Critical race theory (CRT) is an interdisciplinary academic field devoted to analysing how laws, social and political, and media, shape and are shaped by, social conceptions of race and ethnicity. CRT also considers racism to be systemic in various laws and rules, and not only based on individuals' prejudices. The word critical in the name is an academic reference to critical thinking, critical theory, and scholarly criticism, rather than criticizing or blaming individuals.

CRT is also used in sociology to explain social, political, and legal structures and power distribution as through a "lens" focusing on the concept of race, and experiences of racism. For example, the CRT conceptual framework examines racial bias in laws and legal institutions, such as highly disparate rates of incarceration among racial groups in the United States. A key CRT concept is intersectionalitythe way in which different forms of inequality and identity are affected by interconnections of race, class, gender, and disability. Scholars of CRT view race as a social construct with no biological basis. One tenet of CRT is that racism and disparate racial outcomes are the result of complex, changing, and often subtle social and institutional dynamics, rather than explicit and intentional prejudices of individuals. CRT scholars argue that the social and legal construction of race advances the interests of white people at the expense of people of color, and that the liberal notion of US law as "neutral" plays a significant role in maintaining a racially unjust social order, where formally color-blind laws continue to have racially discriminatory outcomes.

CRT began in the United States in the post–civil rights era, as 1960s landmark civil rights laws were being eroded and schools were being re-segregated. With racial inequalities persisting even after civil rights legislation and color-blind laws were enacted, CRT scholars in the 1970s and 1980s began reworking and expanding critical legal studies (CLS) theories on class, economic structure, and the law to examine the role of US law in perpetuating racism. CRT, a framework of analysis grounded in critical theory, originated in the mid-1970s in the writings of several American legal scholars, including Derrick Bell, Alan Freeman, Kimberlé Crenshaw, Richard Delgado, Cheryl Harris, Charles R. Lawrence III, Mari Matsuda, and Patricia J. Williams. CRT draws from the work of thinkers such as Antonio Gramsci, Sojourner Truth, Frederick Douglass, and W. E. B. Du Bois, as well as the Black Power, Chicano, and radical feminist movements from the 1960s and 1970s.

Academic critics of CRT argue it is based on storytelling instead of evidence and reason, rejects truth and merit, and undervalues liberalism. Since 2020, conservative US lawmakers have sought to ban or restrict the instruction of CRT education in primary and secondary schools, as well as relevant training inside federal agencies. Advocates of such bans argue that CRT is false, anti-American, villainizes white people, promotes radical leftism, and indoctrinates children. Advocates of bans on CRT have been accused of misrepresenting its tenets, and of having the goal to broadly silence discussions of racism, equality, social justice, and the history of race.

Definitions

In his introduction to the comprehensive 1995 publication of critical race theory's key writings, Cornel West described CRT as "an intellectual movement that is both particular to our postmodern (and conservative) times and part of a long tradition of human resistance and liberation." Law professor Roy L. Brooks defined critical race theory in 1994 as "a collection of critical stances against the existing legal order from a race-based point of view".

Gloria Ladson-Billings, whoalong with co-author William Tatehad introduced CRT to the field of education in 1995, described it in 2015 as an "interdisciplinary approach that seeks to understand and combat race inequity in society." Ladson-Billings wrote in 1998 that CRT "first emerged as a counterlegal scholarship to the positivist and liberal legal discourse of civil rights."

In 2017, University of Alabama School of Law professor Richard Delgado, a co-founder of critical race theory, and legal writer Jean Stefancic define CRT as "a collection of activists and scholars interested in studying and transforming the relationship among race, racism, and power". In 2021, Khiara Bridges, a law professor and author of the textbook Critical Race Theory: A Primer, defined critical race theory as an "intellectual movement", a "body of scholarship", and an "analytical toolset for interrogating the relationship between law and racial inequality."

The 2021 Encyclopaedia Britannica described CRT as an "intellectual and social movement and loosely organized framework of legal analysis based on the premise that race is not a natural, biologically grounded feature of physically distinct subgroups of human beings but a socially constructed (culturally invented) category that is used to oppress and exploit people of colour."

Tenets
Scholars of CRT say that race is not "biologically grounded and natural"; rather, it is a socially constructed category used to oppress and exploit people of color; and that racism is not an aberration, but a normalized feature of American society.
According to CRT, negative stereotypes assigned to members of minority groups benefit white people and increase racial oppression.
Individuals can belong to a number of different identity groups. The concept of intersectionalityone of CRT's main conceptswas introduced by legal scholar Kimberlé Crenshaw.

Derrick Albert Bell Jr. (1930 – 2011), an American lawyer, professor, and civil rights activist, wrote that racial equality is "impossible and illusory" and that racism in the US is permanent.
According to Bell, civil-rights legislation will not on its own bring about progress in race relations; alleged improvements or advantages to people of color "tend to serve the interests of dominant white groups", in what Bell called "interest convergence". These changes do not typically affectand at times even reinforceracial hierarchies. This is representative of the shift in the 1970s, in Bell's re-assessment of his earlier desegregation work as a civil rights lawyer. He was responding to the Supreme Court's decisions that had resulted in the re-segregation of schools.

The concept of standpoint theory became particularly relevant to CRT when it was expanded to include a black feminist standpoint by Patricia Hill Collins. First introduced by feminist sociologists in the 1980s, standpoint theory holds that people in marginalized groups, who share similar experiences, can bring a collective wisdom and a unique voice to discussions on decreasing oppression. In this view, insights into racism can be uncovered by examining the nature of the US legal system through the perspective of the everyday lived experiences of people of color.

According to Encyclopedia Britannica, tenets of CRT have spread beyond academia, and are used to deepen understanding of socio-economic issues such as "poverty, police brutality, and voting rights violations", that are affected by the ways in which race and racism are "understood and misunderstood" in the United States.

Common themes

Richard Delgado and Jean Stefancic published an annotated bibliography of CRT references in 1993, listing works of legal scholarship that addressed one or more of the following themes: "critique of liberalism"; "storytelling/counterstorytelling and 'naming one's own reality'"; "revisionist interpretations of American civil rights law and progress"; "a greater understanding of the underpinnings of race and racism"; "structural determinism"; "race, sex, class, and their intersections"; "essentialism and anti-essentialism"; "cultural nationalism/separatism"; "legal institutions, critical pedagogy, and minorities in the bar"; and "criticism and self-criticism". When Gloria Ladson-Billings introduced CRT into education in 1995, she cautioned that its application required a "thorough analysis of the legal literature upon which it is based".

Critique of liberalism
First and foremost to CRT legal scholars in 1993 was their "discontent" with the way in which liberalism addressed race issues in the US. They critiqued "liberal jurisprudence", including affirmative action, color-blindness, role modeling, and the merit principle. Specifically, they claimed that the liberal concept of value-neutral law contributed to maintenance of the US's racially unjust social order.An example questioning foundational liberal conceptions of Enlightenment values, such as rationalism and progress, is Rennard Strickland's 1986 Kansas Law Review article, "Genocide-at-Law: An Historic and Contemporary View of the Native American Experience". In it, he "introduced Native American traditions and world-views" into law school curriculum, challenging the entrenchment at that time of the "contemporary ideas of progress and enlightenment". He wrote that US laws that "permeate" the everyday lives of Native Americans were in "most cases carried out with scrupulous legality" but still resulted in what he called "cultural genocide".In 1993, David Theo Goldberg described how countries that adopt classical liberalism's concepts of "individualism, equality, and freedom"such as the United States and European countriesconceal structural racism in their cultures and languages, citing terms such as "Third World" and "primitive".In 1988, Kimberlé Williams Crenshaw traced the origins of the New Right's use of the concept of color-blindness from 1970s neoconservative think tanks to the Ronald Reagan administration in the 1980s. She described how prominent figures such as neoconservative scholars Thomas Sowell and William Bradford Reynolds, who served as Assistant Attorney General for the Civil Rights Division from 1981 to 1988, called for "strictly color-blind policies". Sowell and Reynolds, like many conservatives at that time, believed that the goal of equality of the races had already been achieved, and therefore the race-specific civil rights movement was a "threat to democracy". The color-blindness logic used in "reverse discrimination" arguments in the post-civil rights period is informed by a particular viewpoint on "equality of opportunity", as adopted by Sowell, in which the state's role is limited to providing a "level playing field", not to promoting equal distribution of resources.Crenshaw claimed that "equality of opportunity" in antidiscrimination law can have both an expansive and a restrictive aspect. Crenshaw wrote that formally color-blind laws continue to have racially discriminatory outcomes. According to her, this use of formal color-blindness rhetoric in claims of reverse discrimination, as in the 1978 Supreme Court ruling on Bakke, was a response to the way in which the courts had aggressively imposed affirmative action and busing during the Civil Rights era, even on those who were hostile to those issues. In 1990, legal scholar Duncan Kennedy described the dominant approach to affirmative action in legal academia as "colorblind meritocratic fundamentalism". He called for a postmodern "race consciousness" approach that included "political and cultural relations" while avoiding "racialism" and "essentialism".Sociologist Eduardo Bonilla-Silva describes this newer, subtle form of racism as "color-blind racism", which uses frameworks of abstract liberalism to decontextualize race, naturalize outcomes such as segregation in neighborhoods, attribute certain cultural practices to race, and cause "minimization of racism".In his influential 1984 article, Delgado challenged the liberal concept of meritocracy in civil rights scholarship. He questioned how the top articles in most well-established journals were all written by white men.

Storytelling/counterstorytelling and "naming one's own reality"
This refers to the use of narrative (storytelling) to illuminate and explore lived experiences of racial oppression.One of the prime tenets of liberal jurisprudence is that people can create appealing narratives to think and talk about greater levels of justice. Delgado and Stefancic call this the empathic fallacythe belief that it is possible to "control our consciousness" by using language alone to overcome bigotry and narrow-mindedness. They examine how people of color, considered outsiders in mainstream US culture, are portrayed in media and law through stereotypes and stock characters that have been adapted over time to shield the dominant culture from discomfort and guilt. For example, slaves in the 18th-century Southern States were depicted as childlike and docile; Harriet Beecher Stowe adapted this stereotype through her character Uncle Tom, depicting him as a "gentle, long-suffering", pious Christian.

Following the American Civil War, the African-American woman was depicted as a wise, care-giving "Mammy" figure. During the Reconstruction period, African-American men were stereotyped as "brutish and bestial", a danger to white women and children. This was exemplified in Thomas Dixon Jr.'s novels, used as the basis for the epic film The Birth of a Nation, which celebrated the Ku Klux Klan and lynching. During the Harlem Renaissance, African-Americans were depicted as "musically talented" and "entertaining". Following World War II, when many Black veterans joined the nascent civil rights movement, African Americans were portrayed as "cocky [and] street-smart", the "unreasonable, opportunistic" militant, the "safe, comforting, cardigan-wearing" TV sitcom character, and the "super-stud" of blaxploitation films.

The empathic fallacy informs the "time-warp aspect of racism", where the dominant culture can see racism only through the hindsight of a past era or distant land, such as South Africa. Through centuries of stereotypes, racism has become normalized; it is a "part of the dominant narrative we use to interpret experience". Delgado and Stefancic argue that speech alone is an ineffective tool to counter racism, since the system of free expression tends to favor the interests of powerful elites and to assign responsibility for racist stereotypes to the "marketplace of ideas". In the decades following the passage of civil rights laws, acts of racism had become less overt and more covertinvisible to, and underestimated by, most of the dominant culture.

Since racism makes people feel uncomfortable, the empathic fallacy helps the dominant culture to mistakenly believe that it no longer exists, and that dominant images, portrayals, stock characters, and stereotypeswhich usually portray minorities in a negative lightprovide them with a true image of race in America. Based on these narratives, the dominant group has no need to feel guilty or to make an effort to overcome racism, as it feels "right, customary, and inoffensive to those engaged in it", while self-described liberals who uphold freedom of expression can feel virtuous while maintaining their own superior position.Bryan Brayboy has emphasized the epistemic importance of storytelling in Indigenous-American communities as superseding that of theory, and has proposed a Tribal Critical Race Theory (TribCrit).

Standpoint epistemology
This is the view that members of racial minority groups have a unique authority and ability to speak about racism. This is seen as undermining dominant narratives relating to racial inequality, such as legal neutrality and personal responsibility or bootstrapping, through valuable first-hand accounts of the experience of racism.

Revisionist interpretations of American civil rights law and progress
Interest convergence is a concept introduced by Derrick Bell in his 1980 Harvard Law Review article, "Brown v. Board of Education and the Interest-Convergence Dilemma". In this article, Bell described how he re-assessed the impact of the hundreds of NAACP LDF de-segregation cases he won from 1960 to 1966, and how he began to believe that in spite of his sincerity at the time, anti-discrimination law had not resulted in improving Black children's access to quality education. He listed and described how Supreme Court cases had gutted civil rights legislation, which had resulted in African-American students continuing to attend all-black schools that lacked adequate funding and resources. In examining these Supreme Court cases, Bell concluded that the only civil-rights legislation that was passed coincided with the self-interest of white people, which Bell termed interest convergence.

One of the best-known examples of interest convergence is the way in which American geopolitics during the Cold War in the aftermath of World War II was a critical factor in the passage of civil rights legislation by both Republicans and Democrats. Bell described this in numerous articles, including the aforementioned, and it was supported by the research and publications of legal scholar Mary L. Dudziak. In her journal articles and her 2000 book Cold War Civil Rightsbased on newly released documentsDudziak provided detailed evidence that it was in the interest of the United States to quell the negative international press about treatment of African-Americans when the majority of the populations of newly decolonized countries which the US was trying to attract to Western-style democracy, were not white. The US sought to promote liberal values throughout Africa, Asia, and Latin America to prevent the Soviet Union from spreading communism. Dudziak described how the international press widely circulated stories of segregation and violence against African-Americans.

The Moore's Ford lynchings, where a World War II veteran was lynched, were particularly widespread in the news. American allies followed stories of American racism through the international press, and the Soviets used stories of racism against Black Americans as a vital part of their propaganda. Dudziak performed extensive archival research in the US Department of State and Department of Justice and concluded that US government support for civil-rights legislation "was motivated in part by the concern that racial discrimination harmed the United States' foreign relations". When the National Guard was called in to prevent nine African-American students from integrating the Little Rock Central High School, the international press covered the story extensively. The then-Secretary of State told President Dwight Eisenhower that the Little Rock situation was "ruining" American foreign policy, particularly in Asia and Africa. The US's ambassador to the United Nations told President Eisenhower that as two-thirds of the world's population was not white, he was witnessing their negative reactions to American racial discrimination. He suspected that the US "lost several votes on the Chinese communist item because of Little Rock."

Intersectional theory
This refers  to the examination of race, sex, class, national origin, and sexual orientation, and how their intersections play out in various settings, such as how the needs of a Latina are different from those of a Black male, and whose needs are promoted. These intersections provide a more holistic picture for evaluating different groups of people. Intersectionality is a response to identity politics insofar as identity politics does not take into account the different intersections of people's identities.

Essentialism vs. anti-essentialism
Delgado and Stefancic write, "Scholars who write about these issues are concerned with the appropriate unit for analysis: Is the black community one, or many, communities? Do middle- and working-class African-Americans have different interests and needs? Do all oppressed peoples have something in common?" This is a look at the ways that oppressed groups may share in their oppression but also have different needs and values that need to be analyzed differently. It is a question of how groups can be essentialized or are unable to be essentialized.

From an essentialist perspective, one's identity consists of an internal "essence" that is static and unchanging from birth, whereas a non-essentialist position holds that "the subject has no fixed or permanent identity." Racial essentialism diverges into biological and cultural essentialism, where subordinated groups may endorse one over the other. "Cultural and biological forms of racial essentialism share the idea that differences between racial groups are determined by a fixed and uniform essence that resides within and defines all members of each racial group. However, they differ in their understanding of the nature of this essence." Subordinated communities may be more likely to endorse cultural essentialism as it provides a basis of positive distinction for establishing a cumulative resistance as a means to assert their identities and advocacy of rights, whereas biological essentialism may be unlikely to resonate with marginalized groups as historically, dominant groups have used genetics and biology in justifying racism and oppression.

Essentialism is the idea of a singular, shared experience between a specific group of people. Anti-essentialism, on the other hand, believes that there are other various factors that can affect a person's being and their overall life experience. The race of an individual is viewed more as a social construct that does not necessarily dictate the outcome of their life circumstances. Race is viewed as "a social and historical construction, rather than an inherent, fixed, essential biological characteristic." Anti-essentialism "forces a destabilization in the very concept of race itself…" The results of this destabilization vary on the analytic focus falling into two general categories, "... consequences for the analytic concepts of racial identity or racial subjectivity."

Structural determinism, and race, sex, class, and their intersections
This refers to the exploration of how "the structure of legal thought or culture influences its content" in a way that determines social outcomes. Delgado and Stefancic cited "empathic fallacy" as one example of structural determinism—the "idea that our system, by reason of its structure and vocabulary, cannot redress certain types of wrong." They interrogate the absence of terms such as intersectionality, anti-essentialism, and jury nullification in standard legal reference research tools in law libraries.

Cultural nationalism/separatism
This refers to the exploration of more radical views that argue for separation and reparations as a form of foreign aid (including black nationalism).

Legal institutions, critical pedagogy, and minorities in the bar
Camara Phyllis Jones defines institutionalized racism as "differential access to the goods, services, and opportunities of society by race. Institutionalized racism is normative, sometimes legalized and often manifests as inherited disadvantage. It is structural, having been absorbed into our institutions of custom, practice, and law, so there need not be an identifiable offender. Indeed, institutionalized racism is often evident as inaction in the face of need, manifesting itself both in material conditions and in access to power. With regard to the former, examples include differential access to quality education, sound housing, gainful employment, appropriate medical facilities, and a clean environment."

Black–white binary

The black–white binary is a paradigm identified by legal scholars through which racial issues and histories are typically articulated within a racial binary between black and white Americans. The binary largely governs how race has been portrayed and addressed throughout US history. Critical race theorists Richard Delgado and Jean Stefancic argue that anti-discrimination law has blindspots for non-black minorities due to its language being confined within the black–white binary.

Applications and adaptations
Scholars of critical race theory have focused, with some particularity, on the issues of hate crime and hate speech. In response to the opinion of the US Supreme Court in the hate speech case of R.A.V. v. City of St. Paul (1992), in which the Court struck down an anti-bias ordinance as applied to a teenager who had burned a cross, Mari Matsuda and Charles Lawrence argued that the Court had paid insufficient attention to the history of racist speech and the actual injury produced by such speech.

Critical race theorists have also argued in favor of affirmative action. They propose that so-called merit standards for hiring and educational admissions are not race-neutral and that such standards are part of the rhetoric of neutrality through which whites justify their disproportionate share of resources and social benefits.

In his 2009 article "Will the Real CRT Please Stand Up: The Dangers of Philosophical Contributions to CRT", Curry distinguished between the original CRT key writings and what is being done in the name of CRT by a "growing number of white feminists". The new CRT movement "favors narratives that inculcate the ideals of a post-racial humanity and racial amelioration between compassionate (Black and White) philosophical thinkers dedicated to solving America's race problem." They are interested in discourse (i.e., how individuals speak about race) and the theories of white Continental philosophers, over and against the structural and institutional accounts of white supremacy which were at the heart of the realist analysis of racism introduced in Derrick Bell's early works, and articulated through such African-American thinkers as W. E. B. Du Bois, Paul Robeson, and Judge Robert L. Carter.

History

Early years

Although the terminology critical race theory began in its application to laws, the subject emerges from the broader frame of critical theory in how it analyzes power structures in society despite whatever laws may be in effect. In the 1998 article, "Critical Race Theory: Past, Present, and Future", Delgado and Stefancic trace the origins of CRT to the early writings of Derrick Albert Bell Jr. including his 1976 Yale Law Journal article, "Serving Two Masters" and his 1980 Harvard Law Review article entitled "Brown v. Board of Education and the Interest-Convergence Dilemma".

In the 1970s, as a professor at Harvard Law School Bell began to critique, question and re-assess the civil rights cases he had litigated in the 1960s to desegregate schools following the passage of Brown v. Board of Education. This re-assessment became the "cornerstone of critical race theory". Delgado and Stefancic, who together wrote Critical Race Theory: a Introduction in 2001, described Bell's "interest convergence" as a "means of understanding Western racial history". The focus on desegregation after the 1954 Supreme Court decision in Browndeclaring school segregation unconstitutionalleft "civil-rights lawyers compromised between their clients' interests and the law". The concern of many Black parentsfor their children's access to better educationwas being eclipsed by the interests of litigators who wanted a "breakthrough" in their "pursuit of racial balance in schools". In 1995, Cornel West said that Bell was "virtually the lone dissenter" writing in leading law reviews who challenged basic assumptions about how the law treated people of color.

In his Harvard Law Review articles, Bell cites the 1964 Hudson v. Leake County School Board case which the NAACP Legal Defense and Educational Fund (NAACP LDF) won, mandating that the all-white school board comply with desegregation. At that time it was seen as a success. By the 1970s, White parents were removing their children from the desegregated schools and enrolling them in segregation academies. Bell came to believe that he had been mistaken in 1964 when, as a young lawyer working for the LDF, he had convinced Winson Hudson, who was the head of the newly formed local NAACP chapter in Harmony, Mississippi, to fight the all-White Leake County School Board to desegregate schools. She and the other Black parents had initially sought LDF assistance to fight the board's closure of their schoolone of the historic Rosenwald Schools for Black children. Bell explained to Hudson, thatfollowing Brownthe LDF could not fight to keep a segregated Black school open; they would have to fight for desegregation. In 1964, Bell and the NAACP had believed that resources for desegregated schools would be increased and Black children would access higher quality education, since White parents would insist on better quality schools; by the 1970s, Black children were again attending segregated schools and the quality of education had deteriorated.

Bell began to work for the NAACP LDF shortly after the Montgomery bus boycott and the ensuing 1956 Supreme Court ruling following Browder v. Gayle that the Alabama and Montgomery bus segregation laws were unconstitutional. From 1960 to 1966 Bell successfully litigated 300 civil rights cases in Mississippi. Bell was inspired by Thurgood Marshall, who had been one of the two leaders of a decades-long legal campaign starting in the 1930s, in which they filed hundreds of lawsuits to reverse the "separate but equal" doctrine announced by the Supreme Court's decision in Plessy v. Ferguson (1896). The Court ruled that racial segregation laws enacted by the states were not in violation of the United States Constitution as long as the facilities for each race were equal in quality. The Plessy decision provided the legal mandate at the federal level to enforce Jim Crow laws that had been introduced by white Southern Democrats starting in the 1870s for racial segregation in all public facilities, including public schools. The Court's 1954 Brown decisionwhich held that the "separate but equal" doctrine is unconstitutional in the context of public schools and educational facilitiesseverely weakened Plessy. The Supreme Court concept of constitutional colorblindness in regards to case evaluation began with Plessy. Before Plessy, the Court considered color as a determining factor in many landmark cases, which reinforced Jim Crow laws. Bell's 1960s civil rights work built on Justice Marshall's groundwork begun in the 1930s. It was a time when the legal branch of the civil rights movement was launching thousands of civil rights cases. It was a period of idealism for the civil rights movement.

At Harvard, Bell developed new courses that studied American law through a racial lens. He compiled his own course materials which were published in 1970 under the title Race, Racism, and American Law. He became Harvard Law School's first Black tenured professor in 1971.

During the 1970s, the courts were using legislation to enforce affirmative action programs and busingwhere the courts mandated busing to achieve racial integration in school districts that rejected desegregation. In response, in the 1970s, neoconservative think tankshostile to these two issues in particulardeveloped a color-blind rhetoric to oppose them, claiming they represented reverse discrimination. In 1978, Regents of the University of California v. Bakke, when Bakke won this landmark Supreme Court case by using the argument of reverse racism, Bell's skepticism that racism would end increased. Justice Lewis F. Powell Jr. held that the "guarantee of equal protection cannot mean one thing when applied to one individual and something else when applied to a person of another color." In a 1979 article, Bell asked if there were any groups of the White population that would be willing to suffer any disadvantage that might result from the implementation of a policy to rectify harms to Black people resulting from slavery, segregation, or discrimination.

Bell resigned in 1980 because of what he viewed as the university's discriminatory practices, became the dean at University of Oregon School of Law and later returned to Harvard as a visiting professor.

While he was absent from Harvard, his supporters organized protests against Harvard's lack of racial diversity in the curriculum, in the student body and in the faculty. The university had rejected student requests, saying no sufficiently qualified black instructor existed. Legal scholar Randall Kennedy writes that some students had "felt affronted" by Harvard's choice to employ an "archetypal white liberal... in a way that precludes the development of black leadership".

One of these students was Kimberlé Crenshaw, who had chosen Harvard in order to study under Bell; she was introduced to his work at Cornell. Crenshaw organized the student-led initiative to offer an alternative course on race and law in 1981based on Bell's course and textbookwhere students brought in visiting professors, such as Charles Lawrence, Linda Greene, Neil Gotanda, and Richard Delgado, to teach chapter-by-chapter from Race, Racism, and American Law.

Critical race theory emerged as an intellectual movement with the organization of this boycott; CRT scholars included graduate law students and professors.

Alan Freeman was a founding member of the Critical Legal Studies (CLS) movement that hosted forums in the 1980s. CLS legal scholars challenged claims to the alleged value-neutral position of the law. They criticized the legal system's role in generating and legitimizing oppressive social structures which contributed to maintaining an unjust and oppressive class system. Delgado and Stefancic cite the work of Alan Freeman in the 1970s as formative to critical race theory. In his 1978 Minnesota Law Review article Freeman reinterpreted, through a critical legal studies perspective, how the Supreme Court oversaw civil rights legislation from 1953 to 1969 under the Warren Court. He criticized the narrow interpretation of the law which denied relief for victims of racial discrimination. In his article, Freeman describes two perspectives on the concept of racial discrimination: that of victim or perpetrator. Racial discrimination to the victim includes both objective conditions and the "consciousness associated with those objective conditions". To the perpetrator, racial discrimination consists only of actions without consideration of the objective conditions experienced by the victims, such as the "lack of jobs, lack of money, lack of housing". Only those individuals who could prove they were victims of discrimination were deserving of remedies. By the late 1980s, Freeman, Bell, and other CRT scholars left the CLS movement claiming it was too narrowly focused on class and economic structures while neglecting the role of race and race relations in American law.

Emergence as a movement

In 1989, Kimberlé Crenshaw, Neil Gotanda, and Stephanie Phillips organized a workshop at the University of Wisconsin-Madison entitled "New Developments in Critical Race Theory". The organizers coined the term "Critical Race Theory" to signify an "intersection of critical theory and race, racism and the law."

Afterward, legal scholars began publishing a higher volume of works employing critical race theory, including more than "300 leading law review articles" and books. In 1990, Duncan Kennedy published his article on affirmative action in legal academia in the Duke Law Journal, and Anthony E. Cook published his article "Beyond Critical Legal Studies" in the Harvard Law Review. In 1991, Patricia Williams published The Alchemy of Race and Rights, while Derrick Bell published Faces at the Bottom of the Well in 1992. Cheryl I. Harris published her 1993 Harvard Law Review article "Whiteness as Property" in which she described how passing led to benefits akin to owning property. In 1995, two dozen legal scholars contributed to a major compilation of key writings on CRT.

By the early 1990s, key concepts and features of CRT had emerged. Bell had introduced his concept of "interest convergence" in his 1973 article. He developed the concept of racial realism in a 1992 series of essays and book, Faces at the bottom of the well: the permanence of racism. He said that Black people needed to accept that the civil rights era legislation would not on its own bring about progress in race relations; anti-Black racism in the US was a "permanent fixture" of American society; and equality was "impossible and illusory" in the US. Crenshaw introduced the term intersectionality in the 1990s.

In 1995, pedagogical theorists Gloria Ladson-Billings and William F. Tate began applying the critical race theory framework in the field of education. In their 1995 article Ladson-Billings and Tate described the role of the social construction of white norms and interests in education. They sought to better understand inequities in schooling. Scholars have since expanded work to explore issues including school segregation in the US; relations between race, gender, and academic achievement; pedagogy; and research methodologies.

, over 20 American law schools and at least three non-American law schools offered critical race theory courses or classes. Critical race theory is also applied in the fields of education, political science, women's studies, ethnic studies, communication, sociology, and American studies. Other movements developed that apply critical race theory to specific groups. These include the Latino-critical (LatCrit), queer-critical, and Asian-critical movements. These continued to engage with the main body of critical theory research, over time developing independent priorities and research methods.

CRT has also been taught internationally, including in the United Kingdom (UK) and Australia. According to educational researcher Mike Cole, the main proponents of CRT in the UK include David Gillborn, John Preston, and Namita Chakrabarty.

Philosophical foundations
CRT scholars draw on the work of Antonio Gramsci, Sojourner Truth, Frederick Douglass, and W. E. B. DuBois. Bell shared Paul Robeson's belief that "Black self-reliance and African cultural continuity should form the epistemic basis of Blacks' worldview."
Their writing is also informed by the 1960s and 1970s movements such as Black Power, Chicano, and radical feminism. Critical race theory shares many intellectual commitments with critical theory, critical legal studies, feminist jurisprudence, and postcolonial theory. University of Connecticut philosopher, Lewis Gordon, who has focused on postcolonial phenomenology, and race and racism, wrote that CRT is notable for its use of postmodern poststructural scholarship, including an emphasis on "subaltern" or "marginalized" communities and the "use of alternative methodology in the expression of theoretical work, most notably their use of "narratives" and other literary techniques".

Standpoint theory, which has been adopted by some CRT scholars, emerged from the first wave of the women's movement in the 1970s. The main focus of feminist standpoint theory is epistemologythe study of how knowledge is produced. The term was coined by Sandra Harding, an American feminist theorist, and developed by Dorothy Smith in her 1989 publication, The Everyday World as Problematic: A Feminist Sociology. Smith wrote that by studying how women socially construct their own everyday life experiences, sociologists could ask new questions. Patricia Hill Collins introduced black feminist standpointa collective wisdom of those who have similar perspectives in society which sought to heighten awareness to these marginalized groups and provide ways to improve their position in society.

Critical race theory draws on the priorities and perspectives of both critical legal studies (CLS) and conventional civil rights scholarship, while also sharply contesting both of these fields. UC Davis School of Law legal scholar Angela P. Harris, describes critical race theory as sharing "a commitment to a vision of liberation from racism through right reason" with the civil rights tradition. It deconstructs some premises and arguments of legal theory and simultaneously holds that legally constructed rights are incredibly important. CRT scholars disagreed with the CLS anti-legal rights stance, nor did they wish to "abandon the notions of law" completely; CRT legal scholars acknowledged that some legislation and reforms had helped people of color. As described by Derrick Bell, critical race theory in Harris' view is committed to "radical critique of the law (which is normatively deconstructionist) and... radical emancipation by the law (which is normatively reconstructionist)".

University of Edinburgh philosophy professor Tommy J. Curry says that by 2009, the CRT perspective on a race as a social construct was accepted by "many race scholars" as a "commonsense view" that race is not "biologically grounded and natural." Social construct is a term from social constructivism, whose roots can be traced to the early science wars, instigated in part by Thomas Kuhn's 1962 The Structure of Scientific Revolutions. Ian Hacking, a Canadian philosopher specializing in the philosophy of science, describes how social construction has spread through the social sciences. He cites the social construction of race as an example, asking how race could be "constructed" better.

Criticism

Academic criticism
According to the Encyclopaedia Britannica, aspects of CRT have been criticized by "legal scholars and jurists from across the political spectrum." Criticism of CRT has focused on its emphasis on storytelling, its critique of the merit principle and of objective truth, and its thesis of the voice of color. Critics say it contains a "postmodernist-inspired skepticism of objectivity and truth", and has a tendency to interpret "any racial inequity or imbalance [...] as proof of institutional racism and as grounds for directly imposing racially equitable outcomes in those realms", according to Britannica. Proponents of CRT have also been accused of treating even well-meaning criticism of CRT as evidence of latent racism.

In a 1997 book, law professors Daniel A. Farber and Suzanna Sherry criticized CRT for basing its claims on personal narrative and for its lack of testable hypotheses and measurable data.
CRT scholars including Crenshaw, Delgado, and Stefancic responded that such critiques represent dominant modes within social science which tend to exclude people of color. Delgado and Stefancic wrote that "In these realms [social science and politics], truth is a social construct created to suit the purposes of the dominant group."
Farber and Sherry have also argued that anti-meritocratic tenets in critical race theory, critical feminism, and critical legal studies may unintentionally lead to antisemitic and anti-Asian implications.
They write that the success of Jews and Asians within what critical race theorists posit to be a structurally unfair system may lend itself to allegations of cheating and advantage-taking.
In response, Delgado and Stefancic write that there is a difference between criticizing an unfair system and criticizing individuals who perform well inside that system.

Public controversies
Critical race theory has stirred controversy in the United States for promoting the use of narrative in legal studies, advocating "legal instrumentalism" as opposed to ideal-driven uses of the law, and encouraging legal scholars to promote racial equity.

Before 1993, the term "critical race theory" was not part of public discourse. In the spring of that year, conservatives launched a campaign led by Clint Bolick to portray Lani Guinierthen-President Bill Clinton's nominee for Assistant Attorney General for Civil Rightsas a radical because of her connection to CRT. Within months, Clinton had withdrawn the nomination, describing the effort to stop Guinier's appointment as "a campaign of right-wing distortion and vilification". This was part of a wider conservative strategy to shift the Supreme Court in their favor.

Amy E. Ansell writes that the logic of legal instrumentalism reached wide public reception in the O. J. Simpson murder case when  attorney Johnnie Cochran "enacted a sort of applied CRT", selecting an African-American jury and urging them to acquit Simpson in spite of the evidence against hima form of jury nullification. Legal scholar Jeffrey Rosen calls this the "most striking example" of CRT's influence on the US legal system. Law professor Margaret M. Russell responded to Rosen's assertion in the Michigan Law Review, saying that Cochran's "dramatic" and "controversial" courtroom "style and strategic sense" in the Simpson case resulted from his decades of experience as an attorney; it was not significantly influenced by CRT writings.

In 2010, a Mexican-American studies program in Tucson, Arizona, was halted because of a state law forbidding public schools from offering race-conscious education in the form of "advocat[ing] ethnic solidarity instead of the treatment of pupils as individuals". Certain books, including a primer on CRT, were banned from the curriculum. Matt de la Peña's young-adult novel Mexican WhiteBoy was banned for "containing 'critical race theory according to state officials. The ban on ethnic-studies programs was later deemed unconstitutional on the grounds that the state showed discriminatory intent: "Both enactment and enforcement were motivated by racial animus", federal Judge A. Wallace Tashima ruled.

2020s challenges

Subfields
Within critical race theory, various sub-groupings focus on issues and nuances unique to particular ethno-racial and/or marginalized communities. This includes the intersection of race with disability, ethnicity, gender, sexuality, class, or religion. For example, disability critical race studies (DisCrit), critical race feminism (CRF), Jewish Critical Race Theory (HebCrit, pronounced "Heeb"), Black Critical Race Theory (Black Crit), Latino critical race studies (LatCrit), Asian American critical race studies (AsianCrit), South Asian American critical race studies (DesiCrit), Quantitative Critical Race Theory (QuantCrit) and American Indian critical race studies (sometimes called TribalCrit). CRT methodologies have also been applied to the study of white immigrant groups. CRT has spurred some scholars to call for a second wave of whiteness studies, which is now a small offshoot known as Second Wave Whiteness (SWW). Critical race theory has also begun to spawn research that looks at understandings of race outside the United States.

Disability critical race theory
Another offshoot field is disability critical race studies (DisCrit), which combines disability studies and CRT to focus on the intersection of disability and race.

Latino critical race theory

Latino critical race theory (LatCRT or LatCrit) is a research framework that outlines the social construction of race as central to how people of color are constrained and oppressed in society. Race scholars developed LatCRT as a critical response to the "problem of the color line" first explained by W. E. B. Du Bois. While CRT focuses on the Black–White paradigm, LatCRT has moved to consider other racial groups, mainly Chicana/Chicanos, as well as Latinos/as, Asians, Native Americans/First Nations, and women of color.

In Critical Race Counterstories along the Chicana/Chicano Educational Pipeline, Tara J. Yosso discusses how the constraint of POC can be defined. Looking at the differences between Chicana/o students, the tenets that separate such individuals are: the intercentricity of race and racism, the challenge of dominant ideology, the commitment to social justice, the centrality of experience knowledge, and the interdisciplinary perspective.

LatCRTs main focus is to advocate social justice for those living in marginalized communities (specifically Chicana/os), who are guided by structural arrangements that disadvantage people of color. Arrangements where Social institutions function as dispossessions, disenfranchisement, and discrimination over minority groups. In an attempt  to give voice to those who are victimized, LatCRT has created two common themes:

First, CRT proposes that white supremacy and racial power are maintained over time, a process that the law plays a central role in. Different racial groups lack the voice to speak in this civil society, and, as such, CRT has introduced a new critical form of expression, called the voice of color. The voice of color is narratives and storytelling monologues used as devices for conveying personal racial experiences. These are also used to counter metanarratives that continue to maintain racial inequality. Therefore, the experiences of the oppressed are important aspects for developing a LatCRT analytical approach, and it has not been since the rise of slavery that an institution has so fundamentally shaped the life opportunities of those who bear the label of criminal.

Secondly, LatCRT work has investigated the possibility of transforming the relationship between law enforcement and racial power, as well as pursuing a project of achieving racial emancipation and anti-subordination more broadly. Its body of research is distinct from general critical race theory in that it emphasizes immigration theory and policy, language rights, and accent- and national origin-based forms of discrimination. CRT finds the experiential knowledge of people of color and draws explicitly from these lived experiences as data, presenting research findings through storytelling, chronicles, scenarios, narratives, and parables.

Asian critical race theory
Asian critical race theory looks at the influence of race and racism on Asian Americans and their experiences in the US education system. Like Latino critical race theory, Asian critical race theory is distinct from the main body of CRT in its emphasis on immigration theory and policy.

Tribal critical race theory
Critical Race Theory evolved after a 1970s response to Critical Legal Studies. Tribal Critical Theory focuses on stories as values oral data as a main source of information. Colonization is endemic to society. White supremacy, imperialism, and a desire for material gain underpin US policies toward Indigenous peoples. Indigenous identities' political and racialized natures are explained by indigenous people living in a liminal space. Tribal sovereignty, tribal autonomy, self-determination, and self-identification are aspirations of indigenous peoples. The idea of culture, information and power takes on new importance when inspected through a Native lens. The problematic goal of assimilation is at the heart of both educational policies aimed at Indigenous peoples and government policies. Understanding the lived realities of Indigenous peoples is fundamentally dependent on comprehending tribal philosophies, beliefs, traditions, and visions for the future. Tribal Critical Theory also occupies the most important lens.

Critical philosophy of race
The Critical Philosophy of Race (CPR) is inspired by both Critical Legal Studies and Critical Race Theory's use of interdisciplinary scholarship. Both CLS and CRT explore the covert nature of mainstream use of "apparently neutral concepts, such as merit or freedom."

See also

Anti-bias curriculum
The Ghost in the Machine
Cultural hegemony
Institutional or systemic racism
Judicial aspects of race in the United States
Racism in the United States
Slavery in the United States
White privilege

Notes

References

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Further reading

1970s establishments in the United States

Critical theory
Education in the United States
Politics and race
Postmodernism
Social constructionism

Critical race theory


RNDr. Miloš Deyl, DrSc. (19 June 1906 in Smidary – 21 February 1985 in Prague) was a Czechoslovak botanist. For the general public, his most famous publication is Naše květiny (Our Plants). This systematical plant atlas, illustrated by Květoslav Hísek introduces over 700 most important species of Czech Republic. Since the first release in 1973, it has been re-published 3 times, in 2001 for the last time.

Life
He was born as a middle son in the family of a school director in Smidary. Between 1925 and 1929 he studied at the Faculty of Science on Charles University in Prague. In 1931, he defended a doctoral thesis with the topic Příspěvek k poznání stavů koncentrace vodíkových iontů k asociacím rostlinným there. In 1933 he was nominated as a science specialist in National Museum in Prague. in 1946, he was appointed  as a national museal board member. He worked in the botany department of National Museum in Průhonice till 1976.

During the World War 2 occupation he was active in resistance group, where he encrypted radio transmissions.

In his marriage with Blažena (born Straširybková), a daughter Blanka and a son Vladimír were born.

Scientific work
Next to Floristics he focused on Taxonomy of plants. In 1946 he published a monography Study of the genus Sesleria. Among botanists, he is considered to be a founder of Czech Ecology, thanks to a large Synecological study from Carpathian Ukraina. This comprehensive volume of Plants, soil and climate of Pop Ivan has been published in 1940 and serves until today as a unique comparison base for current research initiatives ("Deyl Alpine research station in Maramures Mountains"). Other important publication is "Plevele polí a zahrad", illustrated by Otto Ušák, published in 1956. He also co-authored Historický vývoj organismů by Vladimír Novák.

Every year, he travelled across Czechoslovakia and Ukraine to study local plants and environment. On his expeditions, he also joined F. A. Novák (to Montenegro and Serbia), Pavel Sillinger (to Herzegovina and Montenegro), Ivan Klášterský (to Bulgaria), Albert Pilát (to Serbian Macedonia and Switzerland to compare vegetation environment of Alps and Slovak Tatras - "Alpinky", 1939), Karel Domin, Vladimír Krajina. He brought a large collection of herbaria samples from his European expeditions.

References

1906 births
1985 deaths
Czechoslovak botanists
Charles University alumni

Miloš Deyl


Stephen James Windaybank (born 20 October 1956) is a former English cricketer. Windaybank was a right-handed batsman. He was born in Pinner, Middlesex.

Windaybank made his first-class debut for Gloucestershire against Cambridge University in 1979. He made 14 further first-class appearances, the last of which came against Oxford University in 1982. A batsman who lacked consistency, Windaybank scored 385 runs in his 15 first-class matches at an average of 25.66 with a high score of 53. This score came on debut against Cambridge University.

He made his List A debut for Gloucestershire in the 1980 Benson & Hedges Cup against Essex. He made 16 further List A appearances, the last of which came against Lancashire in the 1981 John Player League. He also lacked consistency with the bat in this format, scoring 181 runs in his 17 matches at an average of 22.62, with a high score of 56 not out. This score came against Nottinghamshire in the 1981 John Player League. He left Gloucestershire at the end of the 1982 season.

References

External links
Stephen Windaybank at ESPNcricinfo
Stephen Windaybank at CricketArchive

1955 births
Living people
People from Pinner
Sportspeople from the London Borough of Harrow
English cricketers
Gloucestershire cricketers
Cricketers from Greater London

Stephen Windaybank


Adrienne Górska (; 1899, Moscow — 1969, Beaulieu-sur-Mer) was a Polish architect who worked in the Modernist and Art Deco styles in Paris between the world wars. She was one of the few women of her day to receive a university diploma in architecture.

Biography

She was born as Adrianna Gurwik-Górska in 1899 in Moscow. In 1919, Górska emigrated together with her Polish family to Paris, where she studied under Robert Mallet-Stevens at the École Spéciale d'Architecture in Montparnasse. Graduating in 1924, she became one of the few women of her times to have an architectural diploma.

She designed an apartment and studio in Paris for her sister, the painter Tamara de Lempicka, which she fitted out with chrome-plated furniture. She then worked with Madame Sarah Lipska on the well-received renovation of a farmhouse for the American Barbara Harrison converting the barn into a dining-room and finishing the bathroom in orange, yellow, and gold mosaics. Writing in London's The Architect and Building News in 1930, Howard Roberston and Frank Yerbury commented: "One might suggest that modernism was ruthless, even brutal, and that these attributes are masculine. But we have evidence in a series of striking modern interiors, that women are equally responding to the urge for modern expression."

Górska took up employment with the architectural firm Molinié et Nicod, where she met Pierre de Montaut, whom she married around 1934. They became known for the modern cinemas they designed for the Cinéac group. By 1932, Górska was a full member of the influential French Union of Modern Artists. In 1937, she received a commission for the Polish pavilion at the Exposition Internationale des Arts et Techniques dans la Vie Moderne.

After her sister Tamara left for the United States in the summer of 1939, Górska and her husband left for Poland to design newsreel cinemas for Pathé Nathan, but returned to France at the end of August just before the German invasion of Poland.

Górska's worklist stops abruptly around that time but her niece Maria Krystyna "Kizette" de Lempicka remembers her funeral in southern France in 1969.

See also
 Tamara de Lempicka
 Pierre de Montaut

References

Literature

 "Adreinne Górska de Montant"" in Byars, Mel (2004). The Design Encyclopedia with references, New York: The Museum of Modern Art. |
 Jean-Jacques Meusy, "Cinéac : un concept, une architecture", Les Cahiers de la Cinémathèque, n°66, 1997, pp. 91–121.
Pierre de Montaut et Adrienne Górska, Vingt salles de cinéma, préface de Germaine Kellerson, Société française d'éditions, 1937.

External links
Adrienne Górska's worklist with illustrations from Claire Bonnet, IAWA.

1899 births
1969 deaths
Architects from Paris
People from the Russian Empire of Polish descent
Emigrants from the Russian Empire to France
People who emigrated to escape Bolshevism
People from Alpes-Maritimes
20th-century French architects
Art Deco architects
École Spéciale d'Architecture alumni
Modernist architects from France

Adrienne Górska


Development of the respiratory system begins early in the fetus. It is a complex process that includes many structures, most of which arise from the endoderm. Towards the end of development, the fetus can be observed making breathing movements. Until birth, however, the mother provides all of the oxygen to the fetus as well as removes all of the fetal carbon dioxide via the placenta.

Timeline
The development of the respiratory system begins at about week 4 of gestation. By week 28, enough alveoli have matured that a baby born prematurely at this time can usually breathe on its own. The respiratory system, however, is not fully developed until early childhood, when a full complement of mature alveoli is present.

Weeks 4-7

Respiratory development in the embryo begins around week 4. Ectodermal tissue from the anterior head region invaginates posteriorly to form olfactory pits, which fuse with endodermal tissue of the developing pharynx. An olfactory pit is one of a pair of structures that will enlarge to become the nasal cavity. At about this same time, the lung bud forms. The lung bud is a dome-shaped structure composed of tissue that bulges from the foregut. The foregut is endoderm just inferior to the pharyngeal pouches. The laryngotracheal bud is a structure that forms from the longitudinal extension of the lung bud as development progresses. The portion of this structure nearest the pharynx becomes the trachea, whereas the distal end becomes more bulbous, forming bronchial buds. A bronchial bud is one of a pair of structures that will eventually become the bronchi and all other lower respiratory structures.

Weeks 7-16
Bronchial buds continue to branch as development progresses until all of the segmental bronchi have been formed. Beginning around week 13, the lumens of the bronchi begin to expand in diameter. By week 16, respiratory bronchioles form. The fetus now has all major lung structures involved in the airway.

Weeks 16-24
Once the respiratory bronchioles form, further development includes extensive vascularization, or the development of the blood vessels, as well as the formation of alveolar ducts and alveolar precursors. At about week 19, the respiratory bronchioles have formed. In addition, cells lining the respiratory structures begin to differentiate to form type I and type II pneumocytes. Once type II cells have differentiated, they begin to secrete small amounts of pulmonary surfactant. Around week 20, fetal breathing movements may begin.

Weeks 24-term
Major growth and maturation of the respiratory system occurs from week 24 until term. More alveolar precursors develop, and larger amounts of pulmonary surfactant are produced. Surfactant levels are not generally adequate to create effective lung compliance until about the eighth month of pregnancy. The respiratory system continues to expand, and the surfaces that will form the respiratory membrane develop further. At this point, pulmonary capillaries have formed and continue to expand, creating a large surface area for gas exchange. The major milestone of respiratory development occurs at around week 28, when sufficient alveolar precursors have matured so that a baby born prematurely at this time can usually breathe on its own. However, alveoli continue to develop and mature into childhood. A full complement of functional alveoli does not appear until around 8 years of age.

Fetal breathing
Although the function of fetal breathing movements is not entirely clear, they can be observed starting at 20–21 weeks of development. Fetal breathing movements involve muscle contractions that cause the inhalation of amniotic fluid and exhalation of the same fluid, with pulmonary surfactant and mucus. Fetal breathing movements are not continuous and may include periods of frequent movements and periods of no movements. Maternal factors can influence the frequency of breathing movements. For example, high blood glucose levels, called hyperglycemia, can boost the number of breathing movements. Conversely, hypoglycemia can reduce the number of fetal breathing movements. Tobacco use is also known to lower fetal breathing rates. Fetal breathing may help tone the muscles in preparation for breathing movements once the fetus is born. It may also help the alveoli to form and mature. Fetal breathing movements are considered a sign of robust health.

Birth
Prior to birth, the lungs are filled with amniotic fluid, mucus, and surfactant. As the fetus is squeezed through the birth canal, the fetal thoracic cavity is compressed, expelling much of this fluid. Some fluid remains, however, but is rapidly absorbed by the body shortly after birth. The first inhalation occurs within 10 seconds after birth and not only serves as the first inspiration, but also acts to inflate the lungs. Pulmonary surfactant is critical for inflation to occur, as it reduces the surface tension of the alveoli. Preterm birth around 26 weeks frequently results in severe respiratory distress, although with current medical advancements, some babies may survive. Prior to 26 weeks, sufficient pulmonary surfactant is not produced, and the surfaces for gas exchange have not formed adequately; therefore, survival is low.

Sources

Respiratory system
Human development

Development of the respiratory system


David Braxton Flemming (born May 31, 1976) is an American sportscaster who has been a play-by-play announcer for the San Francisco Giants of Major League Baseball since 2003. Flemming also calls college football, college basketball, major league baseball, and golf on ESPN, as well as the World Series and World Baseball Classic for MLB International.

Flemming grew up in Alexandria, Virginia,  listening to current Giants partner Jon Miller call Baltimore Orioles games. In 2004, Flemming began his first full year as an announcer for the team, working with Miller, Duane Kuiper and Mike Krukow on San Francisco station KNBR and the Giants Radio Network. Since then, he has split time between television on NBC Sports Bay Area and radio on KNBR.

Early life and career
After graduating from St. Stephen's & St. Agnes School in 1994, Flemming received bachelor's and master's degrees in classics from Stanford University and a master's degree in broadcast journalism from the S.I. Newhouse School of Communications at Syracuse University. While at Stanford, Flemming broadcast Stanford Cardinal baseball, men's and women's basketball, and football and served as sports director at KZSU. In 2000, he broadcast play-by-play for the Visalia Oaks and served as the assistant general manager, before moving on to the Pawtucket Red Sox.

Flemming called games for three seasons on the eight-station PawSox Radio Network. His rise in the baseball broadcasting industry was fast, as he went from Class-A ball (Visalia) in 2000 to Triple-A from 2001 to 2003 (Pawtucket) and finally the Giants.

Career with the San Francisco Giants
In twenty seasons calling Giants games, Flemming has been a part of many memorable on-air moments.

On April 27, 2003, in his second ever major league broadcast, working as a fill-in for Jon Miller, Flemming broadcast the Phillies' Kevin Millwood's no-hitter against the Giants. In some ways it was an indication of the moments to come.

Barry Bonds provided several of those. On May 28, 2006, Flemming called Barry Bonds' 715th home run, passing Babe Ruth for second place on the all-time home run list. However, as he was making the call, his microphone went dead. Flemming, unaware of the problem, continued to make the call, but all listeners heard was about ten seconds of dead air. Only Duane Kuiper's call on Fox Sports Net's broadcast was sent to the Hall of Fame.  On September 23 of the same year, during Flemming's third-inning call of a game against the Milwaukee Brewers at Miller Park, Bonds hit a home run off left-hander Chris Capuano. This was Bonds' 734th career homer (26th for the season), which broke Hank Aaron's record for National League home runs. (Aaron hit his last 21 homers as an American League player.)  Eventually on August 4, 2007, Flemming was able to call Bonds' record-tying 755th home run in San Diego on the radio against the San Diego Padres.

On July 14, 2006, for a Friday night home game, Flemming made his television broadcast debut for the Giants.  Since then, he has appeared regularly on both NBC Sports Bay Area and KNTV during the baseball season.

Other milestone broadcasts Flemming contributed to include the calls of Greg Maddux and Randy Johnson's 300th pitching victories. Including the Milwood game on his debut weekend, Flemming has broadcast seven MLB no-hitters.

On November 1, 2010, during the seventh inning in Game 5 of the World Series at Rangers Ballpark, Flemming made the winning home run call that eventually sealed the Giants' win, and thus the World Series.

On June 13, 2012, Flemming made the radio call of the final out of Matt Cain's perfect game, the first in the history of the Giants. In 2013 Flemming (along with Kuiper and Miller) won an Emmy for his coverage of the perfect game.

Later that season, on October 28, 2012, Flemming made the call for the final out of the 2012 World Series. Flemming was again a part of the broadcasts for the 2014 postseason, and the Giants' third World Series win of the decade. In his time in San Francisco, he has won three Northern California Emmys for sports play-by-play.

Stanford football and basketball
Starting in 2007, Flemming began broadcasting Stanford Cardinal football and basketball. He spent three years as the voice of Stanford basketball on the radio, and six years in that capacity with Stanford football before leaving the Stanford broadcasts to concentrate on his ESPN work.

The period Flemming served as the voice of Stanford football coincided with perhaps the most successful stretch in the school's football history. Flemming's first broadcast on the Stanford radio network was the epic upset of #1 ranked USC on October 6, 2007. Over the next six seasons, Flemming was behind the microphone for the record performances of Toby Gerhart and Andrew Luck, and for three BCS bowl appearances, including a Rose Bowl victory over Wisconsin on January 1, 2013.

National work
Flemming became a regular College Basketball on ESPN announcer in 2010, after having called a couple of games for the network the previous season. He has covered the Big 10, the Big 12, the Pac 12, and the WCC for ESPN college basketball, teaming with Dan Dakich, Sean Farnham, Fran Fraschilla, and many other analysts. In recent years Flemming and Farnham have frequently followed Gonzaga and have documented that program's rise to the top of the college basketball world.

He has also called baseball for ESPN and ESPN Radio, including postseason Division Series games from 2013 to 2019. He worked a season calling college football games for the Pac-12 Network in 2012 before shifting to College Football on ESPN in 2013. Also in 2013, Flemming began calling NBA games on ESPN Radio and contributing to Little League World Series coverage on ESPN and ABC.  His LLWS work continued for seven years. In 2015, Flemming began calling NFL games for ESPN Radio as well. In 2016, he began calling select Monday Night Baseball games for ESPN, as well as College Football Thursday Primetime games. He has also served a hole announcer for ESPN golf coverage, including the Masters and PGA Championship tournaments. In 2022, he called the AL Wild Card series between the Seattle Mariners and Toronto Blue Jays with Jessica Mendoza, Tim Kurkjian and Coley Harvey, during the 9th inning of game 2 in reference to Cal Raleigh he said "It's hard to dump your big dumper". Flemming also called the 2022 World Series for MLB International with Dan Plesac.

Personal life
Flemming and his wife, Jessica, live in San Francisco with their identical twin daughters Katie and Carter and their son David Henry.

Flemming's brother, Will Flemming, is a play-by-play announcer for the Boston Red Sox Radio Network.

Flemming is a descendant of Carter Braxton, a signer of the United States Declaration of Independence.

References

External links
Who's on First; Dave Flemming's straightforward style—and smooth-as-silk voice—have made him a Giant hit Stanford Magazine article, July-August 2007
Bonds Call Gone in a Glitch
"The great home run call that wasn't" San Francisco Metblogs, 05/28/2006

1976 births
Living people
American radio sports announcers
American television sports announcers
College baseball announcers in the United States
College basketball announcers in the United States
College football announcers
ESPN people
Golf writers and broadcasters
Major League Baseball broadcasters
Minor League Baseball broadcasters
National Basketball Association broadcasters
National Football League announcers
Pawtucket Red Sox
People from Alexandria, Virginia
People with alopecia universalis
San Francisco Giants announcers
Stanford Cardinal football announcers
Stanford University alumni
S.I. Newhouse School of Public Communications alumni
Women's college basketball announcers in the United States

Dave Flemming


Lumen Christi High School is a private Roman Catholic high school located in Anchorage Alaska, USA, and is affiliated with the Archdiocese of Anchorage.

History

Lumen Christi Catholic High School was founded in the fall of 1996. It was originally open to grades 7-10, but expanded to 11th in 1997, and 12th in 1998. The school moved from its first building at 750 West Fireweed Lane in 2000 to its current location at 8110 Jewel Lake Road as a ministry of St. Benedict's Parish in Anchorage, Alaska. Lumen is a member of the National Catholic Education Association (NCEA) and is regionally accredited by the Northwest Association of Accredited Schools, through AdvancED. The school  serves 85 students . It has an 11.3:1 student/teacher ratio. The majority of the full-time teaching staff hold master's degrees or higher in their areas of expertise. It is a member of the Alaska School Activities Association for athletics and is classified as 1A school. Lumen Christi's mascot is the Archangel and the school's colors are navy blue and silver.

Principal
Brian Ross is the principal at Lumen Christi.

Campus ministry
In 2015 Lumen Christi High School added campus ministry to its school life. Campus ministry creates the intentional presence of Catholic faith in active practice.  It seeks to anticipate and provide for the faith needs of high school and middle school students, provide varied opportunities for faith development, and opportunities for school family to grow in faith and community. Among other opportunities, varied prayer, retreat, liturgy preparation, community, and collaborative teams are organized and promoted.

Curriculum
Lumen is the only Catholic school in Anchorage that is recognized by the state of Alaska as an accredited high school, accredited by the Northwest Accreditation Commission through AdvancED. Lumen Christi does not follow the Common Core Curriculum, which means that Lumen teachers and parents work together to set the curriculum. Furthermore, the curriculum is aligned to the recommendations by the United States Conference of Catholic Bishops.

Extracurricular activities

Athletics

For soccer, volleyball, and basketball, Lumen Christi is a part of the Peninsula Conference, formerly known as Region II, District III. Recognition for the past five years includes:
2013: ASAA 1A High School Boys' Basketball 3rd place State
2013: ASAA 1A High School Boys' Basketball Region Champions
2012: ASAA 2A High School Boys' Basketball Conference Champions
2012: ASAA 2A High School Boys' Basketball Region Champions
2011: ACSAA Jr. High Volleyball Champions
ASAA 2A High School Volleyball Regions Runner-Up 2010
ACSAA High School Soccer State Champions 2010

Drama

Lumen Christi's  Drama Club produces a comedy in the spring. Previous performances include:
 2017: "The Hollow"
 2016: The Importance of Being Earnest
 2015: Daddy's Girl
 2014: Spirit
 2013 Cinderella! Cinderella!

Yearbook

Since its opening Lumen Christi has published a yearbook every year.

Archery

Recently Lumen Christi added archery.

See also

Catholic schools in the United States
Higher education
List of high schools in Alaska
Parochial school

Notes and references

External links

1996 establishments in Alaska
Catholic secondary schools in Alaska
Educational institutions established in 1996
High schools in Anchorage, Alaska
Private middle schools in Alaska
Roman Catholic Archdiocese of Anchorage
Schools accredited by the Northwest Accreditation Commission

Lumen Christi High School


The Secret Society – Boss is a 2003 Hong Kong crime drama film starring Michael Tse. It was a low-budget film shot on digital video. It was followed by a sequel, The Secret Society - The Best Hack, which was released on 10 April 2003, 14 days after this film's release.

Plot
Fai (Frankie Ng) is the leader of the Hung Hing gang. He is a furious, violent and prurience man and his wife (Kara Hui) can't stand him so she left him. Fai lives with his only daughter Wing Kei (Jenny Yam), whom he cherishes and loves very much. One time Fai lewd a drugged girl (An Ho) in the disco, later he finds out she is the daughter of Lam Hiu Tung (Lee Siu-kei) the leader of Yee Hing Gang. Tung requests for Fai's compensation, Fai denies it. When the two gangs prepare for a war, Anti-triad division officer Lee (Michael Tse) comes in their way and Tung leave with anger. Tung's man Chiu Chi Lung (Jason Chu) gives him a plan, to use Chi Wah (Raymond Cho), a famous gigolo to chase and seduce Fai's daughter as revenge on Fai. Wing Kei and Chi Wah start to fall in love quickly, but Fai opposes their love, so Kei goes to her mom for help. Fai's man threaten Chi Wah to leave Wing Kei and Kei hates her father after she knows it and decides to leave home and marry Chi Wah. Kei goes to the usurer as a guarantor for Wah, she gives her virgin to him too. After that Chi Wah exposes his actual face as a gigolo, Kei is hurt badly. Fai is very angry, and finds out Wah is the Man of Yee Hing Gang Lam Hiu Tung and Fai starts a night attack on Tung, swearing to kill all his gang.

Cast

See also
 Hong Kong films of 2003

External links

 The Secret Society: Boss  at Hong Kong Cinemagic

2003 films
2003 crime drama films
Triad films
2000s Cantonese-language films
Films set in Hong Kong
Films shot in Hong Kong
2000s Hong Kong films

The Secret Society – Boss


Cămin (, Hungarian pronunciation: ) is a commune of 1,406 inhabitants located in Satu Mare County, Romania. It is composed of a single village, Cămin, part of Căpleni Commune until 2002, when it was split off.

At the 2011 census, 64.5% of inhabitants were Hungarians, 22.5% Germans, 7.2% Roma and 5% Romanians.

Natives
 János Scheffler

References

Communes in Satu Mare County

Cămin


Chesley V. Morton Jr. (born August 21, 1951) is an American stockbroker, securities arbitrator, and former member of the Georgia House of Representatives.

Biography

Early years and education
Chesley V. Morton Jr. was born in Miami, Florida, on August 21, 1951, to Chesley V. Morton Sr. and Anne Morton (née Morton – unrelated). In 1953, Morton Sr. moved the family to Fort Lauderdale where he established a law practice. Morton attended Broward County schools. While studying in Prague, Czechoslovakia, in 1968, he and other American students were among the first foreigners evacuated after the military invasion of that country by the Warsaw Pact.  He graduated from Nova High School (Davie, Florida) in 1969 and was accepted to Florida State University, majoring in Broadcast Communications. After graduation, he worked for the Florida Public Broadcasting Service program Today in the Legislature covering political events as still photographer and TV cameraman. In 1976 he moved to Atlanta, Georgia, where he attended Woodrow Wilson College of Law, later transferring to Atlanta Law School. While attending night law school, Morton worked as a paralegal, and later served as a Deputy Sheriff in Gwinnett County, Georgia.

Morton married in 1986 and divorced in 1990. The couple had one child. Since 1985 he has worked as a stockbroker and as a securities industry arbitrator for the dispute resolution forums of the New York Stock Exchange and the National Association of Securities Dealers (NASD now FINRA).

Georgia House of Representatives
Morton was elected to four terms in the Georgia General Assembly beginning in 1983, serving as State Representative from the 47th District for eight years. The district included portions of Chamblee, Doraville, Tucker, and unincorporated DeKalb County. He was a member of the Agriculture and Consumer Affairs, Banks and Banking, and Regulated Beverages committees. During his tenure, he was the ranking republican on the Agriculture and Consumer Affairs committee. In November 1989, Representative Morton served as an official foreign observer during the independence election in Namibia, held under the auspices of the United Nations Transition Assistance Group (UNTAG), which monitored the election of members of the Constituent Assembly. The work of foreign observers helped to ensure that the elections were certified as free and fair by the UN Special Representative, Martti Ahtisaari.

Animal protection and humane euthanasia
Representative Morton sponsored the Georgia Animal Protection Act of 1986, one of the earliest comprehensive animal protection measures in the United States. The law was enacted in response to the inhumane treatment of companion animals by a pet store chain in Atlanta. The Act provided for the licensing and regulation of pet shops, stables, kennels, and animal shelters, and established, for the first time, minimum standards of care. The Georgia Department of Agriculture was tasked with enforcing the law through the Department's newly created Animal Protection Division. Representative Morton then sponsored an additional provision, added in 1990, known as the Humane Euthanasia Act, which was the first state law to mandate intravenous injection of sodium pentobarbital in place of gas chambers and other less humane methods. Commissioner Tommy Irvin and the Georgia Department of Agriculture were required, in their licensing of animal shelters, to enforce the new humane euthanasia law. However, Commissioner Irvin failed to abide by the terms of the law, and instead continued to license gas chambers. In March 2007, Morton sued the Georgia Department of Agriculture and Commissioner Irvin. The Fulton County Superior Court ruled in favor of the Plaintiffs, validating the terms of the Humane Euthanasia Act, with an injunction prohibiting the Department from issuing licenses to shelters using gas chambers in violation of the Act. After the Court decision, and issuance of the permanent injunction, Irvin continued to voice resistance to the ruling. In an interview with a south Georgia newspaper, Irvin suggested possible ways to circumvent the law, including the use of private contractors to operate gas chambers. When the Department continued to license a gas chamber in Cobb County, Georgia, a second court action was brought, which resulted in the Department being held in contempt. The cases received widespread coverage in the media, casting Irvin in an unfavorable light.

Penny Stock Law
The State of Georgia was the first state to codify a comprehensive penny stock securities law. Secretary of State Max Cleland, whose office enforced State securities laws was a principal proponent of the legislation. Representative Morton, the only stockbroker in the Georgia General Assembly at the time, was a principal sponsor of the bill in the House of Representatives. Georgia's penny stock law was subsequently challenged in court. It was eventually upheld in U.S. District Court, and the statute became the template for laws enacted in other states. Shortly after enactment of the Georgia law, the Financial Industry Regulatory Authority (FINRA) and the Securities and Exchange Commission enacted comprehensive revisions of their penny stock regulations. These regulations proved effective in either closing or greatly restricting broker/dealers, such as Blinder, Robinson & Company, which specialized in the penny stocks sector.

Consumer protection – Georgia Print Law
In 1986, Representative Morton introduced the Georgia Print Law, to protect consumers in the popular "limited edition" art market. In the United States limited editions are regulated under state consumer protections laws. California became the first state to regulate the sale of limited edition art prints with the "California Print Law" of 1971. The state of Illinois later expanded on the California statute. However, it was not until 1986 that more comprehensive provisions, still in place today, were enacted with the passage of the Georgia Print Law. That law became the template for statutes subsequently enacted by other states. The Georgia Print Law, written by Representative Morton, became effective July 1, 1986. The law requires art dealers, artists, or auctioneers to supply information to perspective purchasers about the nature of the print, the number of prints and editions (including HC editions) produced, and the involvement (if any) of the artist in the creation of the print. The penalty for violation of the law ranges from simple reimbursement to treble damages, in the case of a willful violation. Those found to be in violation of the law are also liable for court costs, expenses, and attorney fees. The law applies to works of art valued at more than $100.00 (not including frame). Charitable organizations are specifically exempt from the provision of the law.  The statute of limitations is one year after discovery, and, if discovery of the violation is not made within three years of the sale, then the purchaser's remedies are extinguished.

A limited edition is normally hand signed and numbered by the artist, typically in pencil, in the form (e.g.): 14/100.  The first number is the number of the print itself.  The second number is the number of overall prints the artist will print of that image.  The lower the second number is, the more valuable and collectible the limited editions are likely to be, within whatever their price range is.  A small number of "artists' proofs" may also be produced as well, signed and with "AP", "proof", etc. Prints that are given to someone or are for some reason unsuitable for sale are marked "H. C." or "H/C", meaning "hors de commerce", not for sale.

See also

Animal welfare
FINRA Arbitration
History of Namibia
Microcap stock fraud
Prague Spring
Special edition
Warsaw Pact invasion of Czechoslovakia

References

External links
Chesley V. Morton v. Georgia Department of Agriculture and Tommy Irvin in his Official Capacity as Commissioner

1951 births
Businesspeople from Miami
Politicians from Miami
Politicians from Fort Lauderdale, Florida
People from DeKalb County, Georgia
Euthanasia in the United States
Republican Party members of the Georgia House of Representatives
Atlanta Law School alumni
Florida State University alumni
American stockbrokers
People associated with animal welfare and rights
Living people
People from Gwinnett County, Georgia
Businesspeople from Fort Lauderdale, Florida

Chesley V. Morton


The Polyphaga is the largest and most diverse suborder of beetles. The name is got from two Greek words: poly-, meaning 'many', and phagein, meaning 'to eat', so the suborder is called the "eaters of many things". Polyphaga has 144 families in 16 superfamilies, and shows an enormous variety of specialization and adaptation. It has over 315,000 described species, about 90% of all beetle species so far discovered.

Classification
There are 5 infraorders:

 Bostrichiformia — including furniture beetles and skin beetles.
 Cucujiformia — includes lady beetles, longhorn beetles, weevils, checkered beetles and leaf beetles.
 Elateriformia — includes click beetles and fireflies
 Scarabaeiformia — includes scarab beetles and stag beetles.
 Staphyliniformia — includes rove beetles and water scavenger beetles.

The infraorder Cucujiformia includes most phytophagous [plant-eating] beetles. Adoption of a plant-eating lifestyle promoted speciation and diversity in beetles, with Cucujiformia, especially weevils, forming a major radiation. Much of this adaptive radiation has taken place at the same time as the evolution of the flowering plants. "99% of phytophagous beetles feed on flowering plants".p399

References

Polyphaga


Guchengosuchus is an extinct genus of erythrosuchid archosauriform from the Early Triassic of China. It is known from a single holotype skeleton called IVPP V 8808, described in 1991 from the lower Ermaying Formation in Shanxi. The lower Ermaying Formation dates back to the Olenekian stage of the Early Triassic, making Guchengosuchus one of the earliest archosauriforms. IVPP V 8808 is a disarticulated skeleton including a partial skull, lower jaw, some vertebrae, a scapula, and forelimb bones. Like some other erythrosuchids, Guchengosuchus has a tall skull with a notch between the premaxilla and maxilla bones of the upper jaw. The ribs of Guchengosuchus each have three heads, a feature also seen in the Russian erythrosuchid Vjushkovia. When it was first described, Guchengosuchus was placed in the suborder Proterosuchia, a group that included the families Erythrosuchidae, Proterosuchidae, and Proterochampsidae and was thought to be closely related to a primitive group of reptiles called Eosuchia. Proterosuchia is now considered a paraphyletic assemblage of basal archosauriforms representing a series of successive branches of stem group archosaurs.

References

External links
 Guchengosuchus shiguaiensis in the Paleobiology Database

Early Triassic reptiles of Asia
Erythrosuchids
Fossil taxa described in 1991
Prehistoric reptile genera

Guchengosuchus


The 1977 Moscow bombings were a series of three terrorist bombings in Moscow on 8 January 1977. The attacks killed seven people and seriously injured 37 others. No one claimed responsibility for the bombings, although three members of an Armenian nationalist organization were executed early in 1979 after a KGB investigation and a secret trial. Some Soviet dissidents said that the suspects had an alibi. Soon after the event Andrei Sakharov issued a public appeal, expressing concern that the bombings might "be a new provocation on the part of the organs of repression". According to historian Jay Bergman, "who actually caused the explosion has never been determined conclusively".

Bombings
On 8 January 1977, three bombs were detonated in Moscow.

The first exploded at 17:33 on a crowded train between the Izmailovskaya and Pervomaiskaya stations of the Moscow Metro. At 18:05, the second bomb detonated inside a grocery store close to KGB headquarters. Five minutes later, the third bomb exploded near another grocery store on 25 October Street, just a few hundred meters away from the headquarters of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union.

At that moment, and for the next two months, there was little public information about the explosions. The TASS news agency reported on 10 January 1977 that the explosion was not of great force, "medical help was given to those suffering injury, and an investigation is being conducted". Later, at meetings of Party activists, it was said that not long before the explosion in the underground on 8 January there had been two other explosions on 25 October Street.

Only on 8 February 1979, after the trial and execution of the three convicted men, did a letter to Izvestia, the official newspaper of the Soviet government, indicate that the attacks had killed seven people and injured 37.

Investigation and trial

An initial suspect, named Potapov, was arrested in Tambov after setting off a bomb which killed his neighbour's wife and two daughters. After being arrested, Potapov confessed that he was also behind the acts of terrorism in Moscow. However, this turned out to have been a forced confession, and after an investigation lasting one month, this lead was dropped by KGB operatives.

In October 1977, at Tashkent Airport, a KGB officer noticed a woman carrying a bag similar to a reconstructed picture of a bomb sent by the KGB to all local branches. It was discovered that these bags were manufactured only in Yerevan. In November 1977, Stepan Zatikyan, a founding member of a splinter group of the National United Party, an underground Armenian nationalist organization, was arrested. His accomplices, Zaven Bagdasaryan and Hakop Stepanyan, were also taken into custody after an unsuccessful attempt to detonate a bomb at the Kursky Rail Terminal in Moscow.

A secret trial followed. Zatikyan, Stepanyan, and Bagdasaryan were all found guilty on 24 January 1978 and executed five days later. The Supreme Court issued a brief statement, dated 31 January 1979, after the trial and execution, naming Zatikyan alone as the perpetrator. According to KGB general Philip Bobkov, any publications in Armenia about the bombings were blocked by Karen Demirchyan, the head of Soviet Armenia.

Alleged KGB involvement
The 8 January 1977 bombings occurred during systematic reprisals by the Soviet authorities against the Helsinki Groups in Moscow, Ukraine and Lithuania, set up to monitor the USSR's observance of the Helsinki Accords.

On 10 January 1977, Soviet journalist Victor Louis (Vitaly Yevgenyevich Lui), a well known KGB agent provocateur, published an article in a British newspaper, hinting at the involvement of Soviet dissidents in the bombings. Several dissidents, including Vladimir Albrekht, the secretary of the Soviet branch of Amnesty International, were threatened and interrogated by the KGB. (Soviet dissident Alexander Tarasov claimed to have been interrogated by a KGB investigator who tried to "convince" him that he was involved in the bombing. Without his strong alibi - he was confined at a hospital at the time of the bombings - "it would be me who was executed instead of Zatikyan", he said.) In response Andrei Sakharov wrote an "Appeal to world community", in which he requested an impartial investigation and suggested that the bombings might have been arranged by the KGB itself to discredit the entire Soviet dissident movement.

… I cannot rid myself of the hunch that the explosion in the Moscow underground and the tragic deaths of individuals are a new provocation on the part of the organs of repression, and the most dangerous of recent years. Precisely this hunch, and the fears connected with it that this provocation could lead to changes in the whole internal climate of the country, have prompted me to write this article. I would be very glad if my thoughts turned out to be wrong …

In an exchange with the deputy Procurator General, he added, "I have serious grounds for concern. This is the provocation article in London Evening News by Victor Lui. These are arrests and interrogations of people who are clearly not related to the bombings. These are murders of last months, probably committed by the KGB which were not investigated. It is enough to mention only two of them: murder of poet Konstantin Bogatyrev and murder of lawyer Evgeni Brunov." After this statement, Sakharov was not only attacked in Soviet newspapers but also received threats by phone. Several people tried to break into his apartment, claiming to be relatives of those killed in the Metro.

According to former KGB colonel Oleg Gordievsky, the three Armenians were selected as scapegoats for this terrorist act. He wrote, "The case that most alarmed the KGB was the bombing of the Moscow subway by Armenian separatists in 1977. Three Armenians were later shot. It was rumored in the Center that, when the KGB and militia failed to track down those responsible, three other Armenian separatists had been selected as scapegoats in order to demonstrate that terrorists would always be caught and punished."

In 1982, historians Michel Heller and Alexander Nekrich assert Zatikyan, Stepanyan, and Bagdasaryan had an alibi supported by multiple witnesses, and their execution was the first political execution in the Soviet Union after the death of Stalin.

The Armenian dissident Sergei Grigoryants said in 2016 that KGB chief Yuri Andropov and Philipp Bobkov were responsible for the bombings.

Sakharov's letter to Brezhnev
On 30 January 1979, A. D. Sakharov wrote a letter to L. I. Brezhnev, about the trial of the three Armenian suspects:

There are strong grounds for fearing that a deliberate frame-up or a judicial mistake is taking place in this case. Zatikyan was not in Moscow at the time of the underground explosion — many witnesses can confirm his alibi. The investigation did not show any interest in clarifying this or other important circumstances. The trial, totally unnecessarily, was closed and secret, and even relatives did not know that it was taking place. Such a trial, in which the principle of openness is totally disregarded, cannot determine the truth.

I appeal to you to stop the death sentence being carried out on all the accused in this case, and to demand a new inquiry from the investigative and court organs.

On 1 February 1979, the Moscow Helsinki Group made an official statement on the execution of Stepan Zatikyan and two other unnamed individuals, stating, "The lack of transparency and the whole atmosphere of secrecy give reasons to doubt the validity of charges, objectivity and impartiality of the court".

One consequence was the 8 February 1979 letter to Izvestia, denouncing Sakharov and other rights activists as "Defenders of Murderers".

See also
 Russian apartment bombings
 February 2004 Moscow Metro bombing
 August 2004 Moscow Metro bombing
 2010 Moscow Metro bombings
 List of attacks by ASALA
 List of Turkish diplomats assassinated by Armenian militant organisations
 Armenian parliament shooting

References

1977 in international relations
Bombings
1977 murders in Europe
1970s trials
20th-century mass murder in Russia
Attacks on buildings and structures in 1977
1977 bombings
Attacks on shops in Europe
Building bombings in Russia
1977 bombings
Improvised explosive device bombings in 1977
1977
1977 crimes
January 1977 events
January 1977 events in Europe
Mass murder in 1977
1977 bombings
Murder trials
Soviet show trials
False flag operations
Terrorist incidents in Europe in 1977
Terrorist incidents in the Soviet Union in the 1970s
Terrorist incidents on subterranean rapid transit
Train bombings in Europe
1970s murders in Russia
1977 murders in the Soviet Union
Terrorist attacks attributed to Armenian militant groups

1977 Moscow bombings


Christian Dior (Granville, Manche, Basse-Normandie, 21 January 1905 –  Montecatini, Italy, 24 October 1957), was the leading French fashion designer of the post-war world. He was the founder of one of the world's top fashion houses, the House of Dior (now Christian Dior).

Career
During the German occupation of France in World War II, Christian Dior dressed up the wives of Nazi officers and French collaborators. On 8 October 1946 he founded his own fashion house, backed by Marcel Boussac, which became the cotton-fabric magnate.

The New Look
For his first collection, in early 1947, the phrase The New Look was coined by Harper's Bazaar, the fashion monthly. Dior's designs were more voluptuous than the economy shapes of World War II, when fabric was rationed.

Dior was a master at creating shapes and silhouettes; he said "I have designed flower women". His look employed fabrics lined with percale (a closely woven plain-weave fabric), boned, bustier-style bodices, hip padding, wasp-waisted corsets and petticoats. This made his dresses flare out from the waist, giving his models a very curvaceous look.

Some women protested, because his designs covered up their legs, which they did not want during wartime. There was also criticism of Dior's designs, which used a lot of fabric. Opposition ceased as soon as wartime shortages ended. The New Look revolutionized women's dress and reestablished Paris as the center of the fashion world.

A-line
The term was first used by Dior as the label for his collection of spring 1955. The  A-Line collection's feature item, then the "most wanted silhouette in Paris", was a "fingertip-length flared jacket worn over a dress with a very full, pleated skirt". Evening dresses at this time were always worn with petticoats.

Although an A-shape, this silhouette was not identical to what is now understood to embody the A-line idea. That idea was given its definitive expression and popularized by Dior's successor, Yves Saint Laurent, with his "Trapeze Line" of spring 1958, which featured dresses flaring out dramatically from a fitted shoulder line.

A-line clothes remained popular in the 1960s and 70s, disappeared from fashion almost completely by the early 1980s and were revived by the retro trend of the late 1990s. By that time, 'A-line' was used more loosely to describe any dress wider at the hips than at the bust or waist, as well as a number of flared skirt styles. 'True' A-line shapes on the pattern of Dior and Saint Laurent saw a revival in the early 2000s.

References

1905 births
1957 deaths
French fashion designers
French fashion houses
People from Manche

Christian Dior