Theodore Philip Toynbee (25 June 1916 – 15 June 1981) was a British writer and communist. He wrote experimental novels, and distinctive verse novels, one of which was an epic called Pantaloon, a work in several volumes, only some of which are published. He also wrote memoirs of the 1930s, and reviews and literary criticism, the latter mainly via his employment with The Observer newspaper.

Life
He was born in Oxford; his father was the historian Arnold J. Toynbee, and his mother was Rosalind Murray. He was educated at Rugby School, where he became rebellious, reacting against the public school system. Inspired by the example of Esmond Romilly, later a friend, he ran away, returned shortly and was expelled. He later wrote a memoir of Romilly, and Jasper Ridley (1913–1944), entitled Friends Apart. Through Romilly, Toynbee met Jessica Mitford, who became a close friend after Esmond died in WWII. He was also influenced by bookshop owner and would-be encourager of the young radical element, David Archer, whom he met through David Gascoyne.

At Christ Church, Oxford in the late 1930s he became the first communist president of the Oxford Union, at the height of communism's apparent success and social acceptability. He visited Spain at the end of 1936, at the start of the Spanish Civil War, in a student delegation. He was said to have been beaten up by Mosley's Blackshirts at a fascist meeting. In 1938–39 he edited the Birmingham Town Crier.

He married twice: in 1939, to Anne Powell, daughter of Lt-Col George Powell, and in 1950, Sally Smith. In the early 1940s Philip and Anne lived a bohemian life in London's Fitzrovia, and Philip was drinking heavily. At that time they knew Lucian Freud, Donald Maclean and Robert Kee, Henrietta Moraes and others from David Tennant's Gargoyle Club in Soho. Toynbee was later to be found, with Benedict Nicolson, in the Wednesday Club consisting of raffish male writers, artists and journalists. In 1945 they moved to the Isle of Wight, for a fresh start. They had two children, the second being Mary Louisa, better known as the journalist Polly Toynbee. Anne later married Richard Wollheim shortly after divorcing Philip in 1950. As a foreign correspondent with The Observer, Philip then traveled to Tel Aviv, where he met Sally, who was a secretary for the American Embassy there.

During the 1950s he continued to work for The Observer, and was one of the more prominent intellectual figures in British life (perhaps to be compared with Edmund Wilson in the United States, for example). In an article written for The Observer in 1961, he notoriously proclaimed the irrelevancy of J.R.R. Tolkien's The Lord of the Rings, just prior to its paperback publication in America and subsequent cultural phenomenon:

"There was a time when the Hobbit fantasies of Professor Tolkien were being taken very seriously indeed by a great many distinguished literary figures. Mr. Auden is even reported to have claimed that these books were as good as War and Peace; Edwin Muir and many others were almost equally enthusiastic. I had a sense that one side or the other must be mad, for it seemed to me that these books were dull, ill-written, whimsical and childish. And for me this had a reassuring outcome, for most of his more ardent supporters were soon beginning to sell out their shares in Professor Tolkien, and today those books have passed into a merciful oblivion."

In the early to mid-1970s, Toynbee underwent a personal crisis, slowly entering into a period of deep depression. He had become increasingly concerned about ecological matters and this, along with his own ideological temperament, led him to the controversial decision to set up a self-sufficient farming community. His family and friends thought this decision to be close to insane, considering as they did his privacy and routine-loving nature. The community quickly became a commune when Toynbee, Sally and their youngest daughter moved out, into a large cottage nearby. Nonetheless, Toynbee and Sally continued to have a great deal of contact with the communards, and along with both spouses' active alcoholism, it frequently caused considerable tension in their marriage.

Toynbee's depression was sometimes immobilising and prevented him from enjoying his day-to-day life and work, and the regularity of his book reviews was sometimes interrupted as he struggled with the depression and the treatment he insisted on receiving for it – against the advice of his GP and consultant – namely, ECT (Electroconvulsive therapy). He finally got the go-ahead for the treatment, which he received in Bristol in the summer of 1977.

The two books which followed the ECT consisted of the journal writings which Toynbee decided to edit and send off for publication. These largely revolved around his search for some kind of spiritual meaning. It could be said that this arose out of his wish to find some purpose for the deep misery of his worst depression. He was strongly urged to stop drinking alcohol and occasionally managed short periods of abstinence. Yet he never really wanted long-term abstinence enough to make any real success of this. He was as a whole capable of great self-discipline, but needed to want his objectives with intense singular-mindedness in order to achieve them.

The two journal books were entitled Part of a Journey (covering 1977 to 1979) and End of a Journey (1979 to 1981). They were generally well received. For many readers, his best writing style shone throughout those pages, with its ready humility and gentle self-mockery.

He died at his home in St Briavels, Gloucestershire, with most of his family (he had five children altogether) at his bedside.

Toynbee genealogy
The Toynbees have been prominent in British intellectual society for several generations (note that this diagram is not a comprehensive Toynbee family tree):

Works
The Savage Days (1937)
A School in Private (1941)
The Barricades (1943)
Tea with Mrs. Goodman (1947) (U.S. edition title: Prothalamium: A Cycle of the Holy Graal)
The Garden to the Sea (1953)
Friends Apart: A Memoir of Esmond Romilly & Jasper Ridley in the Thirties (1954) re-published in (1980)
The Fearful Choice: a debate on nuclear policy (1958)
Pantaloon or the Valediction  (1961) verse novel
Underdogs: Anguish and Anxiety, Eighteen Men and Women Write Their Own Case-Histories (1962) editor
Comparing Notes: A Dialogue Across a Generation (1963) with Arnold J. Toynbee
Thanatos, a Modern Symposium at which Nine Characters Argue at Quarles (1963) with Maurice Richardson
Two Brothers: the fifth day of the Valediction of Pantaloon (1964) Pantaloon verse novel
A Learned City: the sixth day of the valediction of pantaloon (1966) Pantaloon verse novel
Views from a Lake: the seventh day of the Valediction of Pantaloon (1968) Pantaloon verse novel
Age of the Spirit: Religion as Experience (1973)
Distant Drum: Reflections on the Spanish Civil War (1976) editor
Part of a Journey: An Autobiographical Journal, 1977-79 (1981)
End of a Journey An Autobiographical Journal 1979-81 (1982)
Towards the Holy Spirit: A Tract for the Times (1982)

Notes

References
Faces of Philip; a memoir of Philip Toynbee (1984) Jessica Mitford

1916 births
1981 deaths
British communists
Deaths from cancer in England
Converts to Anglicanism from atheism or agnosticism
English Anglicans
English non-fiction writers
Writers from Oxford
The Guardian journalists
20th-century English poets
English male poets
People from St Briavels
Presidents of the Oxford Union
Toynbee family
Murray family

Philip Toynbee


Rahul Jogi (born 21 August 1990) is an Indian politician. He has been the former national coordinator of the Indian National Congress (Backward Classes) and co-incharge of the Madhya Pradesh Congress Committee .

Early life and personal life
He started social service at the age of 14 and joined the Indian National Congress at the age of 18, he is working for the backward classes, Dalits, laborers. Shri Jogi has raised various issues in India as well as in Nepal, Bhutan, and other countries to protect the rights of the common man.

Apart from being a politician, he is also a famous industrialist and businessman, he is the owner (director) of Carry Home India Pvt Ltd, whose business is in various fields.

Birth & Education Place
Although he was born in Muzaffarnagar (Uttar Pradesh) but his native village and the home area is village Mathana near Kurukshetra and he got his early education from Government Senior Secondary School, Mathana District Kurukshetra (Haryana)

He got the opportunity to be the chief guest many times in the social program organized in the same school after receiving his primary education. He is an active politician from Haryana, Madhya Pradesh, Rajasthan, etc.

Achievements
Mr. Rahul Jogi has contributed to various posts in the Congress Party ( Indian National Congress ). He has been a member of the Maharashtra Election Coordination Committee, co-in-charge of the Madhya Pradesh Congress Committee. He was the Star promoter of the Congress Party (Rajasthan ), He played an important role to achieve the support of the Backward Classes community in the Rajasthan Election and achieved good results.

Shri Jogi has visited about 40 thousand villages of India while doing social service, this achievement is attested by the post on his Facebook page.

His Social and Political works & His Honored
In Nepal, he was honored with special honor by former Prime Minister Shri Pushp Kamal Dahal and Deputy Prime Minister Shri Upendra Yadav, and all Nepalese parliamentarians for his valuable contribution.

Rahul Jogi did social work and helped people in many villages of India, he was received by about 7 Union Ministers and 11 Indian Parliamentarians including Union Minister Ramdas Athawale and Union Minister Krishna Raj at a ceremony organized by Republican TV and Film Union and Kalyan Foundation Mumbai. Was awarded the 7 th National Bhimrao Ambedkar Award.

Rahul Jogi is the patron of the Indian Artists Association and was honored with the Raja Ravi Varma National Award at a function organized by the high officials of the Indian Artists Association for his valuable cooperation.

Apart from this, he has been honored many times in the celebrations organized by different communities and organizations organized in the country and abroad.

Extranal Link

 Official Website

 Official Facebook Page

 Official Twitter Page

 Official Koo Page

 Official Linkdin Page

 Official Youtube Page

 Official EverybodyWiki Page

 Official peoplepill Page

 Official filmfreeway Page

 Famdom

References

Rahul Jogi


Macworld is a digital magazine and website dedicated to products and software of Apple Inc., published by Foundry, a subsidiary of IDG.

History

Macworld was founded by David Bunnell and Cheryl Woodard (publishers) and Andrew Fluegelman (editor).  It began as a print magazine in 1984, with its first issue distributed at the launch of the Macintosh computer. As a print magazine, it had the largest audited circulation (both total and newsstand) of Macintosh-focused magazines in North America, more than double its nearest competitor, MacLife.

In 1997, the Ziff-Davis-owned MacUser magazine was consolidated into Macworld within the new Mac Publishing joint venture between IDG and Ziff-Davis. In 1999, the combined company also purchased the online publication MacCentral Online, because Macworld did not have a powerful online news component at the time. In late 2001 IDG bought out Ziff-Davis' share of Mac Publishing, making it a wholly-owned subsidiary of IDG.

In 2003, Macworld began publishing as a digital version in addition to the print edition. On September 10, 2014, IDG announced it was discontinuing the print edition and laid off most of the staff, while continuing the digital version.

At one time, the magazine's publisher licensed its name to another IDG subsidiary, IDG World Expo, for the Macworld Conference & Expo (later Macworld/iWorld), which took place every January at the Moscone Convention Center in San Francisco.

International editions

The magazine was published in many countries, either by other IDG subsidiaries or by outside publishers who have licensed the brand name and its content. These editions included Australia, Germany (1990-2015 Macwelt), Italy, Spain, Sweden (MacWorld), Turkey, the United Kingdom, the Netherlands and Indonesia. Its content was also incorporated into a number of other IDG publications. In France, IDG bought Golden magazine, released in 1991, renamed it into Macworld France in 1996. Two years later, it has been merged with Univers Mac and renamed Univers Macworld. Publication ended probably in 2004.

Macworld has also published in Indonesia by Megindo Tunggal Sejahtera, between 2008 until December 2011.

Podcast
The Macworld Podcast is a weekly podcast published by Macworld. The Macworld Podcast began life on April 26, 2005 as the "Geek Factor Podcast," hosted by Cyrus Farivar, but was upgraded into the official "Macworld Podcast" with its fifth installment in August 2005. It was hosted at various times by Chris Breen, Philip Michaels, Serenity Caldwell, Glenn Fleishman, and Susie Ochs. Following a hiatus in 2017, today the Macworld Podcast is manned by Michael Simon, Roman Loyola and Jason Cross.

See also
 Macworld Australia

References

External links
 Macworld
 Archived Macworld magazines on the Internet Archive

Monthly magazines published in the United States
Computer magazines published in the United Kingdom
Computer magazines published in Australia
Computer magazines published in Germany
Computer magazines published in Italy
Computer magazines published in Spain
Computer magazines published in Sweden
Magazines published in Indonesia
Macintosh magazines
Magazines established in 1984
Magazines published in San Francisco
Online magazines with defunct print editions
International Data Group
1984 establishments in California

Macworld


The B class are a class of diesel locomotives built by Clyde Engineering, Granville for the Victorian Railways in 1952–1953. Ordered and operated by the Victorian Railways, they initiated the dieselisation of the system and saw use on both passenger and freight services, with many remaining in service today, both in preserved and revenue service. Some were rebuilt as the V/Line A class, while others have been scrapped.

History

The B class were the first mainline diesel locomotives built for the Victorian Railways. The design was based on the successful Electro-Motive Diesel F-unit locomotives with the distinctive bulldog nose. They were unusual in having a streamlined drivers cab at each end.

Inception
After World War II, the Victorian Railways was run down from years of Depression-era under-investment and wartime over-utilisation. Chief Mechanical Engineer Ahlston traveled the world studying railway rehabilitation. Britain leaned towards steam locomotives, while France was moving towards main line electrification. The United States was more divided, with General Motors' Electro-Motive Division at La Grange, Illinois turning out modern E and F-units diesels. However the EMD units axle load was too heavy for the Victorian tracks, and the Commonwealth Government would not allow the use of foreign currency to purchase United States diesels. As a result, the £80 million Operation Phoenix featured steam locomotives and electrification of the Gippsland line, either locally built or imported from the United Kingdom.

To achieve a lighter axle load, a six axles / six motor Co-Co wheel arrangement was required. By 1949, the head of Electro-Motive Diesel Dick Dilworth was convinced that lighter axle load locomotives would be popular in Australia and other foreign countries. Frank Shea of Clyde Engineering had also negotiated with EMD to build the new locomotive locally, in order to overcome the foreign exchange restrictions. The order was placed in 1951 and the first locomotive was delivered on 14 July 1952.

Into service
The 26 members of the class operated on broad gauge lines throughout Victoria, working the majority of the important passenger trains, as well as fast freights. Many timetables were accelerated, and steam locomotives began to be scrapped in large numbers. The visit of Queen Elizabeth in 1954 saw her ride behind B60 on a special train.

While costing £80 per horsepower compared to £60 for steam, the new locomotives ran 130,000 miles per year, compared to 35,000 and 60,000 miles per year for main line steam locomotives. The Chief Engineers Office found that one B class did the work of three steam locomotives. Their success led to further dieselisation, with the delivery of the T class branch line units from 1955, and the single ended S class mainline units from 1957.

Demise, reactivation and preservation
As part of the 1980s New Deal plan to reinvigorate country passenger services, it was decided to rebuild the B class with new traction equipment as the A class. The rebuild contract was let in January 1983 to Clyde Engineering, Rosewater, with the first unit entering service in May 1984. The project was abandoned in mid 1985 after rising costs due to structural fatigue, with the eleventh and final rebuild delivered in August 1985.

At the same time newer high power locomotives had been delivered, including the N class passenger units and the more numerous G class freight locomotives. The B class gradually retired by V/Line from 1982 with some scrapped. Six were purchased by West Coast Railway in the early 1990s for use on their Melbourne to Warrnambool passenger service. While running with West Coast Railway, units B61 and B76 had dual marker lights and ditch lights fitted at the No.1 end. They also received shunter's steps at each end, in late 2001 or early 2002. B65 was painted in the simplified West Coast Railway "freight" livery, and did not receive any of these upgrades.

In May 2004, the Victorian Department of Infrastructure issued an alert on stress cracks on the underframes of the B class locomotives, including the units owned by West Coast Railway. Following West Coast Railway's demise in August 2004, these were sold to Chicago Freight Car Leasing Australia and refurbished with some being resold to Southern Shorthaul Railroad. This saw some converted to standard gauge and their sphere of operation increased to include New South Wales. Seymour Railway Heritage Centre have B74 preserved in operating condition and is the only preserved locomotive in operation.

Fleet summary

Gallery

References

Further reading

Clyde Engineering locomotives
Co-Co locomotives
Railway locomotives introduced in 1952
B class
Broad gauge locomotives in Australia
Standard gauge locomotives of Australia
Diesel-electric locomotives of Australia
Streamlined diesel locomotives

Victorian Railways B class (diesel)


Indonesia's transition to the New Order in the mid-1960s ousted the country's first president, Sukarno, after 22 years in the position. One of the most tumultuous periods in the country's modern history, it was the commencement of Suharto's 31-year presidency.

Described as the great dhalang ("puppet master"), Sukarno drew power from balancing the opposing and increasingly antagonistic forces of the army and Indonesian Communist Party (PKI).  By 1965, the PKI extensively penetrated all levels of government and gained influence at the expense of the army.

On 30 September 1965, six of the military's most senior officers were killed in action (generally labelled an "attempted coup") by the so-called 30 September Movement, a group from within the armed forces. Within a few hours, Major General Suharto mobilised forces under his command and took control of Jakarta. Anti-communists, initially following the army's lead, went on a violent purge of communists throughout the country, killing an estimated half a million people and destroying the PKI, which was officially blamed for the crisis.

The politically weakened Sukarno was forced to transfer key political and military powers to General Suharto, who had become head of the armed forces. In March 1967, the Indonesian parliament (MPRS) named General Suharto acting president. He was formally appointed president one year later.  Sukarno lived under virtual house arrest until his death in 1970.

Background

Nationalist leader Sukarno had declared Indonesian independence in 1945 and was appointed president. Following an internal national revolution and struggle against the former Dutch colonial government, Sukarno had managed to hold together the diverse country; however, his administration had not been able to provide a viable economic system to lift its citizens out of severe poverty.  He stressed socialist policies domestically and an avidly anti-imperialist international policy, underpinned by an authoritarian style of rule dependent upon his charismatic personality. Pursuing an independent Indonesian foreign policy, Sukarno developed friendly ties with the Eastern Bloc, the People's Republic of China, while courting friendly relations with the United States at the same, in his efforts to maximise Indonesian bargaining power in its foreign policy. Sukarno was also a pioneering figure in developing the Non-Aligned Movement, playing a lead role in hosting the Bandung Conference in 1955. In Indonesia's domestic politics, Sukarno also carefully balanced Indonesia's various political parties, including the PKI.

From the late 1950s, political conflict and economic deterioration worsened. By the mid-1960s, the cash-strapped government had to scrap critical public sector subsidies, estimates put annual inflation at 500–1,000%, export revenues were shrinking, infrastructure crumbling, and factories were operating at minimal capacity with negligible investment. Severe poverty and hunger were widespread, and Sukarno led his country in a military confrontation with Malaysia while stepping up revolutionary and anti-western rhetoric.

Described as the great dhalang ("puppet master"), President Sukarno's position came to depend on balancing the opposing and increasingly hostile forces of the army and the PKI. His anti-imperial ideology saw Indonesia increasingly dependent on the Soviet Union and China. By 1965, at the height of the Cold War, the PKI penetrated all levels of government extensively. With the support of Sukarno and the air force, the party gained increasing influence at the expense of the army, thus ensuring the army's enmity. By late 1965, the army was divided between a left-wing faction allied with the PKI and a right-wing faction that was being courted by the United States.

Military split
These same policies, however, won Sukarno few friends and many enemies in the Western world. These especially included the United States and the United Kingdom, whose investors were increasingly angered by Sukarno's nationalisation of mineral, agricultural, and energy assets. In need of Indonesian allies in the Cold War against the Soviet Union, the United States cultivated a number of ties with officers of the military through exchanges and arms deals. This fostered a split in the military's ranks, with the United States and others backing a right-wing faction against a left-wing faction overlapping with the PKI.

When Sukarno rejected food aid from USAID, thereby exacerbating famine conditions, the right-wing military adopted a regional command structure through which it could smuggle staple commodities to win the loyalty of the rural population. In an attempt to curtail the right-wing military's increasing power, the PKI and the left-wing military formed several peasant and other mass organisations.

Indonesia–Malaysia confrontation

In 1963, a policy of Konfrontasi (Confrontation) against the newly formed Federation of Malaysia was announced by the Sukarno regime. This further exacerbated the split between the left-wing and right-wing military factions, with the left-wing faction and the Communist Party taking part in guerrilla raids on the border with Malaysia, while the right-wing faction was mostly absent from the conflict (whether by choice or orders of Sukarno is not clear).

The Confrontation further encouraged the West to seek ways to topple Sukarno, viewed as a growing threat to Southeast Asian regional stability (as with North Vietnam under the Domino theory). The deepening of the armed conflict, coming close to all-out warfare by 1965, both increased the widespread dissatisfaction with the Sukarno regime and strengthened the hand of the right-wing generals whose forces were still close to the centre of power in Jakarta.

The collapse of Guided Democracy

30 September Movement

On the night of 30 September – 1 October 1965, six senior army generals were kidnapped and executed in Jakarta by a battalion of soldiers from the Tjakrabirawa Regiment (Presidential Guard) in an "attempted coup". The right faction among the top generals was wiped out, including the powerful Chief of Staff of the Army, Ahmad Yani, but the Minister of Defence, Abdul Haris Nasution, escaped. Around 2,000 troops from coup groups occupied three sides of Merdeka Square, and commanded the Presidential Palace, radio station, and telecommunications centre, but did not occupy the east side, site of Kostrad headquarters. Calling themselves the "30 September Movement", the group announced on radio around 7am that they were trying to stop a military coup backed by the US Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) that was planned to remove Sukarno from power.

They claimed to have arrested several generals belonging to a conspiracy, the "Council of Generals", that had plotted a military coup against the government of President Sukarno. They further alleged that this coup was to take place on Armed Forces Day (5 October) with the backing of the CIA and that the Council would then install themselves as a military junta. Furthermore, the soldiers proclaimed the establishment of a "Revolutionary Council" consisting of various well-known military officers and civilian leaders that would be the highest authority in Indonesia. Additionally, they declared President Sukarno's Dwikora Cabinet as invalid ("demisioner").

According to one chief conspirator, Lt. Col. Latief, the Palace Guards had not attempted to kill or capture Major General Suharto, commander of Kostrad (Komando Strategi dan Cadangan TNI Angkatan Darat – the Army Strategic Reserve Command), because he was considered a Sukarno loyalist. Suharto, along with the surviving General Nasution, made the counter-allegation that the G30S was a rebellious movement that sought to replace President Sukarno's government with a Communist government under the PKI, whose leaders were cabinet ministers without portfolio. Upon hearing of the radio announcement, Suharto and Nasution began consolidating their forces, successfully gaining the loyalty of Jakarta Garrison Commander Maj. Gen. Umar Wirahadikusumah and Colonel Sarwo Edhie Wibowo, the commander of army special forces RPKAD (Resimen Para Komando Angkatan Darat – the Army's Para-Commando Regiment).

During the evening of 1 October, RPKAD soldiers recaptured RRI and Telecommunications Building without any resistance as the rebel soldiers had retreated to Halim Air Force Base. RPKAD forces proceeded to attack Halim Perdanakusumah AF Base on the morning of 2 October but was stopped by the rebel soldiers in a fierce gunbattle in which several fatalities were inflicted on both sides. A direct order from President Sukarno managed to secure the surrender of the rebel soldiers by noon, after which Suhartoist forces occupied the base. On 4 October, the generals' bodies were discovered at Halim, and on 5 October (Armed Forces Day) a large public funeral was held.

Internal military power-struggle
The killing of the generals saw influence in the Army fall to those more willing to stand up to Sukarno and the Army's enemies on the left. After the assassinations of those generals, the highest-ranking officer in the Indonesian military, and third-highest in the overall chain-of-command, was the Defense Minister and Armed Forces Chief-of-Staff Gen. Abdul Haris Nasution, a member of the right-wing camp. On 2 October, Suharto accepted Sukarno's order for him to take control of the army, but on the condition that Suharto personally have authority to restore order and security. The 1 November formation of Kopkamtib (Komando Operasi Pemulihan Keamanan dan Ketertiban, or Operational Command for the Restoration of Security and Order), formalised this authority and Suharto was appointed its first commanding general. However, on 5 October Sukarno moved to appoint Maj. Gen. Pranoto Reksosamudro, considered a Sukarno loyalist, to the office of Chief of Staff of the Army to fill the vacancy caused by Yani's death.

After the promotion, The New York Times reported that an unnamed Western "diplomatic report" alleged that Pranoto was a former member of the PKI. Pranoto's alleged communism, as well as his timely promotion, led them to promote the view that the PKI and Sukarno conspired to assassinate the generals to consolidate their grip on power.

In the aftermath of the assassinations, however,MG Suharto and his KOSTRAD (Army Strategic Reserve Command) units were closest to Jakarta. By default, Suharto became the field general in charge of the prosecution of the G30S. Later, at the insistence of Gen. Nasution, Pranoto was relieved of its post, and Suharto was promoted to Army Chief-of-Staff on 14 October 1965.

Anti-communist purge

In early October, a military propaganda campaign began to sweep the country, successfully convincing both Indonesian and international audiences that it was a Communist coup and that the murders were cowardly atrocities against Indonesian heroes. 30 September Movement was called Gestapu (from Gerakan September Tigapuluh, "30 September Movement"). The Army, acting on orders by Suharto and supervised by Minister of Defense Nasution, began a campaign of agitation and incitement to violence among Indonesian civilians aimed at the Communist community and toward President Sukarno himself. PKI's denials of involvement had little effect. The regime was quickly destabilised, with the Army the only force left to maintain order.

At the funeral of Nasution's daughter Irma, Chief of Staff of the Navy Admiral Eddy Martadinata gave Muslim leaders the signal to attack Communists and their allies, who then responded with calls for Holy War against the PKI and its member and affiliate organisations in Indonesia, a general obligation upon the Muslim community. On 8 October, the PKI head office was ransacked and burned to the ground while firefighters stood by idly. They then marched demanding the dissolution of the Communist Party. The homes of senior party figures, including PKI chairman D. N. Aidit, M. H. Lukman and Nyoto were also torched. The army led an armed forces campaign to purge Indonesian society, government, the armed forces and law enforcement of the influence and power of the communist party and other leftist organisations allied to it (but not the Murba Party that was against the PKI and had been banned by the government because of its opposition to it). Leading PKI members were immediately arrested, some summarily executed.

On 18 October, a declaration was read over armed forces-controlled radio stations, banning the PKI and organizations affiated to the party. The ban included the party itself, and its youth and women's wings, peasant associations, intellectual and student groups, and the SOBSI trade union. At the time, it was not clear whether this ban applied only to Jakarta (by then controlled by the Army), or the whole Republic of Indonesia. However, the ban was soon used as a pretext for the Indonesian Army to go throughout the country carrying out extrajudicial punishments, including mass arrest and summary executions, against Sukarno loyalists and suspected leftists linked to the PKI and its allied organizations. As the violence spread, Sukarno issued orders to try to stop it, but he was ignored. He also refused to blame the PKI for the coup, let alone ban it as the Army demanded. However, although Suharto and Nasution were increasingly suspicious about Sukarno's role in the affair, the Army was reluctant to confront the president directly because of his still widespread popularity.

Beginning in later October 1965, and feeding off pent-up communal hatreds, the Indonesian Army and its civilian allies (especially Muslim vigilante groups) began to kill actual and suspected members and associates of the PKI and members of party affiliated organizations. The US government covertly supported the massacres, providing extensive lists of suspected communists to be targeted. The killings started in the capital Jakarta, spread to Central and East Java, and later Bali. Although killings occurred across Indonesia, the worst were in the provinces of Central Java, East Java, Bali, and North Sumatra - all PKI-loyal provinces.  The massacres reached their peak over the remainder of the year before subsiding in the early months of 1966. The estimates of the death toll of the violence range from over 100,000 to three million, but most scholars accept a figure of around 500,000. Many others were also imprisoned, and for the next ten years, people were still being imprisoned as suspects. It is thought that as many as 1.5m were imprisoned at one stage or another. As a result of the purge, one of Sukarno's three pillars of support, the PKI, had been effectively eliminated by the other two, the armed forces and political Islam, helped in Bali by proponents of the Balinese caste system who saw the PKI and its allies as a threat to their way of life.

Demonstrations

In October 1965, students in Jakarta formed KAMI (Kesatuan Aksi Mahasiswa Indonesia, Indonesian Students Action Front), which called for the banning of the PKI. It was soon joined by a host of similar organisations made up of high school students, workers, artists and labourers and the like. Other targets for the demonstrators were rising prices and government inefficiency. They also demonstrated against Subandrio, the foreign minister and head of the BPI intelligence agency and the number two man in the government.

On 10 January 1966, demonstrators, including KAMI, demonstrated in front of the Provisional legislature and announced what became known as the Three Demands of the People (Tritura):
 Dissolution of the PKI
 The expulsion from the cabinet of G30S/PKI elements
 Lower prices and economic improvements

In February 1966, as anti-communist demonstrations continued, Sukarno tried to placate Suharto by promoting him. On 21 February, he tried to regain the initiative by announcing a new cabinet - the Revised Dwikora Cabinet, which included former Air Force chief AVM Omar Dani, who had issued a statement on 1 October 1965 initially supporting the coup. More provocatively still, Sukarno fired General Nasution as Minister of Defense and was replaced by MG Sarbini, while Suharto remained as Chief of Staff of the Army and a member of the cabinet. The new cabinet immediately became known as the Gestapu cabinet, after the acronym coined by the military for the 30 September Movement.

Two days after the announcement, a huge crowd attempted to storm the presidential palace. The next day, while the new cabinet was being inaugurated, soldiers from the presidential guard opened fire on a crowd in front of the palace, killing student protester Arif Rachman Hakim, who was turned into a martyr and given a hero's funeral the following day.

On 8 March 1966, students managed to ransack the foreign ministry building and held it for five hours. They daubed slogans, one accusing Subandrio of murdering the generals and drew graffiti showing him as a Pekingese dog (a reference to his perceived closeness to communist China) or hanging from gallows.

Sukarno then planned a three-day series of meetings to restore his authority. The first, on 10 March, involved the leaders of political parties.  He managed to persuade them to sign a declaration warning against the undermining of presidential authority by student demonstrations. The second stage was a cabinet meeting planned for 11 March. However, as this meeting was underway, word reached Sukarno that unidentified troops were surrounding the palace. Sukarno left the palace in haste for Bogor, where later that night, he signed the Supersemar document transferring authority to restore order to Major General Suharto. Suharto acted quickly. On 12 March, he ordered a nationwide ban on the PKI and its member and affiliate organizations, as well as all party activities. The same day, there was a "show of force" by the Army in the streets of Jakarta, which was watched by cheering crowds. On 18 March, Subandrio and 14 other ministers were arrested, including the third deputy prime minister Chairul Saleh. That night, the radio announced that the ministers were in "protective custody".

Suharto later admitted in his autobiography that he frequently liaised with the student protesters throughout this period and that Sukarno often pleaded with him to stop the demonstrations.

Political manoeuvring

On 27 March, the new cabinet line-up, agreed between Suharto and Sukarno, was announced. The Second Revised Dwikora Cabinet included the key figures of Suharto himself as interim deputy prime minister for defense and security and thus Minister of Defense and Commander of the Armed Forces concurrently, tasked with preventing the resurgence of communism, the Sultan of Yogyakarta Sri Sultan Hamengkubuwono IX as deputy prime minister for economic, financial and development affairs, tasked with solving the nation's economic problems and Adam Malik as deputy prime minister for social and political affairs, whose job it would be to manage foreign policy.

On 24 April 1966, Suharto gave a speech to members of the Indonesian National Party in which he spoke of the "three deviations" that would have to be corrected by the youth of the country in co-operation with the Armed Forces. These were:
 The extreme-left radicalism of the PKI and its efforts to impose a class struggle on the Indonesian people;
 Political opportunism motivated by personal gain led and exploited by the "puppet masters" of the Indonesian Central Intelligence Board (BPI), at the time led by Sukarno ally Subandrio;
 Economic adventurism, resulting in the deliberate creation of economic chaos.

The new cabinet, in defiance of Sukarno's wishes, began moves to end the Indonesia-Malaysia confrontation and began to pull Indonesia away from China in retaliation for its backing of the Communists and konfrontasi.

Meanwhile, Suharto and his allies continued to purge state institutions of Sukarno loyalists. The now disbanded Tjakrabirawa Regiment was replaced by an Army military police regiment, and following further student demonstrations in front of the legislature building on 2 May, the leadership of the Mutual Cooperation People's Representative Council (DPR-GR) led by Speaker I Gusti Gde Subamia was replaced and Sukarnoist and pro-communist members were stripped of their MP titles from the DPR-GR and the Provisional People's Consultative Assembly (MPRS), the supreme lawmaking body and expelled. Pro-Suharto MPs for both bodies were appointed led by MPRS ad-interim speaker Wiluyo Puspoyudo.

A session of the MPRS was scheduled to open 12 May, but eventually began on 20 June and continued until 5 July. One of its first actions was to appoint General Abdul Haris Nasution as speaker with Achmad Sjaichu serving as speaker of the DPR-GR. It then set about dismantling the apparatus Sukarno had built around himself. It passed several decrees, one of which was the ratification of the Supersemar, thus making revocation of it almost impossible. It also ratified the banning of the PKI and the teaching of Marxist ideology, instructed Suharto to form a new cabinet, called on Sukarno to explain the economic and political situation in the nation and stripped him of the title "president for life". It also passed a decree stating that if the president were unable to carry out his duties, the holder of the Supersemar would assume the presidency. Suharto did not seek Sukarno's outright removal at this MPRS session due to the remaining support for the president amongst elements of the armed forces (particularly the Marines, the navy, and some regional army divisions).

The new cabinet, announced by Sukarno on 20 June, the Ampera Cabinet, was led by a five-person presidium headed by Suharto as de facto prime minister, and including Malik and Sri Sultan Hamengkubuwono IX as deputies. Suharto remained minister of defense and chief of the Army.

On 11 August, against the wishes of Sukarno, a peace treaty was signed, formally ending Konfrontasi. Indonesia announced it would rejoin the World Bank, the International Monetary Fund and the United Nations. It released political prisoners and paid compensation to the British and American governments for the damage caused to their diplomatic buildings during the demonstrations of the Sukarno era.

On 17 August, in his annual independence day speech, Sukarno claimed that Indonesia was not about to recognise Malaysia nor rejoin the UN. He also stated that he had not transferred power to Suharto. This provoked an angry reaction in the form of demonstrations, and Indonesia did indeed rejoin the UN in September, participating in the General Assembly on 28 September.  Meanwhile, criticism from demonstrators became increasingly vociferous and personal, and there were calls for him to be put on trial.

On 10 January 1967, Sukarno wrote to the MPRS, enclosing a document known as Nawaksara giving his version of the events surrounding the 30 September Movement. In it, he said the kidnappings and murders of the generals had been a "complete surprise" to him, and that he alone was not responsible for the nation's moral and economic problems. This led to demonstrators calling for Sukarno to be hanged.

The MPRS leadership met on 21 January and concluded that Sukarno had failed to fulfil his constitutional obligations. In a resolution passed on 9 February, the DPR-GR rejected the  Nawaksara and asked the MPRS to convene a special session.

On 12 March 1967, the special session began. After heated debates, it agreed to strip Sukarno of his power. On 12 March, Suharto was appointed acting president. Sukarno went into de facto house arrest in Bogor. A year later, on 27 March 1968, another session of the MPRS appointed Suharto the second president of Indonesia.

General Nasution was believed to have launched his own bid for power on 16 December 1965, when he won appointment to the Supreme Operations Command and gained a grip over the traditionally civilian-held portion of the military hierarchy. It was reported that Nasution would have preferred forming a military junta to replace Sukarno. (The New York Times, 16 December 1965.)

Consequences

Anti-Chinese laws

While resentment toward Chinese Indonesians by indigenous Indonesians-descended peoples of the archipelago dated back to the Dutch East Indies era, the New Order instigated anti-Chinese legislation following the quashing of the Communists. Stereotypes of the Chinese as disproportionately affluent and greedy were common throughout the time (both in Indonesia as well as Malaysia), but with the anti-communist hysteria, the association of the Chinese Indonesians with the People's Republic of China caused them also to be viewed as a communist fifth column.

Indonesia's hitherto friendly diplomatic relations with mainland China were severed, and the Chinese Embassy in Jakarta burnt down by a mob. New legislation included the banning of Chinese language signs on shops and other buildings, and the closure of Chinese language schools, adoption of "Indonesian" sounding names, and limits on Buddhist temple construction.

A new political system
The liquidation and banning of the Communist Party (and related organisations) eliminated one of the largest political parties in Indonesia. It was also among the largest Communist Parties in the Comintern, at an estimated three million members. Along with the subsequent efforts by Suharto to wrest power from Sukarno by purging loyalists from the parliament, the civilian government in Indonesia was effectively put to an end by the coup countermeasures.

Strident anti-communism remained a hallmark of the 31-year regime.

The new regime that emerged from the upheavals of the 1960s was dedicated to maintaining political order, promoting economic development, and excluding mass participation from the political process. The military was given a substantial role in politics, political and social organisations throughout the country were bureaucratised and corporatized, and selective but effective and sometimes brutal repression was used against opponents of the regime.

Some seats in the parliament were set-aside for the military as part of the dwifungsi (dual function) doctrine. Under the system, the military took on roles as administrators at all levels of government. The political parties not banned outright were consolidated into a single party, the Party of the Functional Groups (Indonesian: Partai Golongan Karya), more commonly known as Golkar. Though Suharto would allow for the formation of two non-Golkar parties, these were kept weak during his regime.

Rise of Islamism
The purging of two secularist parties, the Nationalists and the Communists, had a notable side effect of giving more space for the development of Islamism in Indonesia. This included liberal, conservative, and extremist groups practising Islam in Indonesia.

Improved ties with the West
The change in regime brought a shift in policy that allowed USAID and other relief agencies to operate within the country. Suharto would open Indonesia's economy by divesting state-owned companies, and Western countries, in particular, were encouraged to invest and take control of many of the mining and construction interests in Indonesia. The result was stabilisation of the economy and the alleviation of absolute poverty and famine conditions that had resulted from shortfalls in the rice supply and Sukarno's refusal to take Western aid.

As a result of his elimination of the communists, Suharto would come to be seen as a pro-Western and anti-Communist. Ongoing military and diplomatic relationships between Indonesia and the Western powers were cemented, leading to US, British, and Australian arms sales and training of military personnel.

US assistance to Suharto

Some experts assert that the United States directly facilitated and encouraged the mass murder of hundreds of thousands of suspected Communists in Indonesia during the mid-1960s. Bradley Simpson, Director of the Indonesia/East Timor Documentation Project at the National Security Archive, says "Washington did everything in its power to encourage and facilitate the army-led massacre of alleged PKI members, and U.S. officials worried only that the killing of the party's unarmed supporters might not go far enough, permitting Sukarno to return to power and frustrate the [Johnson] Administration's emerging plans for a post-Sukarno Indonesia." According to Simpson, the terror in Indonesia was an "essential building block of the quasi neo-liberal policies the West would attempt to impose on Indonesia in the years to come". Historian John Roosa, commenting on documents released from the US embassy in Jakarta in 2017, says they confirm that "the US was part and parcel of the operation, strategising with the Indonesian army and encouraging them to go after the PKI." Geoffrey B. Robinson, a historian at UCLA, argues that without the support of the U.S. and other powerful Western states, the Indonesian Army's program of mass killings would not have happened.

As early as 1958, the U.S. and its allies backed anti-communist elements within the Indonesian Army with secret assurances, financial and military support, and this support solidified once the mass killing campaigns were underway, demonstrating the "resolve" of the army. During the height of the violence, U.S. embassy official Robert J. Martens provided lists containing roughly 5,000 names of high ranking PKI members to the Indonesian Army, which, according to Robinson, "almost certainly aided in the death or detention of many innocent people". He notes that providing these kill lists "sent a powerful message that the US government agreed with and supported the army's campaign against the PKI, even as that campaign took its terrible toll in human lives."

References

This period is depicted in the 1982 film The Year of Living Dangerously.

Bibliography
 "Army in Jakarta Imposes a Ban on Communists." The New York Times. 19 October 1965

 Blum, William.  Killing Hope: US Military and CIA Interventions Since World War II, Black Rose, 1998, pp. 193–198

 Cribb, Robert, 'Genocide in Indonesia, 1965–1966', Journal of Genocide Research 3 no. 2 (June 2001), pp. 219–239
 Easter, David. "'Keep the Indonesian pot boiling': western covert intervention in Indonesia, October 1965 – March 1966", Cold War History, Vol 5, No 1, February 2005.

 Hughes, John (2002), The End of Sukarno – A Coup that Misfired: A Purge that Ran Wild, Archipelago Press,
 "Jakarta Cabinet Faces Challenge." The New York Times 16 December 1965
 "Jakarta Leftist Out As Army Chief." The New York Times 15 October 1965

 Latief, Col. A. (1999?) Pledoi Kol. A. Latief (The  Defense [plea] of Col. A. Latief), Institut Studi Arus Informasi,

 Roosa, John (2007) Pretext for Mass Murder: The 30 September Movement & Suharto's Coup D'État in Indonesia, University of Wisconsin Press.

 Sekretariat Negara Republik Indonesia (1975) 30 Tahun Indonesia Merdeka: Jilid 3 (1965–1973) (30 Years of Indonesian Independence: Volume 3 (1965–1973)
 Simanjuntak, P.H.H (2003) Kabinet-Kabinet Republik Indonesia: Dari Awal Kemerdekaan Sampai Reformasi (Cabinets of the Republic of Indonesia: From the Start of Independence to the Reform era, Penerbit Djambatan, Jakarta,
Simpson, Bradley. Economists with Guns: Authoritarian Development and U.S.–Indonesian Relations, 1960–1968. Stanford University Press, 2010.
 "Sukarno Removes His Defense Chief" The New York Times. 22 February 1966
 "Sukarno Seen Behind Coup" The New York Times. 6 October 1965

Notes

External links
 Shadow Play - Website accompanying a 2002 PBS documentary on Indonesia, with emphasis on the Suharto-era and the transition from New Order to Reformation.
 Tiger Tales: Indonesia – Website accompanying a 2002 BBC World Service radio documentary on Indonesia, focusing on early Suharto era. Features interviews with Indonesian generals and victims of the regime. Program is available in streaming RealAudio format.
 Indonesia 1965 – The Coup That Backfired – Newly released (June 2007), extensive CIA document about the events of 1965, in PDF format. Originally written in 1968.
 Roosa and Nevins on the mass killings

Cold War history by country
Sukarno
Suharto
Articles containing video clips

Transition to the New Order


The Saalfeld Fairy Grottoes (in German: Saalfelder Feengrotten) are caverns or grottoes of a former mine near Saalfeld, in the German state of Thuringia.

They have long been famous for their countless colorful mineral formations (speleothems) formed over many years by water dripping through relatively soft rock. Since 1993, the Guinness Book of World Records has termed the Feengrotten "the most colorful cave grottoes in the world".

Extent
The caverns consist of  three chambers connected by galleries. In the first chamber, information is presented about the history of the mine — in the 16th to 19th centuries an alum shale mine that was closed in 1850 but opened for sightseeing in 1914. The historical background includes information about environmental radiation treatments formerly offered there until such treatments were found to be hazardous.

In the second chamber is found the source of the mineral-laden water that formed colorful stalagmites, stalactites and other shapes over the centuries. The third chamber contains the famed "Fairy Kingdom" (Märchendom), featuring a variegated grouping of deposits that, illuminated by theatrical lights and reflected in a perfectly still pool of water, is thought to resemble miniature castles and other buildings.

History
Historically, alum was employed in a range of medicinal products, as a food preservative, to clarify water and to finish cloth.  However, in the 19th century more effective  chemical compounds were developed, and alum ceased to be a profitable mining product. By the 20th century, the Feengrotten had been largely forgotten. But in 1910 the old mine was rediscovered and explorers took note of the fantastic mineral deposits that had accumulated over the geologically short period of three centuries.

In 1913 the third chamber with the "Fairy Kingdom" was discovered, and shortly before the outbreak of World War I in 1914 tours began to be offered to the public. At that time a pavilion with café was opened that remained in use in the following decades — including the post-World War II German Democratic Republic, which categorized the Feengrotten as an official Sehenswürdigkeit (point of Interest) of the GDR, open to foreign tourists. Following German unification, the pavilion was renovated beginning in 1998, and new facilities were added.

Between 1914 and 2007, more than 20 million people visited the grottoes, which annually draw an average of 160,000 visitors.

Gallery

See also
List of show caves in Germany

References

External links

Buildings and structures in Saalfeld-Rudolstadt
Grottoes
Tourist attractions in Thuringia
Show mines

Saalfeld Fairy Grottoes


Sothinathan s/o Sinna Goundar (; born 4 April 1960) is a Malaysian Politician of Indian Tamil origin. He was also vice-president of the Malaysian Indian Congress, a component party of the Barisan Nasional ruling coalition. He was formerly the Deputy Minister of Natural Resources and Environment.

Biography

He lost his Teluk Kemang parliamentary seat in 2008 Malaysian general elections, which saw the ruling coalition losing 82 parliamentary seats out of 222 seats to the opposition.

In 2005, Sothinathan was temporarily suspended for his criticism of the Barisan Nasional government during parliamentary debate when he got up to argue the fate of many Malaysian Indian medical students in Ukraine who were left stranded when their university was derecognized by the Government of Malaysia. His actions were criticised by many BN leaders but won much praise by Malaysian Indians, who saw him as fighting for their rights.

In 2018, Sothinathan announced his campaign for PKR President and Leader of Pakatan Harapan Anwar Ibrahim in the Port Dickson by-election.

References

Living people
1960 births
People from Negeri Sembilan
Malaysian Hindus
Malaysian politicians of Indian descent
Malaysian politicians of Tamil descent
Malaysian Indian Congress politicians
Members of the Dewan Rakyat

S. Sothinathan


William Mitten (30 November 1819 – 20 July 1906), was an English pharmaceutical chemist and authority on bryophytes who has been called "the premier bryologist of the second half of the nineteenth century".

He built up a collection of some 50,000 specimens of bryophytes (mosses, lichens and liverworts) at his birthplace and home in Hurstpierpoint, Sussex. The collection was largely made up of specimens collected around the world by other collectors and is now at the New York Botanical Garden, having been purchased after his death. These collectors included Richard Spruce and also Alfred Russel Wallace, who became Mitten's son-in-law in 1866.

He had four daughters: Annie, the eldest, was the only one to marry;
another, Flora, provided assistance in compiling notes for William Edward Nicholson to write a  sketch with bibliography  on her father.

References

Sources

English botanists
1819 births
1906 deaths

William Mitten


Hydraulic head or piezometric head is a specific measurement of liquid pressure above a vertical datum.

It is usually measured as a liquid surface elevation, expressed in units of length, at the entrance (or bottom) of a piezometer. In an aquifer, it can be calculated from the depth to water in a piezometric well (a specialized water well), and given information of the piezometer's elevation and screen depth. Hydraulic head can similarly be measured in a column of water using a standpipe piezometer by measuring the height of the water surface in the tube relative to a common datum. The hydraulic head can be used to determine a hydraulic gradient between two or more points.

"Head" in fluid dynamics
In fluid dynamics, head is a concept that relates the energy in an incompressible fluid to the height of an equivalent static column of that fluid. From Bernoulli's principle, the total energy at a given point in a fluid is the kinetic energy associated with the speed of flow of the fluid, plus energy from static pressure in the fluid, plus energy from the height of the fluid relative to an arbitrary datum. Head is expressed in units of distance such as meters or feet. The force per unit volume on a fluid in a gravitational field is equal to ρg where ρ is the density of the fluid, and g is the gravitational acceleration. On Earth, additional height of fresh water adds a static pressure of about 9.8 kPa per meter (0.098 bar/m) or 0.433 psi per foot of water column height.

The static head of a pump is the maximum height (pressure) it can deliver. The capability of the pump at a certain RPM can be read from its Q-H curve (flow vs. height).

Head is useful in specifying centrifugal pumps because their pumping characteristics tend to be independent of the fluid's density.

There are generally four types of head:
Velocity head is due to the bulk motion (kinetic energy) of a fluid. Note that  is equal to the dynamic pressure for irrotational flow.
Elevation head is due to the fluid's weight, the gravitational force acting on a column of fluid. The elevation head is simply the elevation (h) of the fluid above an arbitrarily designated zero point:
Pressure head is due to the static pressure, the internal molecular motion of a fluid that exerts a force on its container. It is equal to the pressure divided by the force/volume of the fluid in a gravitational field:
Resistance head (or friction head or Head Loss) is due to the frictional forces acting against a fluid's motion by the container. For a continuous medium, this is described by Darcy's law which relates volume flow rate (q) to the gradient of the hydraulic head through the hydraulic conductivity K:  while in a piped system head losses are described by the Hagen–Poiseuille equation and Bernoulli's equation.

Components of hydraulic head
After free falling through a height  in a vacuum from an initial velocity of 0, a mass will have reached a speed

where  is the acceleration due to gravity. Rearranged as a head:

The term  is called the velocity head, expressed as a length measurement. In a flowing fluid, it represents the energy of the fluid due to its bulk motion.

The total hydraulic head of a fluid is composed of pressure head and elevation head. The pressure head is the equivalent gauge pressure of a column of water at the base of the piezometer, and the elevation head is the relative potential energy in terms of an elevation. The head equation, a simplified form of the Bernoulli principle for incompressible fluids, can be expressed as:

where
 is the hydraulic head (Length in m or ft), also known as the piezometric head.
 is the pressure head, in terms of the elevation difference of the water column relative to the piezometer bottom (Length in m or ft), and
 is the elevation at the piezometer bottom (Length in m or ft)

In an example with a 400 m deep piezometer, with an elevation of 1000 m, and a depth to water of 100 m: z = 600 m, ψ = 300 m, and h = 900 m.

The pressure head can be expressed as:

where
 is the gauge pressure (Force per unit area, often Pa or psi),
 is the unit weight of the liquid (Force per unit volume, typically N·m−3 or lbf/ft3),
 is the density of the liquid (Mass per unit volume, frequently kg·m−3), and
 is the gravitational acceleration (velocity change per unit time, often m·s−2)

Fresh water head
The pressure head is dependent on the density of water, which can vary depending on both the temperature and chemical composition (salinity, in particular). This means that the hydraulic head calculation is dependent on the density of the water within the piezometer. If one or more hydraulic head measurements are to be compared, they need to be standardized, usually to their fresh water head, which can be calculated as:

where
 is the fresh water head (Length, measured in m or ft), and
 is the density of fresh water (Mass per unit volume, typically in kg·m−3)

Hydraulic gradient
The hydraulic gradient is a vector gradient between two or more hydraulic head measurements over the length of the flow path. For groundwater, it is also called the Darcy slope, since it determines the quantity of a Darcy flux or discharge. It also has applications in open-channel flow where it is also known as stream gradient and can be used to determine whether a reach is gaining or losing energy. A dimensionless hydraulic gradient can be calculated between two points with known head values as:

where
 is the hydraulic gradient (dimensionless),
 is the difference between two hydraulic heads (length, usually in m or ft), and
 is the flow path length between the two piezometers (length, usually in m or ft)

The hydraulic gradient can be expressed in vector notation, using the del operator. This requires a hydraulic head field, which can be practically obtained only from numerical models, such as MODFLOW for groundwater or standard step or HEC-RAS for open channels. In Cartesian coordinates, this can be expressed as:

This vector describes the direction of the groundwater flow, where negative values indicate flow along the dimension, and zero indicates 'no flow'. As with any other example in physics, energy must flow from high to low, which is why the flow is in the negative gradient. This vector can be used in conjunction with Darcy's law and a tensor of hydraulic conductivity to determine the flux of water in three dimensions.

Hydraulic head in groundwater

The distribution of hydraulic head through an aquifer determines where groundwater will flow. In a hydrostatic example (first figure), where the hydraulic head is constant, there is no flow. However, if there is a difference in hydraulic head from the top to bottom due to draining from the bottom (second figure), the water will flow downward, due to the difference in head, also called the hydraulic gradient.

Atmospheric pressure
Even though it is convention to use gauge pressure in the calculation of hydraulic head, it is more correct to use absolute pressure (gauge pressure + atmospheric pressure), since this is truly what drives groundwater flow. Often detailed observations of barometric pressure are not available at each well through time, so this is often disregarded (contributing to large errors at locations where hydraulic gradients are low or the angle between wells is acute.)

The effects of changes in atmospheric pressure upon water levels observed in wells has been known for many years. The effect is a direct one, an increase in atmospheric pressure is an increase in load on the water in the aquifer, which increases the depth to water (lowers the water level elevation). Pascal first qualitatively observed these effects in the 17th century, and they were more rigorously described by the soil physicist Edgar Buckingham (working for the United States Department of Agriculture (USDA)) using air flow models in 1907.

Head loss
In any real moving fluid, energy is dissipated due to friction; turbulence dissipates even more energy for high Reynolds number flows. This dissipation, called head loss, is divided into two main categories, "major losses" associated with energy loss per length of pipe, and "minor losses" associated with bends, fittings, valves, etc. The most common equation used to calculate major head losses is the Darcy–Weisbach equation. Older, more empirical approaches are the Hazen–Williams equation and the Prony equation.

For relatively short pipe systems, with a relatively large number of bends and fittings, minor losses can easily exceed major losses. In design, minor losses are usually estimated from tables using coefficients or a simpler and less accurate reduction of minor losses to equivalent length of pipe, a method often used for shortcut calculations of pneumatic conveying lines pressure drop.

See also
 Borda–Carnot equation
 Dynamic pressure
 Minor losses in pipe flow
 Total dynamic head
 Stage (hydrology)
 Head (hydrology)
 Hydraulic accumulator

Notes

References
 Bear, J. 1972. Dynamics of Fluids in Porous Media, Dover. .
 for other references which discuss hydraulic head in the context of hydrogeology, see that page's further reading section

Aquifers
Water
Hydrology
Fluid dynamics
Water wells

Pressure

Hydraulic head


The Pirate Bay raid took place on 31 May 2006 in Stockholm, when The Pirate Bay, a Swedish website that indexes torrent files, was raided by Swedish police, causing it to go offline for three days. Upon reopening, the site's number of visitors more than doubled, the increased popularity attributed to greater exposure through the media coverage, which is an example of the Streisand effect.

The raid, alleged by Pirate Bay to be politically motivated and under pressure from the Motion Picture Association of America (MPAA), was reported as a success by the MPAA in the immediate aftermath, but with the website being restored within days and the raising of the debate in Sweden, commentators such as TorrentFreak called the raid "highly unsuccessful". On 31 January 2008, Swedish prosecutors filed charges against four of the individuals behind The Pirate Bay for "promoting other people's infringements of copyright laws".

Execution
At roughly 11:00  UTC on 31 May 2006, a major raid against The Pirate Bay and people involved with the website took place, prompted by allegations of copyright violations and formally ordered by judge Tomas Norström, who later presided on the 2009 trial. Some 65 police officers participated in the raid, shutting down the website and confiscating its servers, as well as all other servers hosted by The Pirate Bay's Internet service provider, PRQ. The company is owned by two operators of The Pirate Bay. Three people—Gottfrid Svartholm, Mikael Viborg, and Fredrik Neij—were held by the police for questioning, but were released later in the evening. Mikael Viborg, the legal advisor to The Pirate Bay, was arrested at his apartment, brought in for questioning, forced to submit a DNA sample and had his electronic equipment seized.

Many servers in the server room were seized, including those running the website of Piratbyrån, an independent organization fighting for file sharing rights, as well as servers unrelated to The Pirate Bay or other file sharing activities, including a Russian opposition news agency and GameSwitch, a British game server host. In addition, equipment such as hardware routers, switches, blank CDs, and faxes were also seized. The Danish documentary Good Copy Bad Copy (2007) includes closed-circuit television camera footage of the raid, and interviews with Gottfrid Svartholm and Fredrik Neij about the raid and its aftermath.

Political issues

The Swedish public broadcast network, Sveriges Television, cited unnamed sources claiming that the raid was prompted by political pressure from the United States, which the Swedish government denied. Sveriges Television claimed that the Swedish government was threatened by the World Trade Organization with trade sanctions unless action was taken against The Pirate Bay.

There have been claims of politicians pressuring other government agencies to take action in connection with this allegation, which is unconstitutional in Sweden. A letter titled "Re: The Pirate Bay" from the Motion Picture Association of America (MPAA) to Dan Eliasson, State Secretary at the Swedish Ministry of Justice, was dated two months before the raid and hinted at trade reprisals ("It is certainly not in Sweden's best interests to earn a reputation as a place where utter lawlessness is tolerated") and urged him to "exercise your influence to urge law enforcement officers in Sweden to take much-needed action against The Pirate Bay".

The MPAA wrote in a press release: "Since filing a criminal complaint in Sweden in November 2004, the film industry has worked vigorously with Swedish and U.S. government officials in Sweden to shut this illegal website down." MPAA CEO Dan Glickman also stated, "Intellectual property theft is a problem for film industries all over the world and we are glad that the local government in Sweden has helped stop The Pirate Bay from continuing to enable rampant copyright theft on the Internet." The MPAA press release set forth its justification for the raid and claimed that there were three arrests; however, the individuals were not actually arrested, only held for questioning. The release also reprinted John G. Malcolm's allegation that The Pirate Bay was making money from the distribution of copyrighted material, a criticism denied by the Pirate Bay.

Aftermath
After the raid, The Pirate Bay displayed a "SITE DOWN" message confirming that Swedish police had executed search warrants for breach of copyright law or assisting such a breach. The BitTorrent community quickly spread the announcement across online news sites, blogs, and discussion forums. The closure message initially caused some confusion because on 1 April 2005 The Pirate Bay had posted a similar message, stating that they were permanently down due to a supposed raid by the Swedish Anti-Piracy Bureau and IFPI, as a prank. Piratbyrån set up temporary news blog to inform the public about the incident.

On 1 June 2006, it was reported on The Pirate Bay website that it would be up and fully functional within a day or two. As promised, The Pirate Bay was back up and operational by the end of the next day, their logo now depicting the pirate ship firing cannonballs at the Hollywood sign. The header displayed the name "The Police Bay". The next logo featured the pirate ship as a stylized phoenix, in reference to the servers rising up again after the raid.

The reincarnated website was, as stated by "Peter" in the Chaosradio International interview with Tim Pritlove, running on servers located in the Netherlands. As of 3 June, the search function was not available. It was possible to browse for .torrent files manually and download them, but attempts at downloading .torrent files for most copyrighted materials gave 404 Not Found errors. On 5 June 2006, The Pirate Bay went down, citing database server problems. It was back up the next day, but with limited availability. The Pirate Bay attributed these issues to increased traffic resulting from the recent publicity and promised that the website would soon be running smoothly again. TPB thereafter fixed a number of minor software bugs and brought new servers online to handle the increased traffic load. By 9 June, the website was once again fully functional. On 14 June 2006, the Swedish news agency TT reported that The Pirate Bay was back in Sweden due to "pressure from the Department of Justice [in the Netherlands]."

During the afternoon of 1 June, again on 3 June, and again in the morning of 4 June, the website of the Swedish police went down due to high load. It was speculated that this was a retaliatory denial-of-service attack in response to the TPB raid. According to a Swedish article in the IT news website IDG, the downtime resulted from many requests for a specific url—which had been widely circulated via IRC chatrooms and internet forums. According to the article, the purpose was to "show what you think of the police's behaviour."

Demonstrations against the police action took place on 3 June 2006 in Gothenburg and Stockholm, organized by Piratbyrån and the Pirate Party in collaboration with the Liberal Youth, Young Greens and Young Left parties. There were no reports of violence. Approximately 500–600 people showed up at the Stockholm protest and about 300 at the Gothenburg protest.

The Pirate Bay is considered part of an international anti-copyright movement.  The documentary Steal This Film was produced and distributed (via BitTorrent) in the months following the raid. In the words of its speakers, it aimed to present the other side of the debate, until that time dominated by the media industry. The film was made available free, as donationware.

Since the raid, Pirate Bay stated their disaster recovery plan of "a few days" worked correctly, but that they are now moving to redundant servers both in Belgium and Russia, and an aim of a few hours restoration time, should the servers be disrupted again. Following the raid, the number of Pirate Bay users grew from 1 million to 2.7 million. The number of peers grew almost 5 times, from 2.5 million to 12 million. It has been reported that the Pirate Bay claims more than 5 million active users. Internet traffic ranker Alexa.com ranks Pirate Bay as the 73rd most popular website in the world.

Charges
In May 2007, prosecutor Håkan Roswall made it clear that he intended to press charges against the administrators of The Pirate Bay. In mid-January 2008 Peter Sunde told Ars Technica: "I'm quite sure we won't be convicted anyhow" and "[If we are], we'll just appeal all the way to the European Union court. So in five years time this might be settled."

On 31 January 2008, Pirate Bay operators Fredrik Neij, Gottfrid Svartholm, Peter Sunde and Carl Lundström were charged with "promoting other people's infringements of copyright laws." If convicted, the defendants face up to two years in prison and SEK 1.2 million in restitution. Pirate Bay's legal advisor, Mikael Viborg, has stated that because torrent files and trackers merely point to content, the site's activities are legal under Swedish law. Magnus Martensson, legal advisor for the International Federation of the Phonographic Industry (IFPI), says the website is damaging to industry and liable for at least contributory copyright infringement.

Allegations
Soon after the police investigation of The Pirate Bay finished in 2008, lead investigator Jim Keyzer left the police force briefly to work for MPAA member studio Warner Brothers, according to his since-deleted Facebook profile. Sydsvenskan reported that Keyzer had already been working for the studio while the investigation into The Pirate Bay was still open. An April 2008 Pirate Party press release called the potential conflict of interest a "bribing scandal". Piratbyrån wrote about the allegations:

These matters have not been resolved in court and even though Keyzer was scheduled to be a witness in the Pirate Bay trial, he was not called.

2014 raid
On 9 December 2014, a second 'Pirate Bay raid' occurred when police in Stockholm, Sweden raided The Pirate Bay and seized servers and other computers and equipment. The Pirate Bay and several other torrent-related websites went down, and have since come back online.

References

The Pirate Bay
2006 in Sweden

The Pirate Bay raid


Nigel Benn vs. Chris Eubank was a series of two professional boxing matches which took place on 18 November 1990 and 9 October 1993. Both Benn and Eubank fought at middleweight and super middleweight around the same time in 1985–97, and became rivals on both the domestic and world boxing scene. Benn won his first 22 consecutive bouts by knockout, earning the moniker 'the Dark Destroyer'. Eubank was the cocky, flamboyant upstart who began calling out Benn after his tenth bout. The rivalry grew, with both men swearing that they would knock the other man out. The British public began to demand the fight to be made.

Benn, having lost to Michael Watson, began to rebuild in America, winning the WBO middleweight title by knocking out Doug DeWitt. He then savaged Iran Barkley within one round in his first defence. Benn then agreed to meet Eubank with his title on the line, which set up the first fight. A rematch was held three years later.

The Hate Game, a book documenting this boxing rivalry, written by Ben Dirs, was published in 2013.

First fight

Once Benn had agreed to the first fight with Eubank, his entourage began plotting ways to demoralise Eubank and 'even things up'. They decided to sabotage his entrance music. As Eubank made his ring walk to the sound of Tina Turner's 'Simply the Best' (his ring moniker), the record suddenly stopped. Eubank ignored this, and made his way to the ring apron and vaulted to the rope as per usual. The bell then rang to begin the fight.

Eubank ran out sideways before turning and striking Benn with a right cross, clearly hoping for a surprise knockout. Benn stalked the challenger with pace, and the opening rounds are remembered for their lack of jabs or range finding punches. In the fourth round, Eubank took a ferocious right uppercut to the chin when breaking from a clinch. The blow caused him to bite his tongue, leaving a severe gash which led to copious amounts of blood being swallowed. Eubank hid this evidence from his corner, afraid of a doctor stoppage. Benn's eye was swollen shut by the fifth round, and in the sixth Eubank began throwing shots at Benn who was covering up on the ropes. Benn caught Eubank with a low blow, and with no points deducted used his advantage by pounding Eubank's body. Eubank fought back in the seventh, and with scores fairly even the fighters began the eighth round.

A more wary Benn now sought to catch Eubank with flashing overhand shots followed by short hooks. Eubank was trapped in the corner when an overhand right caught him on top of the head, knocking him down. He was up quickly, claiming it was a slip, but took the eight count regardless from Richard Steele. Eubank finished the round strongly and posed and preened between the rounds. The ninth was an even round until Eubank missed with a right and Benn caught him with a left hook which landed on the unbalanced Eubank's rear, sending him down. Standing up, Eubank circled Benn before releasing a left right combination, and a left hook which staggered Benn. Benn survived the flurry and clinched, but a straight right from Eubank sent him into a corner, and Steele stepped in to end the flurry with five seconds left of round nine, ending what he called; "The most dramatic fight I've ever refereed".

Eubank would defend his new title three times, relinquishing to contest the vacant WBO super middleweight title against the ill-fated Michael Watson, who after winning eight of eleven rounds fell into a coma after a Eubank uppercut at the end of round 11, before the subsequent referee stoppage twenty seconds into round 12. Benn, who had also moved up to super middleweight, won the WBC super middleweight title in Italy, beating Mauro Galvano. With both men champions in the same weight division, a unification fight and three-year anticipated rematch was arranged by Don King for 9 October 1993.

|  style="width:36%; text-align:center;"| Preceded byKO1 Iran Barkley
|  style="width:28%; text-align:center;"| Nigel Benn's bouts18 November 1990
|  style="width:36%; text-align:center;"| Succeeded byKO7 Robbie Sims
|-
|  style="width:36%; text-align:center;"| Preceded byKO1 Reginaldo Dos Santos
|  style="width:28%; text-align:center;"| Chris Eubank's bouts18 November 1990
|  style="width:36%; text-align:center;"| Succeeded byTW10 Dan Sherry

Second fight

Over 42,000 crammed Old Trafford for this bout. Don King's contract stipulated that not only would the winner join his stable of fighters, but also the loser.

This time Eubank's ring walk went off without a hitch, commentator Reg Gutteridge making the classic call when Eubank performed his customary vault over the ropes into the ring, saying "The ego has landed". The fight itself did not quite reach the heights of brutality of the first, as neither man was as badly hurt. However, there were flurries of punches at the ends of the rounds, with both boxers trying to claim the rounds knowing that there was more chance of the fight lasting the distance as the bout progressed. One such exchange saw Benn in a corner knocked through the ropes, though Eubank used his body as well and Benn was not badly hurt. The final round was thrilling, with both boxers told they needed it to win. Most boxing experts agree that this was a truly classic round, Gutteridge referring to the two 'magnificent warriors' at its climax.

The final scores were 115–113 Eubank, 114–113 Benn, and 114–114. The bout was declared a draw – Benn retained his WBC belt, Eubank his WBO championship. Astonishingly, Don King had not written the event of a draw into the contract, and as a result, neither fighter was contractually bound to join him.

The pair never fought again, despite a £6 million bout at Wembley stadium being touted for Eubank's eight-fight Sky deal. Benn faced Gerald McClellan, pound-for-pound one of the most devastating fighters of the 90s, and his career paralleled Eubank's when McClellan was paralyzed as a result of this bout. Benn was finished mentally and almost physically after this violent war and lost first his title then twice more to Steve Collins, who magnanimously claimed afterward that Benn was the greatest British boxer ever, and wished he could have fought him at his prime.

Eubank too lost his title and unbeaten record, also to Collins by a split decision. He retired and came out of retirement to face a young Joe Calzaghe, who beat him on points. He fought for the WBO cruiserweight title, losing another split decision to Carl Thompson, and the rematch when, ahead on points, the doctor stopped the fight due to Eubank's swollen eye. This time, he retired for good.

On the ITV documentary Best Ever Big Fight Live, former world champion Duke McKenzie said of the Benn–Eubank rivalry: "It may never be rivaled". Barry McGuigan agreed, saying; "There was real antipathy and ill-will there. But what fights, what fights." The legacy of the feud was summed up with the first fight being shown, and given the moniker; "A war to end all wars".

Legacy
Both Nigel Benn's son and Chris Eubank's son were expected to fight in 2022. Chris Eubank Jr. vs Conor Benn was originally supposed to be held on 08 October 2022, however, was postponed after Benn tested positive in a random drug test from UKAD.  Eddie Hearn stated that the fight has been built on the  "legacy" of the two brutal bouts between Eubank Sr and Benn Sr in the 1990s.

References

https://web.archive.org/web/20110629141823/http://www.100greatblackbritons.com/bios/nigel_benn-chris_eubanks
http://boxing-forum.co.uk/phpBB2/viewtopic.php?p=7958& – 59k
http://www.eastsideboxing.com/news/Benn-Eubank-Watson.php

Boxing matches
1990 in boxing
1993 in boxing
Boxing in England
Sport in Birmingham, West Midlands
Sport in Trafford
1990 in English sport
1993 in English sport
1990s in Birmingham, West Midlands
November 1990 sports events in the United Kingdom
October 1993 sports events in the United Kingdom

Nigel Benn vs. Chris Eubank


Chaguar is the common name of several related species of South American plants of the family Bromeliaceae, among them Bromelia serra, Bromelia hieronymi, Deinacanthon urbanianum and Pseudananas sagenarius, which are non-woody forest plants with sword-shaped evergreen leaves, resembling yucca. The different varieties grow in the semi-arid parts of the Gran Chaco ecoregion.

The term chaguar is of Quechua origin; in areas where the Guaraní have had an influence, it is also known as caraguatá.

This plant is mainly employed by the Wichí tribal groups in the provinces of Salta and Formosa, Argentina, to provide a resistant fiber that can be woven to make bags and purses, ponchos, skirts, fishing nets, string, ropes, hammocks, mats, covers and clothing. Along with those made from hardwoods such as quebracho, chaguar crafts make up an important part of the economy of some Wichí groups, though the profits are scarce.

Chaguar is not cultivated. It grows in the semi-shade of a middle layer of the Chaco forest, and reproduces by stolons. Desertification of the Chaco has decreased its presence, but the plant is neither endangered nor of primary ecological importance. Farmers consider it a pest and, since its spines scare cattle, they sometimes burn the chaguarales (plant colonies) during the dry season.

There are no restrictions on the collection and use of chaguar among the Wichí, but the task is time-consuming and labor-intensive. This fact and the environmental ethics of the tribe discourage overexploitation.

References
 Wichi, Origen crafts
 Lessons Learned: Case Studies in Sustainable Use
 FormosaExporter's store: Buy original Chaguar Shoulder Bags

Bromelia
Flora of Argentina
Fiber plants
Plant common names

Chaguar


The Star Schools Program is a United States government program created to honor schools.  Established as part of the United States Department of Education in 1988, the purpose of this program is to:

 Encourage improved instruction in mathematics, science, foreign languages, and other subjects.
 Serve underserved populations, including disadvantaged, non-reading, and limited English proficient populations and individuals with disabilities. Star Schools grants are made to eligible telecommunications partnerships, to enable such partnerships to:
 develop, construct, acquire, maintain, and operate telecommunications audio and visual facilities and equipment;
 develop and acquire educational and instructional programming; and
 obtain technical assistance for the use of such facilities and instructional programming.

See also
United States Department of Education
Education for Economic Security Act
No Child Left Behind

References

Star Schools Program

Education in the United States
United States Department of Education
Schools programs

Star Schools Program


JHQ (Joint Headquarters) Rheindahlen was a military base in Mönchengladbach, North Rhine-Westphalia, Germany active from 1954 to 2013. It functioned as the main headquarters for British forces in Germany and for the NATO Northern Army Group. Latterly it was also known as the Rheindahlen Military Complex, part of Rheindahlen Garrison. It was named after the local village of Rheindahlen, part of the city borough of Mönchengladbach.

History
In 1952, work began on the British Forces Maintenance Area West of the Rhine. Part of the project included the construction of a joint British Army and Royal Air Force headquarters for the British Army of the Rhine (BAOR) in Rheindahlen. Colonel Henry Grattan was Chief Engineer of the construction project.

HQ BAOR moved from Bad Oeynhausen to Rheindahlen in October 1954, centralising headquarters functions previously located across several towns in Northern Germany. It was originally the HQ of the Northern Army Group (NORTHAG), Second Allied Tactical Air Force (2ATAF), British Army of the Rhine (BAOR) and Royal Air Force Germany (RAFG). Some 12,000 military personnel moved to the "town within a town" in a few weeks.

By the early 1970s the facilities in the complex included a NAAFI superstore and a smaller NAAFI store (Buschof NAAFI), German shops, a petrol station (normally BP), a travel agent (Milatravel), two German banks (Commerzbank and Sparkasse), two post offices, dress shop (a Malcolm Club shop), YWCA Bookshop, libraries and cafes. There were separate full British Army (RAMC) and RAF Medical & Dental Centres, five British primary schools (St Georges, St Andrews, St Patricks, St Davids & St Christophers) and a Belgian school. There was one secondary school (initially Queens upper & lower until the senior school moved to Hostert Waldniel, later  returning to JHQ and recombining as Windsor School.

JHQ was first bombed by the Provisional IRA in 1973. The car bomb was planted in the Globe cinema car park and timed to go off as the film ended. In the event the film ended early and the car park was largely empty when the bomb exploded. No one was injured, but a couple of cars were damaged. A Dutch man and a woman from Belfast were arrested but their leader, reported to be James McCann, escaped.

Thirty-one people were injured on 23 March 1987 after a  car bomb exploded near the visitors officers' mess at the top of Queens Avenue. The Provisional IRA later stated it had carried out the bombing.

During the 1990s and 2000s, JHQ housed the Headquarters United Kingdom Support Command (Germany), later Headquarters British Forces Germany, which was the administrative HQ of the British Army in Europe. It was also home to the Allied Rapid Reaction Corps (ARRC), which relocated to Imjin Barracks in Gloucestershire in 2010.

There was an Army Garrison HQ on Collingwood Road to administer the Army element and an RAF HQ (RAF Rheindahlen) on Queens Avenue to administer the RAF element. HQ British Forces Germany moved to Bielefeld in July 2013. The Rheindahlen military complex was handed back to German federal authorities on 13 December 2013.

In July 2015 some Arab investors submitted proposals to convert the site to a leisure park. In September 2015 the main gas, electricity and water services were reconnected from the main Hardt-Rheindahlen road along Queens Avenue to the West boiler house to facilitate temporary use of the site as a refugee reception centre. In November 2015 the site was still a ghost town with civilian security guards and in April 2016 it was revealed that the refugees would be accommodated in the billets area around the parade ground off Beresford Road.

Headquarters and units
A number of separate HQs and units were based at the JHQ complex during its time as a British and NATO base, these included:

Headquarters
 HQ Northern Army Group (NORTHAG)
 HQ 2nd Allied Tactical Air Force (2 ATAF)
 HQ British Army of the Rhine (BAOR)
 HQ RAF Germany (RAFG)
 HQ United Kingdom Support Command (Germany) (UKSC(G))
 HQ British Forces Germany (BFG)
 HQ ACE Rapid Reaction Corps (ARRC)
 HQ Multinational Division (Central) (MND(C))

Individual units and organisations
 British Services Security Organisation (Germany)
 Intelligence & Security Group (Germany)
 16 Signal Regiment
 Support Battalion, HQ ARRC
 32 Postal & Courier Squadron Royal Engineers
 101 Provost Company Royal Military Police
 68 Squadron Royal Corps of Transport
 29 Company Women's Royal Army Corps
 Various NATO national support elements

See also
British Army of the Rhine
Kent School, Hostert
Windsor School, formerly Queens School

References

Mönchengladbach
British forces in Germany
Military installations of the United Kingdom
Provisional Irish Republican Army actions
Military headquarters

JHQ Rheindahlen


Carrowmore Lake () is situated in the parishes of Belmullet, Kiltane and Kilcommon Erris, County Mayo between the villages of Bangor Erris and Barnatra at the southern end of Broadhaven Bay.  The freshwater lake is over  long and almost  wide at its widest point.  Glencullen's two townlands line its eastern shore and Rathmorgan and the Knocknascollop mountains rise up along its western shores.  Carrowmore is not a deep lake and it provides the drinking water for the whole of the Erris area.  It is fed by the Carrowmore River and drains into the Owenmore River on its way to Blacksod Bay. The lake is designated as a S.P.A. (Birds directive) in E.U. law and also as 000476 Complex S.A.C. (Special Area of Conservation).

It is an oligotrophic/mesotrophic lake with a substrate of Dalradian schists and pale quartzite.  Its shorelines are dominated by blanket bog mainly but there are many houses, mainly linear in layout, along both sides of its shores. Its catchment area includes the townland of Bellanaboy in Kilcommon where the contentious Corrib Gas refinery is situated.

Archaeology
There are many islands in the lake.  Some of these are thought to have been crannogs in use as lake fortifications through from the Iron Age to as late as the 17th century. The fort of Rathmorgan on the mountain at the south west corner of the lake is the site of the Táin Bó Flidhais cattle raid on Erris from Cruachan in Tulsk, County Roscommon, a tale from the Iron Age cycle of folklore.

George W. Russell ("Æ") wrote a poem about Carrowmore Lake.

References

Lakes of County Mayo
Gaeltacht places in County Mayo

Carrowmore Lake


Noelle Valdivia is an American television writer and playwright. She is best known for her work on the Showtime drama Masters of Sex, and the NBC musical Smash.

Until 2012 Valdivia worked as a journalist and playwright. After graduation from NYU she began her television career working on the NBC drama Awake, where she wrote three episodes of that series. She wrote on season 2 of the musical drama Smash. In 2013, she worked on the Showtime drama Masters of Sex where she was nominated for a 2013 WGA Award.

As a playwright, she wrote the stage productions Oh, William (2003), Ring of Fire (2004) and Where It Went Wrong (2006).

References

External links

21st-century American dramatists and playwrights
American television writers
Living people
American women television writers
American women dramatists and playwrights
Place of birth missing (living people)
Year of birth missing (living people)
21st-century American women writers
21st-century American screenwriters

Noelle Valdivia


Gherardo III da Camino ( 1240 – 1306) was an Italian feudal lord and military leader. He is generally considered the most outstanding member in the da Camino family.

Biography
He was born in the family castle in Credazzo (or Padua),  the second child of Biaquino II da Camino and India da Camposampiero. When his father died in 1274, he became the sole heir of the family's lands. He had already been member of the City Council of Treviso and, in 1266, had received the seignory of Feltre and Belluno from the local bishop, which Gherardo was to hold until his death.

A guelph exponent, in 1278 he signed an alliance with Padua, Cremona, Brescia, Parma, Modena and Ferrara against the Ghibelline Verona. In the 1280s, he decided to try to conquer Treviso, which was then in peace after the decline of the da Romano family. On November 15, after a city fight arranged by Gherardo, the Ghibellines (including the Castelli family) were expelled from Treviso; he was then elected capitano generale, with total power over the city's statutes. Gherardo's first move was to attack the Castelli's castles of Asolo, Cornuda and Monleopardo, and to destroy their city residence by treason.

Once in command of Treviso, Gherardo rewarded his supporters, in particular by giving back Camino and Oderzo to his relatives Tolberto III and Biaquino VI da Camino. When the cession was declared illegal by the commune, the latter called in the Republic of Venice by ceasing them Motta di Livenza (1291): this was the first mainland possession of the Serenissima.

Gherardo was a tyrannic but efficient administrator in Treviso, and increased its economic importance. He was also a patron of feasts and arts, housing in his courts numerous cultural figures, such as Dante Alighieri and Ferrarino da Ferrara. His daughter, Gaia, was a poet. His rule in Treviso was substantially peaceful, but he had to face an increasing number of plots, the last, in 1305, set up by his son Rizzardo, who had then a total control of Treviso due to Gherardo's declining health.

Gherardo da Camino died in 1306 and was buried at Treviso in the Franciscan church of St. Francis, which he had contributed to build.

Sources

1240s births
1306 deaths
Lords of Treviso
13th-century condottieri

Gherardo III da Camino


Melchior Weiher (1574–1643) was a Polish noble.

Son of Ernest Weiher, he held several important offices in the Polish–Lithuanian Commonwealth. He was the Deputy Treasury of Royal Prussia and economy of Malbork from 1616 to 1624, castellan of Elbląg from 1619 to 1635, and voivode of Chełmno from 1626 (until death). Starost of Tczew, Nowy Dwór Gdański, Wałcz, Człuchów, Kowalewo Pomorskie and prefect of Lębork and Bytów, he was a controversial figure in social life, known for his dislike of women and likely homosexual tendencies.

References

Secular senators of the Polish–Lithuanian Commonwealth
1574 births
1643 deaths
16th-century Polish nobility
People from Elbląg
17th-century Polish nobility
Melchior

Melchior Weiher


Rossmoyne is a suburb of Perth, Western Australia, within the City of Canning. Rossmoyne is located  south of central Perth, and is bounded by Leach Highway to the south, the Bull Creek to the west, the Canning River to the north, and Shelley to the east.

History
The name Rossmoyne was devised in 1937 after the land developer  Webb and his family made a trip to Scotland. The name has no connection with the area but was thought to be suitable for marketing a subdivision in 1955. The use of the name as a suburb was approved in February 1960 and gazetted the following month.

The Rossmoyne Pallottine Mission was established on Fifth Avenue in 1959 as a boarding facility for Indigenous Australian students from the Kimberley and other country areas who were attending secondary schools in Perth. The residence was run by the Society of the Catholic Apostolate and operated from 1959 to 1991 catering for over 900 boarders.

Rossmoyne Primary school, located on Second Avenue, commenced operations in 1964 with an enrolment of 67 students and 3 staff, officially opening in 1965.

Construction of Rossmoyne Senior High School commenced in 1967 and was completed in 1968. The school is located on Keith Road in Bull Creek but was named after the suburb that had grown rapidly around the school site. Keith Road was named after one of Rossmoyne's first alumni, who died, having his legacy used as the name of the main road of Rossmoyne High School.

Transportation
Rossmoyne is linked to Perth City by the Kwinana Freeway, and to Fremantle by Leach Highway.
Transperth provides public transport services to Rossmoyne. Bus 178 runs east to Perth City via Shelley, and west to Bull Creek Station. Bus 179 runs east to Perth City via Riverton. Buses 508 and 509 run from stops on Leach Highway to Bull Creek Station and Cannington Interchange.

Amenities
Rossmoyne's shopping centre, Rossmoyne Village, includes an IGA supermarket, a liquor store, 'Flames' Cafe, a Chinese restaurant, a hairdresser, a Post Office and Newsagent, a butcher, Morgan Real Estate agent, Chemmart Chemists and a pizzeria and bakery named Antonio's. Public tennis courts and a bowling club are located nearby. Local students attend Rossmoyne Community Kindergarten, Rossmoyne Primary School and Rossmoyne Senior High School.

References

External links

Suburbs of Perth, Western Australia
Suburbs in the City of Canning

Rossmoyne, Western Australia