Algerian nationalism is pride in the Algerian identity and culture. It has been historically influenced by the conflicts between the Deylik of Algiers and European countries, the French conquest of Algeria and the subsequent French colonial rule in Algeria, the Algerian War, and since independence by socialist and Islamic ideologies, Berberism and Arab nationalism.

Early manifestations

Formation of the Algerian identity
It is hard to designate when Algerian identity formed. Medieval islamic chroniclers divided the Maghreb region into three distinctive geographical and cultural regions before the Regency of Algiers (Dawla al-Jaza'ir) was established.

 Maghreb al-Aqsa (Western Maghreb, approximately modern Morocco)
 Maghreb al-Awsat (Central Maghreb, approximately modern Algeria)
 Maghreb al-Adna (Eastern Maghreb, Ifriqiya, or modern day Tunisia and Tripolitania)

The exact borders of these regions were flexible and were not fixed at that time. After the collapse of the Almohad Caliphate the empire was divided by 3 dynasties: The Merinids in al-Aqsa (Morocco, with the exception of the Moulouya region), the Zayyanids in al-Awsat (between the Moulouya River and western Kabylia), and finally the Hafsids in Ifriqiya (from Béjaïa to Tripoli), but there existed dynasties controlling these regions previously, and the borders were constantly changing between these 3 rival dynasties.

The area of the Central Maghreb (Maghreb al-Awsat) or what could be seen as the predecessor of Algeria were defined as being between the Moulouya River in the west, and Annaba in the east by most medieval chroniclers such as Ibn Khaldun, although this wasn't always the case and some defined different borders for it.

Regency of Algiers (1515-1830)
The transition from "Central Maghrebi" to the "Algerian" identity started in the early 16th century, with the establishment of the Regency of Algiers ("Dawlat Al-Jaza'ir", or "State of Algeria" in Arabic). Several patriotic works such as the Sirat al-Mujahid Khayr al-Din were created in this era, and it is in this era that Algerian identity and patriotism really took shape. The state of Algiers, while initially independent, came under Ottoman rule in 1520, and gained significant autonomy over the years until it became de fact independent in 1710. In this era Algerian patriotism at this time was mainly influenced by conflicts with the neighbouring Morocco and Tunisia, and conflicts with European states, mainly Spain and France, with sayings such as "Algiers is protected by Allah" becoming extremely popular after the failed Algiers expedition in 1541. Generally, the Algerian authorities classified people into 5 main groups:

 Moors (ساراكينوس, or "Sarākīnūs"). Referring to the urban population often descended or mixed with Moorish refugees from Al-Andalus.
 Bedouins (بدوي, or "Badawī"). Referring to the various Arab or Arabized Berber nomadic tribes of Algeria.
 Kabyles (القبايل, or "al-Qabāyel"). Referring to all Berber peoples of the region meaning "the tribes".
 Turks (الأتراك, or "Al-Atrāk"). A general classification from all people from the Ottoman Empire, including Turkish, Albanian, Greek people.
 Jews (اليهود, or "Yahūd"). Referring to the mainly Sephardi and Mizrahi jews of Algeria.

The earliest surviving nationalistic Algerian work was written by Hamdan ben Othman Khodja, an ex-diplomat of the Regency, 3 years after its collapse in 1833. Ideological disagreements still existed at this era. Many local leaders wished to see the Regency of Algiers go and instead a completely independent Algerian state be established, such as Muhieddiene al-Hassani and his son Abdelkader ibn Muhieddine, and there had been tensions in the country regarding modernization. The Regency of Algiers collapsed in 1830, after the Invasion of Algiers by France.

Emirate of Abdelkader
2 years after the beginning of the French conquest of Algeria, in 1832 local tribes around Mascara, a region which was still independent from the French and in need of a leader after the collapse of the administration of the province of Oran, a governorate of the Regecncy, declared loyalty to Emir Abdelkader ibn Muhieddiene, who in turn declared a Jihad for the liberation of Algeria. Abdelkader fought against the French for 15 years until 1847, and comandeered a coalition composed of  Arab, Kabyle, Chenoua, Chaoui and Rifian tribes with him as the Emir, or Sultan. He wished to establish a modern fully independent nation state in Algeria, and established a modern army, invested into education and the economy of his nation. His emirate stretch from the modern Moroccan-Algerian border in the west to the region of Kabylia and M'Sila in the east. The only region not under the control of Abdelkader was the Constantinois which was controlled by Ahmed Bey ben Mohamed Chérif (who fought a Jihad to restore the Regency of Algiers against the French), before it was taken by the French in 1837.

Early 1900s

 A new generation of Muslims emerged in Algeria at the time of World War I and grew to maturity during the 1920s and 1930s. It consisted of a small but influential class of évolués, other Algerians whose perception of themselves and their country had been shaped by wartime experiences, and a body of religious reformers and teachers. Some of these people were members of the few wealthy Muslim families that had managed to insinuate themselves into the colonial system in the 1890s and had with difficulty succeeded in obtaining for their sons the French education coveted by progressive Algerians. Others were among the about 173,000 Algerians who had served in the French army during World War I or the several hundred thousand more who had assisted the French war effort by working in factories. Many Algerians stayed in France after 1918, and sent the money they earned there to their relatives in Algeria. In France they became aware of a standard of living higher than any they had known at home and of democratic political concepts, taken for granted by Frenchmen in France, which colons, soldiers, and bureaucrats had refused to apply to the Muslim majority in Algeria. Some Algerians also became acquainted with the pan-Arab nationalism growing in the Middle East.

Political movements

One of the earliest movements for political reform was an integrationist group, the Young Algerians (Jeunese Algérienne). Its members were drawn from the small, liberal elite of well-educated, middle-class évolués who demanded an opportunity to prove that they were French as well as Muslim. In 1908 they delivered to France's Prime Minister Georges Clemenceau a petition that expressed opposition under the status quo to a proposed policy to conscript Muslim Algerians into the French army. If, however, the state granted the Muslims full citizenship, the petition went on, opposition to conscription would be dropped. In 1911, in addition to demanding preferential treatment for "the intellectual elements of the country", the group called for an end to unequal taxation, broadening of the franchise, more schools, and protection of indigenous property. The Young Algerians added a significant voice to the reformist movement against French colonial policy that began in 1892 and continued until the outbreak of World War I. In part to reward Muslims who fought and died for France, Clemenceau appointed reform-minded Charles Jonnart as governor general. Reforms promulgated in 1919 and known as the Jonnart Law expanded the number of Muslims permitted to vote to about 425,000. The legislation also removed all voters from the jurisdiction of the humiliating Code de l'indigénat.

The most popular Muslim leader in Algeria after the war was Khalid ibn Hashim, grandson of Abd al Qadir and a member of the Young Algerians, although he differed with some members of the group over acceptance of the Jonnart Law. Some Young Algerians were willing to work within the framework set out by the reforms, but Emir Khalid, as he was known, continued to press for the complete Young Algerian program. He was able to win electoral victories in Algiers and to enliven political discourse with his calls for reform and full assimilation, but by 1923 he tired of the struggle and left Algeria, eventually retiring to Damascus.

Some of the Young Algerians in 1926 formed the Federation of Elected Natives (Fédération des Élus Indigènes, FEI), as many of the former group's members had joined the circle of Muslims eligible to hold public office. The federation's objectives were the assimilation of the évolués into the French community, with full citizenship but without surrendering their personal status as Muslims, and the eventual integration of Algeria as a full province of France. Other objectives included equal pay for equal work for government employees, abolition of travel restrictions to and from France, abolition of the Code de l'indigénat (which had been reinstituted earlier), and electoral reform.

The first group to call for Algerian independence was the Star of North Africa (Étoile Nord-Africain, known as Star). The group was originally a solidarity group formed in 1926 in Paris to coordinate political activity among North African workers in France and to defend "the material, moral, and social interests of North African Muslims". The leaders included members of the French Communist Party and its labor confederation, and in the early years of the struggle for independence the party provided material and moral support. Ahmed Messali Hadj, the Star's secretary general, enunciated the groups demands in 1927. In addition to independence from France, the Star called for freedom of press and association, a parliament chosen through universal suffrage, confiscation of large estates, and the institution of Arabic schools. The Star was first banned in 1929 and operated underground until 1933 when reconstituted with Messali Hadj President, Imache Amar General Secretary and Belkacem Radjef Treasurer. Its newspaper, El Ouma, reached a circulation of 43,500. Influenced by the Arab nationalist ideas of Lebanese Druze Shakib Arslan, Messali turned away from communist support to a more nationalist outlook, for which the French Communist Party attacked the Star. He returned to Algeria to organize urban workers and peasant farmers and in 1937 founded the Algerian People's Party (Parti du Peuple Algérien, PPA) to mobilize the Algerian working class at home and in France to improve its situation through political action. For Messali Hadj, who ruled the PPA with an iron hand, these aims were inseparable from the struggle for an independent Algeria in which socialist and Islamic values would be fused.

Foreign inspiration

Algeria's Islamic reform movement took inspiration from Egyptian reformers Muhammad Abduh and Muhammad Rashid Rida and stressed the Arab and Islamic roots of the country. Starting in the 1920s, the reform ulema, religious scholars, promoted a purification of Islam in Algeria and a return to the Qur'an and the sunna, or tradition of the Prophet. The reformers favored the adoption of modern methods of inquiry and rejected the superstitions and folk practices of the countryside, actions that brought them into confrontation with the marabouts. The reformers published their own periodicals and books, and established free modern Islamic schools that stressed Arabic language and culture as an alternative to the schools for Muslims operated for many years by the French. Under the dynamic leadership of Shaykh Abd al Hamid Ben Badis, the reformist ulama organized the Association of Algerian Muslim Ulema (Association des Uléma Musulmans Algériens, AUMA) in 1931. Although their support was concentrated in the Constantine area, the AUMA struck a responsive chord among the Muslim masses, with whom it had closer ties than did the other nationalist organizations. As the Islamic reformers gained popularity and influence, the colonial authorities responded in 1933 by refusing them permission to preach in official mosques. This move and similar ones sparked several years of sporadic religious unrest.

European influences had some impact on indigenous Muslim political movements because Ferhat Abbas and Messali Hadj even with opposite views, essentially looked to France for their more secular ideological models. Ben Badis, however, believed that "Islam is our religion, Arabic our language, Algeria our fatherland." Abbas went as far as summing up the philosophy of the liberal integrationists to oppose the claims of the nationalists by denying in 1936 that Algeria had a separate identity. However, Ben Badis responded that he, too, had looked to the past and found "that this Algerian nation is not France, cannot be France, and does not want to be France … [but] has its culture, its traditions and its characteristics, good or bad, like every other nation of the earth." He was opposed to French colonial rule.

The colons, for their part, rejected any movement toward reform, whether instigated by integrationist or nationalist organizations. Reaction in Paris to the nationalists was divided. In the 1930s, French liberals saw only the évolués as a possible channel for diffusing political power in Algeria, denigrating Messali Hadj for demagoguery and the AUMA for religious obscurantism. At all times, however, the French government was confronted by the monolithic intransigence of the leaders of the European community in Algeria in opposing any devolution of power to Muslims, even to basically pro-French évolués. The colons also had powerful allies in the French National Assembly, the bureaucracy, the armed forces, and the business community, and were strengthened in their resistance by their almost total control of the Algerian administration and police.

From 1954 to 1962, Algerian nationalists found significant support in Germany, which had a deciding impact on French counterinsurgency efforts during the Algerian war. In that regard, the activities of the FLN outside of France and Algeria was examined. The role of anti-colonial movements underscores the problematic interactions between different security and intelligence services during the Cold War.

Viollette Plan

The mounting social, political, and economic crises in Algeria for the first time induced older and newly emerged classes of indigenous society to engage from 1933 to 1936 in numerous acts of political protest. The government responded with more restrictive laws governing public order and security. In 1936, French socialist Léon Blum became premier in a Popular Front government and appointed Maurice Viollette his minister of state. The Ulemas and in June 1936 the Star of Messali, sensing a new attitude in Paris that would favor their agenda, cautiously joined forces with the FEI.

Representatives of these groups and members of the Algerian Communist Party (Parti Communiste Algérien, PCA) met in Algiers in 1936 at the first Algerian Muslim Congress. The congress drew up an extensive Charter of Demands, which called for the abolition of laws permitting imposition of the régime d'exception, political integration of Algeria and France, maintenance of personal legal status by Muslims acquiring French citizenship, fusion of European and Muslim education systems in Algeria, freedom to use Arabic in education and the press, equal wages for equal work, land reform, establishment of a single electoral college, and universal suffrage.

Blum and Viollette gave a warm reception to a congress delegation in Paris and indicated that many of their demands could be met. Meanwhile, Viollette drew up for the Blum government a proposal to extend French citizenship with full political equality to certain classes of the Muslim "elite", including university graduates, elected officials, army officers, and professionals. Messali Hadj saw in the Viollette Plan a new "instrument of colonialism … to split the Algerian people by separating the elite from the masses". The components of the congress—the ulema, the FEI, and communists—were heartened by the proposal and gave it varying measures of support. Mohamed Bendjelloul and Abbas, as spokesmen for the évolués, who would have the most to gain from the measure, considered this plan a major step toward achieving their aims and redoubled their efforts through the liberal FEI to gain broad support for the policy of Algerian integration with France. Not unexpectedly, however, the colons had taken uncompromising exception to the Blum-Viollette proposal. Although the project would have granted immediate French citizenship and voting rights to only about 21,000 Muslims, with provision for adding a few thousand more each year, spokesmen for the colons raised the specter of the European electorate's being submerged by a Muslim majority. Colon administrators and their supporters threw procedural obstacles in the path of the legislation, and the government gave it only lukewarm support, resulting in its ultimate failure.

While the Viollette Plan was still a live issue, however, Messali Hadj made a dramatic comeback to Algeria and had significant local success in attracting people to the Star. A mark of his success was the fact that in 1937 the government dissolved the Star. The same year Messali Hadj formed the PPA, which had a more moderate program, but he and other PPA leaders were arrested following a large demonstration in Algiers. Although Messali Hadj spent many years in jail, his party had the most widespread support of all opposition groups until it was banned in 1939.

Disillusioned by the failure of the Viollette Plan to win acceptance in Paris, Abbas shifted from a position of favoring assimilation of the évolués and full integration with France to calling for the development of a Muslim Algeria in close association with France but retaining "her own physiognomy, her language, her customs, her traditions". His more immediate goal was greater political, social, and economic equality for Muslims with the colons. By 1938 the cooperation among the parties that made up the congress began to break up.

Polarization and politicization at the time of WWII

Algerian Muslims rallied to the French side at the start of World War II as they had done in World War I. Nazi Germany's quick defeat of France, however, and the establishment of the collaborationist Vichy regime, to which the colons were generally sympathetic, not only increased the difficulties of the Muslims but also posed an ominous threat to the Jews in Algeria. The Algerian administration vigorously enforced the anti-Semitic laws imposed by Vichy, which stripped Algerian Jews of their French citizenship. Potential opposition leaders in both the European and the Muslim communities were arrested.

Allied landings were made at Algiers and Oran by 70,000 British and United States troops on November 8, 1942, in coordination with landings in Morocco. As part of Operation Torch under the overall command of General Dwight D. Eisenhower, Algiers and Oran were secured two days later after a determined resistance by French defenders. On November 11, Admiral François Darlan, commander in chief of Vichy French forces, ordered a ceasefire in North Africa. Algeria provided a base for the subsequent Allied campaign in Tunisia.

After the fall of the Vichy regime in Algeria, General Henri Giraud, Free French commander in chief in North Africa, slowly rescinded repressive Vichy laws despite opposition by colon extremists. He also called on the Muslim population to supply troops for the Allied war effort. Ferhat Abbas and twenty-four other Muslim leaders replied that Algerians were ready to fight with the Allies in freeing their homeland but demanded the right to call a conference of Muslim representatives to develop political, economic, and social institutions for the indigenous population "within an essentially French framework".  Giraud, who succeeded in raising an army of 250,000 men to fight in the Italian campaign, refused to consider this proposal, explaining that "politics" must wait until the end of the war.

The first large Algerian nationalist protest took place in 1945.

The manifesto of the Algerian People

In March 1943, Abbas, who had abandoned assimilation as a viable alternative to self-determination, presented the French administration with the Manifesto of the Algerian People, signed by fifty-six Algerian nationalist and international leaders. Outlining the perceived past and present problems of colonial rule, the manifesto demanded specifically an Algerian constitution that would guarantee immediate and effective political participation and legal equality for Muslims.  It called for agrarian reform, recognition of Arabic as an official language on equal terms with French, recognition of a full range of civil liberties, and the freeing of political prisoners of all parties.

The French governor general created a commission composed of prominent Muslims and Europeans to study the manifesto. This commission produced a supplementary reform program, which was forwarded to General Charles de Gaulle, leader of the Free French movement. De Gaulle and his newly appointed governor general in Algeria, General Georges Catroux, a recognized liberal, viewed the manifesto as evidence of a need to develop a mutually advantageous relationship between the European and Muslim communities. Catroux was reportedly shocked by the "blinded spirit of social conservatism" of the colons, but he did not regard the manifesto as a satisfactory basis for cooperation because he felt it would submerge the European minority in a Muslim state. Instead, the French administration in 1944 instituted a reform package, based on the 1936 Viollette Plan, that granted full French citizenship to certain categories of "meritorious" Algerian Muslims—military officers and decorated veterans, university graduates, government officials, and members of the Legion of Honor—who numbered about 60,000.

Demanding autonomy from France

A new factor influencing Muslim reaction to the reintroduction of the Viollette Plan — which by that date even many moderates had rejected as inadequate — was the shift in Abbas's position from support for integration to the demand for an autonomous state federated with France. Abbas gained the support of the AUMA and formed Friends of the Manifesto and Liberty (Amis du Manifeste et de la Liberté, AML) to work for Algerian autonomie with equal rights for both Europeans and Muslims. Within a short time, the AML's newspaper, Égalité, claimed 500,000 subscribers, indicating unprecedented interest in independence. By this time, over 350,000 Algerian Muslims (out of a total Algerian Muslim population of nine million) were working in France to support their relatives in Algeria, and many thousands more worked in towns. Messali and his PPA still rejected anything short of independence.

Social unrest grew in the winter of 1944–45, fueled in part by a poor wheat harvest, shortages of manufactured goods, and severe unemployment. On May Day, the clandestine PPA organized demonstrations in twenty-one towns across the country, with marchers demanding freedom for Messali Hadj and independence for Algeria. Violence erupted in some locations, including Algiers and Oran, leaving many wounded and three dead.

Nationalist leaders were resolving to mark the approaching liberation of Europe with demonstrations calling for their own liberation, and it was clear that a clash with the authorities was imminent. The tensions between the Muslim and colon communities exploded on May 8, 1945, V-E Day, in an outburst of such violence as to make their polarization complete, if not irreparable. Police had told local organizers they could march in Sétif only if they did not display nationalist flags or placards. They ignored the warnings, the march began, and gunfire resulted in which a number of police and demonstrators were killed. Marchers rampaged, leading to the killing of 103 Europeans. Word spread to the countryside, and villagers attacked colon settlements and government buildings.

The army and police responded by conducting a prolonged and systematic ratissage (literally, raking over) of suspected centers of dissidence. In addition, military airplanes and ships attacked Muslim population centers. According to official French figures, 1,500 Muslims died as a result of these countermeasures. Other estimates vary from 6,000 to as high as 45,000 killed.

In the aftermath of the Sétif violence, the AML was outlawed, and 5,460 Muslims, including Abbas and many PPA members, were arrested. Abbas deplored the uprising but charged that its repression had taken Algeria "back to the days of the Crusades". In April 1946, Abbas once again asserted the demands of the manifesto and founded the Democratic Union of the Algerian Manifesto (Union Démocratique du Manifeste Algérien), UDMA Abbas called for a free, secular, and republican Algeria loosely federated with France. Upon his release from five-year house arrest, Messali Hadj returned to Algeria and formed the Movement for the Triumph of Democratic Liberties (Mouvement pour le Triomphe des Libertés Démocratiques, MTLD), which quickly drew supporters from a broad cross-section of society. Committed to unequivocal independence, the MTLD firmly opposed Abbas's proposal for federation. However some ex-PPA members convinced that independence could only be obtained by military means, continued to operate clandestinely and maintain cells in the Aures Mountains and Kabylie while maintaining membership in the MTLD. In 1947, they formed the (Organisation spéciale, OS) operating loosely within the MTLD and led by Hocine Ait Ahmed. Their goal was to conduct terrorist operations since political protest through legal channels had been suppressed by the colonial authorities. Ait Ahmed was later succeeded as chief of the OS by Ahmed Ben Bella, one of the early Algerian nationalist leaders.

The National Assembly approved the government-proposed Organic Statute of Algeria in August 1947. This law called for the creation of an Algerian Assembly with one house representing Europeans and "meritorious" Muslims, and the other representing the remaining more than 8 million Muslims. The statute also replaced mixed communes with elected local councils, abolished military government in the Algerian Sahara, recognized Arabic as an official language with French, and proposed enfranchising Muslim women. Muslim and colon deputies alike abstained or voted against the statute but for diametrically opposed reasons: the Muslims because it fell short of their expectations and the colons because it went too far.

The sweeping victory of Messali Hadj's MTLD in the 1947 municipal elections frightened the colons, whose political leaders, through fraud and intimidation, attempted to obtain a result more favorable to them in the following year's first Algerian Assembly voting. The term élection algérienne became a synonym for rigged election. The MTLD was allowed nine seats, Abbas's UDMA was given eight, and government-approved "independents" were awarded fifty-five seats. These results may have reassured some of the colons that the nationalists had been rejected by the Muslim community, but the elections suggested to many Muslims that a peaceful solution to Algeria's problems was not possible.

At the first session of the colon-controlled Algerian Assembly, an MTLD delegate was arrested at the door, prompting other Muslim representatives to walk out in protest. A request by Abbas to gain the floor was refused. Frustrated by these events, the nationalist parties, joined by the PCA, formed a common political front that undertook to have the results of the election voided. French socialists and moderates tried to initiate a formal inquiry into the reports of vote fraud but were prevented from doing so by the assembly's European delegates, who persuaded the governor general that an investigation would disturb the peace. New elections in 1951 were subject to the same sort of rigging that had characterized the 1948 voting.

In 1952 anti-French demonstrations precipitated by the OS led to Messali Hadj's arrest and deportation to France. Internal divisions and attacks by the authorities severely weakened the MTLD, draining its energies. Colon extremists took every opportunity to persuade the French government of the need for draconian measures against the emergent independence movement.

Ben Bella created a new underground action committee to replace the OS, which had been broken up by the French police in 1950. The new group, the Revolutionary Committee of Unity and Action (Comité Révolutionnaire d'Unité et d'Action, CRUA), was based in Cairo, where Ben Bella had fled in 1952. Known as the chefs historiques (historical chiefs), the group's nine original leaders—Hocine Ait Ahmed, Mohamed Boudiaf, Belkacem Krim, Rabah Bitat, Larbi Ben M'Hidi, Mourad Didouch, Moustafa Ben Boulaid, Mohamed Khider, and Ben Bella—were considered the leaders of the Algerian War of Independence.

Algerian nationalism and the war of independence

Political mobilisation

Between March and October 1954, the CRUA organised a military network in Algeria comprising six military regions (referred to at the time as wilayat; singular: wilaya). The leaders of these regions and their followers became known as the "internals". Ben Bella, Mohammed Khider, and Hocine Aït Ahmed formed the External Delegation in Cairo. Encouraged by i.e. Egypt's President Gamal Abdul Nasser (r. 1954–71), their role was to gain foreign support for the rebellion and to acquire arms, supplies, and funds for the wilaya commanders. In October the CRUA renamed itself the National Liberation Front (Front de Libération Nationale, FLN), which assumed responsibility for the political direction of the revolution. The National Liberation Army (Armée de Libération Nationale, ALN), the FLN's military arm, was to conduct the War of Independence within Algeria. FLN and ALN diffused the civil-military relations, and the army remained present throughout the end of the war and beyond, although in the end the victory would in the end be a political one rather than a military. The FLN resorted to populist rhetorics and used symbolic slogans such as for example "one sole hero: the people", however, they remained somewhat distanced from the population during the war. This was partly a consequence of the inability of a class strong enough to emerge and articulate a credible and overarching consensus about revolutionary resistance strategies under the oppression of the colonial system. The FLN was a complex organisation, entailing much more than what perceived at first glance, they were characterised by an anti-intellectualism and a conviction that the country (and thereby also the abstract masses) had to be liberated by a violent group of dedicated revolutionaries. Simultaneously, their leadership struggled with intra-elite ideological conflicts and throughout history, FLN has simultaneously contained Liberals, Marxists as well as Islamists.

Defining the nation

The many and versatile events of the war of liberation in Algeria (see Algerian war) between 1954 - 1962, one of the longest and bloodiest decolonisation struggles, have in different ways shaped past and present ideas about the Algerian nation. Both warring parties resorted extensively to violence, and the collective memory of torture during the Algerian war of Independence still lingers heavily on the national identity of Algeria.

The FLN was after some time more or less the predominant organisation in the national struggle against France, however support of the national liberation rested partly on a cornerstone of intimidation, aimed at promoting compliance from the native population. To be seen as a pro-French Muslim - a "béni-oui-oui" could cause immediate retribution. Spurred by i.e. internal political turmoil partly caused by an enormous presence of the French army, an effect of a vote in of special powers by the National Assembly, FLN was under severe pressure in the late 50s. The nation was torn between an extremely aggressive coloniser and an FLN who claimed to embody the struggle of the people. Before, during, and after the Algerian war Algerian nationalism was heavily influenced by Pan-Arabism and Arab nationalism. These ideologies spread from the Middle East, and were promoted by popular foreign Arab nationalist figures like Gamal Abdel Nasser. The FLN, especially after independence, espoused Arabism and began the Arabization process of the country as a way to combat "colonial divides" created by France, which however led to the estrangement of Berber areas, and unrest.

The dissonant role of the Woman in Algerian nationalism

Women played a major yet diverse role in the war of independence in Algeria (see  Women in the Algerian War), as physical participants but also as symbolic contestation. The war could in one way be seen as a battle to win hearts and minds of the people, and the body and idea of the Muslim woman was an arena of major confrontation between the French and the FLN. On the one hand, French rule was justified (as in many other conflicts and contexts) by pointing to the Islamic family regulations as problematic and backwards and something that needed to be corrected and governed, an issue that only the "emancipatory power of French values" could solve. Moreover, it was thought that appealing to the Muslim woman was the only way to "win the hearts and minds of the family as a whole". As a response, the (often rural) Veiled Muslim Woman became a symbol of Algerian resistance, an allegory of purity and the impenetrability of Religion.

However, the FLN's nationalistic discourse on women was constructed in a similar fashion to the French one, and was to some extent maybe directed to an international audience rather than the (rural) females who were subjects of the propaganda. They made sure to diffuse images of women who were bearing weapons and who were participating in the war, and argued that only emancipation from colonial rule would lead to this absolute liberation of women. Abbas once said, inspired by the works of Fanon, that "Women are the symbol of the new society and shall part-take in shaping new societies.". This image of the liberated Algerian Woman counteracted racial stereotypes and made it harder for France to justify continued coloniality.

On 30 September 1956, three female FLN members, Zora Drif, Djamila Bouhired and Samia Lakhdari placed bombs in two cafés in the French settler neighbourhoods as a response to an earlier bomb placed by units of the French police in a Muslim quarter. They had managed to trespass the French checkpoint by simulating "french appearance" - later it has however been noted that many women who were part of the urban FLN bomb networks were often students who already dressed in a western fashion, what was disguised was thereby their political engagement rather than their physical identity. The event is said to have sparked the Battle of Algiers (1956–57) significantly. Djamila and the political engagement of women in the independence war was depicted in the Egyptian film Jamila, the Algerian (1958)- a movie that managed to mobilise huge support for the Algerian resistance movement throughout the Arab world. Later the trio also played an important part in The Battle of Algiers produced in 1966. Popular culture enforced the idealised image of the emancipated Algerian mujahadinat. These three women, together with for example the three Djamilas (Djamila Bouhired(again), Djamila Bouazza and Djamila Boupacha) became important figures to resort to in the construction of the Algerian self.

The treatment and torture of these women and other prisoners taken during the battle of Algiers also played great role in damaging French legitimacy as a moral authority. Simultaneously, the (partly self-chosen) de-politisation of their own actions contributed to a scattered gender order.

FLN as the symbol of national liberation

The Battle of Algiers (1956-57) was a phase of the war that could be described as militarily won by the French but politically won by FLN. The French strategy, led by Charles de Gaulle and General Maurice Challe, alienated the population and resulted in international condemnation of the brutality of the French method. The first time Algerians' right to self-determination was recognised was in a speech by de Gaule on 16 September 1959. Whereas French policies changed over time, and in addition was highly fragmented due to the ideological fractions between the settler population, the mainland French government and the OAS (Organisation armée secrète), the outspoken political objective of FLN remained national independence. This allowed them some extent to create an image of unity and common purpose, somehow managing to embody the voice of the people in their official discourse. Even though they failed to articulate broad-based national goals and strategies to achieve them, they remained a symbol of national liberation, something that until this day might be what has contributed largely to their legitimacy.

Evolution of Algerian nationalism after independence
In 1963, the Nationality law defined Algerianness on the basis of ethno-cultural terms, which meant that on paper, someone's participation in the war of independence was the signifier of their nationality. This meant amongst many things that even Europeans who had fought on the Algerian side in the war could earn the right to become Algerians.

Algeria – Mecca of the revolutionaries
In 1962, Ben Bella was after a turbulent couple of months named president of the independent Algeria, and drawing upon a largely mythical and invented past tried to ambitiously govern the post-colonial reality. The relationship between leaders and ordinary people was under the first years of independence a seemingly egalitarian one, building upon the social levelling present in Algerian nationalism even since Messali Hadj. Ben Bella contributed to the mapping of Algeria as a model country in the fight against colonial and imperial rule, and the portrayal of Algeria as a new form of socialist society. Shortly after independence, Algeria's borders were opened up to "brothers of arms" from contemporary liberation movements in i.e. Namibia, Rhodesia, Brittany, Congo and Mozambique. Most prominent maybe the refuge offered to Nelson Mandela and the ANC movement in South Africa. His travels to Cuba, where he met with both Fidel Castro and Che Guevara to discuss the communist revolutions further amplified the socialist affiliation of the government were important signifiers of the nature of the Algerian self. The inspiration as well as support that was offered by multiple Eastern European countries as well as diplomatic relations with Russia, China, a number of countries in the North Africa and Middle East and even the United States also emphasised that Algeria was no longer going to be dependent on one single imperial State. Algeria and more specifically Algiers become the incarnation of pan-arabism and pan-Africanism, a central point - and was transformed into a ""Mecca of the revolutionaries".

The epitome of the socialist and revolutionary Algerian nation-building project was the PANAF (Festival panafricain d'Alger), the first pan-African cultural festival of enormous size, that took place in 1969. Under the leadership of Boumediene, the city continued to play its role of a capital of liberation movements, although denunciation of the anti-Islamic "communist influences" Ben Bella was accused of having susceptible to. The festival was an important event in the continued construction of the national identity and partly contributed to restore some of its appeal to the youths of Algeria.The festival took the shape of a huge two-day carnival where performances, expositions as well as intellectual conferences merged. It hosted important figures from the entire African continent as well as from the African diaspora, such as Miriam Makeba, Archie Shepp, Nina Simone, Maya Angelou, members from the Black Panthers, and members from Patrice Lumumba's Congolese independence movement. In many ways, the first PANAF was a subversive and temporary space which had never been seen before and might never occur again. During a grand synopsium, Boumediene addressed three main questions that to a large extent shaped the discourse surrounding the festival and pointed to the role of culture in the construction of national as well as panafricain identities. Firstly the reality of the African culture, secondly the role African culture in national liberation struggles and in the consolidation of an African unity, and thirdly the role of African culture in the future social development of Africa. The nationalist project of Boumediène was is a way articulated as a dual one, in the sens that it aimed to go back to traditional values and norms, but at the same time to progress and develop in the modern world of science and technology.

Diverse 1970s and 80s
During the 1970s and 80s, much happened in the Algerian society. Early on, Boumedienne made efforts to strengthen the national image, independence from the outside world was emphasised and oil and gas was nationalised. Even though the idea of a collective independence remained present, multiple identities increasingly competed to patent what it was to be Algerian. The cultural battle between French, Berber and Arabic boomed - and the political elite favoured Arabisation on the expense of for example Berber culture and what could be deemed as western. One of the consequences of arabisation was the introduction of the Algerian Family Code, a law informed by a reading of Islamic law which highly compromised the rights of women. The "liberation" some women had experienced during the war of independence was step by step halted or withdrawn. The mujahadinat past of some women could however still legitimise some activist's campaigns on women's rights issues in the 80s and forward, since their proved belonging to the nation could (at least partly) provide proof that their ideas were not simply a consequence of westernisation.

"Black Decade" and the tearing apart of the collective Algerian self
In the shift from 1980 to 1990 the political culture in Algeria was steaming. Internationally, the communist eastern bloc had just fallen and Islamism was on the rise. Meanwhile, the country was ongoing democratisation and was planning its first multi party election, which the FIS (Islamic Salvation Front) seemed to win. In this context, polarisation bloomed, the political climate toughened and materialised in violence and it got increasingly hard to debate differences verbally. The situation culminated in the Algerian civil war between multiple Islamist groups and the military, who had taken control over the government when the FLN seemed to face defeat. Once again the Algerian society experienced extensive and ruthless violence, which culminated in the late 1990s. In essence, the Algerian entre-soi was torn apart. In 1999 Abdelaziz Bouteflika, a member of the FLN, was elected president and a number of amnesty laws allowed many former Islamists to lay down arms, simultaneously launching extensive counter-terrorist attacks which forced a large number of insurgents out of the country. The violence continued but slowly changed form, and by 2006 the only Islamist splinter group that was still in place, GSPC, joined Al-Qaeda and internationalised their goal. Having before stated that they wanted to "build an Islamic state with sharia law in Algeria", they later proclaimed that they had moved ideologically towards Al-Qaeda's global jihad and aspired to establish an Islamic state in the entire Maghreb.

Young generation and the fall of Bouteflika
The current anti-Bouteflika demonstrations in Algeria (Manifestations de 2019 en Algérie or 2019 Algerian protests) were, especially in the beginning, extremely careful not to be identified with the Islamist civil war of the 1990s or with the Arab spring of early 2010. The protests have been enormous and reoccurred every Friday – but remained peaceful for a long time. Later protests have seen increased presence of the military, which has a long history of intervening in Algerian politics.

Some important symbols stemming from earlier times of Algerian history have however appeared later in the movement. For example, the slogan "one sole hero, the people" is once again visible on the streets. The movement has also referred to the independence in 62 as the "liberation of the state", thus pointing to the current manifestations as a way to obtain "liberation of the people". Moreover, partly as a consequence of one of the earlier Fridays of demonstrations coinciding with the International Women's Day, women very quickly took part in the demonstrations as well.

Algerianism

The term Algerianism has had two meanings in history, one during the French colonial era, and another one after the independence of Algeria.

During the French era, algérianisme was a literary genre with political overtones, born among French Algerian writers (see Algerian literature) who hoped for a common Algerian future culture, uniting French settlers and native Algerians. The term algérianiste was used for the first time in a 1911 novel by Robert Randau, "Les Algérianistes". A Cercle algérianiste was created in France in 1973 by Pieds-Noirs, with several local chapters. It has for "purpose to safeguard the cultural heritage born from the French presence in Algeria."

In Algerian contemporary politics, algerianist is a political label given to Algerian nationalists whose policies focus more on the unity of Algeria's nation-state beyond regional idiosyncrasies.

The modern Arabic language has two distinct words which can be translated into English as "nationalism": qawmiyya قومية, derived from the word qawm (meaning "tribe, ethnic nationality"), and wataniyya وطنية, derived from the word watan (meaning "homeland, native country"). The word qawmiyya has been used to refer to pan-Arab nationalism, while wataniyya has been used to refer to patriotism at a more local level (sometimes disparaged as "regionalism" by those who consider pan-Arabism the only true form of Arab nationalism). Algerianism is the Algerian patriotism, against pan-Arabist nationalism and different forms of regionalisms.

References

Original text: Library of Congress Country Study of Algeria
Encyclopædia Britannica

Further reading
 Horne, Alistair. (1977). A Savage War of Peace: Algeria, 1954-1962. Viking Press.
 McDougall, James. (2017). A History of Algeria. Cambridge University Press.
 McDougall, James. (2006). History and the culture of nationalism in Algeria. Cambridge University Press.

External links
The Colonial System and Algerian Nationalism

Algerian War
National liberation movements
Resistance movements

Algerian nationalism


Ron Norsworthy is an American visual artist and designer. His work employs notions of spaces and decoration of space as narratives about his lived experience as a queer person of color as well as that of his community/communities. His interdisciplinary practice is a fusion of fine art, video and multiple design disciplines. In addition to his solo practice, Norsworthy is part of DARNstudio, an art collaboration with his husband and fellow artist, David Anthone.

Early life
Norsworthy was born in South Bend, Indiana. A graduate of Princeton University, he began his career working as a designer for the architect Michael Graves.

Career
He was the CEO and founder of the multi-disciplinary design firm The Norsworthy Fund (2005-2010) as well as creator of N Home, a line of bedding and home accessories developed in partnership with television shopping channel QVC (UK), which he presented on the channel from 2011-2014.

His interest in the role of architecture in entertainment and pop culture led him to explore art direction and production design. He is responsible for numerous design projects, including many music videos, sets, interiors, and events.

Norsworthy was production designer for a music videos and televised performances for artists such as Britney Spears, Missy Elliott, Salt-N-Pepa, Erykah Badu, Madonna, Destiny's Child, Busta Rhymes, Aretha Franklin, Jay-Z, and Sean Combs (P. Diddy). These projects encompass a two decade span in which Norsworthy designed films, videos, and commercials, working with directors Matthew Rolston, Hype Williams and Spike Lee.  He was elected and served on the New York Chapter Board of Governors for the Grammy Awards  from 1999–2000.

Norsworthy's art has been exhibited in galleries and institutions.  His work was shown at the Studio Museum in Harlem as part of the exhibition "Harlemworld:  Metropolis as Metaphor" organized by curator Thelma Golden in 2004.  His piece, entitled "Reparation Tower, Harlem", was a full-scaled sales office for a luxury high-rise in the form of an upraised fist.  The installation and exhibition were favorably reviewed by architecture critic Herbert Mitchell Muschamp in The New York Times who described the work as "...  a symbol of defiance aimed at indifference.  But the symbol is handsomely fitted with interiors that signify bourgeois complacency...  the views from within must be fabulous."

Work

TV shows & specials
BET Spring Bling 2006 (Miami)
'Making The Band', TV Show, MTV Networks
That's What I'm Talking About, TV Land Networks
"Spring Break" 2004 Miami, Florida, MTV Networks
"Madonna Live and On The Record", MTV Networks
Summer Beach House Kick Off Party, MTV Networks
MTV Spring Break 2005 Cancun, MTV Networks
Like a Virgin/Hollywood Medley, 2003 MTV Music Video Awards, MTV Networks
"Direct Effect Presents: Fashionably Loud", MTV Networks
TRL @ Your School, TV Special, MTV Networks
Toni Braxton "You're Makin' Me High", 1997 American Music Awards
National Christmas Tree Lighting Ceremony, 2009

Music videos
"Sinkin' In", Lisa Marie Presley, director: Barnabus
"Sexual (Li Da Di)", Amber, director: Ron Norsworthy
"Supernatural", Wild Orchid, director:  Ron Norsworthy
"(Shorty) Swing My Way", K.P. & Envyi, director:  Ron Norsworthy
"All I Need", Fat Joe, director: Gina Prince Bythewood
"Woo Hah!! Got You All in Check", Busta Rhymes, Director: Hype Williams
"Bag Lady", Erykah Badu, director: Erykah Badu
"Through the Rain", Mariah Carey, director: Joseph Kahn
"Put Your Hands Where My Eyes Can See", Busta Rhymes, director: Hype Williams
"Mo' Money Mo' Problems", Notorious B.I.G. f/ P. Diddy & Mase, director: Hype Williams
"I Believe I Can Fly", R Kelly, director: Hype Williams
"It's All About the Benjamins", P Diddy featuring Lil' Kim and The Lox, director: Paul Hunter
"The Rain (Supa Dupa Fly)", Missy Elliott, director: Hype Williams
"Loungin'", LL Cool J, director: Hype Williams
"A Rose is Still a Rose", Aretha Franklin, director: Lauryn Hill
"Phone Tap", The Firm, director: Nick Quested
"Take it to the Streets", Rampage, director: Darren Grant
"If I Ruled the World", Nas featuring Lauryn Hill, director: Hype Williams
"Killing Me Softly", The Fugees, director: Earle Sebastian
"1nce Again", A Tribe Called Quest, director: Hype Williams
"Jazzybelle", Outkast, director: Bille Woodruff
"I'll Be", Foxy Brown featuring Jay-Z, director: Brett Ratner
"I Don't Want To Lose You", Toni Braxton, director: Bille Woodruff
"That Girl", Maxi Priest featuring Shaggy, director: Hype Williams
"Let's Talk About Sex", Salt 'n Pepa, director: Millicent Shelton
"The Weakness In Me", Melissa Etheridge, director: Maria Maggenti
"You Sang To Me", Marc Anthony, director: Jeff Richter

References

External links

Adolescent Angst Is on Location in Harlem

Telling Stories of Black Life Rescued Him

American production designers
Living people
People from South Bend, Indiana
Princeton University alumni
Year of birth missing (living people)

Ron Norsworthy


Long Division is the second album by the Rustic Overtones. It was originally released on November 17, 1995. The albumn is the band longest till now and the length is an hour and seven minutes.

History

It remains a fan favorite after a decade despite it being not widely available. It is deemed as the band breakthrough albumn. Until early 2008, the albumn is almost impossible to find. There are copies still found occasionally on websites such as eBay and Amazon.com.

The band posted a teaser trailer on their MySpace that they were to re-release the album on November 15, 2007. At a show at Portland club The Asylum on November 24, 2007, the band announced the album will be re-released. Due to delays, the re-released album was finally released on the March 19,2008. There are some bonus tracks in the albumn.

Track listing
 "About a Kid"
 "Simple Song"
 "Spunk Drive 185"
 "Colors of Discipline"
 "20 Years"
 "Fake Face"
 "Dig"
 "Feel"
 "Pimp"
 "Long Division"
 "Slowly"
 "Outlaw Biker"
 "Pop Trash"
Reference:

2008 Re-release bonus tracks
 "Red Afternoon"
 "Redemption Pays"
 "Let Me Grabbitz"

References

1995 albums
Rock albums

Long Division (Rustic Overtones album)


Sarah J. Tracy is an organizational communication scholar and full professor in Arizona State University's Hugh Downs School of Human Communication.

Tracy earned a B.A. in 1993 from the University of Southern California, and received her Master of Arts and Ph.D. degrees in communication from the University of Colorado at Boulder, where she was advised by Stanley A. Deetz. While at Colorado, she became a co-author with Deetz and Jennifer Lyn Simpson of the book Leading Organizations through Transition: Communication and Cultural Change (Sage Publications, 1999, ). Her doctoral thesis on Emotional labor and correctional officers:  A study of emotion norms, performance and unintended consequences in a total institution (2000) won the National Communication Association's Miller Dissertation Award. She joined the ASU faculty in 2000.

Dr. Tracy's communication scholarship examines emotion and identity within organizations, with a focus on workplace bullying, emotional labor, occupational burnout, and work-life balance.  Through the use of qualitative research, such as participant observation, in-depth interviewing, focus groups, and discourse analysis, her ethnographic studies investigate targets of workplace bullying, male executives, correctional officers, 911 emergency call-takers, public relations professionals, and cruise ship activity coordinators.  Tracy designs and conducts her research in an attempt to provide new information and knowledge that can potentially improve organizational environments and the everyday lives of men and women.

References

Year of birth missing (living people)
Living people
Arizona State University faculty
University of Southern California alumni
University of Colorado Boulder alumni
Workplace harassment and bullying
Academics and writers on bullying

Sarah J. Tracy


Mr. Holland's Opus is a 1995 American drama film directed by Stephen Herek, produced by Ted Field, Robert W. Cort, and Michael Nolin, and written by Patrick Sheane Duncan. The film stars Richard Dreyfuss in the title role of Glenn Holland, a dedicated high-school music teacher who attempts to compose his own music while struggling to balance his job and life with his wife and profoundly deaf son. The cast also includes Glenne Headly, Olympia Dukakis, William H. Macy, and Jay Thomas.

The film was nominated for the Golden Globe Award for Best Screenplay. Richard Dreyfuss received nominations for the Golden Globe Award for Best Actor – Motion Picture Drama and the Academy Award for Best Actor.

Plot
In the fall of 1964, 30-year-old Glenn Holland is a successful and talented musician and composer from Portland, Oregon. He switches gears, taking a position as a music teacher at John F. Kennedy High School so that he can spend more time with his young wife Iris and work on his symphony. The film covers his 30-year teaching career, set amongst the changes in American society.

Holland at first struggles in his new job, but learns how to connect with his students by using rock and roll and other popular music to convince them that music is a fun and worthwhile pursuit. He becomes a popular teacher at the school and rises to the task of creating a school marching band with help from the football coach, Bill Meister, with whom he becomes lifelong friends. Holland persuades principal Helen Jacobs to maintain funding for the school's arts programs, despite a shrinking budget and the objections of vice principal Gene Wolters.

The time Holland devotes to his classes, the marching band, orchestra, productions and mentoring both struggling and talented students leaves him little time to work on his symphony, or to spend with his family. When his son, Cole, is found to be deaf, he is severely disappointed that he will never be able to share his love of music. He fails to learn American Sign Language properly, leaving him unable to communicate with his son and creating a rift between him and Iris, who has to raise Cole mostly by herself. As the years progress, Holland grows closer to his students at Kennedy High and more distant from his own son. An argument with his teenage son finally makes Holland realize the error of his ways and he learns to communicate with his son and  help him visualize the music he can't hear, and repairs his relationship with his wife.

In 1995, Wolters (who is now the principal) shuts down the school's arts programs, citing further cuts from the Education Board and the need to prioritize reading, writing and math, and Holland is laid off as a result. Holland makes an impassioned plea to the Board to no avail and becomes despondent, believing that his teaching career has amounted to nothing. On his last day, Holland's wife and son, now a teacher himself, help him clear out his office and take him to the auditorium. It is packed full of current and former students who greet him with a standing ovation. Gertrude Lang, a struggling clarinetist from Holland's first year teaching, now Governor of Oregon, gives a speech praising Mr. Holland, that his legacy is more than just the symphony; it is all the people he has helped and influenced over 30 years. She joins past members of the school's orchestra, who have been practicing the symphony in secret, on stage. Mr. Holland conducts them in its premiere performance.

Cast
 Richard Dreyfuss as Glenn Holland, a composer who becomes a music teacher at John F. Kennedy High School.
 Glenne Headly as Iris Holland, Glenn's wife.
 Jay Thomas as Bill Meister, the gym teacher and coach of John F. Kennedy High School's football & wrestling teams who befriends Glenn.
 Olympia Dukakis as Principal Helen Jacobs, the principal of John F. Kennedy High School, who retires in 1972.
 William H. Macy as Vice Principal Gene Wolters, the vice-principal of John F. Kennedy High School who later becomes principal in 1972.
 Jean Louisa Kelly as Rowena Morgan, a talented singer who seeks to embark on a showbiz career.
 Joanna Gleason as Gertrude Lang, an aspiring clarinet player who eventually becomes the governor of Oregon.
 Alicia Witt as younger Gertrude Lang
 Damon Whitaker as Bobby Tidd, one of Glenn's students.
 Forest Whitaker as adult Bobby Tidd (uncredited)
 Terrence Howard as Louis Russ, a football player and wrestler who becomes a bass drum player in the marching band.
 Alexandra Boyd as Sarah Olmstead, a drama teacher.
 Anthony Natale as Coltrane "Cole" Holland (age 28), Glenn and Iris' son, who is 90% deaf.
 Joseph Anderson as Coltrane "Cole" Holland (age 15)
 Nicholas John Renner as Coltrane "Cole" Holland (age 6)
 Beth Maitland as Deaf School Principal, the principal of a deaf school that Cole is enrolled in.

Production
The movie was written by Patrick Sheane Duncan, directed by Stephen Herek, and was filmed in and around Portland, Oregon, with many exterior and interior scenes taking place at Ulysses S. Grant High School. Other scenes were filmed in Portland's St. Johns neighborhood and Hollywood District.

Archival footage
Archival footage seen in the film includes:

 Martin Luther King Jr.'s speech
 Robert and John F. Kennedy
 Woodstock
 Vietnam War
 Richard Nixon's resignation speech
 The Rocky Horror Picture Show
 Saturday Night Fever
 Stop Making Sense
 Murder of John Lennon
 Disco Demolition Night at Comiskey Park

Music
The film features an orchestral score by Michael Kamen and many pieces of classical music. Kamen also wrote An American Symphony ("Mr. Holland's Opus"), the work on which Mr. Holland is shown working throughout the movie.  Kamen's arrangement won the 1997 Grammy for Best Instrumental Arrangement.

Soundtrack releases
Two soundtrack albums were released for this film in January 1996. One is the original motion picture score, and includes all of the original music written for the film by Michael Kamen. The second album is a collection of popular music featured in the film:

 "Visions of a Sunset" – Shawn Stockman (of Boyz II Men)
 "1-2-3" – Len Barry
 "A Lover's Concerto" – The Toys
 "Keep On Running" – Spencer Davis Group
 "Uptight (Everything's Alright)" – Stevie Wonder
 "Imagine" – John Lennon
 "The Pretender" – Jackson Browne
 "Someone to Watch Over Me" – Julia Fordham
 "I Got a Woman" – Ray Charles
 "Beautiful Boy (Darling Boy)" – John Lennon
 "Cole's Song" – Julian Lennon and Tim Renwick
 An American Symphony ("Mr. Holland's Opus") – London Metropolitan Orchestra and Michael Kamen

Reception

Box office
In the United States, gross domestic takings totaled US$82,569,971. International takings are estimated at US$23,700,000, for a gross worldwide takings of $106,269,971. Rental totals reached $36,550,000 in the US. Although the film is included among 1995 box-office releases (it ranks as the 14th-most successful film of that year), it was only released in a few theatres in New York and Los Angeles on December 29, 1995, because Disney felt, accurately, that Richard Dreyfuss' performance had a good chance of getting an Oscar nomination if it beat that year's in-theatre deadline.

Critical
The film holds a 75% "Fresh" rating from 28 reviews at Rotten Tomatoes. The site's consensus states: "A feel-good story brought to life by a terrific ensemble cast, Mr. Holland's Opus plucks the heartstrings without shame -- and with undeniable skill." CinemaScore reported that audiences gave the film a rare "A+" grade. The New York Times film review cited Dreyfuss for "a warm and really touching performance"; Variety also called his performance "quite effective and surprisingly restrained". Variety further noted the "nostalgic aura" that permeates the film, "which encourages viewers to think fondly of — and pay tribute to — the one teacher in their lives who made a difference". Roger Ebert gave the film 3 1/2 out of 4 stars, commending its starring and supporting casts and agreeing with the film's message of the ability of high school teachers to inspire their students, as well as the importance of cultural offerings on the curriculum.

Writer Patrick Sheane Duncan was nominated for the Golden Globe Award for Best Screenplay at the 53rd Golden Globe Awards. Dreyfuss was nominated for the Academy Award for Best Actor and the Golden Globe Award for Best Actor – Motion Picture Drama.

Accolades
The film is recognized by American Film Institute in this list:
 2006: AFI's 100 Years...100 Cheers – Nominated

The Mr. Holland's Opus Foundation
Inspired by the motion picture, its composer, Michael Kamen, founded The Mr. Holland's Opus Foundation  in 1996 as his commitment to the future of music education.

Musical version
A world premiere musical version adapted from Duncan's screenplay was staged from August 12 to September 17, 2022 at the Ogunquit Playhouse in Ogunquit, Maine. Book, lyrics and direction are by Tony Award winner BD Wong with music by Wayne Barker.

See also
 List of films featuring the deaf and hard of hearing
 Dead Poets Society, a 1989 American teen drama film which Mr. Holland's Opus was marketed as a sequel to in Taiwan, renamed Dead Poets Society 1996.
 "", a 2017 episode of the twenty-ninth season of The Simpsons which spoofs Mr. Holland's Opus.

References

External links

 The Mr. Holland's Opus Foundation

1995 films
1995 drama films
American drama films
American Sign Language films
Films about classical music and musicians
Films about composers
Films about deaf people
Films about educators
Films directed by Stephen Herek
Films set in the 1960s
Films set in the 1970s
Films set in the 1980s
Films set in the 1990s
Films shot in Portland, Oregon
Films set in Portland, Oregon
Hollywood Pictures films
Interscope Communications films
PolyGram Filmed Entertainment films
Films set in schools
Films scored by Michael Kamen
1990s English-language films
1990s American films

Mr. Holland's Opus


The Epping Forest (also known as the Alfred I. duPont Estate) was a historic,  estate in Jacksonville, Florida, United States where a luxurious riverfront mansion was built in the mid-1920s by industrialist Alfred I. du Pont and his third wife, Jessie Ball du Pont. It was added to the U.S. National Register of Historic Places in 1973 and has been restored to its original grandeur as the home of the Epping Forest Yacht Club. On April 18, 2012, the AIA's Florida Chapter placed the Epping Forest Yacht Club on its list of "Florida Architecture: 100 Years. 100 Places".

du Pont history
Alfred I. du Pont was originally from Delaware and controlled the famous DuPont Chemical Company with his cousins, Pierre and Coleman. Over the years, their relationship deteriorated to the point where Alfred resigned from the family company in 1917. He created business ventures in Delaware and New York, but in 1925, cousin Pierre was named Delaware's Tax Commissioner. To prevent Pierre from sticking his nose into Alfred's property holdings and investments, Alfred decided to relocate to Jacksonville, Florida, a city he'd often heard his mother talk about when he was growing up.
Alfred and Jessie became legal residents of Florida and Alfred began a second career pioneering the development of sound banking practices and investing in transportation and the paper industry.
The location Alfred chose for their permanent home was at Christopher Point, the widest spot on the St. Johns River, which provided an excellent area for his favorite pastime, yachting on his beloved  Nenemoosha, built in 1922.

Local architects Marsh & Saxelbye designed the , 25-room Epping Forest Mansion, but Harold Saxelbye contributed the most influence. It is primarily Mediterranean Revival, combining influences from Gothic, Spanish Renaissance and Baroque architectural. Jessie selected the furnishings; Alfred designed the formal English gardens and lion's head fountain. The estate was named in honor of Mary Ball Washington, George Washington's mother and Jessie's ancestor, whose Virginia plantation bore the same name. The duPonts estate hosted U.S. presidents, powerful men (Vanderbilt, Carnegie, etc.) and kings.
After Jessie Ball duPont died in 1970, Edward Ball, who was Jessie's brother, sold the property to his close friend and local businessman Raymond K. Mason, CEO of the Charter Company, who used the property as his family residence until 1984.

Epping Forest Yacht & Country Club

In 1984, Gate Petroleum Company purchased the   du Pont estate. The 11⅓ acres occupied by the mansion, gardens, boathouse and riverfront were restored to their original splendor and transformed into the Epping Forest Yacht & Country Club.
The remaining property was developed into a gated community of ninety $1 million homes and 80 condominiums under the Epping Forest name. The last home was constructed in 1999.

References

External links
 Duval County listings at National Register of Historic Places
 Florida's Office of Cultural and Historical Programs
 Duval County listings
 Great Floridians of Jacksonville
 Epping Forest Yacht & Country Club

Buildings and structures in Jacksonville, Florida
History of Jacksonville, Florida
National Register of Historic Places in Jacksonville, Florida
Du Pont family residences
Houses in Jacksonville, Florida
Gated communities in Florida
Alfred I. du Pont
Gate Petroleum
Southside, Jacksonville
1927 establishments in Florida

Epping Forest (Jacksonville)


Indigenous decolonization describes ongoing theoretical and political processes whose goal is to contest and reframe narratives about indigenous community histories and the effects of colonial expansion, cultural assimilation, exploitative Western research, and often though not inherent, genocide.  Indigenous people engaged in decolonization work adopt a critical stance towards western-centric research practices and discourse and seek to reposition knowledge within Indigenous cultural practices.

The decolonial work that relies on structures of western political thought has been characterized as paradoxically furthering cultural dispossession. In this context, there has been a call for the use of independent intellectual, spiritual, social, and physical reclamation and rejuvenation even if these practices do not translate readily into political recognition. Scholars may also characterize indigenous decolonization as an intersectional struggle that "cannot liberate all people without first addressing racism and sexism."

Beyond the theoretical dimensions of indigenous-decolonization work, direct action campaigns, healing journeys, and embodied social struggles for decolonization are frequently associated with ongoing native resistance struggles and disputes over land rights, ecological extraction, political marginalization, and sovereignty. While native resistance struggles have gone on for centuries, an upsurge of indigenous activism took place in the 1960s - coinciding with national liberation movements in Africa, Asia, and the Americas.

Methods

Indigenous Postcolonial Theory
Coined by Anna Lees, the methodology of "Indigenous Postcolonial Theory" builds upon and draws clear distinctions from other schools of postcolonial or decolonial thought. First, the prefix post– doesn't refer to a period of time, but rather a perpetual ambition of eradicating the political and social power imbalances and effects of colonization that manifest in efforts to culturally assimilate and stereotype Native Americans. Secondly, Indigenous Postcolonial Theory was developed as an alternative method to exercising a broad, blanket critical theory to particularly center indigenous knowledge and values rather than applying a wholesale form of decolonization to Indigenous-specific trauma, strive, love, and joy. Similarly, Marie Battiste posits that Indigenous Postcolonial Theory offers a method of deconstructing the layers and intricacies of colonization, its effect, and its underlying assumptions, in a way that Eurocentric theory is unable to do. She says, "[IPT] is based on our pain and our experiences, and it refuses to allow others to appropriate this pain and these experiences."

Survivance, sovereignty, and rhetorical sovereignty
Gerald Vizenor coined the term survivance to characterize the struggle of colonized indigenous communities. Combining the words "survival" and "resistance", he evokes "the duality of how Native Americans have survived brutal genocides and continue to resist white supremacist laws and culture that are designed to disenfranchise and assimilate". According to Vizenor, "Survivance is an active sense of presence, the continuance of native stories, not a mere reaction, or survivable name. Native survivance stories are renunciation of dominance, tragedy, and victimry." Thus, survivance is defined as "the resistance (of) colonial tendencies to resign indigeneity to the past by characterizing an ongoing state of being in response to colonizing efforts."

According to King, Gubele, and Anderson, the study and "decolonization" of Native American Indigeneity "requires an understanding of the importance of sovereignty to American Indian nations…" In this context, he defines sovereignty as including the localized self-determination of a people, as well as the political authority of nationhood and the recognition of equal-status with similarly sovereign international peers. King, Gubele, and Anderson believe that not only is this crucial for political purposes, but it's crucial for cultural and religious purposes, as well: "For Native nations, this kind of a nation is defined by a peoplehood, a concept that has its roots in the preservation and prospering of the community and binds its members together in cultural and often religious terms."

Citing the history of changes in US legislative terminology that sequentially redefined indigenous "nations" to "tribes" and "treaties" to "agreements", Stephen R. Lyons sought to generate a standard of "rhetorical sovereignty". Lyons looks at what he identifies as being "the communicative practices of the colonizer", and how consequently, indigenous representations and freedoms are constrained, as a result. He says, "Rhetorical sovereignty is the inherent right of peoples to determine their own communicative needs and desires in this pursuit, to decide for themselves the goals, modes, styles, and languages of public discourse." In essence, the ambition of Indigenous rhetorical sovereignty is the desire to give rhetorical control, and thus representational control, to Indigenous ethnic groups.

Narrative, counter-storytelling, and testimonies
Thomas King states in his book The Truth about Stories: A Native Narrative that stories have a substantial impact on the human condition and humans' constructed reality as a whole. They frame human relationships, perspectives, and moral codes. As King, Gubele, and Anderson put it, "The stories we tell each other tell us who we are, locate us in time and space and history and land, and suggest who gets to speak and how." Similarly, the stories that are widely disseminated or suppressed indicate similar societal expectations and limitations. Norman Denzin, Yvonna Lincoln, and Linda Smith, in their book titled "Handbook of Critical and Indigenous Methodologies", assert that "The Euro-American canon and its continuance of Greco-Roman traditions has deliberately marginalized indigenous stories that manifest in practices of theorizing, speaking, writing, and making", and that the telling of such stories would provide "alternatives to and challenge dominant narratives", thus becoming counter-narratives to them.

Linda Tuhiwai Smith writes that storytelling is a means of connecting past generations to the future ones and the land to the community by "passing down the beliefs and values of a culture in the hope that the new generations will treasure them and pass the story down further." The themes and motifs of these stories pass down shared histories, knowledge, and cultural identity that can range from "humour and gossip and creativity… [to] love, sexual encounters, … [and] war and revenge."

Indigenous testimonies are a means and practice of pushing back against oppression and suppression by providing oral evidence about a painful experience or series of experiences. Linda Tuhiwai Smith writes that testimonies are contingent on a formal structure, a supportive atmosphere and audience, and upholding "a notion that truth is being revealed 'under oath.'"

Food sovereignty
It has been speculated that food sovereignty is a means of providing a path towards decolonization. Its definition, in recent years, has been noted to be highly modifiable due to its dependency on the context of the circumstances to which it is applied. In indigenous context, where sovereignty does not serve the right meaning and political intent, the concept of food sovereignty sometimes does not follow the traditional meanings of each individual word.

It has been discussed and theorized in the indigenous context of the concept that food sovereignty is also an effort of reclaiming culture and former relationship to land; it has also been noted that, as a situational concept, food sovereignty in the traditional sense may have underlying traces of capitalist or colonialist interests. Food sovereignty's adaptable definition in the context of indigenous decolonization, in relation to the reclamation of culture, is then highly hypothesized to be a strong route towards decolonization.

Challenges and initiatives

Reclaiming indigenous knowledge and practices
Indigenous knowledge and practices are deeply embedded in Indigenous cultures and encompass a wide array of systems, including traditional ecological knowledge, spiritual beliefs, healing practices, storytelling, and artistic expressions. However, the historical colonization of Indigenous communities has systematically devalued and suppressed these knowledge systems. Colonial powers have imposed Western worldviews and systems on indigenous communities suppressing their cultures, languages, and spiritual beliefs. To address this, scholars like Winona LaDuke advocate for the reclamation and revitalization of Indigenous knowledge as an integral part of the decolonization process.

Organizations such as the First Peoples' Cultural Council in Canada and the Advocates for Indigenous California Language Survival in the United States actively work to revitalize Indigenous languages and support language revitalization initiatives. The First Peoples' Cultural Council, in particular, prioritizes cultural revitalization and youth engagement within Canada. They offer funding, training, and resources for language programs, traditional arts, and cultural preservation projects and utilize digital platforms to make cultural knowledge accessible while respecting Indigenous protocols.

Overcoming symbolic and superficial decolonization
Despite the abundance of decolonization efforts, many of them are symbolic and superficial and fail to address the underlying structures of power and inequality. These approaches often create an illusion of progress without effectively addressing the systemic injustices faced by Indigenous communities. One such gesture is the renaming of a school after an Indigenous leader. This tokenistic gesture is done in place of incorporating Indigenous knowledge systems into their curricula or providing substantial support to Indigenous students and communities. In response, scholars like Tuck and Yang criticize these gestures and emphasize the importance of challenging systems of colonization through the acknowledgment of Indigenous rights through substantive actions like land repatriation.

More recent efforts towards land repatriation come from The Indigenous Land Stewardship - an initiative led by Indigenous communities and organizations such as the Native Land Conservancy and the Cultural Conservancy. They prioritize land repatriation, ecological restoration, and the revitalization of traditional land management practices, ensuring that Indigenous peoples have control and decision-making power over their ancestral territories.

Sovereignty and borders
Sovereignty and borders is also a contested issue in the decolonization process, particularly within the context of settler colonialism. Reclaiming Indigenous lands and asserting political autonomy are key components of challenging the structures of settler governance. Sovereignty allows Indigenous peoples to govern themselves according to their own laws, traditions, and values, reinforcing their cultural identity and promoting the revitalization of Indigenous knowledge and practices. Recognizing the artificial nature of borders is crucial, as they often hinder Indigenous self-determination and governance. A notable example comes from the lack of acknowledgment of the Mohawk people's sovereign right to cross the US-Canada border that predates Canada and the U.S.

Efforts led by organizations like the Native American Rights Fund (NARF) aim to defend tribal sovereignty, protect treaty rights, support land and resource reclamation, and address border-related issues impacting Indigenous communities. Through legal representation and advocacy, NARF defends tribal sovereignty, protects treaty rights, and supports efforts to reclaim ancestral lands and resources. They also address border-related issues impacting Indigenous communities and work towards the recognition of traditional border-crossing rights.

Decolonizing education
Decolonizing education aims to challenge and transform existing educational systems that have historically perpetuated colonization and marginalized Indigenous knowledge and ways of knowing. In particular, it aims to center Indigenous knowledge systems, languages, and cultural perspectives within educational institutions. Battiste in particular emphasizes the importance of revitalizing Indigenous languages and traditions, promoting Indigenous ways of knowing. She promotes Indigenous ways of knowing in education and fostering cultural pride and identity among Indigenous students.

Organizations like the National Association for Indigenous Studies (NAISA) also advocate for decolonizing education through transforming curricula, promoting Indigenous methodologies, revitalizing languages and cultures, and supporting Indigenous teacher education. Their work aims to challenge colonial legacies and create culturally responsive and inclusive educational environments.

Indigenous research methods
Prioritizing Indigenous research methodologies is also essential in decolonizing research practices and generating knowledge that serves Indigenous communities. Shawn Wilson's book "Research is Ceremony: Indigenous Research Methods" promotes the use of Indigenous research approaches rooted in Indigenous protocols, ethics, and knowledge systems. It emphasizes community engagement, reciprocity, and the affirmation of Indigenous perspectives and voices. Similarly, Linda Tuhiwai Smith highlights the importance of centering Indigenous worldviews and methodologies while respecting cultural protocols, including obtaining free, prior, and informed consent.

NAISA also promotes Indigenous research methods through various initiatives including organizing research methodology workshops, developing Indigenous research ethics guidelines, and providing platforms for sharing Indigenous knowledge and research findings. They also support Indigenous researchers through mentorship programs, networking opportunities, and research funding emphasizing collaboration with Indigenous communities. They also encourage community-driven research that respects cultural protocols and community ownership.

Implications of Western knowledge production and epistemologies
As Western scientists and academics have and continue to take advantage of knowledge from and about Indigenous communities (whether in publications or through new pharmaceuticals), those Indigenous communities are excluded from control over the nature and usage of the newly created knowledge. Thus, Indigenous communities are spoken for and become the indigenous "other" as those institutional systems and structures reproduce a knowledge that "becomes a commodity of colonial exploitation". This continues to reinforce the privileging of Western knowledge and epistemologies over non-Western or Indigenous funds of knowledge (or traditional knowledge) in Western academia. This privilege manifests itself when, according to Norman K. Denzin and Yvonna S. Lincoln, "Indigenous knowledge systems are too frequently made into objects of study, treated as if they were instances of quaint folk theory held by the members of a primitive culture." Indigenous decolonization seeks a dramatic shift in the subject of academic inquiry. Rather than comparing Indigenous knowledge systems in comparison to empirical Western values, Indigenous decolonization aims to reverse this perspective so that Western funds of knowledge are subjected to due examination and study en route to restoring Indigenous knowledge, traditions, and culture.

There are specific advantages to applying Indigenous decolonization to practices and situations involving Indigenous peoples over alternative critical lenses such as critical theory, or more specifically critical race theory. According to Denzin and Lincoln, critical theory's broad tenets of liberation and sovereignty are far too generalized for this application: "Critical theory must be localized, grounded in the specific meanings, traditions, customs, and community relations that operate in each Indigenous setting." Otherwise, a critical theory that disregards context and embraces ubiquitous characteristics of social movements cannot guide meaningful change when applied to a specific Indigenous context.

In art
Indigenous artists have been using art as a form of activism for many years. Jarrett Martineau and Eric Ritskes say that art forms are never separate from our political forms and "Indigenous art thus occupies a unique space within settler colonialism: both as a site for articulating Indigenous resistance and resurgence, and also as a creative praxis that often reinscribes indigeneity within aesthetic and commodity forms that circulate in the capitalist art market". Art can be used in political struggle to bring attention to important issues and to better convey the experiences of Indigenous peoples. Indigenous artists attempt to work outside of the binary of colonialism in their art. Martineau and Ritskes describe Indigenous art as "the generative expression of creativity, not the violence of colonial domination, and it is in Indigenous art's resistant motion to disavow the repetition of such violence that it recuperates the spirit of ancestral memory and place, and forges new pathways of re-emergence and return".

See also
Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples
Decolonize This Place
 Decolonization of knowledge
 Decolonization of museums
Human migration

References

European colonization of the Americas
Decolonization
Independence movements
Indigenous peoples

Indigenous decolonization


The PRX205 (PRX/A) is a processor controlled reed relay telephone exchange developed by Philips Telecommunicatie Industrie BV (PTI) in Hilversum during the late 1960s and early 1970s. The first public switch was installed in Overvecht in Utrecht in 1972. About half of all sales were in the Netherlands; other countries with significant sales included Brazil, Indonesia, Peru and Jersey. The last PRX switch was taken out of service on 7 December 2010 at Volendam in the Netherlands.

The PRX digital version (PRX/D) was developed during the early 1980s in PTI's laboratories in Hilversum, Brussels and Malmesbury, Wiltshire but only went into limited production. PTI first went into partnership with AT&T in 1984 and then sold its remaining stake in the company to AT&T (later demerged into Lucent and subsequently merged to form Alcatel-Lucent) in 1987. After the takeover, the PRX/D development was stopped in favour of the AT&T 5ESS switch product, but development of PRX/A continued for some time afterwards. PRX/A systems were installed worldwide including many containerized versions and served reliably for 38 years.

External links

PRX205 website.

Telephone exchanges

PRX (telephony)


Jerzy Semkow (12 October 1928 – 23 December 2014) was a Polish conductor.

Semkow was born in Radomsko, Poland, later took French citizenship and resided in Paris.  He studied in Cracow and Leningrad. His conducting mentors included Erich Kleiber, Bruno Walter, and Tullio Serafin.  He was an assistant conductor with Yevgeny Mravinsky with the Leningrad Philharmonic Orchestra.

Semkow held posts as artistic director of the National Opera in Warsaw (1958-1959), principal conductor of the National Opera in Warsaw (1959–62), principal conductor of the Royal Danish Opera and the Royal Danish Orchestra in Copenhagen (1966–76), as well as music director of the Orchestra of Radio-Televisione Italiana (RAI) in Rome.  In the US, Semkow served as music director of the St. Louis Symphony Orchestra (1975–79), and as music advisor and principal conductor of the Rochester Philharmonic (1985–89).  He was a regular guest conductor of the National Philharmonic in Warsaw and of the Detroit Symphony Orchestra over a 40-year period, including guest appearances over 24 consecutive seasons from 1986 to 2009.

Semkow lectured on music at the University of Colorado and conducted master classes at Yale University and New York's Manhattan School of Music.  He recorded commercially with the St. Louis Symphony Orchestra for the Vox/Turnabout label.

Awarded the French order Arts et Lettres (2000) and received honorary doctorate from the Music Academy in Warsaw (2005) and from Music Academy in Łódź (2013).

Semkow died near Lausanne, Switzerland on 23 December 2014, aged 86. His biography was published the same year, authored by Małgorzata Komorowska.

References

External links
 Jerzy Semkow at the St. Louis Symphony Orchestra
 Polish Radio, '"Był księciem batuty". Jerzy Semkow nie żyje'  24 December 2014 (article in Polish)
 Encyclopedia.com entry on Semkow

1928 births
2014 deaths
Naturalized citizens of France
Polish emigrants to France
Polish conductors (music)
Male conductors (music)
French male conductors (music)
20th-century French conductors (music)
21st-century French conductors (music)
People from Radomsko
20th-century French male musicians
21st-century French male musicians

Jerzy Semkow


The Battle of Maryang San is known as Australia's greatest accomplishment in the Korean War. The battle occurred when the US General George Fleet called for forces to capture some positions just prior to the signing of the truce at Panmanjan.

Background
The Commonwealth forces, fighting as part of the United Nations, consisted of a number of British, Australian and New Zealand units. These included three Battalions of the 28th British Commonwealth Brigade,  the 1st Battalion The King's Own Scottish Borderers (KOSB), 1st Battalion King's Shropshire Light Infantry (KSLI) and 3rd Battalion, Royal Australian Regiment. Brigadier George Taylor (United Kingdom) was the Brigade Commander. The British Commonwealth Division consisted of the 25th, 28th and 29th Brigades under the command of Lieutenant General James "Gentleman Jim" Cassels (later Field Marshal Sir James) and was part of 1 Corps. These units was arrayed against the Chinese Communist forces. 3 Battalion RAR was commanded by Lieutenant Colonel 'Frank' Francis Hassett.  Commonwealth forces main aims were to take a number of hill positions, and taking the main objective, Maryang San.

The first attacks saw the Australian A and B company of 3 RAR take Hill 199, and the 1st Battalion Kings Shropshire Light Infantry take Hill 208. The Kings Own Scottish Borderers (KOSB) had moved to take Hill 399 but were pinned down on its slopes by nightfall. The Australian's attacked at dawn, moving against the Chinese held Hill 200. Chinese infantry were driven from their trenches, and they fled, leaving behind some prisoners of war. The first gun emplacement was taken, and then the second, with the Chinese troops retreating down the slope of Hill 200.

A, B and D Companies attacked the Chinese units, and drew them away from Maryan San, the main objective. Following United Nations forces artillery and mortar fire, Chinese Troops withdrew from Maryan San, and the Australian troops moved to take the position. Australian troops moved against an area that was used by the Chinese for artillery bombardments, known as the Hinge. After taking the Hinge, they were subjected to constant attacks, which eventually became sporadic and died off. At about 8 pm, the Chinese launched an attack in huge numbers. The Australian units were well dug in, using the Chinese own trench positions, and responded to the waves of Chinese troops with machine gun fire. Chinese troops fell in their hundreds. South Korean porters moved forward constantly, bringing supplies and taking away wounded.

By 5 November, after the Australians were withdrawn to recover, Maryang San had been recaptured by the Chinese. It was a terrible blow to morale for those who had fought long and hard to capture it. The tactically important ground of Maryang San remained in the hands of Chinese forces for the rest of the war.

References

Further reading

1951
Korean War
1950s in Australia

First Battle of Maryang San


Michael Vega (born September 4, 1969 in Colorado Springs, Colorado) is an American actor. He grew up in central New Jersey and attended Trenton State College where he studied theatre and communications. After spending several years in New York City, Vega moved in 2002 to the San Francisco Bay Area and has enjoyed great success in theatre, including appearances in Schoenberg by John Fisher, Bent by Martin Sherman, and A Queer Carol by Joe Godfrey, all at Theater Rhinoceros in San Francisco, and The Gravedigger's Tango by Ian Walker at the Phoenix Theater in San Francisco.

Vega starred as Ishi in a play based on Ishi's life presented July 3–27, 2008, at Theatre Rhinoceros. Written by the theater's artistic director, John Fisher, the play addresses many angles of the Ishi story. The San Francisco Chronicle said the work "is a fierce dramatic indictment of the ugliest side of California history".

In 2008, he starred in his first feature film Beatific Vision, co-starring Marianne Shine.

References

External links
Official Website

1969 births
Living people
American male actors
The College of New Jersey alumni
Actors from New Jersey

Michael Vega


Pietro Marone (late 16th century) was an Italian painter of the late-Renaissance periods, mainly active in Brescia and Mantua.

He was the son of Pietro Marone the Elder, a painter who was the mentor of Francesco Giugno. Pietro the Younger was also the nephew of Andrea Marone, a Latin poet in the court of Pope Leo X. Pietro allegedly admired and followed the styles of or studied with Paolo Veronese and late-Titian and was known for having worked on scenes from the Iliad on the walls of the Palazzo Caprioli in contrada delle Grazie. In 1581, he painted with Tommaso Bona in San Pietro (Duomo Vecchio); in 1588, he worked in the sala del consiglio nel palazzo della Loggia, and in 1591, helped decorate some festive arches celebrating the visit of Cardinal Gianfrancesco Morosini on his return after serving as nuncio to France.

External links

16th-century Italian painters
Italian male painters
Painters from Brescia
Italian Renaissance painters
Year of death unknown
Year of birth unknown

Pietro Marone