Anthropology is the scientific study of humanity, concerned with human behavior, human biology, cultures, societies, and linguistics, in both the present and past, including past human species. Social anthropology studies patterns of behavior, while cultural anthropology studies cultural meaning, including norms and values. A portmanteau term sociocultural anthropology is commonly used today. Linguistic anthropology studies how language influences social life. Biological or physical anthropology studies the biological development of humans.

Archaeological anthropology, often termed as "anthropology of the past," studies human activity through investigation of physical evidence. It is considered a branch of anthropology in North America and Asia, while in Europe, archaeology is viewed as a discipline in its own right or grouped under other related disciplines, such as history and palaeontology.

Etymology
The abstract noun anthropology is first attested in reference to history. Its present use first appeared in Renaissance Germany in the works of Magnus Hundt and Otto Casmann. Their Neo-Latin  derived from the combining forms of the Greek words ánthrōpos (, "human") and lógos (, "study"). Its adjectival form appeared in the works of Aristotle. It began to be used in English, possibly via French , by the early 18th century.

Origin and development of the term

Through the 19th century
In 1647, the Bartholins, early scholars of the University of Copenhagen, defined  as follows:

Sporadic use of the term for some of the subject matter occurred subsequently, such as the use by Étienne Serres in 1839 to describe the natural history, or paleontology, of man, based on comparative anatomy, and the creation of a chair in anthropology and ethnography in 1850 at the French National Museum of Natural History by Jean Louis Armand de Quatrefages de Bréau. Various short-lived organizations of anthropologists had already been formed. The Société Ethnologique de Paris, the first to use the term ethnology, was formed in 1839 and focused on methodically studying human races. After the death of its founder, William Frédéric Edwards, in 1842, it gradually declined in activity until it eventually dissolved in 1862.

Meanwhile, the Ethnological Society of New York, currently the American Ethnological Society, was founded on its model in 1842, as well as the Ethnological Society of London in 1843, a break-away group of the Aborigines' Protection Society. These anthropologists of the times were liberal, anti-slavery, and pro-human-rights activists. They maintained international connections.

Anthropology and many other current fields are the intellectual results of the comparative methods developed in the earlier 19th century. Theorists in such diverse fields as anatomy, linguistics, and ethnology, making feature-by-feature comparisons of their subject matters, were beginning to suspect that similarities between animals, languages, and folkways were the result of processes or laws unknown to them then. For them, the publication of Charles Darwin's On the Origin of Species was the epiphany of everything they had begun to suspect. Darwin himself arrived at his conclusions through comparison of species he had seen in agronomy and in the wild.

Darwin and Wallace unveiled evolution in the late 1850s. There was an immediate rush to bring it into the social sciences. Paul Broca in Paris was in the process of breaking away from the Société de biologie to form the first of the explicitly anthropological societies, the Société d'Anthropologie de Paris, meeting for the first time in Paris in 1859. When he read Darwin, he became an immediate convert to Transformisme, as the French called evolutionism. His definition now became "the study of the human group, considered as a whole, in its details, and in relation to the rest of nature".

Broca, being what today would be called a neurosurgeon, had taken an interest in the pathology of speech. He wanted to localize the difference between man and the other animals, which appeared to reside in speech. He discovered the speech center of the human brain, today called Broca's area after him. His interest was mainly in Biological anthropology, but a German philosopher specializing in psychology, Theodor Waitz, took up the theme of general and social anthropology in his six-volume work, entitled Die Anthropologie der Naturvölker, 1859–1864. The title was soon translated as "The Anthropology of Primitive Peoples". The last two volumes were published posthumously.

Waitz defined anthropology as "the science of the nature of man". Following Broca's lead, Waitz points out that anthropology is a new field, which would gather material from other fields, but would differ from them in the use of comparative anatomy, physiology, and psychology to differentiate man from "the animals nearest to him". He stresses that the data of comparison must be empirical, gathered by experimentation. The history of civilization, as well as ethnology, are to be brought into the comparison. It is to be presumed fundamentally that the species, man, is a unity, and that "the same laws of thought are applicable to all men".

Waitz was influential among British ethnologists. In 1863, the explorer Richard Francis Burton and the speech therapist James Hunt broke away from the Ethnological Society of London to form the Anthropological Society of London, which henceforward would follow the path of the new anthropology rather than just ethnology. It was the 2nd society dedicated to general anthropology in existence. Representatives from the French Société were present, though not Broca. In his keynote address, printed in the first volume of its new publication, The Anthropological Review, Hunt stressed the work of Waitz, adopting his definitions as a standard. Among the first associates were the young Edward Burnett Tylor, inventor of cultural anthropology, and his brother Alfred Tylor, a geologist. Previously Edward had referred to himself as an ethnologist; subsequently, an anthropologist.

Similar organizations in other countries followed: The Anthropological Society of Madrid (1865), the American Anthropological Association in 1902, the Anthropological Society of Vienna (1870), the Italian Society of Anthropology and Ethnology (1871), and many others subsequently. The majority of these were evolutionists. One notable exception was the Berlin Society for Anthropology, Ethnology, and Prehistory (1869) founded by Rudolph Virchow, known for his vituperative attacks on the evolutionists. Not religious himself, he insisted that Darwin's conclusions lacked empirical foundation.

During the last three decades of the 19th century, a proliferation of anthropological societies and associations occurred, most independent, most publishing their own journals, and all international in membership and association. The major theorists belonged to these organizations. They supported the gradual osmosis of anthropology curricula into the major institutions of higher learning. By 1898, 48 educational institutions in 13 countries had some curriculum in anthropology. None of the 75 faculty members were under a department named anthropology.

20th and 21st centuries
Anthropology studies as a specialized field of academic study, however much developed through the end of the 19th century, then rapidly expanded beginning in the early 20th century to the point where many of the world's higher educational institutions typically included anthropology departments, with many thousands having come into existence. Anthropology has diversified from a few major subdivisions to dozens more. Practical anthropology, the use of anthropological knowledge and technique to solve specific problems, has arrived; for example, the presence of buried victims might stimulate the use of a forensic archaeologist to recreate the final scene. The organization has reached a global level. For example, the World Council of Anthropological Associations (WCAA), "a network of national, regional and international associations that aims to promote worldwide communication and cooperation in anthropology", currently contains members from about three dozen nations.

Since the work of Franz Boas and Bronisław Malinowski in the late 19th and early 20th centuries, social anthropology in Great Britain and cultural anthropology in the US have been distinguished from other social sciences by their emphasis on cross-cultural comparisons, long-term in-depth examination of context, and the importance they place on participant-observation or experiential immersion in the area of research. Cultural anthropology, in particular, has emphasized cultural relativism, holism, and the use of findings to frame cultural critiques. This has been particularly prominent in the United States, from Boas' arguments against 19th-century racial ideology, through Margaret Mead's advocacy for gender equality and sexual liberation, to current criticisms of post-colonial oppression and promotion of multiculturalism. Ethnography is one of its primary research designs as well as the text that is generated from anthropological fieldwork.

In Great Britain and the Commonwealth countries, the British tradition of social anthropology tends to dominate. In the United States, anthropology has traditionally been divided into the four field approach developed by Franz Boas in the early 20th century: biological or physical anthropology; social, cultural, or sociocultural anthropology; and archaeological anthropology; plus linguistic anthropology. These fields frequently overlap but tend to use different methodologies and techniques.

European countries with overseas colonies tended to practice more ethnology (a term coined and defined by Adam F. Kollár in 1783). It is sometimes referred to as sociocultural anthropology in the parts of the world that were influenced by the European tradition.

Fields

Anthropology is a global discipline involving humanities, social sciences and natural sciences. Anthropology builds upon knowledge from natural sciences, including the discoveries about the origin and evolution of Homo sapiens, human physical traits, human behavior, the variations among different groups of humans, how the evolutionary past of Homo sapiens has influenced its social organization and culture, and from social sciences, including the organization of human social and cultural relations, institutions, social conflicts, etc. Early anthropology originated in Classical Greece and Persia and studied and tried to understand observable cultural diversity, such as by Al-Biruni of the Islamic Golden Age. As such, anthropology has been central in the development of several new (late 20th century) interdisciplinary fields such as cognitive science, global studies, and various ethnic studies.

According to Clifford Geertz,

Sociocultural anthropology has been heavily influenced by structuralist and postmodern theories, as well as a shift toward the analysis of modern societies. During the 1970s and 1990s, there was an epistemological shift away from the positivist traditions that had largely informed the discipline. During this shift, enduring questions about the nature and production of knowledge came to occupy a central place in cultural and social anthropology. In contrast, archaeology and biological anthropology remained largely positivist. Due to this difference in epistemology, the four sub-fields of anthropology have lacked cohesion over the last several decades.

Sociocultural

Sociocultural anthropology draws together the principal axes of cultural anthropology and social anthropology. Cultural anthropology is the comparative study of the manifold ways in which people make sense of the world around them, while social anthropology is the study of the relationships among individuals and groups. Cultural anthropology is more related to philosophy, literature and the arts (how one's culture affects the experience for self and group, contributing to a more complete understanding of the people's knowledge, customs, and institutions), while social anthropology is more related to sociology and history. In that, it helps develop an understanding of social structures, typically of others and other populations (such as minorities, subgroups, dissidents, etc.). There is no hard-and-fast distinction between them, and these categories overlap to a considerable degree.

Inquiry in sociocultural anthropology is guided in part by cultural relativism, the attempt to understand other societies in terms of their own cultural symbols and values. Accepting other cultures in their own terms moderates reductionism in cross-cultural comparison. This project is often accommodated in the field of ethnography. Ethnography can refer to both a methodology and the product of ethnographic research, i.e. an ethnographic monograph. As a methodology, ethnography is based upon long-term fieldwork within a community or other research site. Participant observation is one of the foundational methods of social and cultural anthropology. Ethnology involves the systematic comparison of different cultures. The process of participant-observation can be especially helpful to understanding a culture from an emic (conceptual, vs. etic, or technical) point of view.

The study of kinship and social organization is a central focus of sociocultural anthropology, as kinship is a human universal. Sociocultural anthropology also covers economic and political organization, law and conflict resolution, patterns of consumption and exchange, material culture, technology, infrastructure, gender relations, ethnicity, childrearing and socialization, religion, myth, symbols, values, etiquette, worldview, sports, music, nutrition, recreation, games, food, festivals, and language (which is also the object of study in linguistic anthropology).

Comparison across cultures is a key element of method in sociocultural anthropology, including the industrialized (and de-industrialized) West. The Standard Cross-Cultural Sample (SCCS) includes 186 such cultures.

Biological

Biological anthropology and physical anthropology are synonymous terms to describe anthropological research focused on the study of humans and non-human primates in their biological, evolutionary, and demographic dimensions. It examines the biological and social factors that have affected the evolution of humans and other primates, and that generate, maintain or change contemporary genetic and physiological variation.

Archaeological

Archaeology is the study of the human past through its material remains. Artifacts, faunal remains, and human altered landscapes are evidence of the cultural and material lives of past societies. Archaeologists examine material remains in order to deduce patterns of past human behavior and cultural practices. Ethnoarchaeology is a type of archaeology that studies the practices and material remains of living human groups in order to gain a better understanding of the evidence left behind by past human groups, who are presumed to have lived in similar ways.

Linguistic

Linguistic anthropology (not to be confused with anthropological linguistics) seeks to understand the processes of human communications, verbal and non-verbal, variation in language across time and space, the social uses of language, and the relationship between language and culture. It is the branch of anthropology that brings linguistic methods to bear on anthropological problems, linking the analysis of linguistic forms and processes to the interpretation of sociocultural processes. Linguistic anthropologists often draw on related fields including sociolinguistics, pragmatics, cognitive linguistics, semiotics, discourse analysis, and narrative analysis.

Ethnography
Ethnography is a method of analysing social or cultural interaction. It often involves participant observation though an ethnographer may also draw from texts written by participants of in social interactions. Ethnography views first-hand experience and social context as important.

Tim Ingold distinguishes ethnography from anthropology arguing that anthropology tries to construct general theories of human experience, applicable in general and novel settings, while ethnography concerns itself with fidelity. He argues that the anthropologist must make his writing consistent with their understanding of literature and other theory, but notes that ethnography may be of use to the anthropologists and the fields inform one another.

Key topics by field: sociocultural

Art, media, music, dance and film

Art

One of the central problems in the anthropology of art concerns the universality of 'art' as a cultural phenomenon. Several anthropologists have noted that the Western categories of 'painting', 'sculpture', or 'literature', conceived as independent artistic activities, do not exist, or exist in a significantly different form, in most non-Western contexts. To surmount this difficulty, anthropologists of art have focused on formal features in objects which, without exclusively being 'artistic', have certain evident 'aesthetic' qualities. Boas' Primitive Art, Claude Lévi-Strauss' The Way of the Masks (1982) or Geertz's 'Art as Cultural System' (1983) are some examples in this trend to transform the anthropology of 'art' into an anthropology of culturally specific 'aesthetics'.

Media

Media anthropology (also known as the anthropology of media or mass media) emphasizes ethnographic studies as a means of understanding producers, audiences, and other cultural and social aspects of mass media. The types of ethnographic contexts explored range from contexts of media production (e.g., ethnographies of newsrooms in newspapers, journalists in the field, film production) to contexts of media reception, following audiences in their everyday responses to media. Other types include cyber anthropology, a relatively new area of internet research, as well as ethnographies of other areas of research which happen to involve media, such as development work, social movements, or health education. This is in addition to many classic ethnographic contexts, where media such as radio, the press, new media, and television have started to make their presences felt since the early 1990s.

Music

Ethnomusicology is an academic field encompassing various approaches to the study of music (broadly defined), that emphasize its cultural, social, material, cognitive, biological, and other dimensions or contexts instead of or in addition to its isolated sound component or any particular repertoire.

Ethnomusicology can be used in a wide variety of fields, such as teaching, politics, cultural anthropology etc. While the origins of ethnomusicology date back to the 18th and 19th centuries, it was formally termed "ethnomusicology" by Dutch scholar Jaap Kunst . Later, the influence of study in this area spawned the creation of the periodical Ethnomusicology and the Society of Ethnomusicology.

Visual

Visual anthropology is concerned, in part, with the study and production of ethnographic photography, film and, since the mid-1990s, new media. While the term is sometimes used interchangeably with ethnographic film, visual anthropology also encompasses the anthropological study of visual representation, including areas such as performance, museums, art, and the production and reception of mass media. Visual representations from all cultures, such as sandpaintings, tattoos, sculptures and reliefs, cave paintings, scrimshaw, jewelry, hieroglyphs, paintings, and photographs are included in the focus of visual anthropology.

Economic, political economic, applied and development

Economic

Economic anthropology attempts to explain human economic behavior in its widest historic, geographic and cultural scope. It has a complex relationship with the discipline of economics, of which it is highly critical. Its origins as a sub-field of anthropology begin with the Polish-British founder of anthropology, Bronisław Malinowski, and his French compatriot, Marcel Mauss, on the nature of gift-giving exchange (or reciprocity) as an alternative to market exchange. Economic Anthropology remains, for the most part, focused upon exchange. The school of thought derived from Marx and known as Political Economy focuses on production, in contrast. Economic anthropologists have abandoned the primitivist niche they were relegated to by economists, and have now turned to examine corporations, banks, and the global financial system from an anthropological perspective.

Political economy

Political economy in anthropology is the application of the theories and methods of historical materialism to the traditional concerns of anthropology, including, but not limited to, non-capitalist societies. Political economy introduced questions of history and colonialism to ahistorical anthropological theories of social structure and culture. Three main areas of interest rapidly developed. The first of these areas was concerned with the "pre-capitalist" societies that were subject to evolutionary "tribal" stereotypes. Sahlin's work on hunter-gatherers as the "original affluent society" did much to dissipate that image. The second area was concerned with the vast majority of the world's population at the time, the peasantry, many of whom were involved in complex revolutionary wars such as in Vietnam. The third area was on colonialism, imperialism, and the creation of the capitalist world-system. More recently, these political economists have more directly addressed issues of industrial (and post-industrial) capitalism around the world.

Applied

Applied anthropology refers to the application of the method and theory of anthropology to the analysis and solution of practical problems. It is a "complex of related, research-based, instrumental methods which produce change or stability in specific cultural systems through the provision of data, initiation of direct action, and/or the formulation of policy". Applied anthropology is the practical side of anthropological research; it includes researcher involvement and activism within the participating community. It is closely related to development anthropology (distinct from the more critical anthropology of development).

Development

Anthropology of development tends to view development from a critical perspective. The kind of issues addressed and implications for the approach involve pondering why, if a key development goal is to alleviate poverty, is poverty increasing? Why is there such a gap between plans and outcomes? Why are those working in development so willing to disregard history and the lessons it might offer? Why is development so externally driven rather than having an internal basis? In short, why does so much planned development fail?

Kinship, feminism, gender and sexuality

Kinship

Kinship can refer both to the study of the patterns of social relationships in one or more human cultures, or it can refer to the patterns of social relationships themselves. Over its history, anthropology has developed a number of related concepts and terms, such as "descent", "descent groups", "lineages", "affines", "cognates", and even "fictive kinship". Broadly, kinship patterns may be considered to include people related both by descent (one's social relations during development), and also relatives by marriage. Within kinship you have two different families. People have their biological families and it is the people they share DNA with. This is called consanguineal relations or "blood ties". People can also have a chosen family in which they chose who they want to be a part of their family. In some cases people are closer with their chosen family more than with their biological families.

Feminist

Feminist anthropology is a four field approach to anthropology (archeological, biological, cultural, linguistic) that seeks to reduce male bias in research findings, anthropological hiring practices, and the scholarly production of knowledge. Anthropology engages often with feminists from non-Western traditions, whose perspectives and experiences can differ from those of white feminists of Europe, America, and elsewhere. From the perspective of the Western world, historically such 'peripheral' perspectives have been ignored, observed only from an outsider perspective, and regarded as less-valid or less-important than knowledge from the Western world. Exploring and addressing that double bias against women from marginalized racial or ethnic groups is of particular interest in intersectional feminist anthropology.

Feminist anthropologists have stated that their publications have contributed to anthropology, along the way correcting against the systemic biases beginning with the "patriarchal origins of anthropology (and (academia)" and note that from 1891 to 1930 doctorates in anthropology went to males more than 85%, more than 81% were under 35, and only 7.2% to anyone over 40 years old, thus reflecting an age gap in the pursuit of anthropology by first-wave feminists until later in life. This correction of systemic bias may include mainstream feminist theory, history, linguistics, archaeology, and anthropology. Feminist anthropologists are often concerned with the construction of gender across societies. Gender constructs are of particular interest when studying sexism.

According to St. Clair Drake, Vera Mae Green was, until "[w]ell into the 1960s", the only African-American female anthropologist who was also a Caribbeanist. She studied ethnic and family relations in the Caribbean as well as the United States, and thereby tried to improve the way black life, experiences, and culture were studied. However, Zora Neale Hurston, although often primarily considered to be a literary author, was trained in anthropology by Franz Boas, and published Tell my Horse about her "anthropological observations" of voodoo in the Caribbean (1938).

Feminist anthropology is inclusive of the anthropology of birth as a specialization, which is the anthropological study of pregnancy and childbirth within cultures and societies.

Medical, nutritional, psychological, cognitive and transpersonal

Medical

Medical anthropology is an interdisciplinary field which studies "human health and disease, health care systems, and biocultural adaptation". It is believed that William Caudell was the first to discover the field of medical anthropology. Currently, research in medical anthropology is one of the main growth areas in the field of anthropology as a whole. It focuses on the following six basic fields:

Other subjects that have become central to medical anthropology worldwide are violence and social suffering (Farmer, 1999, 2003; Beneduce, 2010) as well as other issues that involve physical and psychological harm and suffering that are not a result of illness. On the other hand, there are fields that intersect with medical anthropology in terms of research methodology and theoretical production, such as cultural psychiatry and transcultural psychiatry or ethnopsychiatry.

Nutritional

Nutritional anthropology is a synthetic concept that deals with the interplay between economic systems, nutritional status and food security, and how changes in the former affect the latter. If economic and environmental changes in a community affect access to food, food security, and dietary health, then this interplay between culture and biology is in turn connected to broader historical and economic trends associated with globalization. Nutritional status affects overall health status, work performance potential, and the overall potential for economic development (either in terms of human development or traditional western models) for any given group of people.

Psychological

Psychological anthropology is an interdisciplinary subfield of anthropology that studies the interaction of cultural and mental processes. This subfield tends to focus on ways in which humans' development and enculturation within a particular cultural group – with its own history, language, practices, and conceptual categories – shape processes of human cognition, emotion, perception, motivation, and mental health. It also examines how the understanding of cognition, emotion, motivation, and similar psychological processes inform or constrain our models of cultural and social processes.

Cognitive

Cognitive anthropology seeks to explain patterns of shared knowledge, cultural innovation, and transmission over time and space using the methods and theories of the cognitive sciences (especially experimental psychology and evolutionary biology) often through close collaboration with historians, ethnographers, archaeologists, linguists, musicologists and other specialists engaged in the description and interpretation of cultural forms. Cognitive anthropology is concerned with what people from different groups know and how that implicit knowledge changes the way people perceive and relate to the world around them.

Transpersonal

Transpersonal anthropology studies the relationship between altered states of consciousness and culture. As with transpersonal psychology, the field is much concerned with altered states of consciousness (ASC) and transpersonal experience. However, the field differs from mainstream transpersonal psychology in taking more cognizance of cross-cultural issues – for instance, the roles of myth, ritual, diet, and text in evoking and interpreting extraordinary experiences.

Political and legal

Political

Political anthropology concerns the structure of political systems, looked at from the basis of the structure of societies. Political anthropology developed as a discipline concerned primarily with politics in stateless societies, a new development started from the 1960s, and is still unfolding: anthropologists started increasingly to study more "complex" social settings in which the presence of states, bureaucracies and markets entered both ethnographic accounts and analysis of local phenomena. The turn towards complex societies meant that political themes were taken up at two main levels. Firstly, anthropologists continued to study political organization and political phenomena that lay outside the state-regulated sphere (as in patron-client relations or tribal political organization). Secondly, anthropologists slowly started to develop a disciplinary concern with states and their institutions (and on the relationship between formal and informal political institutions). An anthropology of the state developed, and it is a most thriving field today. Geertz's comparative work on "Negara", the Balinese state, is an early, famous example.

Legal

Legal anthropology or anthropology of law specializes in "the cross-cultural study of social ordering". Earlier legal anthropological research often focused more narrowly on conflict management, crime, sanctions, or formal regulation. More recent applications include issues such as human rights, legal pluralism, and political uprisings.

Public

Public anthropology was created by Robert Borofsky, a professor at Hawaii Pacific University, to "demonstrate the ability of anthropology and anthropologists to effectively address problems beyond the discipline – illuminating larger social issues of our times as well as encouraging broad, public conversations about them with the explicit goal of fostering social change".

Nature, science, and technology

Cyborg

Cyborg anthropology originated as a sub-focus group within the American Anthropological Association's annual meeting in 1993. The sub-group was very closely related to STS and the Society for the Social Studies of Science. Donna Haraway's 1985 Cyborg Manifesto could be considered the founding document of cyborg anthropology by first exploring the philosophical and sociological ramifications of the term. Cyborg anthropology studies humankind and its relations with the technological systems it has built, specifically modern technological systems that have reflexively shaped notions of what it means to be human beings.

Digital

Digital anthropology is the study of the relationship between humans and digital-era technology, and extends to various areas where anthropology and technology intersect. It is sometimes grouped with sociocultural anthropology, and sometimes considered part of material culture. The field is new, and thus has a variety of names with a variety of emphases. These include techno-anthropology, digital ethnography, cyberanthropology, and virtual anthropology.

Ecological

Ecological anthropology is defined as the "study of cultural adaptations to environments". The sub-field is also defined as, "the study of relationships between a population of humans and their biophysical environment". The focus of its research concerns "how cultural beliefs and practices helped human populations adapt to their environments, and how their environments change across space and time. The contemporary perspective of environmental anthropology, and arguably at least the backdrop, if not the focus of most of the ethnographies and cultural fieldworks of today, is political ecology. Many characterize this new perspective as more informed with culture, politics and power, globalization, localized issues, century anthropology and more. The focus and data interpretation is often used for arguments for/against or creation of policy, and to prevent corporate exploitation and damage of land. Often, the observer has become an active part of the struggle either directly (organizing, participation) or indirectly (articles, documentaries, books, ethnographies). Such is the case with environmental justice advocate Melissa Checker and her relationship with the people of Hyde Park.

Environment
Social sciences, like anthropology, can provide interdisciplinary approaches to the environment. Professor Kay Milton, Director of the Anthropology research network in the School of History and Anthropology, describes anthropology as distinctive, with its most distinguishing feature being its interest in non-industrial indigenous and traditional societies. Anthropological theory is distinct because of the consistent presence of the concept of culture; not an exclusive topic but a central position in the study and a deep concern with the human condition. Milton describes three trends that are causing a fundamental shift in what characterizes anthropology: dissatisfaction with the cultural relativist perspective, reaction against cartesian dualisms which obstructs progress in theory (nature culture divide), and finally an increased attention to globalization (transcending the barriers or time/space).

Environmental discourse appears to be characterized by a high degree of globalization. (The troubling problem is borrowing non-indigenous practices and creating standards, concepts, philosophies and practices in western countries.) Anthropology and environmental discourse now have become a distinct position in anthropology as a discipline. Knowledge about diversities in human culture can be important in addressing environmental problems - anthropology is now a study of human ecology. Human activity is the most important agent in creating environmental change, a study commonly found in human ecology which can claim a central place in how environmental problems are examined and addressed. Other ways anthropology contributes to environmental discourse is by being theorists and analysts, or by refinement of definitions to become more neutral/universal, etc. In exploring environmentalism - the term typically refers to a concern that the environment should be protected, particularly from the harmful effects of human activities. Environmentalism itself can be expressed in many ways. Anthropologists can open the doors of environmentalism by looking beyond industrial society, understanding the opposition between industrial and non industrial relationships, knowing what ecosystem people and biosphere people are and are affected by, dependent and independent variables, "primitive" ecological wisdom, diverse environments, resource management, diverse cultural traditions, and knowing that environmentalism is a part of culture.

Historical

Ethnohistory is the study of ethnographic cultures and indigenous customs by examining historical records. It is also the study of the history of various ethnic groups that may or may not exist today. Ethnohistory uses both historical and ethnographic data as its foundation. Its historical methods and materials go beyond the standard use of documents and manuscripts. Practitioners recognize the utility of such source material as maps, music, paintings, photography, folklore, oral tradition, site exploration, archaeological materials, museum collections, enduring customs, language, and place names.

Religion

The anthropology of religion involves the study of religious institutions in relation to other social institutions, and the comparison of religious beliefs and practices across cultures. Modern anthropology assumes that there is complete continuity between magical thinking and religion, and that every religion is a cultural product, created by the human community that worships it.

Urban

Urban anthropology is concerned with issues of urbanization, poverty, and neoliberalism. Ulf Hannerz quotes a 1960s remark that traditional anthropologists were "a notoriously agoraphobic lot, anti-urban by definition". Various social processes in the Western World as well as in the "Third World" (the latter being the habitual focus of attention of anthropologists) brought the attention of "specialists in 'other cultures'" closer to their homes. There are two main approaches to urban anthropology: examining the types of cities or examining the social issues within the cities. These two methods are overlapping and dependent of each other. By defining different types of cities, one would use social factors as well as economic and political factors to categorize the cities. By directly looking at the different social issues, one would also be studying how they affect the dynamic of the city.

Key topics by field: archaeological and biological

Anthrozoology

Anthrozoology (also known as "human–animal studies") is the study of interaction between living things. It is an interdisciplinary field that overlaps with a number of other disciplines, including anthropology, ethology, medicine, psychology, veterinary medicine and zoology. A major focus of anthrozoologic research is the quantifying of the positive effects of human-animal relationships on either party and the study of their interactions. It includes scholars from a diverse range of fields, including anthropology, sociology, biology, and philosophy.

Biocultural

Biocultural anthropology is the scientific exploration of the relationships between human biology and culture. Physical anthropologists throughout the first half of the 20th century viewed this relationship from a racial perspective; that is, from the assumption that typological human biological differences lead to cultural differences. After World War II the emphasis began to shift toward an effort to explore the role culture plays in shaping human biology.

Evolutionary

Evolutionary anthropology is the interdisciplinary study of the evolution of human physiology and human behaviour and the relation between hominins and non-hominin primates. Evolutionary anthropology is based in natural science and social science, combining the human development with socioeconomic factors. Evolutionary anthropology is concerned with both biological and cultural evolution of humans, past and present. It is based on a scientific approach, and brings together fields such as archaeology, behavioral ecology, psychology, primatology, and genetics. It is a dynamic and interdisciplinary field, drawing on many lines of evidence to understand the human experience, past and present.

Forensic

Forensic anthropology is the application of the science of physical anthropology and human osteology in a legal setting, most often in criminal cases where the victim's remains are in the advanced stages of decomposition. A forensic anthropologist can assist in the identification of deceased individuals whose remains are decomposed, burned, mutilated or otherwise unrecognizable. The adjective "forensic" refers to the application of this subfield of science to a court of law.

Palaeoanthropology

Paleoanthropology combines the disciplines of paleontology and physical anthropology. It is the study of ancient humans, as found in fossil hominid evidence such as petrifacted bones and footprints. Genetics and morphology of specimens are crucially important to this field. Markers on specimens, such as enamel fractures and dental decay on teeth, can also give insight into the behaviour and diet of past populations.

Organizations
Contemporary anthropology is an established science with academic departments at most universities and colleges. The single largest organization of anthropologists is the American Anthropological Association (AAA), which was founded in 1903. Its members are anthropologists from around the globe.

In 1989, a group of European and American scholars in the field of anthropology established the European Association of Social Anthropologists (EASA) which serves as a major professional organization for anthropologists working in Europe. The EASA seeks to advance the status of anthropology in Europe and to increase visibility of marginalized anthropological traditions and thereby contribute to the project of a global anthropology or world anthropology.

Hundreds of other organizations exist in the various sub-fields of anthropology, sometimes divided up by nation or region, and many anthropologists work with collaborators in other disciplines, such as geology, physics, zoology, paleontology, anatomy, music theory, art history, sociology and so on, belonging to professional societies in those disciplines as well.

List of major organizations

 American Anthropological Association
 American Ethnological Society
 Asociación de Antropólogos Iberoamericanos en Red, AIBR
 Anthropological Society of London
 Center for World Indigenous Studies
 Ethnological Society of London
 Max Planck Institute for Evolutionary Anthropology
 Network of Concerned Anthropologists
 N.N. Miklukho-Maklai Institute of Ethnology and Anthropology
 Royal Anthropological Institute of Great Britain and Ireland
 Society for Anthropological Sciences
 Society for Applied Anthropology
 USC Center for Visual Anthropology

Ethics
As the field has matured it has debated and arrived at ethical principles aimed at protecting both the subjects of anthropological research as well as the researchers themselves, and professional societies have generated codes of ethics.

Anthropologists, like other researchers (especially historians and scientists engaged in field research), have over time assisted state policies and projects, especially colonialism.

Some commentators have contended:
 That the discipline grew out of colonialism, perhaps was in league with it, and derives some of its key notions from it, consciously or not. (See, for example, Gough, Pels and Salemink, but cf. Lewis 2004).
 That ethnographic work is often ahistorical, writing about people as if they were "out of time" in an "ethnographic present" (Johannes Fabian, Time and Its Other).
 In his article "The Misrepresentation of Anthropology and Its Consequence", Herbert S. Lewis critiqued older anthropological works that presented other cultures as if they were strange and unusual. While the findings of those researchers should not be discarded, the field should learn from its mistakes.

Cultural relativism
As part of their quest for scientific objectivity, present-day anthropologists typically urge cultural relativism, which has an influence on all the sub-fields of anthropology. This is the notion that cultures should not be judged by another's values or viewpoints, but be examined dispassionately on their own terms. There should be no notions, in good anthropology, of one culture being better or worse than another culture.

Ethical commitments in anthropology include noticing and documenting genocide, infanticide, racism, sexism, mutilation (including circumcision and subincision), and torture. Topics like racism, slavery, and human sacrifice attract anthropological attention and theories ranging from nutritional deficiencies, to genes, to acculturation, to colonialism, have been proposed to explain their origins and continued recurrences.

To illustrate the depth of an anthropological approach, one can take just one of these topics, such as "racism" and find thousands of anthropological references, stretching across all the major and minor sub-fields.

Military involvement
Anthropologists' involvement with the U.S. government, in particular, has caused bitter controversy within the discipline. Franz Boas publicly objected to US participation in World War I, and after the war he published a brief exposé and condemnation of the participation of several American archaeologists in espionage in Mexico under their cover as scientists.

But by the 1940s, many of Boas' anthropologist contemporaries were active in the allied war effort against the Axis Powers (Nazi Germany, Fascist Italy, and Imperial Japan). Many served in the armed forces, while others worked in intelligence (for example, Office of Strategic Services and the Office of War Information). At the same time, David H. Price's work on American anthropology during the Cold War provides detailed accounts of the pursuit and dismissal of several anthropologists from their jobs for communist sympathies.

Attempts to accuse anthropologists of complicity with the CIA and government intelligence activities during the Vietnam War years have turned up little. Many anthropologists (students and teachers) were active in the antiwar movement. Numerous resolutions condemning the war in all its aspects were passed overwhelmingly at the annual meetings of the American Anthropological Association (AAA).

Professional anthropological bodies often object to the use of anthropology for the benefit of the state. Their codes of ethics or statements may proscribe anthropologists from giving secret briefings. The Association of Social Anthropologists of the UK and Commonwealth (ASA) has called certain scholarship ethically dangerous. The "Principles of Professional Responsibility" issued by the American Anthropological Association and amended through November 1986 stated that "in relation with their own government and with host governments ... no secret research, no secret reports or debriefings of any kind should be agreed to or given." The current "Principles of Professional Responsibility" does not make explicit mention of ethics surrounding state interactions.

Anthropologists, along with other social scientists, are working with the US military as part of the US Army's strategy in Afghanistan. The Christian Science Monitor reports that "Counterinsurgency efforts focus on better grasping and meeting local needs" in Afghanistan, under the Human Terrain System (HTS) program; in addition, HTS teams are working with the US military in Iraq. In 2009, the American Anthropological Association's Commission on the Engagement of Anthropology with the US Security and Intelligence Communities (CEAUSSIC) released its final report concluding, in part, that,

Post-World War II developments
Before WWII British 'social anthropology' and American 'cultural anthropology' were still distinct traditions. After the war, enough British and American anthropologists borrowed ideas and methodological approaches from one another that some began to speak of them collectively as 'sociocultural' anthropology.

Basic trends
There are several characteristics that tend to unite anthropological work. One of the central characteristics is that anthropology tends to provide a comparatively more holistic account of phenomena and tends to be highly empirical. The quest for holism leads most anthropologists to study a particular place, problem or phenomenon in detail, using a variety of methods, over a more extensive period than normal in many parts of academia.

In the 1990s and 2000s, calls for clarification of what constitutes a culture, of how an observer knows where his or her own culture ends and another begins, and other crucial topics in writing anthropology were heard. These dynamic relationships, between what can be observed on the ground, as opposed to what can be observed by compiling many local observations remain fundamental in any kind of anthropology, whether cultural, biological, linguistic or archaeological.

Biological anthropologists are interested in both human variation and in the possibility of human universals (behaviors, ideas or concepts shared by virtually all human cultures). They use many different methods of study, but modern population genetics, participant observation and other techniques often take anthropologists "into the field," which means traveling to a community in its own setting, to do something called "fieldwork." On the biological or physical side, human measurements, genetic samples, nutritional data may be gathered and published as articles or monographs.

Along with dividing up their project by theoretical emphasis, anthropologists typically divide the world up into relevant time periods and geographic regions. Human time on Earth is divided up into relevant cultural traditions based on material, such as the Paleolithic and the Neolithic, of particular use in archaeology. Further cultural subdivisions according to tool types, such as Olduwan or Mousterian or Levalloisian help archaeologists and other anthropologists in understanding major trends in the human past. Anthropologists and geographers share approaches to culture regions as well, since mapping cultures is central to both sciences. By making comparisons across cultural traditions (time-based) and cultural regions (space-based), anthropologists have developed various kinds of comparative method, a central part of their science.

Commonalities between fields
Because anthropology developed from so many different enterprises (see History of anthropology), including but not limited to fossil-hunting, exploring, documentary film-making, paleontology, primatology, antiquity dealings and curatorship, philology, etymology, genetics, regional analysis, ethnology, history, philosophy, and religious studies, it is difficult to characterize the entire field in a brief article, although attempts to write histories of the entire field have been made.

Some authors argue that anthropology originated and developed as the study of "other cultures", both in terms of time (past societies) and space (non-European/non-Western societies). For example, the classic of urban anthropology, Ulf Hannerz in the introduction to his seminal Exploring the City: Inquiries Toward an Urban Anthropology mentions that the "Third World" had habitually received most of attention; anthropologists who traditionally specialized in "other cultures" looked for them far away and started to look "across the tracks" only in late 1960s.

Now there exist many works focusing on peoples and topics very close to the author's "home". It is also argued that other fields of study, like History and Sociology, on the contrary focus disproportionately on the West.

In France, the study of Western societies has been traditionally left to sociologists, but this is increasingly changing, starting in the 1970s from scholars like Isac Chiva and journals like Terrain ("fieldwork"), and developing with the center founded by Marc Augé (Le Centre d'anthropologie des mondes contemporains, the Anthropological Research Center of Contemporary Societies).

Since the 1980s it has become common for social and cultural anthropologists to set ethnographic research in the North Atlantic region, frequently examining the connections between locations rather than limiting research to a single locale. There has also been a related shift toward broadening the focus beyond the daily life of ordinary people; increasingly, research is set in settings such as scientific laboratories, social movements, governmental and nongovernmental organizations and businesses.

See also

 Christian anthropology, a sub-field of theology

 Philosophical anthropology, a sub-field of philosophy

Lists

Notes

References

Works cited

Further reading

Dictionaries and encyclopedias

Fieldnotes and memoirs

Histories

 .

Textbooks and key theoretical works

External links

 Open Encyclopedia of Anthropology.

Organisations

  (AIO)

Behavioural sciences
Humans

Anthropology


Michael Snaer (born June 21, 1990) is an American former professional basketball player who last played for Karpoš Sokoli in Macedonia. As a college player, he led Florida State University to their first ACC tournament championship in 2012, earning Most Valuable Player honors.

High school career
Snaer, a 6'5" shooting guard from Moreno Valley, California, attended Rancho Verde High School. As a senior, he averaged 28.1 points, 10.8 rebounds, 5.2 assists, 3.6 steals and 2.2 blocks per game.  He was named a McDonald's All-American and named Gatorade player of the year for California.

Considered a five-star recruit by Rivals.com, Snaer was listed as the No. 2 shooting guard and the No. 7 player in the nation in 2009. He chose to attend Florida State over offers from UCLA, Missouri, Marquette and Kansas.

College career
As a freshman, Snaer averaged 8.8 points per game, third on the team and made the conference All-Freshman team.  In his sophomore season, Snaer moved into the starting lineup full-time. He again averaged 8.8 points per game and helped lead the Seminoles to the 2011 NCAA tournament, where the team made their first Sweet 16 since 1993.

In his junior season, Snaer emerged as one of the top players in the Atlantic Coast Conference.  He averaged 14.0 points per game (to lead the team) and led the Seminoles to their first ACC tournament championship.  He also unofficially led the country in buzzer beaters as he hit three pointers to clinch victories over Duke and Virginia Tech during the season.  Snaer averaged 18 points per game in the 2012 ACC tournament and was named tournament MVP.  For the regular season, Snaer was named second team All-ACC and was chosen as a member of the conference All-Defensive team.  In the NCAA tournament, Snaer struggled and was held scoreless for the first time all season against St. Bonaventure in the first round.  The Seminoles lost in the second round to Cincinnati.

Snaer opted to return to Florida State for his senior season, where he was considered a likely candidate for ACC Player of the Year and All-American honors.

College statistics

Professional career
Snaer went undrafted in the 2013 NBA draft.  Following summer league stints with the Oklahoma City Thunder and Los Angeles Lakers and rejecting an invite to join the Brooklyn Nets camp, Snaer signed with Enel Brindisi of Italy's top league. In 2013, he signed with Russian team Ural Yekaterinburg. On December 2, 2014, he left Ural.

On October 30, 2016, he was acquired by the Los Angeles D-Fenders of the NBA Development League, but was waived on November 10.

References

External links
Florida State Seminoles bio

1990 births
Living people
21st-century African-American sportspeople
African-American basketball players
American expatriate basketball people in Italy
American expatriate basketball people in Russia
American expatriate basketball people in North Macedonia
American men's basketball players
Basketball players from California
Florida State Seminoles men's basketball players
McDonald's High School All-Americans
New Basket Brindisi players
People from Moreno Valley, California
Shooting guards

Michael Snaer


Oslo is an unincorporated community in Vernon Township, Dodge County, Minnesota, United States, near Hayfield.  The community is located near the junction of State Highway 30 (MN 30) and Dodge County Road 13.  The South Fork of the Zumbro River flows nearby.

History
A post office was established at Oslo in 1879, and remained in operation until 1902. The community was named after Oslo, in Norway.

References

Unincorporated communities in Dodge County, Minnesota
Unincorporated communities in Minnesota

Oslo, Dodge County, Minnesota


Santa Maria delle Nevi is a small Renaissance style Roman Catholic church or oratory located on Via Banchi di Sopra in the Terzo di Camollia of the city of Siena, region of Tuscany, Italy.

History
Construction of the church was commissioned in 1471 by the Bishop of Pienza, Giovanni Cinughi de' Pazzi. The Cinughi were a prominent Sienese family. The design is attributed to either Francesco di Giorgio Martini or Antonio Federighi.

It has a classic simplicity to the facade. Two pilasters with Corinthian capitals flank the facade with a tympanum with a circular window featuring two flanking marble heraldic shields of the Cinughi family.

The interior is notable for the main altarpiece depicting an Enthroned Madonna and Child with Saints Peter, Lawrence, Catherine of Sienna and John the Evangelist (1477)  by Matteo di Giovanni. The Virgin is surrounded by angels with chalices of snow, recalling the miracle that led to the veneration at the church of Santa Maria Maggiore in Rome.

References

Maria delle Nevi
Roman Catholic churches completed in 1471
Renaissance architecture in Siena
Maria delle Nevi

Santa Maria delle Nevi, Siena


The 31st International Emmy Awards took place on November 24, 2003, at the Hilton Hotel in New York City, United States. The ceremony was hosted by Bob Costas.

Ceremony
The nominees for the 31st International Emmy Awards were announced by International Academy of Television Arts and Sciences, on October 10, 2003, at a press conference at MIPCOM in Cannes. The United Kingdom led the list of nominees the 31st edition of the International Emmy Awards with 10 nominees, followed by Germany with 5 nominations. Japan pocketed two, the BBC was the broadcaster with the largest number of indicated programs, six in total.

The BBC was the big winner of the night taking home three awards, including the Children & Young People Award for Legend of the Lost Tribe. The project was a co-production between BBC Bristol and Comic Relief. The Kumars at No. 42 won the best popular arts award, while Arena: The Life and Times of Count Luchino Visconti took best arts programme.

The evening was highlighted by a program from Denmark being honored for the second year in a row in the Drama Series category -- Nikolaj og Julie from DR1. Additionally, programs from Germany were awarded in two categories. Colonia Media Filmproduktion GmbH's Mein Vater captured the TV Movies/Mini-Series category and Das Leben geht weiter took the Documentary category for Starcrest Media GmbH.

Channel 4's Without Prejudice won the popular arts category. The Channel 4 had already been handed the news coverage Emmy for The Fall of Saddam at a National Television Academy news and documentary ceremony in September.

Bob Costas and Sarah Jessica Parker were invited by the International Academy to present the 31st edition gala. Parker presented the International Emmy Founders Award to HBO, for its innovative programming, Greg Dyke - BBC director general - received the International Emmy Directorate Award,  for outstanding services to broadcasting.

Winners

References

External links

 iEmmy nominees announced at Mipcom

International Emmy Awards ceremonies
2003 television awards
2003 in American television

31st International Emmy Awards


Mother Mary Aloysia Hardey, R.S.C.J., (Piscataway, Maryland, United States, 1809 – Paris, France, 17 June 1886) was an American religious sister of the Society of the Sacred Heart. She established all the convents of her order, up to the year 1883, in the eastern part of the United States as well as in Canada and Cuba.

Life
Mary Hardey was born in Piscataway, Maryland, December 8, 1809. Both her parents (Frederick Hardey and Sarah Spalding) were descended from old Maryland Catholic families. While she was a child, the family moved to Opelousas, Louisiana, and she became in (1822) one of the first pupils of the Sacred Heart Convent in Grand Coteau. She entered the congregation upon the completion of her studies, at which time she was given the name Sister Mary Aloysia. The young Sister showed such capability that she was placed in charge of the Sisters' convent school in St. Michael, Louisiana and upon her taking final vows, was made Superior of the convent.

Bishop John Dubois having invited the Society to New York in 1840, Mothers Galitzin and Hardey opened the Society's first convent in the Eastern United States on Houston Street in lower Manhattan, later located uptown on Aqueduct Avenue, and now established in Greenwich, Connecticut. A visit to Rome, the blessing of Pope Gregory XVI, and a sojourn with Mother Barat in France, prepared Mother Hardey for her future work.

The list of thirty convents, of which some are now closed, represents the work of more than forty years (from New York, 1841, to Atlantic City, 1883): Albany (New York), Astoria (New York), Atlantic City (New Jersey), Boston (Massachusetts), Buffalo (New York) -moved to Rochester, Cincinnati (Ohio), Clifton (Cincinnati, Ohio), Detroit (Michigan), Eden Hall (Torresdale, Pennsylvania), Elmhurst (Rhode Island), Grosse Pointe (Michigan), Halifax (Nova Scotia), Havana (Cuba), Kenwood (Albany, New York), London (Ontario), Montreal (Quebec), McSherrystown (Pennsylvania), Manhattanville (New York), New York City (Aqueduct Avenue and Madison Avenue), Philadelphia (Pennsylvania), Providence (Rhode Island), Rochester (New York), Rosecroft (Maryland), Sancti Spiritus (Cuba), Sandwich (Ontario), Sault-au-Recollet (Montreal), Saint Jacques (Quebec), Saint John (New Brunswick), St Vincent (Quebec).

She was named Provincial Superior in 1844. In this capacity, she made ten voyages to Europe, five to Cuba, and constant journeyings, acting either as Mother Provincial or Visitatrix (the office of an outside examiner of community life). Her main concern was not the founding of convents but the formation of fervent religious as consecrated teachers. During the American Civil War, with Northern leaders her influence was exerted on behalf of Southern convents and she herself, passing through contending armies, brought aid to the southwestern houses. Benefactions went to Cuban homes, 1860–70; to Chicago, after its great fire; to France, 1870–71; to the South, when ravaged with fever.

In 1859 she suffered a stroke that impaired her ability to write, and she was forced to dictate here letters to a secretary.

She provided twenty-five free schools in the States and Canada. Kenwood in Albany, New York, became her residence and the novices' home in 1866 when she erected the buildings which later contained the general novitiate for North America.

In 1871 she was appointed Assistant Superior General, an office requiring residence in the general motherhouse in Paris. She inspected first, as Visitatrix, all convents of the Society in the United States and Canada and embarked for Europe in 1872. She aided the various Superiors General in visitations and foundations of French and Spanish convents, still supervising those of America. She came back to America on her official visits in 1874, 1878, 1882. In 1884 she returned to Paris as member of the general council. A severe illness struck her down on June 17, 1886.

She was buried in Conflans crypt, the tomb of the general administrators. Due to the anti-clerical hostility of the French government to religious orders at the beginning of the twentieth century (which later resulted in the expulsion of most religious orders in 1904 and the  confiscation of their properties), on 12 December 1900, she was re-interred at Kenwood, Albany.

References

 The entry cites:
Dufour, Vie de la Révèrende Mère Aloysia Hardey (Paris, 1890)

1809 births
1886 deaths
19th-century American Roman Catholic nuns
People from Prince George's County, Maryland
Catholics from Maryland

Mary Aloysia Hardey


Sylvester Linnane (born 29 December 1956) is an Irish retired 3 time All-Star winning hurler who played as a right corner-back for the Galway senior team.

Born in Gort, County Galway, Linnane first arrived on the inter-county scene at the age of sixteen when he first linked up with the Galway minor team, before later joining the under-21 team. He made his senior debut during the 1976 championship. Linnane went on to play a key role for Galway for over a decade, and won three All-Ireland medals and two National Hurling League medals. He was an All-Ireland runner-up on four occasions.

As a member of the Connacht inter-provincial team, Linnane won four Railway Cup medals. At club level he is a two-time Connacht medallist with Gort. In addition to this he also won two championship medals.

Throughout his career Linnane made 28 championship appearances for Galway. His retirement came following the conclusion of the 1989 championship.

Linnane is widely regarded as one of Galway's greatest-ever hurlers. He has often been voted onto teams made up of the sport's greats, including at right corner-back on the Galway Hurling Team of the Millennium.

Playing career

Club

In 1981 Linnane was a key member of the Gort senior team, as they qualified for their first championship decider in over thirty years. Kiltormer provided the opposition, however, the game ended in a draw. The replay was more conclusive with Gort recording a 2–6 to 0–8 victory and a first championship medal for Linnane. He later added a Connacht medal to his collection as Gort completely overpowered Tooreen by 8–13 to 0–3.

After surrendering their championship crowns the following year, Gort were back in 1983. A 2–12 to 3–6 defeat of club kingpins Castlegar gave Linnane a second championship medal. He later added a second Connacht medal to his collection following a 3–13 to 1–5 defeat of Tooreen once again. Linnane later lined out against Ballyhale Shamrocks in the All-Ireland decider. A 59th minute Dermot Fennelly goal for Ballyhale secured a 1–10 apiece draw. The replay was more conclusive, with Ger Fennelly's first-half goal leading to a 1–10 to 0–7 defeat of Linnane's side.

Inter-county

Linnane first came to prominence on the inter-county scene with the Galway at under-age levels.  At minor level he lined out in the All-Ireland final of 1973, however, Kilkenny were victorious on that occasion.  Linnane later played with the Galway under-21 team, however, he had little success in this grade.

Linnane made his senior championship debut for Galway in a 3–12 to 3–9 All-Ireland quarter-final defeat of Kerry.

In 1979 Galway shocked four-in-a-row hopefuls Cork in the All-Ireland semi-final and qualified for an All-Ireland final showdown with Kilkenny. In one of the worst All-Ireland finals of the decade, Tipperary-born Galway goalkeeper Séamus Shinnors had an absolute nightmare of a game.  A 70-yards free by Liam "Chunky" O'Brien after just four minutes dipped, hit off Shinnors and ended up in the Galway net. Galway fought back and went two points up twelve minutes into the second half, however, they failed to score for the rest of the game. Four minutes before the end of the game another long-range free for Kilkenny ended up in the net behind Shinnors. It was a score which summed up the day for Linnane's side as Kilkenny went on to win by 2–12 to 1–8..

In 1980 Galway defeated Kildare and Offaly to reach a second consecutive All-Ireland final.  Munster champions Limerick provided the opposition on this occasion and an exciting championship decider followed. Bernie Forde and P. J. Molloy goals for Galway meant that the men from the west led by 2–7 to 1–5 at half-time. Éamonn Cregan single-handedly launched the Limerick counter-attack in the second-half.  Over the course of the game he scored 2–7, including an overhead goal and a point in which he showed the ball to full-back Conor Hayes and nonchalantly drove the ball over the bar. It was not enough to stem the tide and Galway went on to win the game by 2–15 to 3–9. It was Galway's first All-Ireland title since 1923, with Linnane picking up a winners' medal and the celebrations surpassed anything ever seen in Croke Park.

1981 saw Galway reach a third consecutive All-Ireland final and Offaly were the opponents. Everything seemed to be going well for Linnane's side as Galway hoped to capture a second consecutive All-Ireland title. Offaly 'keeper Damien Martin was doing great work in batting out an almost certain Galway goal early in the second-half. With twenty-three minutes left in the game Galway led by six points, however, they failed to score for the rest of the game. Johnny Flaherty hand-passed Offaly's second goal with just three minutes remaining. At the long whistle Galway were defeated by 2–12 to 0–15.

Galway shocked reigning All-Ireland champions Cork in the semi-final to reach the decider once again in 1985. Offaly provided the opposition in the subsequent All-Ireland final and another tense game ensued. Once again it was Offaly's goal-scoring ability that proved crucial. Pat Cleary scored the first of the day after twenty-five minutes of play and got his second less than half a minute after the restart. Joe Dooley had a goal disallowed halfway through the second-half while a long Joe Cooney effort, which seemed to cross the goal line, was not given. P. J. Molloy was Galway's goal scorer, however, the day belonged to Offaly. A 2–11 to 1–12 score line resulted in defeat for Galway. In spite of this defeat Linnane later picked up his first All-Star award.

Galway reached a second successive All-Ireland decider again in 1986. The men from the west were the red-hot favourites against an ageing Cork team, however, on the day a different story unfolded.  Four Cork goals, one from John Fenton, two from Tomás Mulcahy and one from Kevin Hennessy, stymied the Galway attack and helped "the Rebels" to a 4–13 to 2–15 victory. Linnane later collected a second All-Star award.

Linanne won his first National Hurling League medal in 1987 following a 3–12 to 3–10 league decider defeat of Clare. Later that summer Galway qualified for a third All-Ireland final in-a-row.  The prospect of becoming the first team to lose three consecutive championship deciders weighed heavily on the Galway team as Kilkenny provided the opposition. The game was not a classic by any standard, however, Noel Lane, who started the game on the sideline and was introduced as a substitute, got a key goal for Galway nine minutes before the end.  A 1–12 to 0–9 victory gave Linnane a second All-Ireland medal.

In 1988 Galway reached a fourth successive All-Ireland final and were favourites to retain the title.  After more than a decade-and-a-half in the wilderness Tipperary were back providing the opposition in the championship decider. Galway defeated Tipp in the semi-final the previous year, however, with an extra year's experience it was expected that Tipperary might shade the victory. Galway used this to motivate themselves. Noel Lane was introduced as a substitute once again and scored a crucial goal while Nicky English sent a late penalty over the bar for a point. A 1–15 to 0–14 score line resulted in victory for Galway and a third All-Ireland medal for Linnane. He later won a third All-Star award.

Linnane collected a second National League medal in 1989 following a 2–16 to 4–8 defeat of Tipperary. For the third time in as many years both sides later met in the All-Ireland series, however, on this occasion the men from the West were controversially without their star player Tony Keady. The game turned out to be a tense and unsavory affair as Tipp finally triumphed over Galway.  A 1–17 to 2–11 victory for the Munster men meant that Galway's three-in-a-row dream was over. Linnane retired from inter-county hurling following this defeat.

Inter-provincial

Linnane also lined out with Connacht in the inter-provincial series of games and enjoyed much success.

In 1980 Linnane was at left wing-back as Connacht faced Railway Cup specialists Munster in the decider. A low-scoring game followed, however, a 1–5 to 0–7 victory gave Connacht their first Railway Cup title since 1947. It was Linnane's first winners' medal in the inter-pro competition.

Connacht reached the Railway Cup final again in 1982. A 3–8 to 2–9 victory over Leinster gave Linnane his second Railway Cup medal. Defeat of the same opposition in 1983 allowed Connacht to retain the title for the first time in their history.

After defeat to Munster in 1985, both sides renewed their rivalry in the inter-provincial decider again in 1986. A comprehensive 3–11 to 0–11 victory gave Linnane a fourth Railway Cup medal.

Honours

Player

Gort
Connacht Senior Club Hurling Championship (2): 1982, 1984
Galway Senior Club Hurling Championship (2): 1982, 1984

Galway
All-Ireland Senior Hurling Championship (3): 1980, 1987, 1988
National Hurling League (2): 1986–87, 1988–89

Connacht
Railway Cup (4): 1980, 1982, 1983, 1986

Individual

Awards
All-Star (3): 1985, 1986, 1988

References

1956 births
Living people
Gort hurlers
Galway inter-county hurlers
Connacht inter-provincial hurlers
All-Ireland Senior Hurling Championship winners

Sylvie Linnane


Peanut sauce, satay sauce (saté sauce), bumbu kacang, sambal kacang, or pecel is an Indonesian sauce made from ground roasted or fried peanuts, widely used in Indonesian cuisine and many other dishes throughout the world.

Peanut sauce is used with meat and vegetables, with grilled skewered meat, such as satays, poured over vegetables as salad dressing such as in gado-gado, or as a dipping sauce.

Ingredients

The main ingredient is ground roasted peanuts, for which peanut butter can act as a substitute. Several different recipes for making peanut sauces exist, resulting in a variety of flavours, textures and consistency. A typical recipe usually contains ground roasted peanuts or peanut butter (smooth or crunchy), coconut milk, soy sauce, tamarind, galangal, garlic, and spices (such as coriander seed or cumin). Other possible ingredients are chili peppers, sugar, fried onion, and lemongrass. The texture and consistency (thin or thick) of a peanut sauce corresponds to the amount of water being mixed in it.

In Western countries, the readily and widely available peanut butter is often used as a substitute ingredient to make peanut sauce. To achieve authenticity, some recipes might insist on making roasted ground peanuts from scratch, using traditional stone mortar and pestle for grinding to achieve desired texture, graininess and earthy flavour of peanut sauce. This sauce is popularly applied on chicken skewers, beef satay or warm noodles.

Regional

Indonesia

One of the main characteristics of Indonesian cuisine is the wide applications of bumbu kacang (peanut sauce) in many Indonesian signature dishes, such as satay, gado-gado, karedok, ketoprak, rujak and pecel, or Chinese-influenced dishes such as siomay. It is usually added to main ingredients (meat or vegetable) to add taste, used as dipping sauce such as sambal kacang (a mixture of ground chilli and fried peanuts) for otak-otak or ketan or as a dressing on vegetables. Satays are commonly served with peanut sauce. However, satay does not actually mean peanut sauce – Southeast Asia's favourite street food snack is a dish of skewered, grilled meat with infinite variations.

Introduced from Mexico by Portuguese and Spanish merchants in the 16th century, peanuts found a place within Indonesian cuisine as a popular sauce. Peanuts thrived in the tropical environment of Southeast Asia, and today, they can be found roasted and chopped finely, topping a variety of dishes and in marinades and dipping sauces.

Peanut sauce reached its sophistication in Indonesia, with the delicate balance of taste acquired from various ingredients according to each recipe of peanut sauce; fried peanuts, gula jawa (palm sugar), garlic, shallot, ginger, tamarind juice, lemon juice, lemongrass, salt, chilli, pepper, sweet soy sauce, ground together and mixed with water to acquire the right texture. The secret to good peanut sauce is "not too thick and not too watery." Indonesian peanut sauce tends to be less sweet than the Thai one (which is a hybrid adaptation). Gado-gado is eaten with peanut sauce throughout Indonesia showcasing the delicate balance of sweet, spicy and sour.

The Netherlands

The Netherlands adopted peanut sauce as a common side dish through its former colonization of South East Asia. Besides being used in certain traditional Indonesian and Dutch-Indonesian dishes, it has found its way into a purely Dutch context when it is eaten during, for instance, a (non-Asian style) barbecue or with French fries. A popular combination at Dutch fast food outlets is French fries with mayonnaise and peanut sauce (often with raw chopped onions and with ketchup or Dutch currysauce), called a Patatje Oorlog (lit. "Fries War"). Peanut sauce is also eaten with baguette, bread, cucumber or potatoes. It is also used as an ingredient in the deep-fried snack food called Satékroket, a croquette made with a flour-thickened ragout based on Indonesian satay.

Other countries

 In Chinese cooking, the derivative sauce is often used Chaoshan style hot pot.
 In Hong Kong, among the many dishes using this sauce is satay beef noodles, very common for breakfast in cha chaan tengs.
 In India, groundnut chutney (spicy peanut sauce) is served along with breakfast, such as idli and dosa. Variations include palli chutney (spiced whole peanut chutney) in Andhra Pradesh and kadalai chutney in Tamil Nadu.
 In the Philippines, peanut sauce is known as sarsa ng mani and is used as a dipping sauce for satay and for different varieties of lumpia.
 In Singapore, peanut sauce is not only used as dipping sauce for satay. It is also eaten with rice vermicelli known as satay bee hoon.
 In Vietnam, it is called tương đậu phộng and is used in cuốn diếp dish. The Vietnamese variation also contains hoisin sauce.

See also

 List of peanut dishes
 List of sauces
 Peanut butter
 Peanut chutney
 Sambal
 Shacha sauce
 Siu haau sauce

References

Sauces
Peanut dishes
Malaysian cuisine
Vietnamese cuisine
Filipino cuisine
Thai cuisine
Chinese condiments
Singaporean cuisine
Dutch fusion cuisine
Indonesian condiments

Peanut sauce


SportsBooks Limited is a small, independent publishing house based in York in the United Kingdom and specializing in books on sport.

Origins

SportsBooks was established in 1995 by Randall Northam, the former sports editor of United Newspapers and athletics correspondent of the Daily Express, primarily to publish the International Track and Field Annual for the Association of Track and Field Statisticians.

In 2000, SportsBooks started publishing other books. SportsBooks has become known for publishing books outside the mainstream. Jon Culley, of The Independent, said they were part of "an alternative school of sports literature", while Frank Keating in The Guardian, said they were "ever-diligent" and "off-beat".

Authors

Authors published by SportsBooks Limited include:
Phil Tufnell (former England international cricketer, and winner of ITV's I'm a Celebrity...Get Me Out of Here!), Willie Irvine (former Northern Ireland international football player),
Peter Matthews (BBC athletics commentator),
Mike Collett (sports editor of Reuters new agency),
Glen Isherwood (statistician of Wembley Stadium)
and Andrew Godsell (football and general historian).

Award nominations

Local Heroes, the story of the only Derbyshire team to win cricket's County Championship, was shortlisted for The Cricket Society's Book of the Year Award in 2007.
In 2008 SportsBooks won the award with "George Lohmann – pioneer professional" by Keith Booth.

See also

Sports Journalism

External links

 SportsBooks Ltd
 Online Sportsbooks USA

Book publishing companies of the United Kingdom

SportsBooks Limited


Papirius Fabianus was an Ancient Roman rhetorician and philosopher from the gens Papirius in the time of Tiberius and Caligula, in the first half of the 1st century AD.

Biography
Fabianus was the pupil of Arellius Fuscus and of Blandus in rhetoric, and of Quintus Sextius in philosophy. Although much the younger of the two, he instructed Gaius Albucius Silus in eloquence. The rhetorical style of Fabianus is described by Seneca the Elder, and he is frequently cited in the third book of Controversiae as well as in the Suasoriae. His early model in rhetoric was his instructor Arellius Fuscus; but he afterwards adopted a less ornate form of eloquence.

Fabianus soon, however, abandoned rhetoric in favor of philosophy; and Seneca the Younger places his philosophical works next to those of Cicero, Asinius Pollio, and Livy the historian. The philosophical style of Fabianus is described by Seneca, and in some points his description corresponds with that of the elder Seneca. Both the Senecas seem to have known, and certainly greatly esteemed Fabianus.

Fabianus was the author of a work entitled [Rerum ?] Civilium; and his philosophical writings exceeded Cicero's in number. He had also paid great attention to physical science, and is called by Pliny the Elder rerum naturae peritissimus, "very experienced in matters of nature." From Seneca (Natur. Quaest. iii. 27), he appears to have written on physics; and his works entitled De Animalibus and Causarum Naturalium Libri are frequently referred to by Pliny.

See also
 School of the Sextii

Notes

References

1st-century Romans
1st-century philosophers
Roman-era Stoic philosophers
Papirii

Papirius Fabianus


In the investment banking sector, particularly in India, devolvement is a process whereby if an investment issue is undersubscribed, an underwriter is required to subscribe to the remaining shares.  The outstanding unsubscribed amount devolves onto the underwriter. This is also known as hard underwriting.  The Securities and Exchange Board of India publishes guidelines and a recommended method of computation relating to the extent of the devolvement onto a particular underwriter in the case where there are multiple underwriters, or sub-underwriters.

Notes

References

Further reading

Monetary policy
Public finance
Capital markets of India
Investment banking
Underwriting

Devolvement


Marcus Julius Vestinus Atticus (died April 65) was a Roman senator, who flourished under the reign of Nero. He was consul in the year 65 as the colleague of Aulus Licinius Nerva Silianus; after his suicide he was replaced by Publius Pasidienus Firmus.

Family
Werner Eck identifies Atticus as the son of the Praefectus Aegypti Lucius Julius Vestinus. Vestinus Atticus married Statilia Messalina, with whom Tacitus states Nero had an affair prior to their marriage. André Balland has argued that Messalina and Atticus had a son, to whom Martial addressed one of his epigrams (VII.32)

His death
According to Suetonius, Nero murdered Atticus because he wanted to marry Messalina; after his death, Nero made Messalina his third wife. However, Tacitus provides a more detailed account of how Nero brought about Atticus' downfall: he had been a friend of Nero, but the emperor grew to hate him because Atticus saw through him and despised "the emperor's cowardice, while Nero feared the high spirits of his friend, who often bantered him with that rough humor which, when it draws largely on facts, leaves a bitter memory behind it." Nero had hoped Atticus was party to the disastrous Pisonian conspiracy, but Tacitus reports "many thought" Gaius Calpurnius Piso had not invited Atticus to take part because of his "enterprising spirit" that would replace Piso with another candidate as emperor, or even restore the Republic. When none of the conspirators named him as involved, Nero abused the Law of majestas and dispatched the tribune Gerellanus with a cohort of soldiers to Atticus' house, which towered over the Forum.

The soldiers found Atticus at his house entertaining guests, and delivered the tribune's summons. Understanding the purpose of the summons, Atticus immediately retired to his bed chambers where he killed himself. Meanwhile, the soldiers detained his guests for hours, only allowing them to leave "at a late hour of the night". Tacitus notes that Nero had "laughed over their terror at the expectation of a fatal end to their banquet" before saying "that they had suffered enough punishment for the consul's entertainment" and giving the order to release them.

See also
 List of Roman consuls

References

1st-century Romans
Imperial Roman consuls
Year of birth unknown
65 deaths
Members of the Pisonian conspiracy
Vestinus Atticus

Marcus Julius Vestinus Atticus


Hebron Church is an evangelical church in Long Ashton, North Somerset, near Bristol in England, was first founded in 1934 by Ernest Dyer.

The church arose out of a Sunday school and youth club by Mr Dyer, who cycled weekly from the Somerdale Factory in Keynsham to run the clubs. Mr Dyer lived above the Church until his death in 1967. His sister continued living there until her subsequent death. The church was named "Hebron" because an aim was for it to be a "place of refuge".

During the 1930s and 1940s, Dr Vernon Charley, who developed the blackcurrant drink Ribena whilst at the Long Ashton Research Station, was the organist and an elder of the church. During the 1950s, Roger T. Forster, founder of Ichthus Christian Fellowship was a regular preacher whilst doing National Service with the RAF.

The church continues to thrive and membership currently stands at around 30 with an average Sunday morning congregation of around 50. Evening services are smaller with an average of around 15 attendees. Hebron is an exciting mixture of people from varied backgrounds:- Baptist, Methodist, Pentecostal, Salvation Army, Anglican and Roman Catholic. Ages range from the cradle to the 90s.  Children's and youth work continues with regular groups for all ages including "God's Gang" and a Friday night kid's club.

As a church we want to grow in our relationship with God and to invite other people to discover Him for themselves. We believe that God revealed Himself in the life of Jesus to make all this possible. We aim to be a church where all people can feel welcome and can know that they 'belong'.

References

External links
 Church web site

Churches in Somerset
Churches in North Somerset
Evangelical churches in the United Kingdom

Hebron Church, Long Ashton


Andhra Vidyalaya College of Arts, Science and Commerce, popularly known as A. V. College, is an educational institution located in Hyderabad, India. The college offers undergraduate graduate and post graduate courses. The college is located on a  campus and is widely known for its emphasis on sports and games. It is accredited with A grade by NAAC.

History
Andhra Vidyalaya Education Society one of the oldest and pioneer educational society in the erstwhile Nizam State of Hyderabad, was started in 1944 at Kattelamandi (now Gagan Mahal) as a small school by its founder was Konda Venkata Ranga Reddy, former Deputy Chief Minister of Andhra Pradesh.The A.V. College was established in 1968 as a composite college offering plus two and UG courses. It grew to occupy the status of a multidimensional institution with PG courses. The PG courses were first offered in the year 1991. K.V. Ranga Reddy Law College was set up in the same year.

Departments
 Psychology department
 Biotechnology department
 Business Administration department
 Chemistry department
 Computer Science department
 Mathematics department
 Physics department
 Telugu department

Courses
 Bachelor of Arts (B.A.)
 Bachelor of Commerce (B.Com.)
 Bachelor of Science (B.Sc.)
 Master of Arts (M.A.)
 Master of Business Administration (M.B.A.)
 Master of Commerce (M.Com.)
 Master of Computer Applications (M.C.A.)
 Master of Science (M.Sc.)

Institutions
 Degree College
 Post-graduation college
 K.V. Ranga Reddy Law College

Facilities

Library
The Postgraduate library is established in the year 1991 and hosts in Suravaram Pratapa Reddy  Library Building. It is an independent building with an area of 4,500 Sft. spread over three floors. The ground floor is accommodating Undergraduate library, The first floor is accommodating Reference Section and Reading Room and the second floor is accommodating Library Book stacks. The library has a collection of 23,800 books in Management, Computers, Mathematics, Physics, Chemistry Commerce, Biotechnology and Telugu studies. The library subscribes to more than 120 Journals and periodicals popular newspapers. The library activities are fully automated. There is a common reading room with a seating capacity of more than 100 students.

Sports and games
Sports are a special feature of the College with excellent facilities.  The spacious ground is advantage to the students and are encouraged to play various indoor and outdoor games.  Many students seek admission in this institution for this reason.

Notable alumni
 Pullela Gopichand, badminton player
 Honb'l Justice Subhash Reddy, judge High Court of AP

See also
Education in India
Literacy in India
List of institutions of higher education in Telangana

References

External links
 Official site
 Official website Osmania University

Universities and colleges in Hyderabad, India
Universities and colleges established in 1944
1944 establishments in India

Andhra Vidyalaya College


John Keith Fraser (born February 18, 1922) is a Canadian physical geographer. He served as president of the Canadian Association of Geographers, as well as the executive secretary, publisher and general manager of the Royal Canadian Geographical Society.

Early life and education
Fraser was born in Ottawa, Ontario on February 18, 1922. Fraser is a veteran of World War II, serving in the Royal Canadian Air Force/Royal Air Force.

In 1955, he received a M.A. degree from the University of Toronto. He received his Ph.D. in 1964 from Clark University; his dissertation was entitled The physiography of Boothia Peninsula, Northwest territories a study in terrain analysis and air photo interpretation of an Arctic area.

Career
After the war, Fraser had a career as a Canadian government employee with the Geographical Branch, Department of Mines and Technical Surveys, Ottawa, publishing articles after many of his field assignments.

One of his first assignments, in the late 1940s, was as an observer on tugs in the Mackenzie River, and on Hudson's Bay Company vessels in the western Arctic Ocean.

In 1951, he assisted geomorphologist J. Ross Mackay in investigating Amundsen Gulf's Darnley Bay area. After reviewing recent aerial photographs and old maps, Fraser determined that the Rivière La Roncière-le Noury, charted by French Missionary Oblate Émile Petitot in 1875 but considered nonexistent decades later by explorer Vilhjalmur Stefansson, did exist.  Though there were errors in the placement of the Roncière's mouth at Franklin Bay, the Roncière was the same river as the partially mapped Hornaday River by Andrew J. Stone in 1899.

The following year, he participated in the Canadian Ice Distribution Survey.  In 1953, Fraser studied the central Arctic coast around the Boothia Isthmus. In 1954, he was the department's representative to the Aklavik Relocation Survey team in the Mackenzie Delta, and in 1955, he studied the southeastern coastline of Victoria Island. 1956 found him studying the south coast of King William Island and Sherman Inlet.

Affiliations
Fraser became a Fellow and director of the Royal Canadian Geographical Society in 1959. In 1982, he was appointed executive secretary, publisher and general manager.  A new publisher arrived in 1988, but Fraser continued in his other two roles until 1990. In that same year, the Society established the Fraser Lectureship in Northern Studies program in his honor.

He became a Fellow of the Arctic Institute of North America in 1960.

In 1975, Fraser received the Award for Service to the Profession of Geography from the Canadian Association of Geographers.  Six years later, he served as president of the Association.

In 1992, Fraser was award the Camsell Medal by the Royal Canadian Geographical Society in honour of his service to the Society.

Partial works
 (1952), Identification of Petitot's Riviere La Ronciere-le Noury
 (1959), Notes on the glaciation of King William Island and Adelaide Peninsula, N.W.T. OCLC 14036925
 (1966), The realistic approach to geographical names in Canada
 (1970), Place names of the Hudson Bay Region OCLC 6155814019
 (1972), Directory of Canadian geography OCLC 629993
 (1972), List of theses and dissertations on Canadian geography OCLC 251485540

References

1922 births
Living people
Royal Canadian Air Force personnel of World War II
University of Toronto alumni
Clark University alumni
Canadian geographers
Canadian science writers
Canadian nature writers
Physical geographers
Canadian expatriates in the United States
Royal Air Force personnel of World War II
Military personnel from Ottawa

J. Keith Fraser


Manuel García Pelayo (May 23, 1909 – February 25, 1991), prominent Spanish political scientist and jurist. He was the founder of the modern Department of Political Science of the Central University of Venezuela and was elected President of the Constitutional Court of Spain in 1980.

Biography
Born in Corrales del Vino, Zamora Province, García Pelayo attended high school at the Institute of Zamora (1926) and later moved to Madrid, where he studied law at the Universidad Central until (1934). He obtained a scholarship from the Junta de Ampliación de Estudios and studied at the University of Vienna in Austria. When on July 18, 1936, the Spanish Civil War started, he enlisted in the Spanish Republican Army even though his father and brother were fighting for the Nationalist side. He fought in several battles and became a captain in the General Staff. When the civil war ended he was sent to concentration camps and put into prison until 1941. Once he was released, he married Mercedes Velásquez Fernández-Pimentel. In 1947, he was invited to teach at the Instituto de Estudios Políticos de Madrid by its director Francisco Javier Conde. In 1950, he became well known in the academic world with the publication of a work on comparative constitutional law (entitled Derecho Constitucional Comparado), which became a landmark in this area for the Spanish language and went through over 20 editions.

In 1951, he travelled to Argentina and began practicing as an attorney while teaching law at the Universidad de Buenos Aires. In 1954, taught political science at the University of Puerto Rico until 1958 when the Department of Government and Law of the Central University of Venezuela hired him to start a new Institute and Department of Political Science. He taught and published many books during these years until his retirement in 1979. In 1980, he returned to Spain, after an invitation from King Juan Carlos to become part in the recently created Constitutional Court of Spain. He was then elected President of the Court, position that he occupied until 1986. The following year García Pelayo returned to Caracas, where he died in 1991 after a long illness.

The Institute of Comparative Public Law of the Universidad Carlos III of Spain was named after García Pelayo in 1997.

Works
Auctoritas. Caracas: Universidad Central de Venezuela, Facultad de Derecho, 1969
Burocracia y tecnocracia y otros escritos. Madrid: Alianza, 1984
Ciencia política: introducción elemental a la teoría general de sistemas. Caracas: s.n., 1975
Las culturas del libro. Caracas: Monte Ávila, 1976
Del mito y de la razón en la historia del pensamiento político. Madrid: Revista de Occidente, 1968
Derecho constitucional. 5ª ed. Madrid: Manuales de la Revista de Occidente, 1959
Derecho constitucional comparado. 4ª ed. Madrid: Alianza, 1984
El estado de partidos. Madrid: Editorial Alianza, 1986
El estado social y sus implicaciones. México: Universidad Nacional Autónoma de México, 1975
La estratificación social de los países desarrollados. Caracas: Universidad Central de Venezuela, Facultad de Derecho, 1975
Federico II de Suabia y el nacimiento del Estado moderno. Caracas: Fundación García Pelayo, 1994
Las formas políticas en el antiguo Oriente. Caracas: Monte Ávila, 1993
Idea de la política y otros escritos. Madrid: Centro de Estudios Constitucionales, 1983
Ideología e iconología. Caracas: Universidad Central de Venezuela, 1963
Las funciones de los parlamentos bicamerales. Caracas: Ediciones del Congreso de la República, 1971
Los mitos políticos. Madrid: Alianza Editorial, 1981
Obras completas. Madrid: Centro de Estudios Constitucionales, 1993. 3 v.
Las transformaciones del Estado contemporáneo.  2ª ed. Madrid: Alianza, 1985

References

External links
 García Pelayo Foundation

1909 births
1991 deaths
People from the Province of Zamora
Academic staff of the Central University of Venezuela
People from Caracas
Spanish expatriates in Argentina
Spanish expatriates in Puerto Rico
Spanish expatriates in Venezuela
Spanish jurists
Spanish army officers
Spanish military personnel of the Spanish Civil War (Republican faction)
Spanish scientists
Spanish expatriates in Austria
Deaths in Caracas

Manuel García Pelayo


Yevgeny Aleksandrovich Tuchkov (Russian Евгений Александрович Тучков; 1892, Suzdal, Vladimir Governorate – 15 April, 1957, Moscow) was a Soviet state security officer and the head of the anti-religious department of the Soviet OGPU.

Tuchkov was born in 1892 in the village of Teliakovo near Suzdal. He finished four years of primary education after which he worked as a baker and also in a leather shop. He then served in the Russian Imperial Army as a secretary.

In 1917, after the Russian Revolution, Tuchkov joined the Bolsheviks and in 1918, the Cheka. From 1922 to 1929 Tuchkov headed the sixth secret department of the OGPU which targeted the Russian Orthodox Church during the 1920s.

During this period, Tuchkov orchestrated a campaign of persecution against the church which included the mass arrests and executions of clergy. He personally led the questioning of Patriarch Tikhon. He had also begun supporting the liberal and modernist Living Church movement, seeking to make it a replacement for traditional Russian Orthodoxy.

In 1928, Tuchkov enrolled in Moscow State University but dropped out a year later. In 1939, Tuchkov was fired from the NKVD, whereupon he began working as a lecturer for the society "Knowledge". He died in early 1957.

References
 http://www.krotov.info/spravki/persons/20person/1957_tuchkov.htm
 http://www.solovki.ca/camp_20/butcher_tuchkov.htm

Cheka officers
NKVD officers
1892 births
1957 deaths
Persecution of Eastern Orthodox Christians
People from Ivanovo Oblast

Yevgeny Tuchkov