Kongu Vellalar is a community found in the Kongu region of Tamil Nadu, India.

Etymology
The Vellalar of the Kongu country came to be known as Kongu Vellalar. They are also known by names such as "Bupaalan", Gangavamsam, Kudiyaanavar and Vivasaayi, and use the title Gounder as a caste appellation in their personal names.

Origin
According to the Kongu Vellalar Puranam, a 19th-century work by Mahavidwan Kandasamy Kavirayar, the Vellalar of the Kongu country trace their origin to Marabalan, a mythical figure who was created from the river Ganges to rid the world of hunger. Marabalan turned to agriculture and his descendants became the Vellalar. Marabalan had various titles such as Gangavamsa, Devar, Vellalar, Bupaalan, etc. Interestingly the Gandadikara Vokkaligas of the neighbouring parts of Karnataka also claim origin from the banks of the Ganges.  According to Burton Stein, the Gangadikaras and the Kongu Vellalars were linked.

History

From the early Sangam period, the Kongu region had always been a "frontier zone," only loosely controlled by the various Tamil dynasties from the plains. Due to their isolation, the people of this region had always been most associated with muscle power and the "heroic" ideals of the Sangam age. While these "heroic" traditions faded in the rest of the plains region due to the rise of agrarian states, the Kongu region and other remote buffer zones kept it alive until the 11th century CE. In Upper Kongu (north of the Kaveri), the natukal tradition was still present. This cultural combination of the heroic traditions and megalithic burials greatly influenced Kongu Nadu's culture. After the end of the Sangam period, the Vettuvar (hunter) tribe gained dominance over the other tribes of the region such as the Kurumbar, Ay, and Kuravar, which led to a large number of peoples associating themselves with the Vettuvar. This caused a Vettuvar population explosion in the early 9th century and created a complex social structure, with the chieftains of the Vettuvars calling themselves Koundar. However, by the 11th century CE, the influence of the Bhakti movement and Brahminical values from the plains largely displaced the Sangam traditions. Thus some groups of the Vettuvars became full-time agriculturalists, calling themselves Vettuvavelalar.

Large groups of peasants from the plains soon began to migrate into the Kongu Nadu region starting in the 10th century from many places, with migration peaking in the 13th century. Their technological advancement allowed them to generally outcompete the earlier inhabitants in land ownership and agricultural production. Most initially identified with their clan names and their chiefs with the Gounder title, but eventually coalesced into a single group called Kongu Vellalar Gounder. The Kongu Vellalars also had complex relations with the locals, sometimes friendly, sometimes hostile, and many locals were assimilated into the ethnogenesis of the Gounders. The early pre-migration institutions were modified to include the emerging peasant class. Other communities migrated along with the peasants, including potters, barbers, craftsmen, as well as Brahmins and Dalits. However Brahmins played a negligible role in the new social formation, since the Kongu Vellalars and their dependent communities never used Brahmins for religious ceremonies. However, eventually this period of ethnogenesis would end in the creation of a hierarchical structure with Kongu Vellalars at the top.

The Kongu Vellalar were inhabitants of the Kongu country since at least the 10th century CE. The Vellalars of Kongu region came to be known as Kongu Vellalar or Gounder, though both the names have also been treated separately in some regions. According to Beck's (1972) study, the Kongu Vellalar are one of the top ranking castes who were entitled to ownership over land. They followed a kingly model acquiring prestige by ownership of land, control of daily labor and production activity.

Today, the Gounders have presided over Kongu Nadu's transition from an agricultural to industrial economy. Gounders traditionally controlled most of the land in western Tamil Nadu, and had the Arunthathiyar community as labourers. When MGNREGA was introduced, Gounder farmers were furious as it prevented the Arunthathiyars from working in their fields. Thanks to their land ownership, the Gounders were also able to control the industrialization of the Kongu belt and consequently most industrialists in the region are Gounder. The community plays a significant role in the political and economic life of the Kongu Nadu region. The prominent Kongu Nadu-based parties, Kongunadu Munnetra Kazhagam and later Kongunadu Makkal Desiya Katchi, were primarily Gounder caste outfits similar to the PMK for Vanniyars. Some scholars saw the KMK's presence in the Kongu belt as contributing to the ADMK's victory in those constitutencies.

Traditional duties
The traditional roles of this community are agriculture and cattle-rearing, but over time they came to be landowners, weaving, traders and money-lenders.

Caste structure
The caste is divided into a number of exogamous clans called Kootams, each of which is totemistic. Medieval poet Kambar is said to have given their kula and gotra (kin and clan). The community has 24 Nadus (countries), which originated they claim from the time of their settlement. These Nadus are arranged in 4 groups of 6 villages each headquartered at Palayakottai, Kangayam, Pudur and Kadayur. The village head is a kottukaran, the head of a nadu is nattukavundan or periyatanakaran and each group of Nadus is a pattakaran. The pattakaran is treated with considerable respect, and is very rarely consulted. The kottukaran and nattukavundan generally take care of caste disputes and marriage selection respectively, and only important caste disputes are handled by him.

Culture

Marriage

The community has its own style of marriage ceremony. The ceremony is led by person called an Arumbukarar or Arumaikkarar, who must be married and should have children. The engagement ceremony takes place at the bride's house, with the maternal uncles of both groom and birde present, where fruit and betel leaf are tied in the girl's clothes. On the day of the wedding, the groom is shaven, and a karumaikkarari pours water on his head. If he has a sister, he performs a betrothal ceremony for his daughter to her son. He then goes on horseback to a nattukal with fruit and a pestle and worships it. The stone is said to represent the Kongu king and the worship is a symbolic request for permission of the marriage, as in the old days the king was supposed to give permission for every marriage. On his return, balls of white and coloured rice are taken around the bridegroom and his mother feeds him 3 mouthfuls of food. This indicates she will no longer feed him and he is going out into the world on his own. A barber then blesses him and they go to the bride's house on horseback, where they are met by someone from the bride's party similarly mounted. The groom then gives his earrings to the bride, and they are carried on their respective maternal uncles to the nattukal. When they return, they are touched by an arumaikkarar with a betel leaf dipped on oil, milk and water. They worship the thaali and the arumaikkaran ties it around the bride's neck. Then he and the barber sing a long song composed by poet-saint Kambar, called "Mangala Valthu", speaking of the glory of marriage. Then the little fingers of bride and groom and linked, milk is poured over them, and separated. In the wedding ceremony, the brother of the bride and sister of the groom play significant roles.

Widow remarriage was forbidden at the turn of the 20th century, and those who had intimate relations with widows were ostracised. The punishment was lifted if the widow consented to the man leaving her, the man provided the widow with sufficient means to live herself, and the man providing a feast to his family by killing a black sheep.

Present status
The Kongu Vellalar were classified as a Forward Caste (General class) at the time of Indian independence but they successfully requested to be reclassified as an other Backward Class in 1975.

References
Citations

Bibliography

Vellalar clans
Gounder
Kongu Nadu
Social groups of Tamil Nadu
Indian castes
South Indian communities

Kongu Vellalar


James Henry Scullin (18 September 1876 – 28 January 1953) was an Australian politician and trade unionist who served as the ninth prime minister of Australia from 1929 to 1932. He held office as the leader of the Australian Labor Party (ALP), having briefly served as treasurer of Australia during his time in office from 1930 to 1931. His time in office was primarily categorised by the Wall Street Crash of 1929 which transpired just two days after his swearing in, thus heralding the beginning of the Great Depression in Australia. Scullin remained a leading figure in the Labor movement throughout his lifetime, and was an éminence grise in various capacities for the party until his retirement from federal parliament in 1949. He was the first Catholic, as well as the first Irish-Australian, to serve as prime minister.

The son of working-class Irish-immigrants, Scullin spent much of his early life as a laborer and grocer in Ballarat. An autodidact and passionate debater, Scullin made the most of Ballarat's facilities — the public library and South Street Debating Society. He joined the Australian Labor Party in 1903, beginning a career spanning five decades. He was a political organizer and newspaper editor for the party, and was elected to the Australian House of Representatives first in 1910 and then again in 1922 until 1949. Scullin quickly established himself as a leading voice in parliament, rapidly rising to become deputy leader of the party in 1927 and then Leader of the Opposition in 1928.

After Scullin won a landslide election in 1929, events took a dramatic change with the crisis on Wall Street and the rapid onset of the Great Depression around the world, which hit heavily indebted Australia hard. Scullin and his Treasurer Ted Theodore responded by developing several plans during 1930 and 1931 to repay foreign debt, provide relief to farmers and create economic stimulus to curb unemployment based on deficit spending and expansionary monetary policy. Although the Keynesian Revolution would see these ideas adopted by most Western nations by the end of the decade, in 1931 such ideas were considered radical and the plans were bitterly opposed by many who feared hyperinflation and economic ruin. The still opposition-dominated Australian Senate, and the conservative-dominated boards of the Commonwealth Bank and Loan Council, repeatedly blocked the plans.

With the prospect of bankruptcy facing the government, Scullin backed down and instead advanced the Premiers' Plan, a far more conservative measure that met the crisis with severe cutbacks in government spending. Pensioners and other core Labor constituencies were severely affected by the cuts, leading to a widespread revolt and multiple defections in parliament. After several months of infighting the government collapsed, and was resoundingly defeated by the newly formed United Australia Party at the subsequent 1931 election.

Scullin would remain party leader for four more years, losing the 1934 election but the party split would not be healed until after Scullin's return to the backbenches in 1935. Scullin became a respected elder voice within the party and leading authority on taxation and government finance, and would eventually play a significant role in reforming both when Labor returned to government in 1941. Although disappointed with his own term of office, he nonetheless lived long enough to see many of his government's ideas implemented by subsequent governments before his death in 1953.

Early life

Scullin was born in Trawalla, Victoria on 18 September 1876. His parents, John and Ann (née Logan) Scullin, were both Irish Catholics from County Londonderry. His father was a railway labourer, who emigrated to Australia in his 20s. His mother joined her husband in Australia later. James was the fourth of eight children, and grew up in a tight-knit and devoutly Catholic home. James attended the Trawalla State School from 1881 to 1887 and earned an early reputation as an active and quick-witted boy, though never physically robust. These characteristics would remain with him for life.

The family moved to Mount Rowan, Ballarat, in 1887, and the young James attended school at Mount Rowan State School until 12. Thereafter he held various manual odd-jobs in the Ballarat district until about 1900, and for ten years from 1900 he ran a grocer's shop in Ballarat. In his mid-20s he attended night school, was a voracious reader and became somewhat of an autodidact. He joined a number of societies and was active in the Australian Natives' Association and the Catholic Young Men's Society, eventually becoming president of the latter. He was also a skilled debater, participating in local competitions and having an association with the Ballarat South Street debating society for nearly 30 years, which would prove formative to his interest and talent in politics. Scullin was a devout Roman Catholic, a non-drinker and a non-smoker all his life.

Scullin became active in politics during his years in Ballarat, being influenced by the ideas of Tom Mann and the growing labour movement in Victoria, as were many of his later ministerial colleagues such as Frank Anstey, John Curtin and Frank Brennan. He became a foundation member of his local Political Labor Council in 1903 and was active in local politics thereafter. He was a campaigner and political organizer for the Australian Workers' Union, the union movement with which he would remain most closely associated throughout his career. He spoke often around Ballarat on political issues and helped with Labor campaigns at state and federal level. At the 1906 federal election he was selected as the Labor candidate for the Division of Ballaarat against then Prime Minister Alfred Deakin. Although a race in which Labor had virtually no chance of winning, Scullin ran a spirited campaign and impressed those within the movement for his efforts.

On 11 November 1907 he married Sarah Maria McNamara, a dressmaker from Ballarat. The marriage was childless. Due to Scullin's frequent and often serious bouts of illness over his long career, Sarah served the role as her husband's protector and was a crucial source of support and care for her husband, particularly in his final years. She was frequently called to assist or stand in for her husband at social occasions when her husband's illness prevented him from attending personally. She was an active member of the Labor Party herself, and would remain well-informed on politics. Very unusually among Australian political spouses (and even more so during the period of her husband's career), Sarah would often attend parliamentary sessions, and would even be present during the debate and vote that brought her husband's government down.

Political career

In 1910 Scullin won his first election as the Labor candidate in Corangamite, in a year when Labor's Andrew Fisher surged in the polls and formed Australia's first majority government. Scullin had done much to personally build the grass-roots organisation of the Labor movement in this seat in the years prior to the election, although its rural character meant it was not considered a seat naturally sympathetic to Labor. His campaign focused on increasing the powers of the Federal parliament and issues such as defending a white Australia, higher import duties and the introduction of a land tax. In federal parliament, Scullin quickly earned a reputation as an impressive and formidable parliamentary debater. He spoke on a wide range of issues over the three years of his term, but concentrated especially on matters relating to taxation and the powers of the Commonwealth, both of which would become signature issues for Scullin throughout his career. By the end of his first year in parliament he had a reputation as "one of the most ardent land-taxers in the Labor party" and had spoken frequently on breaking up "the land monopoly which has for so many years retarded the growth of this young country." Scullin enthusiastically supported Fisher's referendum questions in expand Commonwealth power over in 1911 and again in 1913, though in both cases all amendment proposals were rejected by comfortable majorities. Although he was well regarded in his district and hard-working and ardent, it was not enough to shield him from Joseph Cook's resurgent and now united Commonwealth Liberal Party in the election of 1913, and Scullin suffered the fate of many Labor members in rural districts at that year's election. He tried and failed to reacquire the seat at the 1918 Corangamite by-election.

After defeat Scullin was appointed as editor of the Evening Echo, a daily newspaper owned by the Australian Workers Union in Ballarat. He would hold this position for the next nine years, which solidified his position within the Victorian Labor movement and made him an influential voice within its ranks, being elected president of the Victorian state branch of Labor in 1918. He and his paper became leading voices against conscription in Victoria during World War I, and a forceful intellectual contributor to the party during the Billy Hughes years. At the special Labor conference on conscription in 1916, Scullin moved for the expulsion of the conscriptionists, including Prime Minister Hughes and former prime minister Chris Watson. During these years Scullin earned a reputation as a socialist on the left-wing of the party and had radicalised in some of his opinions, particularly his sentiments against imperial domination from London. Scullin was fiercely patriotic and critical of the war, particularly Britain's leadership of the dominions within it. In the early 1920s Scullin was prominent in the push for the party to adopt economic socialisation policies as part of its platform.

The death of federal Labor leader Frank Tudor left a vacancy in the very safe urban seat of the Division of Yarra in Melbourne. Scullin handily won Labor preselection over several other candidates, and in February 1922 he took the seat at the ensuing 1922 Yarra by-election with more than three-quarters of the vote.  With his win, he and his family to relocated to Richmond, away from his long-time home of Ballarat, and to an electorate completely different in character to his earlier seat of Corangamite. However his new proximity to the Federal parliament (still located in Melbourne) and representation of a safe seat afforded many more political opportunities and freedoms, and soon Scullin was a prominent figure on the Labor campaign trail and appearing at events around the country. In these years Scullin's renown increased considerably within the party and the nation at large. He became one of the leading lights of the parliamentary opposition, and was quickly elevated to the Australian Labor Party National Executive in February 1923.

During his years as an opposition backbencher, Scullin spoke frequently and passionately. He was an able debater and parliamentary performer, but also carved out a niche as a leading voice on several issues, particularly taxation and economic policy. Some of Scullin's charges on land-tax avoidance by wealthy pastoralists were so damning that the Bruce government called a Royal Commission specifically to investigate his claims. Scullin's competence on financial matters proved useful to the government as well, and several of his suggestions from the opposition bench made their way into government legislation. In March 1927 Scullin became the parliamentary ALP's deputy leader.

Leader of the Opposition

As Deputy Leader, Scullin excelled in taking the case to the government. Throughout 1927 Scullin earned particular acclaim in keeping the ageing Bruce government to account on economic and financial matters. A series of speeches by Scullin that year on the Government's mishandling of the economy, and the generally dangerous trajectory of Commonwealth financial policy, predicted catastrophe. He accused the government of spending too much, borrowing too much from overseas sources, and not rectifying a worrying excess of imports over exports: a three-part recipe for disaster. This alarming analysis of the Australian economy would prove to be correct within three years, however relatively few paid attention to Scullin's warning at the time, nor the prescient 1927 volume The Boom of 1890 – And Now by E.O.G. Shann, on which Scullin based many of his arguments.

In March 1928, Matthew Charlton resigned as federal Labor leader and was replaced by Scullin in a unanimous motion, although some had their eye on newcomer Ted Theodore as a more promising replacement. The ensuing contest over the position of Deputy Leader saw Theodore denied once again in a close vote, foreshadowing some of the future controversy he would stir up within the party under Scullin.

Scullin led Labor at the 1928 election. He visited widely around the country, and made especial focus on Western Australia, Tasmania and Queensland – states where the Labor party's fortunes had greatly declined in previous years. Scullin was well received and made ground in these areas, as well as in rural districts to counteract the increasingly urban nature of Labor. Labor managed to take eight seats, significantly reducing the Coalition's previously large majority. This was due to a swing against the government rather than a swing towards Labor, but was still enough to put Labor within striking distance of winning the next election.  Although Labor came up well short of forming government, the campaign was viewed as a success and Scullin's reputation remained intact as leader.

1929 was dogged by industrial disputes, the worst of which occurred within the waterfront, timber and coalmining sectors. The Bruce government struggled to manage these episodes – its proposal by referendum for greater Commonwealth industrial powers had been rejected in 1926. After months of deadlock and protests over decisions of the Federal Arbitration Court, Bruce reversed course entirely by proposing that the Commonwealth dismantle federal arbitration and hand industrial matters back entirely to the states. The proposal was a radical departure from one of the pillars of the so-called "Australian settlement", and several MPs, led by former PM Billy Hughes, ultimately voted against the government and forced Bruce to seek an additional mandate from the people, at the 1929 election. Crucially, it would be a House-only election as the 1925 Senate term had not expired. Just 9 months after the previous campaign, Australia was in campaign mode once more. Amidst a background of industrial strife and heavy handed government proposals to deal with it, Scullin, who preached conciliation and negotiation between the parties, seemed the moderate choice, despite the more radical stances otherwise held by Labor. Fighting on their home territory and in favour of what was a still popular status-quo in industrial relations law, Scullin and Labor romped home in the polls, winning 46 seats in the 75 seat chamber, the most they had ever won at the time.  Labor even managed to oust Bruce in his own seat.  The party was jubilant and Scullin enthusiastically accepted commission to become Prime Minister. He was to be Australia's first Catholic prime minister.

Prime Minister

Scullin came to Canberra amid rapturous applause from his supporters and the largest majority that Labor had ever won at the time. However, the party had many diverse interests and factions within it, ranging from metropolitan socialist radicals to rural professional politicians. The Scullin government immediately rolled back several of the Bruce government's measures deemed to be anti-labor – including changes made to industrial arbitration and competition, and the immediate abolition of compulsory military training. Scullin also chose not to take residence in The Lodge, which had only been completed two years prior, citing its unnecessary extravagance and cost to the taxpayer. In 1929, the Scullin government established the Canberra University College.

But the government's attention would soon shift to the economy. On the very day Scullin arrived in Canberra after the 1929 election, The Sydney Morning Herald announced large losses on Wall Street. On 24 October, two days after Scullin's cabinet was sworn in, news of Black Thursday reached Australia and the government. The effect these developments would have on the Australian economy were not yet known, as economic conditions were already agreed to be poor, but the portents of future disaster were there. Three of the last four Commonwealth budgets had been in substantial arrears funded by overseas borrowing, and the value of Australian debt had been steadily declining in foreign markets. Sluggish years for the agricultural and manufacturing sectors were compounding the problem, but the most worrying statistic was unemployment, which was just over 13% at the end of 1929. A further problem was the decline in Australian trade. Price for wool and wheat – Australia's two principal exports – had fallen by almost a third during 1929. With debts rising and the ability to repay diminishing, Australia was faced with a seriously troubled financial outlook when Scullin took office.

Scullin's government faced significant limitations on its power to implement its response to the economic crisis. There had been no half-Senate election in 1929, meaning that the Nationalist majority elected at the 1928 election was still in place. The conservative Senate proved hostile to much of Labor's economic program. Scullin also had to contend with a financial establishment in Australia (most notably Commonwealth Bank Board chairman Sir Robert Gibson) and in the United Kingdom (such as Bank of England representative Sir Otto Niemeyer) that was firmly opposed to any deviation from orthodox economics in responding to the Great Depression. On the contrary, there was much disagreement with Scullin's parliamentary party as to how to respond to the crisis, and a great many were sympathetic to the then radical ideas of inflationary finance and other proto-Keynesian approaches. Furthermore, Scullin and his Treasurer Ted Theodore were vehemently opposed to suggestions from the Opposition and Commonwealth Bank to reduce the deficit by cutting Federal welfare emoluments. Thus began two-years of clashes between the government and its opponents, which would prove to be some of the most turbulent in Australian political history.

Crisis and deadlock

Ongoing industrial disputes on the coalfields of the Hunter Valley and Newcastle dragged on throughout Scullin's government, the Commonwealth lacking the power to coerce a solution and numerous negotiations between owners and workers collapsed. As a Labor Prime Minister, expectations ran high that Scullin would force the mine owners to submit to worker demands. Scullin was sympathetic, but refused to go beyond negotiations and inducements to end the disputes. Many within the New South Wales Labor branch were infuriated and felt they had been betrayed, catalysing a beginning of a separation between the state branch (led by fiery demagogue Jack Lang) and the federal party led by Scullin.

Heavily indebted and with conditions worsening, Scullin and Theodore took many novel steps in an attempt to turn the economy around. Appeals were made, both to the Australian public and on overseas markets, to bolster confidence and boost government bond subscriptions. A "Grow More Wheat" campaign was launched in 1930 to encourage farmers to plant a record crop and attempt to improve Australia's serious trade deficit, although ultimately Scullin was unsuccessful in convincing the Senate or the Commonwealth Bank to support this program through price guarantees. At the same time unemployment had hit a record high of 14.6% in the March quarter of 1930. Scullin's election promise of unemployment insurance was discussed in this period, but with dire predictions for government finance the promise was continually stalled. Scullin made major proposals to change the constitutional amendment process; expand Commonwealth powers over commerce, trade and industry; and to break apart the Commonwealth Bank to separate out its reserve bank and trading bank functions. The Senate blocked them all, or made amendments which rendered them unrecognisable. A double dissolution was threatened, though for various reasons both practical and political, Scullin never took this step. In June 1930 the government suffered a heavy loss when Theodore was forced to resign after he was criticised by a Royal Commission enquiring into a scandal known as the Mungana affair, claims of corrupt deals dating back to Theodore's time as Premier of Queensland. Scullin took over the Treasury portfolio in the interim while Theodore went to Queensland to face charges, and was compelled to bring down the 1930 budget personally.

Tarred with the political scandal, the budget, which raised taxes, cut spending and still did not deliver a surplus, was very unpopular with all sections of the community. What is more, the budget proved overly optimistic as Australian revenues continued to plunge and the deficit rose. By August 1930, crisis meetings were held in which Sir Robert Gibson and Sir Otto Niemeyer were demanding further economies in Commonwealth spending. Niemeyer, a representative of the Bank of England, had arrived in Australia to inspect financial conditions on behalf of creditors and had a grim report – that "Australian credit is at a low ebb...lower than that of any of the other dominions" and that without drastic steps default and financial collapse was assured. Gibson agreed, and as Chairman of the Commonwealth Bank Board had the power to deny the Australian government loans to finance the budget unless more cuts were made by both the national and state governments. After meeting with Scullin and state premiers, the 'Melbourne Agreement' was reluctantly struck in which further major spending cuts were agreed to, although opposed by a significant minority of Scullin's party.

In the heat of this crisis, matters were made worse still by Scullin's decision to travel to London to seek an emergency loan and to attend the Imperial Conference. While in London, Scullin succeeded in gaining loans for Australia at reduced interest. He also succeeded in having King George V appoint Sir Isaac Isaacs as the first Australian-born Governor-General of Australia, despite the King's personal opposition and the strong objections of both the British establishment and the conservative opposition in Australia, who attacked the appointment as tantamount to republicanism. However a leadership vacuum was left behind, with Scullin out of the country for the whole second half of 1930, James Fenton (as acting Prime Minister) and Joseph Lyons (as acting Treasurer) were left in charge. They insisted on pursuing deflationary policies and orthodox solutions to degrading Commonwealth budgetary position, arousing great opposition in the Labor caucus. In regular contact with Fenton and Lyons in London through the awkward means of cables, Scullin felt he had no choice but to agree to the recommendations of economic advisers, supported by Lyons and Fenton, that government spending be heavily cut, despite the suffering this caused and the disillusionment of the Labor party's base, whom were most affected by these cuts. Party unity began to crumble, and the gulf between the moderate and radical wings of the party began to grow.

Internal divisions and the Theodore Plan

Returning to Australia in 1931, Scullin was faced with a party now deeply divided over how to respond to the Depression. Jack Lang had won election as Premier of New South Wales and had become a leading alternative voice within Labor, advocating radical measures including repudiation of interest on debts to Britain and printing money to pay for public works programs to relieve unemployment and inflate the currency. The NSW contingent in Federal parliament was sympathetic to Lang's views and had become disillusioned with Scullin's leadership and his compromises with conservative interests. At the first meeting of cabinet upon his return, Scullin made things worse by reappointing Theodore as treasurer, despite his name not having been yet cleared over the Mungana Affair. Although arguably Theodore was the most competent man available to implement Scullin's economic program, Lyons and Fenton (as well as several others) were strongly opposed and resigned from the cabinet in protest. Making matters worse, Theodore had become a fierce personal rival of Lang within the New South Wales branch, and his return as treasurer further isolated radical elements of the party. At the same time, the economy had continued to decline and unemployment had soared, with most of the government measures designed to combat the crisis still in limbo due to opposition either from the Senate or refusal of funding by the Commonwealth Bank.

In February Scullin and Theodore presented a comprehensive plan at a conference of the state premiers that attempted to straddle both orthodox and radical approaches. While maintaining heavy budgetary cuts, it also planned to provide economic stimulus to help the unemployed and farmers, as well as repaying short-term debts and overdrafts held by British banks. This would require substantial further funds to be advanced by the Commonwealth Bank, however Gibson soon made it clear he would not do so unless significant cuts to social spending (particularly pensions) was also implemented. Scullin refused, instead planning to pay for the plan through the expanding the note issue. This 'Theodore Plan' was approved by narrow majorities of the state premiers and then the parliamentary party. However, Jack Lang rejected the plan, stating instead that Australia should default on its British debts until more equitable repayment terms were agreed to. Lyons and the conservatives within the party were horrified, as were the Opposition, seeing note issue as a sure path to hyperinflation and complete economic ruin.

In March matters came to a head. The 1931 East Sydney by-election saw Eddie Ward elected on a specifically pro-Lang platform, and the bitter campaign within the seat saw federal Labor and NSW Labor mutually expel each other from the party. Scullin and the Federal party refused to admit Ward to the caucus, and subsequently Jack Beasley led five others out of the party room to sit on the cross-benches as "Lang Labor". With chaos in Labor ranks and parliament facing a highly controversial plan for economic rehabilitation, the Opposition presented a motion of no confidence. Lyons, Fenton and four others on the conservative wing resigned from Labor and crossed over to the opposition benches.  Scullin was reduced to a minority government of just 35 members, depending on the Lang faction to stay in power. Having built a large and popular following among the public, Lyons and his ex-Labor followers joined the Nationalists and the erstwhile followers of Hughes in United Australia Party, with Lyons becoming the new Leader of the Opposition. With a possible default by the Commonwealth looming in June, Scullin's minority government attempted to push through the Theodore Plan. Although under pressure given the prospect of bankruptcy, the Senate and Gibson did not relent, and nearly all the bills needed to implement the Theodore Plan were rejected. Nationwide opinion was divided on the government plan, however many were extremely concerned about the prospect of excessive inflation should the government start printing money to pay its bills.

Premiers' Plan and downfall

Now May, with unemployment at 27.6% widespread suffering across much of the population, Scullin called another conference of the state premiers to try and forge a new deal, now resigned to the fact that compromise with the Opposition was inevitable if any plan could be implemented. A new orthodox plan calling for 20% reductions in spending across the board for all governments was struck, and such cuts to also apply to social welfare spending. Combined with a mass loan conversion that would reduce the interest rates paid on government bonds by 22.5%, Australia now had a consensus as to how to reduce the annual deficit from some £41.08m to £14.65m. Although he had finally secured parliamentary and state approval for a plan, Scullin now faced a revolt from his own party. Cuts to pensions and the poor were particularly hard for Scullin, and many core Labor supporters felt deeply betrayed by this compromise of society's most vulnerable groups. Scullin ardently defend the program, but Lang's influence as an alternative opinion leader of Labor was growing, now with state branches in Victoria and South Australia rebelling against the Premiers' Plan.

Traumatic as it was, the government finally now was implementing an economic plan, and things began to improve. Domestic confidence, and confidence in the British loan market, began to recover and default was averted. Voluntary acceptance of lower bond rates on government debt had been extremely successful in a patriotic campaign, wool and wheat prices finally began to rise, and government finances at both Commonwealth and state level were largely under control by October. But with unemployment still rising (it would not peak until 1932), Scullin still faced disillusionment from many within his party, and further gains in ground by Lang. Lang felt threatened by the apparent success of the Premier's Plan though, and renewed talks of unity between the factions had appeared with the improvement of economic conditions. Lang Labor subsequently forced a showdown with the Scullin government in November. With allegations arising that Theodore had abused his position as treasurer to buy support in New South Wales away from the Lang faction, Beasley and his followers called for a royal commission into the charges. Scullin refused. To the surprise of many observers, the Beasley group crossed the floor to join the Opposition, thereby defeating the government. A snap poll, the 1931 election, was called. Scullin for the first time in Australian politics made heavy use of the radio to reach voters. The campaign was one of the shortest in history, but with open warfare between pro-Lang and pro-Scullin forces in Victoria and New South Wales, and much of the country still facing hardship and grievances against the government, a Labor defeat was virtually assured. Labor was defeated in a massive landslide. The official Labor Party was reduced to a mere 14 seats (Lang Labor won another 4), and Lyons became Prime Minister. However, Scullin was not held responsible for the debacle and stayed on as Labor leader. To date, it is the last time that a sitting Australian government has been defeated after a single term.

Later career

The heavy task of leading the country through the brunt of the depression, beset as he was by many enemies and few friends, left deep marks on Scullin's character. As one Country Party parliamentarian observed, "the great burden that was imposed upon him then almost killed him". Scullin won much praise for his performance as Opposition Leader, as he had before coming Prime Minister. His grasp of economic and trade matters was still formidable, and on several matters he succeeded in forcing changes to government policy or banding with the Country Party to force amendments to government legislation. However failure to reunite the party and dislodge Lang as the alternative voice of the party failed in the lead-up to the 1934 election left the party at a distinct disadvantage. Ultimately, Scullin and his Commonwealth supporters' implementation of the Premiers' Plan was too much of a betrayal for many to accept, and opposing Lang and Scullin Labor factions continued to plague NSW and Victorian state politics for years. The election proved to be a dispiriting defeat for Scullin. Despite an admirable and vigorous term as opposition leader, Scullin's Labor gained just four seats and actually suffered a small swing against it, with Labor and the UAP losing ground to Lang Labor, which gained 5 seats on a swing of almost 4%.

Scullin markedly declined in vigor for his role as Opposition Leader after he was reconfirmed in it after the 1934 election. Tired of the infighting, he took little part in the renewed conciliation talks between the opposition party wings, which in the event failed to resolve the now entrenched divide between Lang and anti-Lang forces. Scullin at many points had stated his resolve to remain leader until such time that he could be sure he would not be succeeded by Lang forces at the federal level, but fate intervened and Scullin's health, always middling, declined significantly in 1935. Bedridden several times, Scullin tendered his resignation on 23 September 1935, citing a physical inability to continue as leader. By the time of Scullin's resignation Australia's economy had recovered significantly and business confidence had returned to a large extent. The belligerent actions of Japan in China, and then Germany in Europe, began to overtake the economy as the predominant concern of Australian politics. James Scullin was succeeded by John Curtin, who proved a necessary salve to Labor wounds. Under Curtin's leadership, most of the Lang Labor faction returned to the mainline Labor fold, though Lang and some supporters remained obdurate. During these years Scullin was far quieter in the backbenches, only occasionally taking an active role in parliament, though still an active local member in his seat of Yarra. He was a passionate advocate for Australian arts, and with the Fellowship of Australian Writers, was responsible for a dramatic boost to the Commonwealth Literary Fund's budget in 1939.

Curtin became Prime Minister in 1941 after two independents joined Labor in voting down the government's budget. Curtin came to rely on Scullin greatly for his counsel. Scullin took no portfolio nor played any part in military strategy or much of the overall war effort, except where finance was concerned. However, he was given the office between Curtin and Treasurer Ben Chifley's, and his advice would have significant bearing upon the policy and political tactics of the Curtin government. Scullin was a leading voice in caucus in support of the new PM, urging it to give Curtin the powers to run his own government without the caucus interference Scullin himself had so frequently fallen afoul of a decade earlier. To Scullin's delight, rafts of social and economic policies, so long out of reach for Labor governments, finally became law during the wartime government. Scullin continued to be a leading voice in the movement in favour of further social welfare plans and was influential within the party in the nature and direction these took. Another of Scullin's long held ambitions – eradication of the Federal structure in favour of a unified state – was advanced when he was appointed as one of three on a committee to recommend means of implementing uniform taxation. That committee soon proposed eliminating state governments' ability to levy income tax, a proposal which Curtin accepted and greatly weakened the Federal system by making states fiscally dependent on the Commonwealth. Scullin's committee work shone out again in 1944, where he led the charge to change the tax code to operate on a pay-as-you-go basis, which was accepted and implemented by the Curtin government.

Ill-health continued to return in bouts, but Scullin remained active if subdued in parliament after Curtin's death and Chifley's succession in 1945. He continued to be influential in fiscal and taxation matters, and the impact of his experience was still occasionally felt in Chifley-era legislation. However his health declined significantly in 1947, and he did not appear in parliament again after June of that year, announcing he would retire at the 1949 election.

Death and funeral

Scullin was frequently bedridden in these last 18 months, and unable to attend many gatherings. His condition deteriorated further after retirement, suffering cardio-renal failure in 1951 and becoming almost permanently bedridden and under the care of his wife.

Scullin died in his sleep on 28 January 1953 in Hawthorn, Melbourne from complications arising from pulmonary edema. He was accorded a state funeral in St Patrick's Cathedral, Melbourne with a Requiem Mass presided over by Archbishop Daniel Mannix. He was buried in the Catholic section of Melbourne General Cemetery. Over his grave the federal Labor executive and the ACTU erected a monument on behalf of the Labor movement of Australia. The inscription reads: "Justice and humanity demand interference whenever the weak are being crushed by the strong." Scullin's wife, Sarah, was interred with him in 1962. Labor stalwarts Arthur Calwell, Esmond Kiernan, Herbert Cremean and Edward Grayndler are all buried adjacent to the Scullin plot.

Legacy

Scullin had defended his record in government throughout his later career, and took pride in having been Prime Minister in times which might have broken a lesser figure. However he lived long enough to see many of his economic ideas vindicated by history, particularly inflationary financing, which was quite radical by the standards of his times but an accepted pillar of Keynesian economics adopted by Australia and most other Western governments in the late 1930s and 1940s. Indeed, John Maynard Keynes himself would state of Scullin's Premier's Plan which caused him so much woe and electoral unpopularity that it "saved the economic structure of Australia". The Economist admitted after the 1931 election that Scullin "had already done much to place Australia on the high road to recovery".

Several measures which had been proposed and defeated by the UAP opposition (particularly on gold shipments for loan repayments) were subsequently reintroduced and passed by the UAP once in government, giving Scullin some satisfaction. Furthermore, Scullin consoled himself with the fact that the Depression destroyed most of the political careers of those who occupied government through it – only one Australian premier won re-election from 1927 to 1935, and Scullin's foreign contemporaries Herbert Hoover (in the United States of America), Ramsay MacDonald (United Kingdom), Richard Bennett (Canada) and George Forbes (New Zealand) all suffered similarly devastating elections in the wake of the depression. In 1951, 114 manufacturers in Melbourne donated to a fund for Scullin's retirement. Having not forgotten his advocacy of tariffs during their height of unpopularity in the depression, several companies went as far to state that Scullin's efforts had "commenced a new era in the secondary industry field in Australia" and that the success of Australia's wartime industry was due to Scullin's protection of industry during its most vulnerable period a decade earlier.

Scullin's years following his term of government also proved fruitful – he exerted a surprising amount of influence over government policy as Opposition Leader. Scullin was for decades the foremost expert in the Australian parliament on taxation and a variety of other fiscal matters, a fact which rendered his advice very influential within the Curtin government and many of his ideas, having been denied during his own term of government, would eventually be enshrined in the wave of sweeping reforms made by the Curtin/Chifley governments. Scullin was a well-respected figure in politics. Although the target of much bile and disagreement over his policies, he was personally extremely well regarded and had a reputation as a fearless and stoic leader of great personal integrity and fortitude. His resignation as leader in 1935 caused even longtime critic Jack Beasley to admit that Scullin was "a fearless fighter in the exposition of what he believes to be the right course".

Scullin, Australian Capital Territory, a suburb of Canberra, is named after him, as is the Division of Scullin, a House of Representatives electorate. The Scullin monolith in Antarctica was also named in his honour.

See also
 Scullin Ministry

References

Bibliography

Books

 Byrne, Liam. Becoming John Curtin and James Scullin: The Making of the Modern Labor Party (Melbourne University Publishing, 2020)

Periodicals

 Cook, Peter. "Labor and the Premiers' Plan." Labour History (1969): 97–110. in JSTOR
 Head, Brian. "Economic crisis and political legitimacy: the 1931 federal election." Journal of Australian Studies (1978) 2#3 pp: 14–29. online
 Richardson, Nick. "The 1931 Australian Federal Election—Radio Makes History." Historical Journal of Film, Radio and Television (2010) 30#3 pp: 377–389. DOI:10.1080/01439685.2010.505037
 Roberts, Stephen H. "The Crisis in Australia: September, 1930-January, 1932." Pacific Affairs (1932) 5#4 pp: 319–332. in JSTOR
 Robinson, Geoff. "The Australian class structure and Australian politics 1931–40." APSA 2008: Australasian Political Science Association 2008 Conference. Australasian Political Science Association, 2008. online
 Robertson, J. R. "Scullin as Prime Minister: seven critical decisions." Labour History (1969): 27–36. in JSTOR

Unpublished

Online

External links

James Scullin at the National Archives of Australia
Photos of James Scullin from the Mildenhall Collection at the National Archives of Australia.
James Scullin  at the National Museum of Australia
James Scullin Fact Sheet at the Museum of Australian Democracy
Scullin's Campaign Speeches of 1929 and 1931 at the Museum of Australian Democracy
Resources on James Scullin by Trove at the National Library of Australia
Essay on James Scullin as Treasurer from the Australian Treasury.

1876 births
1953 deaths
Australian Labor Party members of the Parliament of Australia
Leaders of the Opposition (Australia)
Australian ministers for Foreign Affairs
Australian people of Irish descent
Australian Roman Catholics
Treasurers of Australia
Members of the Cabinet of Australia
Members of the Australian House of Representatives for Corangamite
Members of the Australian House of Representatives
Members of the Australian House of Representatives for Yarra
People from Ballarat
Prime Ministers of Australia
Leaders of the Australian Labor Party
20th-century Australian politicians
Australian members of the Privy Council of the United Kingdom
Respiratory disease deaths in Victoria (state)
Deaths from pulmonary edema
Burials at Melbourne General Cemetery

James Scullin


{{DISPLAYTITLE:GABAA receptor}}

The GABAA receptor (GABAAR) is an ionotropic receptor and ligand-gated ion channel. Its endogenous ligand is γ-aminobutyric acid (GABA), the major inhibitory neurotransmitter in the central nervous system. Accurate regulation of GABAergic transmission through appropriate developmental processes, specificity to neural cell types, and responsiveness to activity is crucial for the proper functioning of nearly all aspects of the central nervous system (CNS). Upon opening, the GABAA receptor on the postsynaptic cell is selectively permeable to chloride ions (Cl−) and, to a lesser extent, bicarbonate ions (HCO3−).

GABAAR are members of the ligand-gated ion channel receptor superfamily, which is a chloride channel family with a dozen or more heterotetrametric subtypes and 19 distinct subunits. These subtypes have distinct brain regional and subcellular localization, age-dependent expression, and the ability to undergo plastic alterations in response to experience, including drug exposure.

GABAAR is not just the target of agonist depressants and antagonist convulsants, but most GABAAR medicines also act at additional (allosteric) binding sites on GABAAR proteins. Some sedatives and anxiolytics, such as benzodiazepines and related medicines, act on GABAAR subtype-dependent extracellular domain sites. Alcohols and neurosteroids, among other general anesthetics, act at GABAAR subunit-interface transmembrane locations. High anesthetic dosages of ethanol act on GABAAR subtype-dependent transmembrane domain locations. Ethanol acts at GABAAR subtype-dependent extracellular domain locations at low intoxication concentrations. Thus, GABAAR subtypes have pharmacologically distinct receptor binding sites for a diverse range of therapeutically significant neuropharmacological drugs.

Depending on the membrane potential and the ionic concentration difference, this can result in ionic fluxes across the pore. If the membrane potential is higher than the equilibrium potential (also known as the reversal potential) for chloride ions, when the receptor is activated Cl− will flow into the cell. This causes an inhibitory effect on neurotransmission by diminishing the chance of a successful action potential occurring at the postsynaptic cell. The reversal potential of the GABAA-mediated inhibitory postsynaptic potential (IPSP) in normal solution is −70 mV, contrasting the GABAB IPSP (-100 mV).

The active site of the GABAA receptor is the binding site for GABA and several drugs such as muscimol, gaboxadol, and bicuculline. The protein also contains a number of different allosteric binding sites which modulate the activity of the receptor indirectly. These allosteric sites are the targets of various other drugs, including the benzodiazepines, nonbenzodiazepines, neuroactive steroids, barbiturates, alcohol (ethanol), inhaled anaesthetics, kavalactones, cicutoxin, and picrotoxin, among others.

Much like the GABAA receptor, the GABAB receptor is an obligatory heterodimer consisting of GABAB1 and GABAB2 subunits. These subunits include an extracellular Venus Flytrap domain (VFT) and a transmembrane domain containing seven α-helices (7TM domain). These structural components play a vital role in intricately modulating neurotransmission and interactions with drugs.

Target for benzodiazepines
The ionotropic GABAA receptor protein complex is also the molecular target of the benzodiazepine class of tranquilizer drugs. Benzodiazepines do not bind to the same receptor site on the protein complex as does the endogenous ligand GABA (whose binding site is located between α- and β-subunits), but bind to distinct benzodiazepine binding sites situated at the interface between the α- and γ-subunits of α- and γ-subunit containing GABAA receptors. While the majority of GABAA receptors (those containing α1-, α2-, α3-, or α5-subunits) are benzodiazepine sensitive, there exists a minority of GABAA receptors (α4- or α6-subunit containing) which are insensitive to classical 1,4-benzodiazepines, but instead are sensitive to other classes of GABAergic drugs such as neurosteroids and alcohol. In addition peripheral benzodiazepine receptors exist which are not associated with GABAA receptors. As a result, the IUPHAR has recommended that the terms "BZ receptor", "GABA/BZ receptor" and "omega receptor" no longer be used and that the term "benzodiazepine receptor" be replaced with "benzodiazepine site". Benzodiazepines like diazepam and midazolam act as positive allosteric modulators for GABAA receptors. When these receptors are activated, there's a rise in intracellular chloride levels, resulting in cell membrane hyperpolarization and decreased excitation.

In order for GABAA receptors to be sensitive to the action of benzodiazepines they need to contain an α and a γ subunit, between which the benzodiazepine binds. Once bound, the benzodiazepine locks the GABAA receptor into a conformation where the neurotransmitter GABA has much higher affinity for the GABAA receptor, increasing the frequency of opening of the associated chloride ion channel and hyperpolarising the membrane. This potentiates the inhibitory effect of the available GABA leading to sedative and anxiolytic effects.

Different benzodiazepines have different affinities for GABAA receptors made up of different collection of subunits, and this means that their pharmacological profile varies with subtype selectivity. For instance, benzodiazepine receptor ligands with high activity at the α1 and/or α5 tend to be more associated with sedation, ataxia and amnesia, whereas those with higher activity at GABAA receptors containing α2 and/or α3 subunits generally have greater anxiolytic activity. Anticonvulsant effects can be produced by agonists acting at any of the GABAA subtypes, but current research in this area is focused mainly on producing α2-selective agonists as anticonvulsants which lack the side effects of older drugs such as sedation and amnesia.

The binding site for benzodiazepines is distinct from the binding site for barbiturates and GABA on the GABAA receptor, and also produces different effects on binding, with the benzodiazepines increasing the frequency of the chloride channel opening, while barbiturates increase the duration of chloride channel opening when GABA is bound. Since these are separate modulatory effects, they can both take place at the same time, and so the combination of benzodiazepines with barbiturates is strongly synergistic, and can be dangerous if dosage is not strictly controlled.

Also note that some GABAA agonists such as muscimol and gaboxadol do bind to the same site on the GABAA receptor complex as GABA itself, and consequently produce effects which are similar but not identical to those of positive allosteric modulators like benzodiazepines.

Structure and function

Structural understanding of the GABAA receptor was initially based on homology models, obtained using crystal structures of homologous proteins like Acetylcholine binding protein (AChBP) and nicotinic acetylcholine (nACh) receptors as templates. The much sought structure of a GABAA receptor was finally resolved, with the disclosure of the crystal structure of human β3 homopentameric GABAA  receptor.
Whilst this was a major development, the majority of GABAA receptors are heteromeric and the structure did not provide any details of the benzodiazepine binding site. This was finally elucidated in 2018 by the publication of a high resolution cryo-EM structure of rat α1β1γ2S receptor and human α1β2γ2 receptor bound with GABA and the neutral benzodiazepine flumazenil.

GABAA receptors are pentameric transmembrane receptors which consist of five subunits arranged around a central pore. Each subunit comprises four transmembrane domains with both the N- and C-terminus located extracellularly. The receptor sits in the membrane of its neuron, usually localized at a synapse, postsynaptically. However, some isoforms may be found extrasynaptically. When vesicles of GABA are released presynaptically and activate the GABA receptors at the synapse, this is known as phasic inhibition. However, the GABA escaping from the synaptic cleft can activate receptors on presynaptic terminals or at neighbouring synapses on the same or adjacent neurons (a phenomenon termed 'spillover') in addition to the constant, low GABA concentrations in the extracellular space results in persistent activation of the GABAA receptors known as tonic inhibition.

The ligand GABA is the endogenous compound that causes this receptor to open; once bound to GABA, the protein receptor changes conformation within the membrane, opening the pore in order to allow chloride anions (Cl−) and, to a lesser extent, bicarbonate ions (HCO3−) to pass down their electrochemical gradient. The binding site to GABA is about 80Å away from the narrowest part of the ion channel. Recent computational studies have suggested an allosteric mechanism whereby GABA binding leads to ion channel opening. Because the reversal potential for chloride in most mature neurons is close to or more negative than the resting membrane potential, activation of GABAA receptors tends to stabilize or hyperpolarise the resting potential, and can make it more difficult for excitatory neurotransmitters to depolarize the neuron and generate an action potential. The net effect therefore typically inhibitory, reducing the activity of the neuron, although depolarizing currents have been observed in response to GABA in immature neurons in early development. This effect during development is due to a modified Cl− gradient wherein the anions leave the cells through the GABAA receptors, since their intracellular chlorine concentration is higher than the extracellular. The difference in extracellular chlorine anion concentration is presumed to be due to the higher activity of chloride transporters, such as NKCC1, transporting chloride into cells which are present early in development, whereas, for instance, KCC2 transports chloride out cells and is the dominant factor in establishing the chloride gradient later in development. These depolarization events have shown to be key in neuronal development. In the mature neuron, the GABAA channel opens quickly and thus contributes to the early part of the inhibitory post-synaptic potential (IPSP).
The endogenous ligand that binds to the benzodiazepine site is inosine.

Proper developmental, neuronal cell-type-specific, and activity-dependent GABAergic transmission control is required for nearly all aspects of CNS function.

Subunits
GABAA receptors are members of the large pentameric ligand gated ion channel (previously referred to as "Cys-loop" receptors) super-family of evolutionarily related and structurally similar ligand-gated ion channels that also includes nicotinic acetylcholine receptors, glycine receptors, and the 5HT3 receptor. There are numerous subunit isoforms for the GABAA receptor, which determine the receptor's agonist affinity, chance of opening, conductance, and other properties.

In humans, the units are as follows:
 six types of α subunits (GABRA1, GABRA2, GABRA3, GABRA4, GABRA5, GABRA6)
 three βs (GABRB1, GABRB2, GABRB3)
 three γs (GABRG1, GABRG2, GABRG3)
 as well as a δ (GABRD), an ε (GABRE), a π (GABRP), and a θ (GABRQ)

There are three ρ units (GABRR1, GABRR2, GABRR3); however, these do not coassemble with the classical GABAA units listed above, but rather homooligomerize to form GABAA-ρ receptors (formerly classified as GABAC receptors but now this nomenclature has been deprecated).

Combinatorial Arrays
Given the large number of GABAA receptors, a great diversity of final pentameric receptor subtypes is possible. Methods to produce cell-based laboratory access to a greater number of possible GABAA receptor subunit combinations allow teasing apart of the contribution of specific receptor subtypes and their physiological and pathophysiological function and role in the CNS and in disease.

Distribution
GABAA receptors are responsible for most of the physiological activities of GABA in the central nervous system, and the receptor subtypes vary significantly. Subunit composition can vary widely between regions and subtypes may be associated with specific functions. The minimal requirement to produce a GABA-gated ion channel is the inclusion of an α and a β subunit. The most common GABAA receptor is a pentamer comprising two α's, two β's, and a γ (α2β2γ). In neurons themselves, the type of GABAA receptor subunits and their densities can vary between cell bodies and dendrites. Benzodiazepines and barbiturates amplify the inhibitory effects mediated by the GABAA receptor. GABAA receptors can also be found in other tissues, including leydig cells, placenta, immune cells, liver, bone growth plates and several other endocrine tissues. Subunit expression varies between 'normal' tissue and malignancies, as GABAA receptors can influence cell proliferation.

Ligands

A number of ligands have been found to bind to various sites on the GABAA receptor complex and modulate it besides GABA itself. A ligand can possess one or more properties of the following types. Unfortunately the literature often does not distinguish these types properly.

Types
 Orthosteric agonists and antagonists: bind to the main receptor site (the site where GABA normally binds, also referred to as the "active" or "orthosteric" site). Agonists activate the receptor, resulting in increased Cl− conductance. Antagonists, though they have no effect on their own, compete with GABA for binding and thereby inhibit its action, resulting in decreased Cl− conductance.
 First order allosteric modulators: bind to allosteric sites on the receptor complex and affect it either in a positive (PAM), negative (NAM) or neutral/silent (SAM) manner, causing increased or decreased efficiency of the main site and therefore an indirect increase or decrease in Cl− conductance. SAMs do not affect the conductance, but occupy the binding site.
 Second order modulators: bind to an allosteric site on the receptor complex and modulate the effect of first order modulators.
Open channel blockers: prolong ligand-receptor occupancy, activation kinetics and Cl ion flux in a subunit configuration-dependent and sensitization-state dependent manner.
 Non-competitive channel blockers: bind to or near the central pore of the receptor complex and directly block Cl− conductance through the ion channel.

Examples

 We propose that the GABAergic system is disrupted in numerous neurodevelopmental diseases, including fragile X syndrome, Rett syndrome, and Dravet syndrome, and that it is a crucial potential target for therapeutic intervention.

 Orthosteric agonists: GABA, gaboxadol, isoguvacine, muscimol, progabide, beta-alanine, taurine, piperidine-4-sulfonic acid (partial agonist).
 Orthosteric antagonists: bicuculline, gabazine.
 Positive allosteric modulators: barbiturates, benzodiazepines, certain carbamates (ex. carisoprodol, meprobamate, lorbamate), Honokiol, Magnolol, Baicalin, Baicelin, thienodiazepines, alcohol (ethanol), etomidate, glutethimide, kavalactones, meprobamate, quinazolinones (ex. methaqualone, etaqualone, diproqualone), neuroactive steroids, niacin/niacinamide, nonbenzodiazepines (ex. zolpidem, eszopiclone), propofol, stiripentol, theanine, valerenic acid, volatile/inhaled anesthetics, lanthanum, and riluzole.
 Negative allosteric modulators: flumazenil, Ro15-4513, sarmazenil, Pregnenolone sulfate, amentoflavone, and zinc.
 Inverse allosteric agonists: beta-carbolines (ex. Harmine, Harmaline, Tetrahydroharmine).
 Second-order modulators: (−)‐epigallocatechin‐3‐gallate.
 Non-competitive channel blockers: cicutoxin, oenanthotoxin, pentylenetetrazol, picrotoxin, thujone, and lindane.

Effects
Ligands which contribute to receptor activation typically have anxiolytic, anticonvulsant, amnesic, sedative, hypnotic, euphoriant, and muscle relaxant properties. Some such as muscimol and the z-drugs may also be hallucinogenic. Ligands which decrease receptor activation usually have opposite effects, including anxiogenesis and convulsion. Some of the subtype-selective negative allosteric modulators such as α5IA are being investigated for their nootropic effects, as well as treatments for the unwanted side effects of other GABAergic drugs. Advances in molecular pharmacology and genetic manipulation of rat genes have revealed that distinct subtypes of the GABAA receptor mediate certain parts of the anaesthetic behavioral repertoire.

Novel drugs
A useful property of the many benzodiazepine site allosteric modulators is that they may display selective binding to particular subsets of receptors comprising specific subunits. This allows one to determine which GABAA receptor subunit combinations are prevalent in particular brain areas and provides a clue as to which subunit combinations may be responsible for behavioral effects of drugs acting at GABAA receptors. These selective ligands may have pharmacological advantages in that they may allow dissociation of desired therapeutic effects from undesirable side effects. Few subtype selective ligands have gone into clinical use as yet, with the exception of zolpidem which is reasonably selective for α1, but several more selective compounds are in development such as the α3-selective drug adipiplon. There are many examples of subtype-selective compounds which are widely used in scientific research, including:

Diazepam is a benzodiazepine medication that is FDA approved for the treatment of anxiety disorders, the short-term relief of anxiety symptoms, spasticity associated with upper motor neuron disorders, adjunct therapy for muscle spasms, preoperative anxiety relief, the management of certain refractory epileptic patients, and as an adjunct in severe recurrent convulsive seizures and status epilepticus.
 CL-218,872 (highly α1-selective agonist)
 bretazenil (subtype-selective partial agonist)
 imidazenil and L-838,417 (both partial agonists at some subtypes, but weak antagonists at others)
 QH-ii-066 (full agonist highly selective for α5 subtype)
 α5IA (selective inverse agonist for α5 subtype)
 SL-651,498 (full agonist at α2 and α3 subtypes, and as a partial agonist at α1 and α5
 3-acyl-4-quinolones: selective for α1 over α3

Paradoxical reactions
There are multiple indications that paradoxical reactions upon – for example – benzodiazepines,  barbiturates, inhalational anesthetics, propofol, neurosteroids, and alcohol are associated with structural deviations of GABAA receptors. The combination of the five subunits of the receptor (see images above) can be altered in such a way that for example the receptor's response to GABA remains unchanged but the response to one of the named substances is dramatically different from the normal one.

There are estimates that about 2–3 % of the general population may suffer from serious emotional disorders due to such receptor deviations, with up to 20% suffering from moderate disorders of this kind. It is generally assumed that the receptor alterations are, at least partly, due to genetic and also epigenetic deviations. There are indication that the latter may be triggered by, among other factors, social stress or occupational burnout.

See also

 4-Iodopropofol
 GABA receptor
 GABAB receptor
 GABAA-ρ receptor
 Gephyrin
 Glycine receptor
 GABAA receptor positive allosteric modulators
 GABAA receptor negative allosteric modulators

References

Further reading

External links

Transmembrane receptors
Ion channels
GABA

GABAA receptor


In gridiron football, a punt is a kick performed by dropping the ball from the hands and then kicking the ball before it hits the ground. The most common use of this tactic is to punt the ball downfield to the opposing team, usually on the final down, with the hope of giving the receiving team a field position that is more advantageous to the kicking team when possession changes. The result of a typical punt, barring any penalties or extraordinary circumstances, is a first down for the receiving team. A punt is not to be confused with a drop kick, a kick after the ball hits the ground, now rare in both American and Canadian football.

The type of punt leads to different motion of the football. Alex Moffat invented the now-common spiral punt, as opposed to end-over-end.

Description
A punt in gridiron football is a kick performed by dropping the ball from the hands and then kicking the ball before it hits the ground. In football, the offense has a limited number of downs, or plays, in which to move the ball at least ten yards. The team in possession of the ball will typically punt the ball to the opposing team when they are on their final down (fourth down in American football, third down in Canadian football), do not want to risk a turnover on downs by not gaining enough yardage to make a first down, and do not believe they are in range for a successful field goal. The purpose of the punt is for the team in possession, or "kicking team", to move the ball as far as possible towards the opponent's end zone; this maximizes the distance the receiving team must advance the ball in order to score a touchdown upon taking possession. Thus, the most common use of this tactic is to punt the ball downfield to the opposing team, usually on the final down, with the hope of giving the receiving team a field position that is more advantageous to the kicking team when possession changes.

A punt play involves the kicking team lining up at the line of scrimmage with the kicker, or punter, typically lined up about 15 yards behind the center. In American football, the end zone is only ten yards deep and as such this distance must be shortened if the kicker's normal position would be on or beyond the end line. In, Canadian football the end zone is twenty yards deep and therefore sufficiently large for the punter to take his usual position in any situation. However, Canadian  rules also give scored-on teams more advantageous field position following a safety, so Canadian football punters will often choose to concede two points instead of punting from the end zone.

The receiving team lines up with one or two players downfield to catch the ball. The center makes a long snap to the kicker who then drops the ball and kicks it before it hits the ground. The player who catches the ball is then entitled to attempt to advance the ball.

The result of a typical punt, barring any penalties or extraordinary circumstances, is a first down for the receiving team at the spot where:
 the receiver or subsequent receiving team ball carrier is downed or goes out of bounds;
 the ball crosses out of bounds, whether in flight or after touching the ground;
 there is "illegal touching", defined as when a player from the kicking team is the first player to touch the ball after it has been punted beyond the line of scrimmage; or
 a ball which is allowed to land comes to rest in-bounds without being touched (American football only).

Other possible results include the punt being blocked behind the line of scrimmage, and the ball being touched, but not caught or possessed, downfield by the receiving team.  In both cases the ball is then "free" and "live" and will belong to whichever team recovers it.

Rules

Common to American and Canadian football
 If the kicked ball fails to cross the line of scrimmage, it may be picked up and advanced by either team. However, if it is picked up by the kicking team, the play is treated as any other play from scrimmage; i.e., if it is the team's final down, it must advance the ball beyond the first down marker in order to avoid a turnover on downs. There are two ways a punt can fail to cross the line of scrimmage: a blocked kick, in which the opposing team obstructs the path of the punt shortly after it leaves the punter's foot; and a shank, in which the punter fails to advance the kick beyond the line of scrimmage on his own (usually erroneous) action. If a punt crosses the plane above the line of scrimmage at any point during the punt, it is treated as such and the kicking team may not advance it, even if the ball moves on its own volition (either due to a headwind or errant bounce) back behind the line.
 Deliberate, targeted punting to another player on the kicking team behind the line of scrimmage has some strategic advantages (for example, an offensive lineman can receive a forward punt but is not eligible to receive a screen pass) but, because of some  disadvantages (any errant kick that crosses the line of scrimmage would result in lost possession), is extremely rare as a strategy.
 The official rules regulate when and how the receiving team may hit the kicker before, during, and after the kick.
 If the receiving team drops the ball or touches the ball beyond the line of scrimmage without catching it then it is considered a live ball and may be recovered by either team. If the receiving team never had full possession, it is considered to be a muffed punt rather than a fumble. However, the receiving player must be actively pursuing the ball.  If the receiving player is blocked into the ball, it is not considered "touching" the ball.
 A field goal cannot be scored on a punt kick.
 By contrast, the now very rarely attempted drop kick can be used to score either field goals or extra points in both American and Canadian football.

American football
 The player attempting to catch the kicked ball may attempt a fair catch. If caught, the ball becomes dead and the receiving team gets the ball at the spot of the catch.
 A touchback may be called if any of the following occur: (1) The kicked ball lands in the receiving team's end zone without first touching any player, whether as a direct result of the kick or a bounce. (2) The receiving team catches the ball in its own end zone and downs it before advancing the ball out of the end zone. (In high school football, the ball automatically becomes dead when it crosses the goal line and cannot be returned out of the end zone, except in Texas, which bases its high school rules on the NCAA rule set.) (3) The ball enters then exits the end zone behind the goal line. After a touchback, the receiving team gets the ball at its own 20-yard line except in the current XFL, which spots the ball on the receiving team's 35. The XFL also spots the ball on the 35 if a punt goes out of bounds between the receiving team's 35 and its own end zone.
 If a player from the kicking team is the first to touch the ball after it crosses the line of scrimmage, "illegal touching" is called and the receiving team gains possession at the spot where the illegal touching occurred. This is often not considered to be detrimental to the kicking team; for example, it is common for a player on the kicking team to deliberately touch the ball near the goal line before it enters the end zone to prevent a touchback. Since there is no further yardage penalty awarded, the kicking team is often said to have "downed the ball" when this occurs (and the NFL does not count it as an official penalty). While the ball is not automatically dead upon an illegal touch, and can be advanced by the receiving team (who would then have the choice of accepting the result of the play or taking the ball at the spot of the illegal touch), this rarely happens in practice, as illegal touching typically occurs when members of the kicking team are closer to the ball than members of the receiving team. In the NFL, this is referred to as "first touching," and is considered a "violation," and cannot offset a foul by the receiving team. Moreover, kicking team players are allowed to bat the ball back into the field of play so long as they have not touched the goal line or end zone, even if their bodies enter the air above the end zone; in such cases, the ball is spotted from where the player jumped or the 1-yard line, whichever is farther from the goal line.
 The length of the punt, referred to as punting yards or gross punting yards, is measured from the line of scrimmage (not the spot where the punter punts) to whichever of the following points applies: (1) the spot that a punt is caught; (2) the spot that a punt goes out of bounds; (3) the spot that a punt is declared dead because of illegal touching; or (4) the goal line, for punts that are ruled touchbacks.
 The net punting yardage is taken by calculating the total punting yardage and subtracting any yardage earned by the receiving team on returns, and subtracting 20 yards for each touchback.
 Under no circumstance can the kicking team score points as the direct result of a punt. (It can score indirectly if the receiving team loses possession of the ball or runs back into its own end zone and gets tackled.)

Canadian football

 The kicker and any players behind him at the time of the kick are considered "onside"; any other players on the kicking team are considered "offside".  This is the same rule that makes all players "onside" on a kickoff since they are behind the ball once kicked.  A player who is onside may recover the kicked ball, while a player who is offside may not be the first to touch the kicked ball and is required to remain at least 5 yards from an opposing player attempting to catch the ball. Violations of these restrictions on an offside player are called "no yards" infractions, with various penalties associated with them.
 The ball remains in play if it enters the goal area (end zone) until it is downed by a player on either team or goes out of bounds:
 If a member of the receiving team downs it in the goal area or the ball goes out of bounds before being brought back into the field of play, a single is awarded to the kicking team and the receiving team gains possession at their own 35-yard line.
 If an onside player downs the ball in the goal area, the kicking team is awarded a touchdown.
 If an offside player downs the ball in the goal area, the receiving team gains possession after a "no yards" penalty is applied from their own 10-yard line.
 If the ball strikes the goalpost assembly while in flight the receiving team gains possession at their own 25-yard line.
 The length of the punt is measured from the line of scrimmage to the spot of the catch or the point where the kick goes out of bounds. The punt return is measured independently, though the value of the punt to the kicking team is determined by distance from the line of scrimmage to the end of the return.
 Canadian rules also allow a punt when the punter is not behind the line of scrimmage, which is not permitted in American rules. This tactic (termed an "open-field kick" in the rule book) is similar to rugby and in the modern game is usually reserved for last-second desperation: for example, a player, after receiving a forward pass with no time left on the clock and with no hope of evading tacklers, may punt the ball in the hope that it will score a single or be recovered by an onside teammate. After recovering a ball kicked by the other team a player can also punt out of his own end zone in order to avoid a single. On at least two occasions in the CFL, the last play of the game was a missed field goal attempt followed by three punts, as the teams alternately tried to avoid a single and score a single.

Types of punts
The type of punt leads to different motion of the football.

End-over-end punt

Spiral punt

Alex Moffat is generally recognized as the creator of the spiral punt, having developed it during his time as a college athlete in the early 1880s.  It is the longest type of punt kick. In flight, the ball spins about its long axis, instead of end over end (like a drop punt) or not at all (like a regular punt kick). This makes the flight of the ball more aerodynamic, and the pointy ends of gridiron footballs mitigate the difficulty to catch.

Pooch punt

Teams may line up in a normal offensive formation and have the quarterback perform a pooch punt, also known as a quick kick. This usually happens in situations where the offense is in a 4th and long situation in their opponent's territory, but are too close to the end zone for a traditional punt and (depending on weather conditions) too far for a field goal try—a situation also known as the dead zone. Like fake punt attempts, these are rarely tried, although Randall Cunningham, Tom Brady, Matt Cassel and Ben Roethlisberger have successfully executed pooch punts in the modern NFL era.  Some pooch punts occur on third down and long situations in American football to fool the defense, which is typically not prepared to return a punt on third down.

Fake punts
On very rare occasions, a punting team will elect to attempt a "fake punt" — line up in punt formation and begin the process as normal, but instead do one of the following:

 The punter may choose to run with the ball.
 The ball may be snapped to the upback, who then runs with the ball.
 The punter (or another back, who is standing nearby) may decide to pass to a pre-designated receiver.
 The ball may be snapped to the upback, who then passes the ball to a receiver.

Although teams sometimes use fake punts to exploit a weakness in the opposing team's defense, a fake punt is very rare, and often used in desperate situations, such as to keep a drive alive when a team is behind and needs to catch up quickly, or to spark an offense in a game where the defense dominates. The high risk of "fake punts", and the need to maintain an element of surprise when the play is actually called, explains why this play is seldom seen.  Fake punts are more likely to occur when there is short yardage remaining to secure a first down, or the line of scrimmage is inside the opponent's territory.

One of the most famous fake punts was by New York Giants linebacker Gary Reasons during the 1990 NFC Championship Game against the San Francisco 49ers, in which he rushed for 30 yards on a fourth down conversion via a direct snap to him instead of the punter, Sean Landeta, which was a critical difference in a 15–13 victory. The Giants went on to win Super Bowl XXV.

Rugby-style  punt
A rugby-style punt is done with a running start (usually to the left or right) before punting while remaining behind the line of scrimmage.

Punting records
 The longest punt in North American pro football history is a 108-yarder by Zenon Andrusyshyn of the Canadian Football League's Toronto Argonauts (at Edmonton, October 23, 1977). This record was also tied by Christopher Milo of the Saskatchewan Roughriders on October 29, 2011, at a home game at Mosaic Stadium at Taylor Field in Regina, during which winds gusted above . Taylor Field, which has since been replaced and demolished, also remains the site of the three longest field goals in CFL history and was one of the windiest fields in professional football.
 The longest punt in NFL/AFL play was a 98-yarder by Steve O'Neal of the New York Jets in an American Football League regular season loss to the Denver Broncos at Mile High Stadium on September 21, 1969.
 Jeff Feagles is the all-time NFL career punts and punt yards leader with 1,713 punts and 71,211 punt yards over 352 games.
 Bob Cameron is the all-time CFL career punts and punt yards leader with 3,129 punts and 134,301 punt yards over 394 games.
 Shane Lechler holds the NFL record for career punting average with 47.6 yards per punt.
 Ryan Stonehouse holds the single-season record for yards per punt with a 53.1 yards per punt average in 2022 (90 punts for 4,779 yards). This broke an 82-year-old record held by Sammy Baugh who averaged 51.4 yards per punt in 1940 (35 punts for 1,799 yards).
 The record for college football is held by the University of Nevada's Pat Brady, who booted the longest possible punt on a 100-yard field at 99 yards against Loyola University on October 28, 1950.
 Joe Theismann punted for one yard against the Chicago Bears in 1985.

Return
A punt return is one of the receiving team's options to respond to a punt.  A player positioned about 35–45 yards from the line of scrimmage (usually a wide receiver or return specialist) will attempt to catch or pick up the ball after it is punted by the opposing team's punter. He then attempts to carry the ball as far as possible back in the direction of the line of scrimmage, without being tackled or running out of bounds.  He may also lateral the ball to teammates in order to keep the play alive should he expect to be tackled or go out of bounds. The punting team may employ a "directional punting" strategy. This strategy has a punter place the ball in a way that pins returners against the sideline deep on their side of the field, minimizing their potential to have a big return.

DeSean Jackson, then playing for the Philadelphia Eagles in the "Miracle at the New Meadowlands", is the only NFL player to return a punt for a game-winning touchdown on the final play of regulation. The NFL record holder for the number of punt returns for a touchdown in a career is Devin Hester with 14. The CFL career record holder for most punt returns for a touchdown in a career is Gizmo Williams with 26.

See also
 Glossary of American football
 Short punt formation
 Coffin corner (American football)
 American Football Kicking Hall of Fame
 No Punt Game

References

External links

American football plays

Punt (gridiron football)


Arden is a medium-sized housing estate on the south-western edge of the city of Glasgow, Scotland. The M77 motorway runs directly to the west of the neighbourhood, with Junction 3 serving the area; a small industrial estate is located to the south-east (this falls within Glasgow although is named after the neighbouring settlement of Thornliebank in East Renfrewshire). The residential area of Carnwadric is to the north-east of Arden, and the Jenny Lind part of Deaconsbank to the south, while the land to the north is open ground (formerly Kennishead Farm) and woodland.

History
Historically, Arden was a farm and formed part of Sir John Maxwell's land, one of approximately seven adjoining holdings which were situated on ancient Stewart land, originally granted to Walter Stewart, 6th High Steward of Scotland by Robert the Bruce upon his marriage to Marjorie Bruce, the King's eldest daughter. Arden is near Thornliebank, a village formed on the river to manufacture cloth and a specialized printing of cloth known as beetling; Thornliebank linen was quite famous from the early-nineteenth century until the closure of the mill, in or around 1920. The building adjoining part of what is now Arden was used as a Prisoner of War (POW) camp during the Second World War.

The S.S.H.A (Scottish Special Housing Association) built the estate (consisting mostly of four-storey tenements with a common close entrance) between 1953 and 1957 to rehouse families from the old, overcrowded inner city tenements. Arden became very run-down during the 1970s and 1980s, with grants made for its refurbishment. It is not quite completed but is much improved. The shopping area containing around six businesses is in immediate need of investment and refurbishment. In 1999, the estate was bought by Glen Oaks Housing Association for a rumoured £6 million but the association has since acknowledged this may have been a rather inflated sum, and they have struggled to make necessary repairs as they are funded only by rents.

Amenities
Arden became the first housing scheme to have a public house (The Cuillins) privately built in 1964-5 which then became a brewery pub in 1968.

Arden boasts the new Ashpark Primary School which opened on 2 December 2008 and replaced the former Arden Primary School and Carnwadric Primary School. The second school, St. Louise Primary was merged with the newly rebuilt St. Vincent's Primary in Carnwadric, St. Louise's closed in June 2009 and the buildings subsequently demolished.

The nearest railway station is , named after another of Sir John Maxwell's farms.

In popular culture
Arden featured in the documentary programme Colin and Justin on the Estate which looked at the efforts to improve the area. Some of the current and former residents of Arden, were concerned about the slant of the show, and were particularly annoyed by the fact that the producers of the show concentrated their attention on housing units that were scheduled for demolition and not on housing that had seen extensive and successful renovation. Alasdair McKee, Glen Oaks chief executive, concluded however, that the program was a success and "the improvements have helped to convince people that we can make a difference" and contributed to a waiting list of people wanting to get into the estate.

Social deprivation
Over the years, the area has gained a reputation as a well documented centre of social deprivation, particularly the southern area near Nitshill Road. The life expectancy for males in this part of the city is around 60 years, as a result of the 'Glasgow effect'.

Gallery

Notes and references

External links

D.A.C.K. Community Council

Housing estates in Glasgow
Areas of Glasgow

Arden, Glasgow