also allows platforms to educate, warn and support all areas of the world falling victim to natural disasters.  Social media demonstrates prosocial behavior due to its dexterity to transmit data at any moment and caution to all it comes in contact with. An example of this could include donating money to an important cause or provoking a movement like the Black Lives Matter protests. Spreading awareness and getting more attention on the topic can motivate others and positively shift people's focus and perspective towards the issue. Social Media has a significant influence on society, specifically on the younger generation. This can be used in a beneficial way; one example occurred during the relief efforts in the wake of the 2011 Tōhoku earthquake and tsunami off the coast of Japan, when users turned to Facebook and Twitter to provide financial and emotional support via their social networks. Direct donations to Japanese relief were possible on The Red Cross fan page on Facebook, and via online discount sites like Groupon and LivingSocial.

Relation to mood and emotion
Mood and prosocial behavior are closely linked. People often experience the "feel good-do good" phenomena, where being in a good mood increases helping behaviors. Being in a good mood helps us to see the "good" in other people, and prolongs our own good mood. For example, mood and work behaviors have frequently been examined in research; studies show that positive mood at work is associated with more positive work-related behaviors (e.g., helping co-workers). Similarly, prosocial behaviors increase positive mood. Several studies have shown the benefits of volunteering and other prosocial behaviors on self-esteem, life satisfaction, and overall mental health.
Additionally, negative mood can also impact prosocial behavior. Research has shown that guilt often leads to prosocial behaviors, whereas other negative mood states, such as fear, do not lead to the same prosocial behaviors.

A recent pilot study examined whether an intervention increasing prosocial behavior (kind acts) in young adults with social anxiety would both increase positive affect and decrease social anxiety in participants. Participants randomly assigned to a four-week Kind Acts intervention, where individuals were instructed to engage in three kind acts each day twice a week over the four-week period, showed both higher self-reported positive mood and increased satisfaction with relationships at the end of the intervention. This intervention demonstrates ways in which prosocial behavior may be beneficial in improving mood and mental health.

A meta-analysis from 2020 by Hui et al., which looked at 126 prior studies involving almost 200,000 participants, found that spontaneous instances of prosocial behavior, such as helping an older neighbor carry groceries, had a stronger positive effect on well-being than did more formal instances of prosocial behavior, such as volunteering for a charity at a pre-scheduled time.

Other research suggests that cultivating positive emotions, such as gratitude, may also facilitate prosocial behavior. A study by Bartlett & DeSteno examined the ability of gratitude to shape costly prosocial behavior, demonstrating that gratitude increases efforts to assist a benefactor even when such efforts are costly (i.e., hedonically negative), and that this increase is qualitatively different from efforts given from just general positive affective state. They also show that gratitude can increase assistance provided to strangers, not just close social ties. Awe is another positive emotional state that has been closely linked to inspiring generosity and prosocial behavior. Piff et al. studied this phenomenon through experiments using economic and ethical-decision making games and explain, "When people experience awe they really want to share that experience with other people, suggesting that it has this particularly viral component to it... awe binds people together—by causing people to want to share their positive experiences collectively with one another."

Psychopathy and lack of prosocial behavior

In 1941, Hervey Cleckley described psychopathy as a disorder in which individuals often initially appear intelligent, charming, and even kind but are in fact egocentric, grandiose and impulsive. He described individuals who would, on a whim, leave their families to cross the country gambling, drinking and fighting, only to return and act as if nothing was out of the ordinary.

Today, psychopathy is described as a personality disorder that is characterized by decreased anxiety, fear, and social closeness as well as increased impulsivity, manipulativeness, interpersonal dominance and aggression. These traits lead to numerous types of antisocial behavior including high rates of substance abuse, serial short term relationships, and various forms of criminal behavior.
One common misconception about psychopathy though is that all psychopaths are serial killers or other vicious criminals. In reality, many researchers do not consider criminal behavior to be a criterion for the disorder although the role of criminality in the disorder is strongly debated. Additionally, psychopathy is being researched as a dimensional construct that is one extreme of normal range personality traits instead of a categorical disorder.

In regards to the lack of prosocial behavior in psychopathy, there are several theories that have been proposed in the literature. One theory suggests that psychopaths engage in less prosocial behavior (and conversely more antisocial behavior) because of a deficit in their ability to recognize fear in others, particularly fearful facial expressions. Because they are unable to recognize that their actions are causing another distress, they continue that behavior in order to obtain some goal that benefits them. A second theory proposes that psychopaths have a sense of "altruistic punishment" where they are willing to punish other individuals even if it means they will be harmed in some way. There has also been an evolutionary theory proposed stating that psychopaths lack of prosocial behavior is an adaptive mating strategy in that it allows them to spread more of their genes while taking less responsibility for their offspring. Finally, there is some evidence that in some situations psychopaths behavior may not be antisocial but instead it may be more utilitarian than other individuals. In a recent study, Bartels & Pizarro (2011) found that when making decisions about traditional moral dilemmas such as the trolley problem, individuals high in psychopathic traits actually make more utilitarian (and therefore more moral in some views) choices. This finding is particularly interesting because it suggests that psychopaths, who are often considered immoral or even evil, may actually make better moral decisions than non-psychopaths. The authors of this study conclude that individuals high in psychopathic traits are less influenced by their emotions and therefore make more "mathematical" decisions and choose the option that leads to the lowest number of deaths.

The theories discussed above are not intended to be a comprehensive list but instead to provide a sense of how psychopaths differ in their approach to social interactions. As with most psychological/social phenomena, it is likely a combination of these factors that leads to psychopaths' lack of prosocial behavior. Further research is needed to determine the causal nature of any one of these individual deficits as well as if there is any way to help these individuals develop more prosocial patterns of behavior.

Helper's high
Psychologists have shown that helping others can produce "feel-good" neurotransmitters such as oxytocin and that, similar to any other pleasurable activity, the act of volunteering, giving and behaving pro-socially can become addictive (warm-glow giving).

Some work has been done on utilizing this principle through the concept of helper therapy, in which therapeutic benefits are gleaned from assisting others. Community health workers have been found to gain helper benefits that include positive feelings about self, a sense of belonging, valuable work experience, and access to health information and skills through their prosocial vocation, which may buffer against the various stressors inherent in this line of work.

In addition, Helper therapy may also be highly beneficial for distressed adolescents experiencing suicidal thoughts. Studies indicate that when help-seeking youth use online community forums, the help-seekers often begin to provide support for other help seekers, and develop a reciprocal prosocial community battling depression together.

Prosocial dissidence
Stefano Passini and Davide Morselli argue that groups will obey authority so long as its system, basis, and demands are viewed as legitimate. Passini and Morselli distinguish between anti-social disobedience, which they see as destructive, and prosocial disobedience, which they see as constructive. "Disobedience becomes prosocial when it is enacted for the sake of the whole society, including all its different levels and groups. In contrast, anti-social disobedience is enacted mainly in favour of one's own group, in order to attain individual rights." A main difference between anti-social and pro-social dissidence is the way that they relate to authority; anti-social dissidents reject authority and disobey its norms and laws, while pro-social dissidents understand the important roles that societal laws play in maintaining order, but also recognize and address the flaws in authoritative reasoning. Pro-social protests, if viewed in a positive manner, can increase freedoms and equality for the general public, and improve democratic institutions.

Labor market outcomes
Recent scientific research shows that individuals who volunteer have better labor market outcomes in terms of hiring opportunities and wages.

See also
 Cooperation
 Eusociality
 Social animal
 Social psychology
 Social value orientations
 Tootling

References

Further reading

 Prosocial Behavior. Excerpt from "More about Generosity: An Addendum to the Generosity, Social Psychology and Philanthropy Literature Reviews", University of Notre Dame, July 7, 2009

Biglan, Anthony (2015) The Nurture Effect: How the Science of Human Behavior Can Improve Our Lives and Our World. New Harbinger, Oakland, California

External links

 Prosocial Behavior Page, US Dept. of Health and Human Services, Administration for Children and Families
 Prosocial Behavior, PsychWiki.com
 Informational Report describing prosocial behaviour
 NPR interview with commentary on prosocial behavior from David Sloan Wilson, Aug. 28, 2011, 7 min.
 The Greater Good Institute: Research on Altruism, Empathy and Prosocial Behavior
 changingminds.org http://changingminds.org/explanations/theories/prosocial_behavior.htm
 The Evolution Institute, https://evolution-institute.org

Moral psychology
Social psychology

Prosocial behavior