Far-right politics in Serbia emerged shortly before the break-up of Yugoslavia and has been present ever since. Its manifestation mostly focuses on national and religious factors.

In the Kingdom of Yugoslavia, the far-right had a small amount of support, though politicians and groups alike existed. Milan Stojadinović, the prime minister of Yugoslavia from 1935 to 1939, saw fascism as an ideological role model for his premiership, while Milan Nedić, who was appointed prime minister of the puppet government in 1941, was a supporter of fascist ideas. Dimitrije Ljotić headed Zbor, a minor party that was inspired by Italian fascism. Ljotić cooperated with Bishop Nikolaj Velimirović, who is viewed as an antisemite and a promoter of anti-Western sentiment. The Chetniks under Draža Mihailović, who collaborated with the Axis powers as early as in 1941, remained as an inspiration for modern far-right groups.

After the break-up of Yugoslavia, the far-right re-emerged, with the Serbian Radical Party (SRS), led by Vojislav Šešelj, gaining support after using sanctions, increased inflation, and high unemployed rate in their advantage to boost their support. SRS closely cooperated with Slobodan Milošević during the 1990s, although it also briefly served in opposition. During the Yugoslav Wars, far-right groups committed violence and acted as paramilitaries, such as the SRS-led White Eagles. After the overthrow of Milošević in 2000, attacks orchestrated by the far-right risen. In parliamentary politics, SRS won most votes in the 2003 and 2007 parliamentary election, campaigning on an anti-corruption platform. The Belgrade anti-gay riot, which occurred in October 2010, was organised by the far-right, including groups such as Obraz. The Constitutional Court later concluded a ban on Nacionalni stroj and Obraz, in 2011 and 2012 respectively. The far-right embraced opposition to immigration in the late 2010s, with parties and organisations such as Dveri, Levijatan, and People's Patrol embracing the sentiment. The Russian invasion of Ukraine helped far-right parties cross the electoral threshold in the 2022 parliamentary election.

In Serbia, the Christian right and neo-Nazi variants of the far-right exist. Far-right groups tend to be antisemitic and Islamophobic and they often promote conspiracy theories. They promote anti-communism, militarism and religious fanaticism. Some also have ties with the Serbian Orthodox Church (SPC). The far-right often glorifies convicted war criminals like Radovan Karadžić and Ratko Mladić, while some groups also called for rehabilitation of collaborationists Nedić and Ljotić. The far-right has orchestrated violent protests and attacks against ethnic minorities, the LGBT community, activists, and non-governmental organisations, whom they label as "foreign mercenaries". The far-right promotes anti-Westernism, Euroscepticism, closer ties with Russia, and the  return of Kosovo's sovereignty under Serbia. The unemployed working-class youth is often recruited by far-right groups; the far-right tends to present themselves as "patriotic" groups or as humanitarian organisations. Far-right groups are often small in number and have been institutionally marginal, though on Internet, far-right content has received large amounts of following.

Overview

Definition

According to contemporary historian Barbara N. Wiesinger, the far-right could be divided into two groups; the first group is influenced by the Christian right, clerical nationalism, conservatism, xenophobia, and it generally has ties with the Serbian Orthodox Church (SPC). The other group is well-connected with international neo-Nazi and white supremacist groups who also promote xenophobia and authoritarian views; the difference between the two groups is that the latter's views are rather centered on race. Jovo Bakić, a sociologist, noted that far-right groups also tend to be antisemitic and Islamophobic. Far-right individuals also often glorify convicted war criminals such as Vojislav Šešelj, Radovan Karadžić, and Ratko Mladić, while some groups are also supportive of collaborationists Milan Nedić and Dimitrije Ljotić, and called for their rehabilitation. Far-right groups also promote historical revisionism about these figures. Promotion of conspiracy theories is common amongst the far-right.

Bakić also noted that far-right groups also promote a culture of "youth violence", since they regularly organise clashes with the police, or against minorities such as the Romani, LGBT population, and leftists. He also stated that far-right groups form a perception of enemies, which commonly tend to be the West, traditional political parties, or minorities, while they regard Russia as a friend or a "brother". Far-right groups focus their ideological aims towards minorities to gain public support; besides the Romani popularity, Muslims are also a common target. This resulted into the formation of "welfare chauvinism", which portrays the minorities as "undeserving". The development of welfare chauvinism in Serbia has been similar to that in other parts of Europe; they portray minorities as "undeserving" and they argue that minorities do not deserve to benefit from Serbian welfare programs. Initially, the far-right focused on other ethnic groups in former Yugoslavia due to the Yugoslav Wars, although they turned towards "internal enemies" after the overthrow of Slobodan Milošević. At least since the late 2010s, far-right groups also began promoting several narratives regarding migrants due to the European migrant crisis, such as referring them as an enemy, and claiming that migrants are criminals or terrorists. Far-right groups regularly organise protests that are known for generating violence; they often participate in football match fights, and organised attacks against participators at pride parades. Neo-Nazi groups are connected with hooligan groups, while far-right groups and football fan organisations generally have conjoint membership.

Far-right groups are also known by their anti-Western sentiment and Euroscepticism, which they manifest through attacks towards non-governmental organisations (NGOs) and activists; far-right groups usually describe them as "anti-state", "anti-Serb" or "foreign mercenaries". They are also known for assaulting human rights and pro-democracy activists and NGO headquarters. Studies had shown that far-right groups tend to feel less close to other European nations. Far-right groups also promote the notion that Western powers advocated secessionist nationalism in the republics of SFR Yugoslavia; this was due to the positions of Western politicians that advocated for the internal borders of republics to remain unchanged. Alongside perceiving the West as an enemy, the far-right also outlined the socialist government of Yugoslavia as an enemy; they refer it as a dictatorship and as "anti-patriots" due to the narratives that the government allegedly attempted to destroy "Serbian national and religious identity and tradition". Anti-communism is also a key element of far-right groups; they tend to downplay the success of Yugoslav Partisans during World War II by promoting historical revisionism, and attempt to discredit the progress that was achieved during the existence of SFR Yugoslavia. Far-right groups had also openly taken part in Victory Day commemorations due to their pro-Russian views; their participation is in stark contrast to the anti-communist sentiment that is present in Serbia and other post-socialist countries. Most far-right groups espouse militarism, religious fanaticism, chauvinism, and they support the return of Kosovo's sovereignty under Serbia, as well as preserving traditional and patriarchal values, and opposing abortion. Regarding economics, far-right groups in Serbia tend to advocate economics that are more left-wing than in other countries. In regards to religion, far-right groups formed connections with the SPC in the 1990s.

Symbolism
National symbols, such as the Serbian cross and Serbian eagle, had been adopted by far-right groups. In case of the cross, far-right groups often use two different variants; the first one is silver-coloured while the other one is red-coloured. Other groups also use the Russian cross as their symbol, while Obraz and Serbian Action use the Christogram as a "Christian Orthodox-patriotic" symbol. The Serbian tricolor is widely used by far-right organisations. Far-right groups also frequently use chants such as "Serbia to the Serbs" (). They also use pejorative terms for minority groups in Serbia.

During the Yugoslav Wars, turbo-folk music was used to promote nationalist and revisionist viewpoints. Notably Serbia Strong, a song that lauded the actions of Serb military personnel such as war criminal Radovan Karadžić, and boasted about ethnic cleansing against Croats and Bosniaks, later became an internet meme where it was alternatively titled "Remove Kebab", and attracted further attention when it was played by Brenton Tarrant before instigating the Christchurch mosque shootings. Beogradski Sindikat (BS), a hip-hop collective, promoted conservative and far-right views through music. Škabo, a prominent member of BS, used to associate himself with Dveri, while Aleksandar Protić headed the Third Serbia political party, which was formed out of Dveri. A clothing brand name Otadžbina depicts neo-Nazi imagery and is used by some football fans in Serbia.

Influence

Far-right groups recruit working-class youth who are usually unemployed and generally uneducated. The youth developed strong public political opinions against the West, NATO, and Western democracy due to the Yugoslav Wars and sanctions. According to authors Denoeux and Carter, in 2009 they stated that socio-economic, political, and cultural issues tend to radicalise the population. Far-right groups present themselves as "patriotic" groups or humanitarian organisations, while neo-Nazi groups tend to present themselves as "radical nationalists" by making covert or overt use of Nazi symbolism. Far-right groups stayed small in number; according to Džombić, about 30 far-right groups were active with about 5,000 members in 2011. As of 2018, far-right groups remain institutionally marginal, although their public influence is at a higher rate. According to Bojan Klačar, the executive director of CeSID, contemporary far-right groups do not pose a threat unless if the groups receive a large amount of support, while the political articulation of the groups are too weak to make an impact on the institutions. Clerical-fascist groups had been considered to be more politically influential and organised than neo-Nazi groups.

Far-right groups are centered on using the Internet, while many individuals have also published magazines and books. Stormfront, a neo-Nazi Internet forum, was established in the early 2000s in Serbia. Some groups are also centered on using social networks such as Facebook, Telegram and Signal, and alt-tech such as Parler. Far-right Facebook pages and groups in Serbia had received large amounts of following. Anti-immigrant activists had also formed a number of pages; this includes the Generation Identity, which also has branches in other countries. Followers of the far-right European Solidarity Front for Syria (ESFS) page had attended the first major anti-immigrant protest in Serbia in 2016. Regarding the media, they had stayed neutral regarding the migrant issue; they had reported incidents in which they participated, as well as the problems which they experienced. Publications such as Glas javnosti, Večernje novosti, Kurir, Alo!, and Pravda were associated with the far-right according to 2010 and 2011 reports. Far-right groups had also attacked publications that were viewed as more liberal. Local media in Serbia also tend to promote "Russian-friendly" news stories or anti-Western narratives; many websites were found to be spreading the idea of ethnic purification or neo-Nazism. It was also found out that website owners also tend to have connections with Russian state-controlled agencies such as RT and Sputnik.

Jim Dowson, a British far-right activist, and his Knights Templar International organisation had supplied bullet-proof vests and radios to Serbian groups in Kosovo. Dowson had regularly accompanied with Aleksandr Dugin and former British National Party leader Nick Griffin in Serbia. In late 2017, far-right groups threatened to murder Marinika Tepić, an opposition politician, after criticising Jim Dowson's visits to Serbia. Robert Rundo, the co-founder of the white supremacist Rise Above Movement (RAM), had appeared and recorded videos in Serbia through out of 2020. Russia had also solidified its presence in Serbian politics through connections with far-right parties; it had also asserted itself as a "protector of traditional values" and an alternative to the West. Sources claim that between 100 and 300 Serb "foreign fighters" joined the Russo-Ukrainian War on the side of Russia; Aleksandar Vučić, the president of Serbia, claimed that the foreign fighters were mercenaries, while others had stated that they were motivated by the sense of "nationalist solidarity". Some had received media attention, such as Dejan Berić. Some Serb foreign fighters had even joined pro-Russian paramilitary groups in Syria.

The Serbian far-right made a major impact on domestic terrorists such as Anders Behring Breivik and Brenton Tarrant. Far-right groups in Serbia had also followed the trend of the global far-right such as showing populist tendencies and representing themselves as the protectors of the "people" and "free speech". The growth of global far-right views, such as anti-immigrant views, had also spread in Serbia. Although the socio-economic situation of individuals, insufficient trust in institutions, and the inconsistent attitude of the state towards the far-right had also influenced the rise of anti-immigration.

History

Yugoslavia
Following World War I, the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes was established. The state was composed of multiple ethnic groups, with the Serbs being the most populous group. It was initially a liberal Parliamentary Democracy, although in 1929, Alexander I imposed a dictatorship which lasted until 1934, and renamed the state to Yugoslavia. Alexander I's regime was described as "conservative authoritarian". During the interwar period, fascists and advocates of other far-right political movements in Yugoslavia received little support and some of them were even repressed by Alexander I's regime. The display of antisemitism in Yugoslavia was also rare.

The post-World War I Chetniks were ideologically divided; some of them believed that Yugoslavia should be governed in accordance with Serbian traditions and they also believed that the other two major ethnic groups, Croats and Slovenes, should be assimilated, while others had believed that a new Yugoslav national identity should be developed. Its members were also divided between the Democratic Party (DS), which favoured an all-Yugoslav identity, and the People's Radical Party (NRS) which favoured a Greater Serbian identity. Chetniks later developed into "parafascists" and adopted anti-liberal and anti-democratic views, while maintaining nationalist traditions. Members of the National Defence (), a militaristic association, usually sided with Chetniks in conflicts. National Defence adopted fascism in the mid-1920s and became sceptical about the parliamentary system. It had also opposed internationalism and promoted the cultural unity of South Slavs. Velibor Jonić, a Serbian fascist politician, was a member of the National Defence. Following the assassination of Alexander I, Milan Stojadinović and his Yugoslav Radical Union (JRZ) came to power. JRZ acted as an all-Yugoslav party, and its members consisted of all three major ethnic groups. Stojadinović ruled as an authoritarian and imposed anti-democratic acts, while he had also seen fascism as an ideological role model, and adopted centralism during his premiership. Stojadinović was dismissed in 1939 and was replaced by Dragiša Cvetković. Dimitrije Ljotić, a Yugoslav Serb politician, who formed the Yugoslav National Movement (JNP Zbor), sought to introduce radical right and fascist policies. Zbor supported the creation of a corporative authoritarian regime, while it was also inspired by Italian fascism, anti-communism, and antisemitism. Ljotić cooperated with Bishop Nikolaj Velimirović, who was an antisemite and promoted anti-Western views; he had made an impact on Ljotić during the late interwar period. A chunk of its members had also left the party to join JRZ during Stojadinović's premiership. Zbor mainly received support from Serbs, and it remained a minor party after it received 1% of popular vote in 1935 and 1938 elections. After the beginning of World War II, the government of Yugoslavia adopted anti-Jewish laws. Milan Nedić was appointed prime minister of the puppet government in 1941; he was a supporter of fascist and ultranationalist policies. During his premiership, Nedić also promoted conspiracy theories about Jews. Kosta Pećanac, who headed Chetnik units from the 1930s, embraced chauvinism and led his group of Chetniks into allegiance with Nedić's government. Chetniks under Draža Mihailović began collaborating with the Axis Forces as early as in 1941. Mihailović denied that he collaborated with the Axis forces, although in 1943 he admitted it in a conversation with a British liaison officer. After 1943, Mihailović collaborated with the Nazi Germany on an informal basis. Chetniks during World War II were royalist and nationalist, while their main objective was the creation of a Greater Serb state within Yugoslavia. Chetniks also favoured population transfer.

After World War II, the Communist Party of Yugoslavia (KPJ), later known as League of Communists of Yugoslavia (SKJ), came to power and reformed the state as Federal People's Republic of Yugoslavia. Josip Broz Tito led Yugoslavia until his death in 1980, and shortly after his death, local branches of the SKJ began promoting ethno-nationalist rhetoric, including the League of Communists of Serbia (SKS). The leadership of SKS was replaced by a more conservative one that argued for more nationalist views. The early 1980s recession had an impact on Yugoslavia, the crisis was exploited by ethnic nationalists to capture power. Also, in the 1980s, a number of paramilitaries began forming in Kosovo. The SANU Memorandum, which was leaked in 1986, made an impact on the far-right politics in Serbia; the document combined xenophobic nationalist views with conservative socialism, and it argued for the establishment of Greater Serbia. Slobodan Milošević, who held conservative, communist, and anti-liberal views, supported the memorandum and used it to rise to power. Milošević staged a party coup against Ivan Stambolić, who opposed the memorandum, and later organised a campaign of street protests, named the anti-bureaucratic revolution. This served as a resurgence of the far-right.

1990s–2000s

Following the revolutions of 1989, the far-right emerged again to the mainstream. Far-right groups brought extreme nationalism as well as the support for establishment of the Greater Serbia, while at the same time, they also gained broader acceptance due to Serbia's position in the Yugoslav Wars. After being sanctioned and following the increased inflation and high unemployment rate, xenophobia saw an increase during Serbia's period of isolationism. Nationalists, such as the Serbian Radical Party (SRS), exploited this to garner broader support amongst the public. They promoted historical revisionism, which had been already on the rise since the 1970s, and portrayed other Yugoslav ethnic groups as "betrayers" which formed the narrative of victimhood. SRS closely cooperated with Milošević's Socialist Party of Serbia (SPS) during the 1990s, although it also briefly served in opposition. The Serbian Renewal Movement (SPO), a major opposition party during the 1990s, had also promoted extremist nationalism, although it abandoned the ideology following the beginning of the Bosnian War. Milošević, although declaratively a leftist, had connections with the far-right and promoted extreme-nationalist and anti-Western sentiment; he also promoted antisemitic and racist conspiracy theories.

Many far-right organisations acted as paramilitary organisations and openly supported and committed violence during the Bosnian and Kosovo wars. The White Eagles, a paramilitary unit operated by SRS and its leader Vojislav Šešelj, committed war crimes in Croatia and Bosnia and Hezegovina. Its members were also referred as "chetniks". According to a United Nations report from 1994, 55 out of 82 paramilitaries in former Yugoslavia were led by Serbs. According to the Southern Poverty Law Center, far-right groups criticised the United States during the Kosovo War, including foreign individuals such as white nationalist Louis Beam, while neo-Nazis had done it because "they saw Muslims as a threat to Europe". After the NATO bombing of Yugoslavia in 1999 and up to the overthrow of Slobodan Milošević in October 2000, far-right conspiracy theories were spread, while critics of the government were assassinated. Journalist Slavko Ćuruvija was assassinated in 1999, while former president of Serbia, Ivan Stambolić, was assassinated in August 2000; an assassination attempt on Vuk Drašković, the leader of SPO, also occurred in October 1999.

Far-right groups in Serbia gained a considerable amount of public attention in the early 2000s, although after the election of Zoran Đinđić as prime minister it was seen that the development of far-right ideas would become less conducive. Far-right groups had also turned into registered movements and organisations. During June 2001, far-right groups had orchestrated violent attacks at the participators of the first pride parade in Serbia; the parade was cancelled half-way through. After Đinđić's assassination in 2003, far-right groups emerged again. According to Jovo Bakić, this rise occurred due to the promised social development and European Union accession which were not feasible, including the wave of privatisation that left vast numbers of people unemployed. These organisations were also often in opposition to each other, although they had common ideological motives. Since the 2000s, attacks orchestrated by far-right groups had risen. These attacks had often received media attention, although far-right groups did not attract much attention to the public. Due to the allegations that the government was involved in corrupt privatisation, SRS ran on an anti-corruption platform and placed first in the 2003 parliamentary election. SRS did not take part in forming a government. Věra Stojarová, a Masaryk University professor, pointed out that the high amount of votes for SRS showed the "high frustration of Serbs". In 2004, a law that defined the Chetniks as "anti-fascist" was welcomed by parties on the right. A year later, Chetniks were de facto equalised with the Yugoslav Partisans following the implementation of the law on soldiers' pensions. SRS placed first again in the 2007 parliamentary election. Aleksandar Gavrilović, an editor for Istinomer, stated that following the formation of the Serbian Progressive Party (SNS) in 2008, the far-right saw its support drop to bare minimums. The far-right received further expansion following the declaration of independence of Kosovo in 2008. Later in July 2008, far-right groups had organised protests in support of Radovan Karadžić, which turned out violent. In 2009, a Belgrade Pride event was cancelled due to the announcement that far-right groups would prevent the holding of the event. The Public Prosecutor's Office had stated that Obraz and SNP 1389 should be banned due to their threats that led to the cancellation of the Belgrade Pride event.

Contemporary period

In October 2010, the Belgrade anti-gay riot occurred; it was marked with violence orchestrated by the far-right, which led to clashes with the police. Obraz was a notable participant in the riot. The Public Prosecutor's Office responded by submitting multiple proposals to the Constitutional Court in 2011. The Constitutional Court rejected the ban of 14 far-right groups in March, while in June, it deemed that actions of Nacionalni stroj were unconstitutional and the Court banned it; the 2011 pride event was cancelled due to threats from far-right groups. The Constitutional Court also rejected the proposal to ban SNP 1389 and SNP Naši. Obraz was banned a year later due to "violation of human and minority rights and causing national and religious hatred", although it continued to operate under a similar name. Since then, some far-right groups had pacificated their actions. Far-right groups had also organised protests in support of Ratko Mladić in May 2011. In the 2012 parliamentary election, for the first time since its establishment, SRS had not managed to cross the then-5 per cent electoral threshold and lost all of its seats in the National Assembly. According to Izabela Kisić, the executive director of Helsinki Committee for Human Rights in Serbia, the newly elected government had since then practically tolerated the far-right. A year later, anti-Romani attacks in Zemun Polje were concluded by far-right groups. Draža Mihailović, the leader of Chetniks during World War II, was rehabilitated in 2015 by the Supreme Court of Cassation, claiming that he was politically and ideologically trialed; far-right groups had organised protests during the process of rehabilitation of Milan Nedić, although in the end, Nedić was not rehabilitated. Far-right groups had returned to the National Assembly following the 2016 parliamentary election.

A far-right group belonging to the white nationalist Identitarian movement had organised protests in 2017. Although a year later, the Identitarian branch in Serbia was dissolved due to unknown reasons; the branch was also linked with the promotion of discrimination. Kisić noted that Islamic extremism had seen a significant decline, while the far-right had been on the rise in the late 2010s. The Belgrade Centre for Security Policy (BCSP) noted that the far-right had begun showing anti-immigrant views, which did not exist before. This initially began during the 2015 migrant crisis, although political parties such as Dveri and Enough is Enough (DJB) began advocating anti-immigrant views in 2018. The two parties explicitly promoted the Eurabia conspiracy theory, and claimed that Serbian citizens would become a minority in their own country. Some organisations, such as Leviathan and People's Patrol orchestrated attacks against migrants. Its members had also begun "patrolling the streets" to intercept, threaten, warn, arrest, or expel migrants from public transport. Both groups also video-record their actions and share them across social media, while they also targeted citizens who had rented apartments to migrants. Opinion polls had also showed that the public shared similar anti-immigrant views with far-right organisations. According to a BCSP survey from 2020, the public viewed migrants as the greatest external threat to Serbia's security and as one of the three main threats to internal security, while three-quarters of respondents were concerned about free movement of migrants in towns and villages. In comparison with the research from 2017, in which the migrants were listed lower, the far-right made an impact on increasing anti-immigrant views among the public. In the same research, voters were also interested to know positions of political parties regarding migrants.

Following the beginning of the COVID-19 pandemic in Serbia in 2020, conspiracy theories regarding the virus had begun to spread; the far-right had also spread conspiracy theories. In the same year, the far-right had also seen a sudden rise in popularity. Following the 2020 parliamentary election, a series of protests took place in July. The government had portrayed the protests as led by the far-right; a small group of far-right activists did participate in the protests, including former MP Srđan Nogo. In October 2021, Facebook Inc. had published a series of documents that had included far-right groups in Serbia that were connected with terrorism, violence, and hate. A month later, a far-right group harassed and attacked several peace activist groups, including Women in Black, due to their opposition to denying the notion that Srebrenica massacre was a genocide. During the same period, a conflict emerged in Belgrade, after a far-right group had made a mural dedicated to Ratko Mladić; peace activists had thrown eggs and paint at the mural to destroy it, although the groups would occasionally re-paint the mural. The conflict received national media attention, although the mural did not end up getting removed. Following the beginning of Russian invasion of Ukraine in February 2022, far-right groups had protested in support of Russia. The invasion had helped the far-right to cross the electoral threshold in the 2022 general election due to their pro-Russian views. Far-right groups had also stated their opposition to imposing sanctions on Russia. Dveri, Democratic Party of Serbia (DSS), and Serbian Party Oathkeepers (SSZ), all whom are pro-Russian, had entered the National Assembly. At the time of the campaign period, SSZ, SRS, and Serbian Right (SD) were viewed to be allegedly under the control of the government. During the 2022 EuroPride event in Belgrade, far-right groups clashed with the police.

Political groups
According to the Anti-Discrimination Act, it is illegal for neo-Nazi or fascist groups to organise or to display fascist symbols. Organisations that were banned due to their far-right views had usually re-organised under a different name, while organisations that had received legal measures have either moved underground or transformed their ideological image. The government of Serbia had declared Obraz as a clerical-fascist organisation, while Nacionalni stroj, skinheads, Blood and Honour, and Rasonalisti were labelled as neo-Nazi.

Organisations

Blood and Honour
Blood & Honour () was formed in Serbia in 1995. It cooperates with its UK-based counterpart. Ideologically orientated towards neo-Nazism, Blood & Honour has been operating as an unregistered and secret organisation in Serbia. Combat 18 is its self-described "activist branch", while Blood & Honour also has chapters in Belgrade, Novi Sad, and Niš. The organisation has been regularly organising music concerts, it also takes part in neo-Nazi meetings abroad. Its members had meetings with the National Socialist Movement of Denmark. The organisation is opposed to abortions, capitalism, and communism. It also claimed that Jews are enemies of the "white race", and that they were responsible for the NATO bombing of Yugoslavia, a view that they also share with Obraz.

I live for Serbia
I live for Serbia () was a far-right organisation that spread anti-vax and nationalist views. Its views had been also described as militaristic, while it was also opposed to LGBT rights. I live for Serbia wanted to repeal the law that made vaccination mandatory and declared its support to make all non-governmental organisations illegal. Jovana Stojković, a former member of Dveri, headed the organisation from its foundation until it merged into Healthy Serbia in 2023. Stojković is a prominent anti-vaccination activist; she had claimed that vaccines cause autism, while she had also spread misinformation regarding COVID-19. During the COVID-19 pandemic in Serbia, Stojković and her organisation opposed wearing protective masks. Due to her views, Stojković was detained several times, while the Court of the Regional Medical Chamber of Belgrade had initiated a procedure to revoke her medical doctor licence in 2018.

I live for Serbia previously cooperated with the neo-fascist Leviathan Movement. They organised protests together and participated in a joint list in the 2020 parliamentary election. During the electoral campaign in 2020, I live for Serbia had promoted antifeminist content. Their electoral list did not pass the 3-percent threshold. I live for Serbia was later a part of the Sovereignists coalition, together with DJB and ZS. It participated in the 2022 general election but failed to win any seats.

Leviathan

Leviathan is a self-described animal rights group. Observers had described it as a "mix of National Front and PETA". Formed in 2015, it initially got its reputation from posting confessional videos on social media, in which individuals would apologise on camera for being cruel to animals. Individuals would continue by saying their personal information, while Leviathan would sometimes confiscate pets from certain individuals. It had later built a large following and garnered a large number of fans. Members of Leviathan had previously been a part of neo-Nazi organisations. It has been described as a vigilantist group, a group of its members were sentenced in prison for four months, and additional 11 months under house arrest in 2020. Pavle Bihali, leader of Leviathan, had claimed that they do not use violence. A member of the group had driven into a migrant reception center in Obrenovac in May 2020; the driver was later sentenced to eight months in prison. While driving, the driver had chanted that "he does not want Serbia to become an Islamic country". Leviathan had later organised an operation against the largest animal shelter in Serbia in 2021, claiming that its owner had let its dogs die. Dejan Gačić, the owner of the animal shelter, had claimed that his animal shelter was attacked because Leviathan wanted to force him out due to the amount of foreign donations that he had received before the raid. Leviathan had also conducted personal attacks on the Internet.

Observers had described Leviathan as neo-fascist, neo-Nazi, and alt-right. Bihali identifies himself as a far-right nationalist and has expressed sympathy for Nazism; observers had also assessed him as a neo-Nazi. Bihali is a supporter of the Greek neo-fascist Golden Dawn organisation, and had considered the group as a model for Leviathan. An anti-migrant group, members of Leviathan had taken part in "street patrols" with the People's Patrol, while they had also portrayed migrants as "rapists". Bihali had had published misinformation regarding migrants. Its members had publicly expressed racist, anti-immigrant, and anti-ziganist views. Leviathan had promoted the Great Replacement conspiracy theory, while during the COVID-19 pandemic, Leviathan had spread misinformation about the virus.

Leviathan registered as an organisation in 2020, and participated in a joint list with I live for Serbia in the 2020 parliamentary election, although it failed to cross the threshold. Jovo Bakić had claimed that the organisation is in control of Aleksandar Vučić, while it has been also alleged that Leviathan had cooperated with SNS.

Nacionalni stroj

Nacionalni stroj () was a secret neo-Nazi organisation. It was affiliated with Blood & Honour and the neo-Nazi Internet forum Stormfront, and was considered to be a part of the "racist international". It was alleged that Nacionalni stroj and Blood & Honour concluded the destruction of Belgrade and Niš mosques in March 2004, attacks on the Women in Black movement in July 2005, and an assault on peace activists in Niš in May 2007. Nacionalni stroj also organised several far-right marches in 2007. These acts were celebrated by the organisations as "patriotic acts". During the anti-fascist walk in October 2007, members of the organisation had attacked participators and threw rocks at them. The gendarmery responded by detaining the attackers, while some of them were sentenced to be trialed at the Court. The Public Prosecutor's Office submitted a request in 2008 to ban Nacionalni stroj, which was concluded by the Constitutional Court in 2011. Its leader, Goran Davidović, nicknamed Führer, participated in the attack and was put on trial for the violent attacks. He did not appear in court, and instead moved to Trieste, where had lived until 2020, when he moved back to Serbia. The trial was suspended and charges were dropped in 2019. After moving back to Serbia, Davidović met with leaders of Obraz and Leviathan.

The organisation supported the establishment of a strong centralised nation-state that would be headed by an authoritarian head of state, who would enjoy the support of the military and Serbian Orthodox Church. Nacionalni stroj was antisemitic, and had stated that only white people would be entitled to full citizenship, while homosexuality, pornography, abortion, and other religious groups should be outlawed.

National Serb Front
Formed in 2011, National Serb Front () came to the far-right scene after the ban of Nacionalni stroj in 2011. Stefan Dolić, a former member of Nacionalni stroj, has headed the organisation since its inception. National Serb Front had organised meetings with several neo-Nazi parties, including the National Democratic Party of Germany and People's Party Our Slovakia. Its logo had drawn comparisons with the New Force of Italy and Noua Dreaptă of Romania. Members of the National Serb Front had regularly participated in far-right protests and street fights. The organisation had published content dedicated to the leader of Nacionalni stroj. In 2017, the liberal New Party had called for the ban of National Serb Front. National Serb Front is ideologically opposed to neoliberalism and advocates for a "Europe of Nations".

Obraz

Obraz was founded in the mid-1990s by a group of students that had published a magazine under an eponymous name. Nebojša M. Krstić led the organisation until his death in 2001, after which Mladen Obradović succeeded him in 2003. Under Obradović's leadership, Obraz formed connections with far-right groups from Romania, Slovakia, France, Italy, and Spain. Since its inception, Obraz organised violent attacks. It played a central role in the Belgrade anti-gay riot that took place in 2010; its leader and other members were arrested a day before to stop the riot. After the parade, additional 250 individuals were arrested. The government of Serbia had previously submitted an initiative in regards to its operations, while in 2012, the Constitutional Court banned Obraz. Obradović later re-registered the organisation under the name "Svetosavski savez Obraz". Throughout its existence, Obraz had only participated in the 2014 parliamentary election, when it was a part of a joint list together with the Serbian Radical Party (SRS) and SNP Naši. Obradović was a controller during the 2022 constitutional referendum.

The government of Serbia listed Obraz as a clerical-fascist organisation in 2005; observers also described Obraz as clerical-fascist. Obraz has been defined as hardline nationalist, it is also openly antisemitic and it opposes minority rights. The organisation had also declared that Jews, Croats, Albanians, and other minority groups in Serbia are their enemies. Throughout the 2000s, Obraz had concluded a series of attacks against minority groups and homosexuals; major attacks on homosexuals occurred in 2001 and 2010. They had also called for punishment of homosexuals and non-Orthodox religious believers. Obraz called for rehabilitation of Dimitrije Ljotić, while it had also celebrated convicted war criminals Radovan Karadžić and Ratko Mladić as war heroes. Obraz supports the dismantling of liberal democracy, which it called a "judeo-masonic tool of oppression", it argued that a corporative state must be established instead, and it promoted theocracy. The organisation is opposed to Serbia joining the European Union, and called instead for the establishment of Greater Serbia.

People's Patrol

The People's Patrol () is a far-right anti-immigrant organisation which began their actions in 2020. It is centered in Belgrade, although it also has branches in border towns such as Sombor, Bačka Palanka, and Šid. Its members occasionally stop migrants from entering into Serbia in border towns. They had also disturbed journalists at their protests. Their members had been involved in several incidents; in fall of 2020, one of them threatened and blocked paths of taxi drivers who were transporting migrants, while in 2021, a People's Patrol member kicked out a group of migrants out of a bus, and threatened them with violence. Later in October 2021, People's Patrol concluded attacks against a Sombor native after letting migrants sleep in his hostel. The person who operated the hostel received death threats from People's Patrol members and supporters. Multiple anti-immigrant protests were also organised by the People's Patrol, starting in March 2020. The participants had also showed nationalist and anti-vaccination sentiment.

People's Patrol has been also described as ultranationalist. Alongside Leviathan, the organisation had portrayed migrants as "rapists" and called for people that helped migrants to be lynched. The People's Patrol had used the lack of trust in institutions as a reason and justification to patrol and arrest migrants, and it had also publicly criticised the police. Its leader, Damnjan Knežević, was summoned several times by the police for inciting hatred and intolerance. Knežević was a member of the SSZ, and had served as its vice-president at one point. Besides their anti-immigrant activity, its members had also launched an initiative regarding Kosovo, which was viewed as ethno-nationalist. The organisation had also promoted antifeminism and misogyny. Following the 2022 Russian invasion of Ukraine, People's Patrol had staged several pro-Russian protests in March and April 2022. People's Patrol has connections with far-right groups in Russia that took part in the 2022 invasion of Ukraine. In January 2023, lawyer Čedomir Stojković accused Knežević of being a member of the Wagner Group and recruiting Serbian citizens to fight in Ukraine.

According to a research, supporters of the People's Patrol tend to be younger and middle-aged men with a secondary education and manual jobs. Srđan Nogo, Jovana Stojković and Goran Davidović had stated their support for the organisation.

SNP 1389

SNP 1389 was formed in 2004. The organisation was initially called "1389", but it later changed its name to "1389 Movement" and then into SNP 1389. Radojko Ljubičić served as the first leader, although he was dismissed by Miša Vacić in 2008, after which Vacić proclaimed himself as the leader of the organisation. During his leadership, Vacić had participated in far-right protests across Europe and orchestrated anti-LGBT protests in Serbia. Due to his discriminatory actions against the LGBT population, Vacić was detained several times. The main belligerents of the movement are far-right hooligan groups that have been linked with organised crime. In 2008, a group of its members had attacked the participants of the Queer festival; Vacić and others were arrested due to the attack. SNP 1389 had also organised protests in support of Ratko Mladić. For a brief period between 2010 and 2011, SNP 1389 was merged with SNP Naši. SNP 1389 participated in the 2014 Belgrade City Assembly election, in which it won 0.08% of the popular vote.

The organisation has been classified as far-right, staunchly nationalist and ultraconservative. SNP 1389 has been also described as neo-Nazi. It denies the notion that Srebrenica massacre was a genocide and promotes irredentism; they have also claimed North Macedonia and parts of Northern Albania as part of Greater Serbia. They had listed drug addicts, homosexuals, and the Catholic Church as its enemies. SNP 1389 also advocates for nationalisation of foreign-acquired Serbian companies.

SNP Naši
The organisation was founded in 2006 by former members of Obraz. A far-right organisation led by Ivan M. Ivanović, it has used similar rhetoric to SNP 1389. Ivanović appeared on court multiple times, proceedings against him were held due to provoking racial discrimination. Charges against him were dropped in 2018. SNP Naši had later changed its name to Conservative Movement Naši. Observers had described it as a clerical-fascist organisation, it supports the creation of Greater Serbia and has opposed LGBT rights. As a staunch pro-Russian organisation, SNP Naši had called for Eurasian integration; it had also organised antisemitic acts. SNP Naši is staunchly critical of Josip Broz Tito. The organisation had also called to ban George Soros-funded NGOs in Serbia.

Serbian Action

Serbian Action was formed in 2010. The organisation had tried to stop the "Propaganda Poster in Nedić's Serbia" forum from being held in 2015, although it had failed. Serbian Action had also attended multiple far-right protests; in 2018, it had organised a meeting in support of rehabilitation of Milan Nedić. The organisation has been described as clerical-fascist, and also as neo-fascist with clerical elements. It is staunchly socially conservative, and it opposes LGBT rights; it had accused the LGBT community of spreading "gay propaganda". Serbian Action had previously published several anti-ziganist articles. One of its members was arrested in 2014 after calling to lynch Romanis. It had also stated its support for monarchism and opposition to capitalism.

Serbian Honour

A self-described humanitarian organisation, Serbian Honour was formed in 2014. It has been led by Bojan Stojković since its formation. The organisation also has a branch in Republika Srpska; the branch was previously headed by Igor Bilbija, who was arrested for prostitution and racketeering. Serbian Honour garnered public attention in 2014 after participating in attacks during a football game between Albania and Serbia. Three years later, Stojković had organised a protest to stop the projection of a documentary movie that had showed positive relations between Serbs and Albanians during the Yugoslav Wars. In 2019, members of the Serbian Honour organisation stole a horse from a Romani boy. They subsequently video-taped his "re-education" and posted it across social media. Serbian Honour had returned the horse to its owners later that year.

According to the Business Register Agency (APR), the organisation has been listed as a youth organisation that promotes youth activism, human rights, and conservationism. In practice, it has been described as an extremist paramilitary organisation, while the organisation had also promoted militarism and praised convicted war criminals. Its members had also promoted homophobia and opposed minority rights. Serbian Honour has been also described as a Russian-trained paramilitary organisation.

Political parties

Dveri

Initially a political organisation, Dveri was formed in 1999 by a group of students that had published a magazine named Dveri Srpske. Boško Obradović, one of the co-founders of the organisation, has led Dveri since 2015. Dveri had already taken the characteristics of a political party in the late 2000s, although it registered as a political party in 2015. The party began participating in electoral politics in 2012, and has continued to participate in them since then, although it boycotted the 2020 parliamentary election. The party entered the National Assembly in 2016 after winning 7 seats in the parliamentary election. It was later a part of the catch-all opposition Alliance for Serbia. Dveri returned to the National Assembly following the 2022 election. It had also proved to have a relatively stable electorate at the national level. Dveri had previously cooperated with United Russia and Alternative for Germany.

Throughout the 2000s, Dveri promoted a combination of clericalism and extreme nationalism named svetosavlje, an ideology linked to Bishop Nikolaj Velimirović. Dveri promotes closer ties of state and church, and has been accused of homophobia due to their Christian right stances. Máté-Tóth described Dveri as "religious fundamentalist". Dveri has regularly organised "family walks" in 2009, as a counter-parade that promotes conservative values. It also has close ties with the Serbian Orthodox Church. Dveri had also campaigned against abortion and gay rights. A populist party, Dveri had shifted their views from Jews to homosexuals, and later campaigned for the "traditional family". It had also campaigned on anti-immigration. Regarding economics, Dveri is supportive of economic nationalism and protectionism. A party that advocates for monarchism, it supports a hierarchical society that would be governed by a king and pseudo-democratic institutions, which would eventually replace liberal democracy. Dveri is opposed to Serbia joining the European Union, and has showed its opposition to the West and its support for Russia. Vladan Glišić, a former high-ranking member, had accused the European Union of being "fascist". It opposes sanctioning Russia in regards to the 2022 Russian invasion of Ukraine.

Scholars had described Dveri as far-right and right-wing extremist, while Rada Drezgić described it as a conservative movement. Bakić rejected to describe Dveri as fascist and instead he had described it as extremely conservative, nationalist and anti-globalist. It has been also ideologically identified as ultranationalist. Dinić had commented on their political program, describing it as a fusion of ultranationalism with elements of fascism. Political scientists Florian Bieber and Filip Milačić have also described Dveri as far-right. Obradović had self-described Dveri as an anti-fascist party.

Serbian Party Oathkeepers

Formed in 2012, Serbian Party Oathkeepers (SSZ) has been described as a far-right political party. Milica Đurđević Stamenkovski has been the main spokesperson of the party since its formation. SSZ had attacked non-governmental organisations (NGOs) and labelled them as "foreign mercenaries". SSZ has also been aided by the ruling Serbian Progressive Party (SNS). It had cooperated with the Italian Lega Nord party and had meetings with United Russia. In 2016, its representatives had met with Sergey Lavrov during his visit to Belgrade.

An ultranationalist party, SSZ promotes socially conservative views and opposes immigration. SSZ has been a vocal supporter of historical revisionism; it had claimed that "Serbians have been victims of the West", and had supported revision of history textbooks. It opposes Serbia joining the European Union and wants to establish closer ties with Russia. It had regularly participated in parliamentary elections, although it only managed to cross the threshold after the 2022 election.

Serbian Radical Party

Often described as the most important far-right party in Serbia, Serbian Radical Party (SRS) was founded in 1991, and has been led by Vojislav Šešelj since then. SRS supported Milošević and his SPS in the first half of the 1990s, since Milošević had contributed to the mass support that SRS received due to media control. It also briefly served in opposition, but it again cooperated with SPS during the "war government". Members of SRS were involved in paramilitary activities during the Yugoslav Wars. Šešelj was convicted of war crimes by the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia (ICTY) in 2003, and later that year, after campaigning on an anti-corruption platform, it placed first in the 2003 parliamentary election, but it did not join the government. Tomislav Nikolić and Aleksandar Vučić gradually moderate the image of the party, although in 2008 they had split from SRS to form the SNS. In comparison with SRS, SNS has been supportive of accession of Serbia to the European Union. SRS dropped out of the parliament in 2012, although it returned in 2016 after Šešelj was permitted to come back to Serbia. In the 2020 election and afterwards, it did not receive enough votes to cross the electoral threshold.

An ultranationalist party, it was described as also described as neo-fascist during the 1990s and early 2000s. Observers had also described it as quasi-fascist. SRS is a major proponent of Greater Serbia, an irredentist concept that would include parts of Bosnia and Herzegovina, Croatia, Montenegro, and Kosovo. A populist party, it opposes Serbia joining the European Union and promotes closer ties with Russia. It is socially conservative and is in favour of welfare chauvinism. SRS was previously supported by far-right skinheads, although they terminated their support following Šešelj's refusal to support them after the murder of a Romani child in 1999.

Serbian Radical Party has local branches in Bosnia and Herzegovina, Montenegro, and North Macedonia. It was also the guest of Vladimir Zhirinovsky, leader of the Liberal Democratic Party of Russia.

Serbian Right

Serbian Right (SD) is a far-right political party led by Miša Vacić. Vacić previously headed SNP 1389. The party was formed out of fifteen movements that had similar ideological beliefs, while it also received support from Jim Dowson, a British far-right activist, and local political leaders. Observers had claimed that the party is in control of Aleksandar Vučić. During one of its early assembly conferences in Šabac, Vacić threatened opposition politicians Marinika Tepić and Nebojša Zelenović with violence. Government associates such as Milenko Jovanov and Zoran Đorđević participated in the conference. Vacić had also organised attacks against opposition figures in 2017 and 2019. Later in June 2021, Vacić attended a meeting that was organised by the neo-fascist Alliance for Peace and Freedom. Vacić was a presidential candidate in the 2022 election; he won 0.9 per cent of the popular vote.

An ultranationalist party, it has promoted traditionalism, and had stated its support for Serbia joining the Euroasian Union. Vacić had stated his support for the Russian invasion of Ukraine. According to its program, the party supports the formation of a patriarchal and hierarchal society, monarchy, authority, and Serbian Orthodoxy. Its rhetoric has been considered to be racist and anti-migrant.

Others

Far-right organisations such as Sveti Justin Filozof and Nomokanon, had also received media attention. Sveti Justin Filozof was a nationalist organisation, which was led by Milan Bates. It had later moderated their stances, although it was dissolved by 2008. Nomokanon was aided by the Serbian Orthodox Church (SPC). Rasonalisti, a neo-Nazi organisation, was active throughout the 2000s. They had rejected the left–right political spectrum, and instead supported "racial nationalism". Rasonalisti also operated an Internet forum, which acted similar to Stormfront. Solidarité Kosovo, a far-right organisation, is led by Arnaud Gouillon and it promotes historical revisionism. Gouillion took part in the 2012 French presidential election, in which he was a candidate for the white supremacist Generation Identity movement. In 2020, he was appointed to the position of director of the Office for Cooperation with the Diaspora and the Serbs in the Region. Zentropa Srbija is a neo-Nazi group that has praised Nedić and organised a gathering to mark the anniversary of his suicide in 2023.

Party of Serbian Unity was a far-right political party led by Željko Ražnatović "Arkan". An ultranationalist party, it was represented in the National Assembly during the 2000–2003 convocation. The far-right Sixty-Four Counties Youth Movement, which was led by László Toroczkai, was formed in Serbia in 2004. It advocated for separatism and the re-creation of Greater Hungary. Toroczkai was banned from entering Serbia by the government in 2008. Before forming the Sixty-Four Counties Youth Movement, Toroczkai was associated with the far-right Hungarian Justice and Life Party (MIÉP), and later served as vice-president of neo-Nazi Jobbik. Toroczkai was expelled from Jobbik, who had shifted ideologically to the centre-right, and then formed the Our Homeland Movement in 2018.

Individuals
Vojislav Šešelj, the president of the Serbian Radical Party (SRS), has been noted to be the most famous far-right individual in Serbia. Alongside him, Tomislav Nikolić and Aleksandar Vučić, who were high-ranking members of SRS, were also noted as notable far-right individuals. Nikolić and Vučić abandoned the far-right after forming the populist Serbian Progressive Party (SNS) in 2008. SNS came to power in 2012, after which Serbia has suffered from democratic backsliding into authoritarianism. Šešеlj had supported Vučić in the 2022 election.

Individuals such as Boško Obradović, Miša Vacić, and Mladen Obradović had been also described as notable far-right individuals. Vacić has been a prominent far-right individual since the 2000s, mainly due to regularly attending and organising far-right protests, and due to his arrests. Vacić was arrested several times for spreading hatred. Alongside him, Mladen Obradović, leader of Obraz, had received public attraction due to his views. Srđan Nogo, who previously served as member of the National Assembly from 2016 to 2020, had promoted multiple far-right conspiracy theories.

Žejko Ražnatović "Arkan" was a prominent mobster who was associated with far-right criminal and paramilitary groups. He led a group of Belgrade criminals and was the leader of the far-right Party of Serbian Unity.

See also
 Bosnian genocide denial
 Neo-fascism
 Neo-Nazism
 Radical right (Europe)
 Far-right politics in Croatia

Notes

References

Bibliography

News sources

Footnotes

External links

 Why won't Serbia condemn Putin's war? | Focus on Europe, on YouTube
 Riots Erupt at Serbia Gay Pride Parade, on YouTube
 Far-right disrupt Serbia gay pride parade, on YouTube

Further reading
 Vučić, Marija (21 September 2021). "Hate, Lies and Vigilantes: Serbian 'Anti-Vaxxer' Brigade Plays With Fire" (in Serbian). Balkan Insight.

Anti-immigration politics in Europe
Anti-Islam sentiment in Serbia
Antisemitism in Serbia
Far-right politics in Europe
Fascist movements
Neo-Nazism in Serbia
Political history of Serbia
Political movements in Serbia
Serbian irredentism
Serbian nationalism

Far-right politics in Serbia


Al-'aql al-faāl () or Wahib al-suwar is a kind of reason in Islamic philosophy and psychology. It is considered as the lowest level of celestial intelligences.

Concept
Aql has many different meanings in Islamic philosophy and psychology. The word aql means to restrain or to tie philologically. Reason is something which prevents human from judgment and behavior. Aql gradually transformed to reason semantically. In Islamic philosophy, particularly the peripatetic school, the technical use of aql to some extent is under the affection of Greek philosophy.

Historical background
For the first time, Al-Farabi numerated several meanings of aql in his book.

Farabi tries to reconcile between the peripatetic attitude of active intellect with the Islamic notion of prophecy. Farabi identifies active intellect with jibril (in Islam the angel of revelation). Humans can be transformed from Aql bi-l-quwwah (potential intellect) into Aql bi-l-fi'l (actual intellect). Thereby men can be free of themselves from the darkness of ignorance. Finally aql transforms into Aql Al-mustafad (the acquired intellect). In the level that acquires intellect, aql reflects upon its own contents through inquiring among its similarities and distinction.

See also
Active intellect
Islamic philosophy

References

Islamic philosophy
Islamic terminology

Al-aql al-faal


John Howard Kyan (27 November 1774 – 5 January 1850) was the inventor of the 'kyanising' process for preserving wood.  He was the son of John Howard Kyan of Mount Howard and Ballymurtagh, County Wexford, and was born in Dublin on 27 November 1774.  His father owned valuable copper mines in Wicklow (now worked by the Wicklow Copper Mines Company) and, for some time worked them himself. The son was educated to take part in the management of the mines, but soon after he entered the company its fortunes declined, and in 1804 his father died almost penniless.

History of kyanising

Development
For a time Kyan was employed at some vinegar works at Newcastle upon Tyne, but subsequently removed to London, to Greaves's vinegar brewery in Old Street Road.  The decay of the timber supports in his father's copper mines had already directed his attention to the question of preserving wood, and as early as 1812 he began experiments with a view to discovering a method of preventing the decay. Eventually he found that bichloride of mercury or corrosive sublimate, as it was commonly called, gave the best results and, without revealing the nature of the process, he submitted a block of oak impregnated with that substance to the Admiralty in 1828.  It was placed in the 'fungus pit' at Woolwich, where it remained for three years exposed to all the conditions favourable to decay.  When taken out in 1831, it was found to be perfectly sound, and after further trials it still remained unaffected.

Patents
Kyan patented his discovery in 1832 (Nos. 8263 and 6309), extending the application of the invention to the preservation of paper, canvas, cloth, cordage, etc.  A further patent was granted in 1836
(No. 7001).

The preservative action of a solution of bichloride of mercury was previously well known, and Kyan's process merely consisted of the submersion of timber or other materials in a tank containing a solution of corrosive sublimate in water. It was maintained by the inventor that permanent chemical combination took place between the mercurial salt and the woody fibre, but this was contested.

Publicity
The process attracted great attention. Faraday chose it as the subject of his inaugural lecture at the Royal Institution on 22 February 1833, on his appointment as Fullerian professor of chemistry.  Dr. Birkbeck gave a lecture upon it at the Society of Arts on 9 December 1834, and in 1835 the Admiralty published the report of a committee appointed by the board to inquire into the value of the new method.  In 1836, Kyan sold his rights to the Anti-Dry Rot Company, an Act of Parliament being passed which authorised the raising of a capital of £250,000.  Tanks were constructed at Grosvenor Basin, Pimlico, at the Grand Surrey Canal Dock, Rotherhide, and at the City Road Basin.  Great things were predicted of 'kyanising,' as the process then began to be called. A witty writer in 'Bently's Miscellany' for January 1837 told how the muses had adopted Kyan's improvement to preserve their favourite trees.  At a dinner given to celebrate the success which attended the experiment, a song, which became popular, was first sung.  The opening verse runs:

Have you heard, have you heard
Anti-dry Rot's the word?
Wood will never wear out, thanks to Kyan, to Kyan!
He dips in a tank any rafter or plank,
And makes it immortal as Dian, as Dian!

Applications
Among the early applications of the process was the kyanising of the palings round the Inner Circle, Regent's Park, which was carried out in 1835 as an advertisement, small brass plates being attached to the palings at intervals stating that the wood had been subjected to the new process.  The plates soon disappeared, but the original palings still remain in good condition.

The timber used in building the Oxford and Cambridge Club, British Museum, Royal College of Surgeons, Westminster Bridewell, the new roof of the Temple Church, and the Ramsgate harbour works was also prepared by Kyan's process.  When wooden railway sleepers ("ties" in the USA) became general (in place of the stone blocks used on the early lines), a very profitable business for Kyan's company was anticipated, and for a time these hopes were realised.

The process was also applied to ships' timbers and sails.  The whaler  received some treated wood as she underwent repairs in 1833 and on her return to England from the Pacific in 1837 her master, Captain Elisha Clark, wrote a testimonial for the process.

Decline
It became evident that iron fastenings could not be used in wood treated with corrosive sublimate, on account of the corrosive action, and it was said that the wood became brittle.  The salt was somewhat expensive and Sir William Burnett's method of preserving timber by chloride of zinc, and afterwards the application of creosote for that purpose, proved severe competitors.  Doubts began to be expressed as to the real efficiency of kyanising (see Proceedings of the Institution of Civil Engineers, 11 January 1853, pp. 206–243), and the process gradually ceased to be employed.

Other inventions and interests
Besides the invention with which his name is associated, Kyan took out patents in 1833 (No. 6534) for propelling ships by a jet of water ejected at the stern, and in 1837 (No. 7460) for a method of obtaining ammoniacal salts from gas liquor. He was a member of the London Electrical Society and also the author of 'The Elements of Light and their Identity with those of Matter radiant or fixed,' 1838. He died on 5 January 1850 at New York City, where he was engaged on a plan for filtering the water supplied to that city by the Croton aqueduct.

Arms

See also
 Wood preservation

Notes

References
 Faraday's Prevention of Dry Rot in Timber, a Lecture at the Royal Institution on 22 February 1833
 Birkbeck's Preservation of Timber by Kyan's Patent, a Lecture at the Society of Arts on 9 December 1834
 Report of Admiralty Committee on Kyan's Process (Parl, Paper No.367 of 1835)
 An Act to enable John Howard Kyan to assign certain Letters Patent, 6 Will.  IV, cap. 26, 1836
 Burke's Landed Gentry, 4th edit. 1868
 art.  'Kyan's Process' in Architectural Publication Society's Dict. of Architecture. R.B.P.
Dickson (M.D., F.L.S.), Robert (1838) A Lecture on the Dry Rot, and on the most effectual means of preventing it; delivered before the Institute of British Architects, 3 April 1837. With "Documents relative to the Ship 'Samuel Enderby'," and Documents relative to the Ship 'John Palmer'." (J. and C. Adlard)

External links

1774 births
1850 deaths
British scientists
British inventors

John Howard Kyan


Body horror, or biological horror, is a subgenre of horror that intentionally showcases grotesque or psychologically disturbing violations of the human body or to any other creature. These violations may manifest through aberrant sex, mutations, mutilation, zombification, gratuitous violence, disease, or unnatural movements of the body. Body horror was a description originally applied to an emerging subgenre of North American horror films, but has roots in early Gothic literature and has expanded to include other media.

Characteristics
According to the film scholar Linda Williams, body horror falls into one of three "gross" genres or "genres of excess" which also includes pornography and melodrama. Williams writes that the success of these body genres "is often measured by the degree to which the audience sensation mimics what is seen on the screen". For example, an audience may experience feelings of terror through horror, sympathy through melodrama, or sexual arousal through pornography. Body horror specifically focuses on the limits and transformative capabilities of the human body.

Body horror often overlaps with, but is distinct from, other horror subgenres. For example, while elements of mutilation may be present in body horror, other similar subgenres such as slasher, splatter, or monster horror may also share this trope, but differ in message and intent. A common difference in the body horror genre is that violations or distortions of the body are rarely the result of immediate or initial violence. Instead, they are generally marked by a loss of conscious control over the body through mutation, disease, or other tropes involving uncontrolled transformation. The genre can invoke intense feelings of physical and psychological disgust, or squick, and play upon anxieties of physical vulnerability. In addition to common tropes used within the broader horror genre, some tropes specific to the body horror subgenre may include invasion, contagion, mutation, transformation, disease, mutilation, or other unnatural or violent distortions of the human body.

Body horror films, such as Crimes of the Future and Titane, have been likened to erotic horror.

History
The term "body horror" was first used by Phillip Brophy in his 1983 article "Horrality: The Textuality of the Contemporary Horror Film". He coined this term to describe an emerging subgenre which occurred during a short golden period for contemporary horror film. Although Brophy coined the term to specifically describe a trend within cinema, film director Stuart Gordon notes that the body horror trope had existed before its adaptation to the screen, most notably within fictional writing.

Literature
Mary Shelley's Frankenstein (1818) is an early example of the body horror subgenre within fictional writing. The success of gothic horror in the 19th century, in combination with the birth of science fiction as a literary form, is thought to be the origin of body horror as a literary genre. According to Halberstam, "By focusing on the body as a locus of fear, Shelley's novel suggests that it is people (or at least bodies) who terrify people... the landscape of fear is replaced by sutured skin."

Franz Kafka's The Metamorphosis is another early example of body horror literature. It shows Gregor Samsa transform into a large bug for unknown reasons. The work has influenced other body horrors like The Fly.

Film
Canadian filmmaker David Cronenberg is considered a principal originator of body horror through early films such as Shivers and Rabid, and his remake of The Fly. However, body horror tropes existed within film prior to official recognition of the genre. Early examples of the body horror genre arose out of 1950s American horror cinema including The Blob and The Fly, both of which set the standard for the genre due to the films' primary focus on mutation and visceral special effects. Many contemporary films of the horror genre (those produced after 1968), including body horror, are considered to be postmodern in contrast to classical horror. Because of this, delineations between the genres are difficult to define, since postmodernism is concerned with blurring boundaries between categories.

The body horror genre is widely represented throughout Japanese horror and within contemporary media, such as anime. Katsuhiro Otomo's 1988 film Akira is an early example of body horror within anime. The film uses the genre to explore the "notion of the adolescent body as a site of metamorphosis, a metamorphosis that can appear monstrous both to the figure undergoing it and to the outside world."

Comics and graphic novels
Many manga authors, such as Junji Ito, specialize in writing within the horror genre and use body horror tropes in combination with narrative storytelling devices of Japanese horror. Highly influenced by the literary works of H. P. Lovecraft, Ito's manga depict obscene body horror through both aesthetic and narrative in order to invoke feelings of abject terror. In contrast, Canadian cartoonist Michael DeForge incorporates recurring body horror aspects within his work through less graphic aesthetic and narrative styles.

Influences
Films and media that fall under the body horror subgenre reflect a specific corporeal societal anxiety and may provide social commentary about history and influence contemporary culture.

Controversy and censorship
Since the 18th century, the horror genre has been popular among readers but dismissed as controversial by some critics who saw the genre and its thematic elements threatening or dangerous to society.

Because of the use of graphic and gratuitous violence or themes that may be considered taboo, horror media that fall within the body horror genre are often censored or banned across a variety of countries. For example, the Saw and Human Centipede franchises have been referred to as "torture porn" and widely criticized to include overly "exploitative, gratuitous portrayals of destructive sexual perversion."

See also
Abjection
Erotic horror

Barbara Creed
Grotesque body
List of body horror media
Psychological horror
Splatterpunk

References

External links

Film genres
Horror genres
Horror
Human appearance

Body horror


Ezra Klein (born May 9, 1984) is an American journalist, blogger, and political commentator who works as editor-at-large of Vox. He was a blogger and columnist for The Washington Post and an associate editor of The American Prospect. He has contributed to Bloomberg News and MSNBC.

At The Washington Post, he managed a branded blog called "Wonkblog." The blog was mostly about health care and budget policy. He wrote a primer on policy called "Wonkbook", which was delivered by e-mail and on his blog each morning.

In January 2014, Klein left The Washington Post. He works for Vox Media as editor-at-large for their news website, Vox. He co-founded the website along with Melissa Bell and Matthew Yglesias.

Early life and education
Klein was born and raised in Irvine, California. Klein is a middle child, in a Jewish family. His father, Abel Klein, is a mathematics professor at University of California, Irvine. Abel Klein is from Brazil. His mother is an artist. Klein went to school at University High School. He went to the University of California, Santa Cruz, but  transferred to the University of California, Los Angeles. He graduated from UCLA in 2005 with a B.A. in political science.

Career
In 2003, Klein and Markos Moulitsas were two of the earliest bloggers to report from a political convention, that of the California State Democratic Party.

Klein worked on Howard Dean's primary campaign in Vermont in 2003, and interned for the Washington Monthly in Washington, D.C. in 2004.

On December 10, 2007, Klein moved his blog full-time to the American Prospect.

Steve Pearlstein, The Washington Post's veteran business columnist, read and liked Klein's blogging. Pearlstein sent some of Klein's writing to managing editor Raju Narisetti. Narisetti hired Klein to be the Post's first blogger on politics and economics. On May 18, 2009, he began writing at the newspaper.

In May 2011 when Bloomberg View started, Klein became a columnist there at he same time as at The Washington Post and MSNBC.

Klein wrote for and edited Wonkblog at The Washington Post. He often talks about politics on MSNBC's The Rachel Maddow Show, Hardball with Chris Matthews, and The Last Word with Lawrence O'Donnell. He contributed to Countdown with Keith Olbermann.

In October 2015, Klein started a podcast called The Weeds with Sarah Kliff and Matt Yglesias. This Vox podcast is detailed discussions about public policy. Klein also hosts the podcast called "The Ezra Klein Show". Klein is an executive producer of Vox's Netflix series Explained.

Awards
 2010,  The Week magazine and The Sidney Hillman Foundation called him Blogger of the Year.
 2011, GQ magazine called him one of the 50 most powerful people in Washington, D.C.. Time magazine called his blog one of the 25 best financial blogs in 2011.
 2013, Klein won the Online News Association Award for Best Online Commentary. He also won the American Political Science Association's Carey McWilliams Award, for "a major journalistic contribution to our understanding of politics."

Personal life
Klein is married to Annie Lowrey. She reports on economic policy at The Atlantic magazine.

References

Other websites

 Ezra Klein's blog at Washingtonpost.com
 The American Prospect Ezra Klein page and writings
 Ezra Klein's old blog at The American Prospect magazine
 Ezra Klein's articles and essays published in various media
 Video conversations and debates involving Ezra Klein on Bloggingheads.tv

1984 births
Living people
American agnostics
American political commentators
American political writers
Jewish American writers
Journalists from California
People from Irvine, California
Writers from California
American bloggers

Ezra Klein