Uluṟu-Kata Tjuṯa National Park is a national park of Australia. It is in the Northern Territory,  south-west of Alice Springs. The park surrounds the two huge rock formations after which it is named: Uluṟu (Ayers Rock) and Kata Tjuṯa (The Olgas).

History

Creation myths
Archaeological work near Uluṟu has shown that people have been in the area for at least 22,000 years. They probably moved in and out of the area depending on how much food and water there was. People started to live in the area year-round about 10,000 years ago. The native Aṉangu people were hunter-gatherers. They lived in small nomadic groups. Groupings were based on water and food supply in their area (ngura).

The Aṉangu believe that Uluṟu and Kata Tjuṯa were created by ancestral spirits (tjukuritja or waparitja). This is part of their creation story, known as tjukurpa (the "Dreamtime"). According to the legend, the world was once blank and featureless, until there came creator beings. They travelled across the land and created rocks, rivers, trees–all living things and the landscape as it is seen today.

The Aṉangu believe that these spirits still live within the land. Each set of rocks represents a different ancestral spirit. The Aṉangu communicate (listen and feel) with the spirits by touching the rock. They do this for blessings or guidance with something. It is said that many spirits, like kaḻaya (emu), liru (poisonous snake), lungkaṯa (lizard) and luuṉpa (kingfisher), travel around the park. Other spirits only stay in one area, like kuniya, a python who lives in the rocks at Uluṟu. The great snake king called wanambi is said to live at the top of Kata Tjuṯa.

There are different stories about the origin of Uluṟu. One says that it came after a great battle between ancestral spirits. The story tells that after many spirits were killed, the earth rose up in sadness, becoming Uluṟu. Another legend tells that the two serpent spirits kuniya and liru fought many wars there, putting the cracks and scars in the rock. Kata Tjuṯa is said to give knowledge that is considered very powerful and dangerous. It is only allowed to be known by men who have gone through initiation. So stories about the creation of this rock are a secret. The common idea behind all these creation stories is that places like Uluṟu are physical evidence of the activities of ancestral beings.

Aṉangu believe they are directly descended from these ancestral beings. They believe that their ancestors live within the land. Many places around the park are sacred because of this. They are bonded to the land in a kind of kinship, because the main principle of tjukurpa is that people and the land are connected. Tjukurpa is an oral tradition (not written down). It makes up the Aṉangu belief system, moral code and legal code. It is passed on through story, song, dance and art.

Arrival of the English people
Europeans came to the Western Desert of Australia in the 1870s. They came in expeditions while the Overland Telegraph Line was being made. The first European explorer to the area was Ernest Giles. In 1872, Giles spotted Kata Tjuṯa from Kings Canyon and called it "Mount Olga", in honour of Queen Olga of Württemberg. He was not able to reach it, though, because his path was blocked by Lake Amadeus. The next year, another explorer named William Gosse reached Uluṟu and named it "Ayers Rock" after Sir Henry Ayers. More people explored the area over the next few years, to look for land they could use for raising livestock. They eventually left because the land was too dry. The native Aṉangu people had not had much contact with these explorers, and very few white people visited the area after this.

In March 1920, the area was made an aboriginal reserve, called the Petermann Reserve. It was meant to be a temporary refuge (safe place) for the Aṉangu. The government said they could continue their nomadic lifestyle there until they could be assimilated into white society. During the 1930s, there became more and more encounters between the natives and white people. Trading with dingo hunters (called "doggers") brought the natives food, tools and clothes they had not seen before. Many became curious about white people and their world.

During this time, more and more land around the reserve was being used for livestock. Long droughts during this time caused conflicts between the Aṉangu and farmers over things like food and water. Encounters with stockmen on nearby cattle stations were often violent. In 1934, a man was shot dead at Uluṟu by police. Aṉangu people became frightened of police and many left the area for safety. Later, some groups started to work on the stations in exchange for food. Others moved to towns because they wanted the things white people had. As a result, many people in the government believed that the reserve had failed to protect the Aṉangu lifestyle.

Creation of the park
In the late 1930s, prospectors thought there might be gold in the area. There was a famous story of a lost gold deposit called Lasseter's Reef. The man who said he had found it had died near the Petermann Ranges in 1931, and it was said to be located somewhere in the area. In 1940, the Petermann Reserve was made smaller, so that people could look for the gold. At the same time, an interest in tourism at Uluṟu began to grow. A track for vehicles to reach Uluṟu was built from Curtin Springs in 1948. Tour groups from Alice Springs began arriving a few years later. At first, the government only allowed a few tour companies to go to the rock, because it was still part of the reserve. But demand for tourist income was growing fast. In 1951, Connellan Airways asked for an airstrip to be built next to Uluṟu, even though planes were already landing there.

In 1958, the government cut the area around Uluṟu and Kata Tjuṯa from the Aṉangu reserve, creating the Ayers Rock–Mt Olga National Park. It claimed that the rocks were no longer important to the natives. The new park was managed by the Territory government, which leased the land out to tour companies. Connellan built their airstrip close to the northern side of Uluṟu in 1959. Campsites and motels were built in 1967.

The Aṉangu were told not to come into the park, but they did anyway. Uluṟu was an important stopping point on travels because of the water usually located there. At first they were tolerated by the park rangers. But as the number of tourists at Uluṟu rose, there were conflicts between tourists and Aṉangu. The government then tried to move them away from the area by building the Docker River village,  to the west, in 1968. Because their homeland and lifestyle had changed, the Aṉangu had to find new ways to make a living. They began selling handicrafts and artworks to tourists. Those still living at Uluṟu even opened a store, called the Ininti Store, which they leased from the government in 1972.

In 1971, Aṉangu groups met with the Office of Aboriginal Affairs, a part of the government that were in charge of looking after aboriginal people. Aṉangu people told the Office that they were worried about the effects mining and tourism were having on their land. They also said that their sacred sites were being desecrated (not being looked after properly). They asked for the government's help in protecting them.

In 1973, people from the government visited to make a report on the park. This report said that Aṉangu should be involved in the park's management. It said they could be hired as rangers, and that their sacred sites should be protected. It also advised that all the tourist facilities be moved out of the park. This was because they were having a bad effect on the environment. In 1975, the area called Yulara,  to the north, was set aside for this. The airstrip was removed and rebuilt in Yulara in 1982. The resort at Yulara opened in 1983. After that, the campground and motels inside the park were closed, and everything was removed from the park by the end of 1984.

Recent history
In 1976, the Aboriginal Land Rights Act was passed for the Northern Territory. It allowed native people to claim rights to own land if they lived on it before Europeans arrived, but only if the land is not already owned. The Aṉangu asked for ownership of the park's land under this law in 1979. But because it had already been made a national park, the claim was not allowed. Even so, the court decided that the Aṉangu were the "traditional" owners (nguraṟitja) of the land.

There was then a long legal case over the freehold title (actual ownership) of the lands. The case continued until November 1983, when Prime Minister Bob Hawke acknowledged that the Aṉangu had the rights to Uluṟu. On 26 October 1985, they were given the title deeds for the park as the traditional and legal owners of the land. The Territory government protested this decision. It had made a big and expensive campaign to get support and stop it happening. In exchange for ownership, the Aṉangu had to lease the land back to the federal government so that it could stay as a national park. They started managing the park together in April 1986.

Uluru National Park was made a UNESCO World Heritage Site in 1987, as a natural property. It had already been made a Biosphere Reserve by UNESCO in 1977. This means it was an important natural environment. The name of the park changed to Uluṟu–Kata Tjuṯa National Park in 1993. The next year, it was added to the list again, this time as a cultural landscape. This means that it is one of the few sites in the world that is chosen for both its natural and cultural importance. The listing recognised tjukurpa as being the best tool for looking after the park. In 1995, Uluṟu–Kata Tjuṯa National Park won the highest UNESCO award for setting new standards for the management of a World Heritage site.

Geography

Uluṟu–Kata Tjuṯa National Park is in the southwestern corner of the Northern Territory, in the centre of Australia. It is  southwest of Alice Springs. The park covers  of flat, red-sand plains. The huge rock formations of Uluṟu and Kata Tjuṯa are the only major landmarks.

Uluṟu is an sandstone inselberg, rising  above the plains around it. Most of its bulk is below the ground. Kata Tjuṯa,  west of Uluṟu, is a group of 36 rock domes (or bornhardts), divided by steep-sided valleys. It covers an area of . The tallest dome, Mount Olga, is  above the surrounding plain. It is the highest point in the park, at  above sea level.

The only permanent settlement in the park is the Aṉangu village of Muṯitjulu. It is on the eastern side of Uluṟu, and about 350 people live there.

Geology

Makeup
Uluṟu and Kata Tjuṯa are made of different types of sedimentary rock. Uluṟu is mostly made of arkose, a hard type of sandstone that contains a lot of the mineral feldspar. The sediment originally comes mostly from granite. Kata Tjuṯa is made of conglomerate, which consists of bits of rock that has been cemented together by sand and mud. The sediment in this rock is a mixture of granite, gneiss and basic rocks.

Age and origin
Even though the rock types are different, Uluṟu and Kata Tjuṯa are thought to be about the same age. They have both been exposed because of folding, faulting and the erosion of surrounding rock.

The park is in a geological area called the Amadeus sedimentary basin. The basin was formed about 900 million years ago. Over hundreds of millions of years, it was covered by layer after layer of sediment, until about 300 million years ago. About 550 million years ago, the mountain ranges to the south and west were pushed up out of the ground in a mountain-building event. These mountains quickly crumbled and huge chunks of sediment were pushed northward by rivers. The rivers flattened out into at least two alluvial fans. It is the remains of these alluvial fans that are seen today as Uluṟu and Kata Tjuṯa.

By about 500 million years ago, a shallow inland sea formed in the basin. Over many hundreds of years, sand and mud fell to the bottom of the sea, covering the alluvial deposit. This layer cemented everything together, forming the arkose over Uluṟu and the conglomerate over Kata Tjuṯa. The sea dried up between 400 and 300 million years ago. A long period of folding tilted the horizontal rock layers. The layers of Uluṟu arkose were folded to the near vertical position they are in today. The conglomerate of Kata Tjuṯa was tilted about 15 to 20 degrees from the horizontal. This means that Uluṟu and Kata Tjuṯa are the exposed tips of huge rock slabs that run far below the ground.

A valley was formed between the two rocks about 65 million years ago. Newer layers of sediment were added to the old ones. These were covered by the red sand that can be seen today, which was brought in by wind.

Shaping
The big canyons of Kata Tjuṯa are thought to be evidence of faults that formed while the rock was being folded millions of years ago. Many years of weathering has made the faults bigger and water has eroded the rock into the valleys and domes seen today. Uluṟu has deep parallel fractures that run down its sides. These are caused by erosion, mostly from rainwater running off the domed top. The caves around the base of Uluṟu were formed by water weathering, though the exact process is still not known. Erosion of the rock is very slow, because the surface is very hard, and because there is no major jointing or parting at its base.

Colour changes

The bright orange-red colour of the rock surfaces comes from the oxidation (or rusting) of the iron in the arkose. When fresh (not exposed to the air), the arkose has a grey colour. Uluṟu appears to change colour at different times of the day and year. It glows a deep red colour during sunrise and sunset. The red light that comes across the sky at these times reflects off the rock, sand and clouds to make a bright glowing effect.

Hydrology

Uluṟu–Kata Tjuṯa is normally arid (dry). Most of the water in the park is under the ground. It can stay under the park for thousands of years. In the end, it all drains through the ground to Lake Amadeus in the north. Knowing where to find this underground water has always been important for human survival in the area. It is the only supply of water in the area that people can rely on. Both Muṯitjulu and Yulara get their water from ancient aquifers under the park. The water contains salt, which is removed before it is used. The aquifers being refilled depends on rare major rains, normally happening every ten years or so.

There are no proper watercourses in the park. Creek beds and gullies are mostly found in the valleys around Kata Tjuṯa. These are usually dry, except after heavy rains, but water can stay under the sand for months. The soils in the park contain high levels of clay, which stops water from soaking into the ground too quickly. The only lasting surface water in the park is Muṯitjulu Waterhole (), at the base of Uluṟu. It has many waterholes (pockets of water) that have formed by rain running off the rock down its fracture lines. They are the only lasting spots of water above the ground for hundreds of kilometres in any direction. They normally have some water in them for the whole year.

Climate and seasons
Uluṟu–Kata Tjuṯa has a mostly dry climate. Rainfall is usually low, very hard to predict. The park gets an average of  of rain per year, but each year can be very different. Rain is most common between November and March. Droughts are common and can be very long. The most rain recorded in one year was  in 1974. The least amount was  in 1965. The year 1965 was also the end of the longest drought that has been recorded here, which lasted six and a half years. Major rainfalls (periods with lots of rain) are rare, happening about every ten years. They are very important for refilling the groundwater supply and can put a lot of life into the ecosystems. The last major rainfall was in 2009, which got  of rain.

The average relative humidity is a lot lower than in coastal areas. It normally lowers as the temperature rises. The average rate of evaporation per year is high at about . The levels of UV on most summer days reach between 11 and 15.

As in most arid inland areas, the days are very hot and the nights are very cold. The months between October and March have an average of 43 days where the temperature is above 40°C. The highest temperature recorded in the park was 47°C in December 1993. In winter, the temperature overnight often falls below freezing (0°C). The average temperature range for winter months is 14–30°C. The lowest temperature recorded in the park was –5°C in July 1976.

The Aṉangu say the park has five seasons:
Piriyakutu or piriya-piriya (usually August to September) – Breeding season, plants grow food, and a hot wind comes in from the northwest.
Mai wiyaringkupai or kuli (around December) – The hottest season, when food becomes hard to find. Bushfires are a danger.
Itjanu or inuntjji (usually January to March) – Rainy season, when storms are common. If there is lots of rain, plants grow lots of food.
Wanitjunkupai (usually April, May) – The start of cool weather. Cold-blooded animals in the area go into hibernation. Clouds come in from the south, but don't normally bring rain.
Wari (late May to July) – The cold season, with mist or dew in the mornings, but not much rain.

Ecology
The park is ranked as one of the most important arid land ecosystems in the world. It is one of 15 biosphere reserves in Australia under UNESCO's Man and the Biosphere system. The landscape looks quite barren, but is actually a complex ecosystem with many forms of life. Plants and animals have adapted to the area's extreme conditions. As a result, it supports some of the most unusual flora and fauna on the planet.

Much of the park land is made up of flat plains dotted with many kinds of spinifex grasses. There are also large areas of sand dunes, rocky scrubland and open woodland. The gullies and creek lines that fan out from the rock formations form their own unique habitats, because of the concentration of water in the ground there.

Management

The park is managed jointly (together) by the Aṉangu and Parks Australia. Parks Australia is the government body that looks after national parks in Australia. It is a part of the Department of the Environment. The Aṉangu own the land, and lease it to the government. The lease began in 1985 and lasts for 99 years. Decisions are made by the Board of Management, a group of people. Under the lease terms, the Aṉangu always hold a majority on the management board. There are 12 people on the board.
 eight are from the Aṉangu community
 one represents the ministry of tourism
 one represents the ministry of the environment
 one represents the Northern Territory government
 the Director of National Parks, who represents Parks Australia
The Director of National Parks is the only permanent seat. All the others sit for five years, and then new people are chosen. All choices have to be approved by the Aṉangu. The staff that work in the park every day are from Parks Australia. This team is overseen by a general park manager, who reports to the Director.

Tjukurpa, the Aṉangu legal code, makes up the basis for the park's management. It says how to deal with problems, and sets penalties for people who break the rules. The Aṉangu have used the Australian legal system to enforce tjukurpa and protect their sacred values. Sacred sites are registered under Territory law; it is against the law for visitors to enter them. Laws also protect traditional designs from being copied. Aṉangu have the right to forage and hunt in the park.

Related pages
 List of World Heritage Sites in Australia

References

Notes

Bibliography

Other websites

 Uluru-Kata Tjuta National Park, Department of the Environment
 World heritage listing for Uluru-Kata Tjuta National Park
 Uluru Kata Tjuta & surrounds , Travel Northern Territory
 A report on the Uluru-Kata Tjuta National Park, Sacred Land Film Project
  List of biosphere reserves which are wholly or partially world heritage sites

National parks in Australia
Protected areas of the Northern Territory
Pitjantjatjara

Uluṟu-Kata Tjuṯa National Park


James Buchanan "Bucky" Barnes is a fictional character in comic books published by Marvel Comics. The character was first introduced as a sidekick to Captain America. The character was created by Joe Simon and Jack Kirby. He first appeared in Captain America Comics #1 (cover-dated March 1941). That comic was published by Marvel's predecessor, Timely Comics. Barnes' original costume (or one based on it) and the Bucky nickname has been used by other heroes in the Marvel Universe over the years. The character is an American Soldier turned Soviet spy and assassin. He was recruited to the U.S. Army during World War II after being a ward of the state. He fought alongside his best friend, Captain America, the "Sentinel of Liberty" and the Invaders, and together they helped the Allies win the war. Bucky was believed to be dead near the end of the war, only to have been found and brainwashed by the Soviets led by Vasily Karpov, who made him the Winter Soldier. He was sent on clandestine missions and committed some of the worst assassinations over the next 50 years. His memory was returned to him decades later and he became the new Captain America after Steve Rogers was seemingly murdered and also joined the Avengers. When Steve returned, he took up the identity of the Winter Soldier once again. The character has been a superhero, supervillain and a side kick over the years

Marvel Cinematic Universe

The character is played by Romanian-American actor Sebastian Stan in the Marvel Cinematic Universe. He is in the movies Captain America: The First Avenger (2011), Captain America: The Winter Soldier (2014), Ant-Man (2015), Captain America: Civil War (2016), Black Panther (2018), Avengers: Infinity War (2018) and Avengers: Endgame (2019). He is also in the Disney+ miniseries The Falcon and the Winter Soldier (2021) and the animated series What If...? (2021). He has been announced to be in the upcoming movie,Thunderbolts (2024).

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Bucky Barnes


A hernia (: hernias or herniae, from Latin, meaning 'rupture') is the abnormal exit of tissue or an organ, such as the bowel, through the wall of the cavity in which it normally resides. The term is also used for the normal development of the intestinal tract, referring to the retraction of the intestine from the extra-embryonal navel coelom into the abdomen in the healthy embryo at about 7½ weeks. Various types of hernias can occur, most commonly involving the abdomen, and specifically the groin. Groin hernias are most commonly inguinal hernias but may also be femoral hernias. Other types of hernias include hiatus, incisional, and umbilical hernias. Symptoms are present in about 66% of people with groin hernias. This may include pain or discomfort in the lower abdomen, especially with coughing, exercise, or urinating or defecating. Often, it gets worse throughout the day and improves when lying down. A bulge may appear at the site of hernia, that becomes larger when bending down. Groin hernias occur more often on the right than left side. The main concern is bowel strangulation, where the blood supply to part of the bowel is blocked. This usually produces severe pain and tenderness in the area. Hiatus, or hiatal hernias often result in heartburn but may also cause chest pain or pain while eating.

Risk factors for the development of a hernia include smoking, chronic obstructive pulmonary disease, obesity, pregnancy, peritoneal dialysis, collagen vascular disease and previous open appendectomy, among others. Predisposition to hernias is genetic and occur more often in certain families. Deleterious mutations causing predisposition to hernias seem to have dominant inheritance (especially for men). It is unclear if groin hernias are associated with heavy lifting. Hernias can often be diagnosed based on signs and symptoms. Occasionally, medical imaging is used to confirm the diagnosis or rule out other possible causes. The diagnosis of hiatus hernias is often by endoscopy.

Groin hernias that do not cause symptoms in males do not need to be repaired. Repair, however, is generally recommended in women due to the higher rate of femoral hernias, which have more complications. If strangulation occurs, immediate surgery is required. Repair may be done by open surgery, laparoscopic surgery, or robotic-assisted surgery. Open surgery has the benefit of possibly being done under local anesthesia rather than general anesthesia. Laparoscopic surgery generally has less pain following the procedure. A hiatus hernia may be treated with lifestyle changes such as raising the head of the bed, weight loss and adjusting eating habits. The medications H2 blockers or proton pump inhibitors may help. If the symptoms do not improve with medications, a surgery known as laparoscopic Nissen fundoplication may be an option.

About 27% of males and 3% of females develop a groin hernia at some point in their lives. Inguinal, femoral and abdominal hernias were present in 18.5 million people and resulted in 59,800 deaths in 2015. Groin hernias occur most often before the age of 1 and after the age of 50. It is not known how commonly hiatus hernias occur, with estimates in North America varying from 10% to 80%. The first known description of a hernia dates back to at least 1550 BC, in the Ebers Papyrus from Egypt.

Signs and symptoms

Symptoms and signs vary depending on the type of hernia. By far the most common hernias develop in the  abdomen when a weakness in the abdominal wall evolves into a localized hole, or "defect", through which adipose tissue, or abdominal organs covered with peritoneum, may protrude. Another common hernia involves the spinal discs and causes sciatica. A hiatus hernia occurs when the stomach protrudes into the mediastinum through the esophageal opening in the diaphragm.

Hernias might manifest with pain in the area, a noticeable lump, or less specific symptoms caused by pressure on an organ stuck within the hernia, potentially leading to organ dysfunction. Typically, fatty tissue is the initial entrant into a hernia, but it might also involve an organ. Hernias are caused by a disruption or opening in the fascia, or fibrous tissue, which forms the abdominal wall. It is possible for the bulge associated with a hernia to come and go, but the defect in the tissue will persist.

Symptoms may or may not be present in some inguinal hernias. In the case of reducible hernias, a bulge in the groin or in another abdominal area can often be seen and felt. When standing, such a bulge becomes more obvious. Besides the bulge, other symptoms include pain in the groin that may also include a heavy or dragging sensation, and in men, there is sometimes pain and swelling in the scrotum around the testicular area.

Irreducible abdominal hernias or incarcerated hernias may be painful, but their most relevant symptom is that they cannot return to the abdominal cavity when pushed in. They may be chronic, although painless, and can lead to strangulation (loss of blood supply), obstruction (kinking of intestine), or both. Strangulated hernias are always painful and pain is followed by tenderness. Nausea, vomiting, or fever may occur in these cases due to bowel obstruction. Also, the hernia bulge, in this case, may turn red, purple or dark and pink.

In the diagnosis of abdominal hernias, imaging is the principal means of detecting internal diaphragmatic and other nonpalpable or unsuspected hernias. Multidetector CT (MDCT) can show with precision the anatomic site of the hernia sac, the contents of the sac, and any complications. MDCT also offers clear detail of the abdominal wall allowing wall hernias to be identified accurately.

Complications
Complications may arise post-operation, including rejection of the mesh that is used to repair the hernia. In the event of a mesh rejection, the mesh will very likely need to be removed. Mesh rejection can be detected by obvious, sometimes localized swelling and pain around the mesh area. Continuous discharge from the scar is likely for a while after the mesh has been removed.

A surgically treated hernia can lead to complications such as inguinodynia, while an untreated hernia may be complicated by:
 Inflammation
 Obstruction of any lumen, such as bowel obstruction in intestinal hernias
 Strangulation
 Hydrocele of the hernial sac
 Hemorrhage
 Autoimmune problems
 Irreducibility or incarceration, in which it cannot be reduced, or pushed back into place, at least not without very much external effort. In intestinal hernias, this also substantially increases the risk of bowel obstruction and strangulation.

Causes
Causes of hiatus hernia vary depending on each individual. Among the multiple causes, however, are the mechanical causes which include: improper heavy weight lifting, hard coughing bouts, sharp blows to the abdomen, and incorrect posture.

Furthermore, conditions that increase the pressure of the abdominal cavity may also cause hernias or worsen the existing ones. Some examples would be: obesity, straining during a bowel movement or urination (constipation, enlarged prostate), chronic lung disease, and also, fluid in the abdominal cavity (ascites).

Also, if muscles are weakened due to poor nutrition, smoking, and overexertion, hernias are more likely to occur.

The physiological school of thought contends that in the case of inguinal hernia, the above-mentioned are only an anatomical symptom of the underlying physiological cause. They contend that the risk of hernia is due to a physiological difference between patients who have hernia and those who do not, namely the presence of aponeurotic extensions from the transversus abdominis aponeurotic arch.

Abdominal wall hernia may occur due to trauma. If this type of hernia is due to blunt trauma it is an emergency condition and could be associated with various solid organs and hollow viscus injuries.

Diagnosis

Inguinal

By far the most common hernias (up to 75% of all abdominal hernias) are inguinal hernias, which are further divided into the more common indirect inguinal hernia (2/3, depicted here), in which the inguinal canal is entered via a congenital weakness at its entrance (the internal inguinal ring), and the direct inguinal hernia type (1/3), where the hernia contents push through a weak spot in the back wall of the inguinal canal. Inguinal hernias are the most common type of hernia in both men and women. In some selected cases, they may require surgery.

There are special cases where a direct and indirect hernia appear together. A pantaloon hernia (or saddlebag hernia) is a combined direct and indirect hernia when the hernial sac protrudes on either side of the inferior epigastric vessels.

Additionally, though very rare, two or more indirect hernias may appear together such as in a double indirect hernia.

Femoral

Femoral hernias occur just below the inguinal ligament, when abdominal contents pass into the weak area at the posterior wall of the femoral canal. They can be hard to distinguish from the inguinal type (especially when ascending cephalad): however, they generally appear more rounded, and, in contrast to inguinal hernias, there is a strong female preponderance in femoral hernias. The incidence of strangulation in femoral hernias is high. Repair techniques are similar for femoral and inguinal hernia.

A Cooper's hernia is a femoral hernia with two sacs, the first being in the femoral canal, and the second passing through a defect in the superficial fascia and appearing almost immediately beneath the skin.

Umbilical

They involve protrusion of intra-abdominal contents through a weakness at the site of passage of the umbilical cord through the abdominal wall.
Umbilical hernias in adults are largely acquired, and are more frequent in obese or pregnant women. Abnormal decussation of fibers at the linea alba may be a contributing factor.

Incisional

An incisional hernia occurs when the defect is the result of an incompletely healed surgical wound. When these occur in median laparotomy incisions in the linea alba, they are termed ventral hernias. These can be the most frustrating and difficult to treat, as the repair utilizes already attenuated tissue. These occur in about 13% of people at 2 years following surgery.

Diaphragmatic

Higher in the abdomen, an (internal) "diaphragmatic hernia" results when part of the stomach or intestine protrudes into the chest cavity through a defect in the diaphragm.

A hiatus hernia is a particular variant of this type, in which the normal passageway through which the esophagus meets the stomach (esophageal hiatus) serves as a functional "defect", allowing part of the stomach to (periodically) "herniate" into the chest. Hiatus hernias may be either "sliding", in which the gastroesophageal junction itself slides through the defect into the chest, or non-sliding (also known as para-esophageal), in which case the junction remains fixed while another portion of the stomach moves up through the defect. Non-sliding or para-esophageal hernias can be dangerous as they may allow the stomach to rotate and obstruct. Repair is usually advised.

A congenital diaphragmatic hernia is a distinct problem, occurring in up to 1 in 2000 births, and requiring pediatric surgery. Intestinal organs may herniate through several parts of the diaphragm, posterolateral (in Bochdalek's triangle (lumbocostal triangle), resulting in a Bochdalek hernia), or anteromedial-retrosternal (in the cleft of foramina of Morgagni (sternocostal triangle), resulting in a Morgagni's hernia).

Other hernias
Since many organs or parts of organs can herniate through many orifices, it is very difficult to give an exhaustive list of hernias, with all synonyms and eponyms. The above article deals mostly with "visceral hernias", where the herniating tissue arises within the abdominal cavity. Other hernia types and unusual types of visceral hernias are listed below, in alphabetical order:
Abdominal wall hernias:
Umbilical hernia
Epigastric hernia: a hernia through the linea alba above the umbilicus.
Spigelian hernia, also known as spontaneous lateral ventral hernia
Amyand's hernia: containing the appendix vermiformis within the hernia sac
Brain herniation, sometimes referred to as brain hernia, is a potentially deadly side effect of very high intracranial pressure that occurs when a part of the brain is squeezed across structures within the skull.
Broad ligament hernia, of the uterus.
Double indirect hernia: an indirect inguinal hernia with two hernia sacs, without a concomitant direct hernia component (as seen in a pantaloon hernia).
Hiatus hernia: a hernia due to "short oesophagus" — insufficient elongation — stomach is displaced into the thorax
Littre's hernia: a hernia involving a Meckel's diverticulum. It is named after the French anatomist Alexis Littré (1658–1726).
Lumbar hernia: a hernia in the lumbar region (not to be confused with a lumbar disc hernia), contains the following entities:
Petit's hernia: a hernia through Petit's triangle (inferior lumbar triangle). It is named after French surgeon  Jean Louis Petit (1674–1750).
Grynfeltt's hernia: a hernia through Grynfeltt-Lesshaft triangle (superior lumbar triangle). It is named after physician Joseph Grynfeltt (1840–1913).
Maydl's hernia: two adjacent loops of small intestine are within a hernial sac with a tight neck. The intervening portion of bowel within the abdomen is deprived of its blood supply and eventually becomes necrotic.
Obturator hernia: hernia through obturator canal

Parastomal hernias, which is when tissue protrudes adjacent to a stoma tract.
Paraumbilical hernia: a type of umbilical hernia occurring in adults
Perineal hernia: a perineal hernia protrudes through the muscles and fascia of the perineal floor. It may be primary but usually is acquired following perineal prostatectomy, abdominoperineal resection of the rectum, or pelvic exenteration.
Properitoneal hernia: rare hernia located directly above the peritoneum, for example, when part of inguinal hernia projects from the deep inguinal ring to the preperitoneal space.
Retrocolic hernia: entrapment of portions of the small intestine behind the mesocolon.
Richter's hernia: a hernia involving only one sidewall of the bowel, which can result in bowel strangulation leading to perforation through ischaemia without causing bowel obstruction or any of its warning signs. It is named after German surgeon August Gottlieb Richter (1742–1812).
Sliding hernia: occurs when an organ drags along part of the peritoneum, or, in other words, the organ is part of the hernia sac. The colon and the urinary bladder are often involved. The term also frequently refers to sliding hernias of the stomach.
Sciatic hernia: this hernia in the greater sciatic foramen most commonly presents as an uncomfortable mass in the gluteal area. Bowel obstruction may also occur. This type of hernia is only a rare cause of sciatic neuralgia.
Sports hernia: a hernia characterized by chronic groin pain in athletes and a dilated superficial inguinal ring.
Tibialis anterior hernia: can present as a bulge in the shins. Pain on rest, walking, or during exercise may occur. The bulge can typically not be present unless pressure or flexing of the leg occurs.
Velpeau hernia: a hernia in the groin in front of the femoral blood vessels

Treatment

Truss

The benefits of the use of an external device to maintain reduction of the hernia without repairing the underlying defect (such as hernia trusses, trunks, belts, etc.) are unclear.

Surgery
Surgery is recommended for some types of hernias to prevent complications such as obstruction of the bowel or strangulation of the tissue, although umbilical hernias and hiatus hernias may be watched, or are treated with medication. Most abdominal hernias can be surgically repaired, but surgery has complications. Time needed for recovery after treatment is reduced if hernias are operated on laparoscopically. However, open surgery can be done sometimes without general anesthesia. Robot-assisted hernia surgery has also recently gained popularity as safe alternatives to open surgery. Robotic surgery for inguinal hernia repair shows outcomes comparable to laparoscopic surgery. The rates of overall complications, long-lasting postoperative pain, urinary retention, and 30-day re-admission are very similar between these two methods. Just like in other areas of general surgery, it has been noted that robotic surgery for inguinal hernia repair takes more time in the operating room compared to the laparoscopic approach.

Uncomplicated hernias are principally repaired by pushing back, or "reducing", the herniated tissue, and then mending the weakness in muscle tissue (an operation called herniorrhaphy). If complications have occurred, the surgeon will check the viability of the herniated organ and remove part of it if necessary.

Muscle reinforcement techniques often involve synthetic materials (a mesh prosthesis). The mesh is placed either over the defect (anterior repair) or under the defect (posterior repair). At times staples are used to keep the mesh in place. These mesh repair methods are often called "tension free" repairs because, unlike some suture methods (e.g., Shouldice), muscle is not pulled together under tension. However, this widely used terminology is misleading, as there are many tension-free suture methods that do not use mesh (e.g., Desarda, Guarnieri, Lipton-Estrin, etc.).

Evidence suggests that tension-free methods (with or without mesh) often have lower percentage of recurrences and the fastest recovery period compared to tension suture methods. However, among other possible complications, prosthetic mesh usage seems to have a higher incidence of chronic pain and can also cause infections.

The frequency of surgical correction ranges from 10 per 100,000 (U.K.) to 28 per 100,000 (U.S.).

Some complications from surgery in order of prevalence include a seroma/hematoma formation, urinary retention, neuralgias, testicular pain/swelling, mesh infection/wound infection, and recurrence. A seroma is often seen after an indirect hernia repair and resolves spontaneously over 4–6 weeks. To prevent a seroma it's important to reduce the amount of cutting around the hernia sac where it's connected to the cord structures. Additionally, securely attaching the hernia sac to the pubic bone and creating small openings in the tissue around a direct hernia can help. In cases of heavy bleeding or extensive cutting, certain surgeons may opt to insert a drain. Urinary retention is often seen in elderly patients, these patients can be catheterized prior to surgery if there is a risk.

Recovery
Many patients are managed through day surgery centers and are able to return to work within a week or two, though intense activities are prohibited for a longer period. People who have their hernias repaired with mesh often recover within a month, but pain can last longer. Surgical complications may include pain that lasts more than three months, surgical site infections, nerve and blood vessel injuries, injury to nearby organs, and hernia recurrence. Pain that lasts more than three months occurs in about 10% of people following hernia repair.

Epidemiology
About 27% of males and 3% of females develop a groin hernia at some time in their lives. In 2013 about 25 million people had a hernia. Inguinal, femoral and abdominal hernias resulted in 32,500 deaths globally in 2013 and 50,500 in 1990. Healthcare costs associated with abdominal wall hernias account for an annual expenditure of approximately 2.5 to 3 billion dollars.

References

External links

Disorders of fascia
Congenital disorders of musculoskeletal system

Wikipedia medicine articles ready to translate
Acute pain
Wikipedia emergency medicine articles ready to translate

Hernia


The Chorus Lady is a 1915 American comedy silent film directed by Frank Reicher. The screenplay was by Marion Fairfax and James Forbes. The film stars Cleo Ridgely, Marjorie Daw, Wallace Reid, Richard Grey and Mrs. Lewis McCord.

It is based on a book and play of the same name, written in 1906 by James Forbes, written in 1906 for Rose Stahl.

The film was released on October 18, 1915, by Paramount Pictures. It was remade in 1924 by Ralph Ince.

Plot

Patricia O'Brian is engaged to Danny Mallory, a detective whose ambition is to own a farm and leave the Broadway life for the countryside. Patricia, on the other hand, is a chorus girl and, knowing the theater environment, tries to keep Nora, her younger sister, away from her. The girl, with a head full of crickets for the celebrity world, attracts the attention of Dicky Crawford, a patron of the womanizing arts who gets her a part in a show. Nora falls in love and Patricia tries to distract Crawford's interest from her sister by flirting with him. During the dress rehearsal, Patricia is chosen to replace the first sick actress. But, while in the dressing room, he sees a note that Nora is preparing to go to Crawford's apartment. Half dressed, he rushes to stop her, leaving the theater as he is, throwing on only a coat over the petticoat. At Crawford's house, the man tells her he is only interested in her. The two, however, are surprised by Danny who, working as an investigator for Crawford's wife, is looking for evidence to nail the man so that his wife can get a divorce. Having found his girlfriend wearing only underwear under her coat, Danny doesn't want to hear Patricia's protests of innocence. Only later, when Pat is about to be evicted, do the two manage to talk and clarify. Reconciled, they marry, moving to the countryside with Nora and her new boyfriend, a young stage assistant in love with her.

Cast
Cleo Ridgely as Patricia O'Brian
Marjorie Daw as Nora O'Brian
Wallace Reid as Danny Mallory
Richard Grey as Dicky Crawford
Mrs. Lewis McCord as Landlady

Preservation status
The film is now lost.

References

External links

1915 films
1910s English-language films
Silent American comedy films
1915 comedy films
Paramount Pictures films
American black-and-white films
Lost American comedy films
American silent feature films
English-language comedy films
Films directed by Frank Reicher
1910s American films

The Chorus Lady


Rodger Maus (September 15, 1932 – March 16, 2017) was an American art director and production designer. He was the art director for 103 episodes (1973–1978) of the 251 episode television series M*A*S*H.

He shared an Emmy award in 1995 for Outstanding Individual Achievement in Art Direction for a Miniseries or a Special for episode 1 of the 1994 miniseries Scarlett. He was nominated for an Academy Award in the category Best Art Direction for the film Victor/Victoria.

Selected filmography
 Victor/Victoria (1982)

References

External links

1932 births
2017 deaths
American art directors
American production designers
Primetime Emmy Award winners

Rodger Maus


Farren Ray (born 23 March 1986) is a former professional Australian rules footballer who played for the Western Bulldogs, St Kilda Football Club and North Melbourne Football Club in the Australian Football League (AFL).

Playing career

Career with Western Bulldogs (2004–2008)
Ray was recruited from Peel Thunder with the fourth pick in the 2003 AFL Draft. He debuted in 2004, playing seven games. He then played 14 games in the 2005 season followed by 21 in the 2006 season. At the end of 2006 he played his first two finals matches, in the first he gathered his highest possession count for the season with 27 touches.

Ray left the Western Bulldogs at the end of the 2008 season to look for opportunities elsewhere. He feared there could be limited opportunities at the club and was disappointed to be dropped after the qualifying final loss to Hawthorn. He has said that he had to move to give himself the opportunity to become a regular senior footballer. There were question marks on his decision making and willingness to strongly contest the ball. During the 2008 trade week he was traded along with the Round 3 draft pick, number 48 overall, to St Kilda for their Round 2 pick, number 31 overall.

St Kilda (2009–2015)
After a trade to the Saints which involved the swapping of selection 31 (Jordan Roughead) for selection 48 (Nicholas Heyne), most expected Ray to be a fringe player who could add some handy depth to the side. But he exceeded all expectations, playing in all of the Saints' 22 home and away games plus all finals in his first season at the club. He was only one of two players at the Saints to do so, the other being defender Jason Blake.

Ray was a valuable contributor for the Saints throughout 2009. His first match against his previous club was successful, gaining 31 disposals and 11 marks and probably only shaded for best on ground honours by teammate Brendon Goddard in the Saints' 28 point win.

Ray played in 22 of 22 matches in the 2009 home and away rounds in which St Kilda qualified in first position for the finals series, winning the club's third minor premiership.

St Kilda qualified for the 2009 AFL Grand Final after qualifying and preliminary finals wins. Ray played in the grand final in which St Kilda were defeated by 12 points.

Ray played 25 games in 2010, including four finals matches. As of the end of the 2010 season, he had played in 10 finals series matches including three grand finals.

Ray was delisted in October 2015, however St Kilda stated that he might be redrafted in the 2016 rookie draft if available.

North Melbourne (2016)
Ray was recruited by  in the 2016 rookie draft. He retired at the end of the 2016 season after just four games with North Melbourne.

References

External links

Footy Wire biography

St Kilda Football Club players
Western Bulldogs players
1986 births
Living people
Peel Thunder Football Club players
Australian rules footballers from Western Australia
Werribee Football Club players
People from Mandurah
Sandringham Football Club players
North Melbourne Football Club players

Farren Ray


The Bennett Bunn Plantation is a historic farm near Zebulon, North Carolina, a suburb of Raleigh. The plantation, located beside US 264 in eastern Wake County, consists of a two-story house, built in 1833, barns, and  of farmland and forests. The property was owned by generations of the Bunn family until 2000 when Grace Hutchins, great-granddaughter of Bennet Bunn, sold the property for $1.9 million (~$ in ). The home is still used as a private residence and was listed on the National Register of Historic Places in February 1986.

Bennett Bunn inherited the land from his father in the 1820s. He lived in a log cabin on the property until he had raised enough money to construct the house. With the use of 16 enslaved people, Bunn grew wheat and corn, and raised livestock. Each generation left the property to the youngest daughter. After Hutchins inherited the land, she renovated the house by installing electricity and plumbing, as well as adding a kitchen, sunroom, and bathrooms.

The Bennett Bunn house is an example of Federal architecture, a popular style for homes during the Antebellum period of the South. The driveway is lined with cedar trees that were planted in the 1920s by Alac and Avon Bunn.

During the Civil War, a robber threw a torch through a front window of the house. The mark left by the torch hitting the floor is still visible. A mantel clock that was given to the Bunns by a Union soldier is displayed in the house. The soldier had looted the clock from another location and was tired of carrying it.

A memorial to two enslaved people who died in the 1860s, Simon Bunn and Joni Piedelle, is written on one of the walls. Five enslaved people who worked at the Bunn plantation are buried in a small cemetery on the property.

See also
 List of Registered Historic Places in North Carolina

References

Plantation houses in North Carolina
Houses on the National Register of Historic Places in North Carolina
Houses completed in 1833
Federal architecture in North Carolina
Houses in Wake County, North Carolina
National Register of Historic Places in Wake County, North Carolina

Bennett Bunn Plantation


Foot fetishism, also known as foot partialism or podophilia, is a pronounced sexual interest in feet. It is the most common form of sexual fetishism for otherwise non-sexual objects or body parts.

Characteristics and related fetishes
Foot fetishism has been defined as a pronounced sexual interest in feet. For a foot fetishist, points of attraction may include the shape and size of feet, feet soles, toes, jewelry (e.g., toe rings, anklets, etc.), treatments (such as massaging, washing partner's feet or painting partner's toenails), state of dress (e.g., barefoot, flip flops, boat shoes, ballet flats, sandals, high heels, hosiery, socked feet, etc.), foot odor or sensory interaction (e.g., rubbing the foot, smelling,  tickling, licking, rubbing genitals on foot, etc.).

Extensions of this fetish include shoes, socks, olfactophilia (odor fetishism) and tickling. Sigmund Freud also considered foot binding as a form of fetishism, although this view was disputed.

Odor fetishism (pertaining to the smell of feet) seems to play a major role in foot fetishism, and is closely related to it: in a 1994 study, 45% of those with a foot fetish were found to be aroused by smelly socks or feet, making it one of the most widespread forms of olfactophilia.

In extreme cases, an individual with a pronounced sexual interest in feet could possibly be diagnosed with fetishism disorder (characterized by the eroticization of non-living objects and body parts) if they are in adherence with the following symptoms:' Experiencing recurrent sexually arousing fantasies, urges, or behaviors involving the use of non-living objects over a period of at least six months.
 These fantasies, urges or behaviors cause significant distress in a social, occupational or personal environment.
 The fetish objects are not limited to  articles of clothing  or devices used for genital stimulation.

Relative frequency
To estimate the relative frequency of fetishes, in 2006 researchers at the University of Bologna examined 381 Internet discussions of fetish groups, in which at least 5,000 people had been participating. Researchers estimated the prevalence of different fetishes based on the following elements:

 (a) the number of discussion groups devoted to a particular fetish;
 (b) the number of individuals participating in the groups;
 (c) the number of messages exchanged.

It was concluded that the most common fetishes were for body parts or for objects usually associated with body parts (33% and 30%, respectively). Among those people preferring body parts, feet and toes were preferred by the greatest number, with 47% of those sampled preferring them. Among those people preferring objects related to body parts, 32% were in groups related to footwear (shoes, boots, etc.).

Foot fetishism is the most common form of sexual fetish related to the body.

In August 2006, AOL released a database of the search terms submitted by their subscribers. In ranking only those phrases that included the word "fetish", it was found that the most common search was for feet.

Foot fetishism may be more common in men than in women. Researchers using a polling agency to conduct a survey of the general Belgian population in 2017 found that 76 of the 459 male respondents (17%) and 23 of the 565 female respondents (4%) answered "Agree" or "Strongly agree" to a fetish interest in feet.

Causes
Similar to other forms of sexual fetishism, no consensus has yet been established about the specific causes of foot fetishism. While many works on the topic exist, their conclusions are often regarded as highly speculative. In a general sense, sexual fetishism can be caused by a number of factors, no singular cause for any type of fetishism has been conclusively established.

The cortical homunculus (also known as Penfield's Homunculus), a map of the human brain illustrating respective locations for where different parts of the body are processed, shows a possible link between the feet and toes to the genitalia. There exists controversy regarding this neural crosslink, as some medical professionals have been known to question the simplicity of the map in comparison to reality.

Foot fetishism may be caused by the feet and the genitals occupying adjacent areas of the somatosensory cortex, possibly entailing some neural crosstalk between the two. Neuroscientist V. S. Ramachandran proposed that an accidental link between these regions could explain the prevalence of foot fetishism.

Desmond Morris considered foot fetishism the result of mal-imprinting at an early age, the tactile pressure of a foot/shoe being important in this. Freud's reading of foot fetishism also involved early imprinting, but he considered the smell of feet significant in this, as well as the foot as a penis-symbol/surrogate (castration complex, especially when encountered while voyeuristically exploring the female body from below).  Otto Fenichel similarly saw castration fear as significant in foot fetishism, citing a future fetishist who as an adolescent said to himself "You must remember this throughout life – that girls, too, have legs", to protect himself from the fear. Where fear of the (castrated) female body is too great, desire is felt not for shoes on female feet but for women's shoes alone, without women.

Georges Bataille saw the lure of the feet as linked to their anatomical baseness (abjection).

Health and disease
Some researchers have hypothesized that foot fetishism increases as a response to epidemics of sexually transmitted diseases. In one study, conducted by A James Giannini at Ohio State University, an increased interest in feet as sexual objects was observed during the great gonorrhea epidemic of twelfth-century Europe, and the syphilis epidemics of the 16th and 19th centuries in Europe. In the same study, the frequency of foot-fetish depictions in pornographic literature was measured over a 30-year interval. An exponential increase was noted during the period of the current AIDS epidemic. In these cases, sexual footplay was viewed as a safe sex alternative. However, the researchers noted that these epidemics overlapped periods of relative female emancipation.

Society and culture
Some of the earliest recorded instances of foot fetishism occur in the erotic poems To a Barefoot Woman and To a Barefoot Boy attributed to the Ancient Greek writer Philostratus.Levin, Daniel B. (2005) EPATON BAMA ('Her Lovely Footstep'): The Erotics of Feet in Ancient Greece. The Hindu god Shiva was aroused by the sight of Parvati's feet in the eighth-century text Skanda Purana. Another reference to the fetish is made by Bertold of Regensburg in 1220. F. Scott Fitzgerald was described by a mistress as a foot fetishist, and himself referred to a "Freudian shame about his feet".

Actor Idris Elba has confirmed in interviews since 2013 that he has a foot fetish, for example in 2016 telling UK Esquire "I've got a foot fetish. Women's feet", and again answering the question in the affirmative while connected to a polygraph for Vanity Fair in 2019. Other celebrities who have mentioned having some variation of foot fetish include Brooke Burke, Enrique Iglesias, Tommy Lee, Ludacris, Ricky Martin and Todd Phillips.
See also

 Body odour and sexual attraction
 Boot fetishism
 Boot worship
 Crush fetish
 Footjob
 Hand fetishism
 Partialism
 Shoe fetishism

References

Further reading
Havelock Ellis (1936), Studies in the Psychology of Sex, Vol. II, New York: Random House
William Rossi (1989), The Sex Life of the Foot and Shoe'', Malabar: Krieger Publishing Company.

External links

Foot
Paraphilias
Sexual fetishism

Foot fetishism


Contrast set learning is a form of association rule learning that seeks to identify meaningful differences between separate groups by reverse-engineering the key predictors that identify for each particular group. For example, given a set of attributes for a pool of students (labeled by degree type), a contrast set learner would identify the contrasting features between students seeking bachelor's degrees and those working toward PhD degrees.

Overview

A common practice in data mining is to classify, to look at the attributes of an object or situation and make a guess at what category the observed item belongs to. As new evidence is examined (typically by feeding a training set to a learning algorithm), these guesses are refined and improved. Contrast set learning works in the opposite direction. While classifiers read a collection of data and collect information that is used to place new data into a series of discrete categories, contrast set learning takes the category that an item belongs to and attempts to reverse engineer the statistical evidence that identifies an item as a member of a class. That is, contrast set learners seek rules associating attribute values with changes to the class distribution. They seek to identify the key predictors that contrast one classification from another.

For example, an aerospace engineer might record data on test launches of a new rocket. Measurements would be taken at regular intervals throughout the launch, noting factors such as the trajectory of the rocket, operating temperatures, external pressures, and so on. If the rocket launch fails after a number of successful tests, the engineer could use contrast set learning to distinguish between the successful and failed tests. A contrast set learner will produce a set of association rules that, when applied, will indicate the key predictors of each failed tests versus the successful ones (the temperature was too high, the wind pressure was too high, etc.).

Contrast set learning is a form of association rule learning. Association rule learners typically offer rules linking attributes commonly occurring together in a training set (for instance, people who are enrolled in four-year programs and take a full course load tend to also live near campus). Instead of finding rules that describe the current situation, contrast set learners seek rules that differ meaningfully in their distribution across groups (and thus, can be used as predictors for those groups). For example, a contrast set learner could ask, "What are the key identifiers of a person with a bachelor's degree or a person with a PhD, and how do people with PhD's and bachelor's degrees differ?"

Standard classifier algorithms, such as C4.5, have no concept of class importance (that is, they do not know if a class is "good" or "bad"). Such learners cannot bias or filter their predictions towards certain desired classes. As the goal of contrast set learning is to discover meaningful differences between groups, it is useful to be able to target the learned rules towards certain classifications. Several contrast set learners, such as MINWAL or the family of TAR algorithms, assign weights to each class in order to focus the learned theories toward outcomes that are of interest to a particular audience. Thus, contrast set learning can be thought of as a form of weighted class learning.

Example: Supermarket Purchases

The differences between standard classification, association rule learning, and contrast set learning can be illustrated with a simple supermarket metaphor. In the following small dataset, each row is a supermarket transaction and each "1" indicates that the item was purchased (a "0" indicates that the item was not purchased):

Given this data,
 Association rule learning may discover that customers that buy onions and potatoes together are likely to also purchase hamburger meat.
 Classification may discover that customers that bought onions, potatoes, and hamburger meats were purchasing items for a cookout.
 Contrast set learning may discover that the major difference between customers shopping for a cookout and those shopping for an anniversary dinner are that customers acquiring items for a cookout purchase onions, potatoes, and hamburger meat (and do not purchase foie gras or champagne).

Treatment learning

Treatment learning is a form of weighted contrast-set learning that takes a single desirable group and contrasts it against the remaining undesirable groups (the level of desirability is represented by weighted classes). The resulting "treatment" suggests a set of rules that, when applied, will lead to the desired outcome.

Treatment learning differs from standard contrast set learning through the following constraints:
 Rather than seeking the differences between all groups, treatment learning specifies a particular group to focus on, applies a weight to this desired grouping, and lumps the remaining groups into one "undesired" category.
 Treatment learning has a stated focus on minimal theories. In practice, treatment are limited to a maximum of four constraints (i.e., rather than stating all of the reasons that a rocket differs from a skateboard, a treatment learner will state one to four major differences that predict for rockets at a high level of statistical significance).

This focus on simplicity is an important goal for treatment learners. Treatment learning seeks the smallest change that has the greatest impact on the class distribution.

Conceptually, treatment learners explore all possible subsets of the range of values for all attributes. Such a search is often infeasible in practice, so treatment learning often focuses instead on quickly pruning and ignoring attribute ranges that, when applied, lead to a class distribution where the desired class is in the minority.

Example: Boston housing data

The following example demonstrates the output of the treatment learner TAR3 on a dataset of housing data from the city of Boston (a nontrivial public dataset with over 500 examples). In this dataset, a number of factors are collected for each house, and each house is classified according to its quality (low, medium-low, medium-high, and high). The desired class is set to "high", and all other classes are lumped together as undesirable.

The output of the treatment learner is as follows:

 Baseline class distribution:
 low: 29%
 medlow: 29%
 medhigh: 21%
 high: 21%

 Suggested Treatment: [PTRATIO=[12.6..16), RM=[6.7..9.78)]

 New class distribution:
 low: 0%
 medlow: 0%
 medhigh: 3%
 high: 97%

With no applied treatments (rules), the desired class represents only 21% of the class distribution. However, if one filters the data set for houses with 6.7 to 9.78 rooms and a neighborhood parent-teacher ratio of 12.6 to 16, then 97% of the remaining examples fall into the desired class (high-quality houses).

Algorithms

There are a number of algorithms that perform contrast set learning. The following subsections describe two examples.

STUCCO

The STUCCO contrast set learner treats the task of learning from contrast sets as a tree search problem where the root node of the tree is an empty contrast set. Children are added by specializing the set with additional items picked through a canonical ordering of attributes (to avoid visiting the same nodes twice). Children are formed by appending terms that follow all existing terms in a given ordering. The formed tree is searched in a breadth-first manner. Given the nodes at each level, the dataset is scanned and the support is counted for each group. Each node is then examined to determine if it is significant and large, if it should be pruned, and if new children should be generated. After all significant contrast sets are located, a post-processor selects a subset to show to the user - the low order, simpler results are shown first, followed by the higher order results which are "surprising and significantly different."

The support calculation comes from testing a null hypothesis that the contrast set support is equal across all groups (i.e., that contrast set support is independent of group membership). The support count for each group is a frequency value that can be analyzed in a contingency table where each row represents the truth value of the contrast set and each column variable indicates the group membership frequency. If there is a difference in proportions between the contrast set frequencies and those of the null hypothesis, the algorithm must then determine if the differences in proportions represent a relation between variables or if it can be attributed to random causes. This can be determined through a chi-square test comparing the observed frequency count to the expected count.

Nodes are pruned from the tree when all specializations of the node can never lead to a significant and large contrast set. The decision to prune is based on:
 The minimum deviation size: The maximum difference between the support of any two groups must be greater than a user-specified threshold.
 Expected cell frequencies: The expected cell frequencies of a contingency table can only decrease as the contrast set is specialized. When these frequencies are too small, the validity of the chi-square test is violated.
  bounds: An upper bound is kept on the distribution of a statistic calculated when the null hypothesis is true. Nodes are pruned when it is no longer possible to meet this cutoff.

TAR3

The TAR3 weighted contrast set learner is based on two fundamental concepts - the lift and support of a rule set.

The lift of a set of rules is the change that some decision makes to a set of examples after imposing that decision (i.e., how the class distribution shifts in response to the imposition of a rule). TAR3 seeks the smallest set of rules which induces the biggest changes in the sum of the weights attached to each class multiplied by the frequency at which each class occurs. The lift is calculated by dividing the score of the set in which the set of rules is imposed by the score of the baseline set (i.e., no rules are applied). Note that by reversing the lift scoring function, the TAR3 learner can also select for the remaining classes and reject the target class.

It is problematic to rely on the lift of a rule set alone. Incorrect or misleading data noise, if correlated with failing examples, may result in an overfitted rule set. Such an overfitted model may have a large lift score, but it does not accurately reflect the prevailing conditions within the dataset. To avoid overfitting, TAR3 utilizes a support threshold and rejects all rules that fall on the wrong side of this threshold. Given a target class, the support threshold is a user-supplied value (usually 0.2) which is compared to the ratio of the frequency of the target class when the rule set has been applied to the frequency of that class in the overall dataset. TAR3 rejects all sets of rules with support lower than this threshold.

By requiring both a high lift and a high support value, TAR3 not only returns ideal rule sets, but also favors smaller sets of rules. The fewer rules adopted, the more evidence that will exist supporting those rules.

The TAR3 algorithm only builds sets of rules from attribute value ranges with a high heuristic value. The algorithm determines which ranges to use by first determining the lift score of each attribute's value ranges. These individual scores are then sorted and converted into a cumulative probability distribution. TAR3 randomly selects values from this distribution, meaning that low-scoring ranges are unlikely to be selected. To build a candidate rule set, several ranges are selected and combined. These candidate rule sets are then scored and sorted. If no improvement is seen after a user-defined number of rounds, the algorithm terminates and returns the top-scoring rule sets.

References

Data management
Data mining

Contrast set learning


South African cuisine reflects the diverse range of culinary traditions embodied by the various communities that inhabit the country. Among the indigenous peoples of South Africa, the Khoisan foraged over 300 species of edible food plants, such as the rooibos shrub legume, whose culinary value continues to exert a salient influence on South African cuisine. Subsequent encounters with Bantu pastoralists facilitated the emergence of cultivated crops and domestic cattle, which supplemented traditional Khoisan techniques of meat preservation. In addition, Bantu-speaking communities forged an extensive repertoire of culinary ingredients and dishes, many of which are still consumed today in traditional settlements and urban entrepôts alike.

History
The San peoples were hunter-gatherers, who mostly depended on foods like tortoises, crayfish, coconuts and squash. Agriculture was introduced to South Africa by the Bantu peoples, who continue in the cultivation of grain, starch fruit and root tubers — in the manner of maize, squash and sweet potatoes, following their introduction in the Columbian exchange, displacing the production of many Old World food crops. Although mabele (Red Sorghum) and madumbe (Cocoyam, taro, or arrowroot) continue to be widely enjoyed and cultivated.

By the 17th century, Dutch and British foodways brought via European immigration resulted in further culinary diffusion. The Cape Malay community founded a distinctive diasporic cuisine, derived largely from South East Asian culinary traditions, while Afrikaner voortrekkers further inland adapted Dutch, Khoisan, Cape Malay and Bantu foodways to accommodate their peripatetic lifestyle. In addition, French Huguenot refugees, many of whom settled in Franschhoek, played an instrumental role in developing South Africa's viticultural industry.

During the period of British colonial rule, immigrants from Asia, many of whom arrived as indentured laborers in the 19th century, further enriched the culinary oeuvre of South Africa. In particular, Indian South Africans brought a wealth of spices, seasonings and dishes, historically associated with Kwa-Zulu Natal, although Indian cuisine is currently widely available across South Africa and consumed by all ethnic groups.

Disinvestments and sanctions imposed on South Africa during apartheid stifled the country's culinary output. At this time shebeens, situated in urban townships, became very popular and often served as non-formal community centers, especially for black South Africans who pursued their cultural and culinary traditions. Following the end of apartheid, South African cuisine witnessed a renaissance, with diverse culinary options available in most of the country's major cities catering to tourists, expatriates and local residents. In addition, South African ingredients and dishes have attained greater visibility worldwide, owing to the burgeoning South African diaspora.

Indigenous cookery
In the precolonial period, indigenous cuisine was characterised by the use of a very wide range of foods including fruits, nuts, bulbs, leaves and other products gathered from wild plants and by the hunting of wild game. The introduction of domestic cattle and grain crops by Bantu speakers who arrived in the southern regions from north-east Africa since 200 AD and the spread of cattle keeping to Khoisan groups enabled products and the availability of fresh meat on demand.

The pre-colonial diet consisted primarily of cooked grains, especially sorghum and millet, fermented milk (somewhat like yogurt) and roasted or stewed meat. At some point, maize replaced sorghum as the primary grain, and there is some dispute as to whether maize, a Central American crop, arrived with European settlers (notably the Portuguese) or spread through Africa before white settlements via Africans returning from the Americas during the era of the slave trade.

People also kept sheep and goats, and communities often organised vast hunts for the abundant game, but the beef was considered the absolutely most important and high-status meat. The ribs of any cattle that were slaughtered in many communities were so prized that they were offered to the chief of the village.

In many ways, the daily food of South African families can be traced to the indigenous foods that their ancestors ate. A typical meal in a Bantu-speaking, South African household is a stiff, fluffy porridge of maize meal (called pap, and very similar to American grits) with a flavorful stewed meat gravy. Traditional rural families (and many urban ones) often ferment their pap for a few days—especially if it is sorghum instead of maize—which gives it a tangy flavour. The Sotho-Tswana call this fermented pap, ting.

Vegetables used are often some sort of pumpkin, varieties of which are indigenous to South Africa, although now many people eat pumpkins that originated in other countries. Rice and beans are also very popular although they are not indigenous. Another common vegetable dish, which arrived in South Africa with its many Irish immigrants, but which has been adopted by South Africans, is shredded cabbage and white potatoes cooked with butter.

For many South Africans meat is the center of any meal. The Khoisan ate roasted meat, and they also dried meat for later use. The influence of their diet is reflected in the common Southern African love of barbecue (generally called in South Africa by its Afrikaans name, a braai) and biltong (dried preserved meat). As in the past, when men kept cattle as their prized possession in the rural areas, South Africans have a preference for beef.

Today, South Africans enjoy not only beef, but mutton, goat, chicken and other meats as a centerpiece of a meal. On weekends, many South African families have a braai, and the meal usually consists of pap en vleis, which is maize meal and grilled meat. Eating meat even has a ritual significance in both traditional and modern South African culture.

In Bantu culture, for weddings, initiations, the arrival of family members after a long trip and other special occasions, families will buy a live animal and slaughter it at home, and then prepare a large meal for the community or neighbourhood. Participants often say that spilling the blood of the animal on the ground pleases the ancestors who invisibly gather around the carcass. On holiday weekends, entrepreneurs will set up pens of live animals along the main roads of townships—mostly sheep and goats—for families to purchase, slaughter, cook and eat. Beef being the most prized meat for weddings, affluent families often purchase a live steer for slaughter at home.

Non-indigenous cookery

During the pioneering days of the 17th century, new foods such as biltong, droëwors and rusks evolved locally out of necessity.

British cookery

South Africa was a colony of the British Empire and has strong influences from United Kingdom. As British people settled in South Africa they brought their cuisine, which influenced South African cuisine.

Sunday roast is as popular in South Africa as Australia, Canada and New Zealand where there are influences from UK. But in South Africa, yorkshire pudding is replaced by gravy sauce and rice.

Fish and chips are also popular in South Africa. There are many 'Chipshops' which sell Fish and Chips. Fish and chip shops have dynamic ways to sell such as vendors or vans. Hakes and snoeks are considered as fishes to fry.

Cape Dutch and Cape Malay cookery

A very distinctive regional style of South African cooking is often referred to as "Cape Dutch". This cuisine is characterised mainly by the usage of spices such as nutmeg, allspice and chili peppers. The Cape Dutch cookery style owes at least as much to the cookery of the slaves brought by the Dutch East India Company to the Cape from Bengal, Java and Malaysia as it does to the European styles of cookery imported by settlers from the Netherlands, and this is reflected in the use of eastern spices and the names given to many of these dishes.

The Cape Malay influence has brought spicy curries, sambals, pickled fish, and a variety of fish stews.

Bobotie is a South African dish that has Cape Malay origins. It consists of spiced minced meat baked with an egg-based topping. Of the many dishes common to South Africa, bobotie is perhaps closest to being the national dish, because it is not commonly found in any other country.  The recipe originates from the Dutch East India Company colonies in Batavia, with the name derived from the Indonesian bobotok. It is also made with curry powder, leaving it with a slight tang. It is often served with sambal, a hint of its origins from the Malay Archipelago.

South African yellow rice, a sweet dish made with turmeric, raisins, cinnamon and sugar, also has its origins in Cape Malay cookery, and is often referred to as Cape Malay yellow rice.

French cookery

French Huguenot refugees brought wines as well as their traditional recipes from France.

Indian cookery

Curried dishes are popular in South Africa among people of all ethnic origins; many dishes came to the country with the thousands of Indian indentured labourers brought to South Africa in the nineteenth century. South African Indian cuisine has contributed to South African cooking with a wide variety of dishes and culinary practices, including a variety of curries, sweets, chutneys, fried snacks such as samoosas, and other savoury foods.

Bunny chow, a dish from Durban ("the largest 'Indian' city outside of India"), consisting of a hollowed-out loaf of bread filled with curry, has been adapted into mainstream South African cuisine. In the townships surrounding Pretoria, the capital, and Johannesburg, this sandwich is often referred to as Spatlo.

Beverages

Beer has been an important beverage in South Africa for hundreds of years among indigenous people long before colonisation and the arrival of Europeans with their own beer drinking traditions. Traditional beer was brewed from local grains, especially sorghum. Beer was so prized that it became central to many ceremonies, like betrothals and weddings, in which one family ceremoniously offered beer to the other family.

Unlike European beer, South African traditional beer was unfiltered and cloudy and had a low alcohol content. Around the turn of the 1900s, when white-owned industry began studying malnutrition among urban workers, it was discovered that traditional beer provided crucial vitamins sometimes not available in the grain-heavy traditional diet and even less available in urban industrial slums.

When South Africa's mines were developed and black South Africans began to urbanise, women moved to the city also, and began to brew beer for the predominantly male labour force—a labour force that was mostly either single or who had left their wives back in the rural areas under the migrant labour system. That tradition of urban women making beer for the labour force persists in South Africa to the extent that informal bars and taverns (shebeens) are typically owned by women (shebeen queens).

Today, most urban dwellers buy beer manufactured by industrial breweries that make beer that is like beer one would buy in Europe and America, but rural people and recent immigrants to the city still enjoy the cloudy, unfiltered traditional beer.

Comparable to an American or western European diet, milk and milk products are very prominent in the traditional Black South African diet.  As cows were considered extremely desirable domestic animals in precolonial times, milk was abundant. In the absence of refrigeration, various kinds of soured milk, somewhat like yogurt, were a dietary mainstay. A visitor to any African village in the 1800s would have been offered a large calabash of cool fermented milk as a greeting.

Because milk cows allowed women to wean their children early and become fertile more quickly, local cultures had a number of sayings connecting cattle, milk and population growth, such as the Sotho-Tswana saying, "cattle beget children."

Today, in the dairy section of South Africa's supermarkets, one will find a variety of kinds of milk, sour milk, sour cream, and other modern versions of traditional milk products.

Restaurants and outlets

South Africa can be said to have a significant "eating out" culture. While there are some restaurants that specialise in traditional South African dishes or modern interpretations thereof, restaurants featuring other cuisines such as Moroccan, Chinese, West African, Congolese, and Japanese can be found in all of the major cities and many of the larger towns. There are also many home-grown chain restaurants, such as Spur and Dulce Café.

There is also a proliferation of fast-food restaurants in South Africa. While some international players such as Kentucky Fried Chicken and McDonald's are active in the country, they face stiff competition from local chains such as Nando's, Galito's, Steers, Chicken Licken, Barcelos, Fat Cake City and King Pie. Many of the restaurant chains originating from South Africa have also expanded successfully outside the borders of the country. Also, Starbucks is present in the country.

Typical South African foods and dishes

Savoury

Game and meats
Afrikaans
 Biltong—dried meat (typically seasoned with coriander seeds and salt). Although the meat used is most commonly beef, different variants also exist using springbok, kudu, eland, chicken and ostrich.
 Boerewors—a sausage that is traditionally braaied (barbecued).
 Droëwors—translates to dried sausage and is made like boerewors, but park meat is left out. It is dried the same way as biltong is.
 Frikkadels—usually baked, but sometimes deep-fried, meatballs.
 Bokkoms—whole, salted and dried mullet.
 Skilpadjies—lamb's liver wrapped in netvet and braaied over hot coals.
 Smoked or braaied snoek—a regional gamefish.
 Sosatie—kebab, grilled marinated meat on a skewer.
 Amanqina—chicken feet, cow feet, pig feet, lamb feet and sheep feet, usually consumed with pap or as a delicacy. When cooking, just add water and salt.
 Walkie Talkies—grilled or deep-fried chicken feet and beaks. Another dish is a cooked pigs head known as a "smiley", most popular in townships and sold by street vendors, sometimes in industrial areas with high concentrations of workers.
 Ostrich—an increasingly popular protein source, as it has low cholesterol content, used in a stew or filleted and grilled.

Meals
Tsonga and Venda
 Mashonja/Matamani—made from Mopani worms

Afrikaans

 Gesmoorde vis—salted cod or snoek with potatoes and tomato sauce, sometimes served with apricot, grapes or moskonfyt.
 Hoenderpastei—chicken pot pie, traditional Afrikaans fare.

 Kaiings—made from lamb tail or lamb flank cut into small cubes, and cooked in a cast-iron pot over a slow fire. Kaiings resemble cracklings, though the skin is not as puffy and crispy as a crackling, and a small piece of protein is usually left on the skin and fat. They are a chewy traditional Boer delicacy often served as a topping over pap or with honey.
 Mielie-meal—a staple food, often used in baking but predominantly cooked into pap or Ugali
 Oepsies—a starter made on a braai. Similar to the American devils on horseback but exclusively made with cherries wrapped in bacon and battered with barbeque sauce.
 Paptert—a tart used as a side dish for a braai. Made from pap, cheese, canned tomatoes and bacon. Both modern and traditional.
 Potjiekos—a traditional Afrikaans stew, made with meat and vegetables and cooked over coals in cast-iron pots.
 Tomato bredie—a lamb and tomato stew.
 Waterblommetjiebredie (water flower stew)—meat stewed with the flower of the Cape pondweed.

Indian
 Biryani—a mixed rice dish originating among the Muslims of the Indian subcontinent.
 Bunny chow—curry stuffed into a hollowed-out loaf of bread, often called Kota by the locals (usually those of African descent) who sometimes, instead of curry, fill the bread with slap chips (French fries), a slice of polony (bologna), cheese, and atchar (South Asian pickle) and other fillings and spices.
 Durban curry—more spicy than the Cape Malay version. Usually mutton is used and the most common spices used are cayenne pepper, paprika, cinnamon, cumin and fennel. Potatoes and carrots are sometimes also used.

Malay
 Bobotie—a dish of Malay descent, is like meatloaf with raisins and with baked egg on top, and is often served with yellow rice, sambals, coconut, banana slices, and chutney.
 Cape Malay curry—a curry most often made with chicken and spiced with mild masala. Spices include cinnamon, ginger, cardamom, cayenne pepper, coriander, garlic, turmeric, bay leaves, and fenugreek.

Zulu, Xhosa and Sotho
 Dombolo—dumplings, usually steamed in a pot.
 Isidudu—soft porridge made from ground corn known as "mealie meal".
 Mala mogodu—a local dish similar to tripe, usually eaten with hot pap and spinach.
 Iinkobe—summer salad made with boiled corn.
 Sigwaqani—boiled beans mixed with mealie-meal.
 Mqhavunyeko—wet corn mixed with beans.
 Trotters and beans—from the Cape, made from boiled pig's or sheep's trotters and onions and beans.
 Ugali—maize porridge in South Africa, traditional porridge/polenta and a staple food of the African peoples
 Umngqusho—a  dish made from white maize and sugar beans, a staple food for the Xhosa people.
 Umphokoqo—an African salad made of maize meal.
 Umvubo—sour milk mixed with dry pap, commonly eaten by the Xhosa.
 Inhloko/Smiley—a boiled stew of a cow or sheep's head, usually served with phuthu.

Breads
Afrikaans

 Braaibroodjie—a  sandwich consisting of two slices of bread with a filling of sliced tomato, cheese, onion, South African peach chutney (traditionally Mrs. H.S. Balls) seasoned with salt and pepper. The braaibroodjie is placed in a folding braai grid (gridiron) and slowly grilled over medium-hot coals until the cheese melts and the bread is browned.
 Gatsby—a sandwich popular in Cape Town, a long roll with fillings of anything ranging from polony (bologna) to chicken or steak and hot chips.
 Potbrood (pot bread or boerbrood)—savoury bread baked over coals in cast-iron pots.
Indian
 Samosa, or samoosa—a savoury stuffed Indian pastry that is fried.
 Kota, skhambane (also known as bunny chow)—a sandwich, quarter-loaf of bread usually stuffed with polony (bologna), cheese, atchar (South Asian pickle) and chips (French fries).

Relishes
 Chakalaka—a spicy South African vegetable relish.
 blatjang, or Mrs Balls Chutney, a sweet sauce made from fruit that is usually poured on meat.
 Monkey gland sauce—made of chopped onion, garlic and ginger, with a combination of chutney, soy sauce, mustard, Worcestershire sauce, ketchup, and wine (there are no monkeys involved.)

Fruits and plants
 Makataan—a wild fruit that grows in the Kalahari desert. It is soaked in limewater overnight (to remove the bitter taste) before processing into a jam known as Makataan konfyt.
 Marula—the yellow fruit of a local tree. This fruit is eaten and beloved by both the people and animals. Amarula liqueur is made from this fruit. The ripe fruit lying on the ground is processed into jams, wine and beer. Many local communities depend on this fruit for extra income. The jam is enjoyed with roosterkoek and on version steaks, such as kudu.
 Morogo—spinach-like wild plant sometimes seen as a weed. Traditionally boiled and served with pap, or dried in small lumps for extended shelf life. The traditional Afrikaner/Boer preparation usually incorporates onion, potato, or both.

Sweet

 Hertzoggie—a tartlet with an apricot jam filling and dried coconut meringue topping.
 Koeksisters—come in two forms and are a sweet delicacy among all South Africans. Afrikaans koeksisters are twisted pastries, deep fried and strongly sweetened. Koeksisters found in the Cape Flats are sweet and spicy, shaped like large eggs, and deep fried.
 Malva pudding—a sweet spongy apricot pudding of Dutch origin.
 Melktert—a milk-based tart or dessert.
 Melkkos—a traditional South African dish. Served as a standalone dish for supper and for lunch in some instances. (Famous traditional cookbooks such as the "Kook en Geniet" don't refer to this a dessert though).
 Mealie-bread—a sweet bread baked with sweetcorn.
 Mosbolletjies—a sweet bun made with aniseed and a grape juice leavening agent from the wine-making region of South Africa. Baked twice to make mosbeskuit.
 Pampoenkoekies (pumpkin fritters)—flour has been supplemented with or replaced by pumpkin. Some variants are patatkoekie (sweet-potato fritter), aartappelkoekie (potato fritter), ryskoekie (rice fritter), where pumpkin is replaced with either sweet potato, potato or rice.
 Peppermint crisp tart—a traditional fridge tart made with peppermint crisp chocolate, caramel treat, Tennis biscuits and fresh cream.
 Rusks—a rectangular, hard, dry biscuit eaten after being dunked in tea or coffee; they are either home-baked or shop-bought (with the most popular brand being Ouma Rusks).
 Vetkoek (fat cake, doughnut, Amagwinya《 in isiXhosa 》)—deep-fried dough balls, typically stuffed with meat or served with snoek fish or jam.

Drinks

 Amasi—fermented milk.
 Boeber—a traditional Cape Malay sweet milk drink, made with vermicelli, sago, sugar, and flavoured with cardamom, stick cinnamon and rose water.
 Mafi—fermented milk, often consumed with pap or by itself.
 Mageu—a drink made from fermented mealie pap.
 Rooibos—a herbal tea indigenous to South Africa.
 Umqombothi—a type of beer made from fermented maize and sorghum.

See also

 Amarula
 List of African cuisines
 Malay cuisine
 Indian cuisine
 Dutch cuisine
 South African wine

Footnotes

References

Citations

 Coetzee, Renata, 1977. The South African Culinary Tradition, C. Struik Publishers, Cape Town, South Africa.
 Leipoldt, C. Louis, 1976. Leipoldt's Cape Cookery, Fleesch and Partners, Cape Town, South Africa.
 Van Wyk, B. and Gericke, N., 2000. People's plants: A guide to useful plants of Southern Africa, Briza, Pretoria, South Africa.
 Wylie, D., 2001. Starving on a Full Stomach: Hunger and the Triumph of Cultural Racism in Modern South Africa, University of Virginia Press, Charlottesville, VA., United States of America.
 Routledge Encyclopaedia of Africa – Farming

Sources
Basemzanzi, B., & Moroka, T. 2004. South African indigenous foods : a collection of recipes of indigenous foods . Pretoria, IndiZAFoods.

External links

 South African cuisine – International Marketing Council of South Africa web site
 Food tourism
 DBFOODS.ORG
 Johannesburg Restaurants

Southern African cuisine

pt:Cultura da África do Sul#Culinária

South African cuisine