Thomas J. Murphy Jr. (born August 15, 1944) is an American former politician and city management consultant from Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania. He served in state government in two capacities, from 1979 to 1982 representing the 17th district, and from 1983 to 1993 representing the 20th district. From January 1994 until January 2006 he served as mayor of Pittsburgh. Murphy is also a former senior resident fellow for urban development at the Urban Land Institute.

Early life
The son of a steel worker, his education includes graduation from John Carroll University in Cleveland in 1967 and receiving a graduate degree from Hunter College in urban studies in 1973. From 1970 to 1972, Murphy and his wife, Mona, were in the Peace Corps in rural Paraguay, constructing sanitation facilities and an elementary school. After the Peace Corps, the Murphys returned to Pittsburgh and he became a neighborhood organizer for the North Side before entering local politics.

Early political career
Murphy served as a state representative from the 17th district from January 2, 1979 until November 30, 1982. He also served in the same capacity representing Pittsburgh's North Side 20th Legislative District from January 4, 1983 to December 15, 1993.

In 1989 he was an unsuccessful candidate for the Democratic primary nomination for mayor of Pittsburgh, losing to Sophie Masloff (who ran unopposed in the November general election later that year).

In 1991 he and two other state legislators spearheaded reforms at the regional Pittsburgh industrial corporation, stressing that the agency needed more minority and female representation in its leadership, that the agency was not focusing on urban redevelopment so much as suburban properties, and that it was awarding grants to financial institutions instead of for industrial concerns.

As mayor
Murphy was elected the mayor of Pittsburgh in November 1993 and was sworn-in in January 1994. He used his educational background in urban management and administration, to function more like a city manager than a politician. He initiated a public-partnership strategy that leveraged approximately $4.5 billion in economic development in Pittsburgh. Against public opposition, he secured $1 billion (along with Allegheny County Commissioners Bob Cranmer and Mike Dawida) in funding for the development of Heinz Field, PNC Park, and a new David L. Lawrence Convention Center that in 2003 would become the largest certified "green" building in the United States.

The combined leadership of Commissioners Cranmer and Dawida with Mayor Murphy led to a building boom in Pittsburgh dubbed "Renaissance III" that was a catalyst for how the city would be viewed a decade later, when it was selected to host the 2009 G-20 summit, led by President Barack Obama. The Pittsburgh Post-Gazette commented in 1998 that "Allegheny County Commissioners Bob Cranmer and Mike Dawida understand the importance of a strong urban core and, through their partnership, have helped the mayor find ways to do what lesser leadership would considerable unthinkable... It is a meeting of such focused minds and willing spirits that stands to take Pittsburgh into a new era. Call it Renaissance III or call it just a better place to live, this is the blueprint of a renewable city that more people will be proud to call home."

As mayor, he oversaw the transformation of more than 1,000 acres (4 km²) of blighted, abandoned industrial land into new commercial, residential, retail, and public uses. He also lured, using public subsidies, both Lazarus and Lord & Taylor department stores to the city's downtown core. Both stores eventually failed, however, each closing within a decade.  The idea of big box retail along the city's downtown core of Fifth and Forbes Avenue actually goes back two administrations to the Caliguri mayoralship in 1987.

Murphy also led the development of more than 25 miles of new riverfront trails and urban green space. "Big idea" initiatives such as these, combined with the commonwealth-imposed century-old restrictions on annexing any suburbs or consolidating with the county for a "regional" or "metropolitan" tax base to equitably spread costs to commuters and urban dwellers alike and drove the city to the brink of bankruptcy. Several initiatives to modernize the state-controlled regional tax and government structure to reflect the rapid growth of nonprofit universities, hospitals, churches, and parks within the city limits with the rapid population migration out of the city to formerly rural suburbs and counties all failed to be approved by the state.

The city eventually was declared financially "distressed" by the state after blocking all annexations, county-consolidations, nonprofit hospital or university tax levees, and commuter or suburban tax balances. To help recoup some of the city's losses during this period and to highlight the state's refusal to allow the city to grow geographically as the region's population had, with annexing or consolidating modern suburbs, Murphy was forced into the controversial 2003 decision to lay off a number of city employees, including Pittsburgh Police officers. Some of these jobs were later saved by dramatically increasing the city's parking tax as one of the few "commuter"-"suburban" taxes within the city's power to levy without state power to block, making it the largest such tax in the country. While at the time, the parking tax was met with ridicule and contempt, it has presently been analyzed as one of the key factors in rejuvenating the downtown core, while encouraging the growth of rapid transit, bike lanes and trails, and "green alternatives", and while providing a fiscal foundation for the city for decades to come. In light of the comparable city of Detroit's devolution into bankruptcy, Murphy's parking tax and its effects on both the fiscal health and downtown vitality in business and mass transit has become a case study in effective core city management.

Murphy's dealings with the city firefighters union also has been questioned. Prior to the 2001 mayoral election, Murphy allegedly signed the firefighters to a new contract worth $10–12 million with a no-layoff clause in exchange for their vote. He would go on to narrowly defeat then City Council President Bob O'Connor (who later would become mayor).

In 2004, Murphy announced that he would not run for re-election. In June 2006, Murphy entered into an agreement with federal government to avoid prosecution from his involvement with the firefighters union.

While being considered a man with big ideas, Murphy's political skills were questioned later in his tenure as some of his policies slowly wore out relationships with the Pittsburgh City Council and the increasingly Republican and rural-focused commonwealth legislature. Impatience in working with the opposition-held Pennsylvania General Assembly late in his career, harmed the city's image in some state political circles.

Praised as a visionary, but not as a politician, his tough choices after the city's budget crisis in 2003 resulted in a citizen group unsuccessfully proposing his impeachment.

In 1999, Murphy served on the selection committee for the Rudy Bruner Award for Urban Excellence.

Murphy was one of Pennsylvania's presidential electors in 2000, casting his vote in favor of Al Gore.

Murphy's mayoral election history

 1993 race results
 Tom Murphy (D), 66%
 Kathy Matta (R), 14%
 1997 race results
 Tom Murphy (D), 77%
 Harry Frost (R), 21%
 2001 race results
 Tom Murphy (D), 74%
 James Carmine (R), 23%

Post-political life
Since leaving City Hall, Murphy and his wife continue to live in their self-restored, 150-year-old farmhouse in North Side of Pittsburgh, where they raised their two daughters, Shannon and Molly, and their son, T.J. He has one grandson, Wyatt Murphy.

Murphy now serves as a city management consultant with the Urban Land Institute.

See also
List of mayors of Pittsburgh

References

External links
Rich Lord (2005). Pittsburgh Post-Gazette: Review of Mayor Murphy's 12 Years in Office. Retrieved December 25, 2005.
News article on the 2001 firefighters union/election investigation.
Murphy's biography on the Urban Land Institute website.
Pittsburgh Business Journal article
Toledo Blade feature from 2000

1944 births
Living people
American expatriates in Paraguay
Democratic Party members of the Pennsylvania House of Representatives
Mayors of Pittsburgh
John Carroll University alumni
Hunter College alumni
Pittsburgh City Council members

Thomas J. Murphy Jr.


Flight for Freedom (also known as Stand to Die) is a 1943 American drama film directed by Lothar Mendes and starring Rosalind Russell, Fred MacMurray and Herbert Marshall. Film historians and Earhart scholars consider Flight for Freedom an à clef version of the Amelia Earhart life story, concentrating on the sensational aspects of her disappearance during her 1937 world flight. The film's ending speculated that the main character's disappearance was connected to a secret mission on behalf of the U.S. government. As a propaganda film, the Japanese characters in Flight for Freedom were portrayed as devious and evil.

Plot
In the aviation establishment of the 1930s, well-known aviatrix Tonie Carter is fighting the prejudice against women pilots. One of her rivals, pilot Randy Britton, is attracted to her. After setting flight records flying for her former mentor, Paul Turner, Tonie embarks on a solo circumnavigation of the globe.

When her plans are made public, U.S. Navy Admiral Graves seeks to convince her to undertake a top-secret mission involving flying over Japanese-held territory in the Mandated Islands. Flying for the navy, Randy has discovered the Japanese-mandated islands have hidden military installations. When Tonie receives a classified message in Hawaii, she aborts her takeoff in order to meet Graves who asks her to turn her record-breaking flight into a spy mission.

Awaiting repair of her aircraft, Tonie travels back to mainland United States accompanied by Paul Turner, who reveals he wants to marry her at the conclusion of the flight. Turner, however, is apprehensive about the dangers involved in her flight. One of the concerns is that Gull Island, a tiny island rendezvous in the Pacific is a daunting challenge for even the best navigator.

The U.S. Navy sends Randy Britton to join Tonie in New Guinea as her navigator. She finds out that the Japanese will be waiting for her on Gull Island. Not wanting to jeopardize Randy, her true love, Carter takes off early in the morning before he reaches the airport. She vanishes during the latter part of the world flight, triggering a massive search which proves fruitless.

Cast

Production

Flight for Freedom was produced by RKO, whose CEO, Floyd Odlum, was married to Jacqueline Cochran, one of Earhart's close friends and a renowned aviator in her own right. It was claimed to be based on a screenplay submitted by Amelia Earhart's husband, George P. Putnam. Rosalind Russell's characterization of the Earhart-like aviator shows Carter establishing a reputation as "the Lady Lindbergh" and setting numerous aviation records. Other characters are loosely drawn from real life, such as Earhart confidant and instructor Paul Mantz, as well as Fred Noonan, albeit in the role of pilot Randy Britton, played by Fred MacMurray, on loan from Paramount Pictures.

Principal photography, under the working title Stand to Die, was completed from late-August to late-October 1942, with additional scenes shot in December, as the release was held back to coincide with the headline news surrounding the Battle of Midway. Newsreel footage was incorporated to show naval missions over the area that Tonie Carter was portrayed as having overflown.

Reception
Flight for Freedom furthered a belief that Earhart was spying on the Japanese in the Pacific at the request of the Franklin Roosevelt administration. Bosley Crowther of The New York Times, in his contemporary review, echoed the popular notion that the film was based on the life of Amelia Earhart. His lukewarm review touched on the central theme as being provocative. His review noted: "As a movie, this 'Flight for Freedom' bumps along interminably before it lifts, mainly because it has trouble pulling out of a conventional rut. Mostly it is a routine story of one of those unsatisfactory romances, wherein a woman flier and a gentleman (also a flier) stay apart. He is a reckless, wolfish rascal; she is a steady, four-square type. While she is becoming famous he is becoming a bum. But then the Navy secretly invites her to join in a ruse upon the Japs. For one brief moment before oblivion she meekly acknowledges her love."

The Hollywood Reporter announced that the proceeds from the Hollywood premiere were given to war charities. Rosalind Russell later reprised her role in a Lux Radio Theatre broadcast on September 20, 1943, co-starring George Brent as Randy Britton.

Awards
Albert S. D'Agostino, Carroll Clark, Darrell Silvera and Harley Miller were nominated for the Academy Award for Best Art Direction (Black-and-White).

References

Notes

Citations

Bibliography

 Butler, Susan. East to the Dawn: The Life of Amelia Earhart. Reading, Massachusetts: Addison-Wesley, 1997. .
 Cochran, Jacqueline. Stars at Noon. Boston: Little, Brown and Company, 1954.
 Goldstein, Donald M. and Katherine V. Dillon. Amelia: The Centennial Biography of an Aviation Pioneer. Washington, D.C.: Brassey's, 1997. .
 Lovell, Mary S. The Sound of Wings. New York: St. Martin's Press, 1989. .
 Rich, Doris L. Amelia Earhart: A Biography. Washington, D.C.: Smithsonian Institution Press, 1989. .

External links

1943 films
1943 drama films
American aviation films
American drama films
American black-and-white films
American women aviators
Films scored by Roy Webb
Films directed by Lothar Mendes
Films with screenplays by Jane Murfin
Cultural depictions of Amelia Earhart
RKO Pictures films
1940s English-language films
1940s American films

Flight for Freedom


Anabela Atijas (; ; born 26 January 1975), better known mononymously as Anabela is a Bosnian-Serbian singer and dancer. She started her musical career in 1993 as a member of the Funky G. In 2009, she left the group and started a solo career. She released one studio album; Igra sudbine (2010) and several singles. She experienced the greatest success in 2011 when she recorded the song "Beograd" with Elitni Odredi and DJ Shone.

Personal life

1975–1990: Early childhood
Anabela Bukva was born in Goražde, SR Bosnia and Herzegovina, SFR Yugoslavia to a Bosnian Muslim father Ahmed Bukva and Bosnian Serb mother Jadranka Polutak. Her parents filed for divorce when she was three or four years old. The divorce was finalized when she began first grade of primary school. It was initially argued in court that Anabela would live with her father because her mother did not have the financial capabilities to care for Anabela. The court did not favor this opinion, but could not make a decision. Instead, the matter was given to Anabela to decide with whom she would live after the divorce. Because of a strong connection with her father, Anabela chose to remain with her father. Anabela describes herself and her father as being a "dream team"; they were inseparable. She was immersed in music from an early age. Her father would play the guitar for her, and the two would often sing duets together.

She grew up with her father's two half-brothers from her paternal grandfather's second marriage. The older half-brother is four years older than Anabela, and the younger Anabela's age. Because they were all close in age, Anabela viewed them as her brothers. She was a self-described tomboy, and practiced karate. She finished her primary education in Goražde, and decided to relocate to Sarajevo at the age of 13 for secondary education in foreign languages. She lived in Sarajevo for two years, having moved between thirteen apartments during her short stay. She has two paternal half-sisters, Ilda and Aida (born 1985), who is an actress.

1990–2005: Bosnian War and Funky G
During winter break in late 1990, Anabela left Bosnia for Switzerland with her boyfriend, Nikola. Shortly after they left, their home country Yugoslavia began breaking up and several wars started, including one in Bosnia. Nikola returned to Bosnia, as his parents had been left behind. He became one of the first victims of the war. Anabela remained in Switzerland for a short period, and could not return to Bosnia because of border closures. She had no family in Switzerland nor contact with family in Bosnia, so she decided to relocate to Belgrade.

Looking for a normal life, she gained some footing in Belgrade through the help of Nikola's family. A refugee from Croatia hired Anabela to work as a secretary in his office. After seeing a commercial advertising for the opening of the Đogani Dance School, she decided to sign up for dance classes. Gazmen "Gagi" Đogani, a dance instructor at the Đogani Dance School, was attracted to Anabela and immediately offered to take her on a date. Anabela described the relationship as an instant love. The duo spent hours choreographing dances to Western songs by popular artists such as Bobby Brown, Michael Jackson and Whitney Houston.

Gagi decided to create an all-girl music group in 1993. The duo split, both professionally and privately, in 2009. Anabela continued her career as a solo singer. Montenegrin singer Nenad Knežević Knez and Serbian rapper Milan 011 wrote a song for the group, called Samo u snu. Knez questioned Gagi's choice of having many different girls performing in the group, instead opting to have just Anabela perform. Gagi agreed on a whim and asked Anabela to join his group, Funky G. Although liking the idea, she was reluctant to do it. The duo eventually recorded a video for the song Samo u snu. Having received an invitation to come, Anabela decided to move to Sweden to live with her mother. She gained refugee status in Sweden, and began attending school. In the meantime, Gagi replaced Anabela with another woman. Within a few months, Gagi began repeatedly calling Anabela during her stay in Sweden, informing her of the success of their single throughout the clubs in Serbia. Gagi begged Anabela to return to Serbia immediately to perform at a concert in the famed Sava Center.Anabela did not immediately believe Gagi, and remained skeptical. Gagi sent Anabela a banknote of 5,000 Deutsche Marks as proof that he was earning money on behalf of her own work. Still unconvinced, Anabela, by chance, watched a report on CNN on the nightlife of Belgrade's youth during a time of economic sanctions. Many different nightclubs were showcased in the report, and in several of them, Anabela heard the song she and Gagi had earlier made. Finally believing Gagi, she reluctantly agreed to come back despite having been awarded refugee status. Anabela was shocked by the celebrity status she had gained in Belgrade. The public started to associate Funky G with Anabela. In an effort to appease fans, Anabela decided to attend vocal schooling to improve her singing ability and provide vocals in subsequent Funky G releases.

After the release of Funky G's second album in 1995, Anabela unexpectedly became pregnant. Gagi, after hearing the news, was indifferent about the pregnancy. However, after hearing the baby's heartbeat on the ultrasound, Gagi became excited about his first child. In preparation for the baby's delivery, Gagi and Anabela saved money to purchase an apartment of their own. Anabela gave birth to her daughter Luna in 1996. She later miscarried twins, and had trouble getting pregnant thereafter. She sought the help of fertility doctors, aiding her in becoming pregnant with her second daughter, Nina.

2009–present: Breakup and solo career
Marital problems between Anabela and Gagi became evident following Nina's birth in 2005. After a long period of instability in the relationship, the marriage ended in April 2009 and Anabela subsequently left Funky G to start a solo career. Anabela was married to a Bosnian Jewish businessman Andrej Atijas. Atijas lived in Serbia where he studied, and his mother lives in Pančevo. They have one daughter together, Blankica Atijas born 20 May 2013 in Sarajevo. They divorced in 2019, but remained close. After living in Sarajevo for a year, Anabela returned to live in Belgrade.

She has citizenship in both Bosnia and Herzegovina and Serbia.

Career
After the divorce and leaving the group Funky G, Anabela started a solo career and the realization of her first independent album at the end of 2009. In September 2009, she recorded and released the song Moj dragi, which is also her first song in her solo career. Soon after, in October 2009, Anabela released her first duet Sto ratova with Mia Borisavljević. At the beginning of 2010, Anabela entered the reality show Big Brother to promote herself and her solo career. She leaves the reality show with second place. After leaving the reality show, Anabela continues to work on her first studio album.

On July 21, 2010, Anabela's first solo album titled Igra sudbine was released for the publishing house City Records, which won the hearts of the audience throughout the region and achieved great hits. CD was sold in a circulation of 50,000 copies.

After a more than successful start to her solo career, Anabela continues to release singles, so in 2011 she released songs; Ne zovi me, Paparazzi with Mirko Gavrić and Beograd with Elitni Odredi and DJ Shone, which is a huge success in the Balkans and has over 50 million views on the YouTube platform, which makes Anabela's most successful project in her career.

In 2012, Anabela participated in the Grand Festival with the song Lutka bez ruku and not long after that she collaborated with Mirko Gavrić and Zile for the song Ljubi, ljubi. In the same year, she met businessman Andrej Atijas, married him and soon became pregnant. In May 2013, she gave birth to her third daughter, Blankica, and shortly after giving birth, she released the single Lujke moje.

The following year, in 2014, she performed and participated in Pink Music Festival with the song Muzej promašenih ljubavi.

In September 2015, Anabela entered the reality show program Farma, but her participation ended abruptly due to an illness caused by the poor hygienic conditions of the premises of the reality show. Anabela leaves the Farma after 7 days and returns to releasing songs. In November, she releases the song Noćna patrola, which becomes a big hit, followed by two duets for the songs Preventiva with Boban Rajović and U mraku with Đuka Đuranović.

In 2016, the songs Emotivo labilna and the collaboration Bidermajer with the group Luna. In 2017, together with Zoran Iliev, she performed at the Macedonian festival MakFest with the song Od utro do večer and won first place. And after that, in the same year, she releases the single Zabranjeno.

In 2018, she had a comeback single Vila veštica with the group Funky G, but she did not stay in that line-up for long. In 2020, she enters the reality program Zadruga, where she wins 4th place.

In the period from 2020-2023 she released the singles Ples sa vukovima, Ja sve, ti ne with Nenad Dimitrović and the single U januaru.

Discography

Studio albums
with Funky G
 Samo u snu (1994)
 Mi smo tu (1995)
 Budi tu (1996)
 Hej, ti (1997)
 Supersonic (1998)
 Tebi (1999)
 Dođe mi da… (2000)
 Napraviću lom (2001)
 Napravi se lud (2002)
 Nedodirljiva (2005)
 Osmi smrtni greh (2007)
 Kafana na Balkanu (2008)

solo
 Igra sudbine (2010)

Non-album singles
DJ pumpaj! (feat. MC Stojan) (2010)
Paparazzi (feat. Mirko Gavrić) (2011)
Ne zovi me (2011)
Beograd (feat. DJ Shone & Elitni Odredi) (2011)
Lutka bez ruku (2012)
Ljubi, ljubi (feat. Mirko Gavrić & Zile) (2012)
Lujke moje (2013)
Muzej promašenih ljubavi (2014)
Ljubav zna (feat. MC Knele & DJ Matejo) (2014)
U mraku (feat. Đuka Đuranović) (2015)
Preventiva (feat. Boban Rajović) (2015)
Noćna patrola (2015)
Bidermajer (feat. Grupa Luna) (2016)
Emotivno labilna (2016)
Zabranjeno (2017)
Od utro do večer (feat. Zoran Iliev) (2017)
Ples sa vukovima (2020)
Ja sve, ti ne (feat. Necone) (2022)
U januaru (2023)

External links

References

1975 births
Living people
People from Goražde
21st-century Bosnia and Herzegovina women singers
21st-century Serbian women singers
Bosnia and Herzegovina emigrants to Serbia
City Records artists
Bosnia and Herzegovina people of Bosniak descent
Bosnia and Herzegovina people of Serbian descent

Anabela (singer)


Controlled natural languages (CNLs) are artificial languages built by simplifying the grammar and reducing the number of words in the language to avoid ambiguity or complexity.

There are two types of controlled languages: some designed to help non-native speakers of a language, and some designed to enable automatic semantic analysis.

The first type of languages are often called "simplified" or "technical" languages. They are used by businesses or industries to improve the quality of technical writing. The standard terms simplify the semi-automatic translation to other languages. Examples are: the ASD Sim Technical English, Caterpillar Technical English, and IBM's Easy English.

Simplified (or technical) languages guide the writer by general rules such as "write short and simple sentences", "use the person's name ("John Smith" for example) instead of saying "him", and "talk about who is doing something, rather than what is being done, unless you need to say what is being done".

The second type of languages have well defined rules for writing and understanding. These rules can be matched to formal languages, such as first-order logic. The languages can be analysed by computer. They can be checked to see they are correct. They can be searched for information easily.

Languages
Existing controlled natural languages include:

 Globish
 Attempto Controlled English
 Basic English
 ClearTalk
 Common Logic Controlled English
 E-Prime
 Gellish Formal English
 ModeLang
 Newspeak
 Plain English
 Processable English (PENG)
 Semantics of Business Vocabulary and Business Rules
 Special English

Related pages
 Constructed language
 Knowledge representation
 Natural language processing

References

Other websites
 Controlled Natural Languages (Macquarie University)
 Overview of Controlled English and HyperSTE, customizable Controlled English checker
 Simplus – Simplified English Checker
 Freelance Translation
 acrolinx® Information Quality Suite  – Customizable controlled language checker for many authoring environments
 PERMIS Policy Editor uses controlled English in its user interface
 Akis, Jennifer Wells, and William R. Sisson. (2002) Improving Translatability: A Case Study at Sun Microsystems, Inc. Globalization Insider (Localization Industry Standards Association's e-magazine).
 Kohl, John R. (2008) Language Quality-Assurance Software: Optimizing Your Documentation for a Global Audience.Intercom 55.5 (May), pp. 6–9.
 Kohl, John R. (2007) Assisted Writing and Editing at SAS. ClientSideNews Magazine 7.8 (August): 7-10.

Constructed languages

Controlled language


The Michael Bloomberg 2020 presidential campaign was a presidential campaign of former Mayor of New York City Michael Bloomberg for the 2020 presidential election. It was suspended in 4 March 2020. It was filed a statement of candidacy with the Federal Election Commission for the office of President of the United States as a member of the Democratic Party on November 21, 2019. His principal campaign committee was called "Mike Bloomberg 2020, Inc." The campaign officially launched on November 24, 2019.

On March 5, 2019, Bloomberg announced that he would not run for president in 2020. As late as October 14, 2019, a day before the Democratic Party's fourth presidential debate, it was reported that Bloomberg was "still looking at" a bid due to the fall of Joe Biden's polling numbers.

On November 7, 2019, Bloomberg announced that he was taking steps to enter the 2020 United States presidential election, and on November 8 he officially filed for the Alabama Democratic presidential primary.

Bloomberg said that he would skip the early primary states in Iowa, New Hampshire, Nevada and South Carolina and focus on primaries on and after Super Tuesday. Bloomberg's total spending in the primary passed $500 million, making it the most money spent on a presidential primary campaign in American history.

On Super Tuesday, Bloomberg won the American Samoa caucus which brought his first and only victory in his campaign. He ended his campaign the next day on March 4, 2020 and announced his support of Joe Biden.

References

Bloomberg
Michael Bloomberg


Winny (also known as WinNY) is a Japanese peer-to-peer (P2P) file-sharing program developed by Isamu Kaneko, a research assistant at the University of Tokyo in 2002.  Like Freenet, a user must add an encrypted node list in order to connect to other nodes on the network.  Users choose three cluster words which symbolize their interests, and then Winny connects to other nodes which share these cluster words, downloading and storing encrypted data from cache of these neighbors in a distributed data store.  If users want a particular file, they set up triggers (keywords), and Winny will download files marked by these triggers.  The encryption was meant to provide anonymity, but Winny also included bulletin boards where users would announce uploads, and the IP address of posters could be discovered through these boards. While Freenet was implemented in Java, Winny was implemented as a Windows C++ application.

The software takes its name from WinMX, where the M and the X are each advanced one letter in the Latin alphabet, to N and Y. Netagent published a survey in June 2018 suggesting that Winny was still the most popular p2p network in Japan ahead of Perfect Dark (P2P) and Share (P2P) with approximately 45,000 nodes connecting each day over Golden Week.  The number of nodes on Winny appears to be holding steady compared with 2015.

Kaneko first announced Winny on the Download Software board of the 2channel (2ch for short) Japanese bulletin board site. Since 2channel users often refer to anonymous users by their post numbers, Kaneko came to be known as "Mr. 47" ("47-Shi", or 47氏 in Japanese), or just "47".

After Winny's development stopped, a new peer-to-peer application, Share, was developed to be a successor.

Antinny

Since August 2003, several worms called "Antinny" have spread on the Winny network.

Some versions of Antinny work as follows:
 Upload files from the host computer onto the Winny network.
 Upload screenshots onto an image board.
 Denial-of-service attack to a copyright protecting agency web site.

Some people have uploaded their information unwittingly from their computers because of Antinny. That information includes governmental documents, information about customers, and people's private files. Once the information is uploaded, it is difficult to delete.

Recently, highly publicized cases of sensitive file uploading have come to light in Japan's media. In particular, a defense agency was forced to admit that classified information from the Maritime Self Defense Force was uploaded by a computer with Winny software installed on it.

Following this, All Nippon Airways suffered an embarrassing leak of   passwords for security-access areas in 29 airports across Japan. A similar incident occurred with JAL Airlines on 17 December 2005, after a virus originating from Winny affected the computer of a co-pilot.

Perhaps the largest Winny-related leak was that of the Okayama Prefectural Police Force, whose computer leaked data about around 1,500 investigations. This information included sensitive data such as the names of sex crime victims, and is the largest amount of information held by Japanese police to have ever leaked online.

Arrests and court cases

On November 28, 2003, two Japanese users of Winny, Yoshihiro Inoue, a 41-year-old self-employed businessman from Takasaki, Gunma Prefecture and an unemployed 19-year-old from Matsuyama, were arrested by the Kyoto Prefectural Police. They were accused of sharing copyrighted material via Winny and admitted to their crimes.

Shortly following the two users' arrests, Kaneko also had his home searched and had the source code of Winny confiscated by the Kyoto Police. On May 10, 2004, Kaneko was arrested for suspected conspiracy to encourage copyright infringement by the High-tech Crime Taskforce of the Kyoto Prefectural Police. Kaneko was released on bail on June 1, 2004. The court hearings started in September 2004 at Kyoto district court. On December 13, 2006, Kaneko was convicted of assisting copyright violations and sentenced to pay a fine of ¥1.5 million (about US$13,200).  He appealed the ruling.  On October 8, 2009, the guilty verdict was overturned by the Osaka High Court. On December 20, 2011, Kaneko was cleared of all charges after the Supreme Court of Japan agreed that the prosecution could not prove that he had any intention to promote the software for illegal use.

See also
Anonymous P2P
File sharing in Japan
Perfect Dark
Share
WinMX
Winny copyright infringement case

References

Further reading
  (Japanese)

External links
 Winny?
 Download and nodes for Winny, Share, Perfect Dark
 A post on 2ch that critics claim that Kaneko states the aim of development that Kaneko spoke is his will of pushing the tide toward the world filled with copyright law violation
Japanese power plant secrets leaked by virus, The Register, 17 May 2006

Anonymous file sharing networks
File sharing networks
file sharing software
Windows file sharing software
Windows-only proprietary software

Winny


James Edward Kelsey (born November 15, 1964) is an American Abstract Expressionist sculptor best known for creating large stainless steel abstract curvilinear sculptures.

Biography
James Edward Kelsey was born on November 15, 1964 in Milwaukee, Wisconsin and moved to Renton, Washington in 1965, where he spent his childhood until age 13.  In 1977 his father was hired by Bell Helicopter and moved his family to Tehran, Iran.  James was first exposed to the concept of abstract art while living in the Middle East and experiencing the abstract nature of Islamic art. His family left Iran in 1979 due to the onset of the Iranian revolution.

Kelsey discovered his love of creating art in junior high school and experimented with photography, wood shop, ceramics, and a short course in metal casting. When he was in high school, his father died, and he dropped out of school halfway through 10th grade. He immediately attained his G.E.D. and married at age 17, a marriage which lasted six years.

At age 18, he became a firefighter in the United States Air Force and was stationed in Aviano, Italy. While living there, he explored much of the art and architecture of Northern Italy, Venice, and Pisa. This is also the first time he met men and women working as full-time artists both as painters and sculptors.

In 1987, he was honorably discharged from the Air Force. Instead of producing art, he enrolled at Big Bend Community College in Moses Lake, Washington to pursue his love of flying.  He was awarded a commercial pilot license and continued on to Eastern Washington University, from which he graduated with honors and a degree in Business and Interpersonal Communication.

After College, Kelsey moved back to Seattle, Washington with his partner and soon-to-be wife, Misty Devin, whom he had met in college. In 1996 they moved to Everett, Washington Devins' job. While there, Kelsey wrote his yet-unpublished novel, The Last Icon. In 1998 they moved again, to Bremerton, Washington.

Kelsey decided to finally ignore much of the advice he had heard throughout his life and pursue his love of art with the goal of making it a career. He enrolled in the welding program at Olympic College. By the end of the two-year program, he had created four significant sculptures including And He Offered the Moon To the Sky, his first piece of public art, which can currently be seen on the Olympic College campus.

While still taking classes, he secured a job with a local metal fabrication company as their sole welder and honed his skills while continuing his classes. Two years later, he quit his welding job to work for three years for a local stone sculptor, Will Robinson. Kelsey served as the fabricator for Robinson's bases and fountain basins, as well as learning stone working skills. This was also Kelsey's introduction to the business side of the art world as he accompanied Robinson to his galleries and installed sculptures in clients' homes.

In 2002, Kelsey built his own studio on his property in Port Orchard, Washington.

In 2007 Kelsey divorced from Misty Devin, his wife of 15 years. During that same year the financial crisis of 2007–2008 began. He struggled to maintain his home and art studio, but as the recession continued in 2012 he was forced to sell before an imminent foreclosure as part of the 2010 United States foreclosure crisis. In November 2012 Kelsey signed a contract with the mint company I.P. Callisons and traded three of his sculptures, Helios, Industrial Heart, and Eye of the Beholder, II, for one of their 7,000 square foot facilities in Centralia, Washington.

In 2013 Kelsey was commissioned by the Fred Hutchinson Cancer Research Center in Seattle, Washington to create Touching the Intangible and Tuareg Sun.

Major works
Memories in Blue (executed in 2005–2006) is the primary sculpture in a memorial installation for the Tacoma Police Department. Also in this installation is For All They Gave, a bronze and granite piece with the names, dates, and stories of each officer who died in the line of duty.  Connecting these to sculptures is a 100-foot glass line titled Thin Blue Line.

Tsunami in Steel (2009) is Kelsey's first international sculpture. It is a private / public collaboration between Am-Pri Homebuilders and the City of Richmond, British Columbia, Canada. Inspired by the 2004 tsunami in the Indian Ocean, Kelsey was unable to let the thoughts and images out of his mind. His mother lives along the Pacific Ocean and in creating this sculpture he was able to settle his mind and move on.

Touching the Intangible (2013) is part of the Fred Hutchinson Cancer Research Center's art collection. The sculpture represents the efforts of doctors and scientists who search for the causes and cures of HIV/AIDS and other infectious diseases. From the artist: "Everyone at The Hutch is on a never-ending search for cures for diseases. The irony is that once they discover a potential cure, they simply pass it on to others to carry on the work and begin their search all over again with yet another disease. They are on the cutting edge of discovery." The sculpture stands in front of the FHCRC's Vaccine and Infectious Disease Building in Seattle.

References

 Baker, Travis, The Kitsap Sun, Sculptor's Work Now Installed at Grounds (Kitsap Sun, March 25, 2006)
 Held within the collection of Utah Division of Arts & Museums, Bridgerland Applied Technology College, Eye of the Beholder, IV
 Eldridge, Keith, KOMO News 4, Seattle On Air News Report May 25, 2006
 Davison, David R, Tacoma Weekly, Know your art: Tacoma Police Memorial Project, June 1, 2010
 LeVan, Patricia, The Good Men Project, Beginning Again Once More  March 28, 2014

External links
 Gallery Mack (Seattle)
 James Kelsey on Facebook
 James Kelsey Studios
 Island Gallery Video

1964 births
Abstract expressionist artists
Sculptors from Wisconsin
20th-century American sculptors
20th-century American male artists
21st-century American sculptors
21st-century American male artists
American male sculptors
Artists from Seattle
People from Everett, Washington
Living people
People from Renton, Washington
Commercial aviators
Sculptors from Washington (state)
People from Bremerton, Washington
People from Port Orchard, Washington

James Kelsey (sculptor)


Revolutionary Action Movement (RAM) was a Marxist-Leninist, black nationalist organisation which was active from 1962 to 1968. They were the first group to apply the philosophy of Maoism to conditions of black people in the United States and informed the revolutionary politics of the Black Power movement.  RAM was the only secular political organization which Malcolm X joined prior to 1964.  The group's political formation deeply influenced the politics of Huey Newton, Bobby Seale, and many other future influential Black Panther Party founders and members.

Group formation
In 1961, students at Central State University, a historically black university in Ohio, came together to form "Challenge," a small conglomerate group of Students for a Democratic Society (SDS), Congress of Racial Equality (CORE), and Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (SNCC). Largely made up of formerly expelled students and veteran activists, Challenge was created to further political awareness, particularly in relation to the black community. At the request of Donald Freeman, who was enrolled at Case Western Reserve University at the time, Challenge read Harold Cruse's essay "Revolutionary Nationalism and the Afro-American" and thereafter shifted its focus from educating their participants to creating a mass black working-class nationalist movement in the North.  After this drastic change of agenda, Challenge soon evolved into the Reform Action Movement, as they believed use of the word revolutionary would stir fear in the university administration. Led by Freeman, Wanda Marshall, and Maxwell Stanford, RAM became a study/action group that hoped to turn the Civil Rights Movement into a worldwide black revolution.

Leadership

Max Stanford
Max Stanford (now Muhammad Ahmad) was one of the founding members of RAM, and served as both its national chairman and Philadelphia head for much of the group's existence. He was a Philadelphia native, and one of James and Grace Lee Boggs' "adopted" kids, youth who spent a lot of time at the Boggs household and connected with their circle of activists. Prior to joining them, Stanford had been involved with militant civil rights activism since his teenage years. Through the lively discussions of revolutionary politics that thrived in the Boggs household, he developed a sharp critical consciousness and an impressive grasp of theory by adulthood. In 1962, Stanford engaged with Malcolm X and told him he was a revolutionary interested in following Malcolm in the Nation of Islam. Malcolm told Stanford that if he was truly revolutionary, he would be better off working outside the NOI.

Donald Freeman
Don Freeman was black student at Case Western who originally organized Challenge at Central State and then went on to be one of the leaders of the Cleveland branch of RAM. He questioned, however, during RAM's early years, the validity of RAM as a Marxist organization since traditional Marxist theory focused on class, while ignoring racism. So although Freeman believed in collectively owned black enterprises, he also argued that white "socialists and Marxists do not possess the solutions to the ills of black America."

Structure
Though it initially started as a small student group at Central State College and Case Western Reserve University in Ohio,  RAM at its peak had chapters all over the nation. The full spread of RAM remains hard to discern because RAM was semi-clandestine in nature. Chapters in New York, Oakland, Cleveland, and Detroit went by pseudonyms so as to decrease public scrutiny, while the Philadelphia chapter continued to operate under RAM's name. The decision to go underground was made by leadership after they judged that the ultra-right was preparing to crush the movement and that they could no longer be public without endangering noninvolved people and exposing them to violence.

RAM implemented a "system of rotating chairmen" to foster veteran leadership that would help educate the younger, less experienced members. There were three levels of membership in RAM. The first consisted of members who were "professional, full-time field organizers." The second level was made up of members who paid their dues to the organization and "met the standards for the main criteria for cadre." The third group included undisclosed members who only donated money to RAM.

The overall structure of RAM was organized into three types of cells or units: area units, work units, and political units. Area units were designed to gain community influence by organizing around local issues. Work units were set up in factories or other industrial type settings, and the League of Black Workers, the predecessor to the League of Revolutionary Black Workers, was eventually created through these units. Political units were used to gain access into the Civil Rights Movement and transform it into a movement for black liberation.

Ideology
The Afroamerican revolutionary, being inside the citadel of world imperialism and being the Vanguard against the most highly developed capitalist complex has problems no other revolutionary has had. His position is so strategic that victory means the downfall of the arch enemy of the oppressed (U.S. imperialism) and the beginning of the birth of a new world. --"The African American War of National-Liberation," RAM's Black AmericaRAM was the first group in the United States to synthesize the thought of Marx, Lenin, Mao, and Malcolm X into a comprehensive theory of revolutionary black nationalism. They combined socialism, black nationalism, and Third World internationalism into a coherent and applicable theory that called for revolution "inside the citadel of world imperialism," meaning the United States.

The revolutionary nationalists of RAM believed that colonized peoples around the world must rise up and destroy the "universal slavemaster".  They also believed that all people have a right to self-determination, including the "internal black colony" of the United States.  In their opinion, African Americans had to gain control of land and political power through national liberation and establish revolutionary socialism in sovereign, liberated lands.  They emphasized creating a black nation on land in Mississippi, Louisiana, Alabama, Georgia, Florida, Texas, Virginia, South Carolina, and North Carolina that, in their eyes, rightfully belonged to black people.  This push for a sovereign black nation was in some ways a reiteration of an old black leftist line from the 1930s.

Many RAM activists derived their ideology from an older generation of revolutionary black leftists: Harry Haywood, Queen Mother Audley Moore, Harold Cruse, and Abner Berry as well as James Boggs and Grace Lee Boggs. Many of these older revolutionaries played a role of ideological and political mentorship to RAM activists.

Black internationalism
The revolutionary spirit of black Americans in the 1960s was by no means the sole example of rebellion in the world at that time.  The decade brought forth revolutions and mass uprisings in countries all over the world, and though the people were protesting in different regions, most of these movements sought to achieve a similar goal: the universal elimination of racism and capitalism.  Members of RAM understood that black nationalism, the formation of an independent nation of blacks in the US, was a concept inseparable from black internationalism, which had the goal of ending white supremacy through a conjoined effort of all oppressed groups to overthrow pan-European racism and the exploitative global capitalist system.  The movement had a global vision, bigger than just the race relations of the United States.  They saw the main battle as being between Western imperialism and the oppressed Third World within US borders and around the world. The context of black liberation was the entire world revolution, rather than cultural nationalism, which RAM considered reactionary and bourgeois.  RAM members saw themselves as colonial subjects fighting a "colonial war at home."

The theory of black internationalism was first publicized in W. E. B. DuBois' Dark Princess, where he argues that the black nation in America is just one faction of what he refers to as the "Land of the Blacks," a conglomeration of all racially subjugated groups around the world. RAM spokesman Malcolm X later described the black revolution in the United States as part of a "worldwide struggle of the oppressed against the oppressor."  Several other political figures openly supported black internationalism, calling for people to join the revolution and be fully in conjunction "with the people in the great struggle for Africa and of suffering humanity".

Influence of Maoism and Maoist ethics
Some RAM activists saw themselves as an all-black cadre of Mao's Red Army, and related their black freedom struggle to Mao's strategy of encircling capitalist countries to challenge imperialism. In solidarity and fighting alongside anti-colonial struggles in China, Zanzibar, Cuba, Vietnam, Indonesia, and Algeria, RAM activists saw themselves as playing a global role.

Some RAM materials about their revolutionary code of ethics take quotations nearly verbatim from The Little Red Book.  When Robert F. Williams, chairman of RAM, came back from his exile in China, he also emphasized that all young black revolutionaries must "…undergo personal and moral transformation.  There is a need for a stringent revolutionary code of moral ethics.  Revolutionaries are instruments of righteousness."

RAM called for a "cultural revolution" of sorts: one that would purge the slave mentality from black people in the United States.  They were for the creation of a new, revolutionary culture through the reclamation of African aesthetics, creation of art only in the service of the revolution, and active attempt to root out habits, traditions, customs, and philosophies taught to black people by white oppressors.

Political activities
There were three main branches of RAM: the founding branch in Cleveland, Ohio; the headquarters branch in Philadelphia, Pennsylvania; and a west coast branch in Oakland, California.  Though the branches all had different local goals and accomplished different things, RAM engaged in several unifying national political activities.

All branches helped distribute Robert Williams' magazine, The Crusader, after it had been banned within the United States.  They also took a two-pronged approach to advocating their policies among other civil rights groups: disparaging those that did not advocate for armed self-defense and, simultaneously, infiltrating them to try to spread their revolutionary ideology.

Because RAM was made up of mostly college-educated intellectuals (though many dropped out to organize full-time), they thought a lot about who they were trying to mobilize, eventually settling upon the black petit bourgeoisie youth and black working-class youth.  RAM thought that the black petit bourgeoisie particularly embodied the contradictions of racial capitalism, and if properly brought into the movement, this group could form a "revolutionary intelligentsia capable of leading black America to true liberation."  They also used public street meetings to try to attract as many black working-class youth as possible to their organization, particularly gang members.  RAM thought gang members had the most revolutionary potential of the population, because they could be trained to fight not against each other but against white power structures.  They believed they could create a fighting force of former gang members on the model of the Congolese Youth guerrilla army and the Mau Mau guerrillas.

In mid-1965, before opposition to the Vietnam War gained momentum, RAM blazed an ideological trail, expressing solidarity with the Vietnamese National Liberation Front in their fight against imperialism.  At the same time RAM was explicitly anti-draft, arguing and organizing around the hypocrisy of drafting black Americans to fight in a war against, in their eyes, other people victimized by US imperialism.

The Black Guard was a national armed youth self-defense group run by RAM that argued for protecting the interests of black America by fighting directly against its enemies. The Black Guard, in Max Stanford's words, "[was] to stop our youth from fighting amongst themselves, teach them a knowledge of [black] history ... and prepare them ... to protect our community from racist attacks."

Everywhere except for Philadelphia, RAM operated as a semi-clandestine group, existing behind front organizations, and under multiple names and branches.  Due to this underground status, RAM focused more on producing agitprop and less on actual community organizing.  As a result, RAM has received less attention from historians than the Black Panther Party, even though they blazed the 1960s revolutionary black nationalist ideological trail and heavily influenced the Panthers.

Malcolm X became a RAM officer in 1964.  Max Stanford has claimed that Malcolm X's Organization of Afro-American Unity (OAAU) was intended to be the popular front organization to RAM's underground black liberation army.

Philadelphia
Despite numerous chapters all over the country, by 1964, RAM's home base in Philadelphia was the main branch available to the public eye. The Philadelphia chapter was responsible for the publication of RAM's bimonthly newspaper, Black America, and the single-page newsletter RAM Speaks.  During their time in the city, RAM actively supported Leon Sullivan's 1962 selective patronage campaign.  This was the beginning of the "don't buy where you can't work" method of direct boycott action that serves as an example of the effectiveness of the black masses to black liberation.

Throughout its existence, RAM supported mass action all over Philadelphia, canvassed to try to listen to community needs, and provided public services that they thought were lacking.  These actions ranged from responding to local residents' medical emergencies to providing weekly black history classes.  By making their presence known throughout the streets and establishing a consistent presence throughout black neighborhoods in the city, RAM was able to effectively mobilize people for anti-union discrimination protests in 1963.

RAM also advocated for the black students in Philadelphia's Bok High School in 1968 by providing protection and political education to students while they protested unequal conditions and a lack of community control in their educational environment.

Cleveland
In Cleveland, Ohio, RAM was governed by a secret committee named the "Soul Circle", which was essentially a small selection of black men involved in the local community, as well as civil rights, and student groups.  In 1962, a policy-oriented think tank named the Afro-American Institute was founded in Cleveland.  Through this organization, RAM members held free public lectures and worked with other activists to improve the black community in Cleveland.  The following year, Max Stanford and other RAM members traveled to Cleveland and joined CORE to assist in demanding better healthcare for black hospital patients and more inclusion of Black history in the Cleveland public school curriculum.

The Afro-American Institute organized lectures by revolutionary black artists and intellectuals, and distributed leaflets to inform and inculcate the public in their revolutionary opinions.  The subjects of the leaflets were wide-ranging, from elections to the arms race to the Black struggle. Eventually the leaflets became the newsletter Afropinion.

In Cleveland, RAM's most notable accomplishment was their open protestation against Mae Mallory's incarceration. Mallory was a Black woman arrested for her relationship with Robert F. Williams, the future international chairman of RAM who, at the time, had fled to Cuba after being exiled from the United States.  Working with the institute and its allies, RAM petitioned the governor of Ohio to revoke the extradition warrant against Mallory and held a large demonstration in front of the county jail, insisting on Mallory's immediate release.

Northern California
RAM's Northern California branch operated under the name the "Soul Students' Advisory Council" and started after then-member of the Afro-American Association and future-Black Panther, Ernie Allen, went on a trip to Cuba in 1964.  There Allen traveled alongside the future organizers of Uhuru, the Dodge Revolutionary Union Movement, and the League of Revolutionary Black Workers.  He also coincidentally met and talked to Max Stanford, who was in Cuba visiting Robert Williams at the time.  This confluence of events resulted in Allen establishing a branch of RAM in Oakland at Merritt College through the Soul Students' Advisory Council.

The Soul Students' Advisory Council published a widely distributed prose and poetry journal called Soulbook: The Revolutionary Journal of the Black World.  It was a radical black culture magazine edited by future black power activists Bobby Seale, Huey Newton, and Ernie Allen, among others. The Soul Students' Advisory Council, in its interaction with RAM, exposed Seale and Newton to anti-imperialism, socialism, and revolutionary nationalism for the first time, which was critical in their political development.

Political suppression

FBI and COINTELPRO

As exemplified by police repression of RAM in Philadelphia in the summer 1967, the FBI and their COINTELPRO program targeted RAM for political destruction.  However, RAM was just one of many civil rights or black nationalist groups targeted because of their politics.  Tactics used to suppress RAM were also used to suppress and target Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (SNCC), Southern Christian Leadership Conference (SCLC), Congress of Racial Equality (CORE), the Black Panther Party, the Nation of Islam, the National Welfare Rights Organization, Dodge Revolutionary Union Movement (DRUM), Republic of New Afrika (RNA), Congress of Afrikan People, black student unions at universities across the US, and black churches and community organizations.

In 1967, following an exposé on RAM in Life magazine,  Max Stanford and 16 other RAM members were arrested on conspiracy charges and for allegedly plotting to assassinate the NAACP's Roy Wilkins and the Urban League's Whitney Young.  Stanford went underground to avoid arrest and indictment, but the rest of the Queens 17, as they were called, went to trial and had to pay a $200,000 bail bond.

Dissolution of RAM
In this context of government repression, RAM transformed itself into the Black Liberation Party, and by 1969 had practically dissolved.  Many of its members went back to their communities or joined other civil rights groups to continue pushing their ideology of black internationalism and armed self-defense.

Criticisms of RAM
On multiple occasions, FBI director J. Edgar Hoover condemned RAM, describing the organization as a "militant black nationalist hate group." During its existence, RAM was the target of denigration from a wide range of critics, including Martin Luther King Jr.

Revisionism
Though RAM claimed to be a Maoist organization, some scholars, such as Robin Kelley, have critiqued it for not sticking to Mao's philosophies.  He writes: "Mao's insistence on the protracted nature of revolution was not taken to heart; at one point they suggested that the war for liberation would probably take ninety days. And because RAM's leaders focused their work on confronting the state head on and attacking black leaders whom they deemed reformists, they failed to build a strong base in black urban communities. Furthermore, despite their staunch internationalism, they did not reach out to other oppressed 'nationalities' in the United States."

Amidst the sectarianism of the New Left, other activists and black liberation organizations also criticized RAM.  In particular, the Black Panther Party said that although RAM led the development of black nationalist thought in the US, examples of their application of revolutionary ideas was few and far between, and mostly limited to students, rather than the black underclass "lumpenproletariat" they claimed to represent.  RAM often struggled to meld theory and practice.

Notable members
Malcolm X
Robert F. Williams
Bobby Seale

References

African-American organizations
African-American socialism
Anti-racist organizations
Black Power
Black political parties in the United States
COINTELPRO targets
Communism in the United States
Defunct Maoist organizations in the United States
New Left
Organizations disestablished in 1968
Organizations established in 1962
1962 establishments in the United States
1968 disestablishments in the United States
Organizations based in Philadelphia
Defunct organizations based in Pennsylvania

Revolutionary Action Movement


Shotacon, sometimes shortened to shota (ショタ), is a Japanese slang portmanteau of the phrase Shōtarō complex (正太郎コンプレックス). A Shotacon is described as a person who is attracted to fictional boys 16 or younger, or who is attracted to fictional boys who have the appearance of a character who is 16 or younger. See also: Shotacon
Anime and manga terms
Anime and manga genres

The girl version is called Lolicon.

Shotacon


The Very Best of Michael Nyman: Film Music 1980–2001 is a compilation album film music by Michael Nyman. It was released on November 6, 2001 by Virgin Records. It including three previously unreleased tracks (from Nelly's Version and Monsieur Hire) and one from the limited release, La Traversée de Paris.  Some tracks are from the original soundtracks, while others are from pre-existing rerecordings such as The Essential Michael Nyman Band and Live.

Track listing

Disc 1
Bird List (04:16) from The Falls/Live
Chasing Sheep Is Best Left to Shepherds (05:26) from The Draughtsman's Contract/The Essential Michael Nyman Band
An Eye for Optical Theory (05:09) from The Draughtsman's Contract/soundtrack
Homage to Maurice (02:16) from Nelly's Version (previously unreleased)
Angelfish Decay (02:49) from A Zed and Two Noughts/soundtrack
Time Lapse (03:58) from A Zed and Two Noughts/The Essential Michael Nyman Band
Trysting Fields (03:27) from Drowning by Numbers/soundtrack
Wheelbarrow Walk (02:12) from Drowning by Numbers/The Essential Michael Nyman Band
Knowing the Ropes (03:17) from Drowning by Numbers/The Essential Michael Nyman Band
Memorial (12:00) from The Cook, The Thief, His Wife & Her Lover/The Essential Michael Nyman Band
Skating (01:26) from Monsieur Hire (previously unreleased)
Peeking (02:43) from Monsieur Hire (previously unreleased)
Abandoning (03:30) from Le Mari de la Coiffeuse
Skirting (02:05) from Le Mari de la Coiffeuse
Miranda Previsited (06:48) from Prospero's Books/La Traversée de Paris
Here to There (01:00) from The Piano
The Heart Asks Pleasure First/The Promise (03:10) from The Piano
All Imperfect Things (04:02) from The Piano
Dreams of a Journey (05:03) from The Piano

Disc 2
Escape (03:38) from À la folie
Fly Drive (01:32) from Carrington
The Infinite Complexities Of Christmas (04:12) from Carrington
If (04:25) from The Diary of Anne Frank
Abel Carries Ephraim (05:55) from The Ogre
Becoming Jerome/God's Hands (02:58) from Gattaca
The Morrow (03:11) from Gattaca
The Other Side (03:41) from Gattaca
The Departure (03:49) from Gattaca
Convening the Coven (04:05) from Practical Magic
Stranger at the Window (01:38) from Ravenous
Cannibal Fantasy (02:12) from Ravenous
Molly (02:51) from Wonderland
Eddie (03:56) from Wonderland
Dan (02:15) from Wonderland
Eileen (03:41) from Wonderland
Sarah Dies (02:58) from The End Of The Affair
The End of the Affair (02:56) from The End Of The Affair
The Shootout (05:06) from The Claim
The Burning (09:18) from The Claim

2001 compilation albums
Michael Nyman albums
Michael Nyman Film Music
Virgin Records compilation albums