Murder by Decree is a 1979 mystery thriller film directed by Bob Clark. It features the Sherlock Holmes and Dr. John Watson characters created by Sir Arthur Conan Doyle, who are embroiled in the investigation surrounding the real-life 1888 Whitechapel murders committed by "Jack the Ripper". Christopher Plummer plays Holmes and James Mason plays Watson. Though it features a similar premise, it is somewhat different in tone and result to A Study in Terror. It is loosely based on The Ripper File by Elwyn Jones and John Lloyd.

The film's premise of the plot behind the murders is influenced by the book Jack the Ripper: The Final Solution (1976), by Stephen Knight, who theorized that the killings were part of a Masonic plot. The original script contained the names of the historical suspects, Sir William Gull and John Netley. In the actual film, they are represented by fictional analogues: Thomas Spivy (Gull) and William Slade (Netley). This plot device was later used in other Jack the Ripper-themed fiction, including the graphic novel From Hell.

Plot
After the Metropolitan Police fail to apprehend the serial killer Jack the Ripper, Sherlock Holmes is approached to investigate the recent murders of prostitutes that happened in the Whitechapel district of London. Helped by Dr. Watson and the medium Robert Lees, Holmes discovers that all the victims were companions of Annie Crook, a woman locked in a mental institution.

Things get complicated as members of the police hierarchy and also several politicians, all Freemasons, seem to be protecting one of their own. Furthermore, Inspector Foxborough, the policeman who is in charge of the case, is in fact the secret leader of the radicals, a political movement waiting for the British government to fall because of its incapability to solve the Whitechapel murders. Holmes must rely on his skills to find and confront the murderer.

Cast
 Christopher Plummer as Sherlock Holmes
 James Mason as Dr. John Watson
 David Hemmings as Inspector Foxborough
 Susan Clark as Mary Kelly
 Frank Finlay as Inspector Lestrade
 Anthony Quayle as Sir Charles Warren
 Donald Sutherland as Robert Lees
 Geneviève Bujold as Annie Crook
 John Gielgud as Lord Salisbury
 Peter Jonfield as William Slade
 Roy Lansford as Sir Thomas Spivey
 Ron Pember as Makins

Production
The film was directed by Bob Clark and written by playwright John Hopkins, who scripted the Bond film Thunderball (1965). The script partially was inspired by Elwyn Jones's book The Ripper File. Hopkins referenced Conan Doyle's work, particularly Holmes' deduction and science skills but downplayed other aspects of the characters, such as Holmes' drug use, in favour of making them more likable and human.

The film stars Christopher Plummer and James Mason as Sherlock Holmes and Dr. Watson respectively, and presents a largely different version of Holmes from the Basil Rathbone movies of the 1940s, with the aesthete still prevailing, yet tinged with humanity and emotional empathy. Plummer stated that he tried to make Holmes more human and caring, saying "This is a passionate and caring Holmes." James Mason's Watson is also a departure from previous incarnations; although he may appear at first to resemble the bumbling Nigel Bruce version of the character, he soon shows his level head and scientific and medical training to be as valuable assets as they were in the original stories. Like Plummer, Mason wanted to play up Watson's skills and avoid the buffoonish way the character had been portrayed before. Mason received especially good reviews for his performance. Plummer had earlier portrayed Holmes in 1977's Silver Blaze.

The supporting cast includes Donald Sutherland, Susan Clark, John Gielgud, Anthony Quayle, David Hemmings and Geneviève Bujold. Frank Finlay plays Inspector Lestrade, a part he had portrayed in the similar film A Study in Terror (1965), in which Quayle also played a supporting role. Finlay continued his association with Holmes by appearing in an episode of Granada TV's Sherlock Holmes, starring Jeremy Brett.

The film was shot on location in London in 1978. The interior sets, including a vast Victorian era street, were created at Elstree Studios. The docks set was built at Shepperton Studios.

$3 million of the budget came from Canada, $2 million from the UK.

Reception
Vincent Canby of The New York Times called the film "a good deal of uncomplicated fun, not in a class with Nicholas Meyer's The Seven Percent Solution, but certainly miles ahead of many other current movies that masquerade as popular entertainment". A review in Variety called it "probably the best Sherlock Holmes film since the inimitable pairing of Basil Rathbone and Nigel Bruce in the 1940s series at Universal. Unfortunately, it also shares some of the defects of those films, i.e. slow pacing, an improbable story line, and an undue emphasis on odd characters." Gene Siskel of the Chicago Tribune gave the film two-and-a-half stars out of four and wrote that its "biggest problem is its script, which runs on for a full 120 minutes with no place to go. We see a couple of murders, meet a psychic (Donald Sutherland) and a long-suffering woman trapped in a psychiatric prison (Genevieve Bujold), then the story doubles back with recapitulation after recapitulation. The film has at least two false endings. I mistakenly put on my coat with one reel to go. All of this is a shame, because the cast is excellent." Kevin Thomas of the Los Angeles Times wrote, "Unfortunately, under Bob  Clark's uninspired, plodding direction, Hopkins' elaborations make for a slow and ponderous film, despite a starry cast and some scary moments. Not helping matters is Christopher Plummer's rather colorless Sherlock Holmes. The one real joy in the film is James Mason's warm, loyal, sometimes dense Dr. Watson." Lawrence O'Toole of Maclean's declared, "If you were to look for the right word to describe Murder By Decree you would have to go into the archives, lift it lightly from its resting place, and dust it off. The word? Splendid." Gary Arnold of The Washington Post stated, "While never as playful or ingenious as Nicholas Meyer's screenplay for 'The Seven Per-Cent Solution,' Hopkins' mystery is crisp and chilling right up to the denouement. At that point it might be wise to edge toward the exits, since the solution leaves much to be desired." David Ansen of Newsweek wrote that the film was "not a new idea" but declared it "a decided success. Christopher Plummer and James Mason seize their roles like a couple of happy musicians handed prize antique instruments: their duets are by turns droll, lyric and touching."

The film was nominated for eight Genie Awards in 1980, of which it won five, including Best Achievement in Direction (Bob Clark), Best Performance by an Actress in a Supporting Role (Geneviève Bujold) and Best Performance by an Actor in a Leading Role (Christopher Plummer).

The film was the fourth highest-grossing film ever in Canada, with a gross of $1.9 million. On Rotten Tomatoes, it holds a rating of 86% from 14 reviews.

See also
 A Study in Terror
 Dust and Shadow: An Account of the Ripper Killings by Dr. John H. Watson
 The Last Sherlock Holmes Story
 From Hell

References

External links

 Christopher Plummer and Murder By Decree

1979 films
1970s historical thriller films
Films shot at EMI-Elstree Studios
1970s English-language films
Films about Jack the Ripper
Sherlock Holmes films
British historical thriller films
1970s mystery thriller films
British mystery thriller films
Canadian historical thriller films
Canadian mystery thriller films
English-language Canadian films
Films scored by Paul Zaza
Films set in the Victorian era
Films set in 1888
Films set in London
Films directed by Bob Clark
British crossover films
Films with screenplays by John Hopkins
Historical mystery films
1970s Canadian films
1970s British films
Cultural depictions of Robert Gascoyne-Cecil, 3rd Marquess of Salisbury
English-language mystery thriller films

Murder by Decree


There are four "Century Villages" in South Florida's Miami metropolitan area, built by the same developer: West Palm Beach (Palm Beach County), Boca Raton (Palm Beach County), Deerfield Beach (Broward County), and Pembroke Pines (Broward County). This article deals only with the West Palm Beach Century Village, the only one formerly designated a census-designated place (CDP) and is now an unincorporated place. All of them are gated retirement communities, whose residents must be 55 or over.

Demographics
As of the census of 2000, there were 7,616 people, 7,854 households, and 1,777 families residing in the CDP. The population density was 2,940.6/km2 (7,588.1/mi2). There were 7,854 housing units at an average density of 3,379.9/km2 (8,721.9/mi2).  The racial makeup of the CDP was 98.41% White (95.6% were Non-Hispanic White), 0.43% African American, 0.03% Native American, 0.42% Asian, 0.08% Pacific Islander, 0.11% from other races, and 0.53% from two or more races. Hispanic or Latino of any race were 2.99% of the population.

In 2000, there were 7,854 households, out of which 0.1% had children under the age of 18 living with them, 29.0% were married couples living together, 2.4% had a female householder with no husband present, and 67.9% were non-families. 65.2% of all households were made up of individuals, and 57.4% had someone living alone who was 65 years of age or older. The average household size was 1.38 and the average family size was 2.07.

In 2000, in the former CDP, the population was spread out, with 0.3% under the age of 18, 0.3% from 18 to 24, 1.9% from 25 to 44, 12.9% from 45 to 64, and 84.6% who were 65 years of age or older. The median age was 78 years. For every 100 females, there were 61.1 males. For every 100 females age 18 and over, there were 61.0 males.

In 2000, the median income for a household in the CDP was $18,780, and the median income for a family was $29,604. Males had a median income of $22,557 versus $22,292 for females. The per capita income for the CDP was $18,920. About 7.2% of families and 12.3% of the population were below the poverty line, including none of those under age 18 and 11.6% of those age 65 or over.

As of 2000, English was the first language for 86.46% of all residents, while Yiddish accounted for 3.77%, Spanish for 3.43%, German was spoken by 1.75%, French made up 1.27%, Russian was totaled at 1.07%, Hebrew totaled 0.74%, Italian was at 0.67%, Polish at 0.47%, and Hungarian was the mother tongue 0.33% of the population.

Century Village in popular culture
 Comedian Red Buttons was a frequent advertising spokesman for Century Village.
 Century Village is sometimes jokingly referred to as "Cemetery Village" due to the high proportion of elderly residents.
 Century Village provided subject matter for a comedy skit on the Phil Hendrie Show on the radio station 610 WIOD.
 The 1996 children's novel The View from Saturday by E. L. Konigsburg is partly set in Century Village.

References

External links
Century Village website
Community newspaper

Census-designated places in Palm Beach County, Florida
Retirement communities in the United States

Century Village, Florida


Cauldstane Slap is a pass located in the Pentland Hills of Scotland. It marks the border between the neighboring council areas of West Lothian and Scottish Borders and historically the border between Edinburghshire and Peeblesshire.

Geography
About six kilometers southeast of the outskirts of Livingston, the Water of Leith is dammed off the western flank of the Pentland Hills to form the Harperrig Reservoir. From there, a path leads to Coldstane Slap, which marks the saddle point between West Cairn Hill and East Cairn Hill at an altitude of 441 meters. The trail continues in a south-southeast direction and meets the Baddinsgill Reservoir between Byrehope Mount and Mount Maw. The path follows the course of the outflowing Lyne Water to find its southeastern conclusion between Faw Mount and King Seat near West Linton. The entire pass over the Pentland Hills is around eight kilometers long.

References

Mountain passes of Scotland
Landforms of West Lothian
Landforms of the Scottish Borders

Cauldstane Slap


Wish Upon is a 2017 American supernatural horror film, directed by John R. Leonetti, written by Barbara Marshall, and starring Joey King, Ki Hong Lee, Sydney Park, Shannon Purser, Sherilyn Fenn, Elisabeth Rohm, and Ryan Phillippe. The film follows a teenage girl who is given a magic musicbox that grants seven wishes, but kills someone close to her each time it does.

The film was theatrically released on July 14, 2017, by Broad Green Pictures and Orion Pictures. It received negative reviews from critics and grossed $23.5 million worldwide against a $12 million budget.

Plot

Clare Shannon, a seventeen-year-old high school outcast, is haunted by the memory of her mother's suicide that she witnessed as a young child.

Her father, Jonathan, who becomes a hoarder and dumpster diver, finds a Chinese music box and gives it to Clare. Clare deciphers one of the inscriptions on the box as "Seven Wishes," and absentmindedly wishes for Darcie, her school bully, to "rot," at which point Darcie develops necrotizing fasciitis. That same day, Clare's dog Max dies in her house's crawlspace. Clare deduces the box grants wishes.

Clare makes a second wish that a popular boy named Paul would fall madly in love with her and he does (so much so he starts to stalk her), that same night Clare's wealthy great-uncle dies. Hearing this, Clare wishes to be in his will, which rewrites itself and leaves everything to Clare. Consequently, friendly neighbor Mrs. Deluca perishes as her hair gets caught in the kitchen waste disposal, breaking her neck.

Clare enlists the help of her Asian classmate, Ryan Hui, to decipher the symbols on the box. His cousin Gina is able to decipher that each of the seven wishes comes with consequences. They now understand the link of wishes to catastrophes. The trio's research reveals the box belonged to a Chinese woman named Lu Mei; during a 1910 outbreak of bubonic plague in China, Mei's family was forcibly quarantined in a railroad car where all but Mei died. Mei prayed for revenge at a temple and offered up her family's only valuable heirloom, the music box, as a sacrifice, at which point a demonic Yaoguai spirit cursed the music box. After using the box to get her revenge, Mei committed suicide, with the box later passing through a string of owners, all suffering tragic fates.

Gina emails the text to an associate for help with the deciphering. Clare makes a fourth wish that her father will stop being so embarrassing; he stops dumpster diving and starts playing the saxophone again. Soon after, Gina and her associate decipher the meaning of the final phrase: "When the music ends, the blood price is paid." Before she can warn Ryan, Gina is impaled on a statue in her loft and dies. After Ryan finds Gina's body, he confronts Clare about making a wish, which she denies.

Clare makes a fifth wish that she be popular, but is soon unhappy with the consequent attention and losing her relationship with her old friends, Meredith and June. Shortly afterwards, Meredith dies when the elevator she's in plummets many floors.

While comforting Clare, Ryan reveals that after the seventh wish, the Yaoguai will claim the soul of the box's owner. They go to her house and unsuccessfully try to destroy the box. Clare hides the box in an air vent. Her friend June steals the box, knowing Clare won't get rid of it. Per the rules of the wishes, Clare loses everything she had wished for. When Clare wrestles the box back from June, she causes June to fall down a staircase to serious injury.

Clare refuses to abandon the box and her sixth wish is that her mother never committed suicide. Clare's mom knocks on her bedroom door, along with two younger sisters who didn't previously exist.

While rummaging through her mom's paintings, Clare finds a picture of the music box. She concludes that her mom was a previous owner, leading to her suicide. Clare runs outside to warn her father to move away from his friend Carl, who is removing a tree branch with a chainsaw. When Jonathan turns, the ladder wobbles and Carl accidentally decapitates Jonathan. Clare rushes back to the box and makes her seventh wish – to go back to the morning her father found the box.

Clare is able to find the box moments before her father, preventing the tragic sequence of events. Clare goes to school and asks Ryan to bury the box for her, kisses him, then walks into the street and is killed when she's accidentally hit by Darcie's car, the Yaogaui having claimed her soul.

In a mid-credits scene, Ryan prepares to bury the music box, but becomes intrigued by the inscription about the seven wishes and we're left to wonder if he kept it or not.

Cast

In addition, Jerry O'Connell has an uncredited cameo as a previous owner of the music box.

Themes
Director John R. Leonetti summarized Wish Upon as different from similar "The Monkey's Paw"-esque stories for the depth of the character Clare, particularly her tough childhood and the inability to stop using the music box even as she realizes what it really does.

Production
The film is loosely based on W. W. Jacobs' short story The Monkey's Paw. The film's screenplay was voted to the 2015 Black List. Catherine Hardwicke was originally planned to direct the film, but she later was removed from the project. Afterward, producer Sherryl Clark sent a draft of the script to John R. Leonetti; he explained that while he did enjoy the script, "I didn't completely jump on at first because I had other things going on." However, another draft sent by Clark four months later caught his eyeballs, and he took on directing duties from there. While most of the contents of the original drafts were seen in the final cut, there were alterations. A sequence where Carl almost gets hit by a truck, which referenced Billy Hitchcock's death in Final Destination (2000), was removed as the filmmakers ultimately didn't want to make a Final Destination-esque product. During filming, the scene of Jonathan in his car with a flat tire was pulled "right out of our ass" to serve as a diversion to Meredith's elevator death.

On July 27, 2016, it was announced that Wish Upon would be directed by John R. Leonetti. The film is produced by Sherryl Clark from her production company, Busted Shark Productions, and written by Barbara Marshall. In August 2016, Joey King was cast in the film's lead role, and on November 9, 2016, Ki Hong Lee was announced to have also joined. Grace Moretz was Leonetti's first choice for Clare Shannon, as the two previously worked together on The Conjuring (2013); and the director wanted to feature Shannon Purser in the film after seeing her in Stranger Things. The film began production in November 2016 in Toronto. Shot on an Arri Alexa at 3.4K resolution, Wish Upon was directed by Leonetti to look natural, departing from the stylized visual aesthetics of other horror films.

Release

Theatrical
The film's teaser trailer was released on February 9, 2017. The first trailer debuted on March 22, 2017, and the second trailer was released on May 22, 2017. Wish Upon was released in theaters on July 14, 2017, in the U.S., and July 28, 2017, in the U.K.

Home video
Wish Upon was released on DVD and Blu-ray in the United States on October 10, 2017. The Blu-ray also includes the director's Unrated Cut of the movie which is one minute longer and favoured by the director.

Marketing
Broad Green Pictures granted seven fan wishes submitted via the film's official website.

Reception

Box office
Wish Upon grossed $14.3 million in the United States and Canada, and $9.2 million in other territories, for a worldwide total of $23.5 million, against a production budget of $12 million.

In North America, Wish Upon was released alongside the opening of War for the Planet of the Apes, as well as the wide expansion of The Big Sick, and was projected to gross $8–10 million from 2,100 theaters in its opening weekend. It made $376,000 from Thursday night previews at 1,659 theaters and $2.3 million on its first day. It went on to debut to $5.5 million for its opening weekend, finishing seventh at the box office.

Critical response
The film received negative reviews from critics.

Andrew Barker of Variety wrote: "By any normal standards, teen horror flick Wish Upon is a pretty bad movie. But its badness is of such a distinct and kooky character that it can't help but exert an inadvertent charm."

References

External links

2017 films
2017 horror thriller films
2010s teen horror films
2017 horror films
2010s high school films
2010s supernatural horror films
American high school films
American horror thriller films
American teen horror films
American supernatural horror films
American supernatural thriller films
Broad Green Pictures films
Films about wish fulfillment
Films directed by John R. Leonetti
Films shot in Toronto
Films scored by Tomandandy
Horror film remakes
Orion Pictures films
2010s English-language films
2010s American films
English-language horror thriller films

Wish Upon


Instruments of Mercy is the second studio album by Portland, Oregon-based experimental hip hop trio Beautiful Eulogy, released through Humble Beast Records on October 29, 2013, in both free and commercial format. Like its predecessor, the album features a highly eclectic folk-hip hop fusion melded with numerous other styles such as electronic, indie, hymn tunes, and contemporary worship music. Courtland Urbano, the main producer of the trio, eschewed the use of digitally-generated effects and instrumentation in composing the music for Instruments of Mercy, instead relying solely on analog and natural sounds. A single from the album, "Vital Lens", was released as a digital download on September 10, 2013. The album fared well commercially, charting at No. 6 on the Billboard Top Gospel Albums chart, and was lauded by critics for its diverse and creative sound and deeply theological lyrics. PQ Monthly called the group "one [of] the most innovative hip-hop acts in Portland."

The song Exile Dial Tone is featured on the 2016 motion picture soundtrack God's Not Dead 2.

Background, recording, and instrumentation
Beautiful Eulogy was formed by rappers Braille and Odd Thomas and producer Courtland Urbano in 2011. The trio contributed a track to the charity album King Kulture in 2012, and featured as guest performers on the song "Misconception" by Lecrae from his 2012 Church Clothes mixtape. In the fall of the same year, Beautiful Eulogy released its debut album, Satellite Kite, to critical acclaim.

The trio revealed in an interview on October 28, 2013 that, due to their touring schedule and Braille and Odd Thomas's responsibilities as the owners of Humble Beast, they were delayed in completing their second album. For the recording, they stayed within the basic sound exhibited on Satellite Kite. Courtland Urbano in an interview stated that he personally dislikes an artist drastically changing style from their first to second album. However, the group did try to build upon and progress from its previous work. On Instruments of Mercy, Urbano avoided computer generated sounds entirely, instead using only live instrumentation, analog synthesizers, and natural found sounds. The album features sound effects such as dripping water, dial tones, wind chimes, rain, chirping birds, footsteps, and rustling leaves, and instrumentation such as electric and acoustic guitar, tambourine, drums, xylophone, piano, keyboard, strings, and glockenspiel.

Release and promotion
In preparation for Instruments of Mercy'''s release in October, Beautiful Eulogy released a music video for the song "Vital Lens" on August 20, 2013. The song itself was released as a single on September 10, 2013. The album came out on October 29, 2013, in both commercial format and as a free downloadon NoiseTrade. A second music video, for the song "Release Me from This Snare", was released on November 21, 2013, and a third video, "Symbols and Signs", featuring Humble Beast label-mate Propaganda, came out on February 19, 2014. On December 17, 2013, Instruments of Mercy was followed up by a compilation album, Instrumentals of Mercy, containing the instrumentals to each track from the album.

 Reception

CriticalInstruments of Mercy met with a universally positive reception from critics, with The Christian Manifesto, Christian Music Zine, Indie Vision Music, and Jesus Freak Hideout all giving the album a perfect score. Nick Mattos of the Portland-based LGBTQ newspaper PQ Monthly glowingly reported: "Make no mistake, Beautiful Eulogy is a very religious bunch — and they're also one of the most innovative hip-hop acts in Portland."

Michael Wildes from The Christian Manifesto lavished praise upon the album's unorthodox production and theologically deep, highly skilled lyricism. He wrote that "it's hard to talk about such a creative album and do it the justice it deserves", and commented of the album's production that "Talking about organic, your mother's favorite gardening tools can be heard making rhythms and beats on this number." Christian Music Zine's Anthony Peronto praised the chemistry and group dynamic between Beautiful Eulogy's three members. He concluded that With nary a flaw to be found and undeniable growth by each member, Beautiful Eulogy have exceeded all expectations and delivered their best work yet. Though I want to resist repeating my thoughts on Beautiful Eulogy's debut album I can't say it any other way than this slight paraphrasing: This is the most musically creative hip hop album I've heard since, well... Satellite Kite. Jessica Cooper of Indie Vision Music summarized that All of Instruments of Mercy is fresh in sound, featuring loops of new beats and sounds that stick to the lyrics like glue. Beautiful Eulogy continues to be consistent in their collaborative works and are undoubtedly blessed with the words and musical talent to produce something that's cohesive, poetic, and undeniably beautiful from beginning to end. Jesus Freak Hideout's Mark Rice praised the rapping skills of Odd Thomas and Braille, Courtland Urbano's production, and the lyrical focus of the album. He remarked that "It is hard not to marvel at the sheer talent of these three individuals, whether it is in the crisp vocals, wonderful production, or the dense and theologically provoking lyrics."

Jamie Lee Rake, writing for HM, rated the album four-and-a-half stars out of five, complimenting Beautiful Eulogy for its incisive theological commentary, inventive musical skills, and left-field pop sensibility. He also noted that "Amid a nigh wholly satisfying 14 tracks, they even manage to better Eminem at his 'Stan' plan of matching penetrating rhymes to soaring female choruses." Rapzilla's Nyon Smith likewise praised the group's strongly theological lyrics and experimental production, rating the album three-and-a-half out of five stars and writing that While the overall mix of Beautiful Eulogy's debut, Satellite Kite, was good, their sophomore effort (when listened to on decent headphones/speakers) throws the listener into a supernatural auditory environment. From every pluck of a string to each tap of the glockenspiel the album has a majestic feel, seeking to demonstrate the beauty of God Himself. Roxanne Kumalo from Christian Today considered the album "the most uplifting gospel centred album of 2013" and began her review with the comment "Those fortunate enough to be well acquainted with the refreshing musical and ministerial giftings in the work of Beautiful Eulogy will, I am sure, unite with me in this proclamation: this group is completely out of this world and unlike anything I have ever heard before!" Aubrey McKay expressed in his review for Wade-O Radio that the recording transcends labels such as "classic" or "stellar", revealing that "this record fundamentally changed my life and relationship with music."

Commercial
Though a free version of the album was released through NoiseTrade, Instruments of Mercy fared well commercially. It charted at No. 6 on the Billboard Top Gospel, and No. 21 on the Top Christian.

 Style and lyrics
On Instruments of Mercy, Beautiful Eulogy exhibited a fusion of folk and hip hop music mixed with electronic, indie, hymn tunes, contemporary worship music, and spoken word passages. Michael Wildes The Christian Manifesto noted that "lyrically a hip-hip album, it is rich in folk, electronic and indie inspired music with a feel of the Portland environment, complemented by the natural elements of that city." He further explained that many songs sounded more like worship music than hip-hop. Christian Today considered the electronic facet of the group "the glue, effortlessly synchronising the cocktail which is to be found in the instrumentation of their music." However, they further noted that "The style [Beautiful Eulogy] have adopted in their quest to present absolute truths found in the Word of God cannot be pocketed, yet tends to gravitate between a generic rap style and spoken word." HM'''s Jamie Lee Rake described that album as "alt like crazy", with "musical textures to draw heads deep in their given genre, as well as neo-folkies and aficionados of downtempo EDM", and that Beautiful Eulogy also "venture to reinvent hip-house, albeit in a more glitchy manner." Several critics highlighted "Blessed are the Merciful", which consists of a three-minute sermon clip from Art Azurdia backed by instrumental music.

Lyrically, the trio explore Christian theology and how to live out one's faith. While the group explores numerous Christian doctrines and life struggles, every song ties in with the album's theme of the sinfulness and total depravity of humanity, and the endless mercy and grace of God toward sinners and the hope that Christians can find in God.

Track listing

Charts

References

2013 albums
Beautiful Eulogy albums

Instruments of Mercy


The Man Who Came Back is a 2008 American Western film directed by Glen Pitre. It stars Eric Braeden, Billy Zane, George Kennedy, and Armand Assante. Set in southern Louisiana, it is loosely based on the 1887 sugar strike in four parishes and violence that erupted in the Thibodaux Massacre.

Plot
The Man Who Came Back is loosely based on the Thibodaux massacre. This was the culmination of the largest strike in the sugar cane industry, when 10,000 workers stopped labor, and the first to be conducted by a formal labor organization, the Knights of Labor. With an estimated 50 or more African-American cane workers killed by white paramilitary forces, it was the second bloodiest labor strike in U.S. history.

Following Reconstruction and white Democrats regaining control of the state government, in the late 1880s, freedmen worked hard on sugar cane plantations but were bound by many of the planters' practices. They were sometimes paid only in scrip, redeemable only at the plantation's overpriced store, and the workers struggled to get out of debt and be able to leave a plantation.

In an attempt to better their lives, the workers strike. This leads to massive retaliation by the most powerful men in the town, including the sheriff (Armand Assante), the preacher (Al Hayter), power-hungry Billy Duke (James Patrick Stuart), and his vigilante group of thugs.

White overseer Reese Paxton (Eric Braeden) steps up to demand justice for his workers. Duke's rage turns on Paxton and his family. Despite assistance from a Yankee attorney (Billy Zane), Paxton is convicted in a trial presided by Judge Duke (George Kennedy), Billy's father.

After being sent to prison, beaten within inches of his life, and enduring emotional torture, Paxton "comes back" to seek revenge.

Cast
 Eric Braeden as Reese Paxton
 Billy Zane as Ezra
 George Kennedy as Judge Duke
 Armand Assante as Amos
 Sean Young as Kate
 Carol Alt as Angelique Paxton
 James Patrick Stuart as Billy Duke
 Ken Norton as Grandpa
 Peter Jason as The Warden
 Jennifer O'Dell as Prostitute

References

2008 films
2008 action drama films
American Civil War films
Films about American slavery
Films about death
Films about miscarriage of justice
Films about rape
American films about revenge
Films directed by Glen Pitre
American prison drama films
2008 Western (genre) films
American Western (genre) films
2000s English-language films
2000s American films

The Man Who Came Back (2008 film)


Firs Sergeyevich Zhuravlev (; 22 December 1836,  — 17 September 1901, ) was a Russian genre painter.

Biography
He attended the Imperial Academy of Arts, where he studied history painting under Timofey Neff and Fyodor Bruni. In 1863, he became part of the "Revolt of the Fourteen", a group of students who supported Realism and were protesting the Academy's insistence on promoting the Classical style. He joined the others in withdrawing from the school and accepting a designation as "Artist Second-Degree". Soon after, together with Ivan Kramskoi, he helped to found the Artel of Artists, a group of painters who formed a sort of commune, sharing workshops and maintaining a common household on Vasilyevsky Island. He also taught drawing at the Society for the Encouragement of the Arts (1866, 1871–72). From 1862 to 1874, he was under police surveillance for alleged ties to revolutionary groups, possibly due to the social criticism inherent in many of his portrayals of peasant life.

His first exhibition at the Academy came in 1868 and, six years later, a display of his work earned him the title of "Academician". During 1888 and 1889, he participated in showings by the "Association of Travelling Art Exhibitions" (Peredvizhniki), but never became a formal member of the group. He also participated in the Centennial Exposition in Philadelphia, the Exposition Universelle (1889) and the All-Russia Exhibition 1896.

In addition to his oil paintings, he helped to decorate the Cathedral of Christ the Saviour in Moscow, and the Nativity Cathedral, Riga, and created mosaics for the Church of the Savior on Blood.

Selected paintings

References

External links

1836 births
1901 deaths
19th-century painters from the Russian Empire
Russian male painters
Genre painters
Artists from Saratov
19th-century male artists from the Russian Empire

Firs Zhuravlev


5-MBPB (also known as 5-MPBP and 5-MABB) is an amphetamine derivative which is structurally related to MDMA and has been sold as a designer drug. It can be described as the benzofuran-5-yl analogue of MBDB or the butanamine homologue of 5-MAPB, and is also a structural isomer of 5-EAPB and 6-EAPB. Anecdotal reports suggest this compound has been sold as a designer drug in various European countries since early 2015, but the first definitive identification was made in December 2015 by a forensic laboratory in Slovenia.

5-MBPB is similar in structure to compounds such as 5-APB which are claimed to be agonists of the 5-HT2C receptor.

References

Substituted amphetamines
5-Benzofuranethanamines
Designer drugs
Entactogens and empathogens

5-MBPB


Atractodenchelys phrix, known under the common name "arrowtooth eel" is an eel in the family Synaphobranchidae (cutthroat eels). It was described by Catherine H. Robins and Charles Richard Robins in 1970. It is a marine, deep water-dwelling eel which is known from its type locality in the eastern Caribbean, in the western central Atlantic Ocean. It is known to dwell at a depth range of 385–425 metres.

References

Synaphobranchidae
Taxa named by Charles Richard Robins
Taxa named by Catherine H. Robins
Fish described in 1970

Atractodenchelys phrix


The Armenian genocide was the systematic destruction of the Armenian people and identity in the Ottoman Empire during World War I. Spearheaded by the ruling Committee of Union and Progress (CUP), it was implemented primarily through the mass murder of around one million Armenians during death marches to the Syrian Desert and the forced Islamization of others, primarily women and children.

Before World War I, Armenians occupied a somewhat protected, but subordinate, place in Ottoman society. Large-scale massacres of Armenians had occurred in the 1890s and 1909. The Ottoman Empire suffered a series of military defeats and territorial losses—especially during the 1912–1913 Balkan Wars—leading to fear among CUP leaders that the Armenians would seek independence. During their invasion of Russian and Persian territory in 1914, Ottoman paramilitaries massacred local Armenians. Ottoman leaders took isolated instances of Armenian resistance as evidence of a widespread rebellion, though no such rebellion existed. Mass deportation was intended to permanently forestall the possibility of Armenian autonomy or independence.

On 24 April 1915, the Ottoman authorities arrested and deported hundreds of Armenian intellectuals and leaders from Constantinople. At the orders of Talaat Pasha, an estimated 800,000 to 1.2 million Armenians were sent on death marches to the Syrian Desert in 1915 and 1916. Driven forward by paramilitary escorts, the deportees were deprived of food and water and subjected to robbery, rape, and massacres. In the Syrian Desert, the survivors were dispersed into concentration camps. In 1916, another wave of massacres was ordered, leaving about 200,000 deportees alive by the end of the year. Around 100,000 to 200,000 Armenian women and children were forcibly converted to Islam and integrated into Muslim households. Massacres and ethnic cleansing of Armenian survivors continued through the Turkish War of Independence after World War I, carried out by Turkish nationalists.

This genocide put an end to more than two thousand years of Armenian civilization in eastern Anatolia. Together with the mass murder and expulsion of Assyrian/Syriac and Greek Orthodox Christians, it enabled the creation of an ethnonationalist Turkish state, the Republic of Turkey. The Turkish government maintains that the deportation of Armenians was a legitimate action that cannot be described as genocide. As of 2023, 34 countries have recognized the events as genocide, concurring with the academic consensus.

Background

Armenians in the Ottoman Empire

The presence of Armenians in Anatolia has been documented since the sixth century BCE, about 1,500 years before the arrival of Turkmens under the Seljuk dynasty. The Kingdom of Armenia adopted Christianity as its national religion in the fourth century CE, establishing the Armenian Apostolic Church. Following the end of the Byzantine Empire in 1453, two Islamic empires—the Ottoman Empire and the Iranian Safavid Empire—contested Western Armenia, which was permanently separated from Eastern Armenia (held by the Safavids) by the 1639 Treaty of Zuhab. The Ottoman Empire was multiethnic and multireligious, and its millet system offered non-Muslims a subordinate but protected place in society. Sharia law encoded Islamic superiority but guaranteed property rights and freedom of worship to non-Muslims (dhimmis) in exchange for a special tax.

On the eve of World War I in 1914, around two million Armenians lived in Anatolia out of a total population of 15–17.5 million. According to the Armenian Patriarchate's estimates for 1913–1914, there were 2,925 Armenian towns and villages in the Ottoman Empire, of which 2,084 were in the Armenian highlands in the vilayets of Bitlis, Diyarbekir, Erzerum, Harput, and Van. Armenians were a minority in most places where they lived, alongside Turkish and Kurdish Muslim and Greek Orthodox Christian neighbors. According to the Patriarchate's figure, 215,131 Armenians lived in urban areas, especially Constantinople, Smyrna, and Eastern Thrace. Although most Ottoman Armenians were peasant farmers, they were overrepresented in commerce. As middleman minorities, despite the wealth of some Armenians, their overall political power was low, making them especially vulnerable.

Land conflict and reforms

Armenians in the eastern provinces lived in semi-feudal conditions and commonly encountered forced labor, illegal taxation, and unpunished crimes against them including robberies, murders, and sexual assaults. Beginning in 1839, the Ottoman government issued a series of reforms to centralize power and equalize the status of Ottoman subjects regardless of religion. The reforms to equalize the status of non-Muslims were strongly opposed by Islamic clergy and Muslims in general, and remained mostly theoretical. Because of the abolition of the Kurdish emirates in the mid-nineteenth century, the Ottoman government began to directly tax Armenian peasants who had previously paid taxes only to Kurdish landlords. The latter continued to exact levies illegally.

From the mid-nineteenth century, Armenians faced large-scale land usurpation as a consequence of the sedentarization of Kurdish tribes and the arrival of Muslim refugees and immigrants (mainly Circassians) following the Russo-Circassian War. In 1876, when Sultan Abdul Hamid II came to power, the state began to confiscate Armenian-owned land in the eastern provinces and give it to Muslim immigrants as part of a systematic policy to reduce the Armenian population of these areas. This policy lasted until World War I. These conditions led to a substantial decline in the population of the Armenian highlands; 300,000 Armenians left the empire, and others moved to towns. Some Armenians joined revolutionary political parties, of which the most influential was the Armenian Revolutionary Federation (ARF), founded in 1890. These parties primarily sought reform within the empire and found only limited support from Ottoman Armenians.

Russia's decisive victory in the 1877–1878 war forced the Ottoman Empire to cede parts of eastern Anatolia, the Balkans, and Cyprus. Under international pressure at the 1878 Congress of Berlin, the Ottoman government agreed to carry out reforms and guarantee the physical safety of its Armenian subjects, but there was no enforcement mechanism; conditions continued to worsen. The Congress of Berlin marked the emergence of the Armenian question in international diplomacy as Armenians were for the first time used by the Great Powers to interfere in Ottoman politics. Although Armenians had been called the "loyal millet" in contrast to Greeks and others who had previously challenged Ottoman rule, the authorities began to perceive Armenians as a threat after 1878. In 1891, Abdul Hamid created the Hamidiye regiments from Kurdish tribes, allowing them to act with impunity against Armenians. From 1895 to 1896 the empire saw widespread massacres; at least 100,000 Armenians were killed primarily by Ottoman soldiers and mobs let loose by the authorities. Many Armenian villages were forcibly converted to Islam. The Ottoman state bore ultimate responsibility for the killings, whose purpose was violently restoring the previous social order in which Christians would unquestioningly accept Muslim supremacy, and forcing Armenians to emigrate, thereby decreasing their numbers.

Young Turk Revolution

Abdul Hamid's despotism prompted the formation of an opposition movement, the Young Turks, which sought to overthrow him and restore the 1876 Constitution of the Ottoman Empire, which he had suspended in 1877. One faction of the Young Turks was the secret and revolutionary Committee of Union and Progress (CUP), based in Salonica, from which the charismatic conspirator Mehmed Talaat (later Talaat Pasha) emerged as a leading member. Although skeptical of a growing, exclusionary Turkish nationalism in the Young Turk movement, the ARF decided to ally with the CUP in December 1907. In 1908, the CUP came to power in the Young Turk Revolution, which began with a string of CUP assassinations of leading officials in Macedonia. Abdul Hamid was forced to reinstate the 1876 constitution and restore the parliament, which was celebrated by Ottomans of all ethnicities and religions. Security improved in parts of the eastern provinces after 1908 and the CUP took steps to reform the local gendarmerie, although tensions remained high. Despite an agreement to reverse the land usurpation of the previous decades in the 1910 Salonica Accord between the ARF and the CUP, the latter made no efforts to carry this out.

In early 1909 an unsuccessful countercoup was launched by conservatives and some liberals who opposed the CUP's increasingly repressive governance. When news of the countercoup reached Adana, armed Muslims attacked the Armenian quarter and Armenians returned fire. Ottoman soldiers did not protect Armenians and instead armed the rioters. Between 20,000 and 25,000 people, mostly Armenians, were killed in Adana and nearby towns. Unlike the 1890s massacres, the events were not organized by the central government but instigated by local officials, intellectuals, and Islamic clerics, including CUP supporters in Adana. Although the massacres went unpunished, the ARF continued to hope that reforms to improve security and restore lands were forthcoming, until late 1912, when they broke with the CUP and appealed to the European powers. On 8 February 1914, the CUP reluctantly agreed to reforms brokered by Germany that provided for the appointment of two European inspectors for the entire Ottoman east and putting the Hamidiye regiments in reserve. CUP leaders feared that these reforms, which were never implemented, could lead to partition and cited them as a reason for the elimination of the Armenian population in 1915.

Balkan Wars

The 1912 First Balkan War resulted in the loss of almost all of the empire's European territory and the mass expulsion of Muslims from the Balkans. Ottoman Muslim society was incensed by the atrocities committed against Balkan Muslims, intensifying anti-Christian sentiment and leading to a desire for revenge. Blame for the loss was assigned to all Christians, including the Ottoman Armenians, many of whom had fought on the Ottoman side. The Balkan Wars put an end to the Ottomanist movement for pluralism and coexistence; instead, the CUP turned to an increasingly radical Turkish nationalism to preserve the empire. CUP leaders such as Talaat and Enver Pasha came to blame non-Muslim population concentrations in strategic areas for many of the empire's problems, concluding by mid-1914 that they were internal tumors to be excised. Of these, Ottoman Armenians were considered the most dangerous, because CUP leaders feared that their homeland in Anatolia—claimed as the last refuge of the Turkish nation—would break away from the empire as the Balkans had.

In January 1913, the CUP launched another coup, installed a one-party state, and strictly repressed all real or perceived internal enemies. After the coup, the CUP shifted the demography of border areas by resettling Balkan Muslim refugees while coercing Christians to emigrate; immigrants were promised property that had belonged to Christians.  When parts of Eastern Thrace were reoccupied by the Ottoman Empire during the Second Balkan War in mid-1913, there was a campaign of looting and intimidation against Greeks and Armenians, forcing many to emigrate. Around 150,000 Greek Orthodox from the Aegean coast were forcibly deported in May and June 1914 by Muslim bandits, who were secretly backed by the CUP and sometimes joined by the regular army. Historian Matthias Bjørnlund states that the perceived success of the Greek deportations allowed CUP leaders to envision even more radical policies "as yet another extension of a policy of social engineering through Turkification".

Ottoman entry into World War I

A few days after the outbreak of World War I, the CUP concluded an alliance with Germany on 2 August 1914. The same month, CUP representatives went to an ARF conference demanding that, in the event of war with Russia, the ARF incite Russian Armenians to intervene on the Ottoman side. Instead, the delegates resolved that Armenians should fight for the countries of their citizenships. During its war preparations, the Ottoman government recruited thousands of prisoners to join the paramilitary Special Organization, which initially focused on stirring up revolts among Muslims behind Russian lines beginning before the empire officially entered the war. On 29 October 1914, the empire entered World War I on the side of the Central Powers by launching a surprise attack on Russian ports in the Black Sea. Many Russian Armenians were enthusiastic about the war, but Ottoman Armenians were more ambivalent, afraid that supporting Russia would bring retaliation. Organization of Armenian volunteer units by Russian Armenians, later joined by some Ottoman Armenian deserters, further increased Ottoman suspicions against their Armenian population.

Wartime requisitions were often corrupt and arbitrary, and disproportionately targeted Greeks and Armenians. Armenian leaders urged young men to accept conscription into the army, but many soldiers of all ethnicities and religions deserted due to difficult conditions and concern for their families. At least 10 percent of Ottoman Armenians were mobilized, leaving their communities bereft of fighting-age men and therefore largely unable to organize armed resistance to deportation in 1915. During the Ottoman invasion of Russian and Persian territory, the Special Organization massacred local Armenians and Assyrian/Syriac Christians. Beginning in November 1914, provincial governors of Van, Bitlis, and Erzerum sent many telegrams to the central government pressing for more severe measures against the Armenians, both regionally and throughout the empire. These requests were endorsed by the central government already before 1915. Armenian civil servants were dismissed from their posts in late 1914 and early 1915. In February 1915, the CUP leaders decided to disarm Armenians serving in the army and transfer them to labor battalions. The Armenian soldiers in labor battalions were systematically executed, although many skilled workers were spared until 1916.

Onset of genocide

Minister of War Enver Pasha took over command of the Ottoman armies for the invasion of Russian territory, and tried to encircle the Russian Caucasus Army at the Battle of Sarikamish, fought from December 1914 to January 1915. Unprepared for the harsh winter conditions, his forces were routed, losing more than 60,000 men. The retreating Ottoman army destroyed dozens of Ottoman Armenian villages in Bitlis vilayet, massacring their inhabitants. Enver publicly blamed his defeat on Armenians who he claimed had actively sided with the Russians, a theory that became a consensus among CUP leaders. Reports of local incidents such as weapons caches, severed telegraph lines, and occasional killings confirmed preexisting beliefs about Armenian treachery and fueled paranoia among CUP leaders that a coordinated Armenian conspiracy was plotting against the empire. Discounting contrary reports that most Armenians were loyal, the CUP leaders decided that the Armenians had to be eliminated to save the empire.

Massacres of Armenian men were occurring in the vicinity of Bashkale in Van vilayet from December 1914. ARF leaders attempted to keep the situation calm, warning that even justifiable self-defense could lead to escalation of killing. The governor, Djevdet Bey, ordered the Armenians of Van to hand over their arms on 18 April 1915, creating a dilemma: If they obeyed, the Armenians expected to be killed, but if they refused, it would provide a pretext for massacres. Armenians fortified themselves in Van and repelled the Ottoman attack that began on 20 April. During the siege, Armenians in surrounding villages were massacred at Djevdet's orders. Russian forces captured Van on 18 May, finding 55,000 corpses in the province—about half its prewar Armenian population. Djevdet's forces proceeded to Bitlis and attacked Armenian and Assyrian/Syriac villages; the men were killed immediately, many women and children were kidnapped by local Kurds, and others marched away to be killed later. By the end of June, there were only a dozen Armenians in the vilayet.

The first deportations of Armenians were proposed by Djemal Pasha, the commander of the Fourth Army, in February 1915 and targeted Armenians in Cilicia (specifically Alexandretta, Dörtyol, Adana, Hadjin, Zeytun, and Sis) who were relocated to the area around Konya in central Anatolia. In late March or early April, the CUP Central Committee decided on the large-scale removal of Armenians from areas near the front lines. During the night of 23–24 April 1915 hundreds of Armenian political activists, intellectuals, and community leaders were rounded up in Constantinople and across the empire. This order from Talaat, intended to eliminate the Armenian leadership and anyone capable of organizing resistance, eventually resulted in the murder of most of those arrested. The same day, Talaat banned all Armenian political organizations and ordered that the Armenians who had previously been removed from Cilicia be deported again, from central Anatolia—where they would likely have survived—to the Syrian Desert.

Systematic deportations

Aims

During World War I, the CUP—whose central goal was to preserve the Ottoman Empire—came to identify Armenian civilians as an existential threat. CUP leaders held Armenians—including women and children—collectively guilty for "betraying" the empire, a belief that was crucial to deciding on genocide in early 1915. At the same time, the war provided an opportunity to enact, in Talaat's words, the "definitive solution to the Armenian Question". The CUP wrongly believed that the Russian Empire sought to annex eastern Anatolia, and ordered the genocide in large part to prevent this eventuality. The genocide was intended to permanently eliminate any possibility that Armenians could achieve autonomy or independence in the empire's eastern provinces. Ottoman records show the government aimed to reduce Armenians to no more than five percent of the local population in the sources of deportation and ten percent in the destination areas. This goal could not be accomplished without mass murder.

The deportation of Armenians and resettlement of Muslims in their lands was part of a broader project intended to permanently restructure the demographics of Anatolia. Armenian homes, businesses, and land were preferentially allocated to Muslims from outside the empire, nomads, and the estimated 800,000 (largely Kurdish) Ottoman subjects displaced because of the war with Russia. Resettled Muslims were spread out (typically limited to 10 percent in any area) among larger Turkish populations so that they would lose their distinctive characteristics, such as non-Turkish languages or nomadism. These migrants were exposed to harsh conditions and, in some cases, violence or restriction from leaving their new villages. The ethnic cleansing of Anatolia—the Armenian genocide, Assyrian genocide, and expulsion of Greeks after World War I—paved the way for the formation of an ethno-national Turkish state. In September 1918, Talaat emphasized that regardless of losing the war, he had succeeded at "transforming Turkey to a nation-state in Anatolia".

Deportation amounted to a death sentence; the authorities planned for and intended the death of the deportees. Deportation was only carried out behind the front lines, where no active rebellion existed, and was only possible in the absence of widespread resistance. Armenians who lived in the war zone were instead killed in massacres. Although ostensibly undertaken for military reasons, the deportation and murder of Armenians did not grant the empire any military advantage and actually undermined the Ottoman war effort. The empire faced a dilemma between its goal of eliminating Armenians and its practical need for their labor; those Armenians retained for their skills, in particular for manufacturing in war industries, were indispensable to the logistics of the Ottoman Army. By late 1915, the CUP had extinguished Armenian existence from eastern Anatolia.

Administrative organization

On 23 May 1915, Talaat ordered the deportation of all Armenians in Van, Bitlis, and Erzerum. To grant a cover of legality to the deportation, already well underway in the eastern provinces and Cilicia, the Council of Ministers approved the Temporary Law of Deportation, which allowed authorities to deport anyone deemed "suspect". On 21 June, Talaat ordered the deportation of all Armenians throughout the empire, even Adrianople,  from the Russian front. Following the elimination of the Armenian population in eastern Anatolia, in August 1915, the Armenians of western Anatolia and European Turkey were targeted for deportation. Some areas with a very low Armenian population and some cities, including Constantinople, were partially spared.

Overall, national, regional, and local levels of governance cooperated with the CUP in the perpetration of genocide. The Directorate for the Settlement of Tribes and Immigrants (IAMM) coordinated the deportation and the resettlement of Muslim immigrants in the vacant houses and lands. The IAMM, under the control of Talaat's Ministry of the Interior, and the Special Organization, which took orders directly from the CUP Central Committee, closely coordinated their activities. A dual-track system was used to communicate orders; those for the deportation of Armenians were communicated to the provincial governors through official channels, but orders of a criminal character, such as those calling for annihilation, were sent through party channels and destroyed upon receipt. Deportation convoys were mostly escorted by gendarmes or local militia. The killings near the front lines were carried out by the Special Organization, and those farther away also involved local militias, bandits, gendarmes, or Kurdish tribes depending on the area. Within the area controlled by the Third Army, which held eastern Anatolia, the army was only involved in genocidal atrocities in the vilayets of Van, Erzerum, and Bitlis.

Many perpetrators came from the Caucasus (Chechens and Circassians), who identified the Armenians with their Russian oppressors. Nomadic Kurds committed many atrocities during the genocide, but settled Kurds only rarely did so. Perpetrators had several motives, including ideology, revenge, desire for Armenian property, and careerism. To motivate perpetrators, state-appointed imams encouraged the killing of Armenians and killers were entitled to a third of Armenian movable property (another third went to local authorities and the last to the CUP). Embezzling beyond that was punished. Ottoman politicians and officials who opposed the genocide were dismissed or assassinated. The government decreed that any Muslim who harbored an Armenian against the will of the authorities would be executed.

Death marches

Although the majority of able-bodied Armenian men had been conscripted into the army, others deserted, paid the exemption tax, or fell outside the age range of conscription. Unlike the earlier massacres of Ottoman Armenians, in 1915 Armenians were not usually killed in their villages, to avoid destruction of property or unauthorized looting. Instead, the men were usually separated from the rest of the deportees during the first few days and executed. Few resisted, believing it would put their families in greater danger. Boys above the age of twelve (sometimes fifteen) were treated as adult men. Execution sites were chosen for proximity to major roads and for rugged terrain, lakes, wells, or cisterns to facilitate the concealment or disposal of corpses. The convoys would stop at a nearby transit camp, where the escorts would demand a ransom from the Armenians. Those unable to pay were murdered. Units of the Special Organization, often wearing gendarme uniforms, were stationed at the killing sites; escorting gendarmes often did not participate in killing.

At least 150,000 Armenians passed through Erzindjan from June 1915, where a series of transit camps were set up to control the flow of victims to the killing site at the nearby Kemah gorge. Thousands of Armenians were killed near Lake Hazar, pushed by paramilitaries off the cliffs. More than 500,000 Armenians passed through the Firincilar plain south of Malatya, one of the deadliest areas during the genocide. Arriving convoys, having passed through the plain to approach the Kahta highlands, would have found gorges already filled with corpses from previous convoys. Many others were held in tributary valleys of the Tigris, Euphrates, or Murat and systematically executed by the Special Organization. Armenian men were often drowned by being tied together back-to-back before being thrown in the water, a method that was not used on women.

Authorities viewed disposal of bodies through rivers as a cheap and efficient method, but it caused widespread pollution downstream. So many bodies floated down the Tigris and Euphrates that they sometimes blocked the rivers and needed to be cleared with explosives. Other rotting corpses became stuck to the riverbanks, and still others traveled as far as the Persian Gulf. The rivers remained polluted long after the massacres, causing epidemics downstream. Tens of thousands of Armenians died along the roads and their bodies were buried hastily or, more often, simply left beside the roads. The Ottoman government ordered the corpses to be cleared as soon as possible to prevent both photographic documentation and disease epidemics, but these orders were not uniformly followed.

Women and children, who made up the great majority of deportees, were usually not executed immediately, but subjected to hard marches through mountainous terrain without food and water. Those who could not keep up were left to die or shot. During 1915, some were forced to walk as far as  in the summer heat. Some deportees from western Anatolia were allowed to travel by rail. There was a distinction between the convoys from eastern Anatolia, which were eliminated almost in their entirety, and those from farther west, which made up most of those surviving to reach Syria. For example, around 99 percent of Armenians deported from Erzerum did not reach their destination.

Islamization

The Islamization of Armenians, carried out as a systematic state policy involving the bureaucracy, police, judiciary, and clergy, was a major structural component of the genocide. An estimated 100,000 to 200,000 Armenians were Islamized, and it is estimated that as many as two million Turkish citizens in the early 21st century may have at least one Armenian grandparent. Some Armenians were allowed to convert to Islam and evade deportation, but the regime insisted on their destruction wherever their numbers exceeded the five to ten percent threshold, or there was a risk of them being able to preserve their nationality and culture. Talaat Pasha personally authorized conversion of Armenians and carefully tracked the loyalty of converted Armenians until the end of the war. Although the first and most important step was conversion to Islam, the process also required the eradication of Armenian names, language, and culture, and for women, immediate marriage to a Muslim. Although Islamization was the most feasible opportunity for survival, it also transgressed Armenian moral and social norms.

The CUP allowed Armenian women to marry into Muslim households, as these women had to convert to Islam and would lose their Armenian identity. Young women and girls were often appropriated as house servants or sex slaves. Some boys were abducted to work as forced laborers for Muslim individuals. Some children were forcibly seized, while others were sold or given up by their parents to save their lives. Special state-run orphanages were also set up with strict procedures intending to deprive their charges of an Armenian identity. Most Armenian children who survived the genocide endured exploitation, hard labor without pay, forced conversion to Islam, and physical and sexual abuse. Armenian women captured during the journey ended up in Turkish or Kurdish households; those who were Islamized during the second phase of the genocide found themselves in an Arab or Bedouin environment.

The rape, sexual abuse, and prostitution of Armenian women were all very common. Although Armenian women tried to avoid sexual violence, suicide was often the only alternative. Deportees were displayed naked in Damascus and sold as sex slaves in some areas, constituting an important source of income for accompanying gendarmes. Some were sold in Arabian slave markets to Muslim Hajj pilgrims and ended up as far away as Tunisia or Algeria.

Confiscation of property

A secondary motivation for genocide was the destruction of the Armenian bourgeoisie to make room for a Turkish and Muslim middle class and build a statist "national economy" controlled by Muslim Turks. The campaign to Turkify the economy began in June 1914 with a law that obliged many ethnic minority merchants to hire Muslims. Following the deportations, the businesses of the victims were taken over by Muslims who were often incompetent, leading to economic difficulties. The genocide had catastrophic effects on the Ottoman economy; Muslims were disadvantaged by the deportation of skilled professionals and entire districts fell into famine following their farmers' deportation. The Ottoman and Turkish governments passed a series of Abandoned Properties Laws to manage and redistribute property confiscated from Armenians. Although the laws maintained that the state was simply administering the properties on behalf of the absent Armenians, there was no provision to return them to the owners—it was presumed that they had ceased to exist.

Historians Taner Akçam and Ümit Kurt argue that "The Republic of Turkey and its legal system were built, in a sense, on the seizure of Armenian cultural, social, and economic wealth, and on the removal of the Armenian presence." The proceeds from the sale of confiscated property was often used to fund the deportation of Armenians and resettlement of Muslims, as well as for army, militia, and other government spending. Ultimately this formed much of the basis of the industry and economy of the post-1923 republic, endowing it with capital. The dispossession and exile of Armenian competitors enabled many lower-class Turks (i.e. peasantry, soldiers, and laborers) to rise to the middle class. Confiscation of Armenian assets continued into the second half of the twentieth century, and in 2006 the National Security Council ruled that property records from 1915 must be kept closed to protect national security. Outside Istanbul, the traces of Armenian existence in Turkey, including churches and monasteries, libraries, khachkars, and animal and place names, have been systematically erased, beginning during the war and continuing for decades afterward.

Destination

The first arrivals in mid-1915 were accommodated in Aleppo. From mid-November, the convoys were denied access to the city and redirected along the Baghdad Railway or the Euphrates towards Mosul. The first transit camp was established at Sibil, east of Aleppo; one convoy would arrive each day while another would depart for Meskene or Deir ez-Zor. Dozens of concentration camps were set up in Syria and Upper Mesopotamia. By October 1915, some 870,000 deportees had reached Syria and Upper Mesopotamia. Most were repeatedly transferred between camps, being held in each camp for a few weeks, until there were very few survivors. This strategy physically weakened the Armenians and spread disease, so much that some camps were shut down in late 1915 due to the threat of disease spreading to the Ottoman military. In late 1915, the camps around Aleppo were liquidated and the survivors were forced to march to Ras al-Ayn; the camps around Ras al-Ayn were closed in early 1916 and the survivors sent to Deir ez-Zor.

In general, Armenians were denied food and water during and after their forced march to the Syrian desert; many died of starvation, exhaustion, or disease, especially dysentery, typhus, and pneumonia. Some local officials gave Armenians food; others took bribes to provide food and water. Aid organizations were officially barred from providing food to the deportees, although some circumvented these prohibitions. Survivors testified that some Armenians refused aid as they believed it would only prolong their suffering. The guards raped female prisoners and also allowed Bedouins to raid the camps at night for looting and rape; some women were forced into marriage. Thousands of Armenian children were sold to childless Turks, Arabs, and Jews, who would come to the camps to buy them from their parents. In the western Levant, governed by the Ottoman Fourth Army under Djemal Pasha, there were no concentration camps or large-scale massacres, rather Armenians were resettled and recruited to work for the war effort. They had to convert to Islam or face deportation to another area.

The ability of the Armenians to adapt and survive was greater than the perpetrators expected. A loosely organized, Armenian-led resistance network based in Aleppo succeeded in helping many deportees, saving Armenian lives. At the beginning of 1916 some 500,000 deportees were alive in Syria and Mesopotamia. Afraid that surviving Armenians might return home after the war, Talaat Pasha ordered a second wave of massacres in February 1916. Another wave of deportations targeted Armenians remaining in Anatolia. More than 200,000 Armenians were killed between March and October 1916, often in remote areas near Deir ez-Zor and on parts of the Khabur valley, where their bodies would not create a public health hazard. The massacres killed most of the Armenians who had survived the camp system.

International reaction

The Ottoman Empire tried to prevent journalists and photographers from documenting the atrocities, threatening them with arrest. Nevertheless, substantiated reports of mass killings were widely covered in Western newspapers. On 24 May 1915, the Triple Entente (Russia, Britain, and France) formally condemned the Ottoman Empire for "crimes against humanity and civilization", and threatened to hold the perpetrators accountable. Witness testimony was published in books such as The Treatment of Armenians in the Ottoman Empire (1916) and Ambassador Morgenthau's Story (1918), which raised public awareness about the genocide.

The German Empire was a military ally of the Ottoman Empire during World War I. German diplomats approved limited removals of Armenians in early 1915, and took no action against the genocide, which has been a source of controversy.

Relief efforts were organized in dozens of countries to raise money for Armenian survivors. By 1925, people in 49 countries were organizing "Golden Rule Sundays" during which they consumed the diet of Armenian refugees, to raise money for humanitarian efforts. Between 1915 and 1930, Near East Relief raised $110 million ($ billion adjusted for inflation) for refugees from the Ottoman Empire.

Aftermath

End of World War I

Intentional, state-sponsored killing of Armenians mostly ceased by the end of January 1917, although sporadic massacres and starvation continued. Both contemporaries and later historians have estimated that around 1 million Armenians died during the genocide, with figures ranging from 600,000 to 1.5 million deaths. Between 800,000 and 1.2 million Armenians were deported, and contemporaries estimated that by late 1916 only 200,000 were still alive. As the British Army advanced in 1917 and 1918 northwards through the Levant, they liberated around 100,000 to 150,000 Armenians working for the Ottoman military under abysmal conditions, not including those held by Arab tribes.

As a result of the Bolshevik Revolution and a subsequent separate peace with the Central Powers, the Russian army withdrew and Ottoman forces advanced into eastern Anatolia. The First Republic of Armenia was proclaimed in May 1918, at which time 50 percent of its population were refugees and 60 percent of its territory was under Ottoman occupation. Ottoman troops withdrew from parts of Armenia following the October 1918 Armistice of Mudros. From 1918 to 1920, Armenian militants committed revenge killings of thousands of Muslims, which have been cited as a retroactive excuse for genocide. In 1918, at least 200,000 people in Armenia, mostly refugees, died from starvation or disease, in part due to a Turkish blockade of food supplies and the deliberate destruction of crops in eastern Armenia by Turkish troops, both before and after the armistice.

Armenians organized a coordinated effort known as vorpahavak () that reclaimed thousands of kidnapped and islamized Armenian women and children. Armenian leaders abandoned traditional patrilineality to classify children born to Armenian women and their Muslim captors as Armenian. An orphanage in Alexandropol held 25,000 orphans, the largest number in the world. In 1920, the Armenian Patriarchate of Constantinople reported it was caring for 100,000 orphans, estimating that another 100,000 remained captive.

Trials

Following the armistice, Allied governments championed the prosecution of Armenian genocide perpetrators. Grand Vizier Damat Ferid Pasha publicly recognized that 800,000 Ottoman citizens of Armenian origin had died as a result of state policy and stated that "humanity, civilizations are shuddering, and forever will shudder, in face of this tragedy". The postwar Ottoman government held the Ottoman Special Military Tribunal, by which it sought to pin the Armenian genocide onto the CUP leadership while exonerating the Ottoman Empire as a whole, therefore avoiding partition by the Allies. The court ruled that "the crime of mass murder" of Armenians was "organized and carried out by the top leaders of CUP". Eighteen perpetrators (including Talaat, Enver, and Djemal) were sentenced to death, of whom only three were ultimately executed as the remainder had fled and were tried in absentia. The 1920 Treaty of Sèvres, which awarded Armenia a large area in eastern Anatolia, eliminated the Ottoman government's purpose for holding the trials. Prosecution was hampered by a widespread belief among Turkish Muslims that the actions against the Armenians were not punishable crimes. Increasingly, the genocide was considered necessary and justified to establish a Turkish nation-state.

On 15 March 1921, Talaat was assassinated in Berlin as part of Operation Nemesis, the 1920s covert operation of the ARF to kill the perpetrators of the Armenian genocide. The trial of his admitted killer, Soghomon Tehlirian, focused on Talaat's responsibility for genocide. Tehlirian was acquitted by a German jury.

Turkish War of Independence

The CUP regrouped as the Turkish nationalist movement to fight the Turkish War of Independence, relying on the support of perpetrators of the genocide and those who had profited from it. This movement saw the return of Armenian survivors as a mortal threat to its nationalist ambitions and the interests of its supporters. The return of survivors was therefore impossible in most of Anatolia and thousands of Armenians who tried were murdered. Historian Raymond Kévorkian states that the war of independence was "intended to complete the genocide by finally eradicating Armenian, Greek, and Syriac survivors". In 1920, Turkish general Kâzım Karabekir invaded Armenia with orders "to eliminate Armenia physically and politically". Nearly 100,000 Armenians were massacred in Transcaucasia by the Turkish army and another 100,000 fled from Cilicia during the French withdrawal. According to Kévorkian, only the Soviet occupation of Armenia prevented another genocide.

The victorious nationalists subsequently declared the Republic of Turkey in 1923. CUP war criminals were granted immunity and later that year, the Treaty of Lausanne established Turkey's current borders and provided for the Greek population's expulsion. Its minority protection provisions had no enforcement mechanism and were disregarded in practice.

Armenian survivors were left mainly in three locations. About 295,000 Armenians had fled to Russian-controlled territory during the genocide and ended up mostly in Soviet Armenia. An estimated 200,000 Armenian refugees settled in the Middle East, forming a new wave of the Armenian diaspora. In the Republic of Turkey, about 100,000 Armenians lived in Constantinople and another 200,000 lived in the provinces, largely women and children who had been forcibly converted. Though Armenians in Constantinople faced discrimination, they were allowed to maintain their cultural identity, unlike those elsewhere in Turkey who continued to face forced Islamization and kidnapping of girls after 1923. Between 1922 and 1929, the Turkish authorities eliminated surviving Armenians from southern Turkey, expelling thousands to French-mandate Syria.

Legacy
According to historian Margaret Lavinia Anderson, the Armenian genocide reached an "iconic status" as "the apex of horrors conceivable" before World War II. It was described by contemporaries as "the murder of a nation", "race extermination", "the greatest crime of the ages", and "the blackest page in modern history". According to historian Stefan Ihrig, in Germany, the Nazis viewed post-1923 Turkey as a post-genocidal paradise and, "incorporated the Armenian genocide, its 'lessons', tactics, and 'benefits', into their own worldview".

Turkey

In the 1920s, Kurds and Alevis replaced Armenians as the perceived internal enemy of the Turkish state. Militarism, weak rule of law, lack of minority rights, and especially the belief that Turkey is constantly under threat—thus justifying state violence—are among the main legacies of 1915 in Turkey. In postwar Turkey, the perpetrators of the genocide were hailed as "martyrs" of the national cause. Turkey's official denial of the Armenian genocide continues to rely on the CUP's justification of its actions. The Turkish government maintains that the mass deportation of Armenians was a legitimate action to combat an existential threat to the empire, but that there was no intention to exterminate the Armenian people. The government's position is supported by the majority of Turkish citizens. Many Kurds, who themselves have suffered political repression in Turkey, have recognized and condemned the genocide.

The Turkish state perceives open discussion of the genocide as a threat to national security because of its connection with the foundation of the republic, and for decades strictly censored it. In 2002, the AK Party came to power and relaxed censorship to a certain extent, and the profile of the issue was raised by the 2007 assassination of Hrant Dink, a Turkish-Armenian journalist known for his advocacy of reconciliation. Although the AK Party softened the state denial rhetoric, describing Armenians as part of the Ottoman Empire's war losses, during the 2010s political repression and censorship increased again. Turkey's century-long effort to prevent any recognition or mention of the genocide in foreign countries has included millions of dollars in lobbying, as well as intimidation and threats.

Armenia and Azerbaijan

Armenian Genocide Remembrance Day is commemorated on 24 April each year in Armenia and abroad, the anniversary of the deportation of Armenian intellectuals. On 24 April 1965, 100,000 Armenians protested in Yerevan, and diaspora Armenians demonstrated across the world in favor of recognition of the genocide and annexing land from Turkey. A memorial was completed two years later, at Tsitsernakaberd above Yerevan.

Since 1988, Armenians and Turkic Azeris have been involved in a conflict over Nagorno-Karabakh, an Armenian enclave internationally recognized as part of Azerbaijan. Initially involving peaceful demonstrations by Armenians, the conflict turned violent and has featured massacres by both sides, resulting in the displacement of more than half a million people. During the conflict, the Azerbaijani and Armenian governments have regularly accused each other of plotting genocide. Azerbaijan has also joined the Turkish effort to deny the Armenian genocide.

International recognition

In response to continuing denial by the Turkish state, many Armenian diaspora activists have lobbied for formal recognition of the Armenian genocide, an effort that has become a central concern of the Armenian diaspora. From the 1970s onward, many countries avoided recognition to preserve good relations with Turkey. , 31 countries have recognized the genocide, along with Pope Francis and the European Parliament.

Cultural depictions

After meeting Armenian survivors in the Middle East, Austrian–Jewish writer Franz Werfel wrote The Forty Days of Musa Dagh (1933), a fictionalized retelling of the successful Armenian uprising in Musa Dagh, as a warning of the dangers of Nazism. According to Ihrig, the book is among the most important works of twentieth-century literature to address genocide and "is still considered essential reading for Armenians worldwide". The genocide became a central theme in English-language Armenian-American literature. The first film about the Armenian genocide, Ravished Armenia, was released in 1919 as a fundraiser for Near East Relief, based on the survival story of Aurora Mardiganian, who played herself. Since then more films about the genocide have been made, although it took several decades for any of them to reach a mass-market audience. The abstract expressionist paintings of Arshile Gorky were influenced by his experience of the genocide. More than 200 memorials have been erected in 32 countries to commemorate the event.

Archives and historiography

The genocide is extensively documented in the archives of Germany, Austria, the United States, Russia, France, and the United Kingdom, as well as the Ottoman archives, despite systematic purges of incriminating documents by Turkey. There are also thousands of eyewitness accounts from Western missionaries and Armenian survivors. Polish-Jewish lawyer Raphael Lemkin, who coined the term genocide in 1944, became interested in war crimes after reading about the 1921 trial of Soghomon Tehlirian for the assassination of Talaat Pasha. Lemkin recognized the fate of the Armenians as one of the most significant genocides in the twentieth century. Almost all historians and scholars outside Turkey, and an increasing number of Turkish scholars, recognize the destruction of Armenians in the Ottoman Empire as genocide.

Notes

References

Sources

Books

Chapters

Journal articles

External links

 The Armenian Genocide Institute-Museum
 Timeline of the genocide by Raymond Kévorkian

Genocides in Asia
Genocides in Europe
Massacres of Armenians
Massacres in the Ottoman Empire
Armenia–Turkey relations
1915 in Armenia
1915 in the Ottoman Empire
Committee of Union and Progress
Persecution of Christians in the Ottoman Empire
Ethnic cleansing in Europe
Ethnic cleansing in Asia
Death marches
History of West Azerbaijan Province
Articles containing video clips
20th-century massacres
Events that led to courts-martial
World War I crimes by the Ottoman Empire

Armenian genocide


Edward C. Shannon (June 24, 1870 – May 20, 1946) was the 15th lieutenant governor of Pennsylvania from 1931 to 1935.

Biography
Edward Caswell Shannon was born in Phoenixville, Pennsylvania, on June 24, 1870, and grew up in Columbia, Pennsylvania.  He studied metallurgical chemistry at Lehigh University and Lafayette College.  He later completed a course in metallurgical chemistry in the laboratory of the Phoenix Iron Company, and then worked as a chemist and blast furnace superintendent in the iron and steel industries.  In 1899 he married Maud Radcliffe Lucas (1877-1943).  Shannon later worked as treasurer and general manager of Lucas Manufacturing, a clothes-making business in Columbia owned by his wife's family.

His military career began in 1889, when he enlisted in Company C, 4th Infantry Regiment, Pennsylvania National Guard.  He advanced through the noncommissioned officer ranks and obtained a commission as a second lieutenant in 1893.  He had attained the rank of captain and command of a company by the time he volunteered to serve in the Spanish–American War.

Shannon remained in the National Guard, and by 1915 had become commander of the 4th Infantry with the rank of colonel.  He commanded his regiment on the Mexican border during the 1916 Pancho Villa Expedition.  During World War I he continued in command of his regiment, which combined with other units and federalized as the 111th Infantry, 28th Division.  During the war Shannon earned the nickname "Two Yard" because of the reputation he developed for leading his men from the front ("two yards" ahead) during their attacks on German positions.  Shannon received the Army Distinguished Service Medal at the end of the war, the citation for which reads:

He was also awarded the Silver Star, with the citation reading:

After World War I Shannon was promoted to brigadier general as commander of Pennsylvania's 1st Infantry Brigade.  He later commanded the 52nd Cavalry Brigade.

In 1919 he was elected prothonotary of Lancaster County.  From 1930 to 1935 he served as lieutenant governor.  Shannon unsuccessfully sought the Republican nomination for governor in 1934.

From 1933 to 1939 Shannon served as major general and commander of the 28th Infantry Division.  He succeeded William G. Price Jr., and was succeeded by Edward Martin.  During World War II Shannon was chairman of his local draft board.

Shannon died in Columbia on May 20, 1946.  He was buried at Laurel Hill Memorial Gardens in Columbia.

References

External links
 The Political Graveyard

1870 births
1946 deaths
People from Phoenixville, Pennsylvania
People from Columbia, Pennsylvania
Lieutenant Governors of Pennsylvania
Pennsylvania Republicans
United States Army generals
National Guard (United States) generals
American military personnel of the Spanish–American War
Recipients of the Distinguished Service Medal (US Army)
Burials in Pennsylvania
United States Army personnel of World War I
Military personnel from Pennsylvania

Edward C. Shannon


James Gorman VC (21 August 1834 – 18 October 1882) was an English recipient of the Victoria Cross, the highest and most prestigious award for gallantry in the face of the enemy that can be awarded to British and Commonwealth forces.

Gorman was 20 years old, and a seaman in the Naval Brigade of the Royal Navy during the Crimean War when the following deed took place for which he was awarded the VC.

On 5 November 1854 at the Battle of Inkerman, Crimea, when the Right Lancaster Battery was attacked and many of the soldiers were wounded, Seaman Gorman, with two other seamen (Thomas Reeves and Mark Scholefield) and two others who were killed during the action, mounted the defence work banquette and, under withering attack from the enemy, kept up a rapid, repulsing fire. Their muskets were re-loaded for them by the wounded soldiers under the parapet and eventually the enemy fell back and gave no more trouble.

He later served in the Second Anglo-Chinese War and achieved the rank of Captain of the AfterGuard. He is buried in the Old Balmain Cemetery, Norton Street, Leichhardt, New South Wales, Australia, which in 1944 was closed and converted to a public park, "Pioneers Memorial Park". There is a plaque in his memory on the War Memorial in Loyalty Square, Balmain.

References

 Digger history
 Spectacle Island history
 150 years of the Victoria Cross, 1857-2007 Crimea to Afghanistan: Harry Willey

Crimean War recipients of the Victoria Cross
British recipients of the Victoria Cross
Royal Navy recipients of the Victoria Cross
Royal Navy personnel of the Crimean War
Royal Navy personnel of the Second Opium War
Royal Navy sailors
Military personnel from Islington (district)
1834 births
Military personnel from Middlesex
1882 deaths
English emigrants to colonial Australia
Burials in Balmain Cemetery

James Gorman (VC)


Michael Kagan is an American actor.

Career
He has guest starred in number of notable television series, including Lois & Clark: The New Adventures of Superman, Babylon 5, Step by Step, Seinfeld, ER, Tracey Takes On..., Star Trek: Voyager, The Practice, How I Met Your Mother, The King of Queens, The West Wing, Desperate Housewives and other series.

From 2006 to 2010, he had a recurring role as talk show host Colin Lassiter on the Disney Channel sitcom Hannah Montana. In 2011, he appeared in the Disney Channel film Good Luck Charlie, It's Christmas!. He has also done a number of stage productions, prior to appearing on film and television. In 2007, he performed in a play entitled Leap.

Filmography

Film

Television

References

External links

20th-century American male actors
21st-century American male actors
American male film actors
American male stage actors
American male television actors
Living people
Place of birth missing (living people)
1944 births

Michael Kagan