An acid attack, also called acid throwing, vitriol attack, or vitriolage, is a form of violent assault involving the act of throwing acid or a similarly corrosive substance onto the body of another "with the intention to disfigure, maim, torture, or kill". Perpetrators of these attacks throw corrosive liquids at their victims, usually at their faces, burning them, and damaging skin tissue, often exposing and sometimes dissolving the bones. Acid attacks can lead to permanent, partial, or complete blindness.

The most common types of acid used in these attacks are sulfuric and nitric acid. Hydrochloric acid is sometimes used but is much less damaging. Aqueous solutions of strongly alkaline materials, such as caustic soda (sodium hydroxide) or ammonia, are used as well, particularly in areas where strong acids are controlled substances.

The long-term consequences of these attacks may include blindness, as well as eye burns, with severe permanent scarring of the face and body, along with far-reaching social, psychological, and economic difficulties.

Today, acid attacks are reported in many parts of the world, though more commonly in developing countries. Between 1999 and 2013, a total of 3,512 Bangladeshi people were attacked with acid, with the rate of cases declining by 15–20% every year since 2002 based on strict legislation against perpetrators and regulation of acid sales. In India, acid attacks are at an all-time high and increasing every year, with 250–300 reported incidents every year, while the "actual number could exceed 1,000, according to Acid Survivors' Trust International".

Although acid attacks occur all over the world, this type of violence is most common in South Asia. Statistics from Acid Survivors Trust International (ASTI) suggest that 80% of victims worldwide are women.

Health effects
The most notable effect of an acid attack is the lifelong bodily disfigurement. According to the Acid Survivors Foundation in Bangladesh, there is a high survival rate amongst victims of acid attacks. Consequently, the victim is faced with physical challenges, which require long-term surgical treatment, as well as psychological challenges, which require in-depth intervention from psychologists and counselors at each stage of physical recovery. These far-reaching effects on their lives impact their psychological, social, and economic viability in communities.

Medical
The medical effects of acid attacks are extensive. As a majority of acid attacks are aimed at the face, several articles thoroughly reviewed the medical implications for these victims. The severity of the damage depends on the concentration of the acid and the time before the acid is thoroughly washed off with water or neutralized with a neutralizing agent. The acid can rapidly eat away skin, the layer of fat beneath the skin, and in some cases even the underlying bone. Eyelids and lips may be completely destroyed and the nose and ears severely damaged. Though not exhaustive, Acid Survivors Foundation Uganda findings included:
 The skull is partly destroyed/deformed and hair lost.
 Ear cartilage is usually partly or totally destroyed; deafness may occur.
 Eyelids may be burned off or deformed, leaving the eyes extremely dry and prone to blindness. Acid directly in the eye also damages sight, sometimes causing blindness in both eyes.
 The nose can become shrunken and deformed; the nostrils may close off completely due to destroyed cartilage.
 The mouth becomes shrunken and narrow, and it may lose its full range of motion. Sometimes, the lips may be partly or totally destroyed, exposing the teeth. Eating and speaking can become difficult.
 Scars can run down from the chin to neck area, shrinking the chin and extremely limiting range of motion in the neck.
 Inhalation of acid vapors usually creates respiratory problems, exacerbated restricted airway pathways (the esophagus and nostrils) in acid patients.

In addition to these above-mentioned medical effects, acid attack victims face the possibility of sepsis, kidney failure, skin depigmentation, and even death.

A 2015 attack that involved throwing sulfuric acid on a man's face and body while he lay in bed caused him, among other serious injuries, to become paralyzed from the neck down.

Psychological
Acid assault survivors face many mental health issues upon recovery. One study showed that when compared to published Western norms for psychological well-being, non-Caucasian acid attack victims reported higher levels of anxiety, depression, and scored higher on the Derriford appearance scale, which measures psychological distress due to one's concern for their appearance. Additionally, female victims reported lowered self-esteem according to the Rosenberg scale and increased self-consciousness, both in general and in the social sphere.

Social
In addition to medical and psychological effects, many social implications exist for acid survivors, especially women. For example, such attacks usually leave victims handicapped in some way, rendering them dependent on either their spouse or family for everyday activities, such as eating and running errands. These dependencies are increased by the fact that many acid survivors are not able to find suitable work, due to impaired vision and physical handicap. This negatively impacts their economic viability, causing hardships on the families/spouses that care for them. As a result, divorce rates are high, with abandonment by husbands found in 25% of acid assault cases in Uganda (compared to only 3% of wives abandoning their disfigured husbands). Moreover, acid survivors who are single when attacked almost certainly become ostracized from society, effectively ruining marriage prospects. Some media outlets overwhelmingly avoid reporting acid attack violence, or the description of the attack is laconic or often implies that the act was inevitable or even justified.

Treatment and consequences
When acids contact the skin, response time can affect the severity of burns. If washed away with water or neutralized promptly, burns can be minimized or avoided entirely. However, areas unprotected by skin, such as the cornea of the eye or the lips, may be burned immediately on contact.

Many victims are attacked in an area without immediate access to water, or unable to see due to being blinded or forced to keep their eyes closed to prevent additional burns to the eye. Treatment for burn victims remains inadequate in many developing nations where incidence is high. Medical underfunding has resulted in very few burn centers available for victims in countries such as Uganda, Bangladesh, and Cambodia., Uganda has one specialized burn center in the entire nation, opening in 2003; Cambodia has only one burn facility for victims, and scholars estimate that only 30% of the Bangladeshi community has access to health care.

In addition to inadequate medical capabilities, many acid assault victims fail to report to the police due to a lack of trust in the force, a sense of hopelessness due to the attackers' impunity, and fear of retribution by the assailant.

These problems are exacerbated by a lack of knowledge of how to treat burns: some victims have applied oil to the acid, rather than rinsing thoroughly and completely with water for 30 minutes or longer to neutralize the acid. Such home remedies only serve to increase the severity of damage, as they do not counteract the acidity.

Motivation of perpetrators
The intention of the attacker is often to cause shame and pain rather than to kill the victim. In Britain, such attacks, particularly those against men, are believed to be underreported, and as a result many of them do not show up in official statistics. Some of the most common motivations of perpetrators include:
 Personal conflict regarding intimate relationships and sexual rejection
 Sexual-related jealousy and lust
 Revenge for refusal of sexual advances, proposals of marriage, and demands for dowry
 Gang violence and rivalry
 Conflicts over land ownership, farm animals, housing, and property

Acid attacks often occur as revenge against a woman who rejects a proposal of marriage or a sexual advance. Gender inequality and women's position in the society, in relation to men, plays a significant role in these types of attacks.

Attacks against individuals based on their religious beliefs or social or political activities also occur. These attacks may be targeted against a specific individual, due to their activities, or may be perpetrated against random persons merely because they are part of a social group or community. In Europe, Konstantina Kouneva, a former member of the European Parliament, had acid thrown on her in 2008, in what was described as "the most severe assault on a trade unionist in Greece for 50 years." Female students have had acid thrown in their faces as a punishment for attending school. Acid attacks due to religious conflicts have been also reported. Both males and females have been victims of acid attacks for refusing to convert to another religion.

Conflicts regarding property issues, land disputes, and inheritance have also been reported as motivations of acid attacks. Acid attacks related to conflicts between criminal gangs occur in many places, including the UK, Greece, and Indonesia.

Epidemiology
According to researchers and activists, countries typically associated with acid assault include Bangladesh, India, Nepal, Cambodia, Vietnam, Laos, United Kingdom, Kenya, South Africa, Uganda, Pakistan, and Afghanistan. Acid attacks have been reported however in countries around the world, including:

 Afghanistan
 Australia
 Bangladesh
 Belgium
 Bulgaria
 Cambodia
 China
 Hong Kong S.A.R.
 Colombia
 France
 Gabon
 Germany
 India
 Indonesia
 Iran
 Ireland
 Israel
 Italy
 Jamaica
 Kenya
 Laos
 Mexico
 Myanmar
 Nepal
 Nigeria
 Philippines
 Pakistan
 Russia
 Sri Lanka
 Sweden
 South Africa
 Taiwan
 Tanzania
 Thailand
 Uganda
 United Kingdom
 United States
 Vietnam

Additionally, anecdotal evidence for acid attacks exists in other regions of the world such as South America, Central and North Africa, the Middle East, and Central Asia. However, South Asian countries maintain the highest incidence of acid attacks.

Police in the United Kingdom have noted that many victims are afraid to come forward to report attacks, meaning the true scale of the problem may be unknown.

Gender
An accurate estimate of the gender ratio of victims and perpetrators is difficult to establish because many acid attacks are not reported or recorded by authorities. For example, a 2010 study in The Lancet described that there are "no reliable statistics" on the prevalence of acid attacks in Pakistan.

A 2007 literature review analyzed 24 studies in 13 countries over the past 40 years, covering 771 cases. According to the London-based charity Acid Survivors Trust International, 80% of acid attacks are on women, and acid assaults are grossly under-estimated. In some regions, assaults perpetrated on female victims by males are often driven by the mentality "If I can't have you, no one shall."

In Bangladesh, throwing acid has been labeled as a "gender crime", as there is a dominance of female victims who are assaulted by males, for the reason of refusing to marry, or refusing sexual advances. In Jamaica, women throwing acid on other women in relation to fights over male partners is a common cause. In the UK, the majority of victims are men, and many of these attacks are related to gang violence.

In India, a female victim was attacked with a knife twice, but no criminal charges were filed against the suspect. The victim was only given police aid after being hospitalized following an acid attack, raising questions of police apathy in dealing with cases of harassment.

Another factor that puts victims at increased risk for an acid assault is their socioeconomic status, as those living in poverty are more likely to be attacked. , the three nations with the most noted incidence of acid attacks – Bangladesh, India, and Cambodia – were ranked 75th, 101st, and 104th, respectively, out of 136 countries on the Global Gender Gap Index, a scale that measures equality in opportunities between men and women in nations.

Prevention
Research has prompted many solutions to the increasing incidence of acid attacks in the world. Bangladesh, whose rates of attack have been decreasing, is a model for many countries, and they follow Bangladesh's lead in many legislative reforms. However, several reports highlighted the need for an increased, legal role of NGOs to offer rehabilitation support to acid survivors. Additionally, nearly all research stressed the need for stricter regulation of acid sales to combat this social issue.

Role of NGOs
Many non-governmental organizations (NGOs) have been formed in the areas with the highest occurrence of acid attacks to combat such attacks. Bangladesh has its Acid Survivors Foundation, which offers acid victims legal, medical, counseling, and monetary assistance in rebuilding their lives. Similar institutions exist in Uganda, which has its own Acid Survivors Foundation, and in Cambodia which uses the help of Cambodian Acid Survivors Charity. NGOs provide rehabilitation services for survivors while acting as advocates for social reform, hoping to increase support and awareness for acid assault.

In Bangladesh, the Acid Survivors Foundation, Nairpokkho, Action Aid, and the Bangladesh Rural Advancement Committee's Community Empowerment & Strengthening Local Institutions Programme assist survivors. The Depilex Smileagain Foundation and The Acid Survivors Foundation in Pakistan operates in Islamabad, offering medical, psychological and rehabilitation support. The Acid Survivors Foundation in Uganda operates in Kampala and provides counseling and rehabilitation treatment to victims, as well as their families. The LICADHO, the Association of the Blind in Cambodia, and the Cambodian Acid Survivors Charity assist survivors of acid attacks. The Acid Survivors Foundation India operates from different centres with national headquarters at Kolkata and chapters at Delhi and Mumbai.

Acid Survivors Trust International (UK registered charity no. 1079290) provides specialist support to its sister organizations in Africa and Asia. Acid Survivors Trust International is the only international organisation whose sole purpose is to end acid violence. The organisation was founded in 2002 and now works with a network of six Acid Survivors Foundations in Bangladesh, Cambodia, India, Nepal, Pakistan and Uganda that it has helped to form. Acid Survivors Trust International has helped to provide medical expertise and training to partners, raised valuable funds to support survivors of acid attacks and helped change laws. A key role for ASTI is to raise awareness of acid violence to an international audience so that increased pressure can be applied to governments to introduce stricter controls on the sale and purchase of acid.

Indian acid attack survivor Shirin Juwaley founded the Palash Foundation to help other survivors with psychosocial rehabilitation. She also spearheads research into social norms of beauty and speaks publicly as an advocate for the empowerment of all victims of disfigurement and discrimination. In 2011, the principal of an Indian college refused to have Juwaley speak at her school for fear that Juwaley's story of being attacked by her husband would make students "become scared of marriage".

Regulation of acid sales
A positive correlation has been observed between acid attacks and ease of acid purchase. Sulfuric, nitric, and hydrochloric acid are most commonly used and are all cheap and readily available in many instances. For example, often acid throwers can purchase a liter of concentrated sulfuric acid at motorbike mechanic shops for about 40 U.S. cents. Nitric acid costs around $1.50 per liter and is available for purchase at gold or jewelry shops, as polishers generally use it to purify gold and metals. Hydrochloric acid is also used for polishing jewelry, as well as for making soy sauce, cosmetics, and traditional medicine/amphetamine drugs.

Due to such ease of access, many organizations call for a stricter regulation on the acid economy. Specific actions include required licenses for all acid traders, a ban on concentrated acid in certain areas, and an enhanced system of monitoring for acid sales, such as the need to document all transactions involving acid. However, some scholars have warned that such stringent regulation may result in black market trading of acid, which law enforcements must keep in mind.

By region

Afghanistan
Such attacks or threats against women who failed to wear hijab, dress "modestly" or otherwise threaten traditional norms have been reported in Afghanistan. In November 2008, extremists subjected girls to acid attacks for attending school.

Africa
High incidence of acid assaults have been reported in some African countries, including Nigeria, Uganda, and South Africa. Unlike occurrences in South Asia, acid attacks in these countries show less gender discrimination. In Uganda, 57% of acid assault victims were female and 43% were male. A study focusing on chemical burns in Nigeria revealed a reversal in findings: 60% of the acid attack patients were male while 40% were female. In both nations, younger individuals were more likely to suffer from an acid attack: the average age in the Nigeria study was 20.6 years, while Ugandan analysis shows 59% of survivors were 19–34 years of age.

Motivation for acid assault in these African countries is similar to that of Cambodia. Relationship conflicts caused 35% of acid attacks in Uganda in 1985–2011, followed by property conflicts at 8%, and business conflicts at 5%. Disaggregated data was not available in the Nigeria study, but they reported that 71% of acid assaults resulted from an argument with either a jilted lover, family member, or business partner. As with the other nations, researchers believe these statistics to be under-representative of the actual scope and magnitude of acid attacks in African nations.

In August 2013, two Jewish women volunteer teachers – Katie Gee and Kirstie Trup from the UK – were injured by an acid attack by men on a moped near Stone Town in Tanzania.

A few cases also occurred in Ethiopia and Nigeria.

The Balkans
There has recently been a surge in high-profile, public acid attacks in Bulgaria and Greece.

Bangladesh

According to the Acid Survivors Foundation in Bangladesh, the country has reported 3000 acid attack victims since 1999, peaking at 262 victims for the year of 2002. Rates have been steadily decreasing by 15% to 20% since 2002, with the amount of acid attack victims reported at 91 in Bangladesh as recently as 2011. Bangladesh acid attacks shows the most gendered discrimination, with one study citing a male to female victim ratio of 0.15:1 and another reporting that 82% of acid attack survivors in Bangladesh are women. Younger women were especially prone to attack, with a recent study reporting that 60% of acid assault survivors are between the ages of 10 and 19. According to Mridula Bandyopadhyay and Mahmuda Rahman Khan, it is a form of violence primarily targeted at women. They describe it as a relatively recent form of violence, with the earliest record in Bangladesh from 1983.

In societies like Bangladesh's, where women are typically treated as property and lacking agency, acid attacks are often perpetrated by men who become enraged after women rebuff their requests for relationship or marriage. One study showed that refusal of marriage proposals accounted for 55% of acid assaults, with abuse from a husband or other family member (18%), property disputes (11%) and refusal of sexual advances (2%) as other leading causes. Additionally, the use of acid attacks in dowry arguments has been reported in Bangladesh, with 15% of cases studied by the Acid Survivors Foundation citing dowry disputes as the motive. The chemical agents most commonly used to commit these attacks are hydrochloric acid and sulfuric acid.

Cambodia

Recent studies on acid attacks in Cambodia found the victims were almost equally likely to be men or women (48.4% men, 51.6% women). As with India, rates of acid attacks in Cambodia have generally increased in the past decades, with a high rate of 40 cases reported for 2000 that started the increasing trend. According to the Cambodian Acid Survivors Charity, 216 acid attacks were reported from 1985 to 2009, with 236 reported victims. Jealousy and hate is the biggest motivator for acid attacks in Cambodia, as 28% of attacks reported those emotions as the cause. Such assaults were not only perpetrated by men – some reports suggest women attack other women occur more frequently than men do. Such incidents usually occur between a husband's wife and mistress to attain power and socioeconomic security.

A particularly high-profile case of this nature was the attack on Cambodian teenager Tat Marina in 1999, allegedly carried out by the jealous wife of a government official (the incident prompted a rash of copycat crimes that year, raising the number from seven in 1998 to 40 in 1999). One-third of the victims are bystanders. In Cambodia, there is only one support center that is aiming to help acid attack survivors. There they can receive medical and legal support.

Hong Kong

The Mong Kok acid attacks were incidents in 2008, 2009, and 2010 where plastic bottles filled with corrosive liquid (drain cleaner) were thrown onto shoppers on Sai Yeung Choi Street South, Hong Kong, a pedestrian street and popular shopping area. A reward, originally HK$100,000, for information about the perpetrator or perpetrators, was raised to HK$300,000 following the second incident, and cameras were to be installed in the area following the December incident. The third incident occurred the day the cameras were turned on. The fifth incident happened after Hong Kong government announced its new strategies against the incident. 130 people were injured in these attacks.

India
Acid attacks in India, like Bangladesh, have a gendered aspect to them: analyses of news reports revealed at least 72% of reported attacks  included at least one female victim. However, unlike Bangladesh, India's incidence rate of chemical assault has been increasing in the past decade, with a high 27 reported cases in 2010. Altogether, from January 2002 to October 2010, 153 cases of acid assault were reported in Indian print media while 174 judicial cases were reported for the year of 2000.

The motivation behind acid attacks in India mirrors those in Bangladesh: a study of Indian news reports from January 2002 to October 2010 uncovered that victims' rejection of sex or marriage proposals motivated attacks in 35% of the 110 news stories providing a motive for the attack. Acid attacks have also been reported among religious minorities or Muslim women as a form of retaliation or qisas. Notable cases are Sonali Mukherjee in 2003 and Laxmi Agarwal in 2005, whose experience on the ban of acid sales was portrayed in the Bollywood film Chhapaak.

Police in India were also accused of using acid on individuals, particularly on their eyes, causing blindness to the victims. A well known such case is the Bhagalpur blindings, where police blinded 31 individuals under trial (or convicted criminals, according to some versions) by pouring acid into their eyes. The incident was widely discussed, debated and acutely criticized by several human rights organizations. The Bhagalpur blinding case had made criminal jurisprudence history by becoming the first in which the Indian Supreme Court ordered compensation for violation of basic human rights.

Iran

According to Afshin Molavi, in the early years of the revolution and following the mandating of the covering of hair by women in Iran, some women were threatened with acid attacks by Islamic vigilantes for failing to wear hijab.

Recently, acid assault in Iran has been met with increased sanctions. The Sharia code of qisas, or equivalence justice, required a caught perpetrator of acid violence to pay a fine and may be blinded with acid in both eyes. Under Iranian law, victims or their families can ask a court's permission to enact "qisas" either by taking the perpetrator's life in murder cases or inflicting an equivalent injury on his or her body. One victim, Ameneh Bahrami, sentenced her attacker to be blinded in 2008. However, as of July 31, 2011, she pardoned her attacker, thereby absolving Majid Movahedi of his crime and halting the retributive justice of Qisas.

In October 2014, a series of acid attacks on women occurred in the city of Isfahan, resulting in demonstrations and arrests of journalists who had covered the attacks. The attacks were thought by many Iranians to be the work of conservative Islamist vigilantes, but the Iranian government denies this.

Ireland
In 2017, a Chinese Irish woman was targeted in an attack in Blackrock, Dublin, causing facial scars and eye damage. Another foreign woman was suspected of ordering the attack.

In 2018, Lithuanian criminals threw acid at a Garda (police officer).

In April 2019 in Waterford, three teenagers were attacked by two others, who threw acid at them in a premeditated attack. All three victims suffered severe skin burns in the incident, and one, Tega Agberhiere, suffered severe injuries to his face and body and his eyesight was damaged. Nevertheless, the perpetrators merely got cautions.

On 13 June 2020, a man was attacked with acid in Garryowen, Limerick.

In December 2020, a woman threw acid at three women in a takeaway in Tallaght.

On 11 May 2021, a woman had ammonia thrown on her in Garryowen. This was described as an acid attack, although ammonia is actually a base; it has similar burning effects on the human body. Christopher Stokes was jailed for  years in 2023 for the crime.

The Levant
In 1983, acid attacks were reported to be carried out by Mujama al-Islamiya against men and women who spoke out against the Mujama in the Islamic University of Gaza. Additional attacks by Mujama al-Islamiya were reported through 1986. During the First Intifada, Hamas and other Islamist factions conducted an organized intimidation of women to dress "modestly" or wear the hijab. Circulars were distributed specifying proper modest dress and behavior. Women who did not conform to these expectations, or to "morality expectations" of secular factions, were vulnerable to attacks which included pouring acid on their bodies, rock pelting, threats, and even rape. B'Tselem has also documented additional attacks with acid in specific attacks involving women in a collaboration context.

In 2006–07, as part of a wider campaign to enforce Islamist moral conduct, the al-Qaida affiliated "Suyuf al-Haq" (Swords of Righteousness) claimed to have thrown acid on the faces of "immodestly" dressed woman in Gaza as well as engaging in intimidation via threats. Following 2014 Israel–Gaza conflict Amnesty International has claimed that Hamas used acid during interrogations as a torture technique. Hamas denies this claim. In 2016, during a teacher's strike, unknown assailants hurled acid in the face of a striking Palestinian teacher in Hebron.

There have also been recorded incidents of acid use against Israelis. In December 2014, a Palestinian hurled acid (concentrated vinegar which contains a high percentage of acetic acid and can cause burns) into a car containing a Jewish family of six and a hitchhiker at a checkpoint between Beitar Illit and Husan in the West Bank, causing serious face injuries to the father and lightly injuring other occupants, including children. In September 2008 a Palestinian woman carried out two separate acid attacks against soldiers at Huwwara checkpoint, blinding a soldier in one eye.

Moshe Hirsch was the leader of the anti-Zionist Neturei Karta group in Jerusalem. Hirsch had one glass eye due to an injury sustained when someone threw acid in his face. According to his cousin, journalist Abraham Rabinovich, the incident had no link with Hirsch's political activities but was connected to a real estate dispute.

Mexico
Drug cartels such as the Los Zetas are known to use acid on civilians. For example, In the 2011 San Fernando massacre, Los Zetas members took away children from their mothers, and shot the rest of the civilians in a bus. The women were taken to a warehouse where many other women were held captive. Inside a dark room, the women were reportedly raped and beaten. Screams of the women and of the children being put in acid were also heard.

Pakistan

In Pakistan attacks are typically the work of husbands against their wives who have "dishonored them". Statistics compiled by the Human Rights Commission of Pakistan (HRCP) show that 46 acid attacks occurred in Pakistan during 2004 and decreased with only 33 acid assaults reported for 2007. According to a New York Times article, in 2011 there were 150 acid attacks in Pakistan, up from 65 in 2010. However, estimates by the Human Rights Watch and the HRCP in 2006 cite the number of acid attack victims to be as high 40–70 per year. Motivation behind acid assaults range from marriage proposal rejections to religious fundamentalism. Acid attacks have been dropped by half in 2019

Acid attacks in Pakistan came to international attention after the release of a documentary by Sharmeen Obaid-Chinoy called Saving Face (2012). According to Shahnaz Bukhari, the majority of these attacks occur in the summer when acid is used extensively to soak certain seeds to induce germination. Various reasons have been given for such attacks, such as a woman dressing inappropriately or rejecting a proposal of marriage.

The first known instance of an acid attack occurred in East Pakistan present day Bangladesh in 1967. According to the Acid Survivors Foundation, up to 150 attacks occur every year. The foundation reports that the attacks are often the result in an escalation of domestic abuse, and the majority of victims are female.

In 2019, the Acid Survivors Foundation Pakistan (ASFP) have said that the reported cases of acid attacks on women have dropped by around 50 per cent compared to the last five years.

Russia
On January 17, 2013,  Russian ballet dancer Sergei Filin was attacked with acid by an unknown assailant, who cornered him outside of his home in Moscow. He suffered third-degree burns to his face and neck. While it was initially reported that he was in danger of losing his eyesight, his physicians stated on January 21, 2013, that he would retain eyesight in one eye. Three men, including dancer Dmitrichenko, were subsequently sentenced to 4–10 years of prison each for orchestrating and executing the crime.

South America

Though comprehensive statistics on acid attacks in South America are sparse, a recent study investigating acid assault in Bogota, Colombia, provides some insight for this region. According to the article, the first identified survivor of acid violence in Bogota was attacked in 1998. Since then reported cases have been increasing with time. The study also cited the Colombian Forensics Institute, which reported that 56 women complained of aggression by acid in 2010, 46 in 2011, and 16 during the first trimester of 2012. The average age of survivors was about 23 years old, but ranged from 13 to 41 years.

The study reported a male-to-female victim ratio of 1:30 for acid assault in Bogota, Colombia, although recent reports show the ratio is closer to 1:1. Reasons behind these attacks usually stemmed from poor interpersonal relationships and domestic intolerance toward women. Moreover, female victims usually came from low socioeconomic classes and had low education. The authors state that the prevalence of acid attacks in other areas of South America remains unknown due to significant underreporting.

On March 27, 2014, a woman named Natalia Ponce de León was assaulted by Jonathan Vega, who threw a liter of sulphuric acid on her face and body. Vega, a former neighbor, was reported to have been "obsessed" with Ponce de León and had been making death threats against her after she turned down his proposal for a relationship. 24% of her body was severely burned as a result of the attack. Ponce de León has undergone 15 reconstruction surgeries on her face and body since the attack.

Three years before the attack took place, Colombia reported one of the highest rates of acid attacks per capita in the world. However, there was not an effective law in place until Ponce de León's campaign took off in the months after her attack. The new law, which is named after her, defines acid attacks as a specific crime and increases maximum sentences to 50 years in prison for convicted offenders. The law also seeks to provide victims with better state medical care including reconstructive surgery and psychological therapy. Ponce de León expressed hope that the new law would act as a deterrent against future attacks.

South Asia
In South Asia, acid attacks have been used as a form of revenge for refusal of sexual advances, proposals of marriage and demands for dowry. Scholars Taru Bahl and M.H. Syed say that land and property disputes are another leading cause.

Ukraine
On July 31, 2018, Kateryna Handziuk, an anti-corruption activist and political advisor from the southern Ukrainian city of Kherson, was attacked with sulfuric acid outside her home by an unknown attacker. She died of her injuries on November 3, 2018. She was 33 years old.

United Kingdom
The UK at times has had one of the highest rates of acid attacks per capita in the world, though recent studies suggest that this is down to gang-related violence and possession offences, rather than traditional attacks found in lower middle-income countries, according to Acid Survivors Trust International (ASTI). NHS hospital figures record 144 assaults in 2011–2012 involving corrosive substances, which can include petrol, bleach and kerosene. Six years earlier, 56 such episodes were noted. The official records for 2017–2018 shows 150 patients in the UK admitted to hospital for "Assault by corrosive substance". In 2016, the Metropolitan Police in London recorded 454 attacks involving corrosive fluids in the city, with 261 in the previous year, indicating a rise of 36%. A rise of 30% was also recorded in the UK as a whole. Between 2005–2006 and 2011–2012 the number of assaults involving acid throwing and other corrosive substances tripled in England, official records show. According to London's Metropolitan Police, 2017 was the worst year for acid attacks in London, with 465 attacks recorded, up from 395 the previous year and 255 in 2015. Acid attacks in London continued to rise in 2017. In July 2017, the BBC's George Mann reported that police statistics showed that: "Assaults involving corrosive substances have more than doubled in England since 2012. The vast majority of cases were in London." According to Time magazine, motives included organized crime, revenge, and domestic violence. According to Newham police, there is no trend of using acid in hate crimes.

According to data London's Metropolitan Police, a demographic breakdown of known suspects in London attacks for the period (2002–2016) showed White Europeans comprising 32% of suspects, Black Caribbeans 38% and Asian 6%. Victims for the same period were 45% White Europeans, 25% Black Caribbeans and 19% Asian. Of the total population, whites constitute 60%, blacks 13%, and Asians 18% as per the 2011 census of London. Known suspects were overwhelmingly male, 77% of known suspects were male and just 2% of suspects female. Four out of five victims in 2016 were male. In January 2018, CNN reported that acid attacks in London increased six-fold between 2012 and 2017 and that 71% of attackers and 72% of victims were male.

On 3 October 2017, the UK government announced that sales of acids to under 18s would be banned.

Mark van Dongen chose to undergo euthanasia months after he was attacked by his ex-girlfriend Berlinah Wallace during the early hours of 23 September 2015. He was left paralysed, scarred, had his lower left leg amputated and lost the sight in his left eye, as well as most of the sight in his right eye, following the incident. Wallace was found guilty of "throwing a corrosive substance with intent" and received a life sentence with a minimum term of 12 years.

In April 2017, a man named Arthur Collins, the ex-boyfriend of Ferne McCann, threw acid inside a nightclub across terrified clubbers in east London forcing a mass evacuation of 600 partygoers flooding into the street. 22 people were injured in the attack. Collins was sentenced to 20 years for the attack. Another similar attack is the 2017 Beckton acid attack. Katie Piper was also attacked in 2008 with acid by her ex-boyfriend Daniel Lynch and an accomplice Stefan Sylvestre.

In April 2019, a teenage girl, 13, and a woman, 63, were attacked by a man driving a white car, who poured sulphuric acid on them in Thornton Heath, South London.

The UK has subsequently banned possession of concentrated sulphuric acid without a licence and incidents of acid attacks have dropped substantially.

United States
Victor Riesel was a broadcast journalist, specializing in labor issues, who was attacked while leaving Lindy's restaurant in midtown Manhattan in the early morning of 5 April 1956. Riesel was left blind as a result. The attack was motivated by Riesel's reporting on the influence of organized crime on certain corrupt labor unions.

In 1959, American attorney Burt Pugach hired a man to throw lye (an alkaline rather than acid substance, but with similar corrosive effects) in the face of his ex-girlfriend Linda Riss. Riss suffered blindness and permanent scarring. Pugach served 14 years in prison for the incident.

Gabrielle White, a 22-year-old single mother living in Detroit, was attacked on 26 August 2006 by a stranger. She was left with third and fourth degree burns on her face, throat, and arms, leaving her blind and without one ear. She also miscarried her unborn child.  A 25-year-old nursing student at Merritt College was the victim of an acid attack.

Esperanza Medina walked out of her Logan Square apartment in Chicago, Illinois, on a July morning in 2008, heading to her job as a social worker. Three teenagers poured cups of battery acid on the head of Medina, a 48-year-old mother of four.

On August 30, 2010, Bethany Storro, 28, of Vancouver, Washington made national headlines after she claimed a stranger, whom she described as an African American woman, approached her on a walk and threw a cup of acid in her face, resulting in serious burns. Two weeks later, Storro admitted that she herself had lied about the attack and had, in fact, poured the acid on herself. She attributed her actions to untreated body dysmorphic disorder and pleaded guilty to lying to police, a misdemeanor. She also charged with three counts of second-degree theft in regards to donations she'd received to help aid her in her recovery but these charges were dropped after she repaid the money. It was reported in February 2013 that she spent one year in a mental health facility and had written a book, Facing the Truth.

In 2017, a 17-year-old girl was permanently scarred by an acid attack in Dallas. In November 2019, a man in Milwaukee was attacked and sustained multiple burns.

In April 2021, a student at Hofstra University suffered severe injuries to her face, arms, and throat from an acid attack carried out with battery acid. The assailant remains at large.

Vietnam
Acid attacks are common in Vietnam. Most victims are female. While the issue in other Asian countries like Cambodia, India and Pakistan is constantly monitored by domestic and transnational organizations, the situation in Vietnam is rather off the radar. Official statistics on acid attacks in the country are hard to record. Most of Vietnam's acid attack victims spend their lives isolated and ignored and also blamed for their condition. Kevin Hawkins, an American lawyer working for Vietnam-based VILAF law firm, notes the alarming prevalence of using acid in attacks, mostly for revenge and particularly in relation to failed romantic relationships or pursuits. The current Vietnamese penal code stipulates that those who use acid to attack their victims face a charge of "intentionally injuring others," rather than "murder," which thus fails to discourage potential offenders.

History

Acid has been used in metallurgy and for etching since ancient times. The rhetorical and theatrical term "La Vitrioleuse" was coined in France after a "wave of vitriolage" occurred according to the popular press where, in 1879, 16 cases of vitriol attacks were widely reported as crimes of passion perpetrated predominantly by women against other women. Much was made of the idea that women, no matter how few, had employed such violent means to an end. On October 17, 1915, acid was fatally thrown on Prince Leopold Clement of Saxe-Coburg and Gotha, heir to the House of Koháry, by his distraught mistress, Camilla Rybicka, who then killed herself. Sensationalizing such incidents made for lucrative newspaper sales. Similarly, multiple acid attacks were reported in the UK in the nineteenth century and the first half of the twentieth century. Again, these were seen as a crime carried out by women, although in practice perpetrators were as likely to be male as female.

The use of acid as a weapon began to rise in many developing nations, specifically those in South Asia. The first recorded acid attacks in South Asia occurred in Bangladesh in 1967, India in 1982, and Cambodia in 1993. Since then, research has witnessed an increase in the quantity and severity of acid attacks in the region. However, this can be traced to significant underreporting in the 1980s and 1990s, along with a general lack of research on this phenomenon during that period.

Research shows acid attacks increasing in many developing nations, with the exception of Bangladesh which has observed a decrease in incidence in the past few years.

Legislation
Many countries have begun pushing for legislation addressing acid attacks, and a few have recently employed new laws against this crime. Under the Qisas law of Pakistan, the perpetrator may suffer the same fate as the victim, and may be punished by having drops of acid placed in their eyes. This law is not binding and is rarely enforced according to a report in The New York Times. In Pakistan, the Lower House of Parliament unanimously passed the Acid Control and Acid Crime Prevention Bill on May 10, 2011. As punishment, according to the bill individuals held responsible for acid attacks face harsh fines and life in prison. However, the country with the most specific, effective legislation against acid attacks is Bangladesh, and such legal action has resulted in a steady 20–30% decrease in acid violence for the past few years. In 2013, India introduced an amendment to the Indian Penal Code through the Criminal Law (Amendment) Act, 2013, making acid attacks a specific offence with a punishment of imprisonment not less than 10 years and which can extend to life imprisonment and with fine.

India
India's top court ruled that authorities must regulate the sale of acid. The Supreme Court's ruling on July 16, 2013, came after an incident in which four sisters suffered severe burns after being attacked with acid by two men on a motorbike. Acid which is designed to clean rusted tools is often used in the attacks can be bought across the counter. But the judges said the buyer of such acids should in future have to provide a photo identity card to any retailer when they make a purchase. The retailers must register the name and address of the buyer. In 2013, section 326 A of Indian Penal Code was enacted by the Indian Parliament to ensure enhanced punishment for acid throwing.

Bangladesh
In 2002, Bangladesh introduced the death penalty for acid attacks and laws strictly controlling the sale, use, storage, and international trade of acids. The acids are used in traditional trades carving marble nameplates, conch bangles, goldsmiths, tanneries, and other industries, which have largely failed to comply with the legislation. Salma Ali of the Bangladesh National Women Lawyers' Association derided these laws as ineffective. The names of these laws are the Acid Crime Control Act (ACCA) and the Acid Control Act (ACA), respectively.

The ACCA directly impacts the criminal aspect of acid attacks, and allows for the death penalty or a level of punishment corresponding to the area of the body affected. If the attack results in a loss of hearing or sight or damages the victim's face, breasts, or sex organs then the perpetrator faces either the death penalty or life sentencing. If any other part of the body is maimed, then the criminal faces 7–14 years of imprisonment in addition to a fine of US$700. Additionally, throwing or attempting to throw acid without causing any physical or mental harm is punishable by this law and could result in a prison term of 3–7 years along with a US$700 fine. Furthermore, conspirators that aid in such attacks assume the same liability as those actually committing the crime.

The ACA regulates the sale, usage, and storing of acid in Bangladesh through the creation of the National Acid Control Council (NACC). The law requires that the NACC implement policies regarding the trade, misuse, and disposal of acid, while also undertaking initiatives that raise awareness about the dangers of acid and improve victim treatment and rehabilitation. The ACA calls for district-level committees responsible for enacting local measures that enforce and further regulate acid use in towns and cities.

Pakistan
Under the Qisas (eye-for-an-eye) law of Pakistan, the perpetrator could suffer the same fate as the victim, if the victim or the victim's guardian chooses. The perpetrator may be punished by having drops of acid placed in their eyes.

Section 336B of Pakistan Penal Code states: "Whoever causes hurt by corrosive substance shall be punished with imprisonment for life or imprisonment of either description which shall not be less than fourteen years and a minimum fine of one million rupees." Additionally, section 299 defines Qisas and states: "Qisas means punishment by causing similar hurt at the same part of the body of the convict as he has caused to the victim or by causing his death if he has committed qatl-iamd (intentional manslaughter) in exercise of the right of the victim or a Wali (the guardian of the victim)."

United Kingdom
After a spate of attacks in London in 2017, the Home Office said it would consider changes in laws and measures regarding sales of acid, as well as changes in prosecution and sentencing guidelines. As of 2017, it is unlawful to carry acid with the intent to cause harm. Attacks are prosecuted as acts of actual bodily harm and grievous bodily harm. Three quarters of police investigations do not end in prosecution, either because the attacker could not be found, or because the victim is unwilling to press charges. According to ASTI, of the 2,078 acid attack crimes recorded for the years 2011–2016 in UK, only 414 of those crimes resulted in charges being brought. Most acid attack crimes happened in London, where over 1,200 cases were recorded over the past five years. From 2011 to 2016 there were 1,464 crimes involving acid or corrosive substance. Northumbria recorded the second highest with 109 recorded attacks, Cambridgeshire had 69 attacks, Hertfordshire 67, Greater Manchester 57 and Humberside 52.

The Offensive Weapons Act 2019 made provisions for crimes related to acid attacks, including bringing in greater regulation of the sale of corrosive products and making it an offence to carry a corrosive substance in a public place without good reason.

Portrayals in media
 A fake acid attack between rivals for a husband appears in Cecil B. DeMille's film Why Change Your Wife? (1920).
 In "The Adventure of the Illustrious Client" by Sir Arthur Conan Doyle, the villainous Baron Adelbert Gruner has oil of vitriol thrown in his face by a wronged former mistress, disfiguring him. She is prosecuted for this but given the minimum sentence due to extenuating circumstances.
 DC Comics supervillain Two-Face's origin stories feature half his face disfigured with acid.
 In the 2002 series of He-Man and the Masters of the Universe, Skeletor owes his namesake skeletal face to an acid attack.
Saving Face – A 2012 documentary film by Sharmeen Obaid Chinoy and Daniel Junge that follows Pakistani/British plastic surgeon Dr. Mohammad Jawad to his native Pakistan to aid women who were victims of acid attacks, and examines the Pakistani parliament's exercise in banning the act of acid burning. The film won the 2012 Academy Award for best Documentary Short.
 In Emmerdale, one of the characters, Ross Barton, is a victim of an acid attack (as depicted in a 2018 episode). The actor who portrayed Ross Barton has said that it was his idea that the character should be a victim of an acid attack, as he wanted to create an awareness campaign about this problem.
Surkh Chandni – A 2019 Pakistani television series directed by Shahid Shafaat that follows the story of a girl who survived an acid attack and the harshness of society she has to face there after.
Dirty God – a 2019 English film starring Vicky Knight as an acid attack victim seeking justice and healing. Knight is a real burn victim, although from a domestic fire rather than an acid attack.
 Infinite Jest – a 1996 novel featuring a scene in which Joelle Van Dyne's mother tries to throw acid in her husband's face after he confesses his love for their daughter, Joelle, but instead misses and hits her.
 Uyare – a 2019 Indian Malayalam-language film focuses on an aspiring pilot, who is a victim of an acid attack and how the situation changes around her.
 Chhapaak – a 2020 Indian Hindi-language film based on the life of Laxmi Agarwal, an acid attack survivor.
 In Bergen - a 2022 biopic about Turkish singer Bergen, the acid attack that left her blind in one eye is depicted.
 In Coronation Street in 2023, two characters, Daisy Midgeley and Ryan Connor are victims of an acid attack when Daisy's stalker, Justin attacks her with acid. Ryan jumps in between Daisy and Justin and receives more severe burns to his face while Daisy only receives moderate burns on her body.
 In Top Boy in 2019, a minor character is depicted being wrestled to the ground and doused with a bottle of unknown acid on his face in a gang attack orchestrated by a main character, Jamie. The victim is then shown at the end of the season wearing an eyepatch with burns on his face. He was also seen in the following season, also with an eyepatch on his face, implying that the acid attack had permanently blinded the victim in one eye.

Terms
Vitriolage is the deliberate splashing of a person or object with acid, also known as vitriol, in order to deface or kill. A female who engages in such an act is known as a vitrioleuse. There are instances of this act throughout history and in modern times, often in places where honor killings are also common.

See also

 Caste system
 Dowry death
 Femicide
 Islam and domestic violence
 Sangita Magar
 Sati
 Zelyonka attack
 :Category:Acid attack victims

References

Further reading

 Breaking the Silence: Addressing Acid Attacks in Cambodia  – The Cambodian Acid Survivors Charity

External links
 Acid Survivors Trust International

Chemical weapons attacks
Violence against women
Acids
Assault

Acid attack


The Alexandria false antechinus (Pseudantechinus mimulus), also known as the Carpentarian false antechinus or Carpentarian pseudantechinus, is a small carnivorous marsupial, found only in a number of small, isolated localities in northern Australia. It is the smallest and rarest of the false antechinuses.

Taxonomy
The Alexandria false antechinus has had a long history of confusion with the fat-tailed false antechinus (P. macdonnellensis) ever since it was first described by Oldfield Thomas in 1906. W.D.L. Ride suppressed the species in 1971, placing it with the fat-tailed false antechinus, but it was restored by D.J. Kitchener in 1991. Its scientific name means "little mimic of false-antechinus".

The P. mimulus is classified as an endangered specie due to the decline in habitat quality and extent as a result of fire, introduced predators, and mining.

Description

The Alexandria false antechinus is coloured buff brown above and greyish white below. Its main distinguishing feature from other false antechinuses is its small size. The behaviour of this species has not been described.

Habitat

This species is found only in five localities: near Mount Isa in northwestern Queensland; Alexandria Station on the Barkly Tableland in the Northern Territory; and three small islands in the Sir Edward Pellew Group, in the north-east of the territory. In 2009 it was recorded from Pungalina-Seven Emu Sanctuary in the Northern Territory.  It inhabits stony hillsides with woodland and spinifex grass.

The P. mimulus is endemic to Australia. More specifically they are restricted to Sir Edward Pellew Group (Northern Territory), Centre and Southwest Islands, and two locations near Queensland. In the 1988 census of the territories the species was found in the Centre and South West Islands, but in the 2003 census it was not located. It is believed that the P. mimulus still resides within that area, but is yet to be confirmed. In addition, the habitat in which the species resides in is a rocky one with scattered trees and wood.

Conservation status

The Alexandria false antechinus has a very limited distribution, which has resulted in its classification by the IUCN as endangered. On the offshore islands it inhabits, it is fairly common; however, it is rare and, in 1995, had not been seen on the mainland since 1905, when it was discovered.

Diet
While a lot of details about the species diet is unknown, it is believed that they eat mostly invertebrates as well as some small vertebrates.

References

External links
National Multi-species Recovery Plan for the Carpentarian Antechinus, Butler's Dunnart and Northern Hopping Mouse
biodiversity.mongabay.com

Dasyuromorphs
Vulnerable fauna of Australia
Mammals of the Northern Territory
Marsupials of Australia
Mammals described in 1906
Taxa named by Oldfield Thomas

Alexandria false antechinus


Shona music is the music of the Shona people of Zimbabwe. There are several different types of traditional Shona music including mbira, singing, hosho and drumming.  Very often, this music will be accompanied by dancing, and participation by the audience.  In Shona music, there is little distinction between the performer and the audience, both are often actively involved in the music-making, and both are important in the religious ceremonies where Shona music is often heard.

Mbira

The mbira is a traditional instrument of the Shona People often used in religious ceremonies.  There are several different varieties of mbira including the mbira dzavadzimu and mbira nyunga nyunga.

Shona music is well known as representative of mbira ("thumb piano") music. The performer of the "kushaura" (lead mbira part) often acts also as the lead vocalist, selecting a known melody or mbira pattern to accompany selected lyrics, usually a phrase or a few lines of text which are then commented upon improvisationally. The performer of the "kutsinira" (second mbira part) plays a pattern which interlocks with the "kushaura" in a way that creates the repeated notes which identify mbira music. The "kutsinira" part is sometimes the same part as the "kushaura", but following the kushaura one pulse behind. The mbira players are accompanied by another less active singer who plays the hosho (a rattle) and responds to the improvised lyrics of the singer and, most importantly, embellishes and complements the lead vocal melody. (Garfias 1971)

Drumming
Drums are always associated with dance and can be used for various dances.

Mhande drums
 Shauro- used for the lead rhythm
 Tsinhiro- used for the response rhythm

4Dinhe drums
 Mhito – used for the lead rhythm
 Mitumba miviri- used for the response rhythm

Chokoto drums
(these are two headed)
 Chimudumbana – small, for lead rhythm
 Chigubha – big, for response rhythm

Hosho

Shona music is often accompanied by the hosho, a hollowed-out maranka gourd containing hota seeds or other objects that is shaken to generate a sound.

Ancient Shona music
Traditional ancient Shona musics consist of mbira dzavadzimu played by multiple players, hosho and ngoma drums. Ancient shona music is mainly played at spiritual ceremonies called bira.

Modern
Traditional Shona music has been adapted to modern instruments such as electric guitars and western drumsets, for example by musicians such as Thomas Mapfumo, Stella Chiweshe, and Oliver Mtukudzi. This music is also associated with the Chimurenga movement.

Shona music in the West
Shona music has become popular in the West and even in the East such as Japan. Shona mbira has been taught in British and American Universities in musicology classes. Transcriptions carried out as part of fieldwork. In the United States, Shona music has become popular in Colorado, California, the Pacific Northwest and in some places of Argentina, largely due to the seeding influence of musicians including Dumisani Maraire, Ephat Mujuru, Thomas Mapfumo and Erica Azim.

Shona music on marimba
Shona marimbas are diatonic and are made with F#s and without. They are different from other marimbas through their larger keys and resonators beneath the keys (to produce a buzzing sound). There are four kinds of marimba played in a band, namely bass, baritone, tenor and soprano. Bass has the largest keys and resonators and the shortest range, requiring large sticks to play. Baritone is the next in size, with one octave more than the bass. It also has large resonators and large sticks, although not as large as bass. Tenor and soprano use the same sticks. Tenor has two octaves, with the higher octave being the same as the lower octave of soprano. Soprano plays the lead part, with tenor providing rhythm. Bass and baritone play similar parts, forming the backbone of the song. Marimba is very popular in schools in Zimbabwe, with most schools having at least one band.

Musicians
Chartwell Dutiro
Chiwoniso Maraire
Chris Berry
Cosmas Magaya
Dumisani Maraire
Ephat Mujuru
Erica Azim
Forward Kwenda
Fabio Chivhanda
Herbert Schwamborn
James Chimombe
Oliver Mtukudzi
Stella Chiweshe
Tendayi Gahamadze
Hope Masike
Thomas Mapfumo
Jah Prayzah
Leonard Dembo

See also
Chimurenga
Ngororombe
Marimba (Zimbabwean)
Music of Africa
Music of Zimbabwe
Shona language
Shona people
Bantu language
Zimbabwe
List of Zimbabwean musicians

Recordings
Nonesuch Explorer Series 79703-2, Zimbabwe: The African Mbira: Music of the Shona People (2002). Liner notes by Robert Garfias (1971).
Nonesuch Explorer Series 79704 Zimbabwe: The Soul of Mbira: Traditions of the Shona People (1973). Produced by Paul Berliner
 Musical instruments 2: (LP) Reeds (Mbira). (1972)  The Music of Africa series. 1 LP disc. 33 rpm. mono. 12 in. Recorded by Hugh Tracey. Kaleidophone, KMA 2.
 Mbira Music of Rhodesia, Performed by Abram Dumisani Maraire. (1972). Seattle: University of Washington Press, Ethnic Music Series. Garfias, R. (Ed.). 1 LP disc. 33 rpm. mono. 12 in. UWP-1001. This disc features Maraire exclusively on Nyunga Nyunga mbira. A 12-page booklet by Maraire is included, describing the background, composition, and performance of nyunga-nyunga mbira music.

Further reading

Tracey, Andrew. (1970). How to play the mbira (dza vadzimu). Roodepoort, Transvaal, South Africa: International Library of African Music.
Tracey, Hugh. (1961). The evolution of African music and its function in the present day. Johannesburg: Institute for the Study of Man in Africa.
Tracey, Hugh. (1969). The Mbira class of African Instruments in Rhodesia (1932).  African Music Society Journal, 4:3, 78-95.

External links
 Zimbabwe Music Vibes Promoting Urban Culture
 ZimFest Annual Zimbabwean Music Festival in North America
 Zambuko Solomon Murungu's Shona Music Site
 Mbira.org Erica Azim's site, based in Berkeley, CA
 Dandemutande Shona Music site and mailing list

Zimbabwean music
Shona
Ethnomusicology

Shona music


The Reverend Monsignor Carlos Cuarteron (1816 – 12 March 1880), was a Spanish mariner who later became a priest and established the first Roman Catholic missions in northern Borneo.

Born in Cadiz to an Italian father and Spanish mother, Carlos went to sea at 13. He was based in the Philippines and built up his experience on the route between Manila and Macao until he became a full captain in 1841. By February 1844, Carlos bought a 146-ton topsail schooner, Il Martiri de Tunkin. He set out to find and salvage valuable cargo from the wreck of the Christina. He succeeded, surrendered (after some delay) the treasure to its insurers in Hong Kong, and was well rewarded.

He undertook several voyages in the islands south and east of the Philippines, during which he freed several slaves and did some evangelising. He became more interested in missionary work and went back to Europe for support and training. In 1855, he was appointed Priest Apostolic to Borneo by the Pope and left for the east in 1856 with two Italian priests to assist him.

The mission was welcomed in Labuan in 1857 and established stations in Brunei and at Looc Porin (near where Kota Kinabalu is now). However, problems with his assistants left him alone from 1860, and the mission made little progress.

Cuarteron, already ill, resigned his post in Rome in December 1879, then returned to his sister's home in Cadiz, where he died of pneumonia on 12 March 1880.

References

1816 births
1880 deaths
19th-century Spanish Roman Catholic priests
Spanish Roman Catholic missionaries
Roman Catholic missionaries in Malaysia
Roman Catholic missionaries in Brunei
Deaths from pneumonia in Spain
Spanish people of Italian descent

Carlos Cuarteroni


In Roman mythology, Mezentius was an Etruscan king, and father of Lausus. Sent into exile because of his cruelty, he moved to Latium. He reveled in bloodshed and was overwhelmingly savage on the battlefield, but more significantly to a Roman audience he was a contemptor divum, a "despiser of the gods."

He appears in Virgil's Aeneid, primarily book ten, where he aids Turnus in a war against Aeneas and the Trojans. While in battle with Aeneas, he is critically injured by a spear blow, but his son Lausus bravely blocks Aeneas's final blow. Lausus is then killed by Aeneas, and Mezentius is able to escape death for a short while. Once he hears of Lausus' death, he feels ashamed that his son died in his place and returns to battle on his horse Rhaebus in order to avenge him. He is able to keep Aeneas on the defensive for some time by riding around Aeneas and throwing javelins. Eventually, Aeneas kills the horse with a spear and pins Mezentius underneath. He is overcome by Aeneas, but remains defiant and refuses to ask for mercy, as Turnus later does; he only asks that he be buried with his son.

In the traditional myth that predates the Aeneid, Mezentius actually outlived Aeneas, who 'disappeared' into the river which Aeneas became associated with in a hero cult. However, since his benefactor Maecenas was a native Etruscan, Virgil portrayed Mezentius as a tyrant, attributing to him personally the evils which the Greek authors had previously accused the Etruscans of, such as torture and savagery, an ethnic prejudice already present in the Homeric Hymns. Thus he created something of a scapegoat of Mezentius and portrayed the Etruscan people as a good race who fight alongside Aeneas.

Notes

Further reading
 Rivero-García, Luis & Librán-Moreno, M.. (2011). "New Light on Virgil's Mezentius: A New Homeric Model and Etymological Wordplay". In: Paideia LXVI: 457–489.

References

 Livy, Book I.

Characters in the Aeneid
Etruscan heroes
Etruscan kings

Mezentius


The Sinclair Sovereign was a high-end calculator introduced by Clive Sinclair's company Sinclair Radionics in 1976. It was an attempt to escape from the unprofitable low end of the market, and one of the last calculators Sinclair produced. Made with a case of pressed steel that a variety of finishes, it cost between  and  at a time when other calculators could be purchased for under . A number of factors meant that the Sovereign was not a commercial success, including the cost, high import levies on components, competition from cheaper calculators manufactured abroad, and the development of more power-efficient designs using liquid-crystal displays. Though it came with a five-year guarantee, issues such as short battery life limited its usefulness. The company moved on to producing computers soon afterwards.

The design by John Pemberton won a Design Council award, and there are examples of the Sovereign in the Museum of Modern Art in New York. It had a Mostek MK50321N main integrated circuit and a small memory register, a LED display, and could perform a variety of a number of basic mathematical operations besides four-function arithmetic.

History
The Sovereign was one of the last calculators produced during Sinclair's foray into the calculator market that had started with the Sinclair Executive in September 1972. The Executive had retailed for  when introduced, but in little over a year it was possible to purchase a Sinclair calculator for  and by November 1976 a model was available for . Cheaper calculators with liquid-crystal displays instead of light-emitting diodes were becoming more popular, and had much longer battery lives of months or years. Such calculators were available for well under , with all the functionality of the more expensive models. The impossibility of selling "simple" calculators profitably led Sinclair to introduce models such as the Cambridge Scientific, introduced in August 1975 at a price of .

The Sovereign, released in 1976, represented an attempt to move upmarket in an increasingly saturated market. In December 1976, the chrome plated version of the Sovereign cost  and the gold-plated version , including VAT, but profit margins on the Sovereign were so small that Sinclair ended up selling the Sovereign at a loss, and it was not a commercial success. The Sovereign was made in England, like every other Sinclair calculator except the President.

Sinclair would shortly stop producing calculators and instead focus on computers, starting with the MK14 in 1977. The loss of the calculator market was due in part to technological development leading to smaller and cheaper components, which put heavy pressure on profit margins. An import levy of up to 17.5% was placed on components, but the duty for calculators imported from Japan or Hong Kong could be as little as 5%, making it unprofitable to produce calculators in the UK. Sinclair also had some problems with the reliability of earlier calculators that had adversely affected its reputation, but the Sovereign was sold with a "full and unconditional" five year guarantee.

Design
The Sovereign came in satin chrome and gold-plated models, with leather pouches and fitted wooden cases. It had an 8-digit seven-segment display that used red light-emitting diodes, with a decimal point to the right of each digit that could be illuminated as necessary. Power was provided by two 1.35 mercury button cells. The Sovereign measured , which made it small and sleek compared to other calculators of the time.

The Sovereign was unusual because the casing was made from pressed steel, which gave it a much higher quality feel compared to injection moulded plastic. This allowed a variety of paint and plating options, including black painted, chrome-plated, silver-plated, and gold-plated, and a limited edition silver-plated version, inscribed to commemorate the Silver Jubilee of Queen Elizabeth II in 1977, were also produced. Asprey of London was rumoured to have produced two Sovereigns in solid gold, costing  each.

The design, by John Pemberton, won the Design Council Award in 1977, as the Executive had in 1973, and there are examples in the collection of the Museum of Modern Art in New York. Sovereigns are highly collectible, and used models command high prices.

Functions
As well as addition, subtraction, multiplication and division, it had reciprocal and square-root functions, and the ability to multiply by a fixed constant. With an eight-digit display, the calculator could display positive numbers between 0.0000001 and 99,999,999, and negative numbers between -0.000001 and -9,999,999. Calculators of the time tended to have displays of between 3 and 12 digits, as reducing the number of digits was an effective way of reducing the cost of the calculator. A number outside that range leads to an overflow, and the screen flashes and all keys except the clear key are rendered inoperable to inform the user of the error. An independent memory register could read information from the screen, and information could only be taken from the memory onto the screen. Five keys were used for memory operations.

The Sovereign used a Mostek MK50321N main integrated circuit, the same as the Sinclair Wrist Calculator and some variants of the Sinclair Cambridge. Clive Sinclair had assumed that people would prefer attractive illuminated LED displays to LCD displays, which incidentally also required more expensive CMOS chips. However, his calculators were designed with the assumption they would be turned off between calculations, which did not prove to be the case. Advertisements suggested that the batteries would last "about a year" under normal use, but in reality the small button cell batteries and comparatively high power consumption meant a short battery life compared to the competition.

References

Citations

Sources

External links
 1976 Sinclair Sovereign LED pocket calculator at YouTube

Computer-related introductions in 1976
Sinclair calculators

Sinclair Sovereign


Buford is an unincorporated community in Williams County, North Dakota, United States. It is the nearest community to the Fort Union Trading Post National Historic Site. It is named for the nearby historic Fort Buford at the confluence of the Missouri and Yellowstone Rivers.

Notes

Unincorporated communities in Williams County, North Dakota
Unincorporated communities in North Dakota

Buford, North Dakota


"El Paso" is a western ballad written and originally recorded by Marty Robbins, and first released on Gunfighter Ballads and Trail Songs in September 1959. It was released as a single the following month, and became a major hit on both the country and pop music charts, becoming the first No. 1 hit of the 1960s on both. It won the Grammy Award for Best Country & Western Recording in 1961. It is widely considered a genre classic for its gripping narrative which ends in the death of its protagonist, its shift from past to present tense, haunting harmonies by vocalists Bobby Sykes and Jim Glaser (of the Glaser Brothers) and the eloquent and varied Spanish guitar accompaniment by Grady Martin that lends the recording a distinctive Tex-Mex feel. The name of the character Feleena was based upon a schoolmate of Robbins in the fifth grade, Fidelina Martinez.

Members of the Western Writers of America chose "El Paso" as one of the Top 100 Western songs of all time.

In 1998, the 1959 recording of "El Paso" on Columbia Records by Marty Robbins was inducted into the Grammy Hall of Fame.

Storyline

The song is a first-person narrative told by a cowboy in El Paso, Texas, in the days of the Wild West. The singer recalls how he frequented "Rosa's Cantina", where he became smitten with a young Mexican dancer named Feleena. When the singer notices another cowboy sharing a drink with "wicked Feleena", out of jealousy he challenges the newcomer to a gunfight. The singer kills the newcomer, then flees. In the act of escaping, the singer commits the additional hanging offense of horse theft. Departing the town, the singer hides out in the "badlands of New Mexico."

The song then fast-forwards to an undisclosed time later – the lyrics at this point change from past to present tense – when the singer describes the yearning for Feleena that drives him to return, without regard for his own life, to El Paso. He states that his "love is stronger than [his] fear of death." Upon arriving, the singer races for the cantina, but is chased and fatally wounded by a posse. Feleena rushes to his side, and he dies in her arms after "one little kiss".

Chart performance

Weekly charts

Year-end charts

All-time charts

Versions
There have been three versions of Robbins' original recording of "El Paso": the original full-length version, the edited version, and the abbreviated version, which is an alternate take in stereo that can be found on the Gunfighter Ballads album. The original version, released on a 45 single record, is in mono and is around 4 minutes and 38 seconds in duration, far longer than most contemporary singles at the time, especially in the country genre. Robbins' longtime record company, Columbia Records, was unsure whether radio stations would play such a long song, so it released two versions of the song on a promo 45: the full-length version on one side, and an edited version on the other which was nearer to the three-minute mark. This version omitted a verse describing the cowboy's remorse over the "foul evil deed [he] had done" before his flight from El Paso. The record-buying public, as well as most disc jockeys, overwhelmingly preferred the full-length version.

Cover versions
"El Paso" frequently was performed by the Grateful Dead in concert. The song entered the band's repertoire in 1969, and remained there until the band parted ways after Garcia's passing in 1995; in total, it was performed 389 times. It was sung by rhythm guitarist Bob Weir, with Jerry Garcia contributing harmony vocals. On the album Ladies and Gentlemen... the Grateful Dead, Bob Weir introduces the song as the Dead's "most requested number". Later post-Garcia groups such as Furthur, The Other Ones, and Dead & Company also performed the song, though not as often.

Grady Martin released an instrumental version in 1965 on his Instrumentally Yours album.

After Lolita and her Western Trio had a hit in the US with Seemann (Deine Heimat ist das Meer) she recorded a German version of El Paso which contributed to a long series of bi-national songs such as Wenn der Sommer Kommt and two songs which would top the U.S. country charts thirteen years later as performed by Marie Osmond  Lieber Jonny, Komm doch Wieder and Das einsame Haus in Waikiki.

A parody version, "El Pizza" by H.B. Barnum (under the pseudonym "Dudley") was issued in February 1960. It moved the action to Azusa, California, where Rosa's Cantina became a pizza place where Feleena worked as a waitress.

Homer and Jethro also parodied the song in their "El Paso - Numero Dos". When the singer asks for directions to Rosa's Cantina, a cab driver tells him to "ask Marty Robbins, 'cause he's the hombre who made up the song". The singer encounters a woman named "Velveeta" and asks her where she had been all his life; "she answered, 'Most of it I wasn't born'".

In the late 1980s a version for  marching band (called  "El Paso" (Miners Fight)) became the official fight song of the University of Texas at El Paso Miners.

Sequels
Robbins wrote two songs that are explicit sequels to "El Paso", one in 1966, one in 1976.

Feleena (From El Paso)
In 1966, Robbins recorded "Feleena (From El Paso)", telling the life story of Feleena, the "Mexican girl" from "El Paso", in a third-person narrative. This track was over eight minutes long. Robbins wrote most of it in Phoenix, Arizona, but went to El Paso seeking inspiration for the conclusion.

Born in a desert shack in New Mexico during a thunderstorm, Feleena runs away from home at 17, living off her charms for a year in Santa Fe, New Mexico, before moving to the brighter lights of El Paso to become a paid dancer. After another year, the narrator of "El Paso" arrives, the first man she did not have contempt for. He spends six weeks romancing her and then, in a retelling of the key moment in the original song, beset by "insane jealousy", he shoots another man with whom she was flirting.

Her lover's return to El Paso comes only a day after his flight (the original song suggests a longer time frame before his return) and as she goes to run to him, the cowboy motions to her to stay out of the line of fire and is shot; immediately after his dying kiss, Feleena shoots herself with his gun. Their ghosts are heard to this day in the wind blowing around El Paso: "It's only the young cowboy showing Feleena the town".

El Paso City
In 1976 Robbins released another reworking, "El Paso City", in which the present-day singer is a passenger on a flight over El Paso, which reminds him of a song he had heard "long ago", proceeding to summarize the original "El Paso" story. "I don't recall who sang the song," he sings, but he feels a supernatural connection to the story: "Could it be that I could be the cowboy in this mystery...," he asks, suggesting a past life. This song reached No. 1 on the country charts. The arrangement includes riffs and themes from the previous two El Paso songs. Robbins wrote it while flying over El Paso in, he reported, the same amount of time it takes to sing—four minutes and 14 seconds. It was only the second time that ever happened to him; the first time was when he composed the original "El Paso" as fast as he could write it down. Robbins intended to do one more sequel, "The Mystery of Old El Paso", but he died in late 1982 before he could finish the final song.

References
 Liner notes by Rich Keinzle, July 1991, to The Essential Marty Robbins: 1951-1982 Columbia Records 468909-2

Notes

External links

1959 songs
1960 singles
1976 singles
Marty Robbins songs
Grateful Dead songs
Country ballads
Culture of El Paso, Texas
Billboard Hot 100 number-one singles
Number-one singles in Canada
Number-one singles in South Africa
Grammy Hall of Fame Award recipients
Songs about Texas
Songs about cities in the United States
Songs written by Marty Robbins
Columbia Records singles
Murder ballads
Song recordings produced by Don Law

El Paso (song)


Nonfarm payroll employment is a compiled name for goods, construction and manufacturing companies in the US. Approximately 80% of the workforce is accounted for nonfarm payrolls  and it excludes farm workers, private household employees, actively serving military or non-profit organization employees. Approximately 131,000 businesses and government agencies, which amounts to around 670,000 worksites, are surveyed on a monthly basis.

It is an influential statistic and economic indicator released monthly by the United States Department of Labor as part of a comprehensive report on the state of the labor market.

The financial assets most affected by the nonfarm payroll (NFP) data include the US dollar, equities and gold. The markets react very quickly and most of the time in a very volatile fashion around the time the NFP data is released. The short-term market moves indicate that there is a very strong correlation between the NFP data and the strength of the US dollar. Historical price movement data shows a small negative correlation between the NFP data and the US dollar Index.

The Bureau of Labor Statistics releases preliminary data on the third Friday after the conclusion of the reference week, i.e., the week which includes the 12th of the month, at 8:30a.m. Eastern Time; typically this date occurs on the first Friday of the month. Nonfarm payroll is included in the monthly Employment Situation or informally the jobs report and affects the US dollar, the Foreign exchange market, the bond market, and the stock market.

The figure released is the change in nonfarm payrolls (NFP), compared to the previous month, and is usually between +10,000 and +250,000 during non-recessional times. That number is meant to represent the number of jobs added or lost in the economy over the last month, not including jobs relating to the farming industry.

Interpretation for the economy
In general, increases in employment means both that businesses are hiring which means they are growing and that the newly-employed people have money to spend on goods and services, which further fuels growth. The opposite is true for decreases in employment. Simultaneously, a robust job market could imply that the economy is expanding at a rapid pace, which may result in inflationary pressures, particularly in the form of higher wages. If the employment numbers are strong, Fed officials might contemplate raising key interest rates as a measure to control inflation. Based on the survey results, the Federal Reserve could determine its course of action regarding monetary policy.

Interpretation for financial markets
US employment data showed sustained weakness throughout 2011. The jobs market has become an area of key focus for investors and market participants since US Federal Reserve ties monetary policies with economic performance, such as the size of quantitative easing programme. For this reason and in this environment the market is particularly sensitive to significant NFP releases.

While the overall number of jobs added or lost in the economy is obviously an important current indicator of what the economic situation is, the report also includes several other pieces of data that can move financial markets:

1. What the unemployment rate is in the economy as a percentage of the overall workforce. This is an important part of the report as the number of people out of work is a good indication of the overall health of the economy, and this is a number that is watched by the Fed as when it becomes low (generally anything below 5%) inflation is expected to start to creep up as businesses have to pay up to hire good workers and increase prices as a result. This initial rise in prices may mean that workers demand higher wages (especially as the economy reaches full employment) causing further inflation. In macroeconomics, this is known as the price/wage spiral.

2. Which sectors the increase or decrease in jobs came from. This can give traders a heads up on which sectors of the economy may be primed for growth as companies in those sectors such as housing add jobs.

3. Average hourly earnings. This is an important component because if the same number of people are employed but are earning more or less money for that work, this has basically the same effect as if people had been added or subtracted from the labor force.

4. Revisions of previous nonfarm payrolls releases. An important component of the report which can move markets as traders re-price growth expectations based on the revision to the previous number.

See also
 Economic indicator
 Gross domestic product
 List of recessions in the United States
 JOLTS report

References

Macroeconomic indicators

Nonfarm payrolls


An erection (clinically: penile erection or penile tumescence) is a physiological phenomenon in which the penis becomes firm, engorged, and enlarged. Penile erection is the result of a complex interaction of psychological, neural, vascular, and endocrine factors, and is often associated with sexual arousal, sexual attraction or libido, although erections can also be spontaneous. The shape, angle, and direction of an erection vary considerably between humans.

Physiologically, an erection is required for a male to effect penetration or sexual intercourse and is triggered by the parasympathetic division of the autonomic nervous system, causing the levels of nitric oxide (a vasodilator) to rise in the trabecular arteries and smooth muscle of the penis. The arteries dilate causing the corpora cavernosa of the penis (and to a lesser extent the corpus spongiosum) to fill with blood; simultaneously the ischiocavernosus and bulbospongiosus muscles compress the veins of the corpora cavernosa restricting the egress and circulation of this blood. Erection subsides when parasympathetic activity reduces to baseline.

As an autonomic nervous system response, an erection may result from a variety of stimuli, including sexual stimulation and sexual arousal, and is therefore not entirely under conscious control. Erections during sleep or upon waking up are known as nocturnal penile tumescence (NPT), also known as "morning wood". Absence of nocturnal erection is commonly used to distinguish between physical and psychological causes of erectile dysfunction and impotence.

The state of a penis which is partly, but not fully, erect is sometimes known as semi-erection (clinically: partial tumescence); a penis which is not erect is typically referred to as being flaccid, or soft.

Physiology

An erection is necessary for natural insemination as well as for the harvesting of sperm for artificial insemination, and is common for children, and infants. After reaching puberty, erections occur much more frequently.
An erection occurs when two tubular structures, called the corpora cavernosa, that run the length of the penis, become engorged with venous blood. This may result from any of various physiological stimuli, also known as sexual stimulation and sexual arousal. The corpus spongiosum is a single tubular structure located just below the corpora cavernosa, which contains the urethra, through which urine and semen pass during urination and ejaculation respectively. This may also become slightly engorged with blood, but less so than the corpora cavernosa.

In some cases, the scrotum becomes tightened during an erection, and in most uncircumcised males, the foreskin automatically and gradually retracts throughout the various stages of erection, exposing the glans, though some individuals have to manually retract their foreskin.

Autonomic control
In the presence of mechanical stimulation, erection is initiated by the parasympathetic division of the autonomic nervous system with minimal input from the central nervous system. Parasympathetic branches extend from the sacral plexus into the arteries supplying the erectile tissue; upon stimulation, these nerve branches release acetylcholine, which in turn causes the release of nitric oxide from endothelial cells in the trabecular arteries. Nitric oxide diffuses to the smooth muscle of the arteries (called trabecular smooth muscle), acting as a vasodilating agent.  The arteries dilate, filling the corpus spongiosum and corpora cavernosa with blood.  The ischiocavernosus and bulbospongiosus muscles also compress the veins of the corpora cavernosa, limiting the venous drainage of blood. Erection subsides when parasympathetic stimulation is discontinued; baseline stimulation from the sympathetic division of the autonomic nervous system causes constriction of the penile arteries and cavernosal sinosoids, forcing blood out of the erectile tissue via erection-related veins which include one deep dorsal vein, a pair of cavernosal veins, and two pairs of para-arterial veins between Buck's fascia and the tunica albuginea. Erection rigidity is mechanically controlled by reduction blood flow via theses veins, and thereby building up the pressure of the corpus cavernosum and corpus spongiosum, an integral instructure, the distal ligament, buttresses the glans penis.

After ejaculation or cessation of stimulation, erection usually subsides, but the time taken may vary depending on the length and thickness of the penis.

Voluntary and involuntary control
The cerebral cortex can initiate erection in the absence of direct mechanical stimulation (in response to visual, auditory, olfactory, imagined, or tactile stimuli) acting through erectile centers in the lumbar and sacral regions of the spinal cord. The cortex may suppress erection, even in the presence of mechanical stimulation, as may other psychological, emotional, and environmental factors.

Nocturnal erection

The penis may become erect during sleep or be erect on waking up. Such an erection is medically known as nocturnal penile tumescence (informally: morning wood or morning glory).

Socio-sexual aspects

Social
Though an erection can have many causes, the more common indicator of sexual arousal has a prevalent view over society and its portrayal in public is considered taboo in many societies. This taboo is lesser than that surrounding public sex but higher than that surrounding nudity. Erectile dysfunction is considered a flaw that associates shame at the individual and his partner.

The penile plethysmograph, which measures erections, has been used by some governments and courts of law to measure sexual orientation. An unusual aversion to the erect penis is sometimes referred to as phallophobia.

Spontaneous or random erections

Spontaneous erections, also known as involuntary, random or unwanted erections, are commonplace and a normal part of male physiology. Socially, such erections can be embarrassing if they happen in public or when undesired. Such erections can occur at any time of day, and if clothed may cause a bulge which (if required) can be disguised or hidden by wearing close-fitting underwear, a long shirt, or baggier clothes.

Size

The length of the flaccid penis is not indicative of the length of the penis when it becomes erect, with some smaller flaccid penises growing much longer, and some larger flaccid penises growing comparatively less.
Generally, the size of an erect penis is fixed throughout post-pubescent life. Its size may be increased by surgery.

Though the size of a penis varies considerably between males, the average length of an erect human penis is 13.12 cm (5.17 inches), while the average circumference of an erect human penis is 11.66 cm (4.59 inches).

Direction
Although many erect penises point upwards, it is common and normal for the erect penis to point nearly vertically upwards or horizontally straight forward or even nearly vertically downwards, all depending on the tension of the suspensory ligament that holds it in position. An erect penis can also take on a number of different shapes, ranging from a straight tube to a tube with a curvature up or down or to the left or right. An increase in penile curvature can be caused by Peyronie's disease. This may cause physical and psychological effects for the affected individual, which could include erectile dysfunction or pain during an erection. Treatments include oral medication (such as colchicine) or surgery, which is most often performed only as a last resort.

The following table shows how common various erection angles are for a standing male. In the table, zero degrees (0°) is pointing straight up against the abdomen, 90° is horizontal and pointing straight forward, and 180° is pointing straight down to the feet. An upward pointing angle is most common and the average erection angle is 74.3 degrees. The penile curvature was measured same time. 63% men have straight penis. 22.2% men have upwards curvature and 14.8% men have downwards curvature.

Medical conditions

Erectile dysfunction

Erectile dysfunction (also known as ED or "(male) impotence") is a sexual dysfunction characterized by the inability to develop and/or maintain an erection. The study of erectile dysfunction within medicine is known as andrology, a sub-field within urology.

Erectile dysfunction may occur due to physiological or psychological reasons, most of which are amenable to treatment. Common physiological reasons include diabetes, kidney disease, chronic alcoholism, multiple sclerosis, atherosclerosis, vascular disease, including arterial insufficiency and venogenic erectile dysfunction, and neurologic disease which collectively account for about 70% of ED cases. Some drugs used to treat other conditions, such as lithium and paroxetine, may cause erectile dysfunction.

Erectile dysfunction, tied closely as it is to cultural notions of potency, success and masculinity, can have devastating psychological consequences including feelings of shame, loss or inadequacy. There is a strong culture of silence and inability to discuss the matter. Around one in ten men experience recurring impotence problems at some point in their lives.

Priapism
Priapism is a painful condition in which the penis does not return to its flaccid state, despite the absence of both physical and psychological stimulation. Priapism lasting over four hours is a medical emergency.

In non-human animals

At the time of penetration, the canine penis is not erect, and only able to penetrate the female because it includes a narrow bone called the baculum, a feature of most placental mammals. After the male achieves penetration, he will often hold the female tighter and thrust faster, and it is during this time that the male's penis expands. Unlike human sexual intercourse, where the male penis commonly becomes erect before entering the female, canine copulation involves the male first penetrating the female, after which swelling of the penis to erection occurs.

An elephant's penis is S-shaped when fully erect and has a Y-shaped orifice.

Given the small amount of erectile tissue in a bull's penis, there is little enlargement after erection. The penis is quite rigid when non-erect, and becomes even more rigid during erection. Protrusion is not affected much by erection, but more by relaxation of the retractor penis muscle and straightening of the sigmoid flexure.

A male fossa's penis reaches to between his forelegs when erect.

When not erect, a horse's penis is housed within the prepuce,  long and  in diameter with the distal end . The retractor muscle contracts to retract the penis into the sheath and relaxes to allow the penis to extend from the sheath. When erect, the penis doubles in length and thickness and the glans increases by 3 to . Erection and protrusion take place gradually, by the increasing tumescence of the erectile vascular tissue in the corpus cavernosum penis. Most stallions achieve erection within 2 minutes of contact with an estrus mare, and mount the estrus mare 5–10 seconds afterward.

A bird penis is different in structure from mammal penises, being an erectile expansion of the cloacal wall and being erected by lymph, not blood.  The penis of the lake duck can reach about the same length as the animal himself when fully erect, but more commonly is about half the bird's length.

Terminology

Clinically, erection is often known as "penile erection", and the state of being erect, and process of erection, are described as "tumescence" or "penile tumescence". The term for the subsiding or cessation of an erection is "detumescence".

Colloquially and in slang, erection is known by many informal terms. Commonly encountered English terms include 'stiffy', 'hard-on', 'boner' and 'woody'. There are several slang words, euphemisms and synonyms for an erection in English and in other languages (see also: The WikiSaurus entry).

See also

Clitoral erection
Cock ring
Death erection
Human penis
Issues in social nudity
Nipple stimulation
Priapism
Sexual function

References

Sexual arousal
Andrology
Men's health

Erection


Radioactive contamination  or radiological contamination is the contamination of the environment with radioactive materials, where these materials are not present. Many radioactive substances have very long half lives; this means that if they are present in the envioroment, they can be dangerous for a very long time. Many nuclear power plants produce such substances; usually they are processed to radioactive waste. There is little danger that comes from radioactive waste,if it is stored safely.

Causes
Incidents in nuclear power plants
Nuclear medicine uses radiation for the treatment of illnesses. Sometimes, there are accidents.
Explosions in nuclear facilities (and atomic bombs) cause nuclear fallouts: This means that nuclear particles are scattered using normal atmospheric phenomena, such as the weather
Nuclear reprocessing can contaminate water

Accidents

References

Physics
Nuclear energy

Radioactive contamination