Party leaders of the United States House of Representatives, also known as floor leaders, are congresspeople who coordinate legislative initiatives and serve as the chief spokespersons for their parties on the House floor. These leaders are elected every two years in secret balloting of their party caucuses or conferences: the House Democratic Caucus and the House Republican Conference. Depending on which party is in power, one party leader serves as majority leader and the other as minority leader.

Unlike the Senate Majority Leader, the House Majority Leader is the second highest-ranking member of their party's House caucus, behind the Speaker of the House. The Majority Leader is responsible for setting the annual legislative agenda, scheduling legislation for consideration, and coordinating committee activity. The Minority Leader serves as floor leader of the opposition party, and is the minority counterpart to the Speaker. The Minority Leader also speaks for the minority party in the House and its policies, and works to protect the minority party's rights.

The assistant majority leader and assistant minority leader of the House, commonly called whips, are the second-ranking members of each party's leadership. The main function of the majority and minority whips is to gather votes of their respective parties on major issues.

Current floor leaders
With the Republicans holding a majority of seats and the Democrats holding a minority, the current leaders are Majority Leader Steve Scalise of Louisiana and Majority Whip Tom Emmer of Minnesota, Minority Leader Hakeem Jeffries of New York, and Minority Whip Katherine Clark of Massachusetts.

Selection
The floor leaders and whips of each party are elected by their respective parties in a closed-door caucus by secret ballot. The Speaker-presumptive is assumed to be the incoming Speaker, although not formally selected to be nominated for Speaker by the majority party's caucus. After this period, the Speaker-designate is also chosen in a closed-door session by the largest caucus although the Speaker is formally elevated to the position by a public vote of the entire House when Congress reconvenes.

Like the Speaker of the House, the Minority Leaders are typically experienced lawmakers when they win election to this position. When Nancy Pelosi, D-CA, became Minority Leader in the 108th Congress, she had served in the House nearly 20 years and had served as minority whip in the 107th Congress. When her predecessor, Dick Gephardt, D-MO, became minority leader in the 104th House, he had been in the House for almost 20 years, had served as chairman of the Democratic Caucus for four years, had been a 1988 presidential candidate, and had been majority leader from June 1989 until Republicans captured control of the House in the November 1994 elections. Gephardt's predecessor in the minority leadership position was Robert Michel, R-IL, who became GOP Leader in 1981 after spending 24 years in the House. Michel's predecessor, Republican John Rhodes of Arizona, was elected Minority Leader in 1973 after 20 years of House service.

By contrast, party leaders of the United States Senate have often ascended to their position despite relatively few years of experience in that chamber, such as Lyndon B. Johnson, William Knowland, Tom Daschle, and Bill Frist. Former House Majority Leader Eric Cantor also had a comparatively quick rise to the post and was the youngest House Majority Leader in American history.

History
Before 1899, the majority party floor leader had traditionally been the Chairman of the House Ways and Means Committee, the most powerful committee in the House, as it generates the Bills of Revenue specified in the Constitution as the House's unique power. However, this designation (begun under Speaker Henry Clay during the 12th United States Congress) was informal, and after 1865, alternated between the Ways and Means Committee Chair and the House Appropriations Committee Chair after the latter committee was split from the former. By at least 1850, the Senate and House Republican Conferences and the Senate and House Democratic Caucuses began naming chairs (although conference and caucus chairs carried very little authority).

The office of Majority Leader was created in 1899 and first occupied by Sereno Payne. Speaker David B. Henderson created the position to establish a party leader on the House floor separate from the Speaker, as the role of Speaker had become more prominent and the size of the House had grown from 105 at the beginning of the century to 356.

Starting with Republican Nicholas Longworth in 1925 and continuing until 1995, all majority leaders have directly ascended to the Speakership after the incumbent surrenders the position. The only exceptions during this period were Charles A. Halleck, who served as Majority Leader from 1947–1949, ultimately did not become Speaker because his party lost the House in the 1948 House election, and served as Majority Leader in 1953–1955, ultimately did not become Speaker because his party lost control over the House after the 1954 House Election and would not regain the House until 1994 (Halleck had been dead for years at this point); Hale Boggs, who served as Majority Leader from 1971–1973, died in a plane crash; and Dick Gephardt, who served as Majority Leader from 1989–1995, descended to Minority Leader since his party lost control in the 1994 midterm elections.

Since 1995, the only two Majority Leaders to become Speaker are John Boehner and Kevin McCarthy, though indirectly as their party lost control in the 2006 and 2018 midterm elections. Boehner subsequently served as House Minority Leader from 2007 to 2011, and McCarthy served from 2019 to 2023. Both were elected Speaker when the House reconvened after gaining a majority in their respective midterm elections. In 1998, when Speaker Newt Gingrich announced his resignation, neither Majority Leader Dick Armey nor Majority Whip Tom DeLay contested the Speakership, which eventually went to Chief Deputy Whip Dennis Hastert.

Traditionally, the Speaker is viewed as the leader of the majority party in the House, with the Majority Leader as second-in-command. For example, when the Republicans gained the majority in the House after the 2010 elections, Boehner ascended to the Speakership while Eric Cantor succeeded Boehner as Majority Leader. Cantor was understood to be the second-ranking Republican in the House since Boehner was the indisputable leader of the House Republicans. However, there have been some exceptions. The most recent exception to this rule came when Majority Leader Tom DeLay was considered more prominent than Speaker Dennis Hastert from 2003 to 2006.

In contrast, the Minority Leader is the undisputed leader of the minority party. For example, when the Republicans lost their majority in the 2018 elections, McCarthy was elected as Minority Leader and hence replaced Ryan as the highest-ranking House Republican.

When the Presidency and both Houses of Congress are controlled by one party, the Speaker normally takes a low profile and defers to the President. For that situation, the House Minority Leader can play the role of a de facto "leader of the opposition", often more so than the Senate Minority Leader, owing to the more partisan nature of the House and the greater role of leadership.

When the Majority Leader's party loses control of the House, and if the Speaker and Majority Leader both remain in the leadership hierarchy, convention suggests that they would become the Minority Leader and Minority Whip, respectively. As the minority party has one less leadership position after losing the speaker's chair, there may be a contest for the remaining leadership positions. Nancy Pelosi is the most recent example of an outgoing Speaker seeking the Minority Leader post to retain the House party leadership, as the Democrats lost control of the House in the 2010 elections. She ran successfully for Minority Leader in the 112th Congress.

In 2014, Eric Cantor became the first House Majority Leader to lose a primary election. Following his primary defeat, Cantor announced his resignation as Majority Leader, effective July 31, 2014, and he subsequently resigned his seat in Congress.

Majority Leader

The House Majority Leader's duties vary, depending upon the political makeup of the majority caucus. In several recent sessions of Congress, with the notable exception of the Pelosi speakership, the Majority Leader has been primarily responsible for scheduling the House floor's legislative calendar and direct management for all House committees.

One statutory duty, per , stipulates that an implementing bill submitted by the President of the United States for a fast-track negotiating authority (trade promotion authority) trade agreement must be introduced (by request) in the House by the Majority Leader of the House or a designee.

Minority Leader

Responsibilities
From an institutional perspective, the rules of the House assign a number of specific responsibilities to the minority leader. For example, Rule XII, clause 6, grant the minority leader (or their designee) the right to offer a motion to recommit with instructions; Rule II, clause 6, states the Inspector General shall be appointed by joint recommendation of the Speaker, majority leader, and minority leader; and Rule XV, clause 6, provides that the Speaker, after consultation with the minority leader, may place legislation on the Corrections Calendar. The minority leader also has other institutional duties, such as appointing individuals to certain federal entities.

From a party perspective, the minority leader has a wide range of partisan assignments, all geared toward retaking majority control of the House. Five principal party activities direct the work of the minority leader.
 The minority leader provides campaign assistance to political party incumbents and challengers.
 The minority leader devises strategies, in consultation with other partisan colleagues, that advance party objectives. For example, by stalling action on the majority party's agenda, the minority leader may be able to launch a campaign against a "do-nothing Congress".
 The minority leader works to promote and publicize the party's agenda.
 The minority leader, if their party controls the White House, confers regularly with the President and the President's aides about issues before Congress, the Administration's agenda, and political events generally.
 The minority leader strives to promote party harmony so as to maximize the chances for legislative and political success.

The roles and responsibilities of the minority leader are not well-defined. To a large extent, the functions of the minority leader are defined by tradition and custom. A minority leader from 1931 to 1939, Representative Bertrand Snell, R-N.Y., provided this "job description": "He is spokesman for his party and enunciates its policies. He is required to be alert and vigilant in defense of the minority's rights. It is his function and duty to criticize constructively the policies and programs of the majority, and to this end employ parliamentary tactics and give close attention to all proposed legislation."

Since Snell's description, other responsibilities have been added to the job. These duties involve an array of institutional and party functions. Before examining the institutional and party assignments of the minority leader, it is worth highlighting the historical origin of this position.

Origin of the post

To a large extent, the minority leader's position is a 20th-century innovation. Prior to this time congressional parties were often relatively disorganized, so it was not always evident who functioned as the opposition floor leader. Decades went by before anything like the modern two-party congressional system emerged on Capitol Hill with official titles for those who were its official leaders. However, from the earliest days of Congress, various House members intermittently assumed the role of "opposition leader". Some scholars suggest that Representative James Madison of Virginia informally functioned as the first "minority leader" because in the First Congress he led the opposition to Treasury Secretary Alexander Hamilton's fiscal policies.

During this early period, it was more usual that neither major party grouping (Federalists and Democratic-Republicans) had an official leader. In 1813, for instance, a scholar recounts that the Federalist minority of 36 Members needed a committee of 13 "to represent a party comprising a distinct minority" and "to coordinate the actions of men who were already partisans in the same cause." In 1828, a foreign observer of the House offered this perspective on the absence of formal party leadership on Capitol Hill:

I found there were absolutely no persons holding the stations of what are called, in England, Leaders, on either side of the House.... It is true, that certain members do take charge of administration questions, and certain others of opposition questions; but all this so obviously without concert among themselves, actual or tacit, that nothing can be conceived less systematic or more completely desultory, disjointed.

Internal party disunity compounded the difficulty of identifying lawmakers who might have informally functioned as a minority leader. For instance, "seven of the fourteen speakership elections from 1834 through 1859 had at least twenty different candidates in the field. Thirty-six competed in 1839, ninety-seven in 1849, ninety-one in 1859, and 138 in 1855." With so many candidates competing for the speakership, it is not at all clear that one of the defeated lawmakers then assumed the mantle of "minority leader". The Democratic minority from 1861 to 1875 was so completely disorganized that they did not "nominate a candidate for Speaker in two of these seven Congresses and nominated no man more than once in the other five. The defeated candidates were not automatically looked to for leadership."

In the judgment of political scientist Randall Ripley, since 1883 "the candidate for Speaker nominated by the minority party has clearly been the Minority Leader." However, this assertion is subject to dispute. On December 3, 1883, the House elected Democrat John G. Carlisle of Kentucky as Speaker. Republicans placed in nomination for the speakership J. Warren Keifer of Ohio, who was Speaker the previous Congress. Clearly, Keifer was not the Republicans' minority leader. He was a discredited leader in part because as Speaker he arbitrarily handed out "choice jobs to close relatives ... all at handsome salaries." Keifer received "the empty honor of the minority nomination. But with it came a sting -- for while this naturally involves the floor leadership, he was deserted by his [partisan] associates and his career as a national figure terminated ingloriously." Representative Thomas Reed, R-ME, who later became Speaker, assumed the de facto role of minority floor leader in Keifer's stead. "[A]lthough Keifer was the minority's candidate for Speaker, Reed became its acknowledged leader, and ever after, so long as he served in the House, remained the most conspicuous member of his party.

Another scholar contends that the minority leader position emerged even before 1883. On the Democratic side, "there were serious caucus fights for the minority speakership nomination in 1871 and 1873," indicating that the "nomination carried with it some vestige of leadership." Further, when Republicans were in the minority, the party nominated for Speaker a series of prominent lawmakers, including ex-Speaker James Blaine of Maine in 1875, former Appropriations Chairman James A. Garfield of Ohio, in 1876, 1877, and 1879, and ex-Speaker Keifer in 1883. "It is hard to believe that House partisans would place a man in the speakership when in the majority, and nominate him for this office when in the minority, and not look to him for legislative guidance." This was not the case, according to some observers, with respect to ex-Speaker Keifer.

In brief, there is disagreement among historical analysts as to the exact time period when the minority leadership emerged officially as a party position. Nonetheless, it seems safe to conclude that the position emerged during the latter part of the 19th century, a period of strong party organization and professional politicians. This era was "marked by strong partisan attachments, resilient patronage-based party organizations, and...high levels of party voting in Congress." Plainly, these were conditions conducive to the establishment of a more highly differentiated House
leadership structure.

Minority party nominees for Speaker, 1865–1897
While the Office of the House Historian only lists Minority Leaders starting in 1899, the minority's nominees for Speaker (at the beginning of each Congress) may be considered their party's leaders before that time.
 1865: James Brooks (D-NY)
 1867: Samuel S. Marshall (D-IL)
 1869: Michael C. Kerr (D-IN)
 1871: George W. Morgan (D-OH)
 1873: Fernando Wood (D-NY)
 1875: James Gillespie Blaine (R-ME)
 1877, 1879: James Abram Garfield (R-OH)
 1881: Samuel Jackson Randall (D-PA)
 1883: Joseph Warren Keifer (R-OH)
 1885, 1887: Thomas Brackett Reed (R-ME)
 1889: John Griffin Carlisle (D-KY)
 1891, 1893: Thomas Brackett Reed (R-ME)
 1895: Charles F. Crisp (D-GA)
 1897: Joseph W. Bailey (D-TX)
Sources

Trends
Two other points of historical interest merit brief mention. First, until the 61st Congress (1909–1910), "it was the custom to have the minority leader also serve as the ranking minority member on the two most powerful committees, Rules and Ways and Means." Today, the minority leader no longer serves on these committees; however, they appoint the minority members of the Rules Committee and influence the assignment of partisan colleagues to the Ways and Means Committee.

Second, Democrats have always elevated their minority floor leader to the speakership upon reclaiming majority status. Republicans have not always followed this leadership succession pattern. In 1919, for instance, Republicans bypassed James R. Mann, R-IL, who had been minority leader for eight years, and elected Frederick Gillett, R-MA, to be Speaker. Mann "had angered many Republicans by objecting to their private bills on the floor;" also he was a protégé of autocratic Speaker Joseph Cannon, R-IL (1903–1911), and many Members "suspected that he would try to re-centralize power in his hands if elected Speaker." More recently, although Robert H. Michel was the Minority Leader in 1994 when the Republicans regained control of the House in the 1994 midterm elections, he had already announced his retirement and had little or no involvement in the campaign, including the Contract with America which was unveiled six weeks before voting day.

In the instance when the Presidency and both Houses of Congress are controlled by one party, the Speaker normally assumes a lower profile and defers to the President. For that situation the House Minority Leader can play the role of a de facto "leader of the opposition", often more so than the Senate Minority Leader, due to the more partisan nature of the House and the greater role of leadership. Minority Leaders who have played prominent roles in opposing the incumbent president have included Gerald Ford, Richard Gephardt, Nancy Pelosi, and John Boehner.

Institutional functions
The style and role of any minority leader is influenced by a variety of elements, including personality and contextual factors, such as the size and cohesion of the minority party, whether their party controls the White House, the general political climate in the House, and the controversy that is sometimes associated with the legislative agenda. Despite the variability of these factors, there are a number of institutional obligations associated with this position. Many of these assignments or roles are spelled out in the House rule book. Others have devolved upon the position in other ways. To be sure, the minority leader is provided with extra staff resources—beyond those accorded him or her as a Representative—to assist in carrying out
diverse leadership functions. Worth emphasis is that there are limits on the institutional role of the minority leader, because the majority party exercises disproportionate influence over the agenda, partisan ratios on committees, staff resources, administrative operations, and the day-to-day schedule and management of floor activities.

Under the rules of the House, the minority leader has certain roles and responsibilities. They include the following:

Drug Testing. Under Rule I, clause 9, the "Speaker, in consultation with the Minority Leader, shall develop through an appropriate entity of the House a system for drug testing in the House."

Inspector General. Rule II, clause 6, states that the "Inspector General shall be appointed for a Congress by the Speaker, the Majority Leader, and the Minority Leader, acting jointly." This rule further states that the minority leader and other specified House leaders shall be notified of any financial irregularity involving the House and receive audit reports of the inspector general.

Questions of Privilege. Under Rule IX, clause 2, a resolution "offered as a question of privilege by the Majority Leader or the Minority Leader ... shall have precedence of all other questions except motions to adjourn." This rule further references the minority leader with respect to the division of time for debate of these resolutions.

Oversight Plans. Under Rule X, clause 2, not later "than March 31 in the first session of a Congress, after consultation with the Speaker, the Majority Leader, and the Minority Leader, the Committee on Government Reform shall report to the House the oversight plans" of the standing committees along with any recommendations it or the House leaders have proposed to ensure the effective coordination of committees' oversight plans.

Committee on Standards of Official Conduct: Investigative Subcommittees. Rule X, clause 5, stipulates: "At the beginning of a Congress, the Speaker or his designee and the Minority Leader or his designee each shall appoint 10 Members, Delegates, or Resident Commissioners from his respective party who are not members of the Committee on Standards of Official Conduct to be available to serve on investigative subcommittees of that committee during that Congress."

Permanent Select Committee on Intelligence. "The Speaker and Minority Leader shall be ex officio members of the select committee but shall have no vote in the select committee and may not be counted for purposes of determining a quorum." In addition, each leader may designate a member of his leadership staff to assist him with his ex officio duties. (Rule X, clause 11).

Motion to Recommit with Instructions. Under Rule XIII, clause 6, the Rules Committee may not (except in certain specified circumstances) issue a "rule" that prevents the minority leader or a designee from offering a motion to recommit with instructions.

In addition, the minority leader has a number of other institutional functions. For instance, the minority leader is sometimes statutorily authorized to appoint individuals to certain federal entities; they and the majority leader each name three Members to serve as Private Calendar objectors; they are consulted with respect to reconvening the House per the usual formulation of conditional concurrent adjournment resolutions; they are a traditional member of the House Office Building Commission; they are a member of the United States Capitol Preservation Commission; and they may, after consultation with the Speaker, convene an early organizational party caucus or conference. Informally, the minority leader maintains ties with majority party leaders to learn about the schedule and other House matters and forges agreements or understandings with them insofar as feasible.

Party functions
The minority leader has a number of formal and informal party responsibilities. Formally, the rules of each party specify certain roles and responsibilities for their leader. For example, under Democratic rules for the 106th Congress, the minority leader may call meetings of the Democratic Caucus. They are a member of the Democratic Congressional Campaign Committee; names the members of the Democratic Leadership Council; chairs the Policy Committee; and heads the
Steering Committee. Examples of other assignments are making "recommendations to the Speaker on all Democratic Members who shall serve as conferees" and nominating party members to the Committees on Rules and House Administration. Republican rules identify generally comparable functions for their top party leader.

Informally, the minority leader has a wide range of party assignments. Lewis Deschler, the late House Parliamentarian (1928–1974), summarized the diverse duties of a party's floor leader:

A party's floor leader, in conjunction with other party leaders, plays an influential role in the formulation of party policy and programs. They are instrumental in guiding legislation favored by his party through the House, or in resisting those programs of the other party that are considered undesirable by his own party. They are instrumental in devising and implementing his party's strategy on the floor with respect to promoting or opposing legislation. They are kept constantly informed as to the status of legislative business and as to the sentiment of his party respecting particular legislation under consideration. Such information is derived in part from the floor leader's contacts with his party's members serving on House committees, and with the members of the party's
whip organization.

These and several other party roles merit further mention because they influence significantly the leader's overarching objective: retake majority control of the House. "I want to get [my] members elected and win more seats," said Minority Leader Richard Gephardt, D-MO. "That's what [my partisan colleagues] want to do, and that's what they want me to do."

Five activities illustrate how minority leaders seek to accomplish this primary goal.

Provide Campaign Assistance. Minority leaders are typically energetic and aggressive campaigners for partisan incumbents and challengers. There is hardly any major aspect of campaigning that does not engage their attention. For example, they assist in recruiting qualified candidates; they establish "leadership PACs" to raise and distribute funds to House candidates of their party; they try to persuade partisan colleagues not to retire or run for other offices so as to hold down the number of open seats the party would need to defend; they coordinate their campaign activities with congressional and national party campaign committees; they encourage outside groups to back their candidates; they travel around the country to speak on behalf of party candidates; and they encourage incumbent colleagues to make significant financial contributions to the party's campaign committee. "The amount of time that [Minority Leader] Gephardt is putting in to help the DCCC [Democratic Congressional Campaign Committee] is unheard of," noted a Democratic lobbyist."No DCCC chairman has ever had that kind of support."

Devise Minority Party Strategies. The minority leader, in consultation with other party colleagues, has a range of strategic options that they can employ to advance minority party objectives. The options selected depend on a wide range of circumstances, such as the visibility or significance of the issue and the degree of cohesion within the majority party. For instance, a majority party riven by internal dissension, as occurred during the early 1900s when Progressive and "regular" Republicans were at loggerheads, may provide the minority leader with greater opportunities to achieve their priorities than if the majority party exhibited high degrees of party cohesion. Among the variable strategies available to the minority party, which can vary from bill to bill and be used in combination or at different stages of the lawmaking process, are the following:

Cooperation. The minority party supports and cooperates with the majority party in building winning coalitions on the floor.

Inconsequential Opposition. The minority party offers opposition, but it is of marginal significance, typically because the minority is so small.

Withdrawal. The minority party chooses not to take a position on an issue, perhaps because of intraparty divisions.

Innovation. The minority party develops alternatives and agendas of its own and attempts to construct winning coalitions on their behalf.

Partisan Opposition. The minority party offers strong opposition to majority party initiatives but does not counter with policy alternatives of their own.

Constructive Opposition. The minority party opposes initiatives of the majority party and offers its own proposals as substitutes.

Participation. The minority party is in the position of having to consider the views and proposals of their president and to assess their majority-building role with respect to his priorities.

A look at one minority leadership strategy—partisan opposition—may suggest why it might be employed in specific circumstances. The purposes of obstruction are several, such as frustrating the majority party's ability to govern or attracting press and media attention to the alleged ineffectiveness of the majority party. "We know how to delay," remarked Minority Leader Gephardt. Dilatory motions to adjourn, appeals of the presiding officer's ruling, or numerous requests for roll call votes are standard time-consuming parliamentary tactics. By stalling action on the majority party's agenda, the minority leader may be able to launch a campaign against a "do-nothing Congress" and convince enough voters to put his party back in charge of the House. To be sure, the minority leader recognizes that "going negative" carries risks and may not be a winning strategy if his party fails to offer policy alternatives that appeal to broad segments of the general public.

Promote and Publicize the Party's Agenda. An important aim of the minority leader is to develop an electorally attractive agenda of ideas and proposals that unites their own House members and that energizes and appeals to core electoral supporters as well as independents and swing voters. Despite the minority leader's restricted ability to set the House's agenda, there are still opportunities for him to raise minority priorities. For example, the minority leader may employ, or threaten to use, discharge petitions to try and bring minority priorities to the floor. If they are able to attract the required 218 signatures on a discharge petition by attracting majority party supporters, they can force minority initiatives to the floor over the opposition of the majority leadership. As a GOP minority leader once said, the challenges he confronted are to "keep our people together, and to look for votes on the other side."

Minority leaders may engage in numerous activities to publicize their party's priorities and to criticize the opposition's. For instance, to keep their party colleagues "on message", they insure that partisan colleagues are sent packets of suggested press releases or "talking points" for constituent meetings in their districts; they help to organize "town meetings" in Members' districts around the country to publicize the party's agenda or a specific priority, such as health care or education; they sponsor party "retreats" to discuss issues and assess the party's public image; they create "theme teams" to craft party messages that might be raised during the one-minute, morning hour, or special order period in the House; they conduct surveys of party colleagues to discern their policy preferences; they establish websites that highlight and distribute party images and issues to users; and they organize task forces or issue teams to formulate party programs and to develop strategies for communicating these programs to the public.

House minority leaders also hold joint news conferences and consult with their counterparts in the Senate—and with the president if their party controls the White House. The overall objectives are to develop a coordinated communications strategy, to share ideas and information, and to present a united front on issues. Minority leaders also make floor speeches and close debate on major issues before the House; they deliver addresses in diverse forums across the country, and they write books or articles that highlight minority party goals and achievements. They must also be prepared "to debate on the floor, ad lib, no notes, on a moment's notice," remarked Minority Leader Michel. In brief, minority leaders are key strategists in developing and promoting the party's agenda and in outlining ways to neutralize the opposition's arguments and proposals.

Confer With the White House. If their party controls the White House, the minority leader confers regularly with the President and his aides about issues before Congress, the Administration's agenda, and political events generally. Strategically, the role of the minority leader will vary depending on whether the President is of the same party or the other party. In general, minority leaders will often work to advance the goals and aspirations of their party's president in Congress. When Robert Michel, R-IL, was minority leader (1981–1995), he typically functioned as the "point man" for Republican presidents. President Ronald Reagan's 1981 policy successes in the Democratic-controlled House was due in no small measure to Minority Leader Michel's effectiveness in wooing so-called "Reagan Democrats" to support, for instance, the Administration's landmark budget reconciliation bill. There are occasions, of course, when minority leaders will fault the legislative initiatives of their president. On an administration proposal that could adversely affect his district, Michel stated that he might "abdicate my leadership role [on this issue] since I can't harmonize my own views with the administration's." Minority Leader Gephardt, as another example, has publicly opposed a number of President Clinton's legislative initiatives from "fast track" trade authority to various budget issues.

When the White House is controlled by the House majority party, then the House minority leader assumes a larger role in formulating alternatives to executive branch initiatives and in acting as a national spokesperson for their party. "As Minority Leader during [President Lyndon Johnson's] Democratic administration, my responsibility has been to propose Republican alternatives," said Minority Leader Gerald Ford, R-MI. Greatly outnumbered in the House, Minority Leader Ford devised a political strategy that allowed Republicans to offer their alternatives in a manner that provided them political protection. As Ford explained:

"We used a technique of laying our program out in general debate," he said. When we got to the amendment phase, we would offer our program as a substitute for the Johnson proposal. If we lost in the Committee of the Whole, then we would usually offer it as a motion to recommit and get a vote on that. And if we lost on the motion to recommit, our Republican members had a choice: They could vote against the Johnson program and say we did our best to come up with a better alternative. Or they could vote for it and make the same argument. Usually we lost; but when you're only 140 out of 435, you don't expect to win many.

Ford also teamed with Senate Minority Leader Everett Dirksen, R-IL, to act as national spokesmen for their party. They met with the press every Thursday following the weekly joint leadership meeting. Ford's predecessor as minority leader, Charles Halleck, R-IN, probably received more visibility in this role, because the press and media dubbed it the "Ev and Charlie Show". In fact, the "Republican National Committee budgeted $30,000 annually to produce the weekly news conference."

Foster Party Harmony. Minority status, by itself, is often an important inducement for minority party members to stay together, to accommodate different interests, and to submerge intraparty factional disagreements. To hold a diverse membership together often requires extensive consultations and discussions with rank-and-file Members and with different factional groupings. As Minority Leader Gephardt said:
We have weekly caucus meetings. We have daily leadership meetings. We have weekly ranking Member meetings. We have party effectiveness meetings. There's a lot more communication. I believe leadership is bottom up, not top down. I think you have to build policy and strategy and vision from the bottom up, and involve people in figuring out what that is.

Gephardt added that "inclusion and empowerment of the people on the line have to be done to get the best performance" from the minority party. Other techniques for fostering party harmony include the appointment of task forces composed of partisan colleagues with conflicting views to reach consensus on issues; the creation of new leadership positions as a way to reach out and involve a greater diversity of partisans in the leadership structure; and daily meetings in the Leader's office (or at breakfast, lunch, or dinner) to lay out floor strategy or political objectives for the
minority party.

Party whips and assistant party leaders

Whips
A whip manages their party's legislative program on the House floor. The whip keeps track of all legislation and ensures that all party members are present when important measures are to be voted upon.

The Majority Whip is an elected member of the majority party who assists the Speaker of the House and the majority leader to coordinate ideas on, and garner support for, proposed legislation. They are reckoned as the third-ranking member of their party behind the Speaker and the Majority Leader.

The Minority Whip is a member of the minority party who assists the minority leader in coordinating the party caucus in its responses to legislation and other matters. They are reckoned as the second most powerful member of their party, behind the minority leader.

The Chief Deputy Whip is the primary assistant to the whip, who is the chief vote counter for their party. The current chief deputy majority whip is Republican Guy Reschenthaler. Within the House Republican Conference, the chief deputy whip is the highest appointed position and often a launching pad for future positions in the House Leadership. Cantor and McCarthy, for instance, served as chief deputy Republican whips before ascending to the majority leader's post. The House Democratic Conference has multiple chief deputy whips, led by a Senior Chief Deputy Whip, which is the highest appointed position within the House Democratic Caucus. John Lewis held this post from 1991 until his death in 2020. Jan Schakowsky held the position of senior chief deputy majority whip along with Lewis since 2019, previously holding a position as chief deputy whip since 2005. Between 1955 and 1973, the Democrats simply had the title Deputy Whip.

List of Republican Chief Deputy Whips
1981–1983: David F. Emery (Minority)
1983–1987: Tom Loeffler (Minority)
1987–1989: Edward Rell Madigan (Minority)
1989–1993: Steve Gunderson and Robert Smith Walker (Minority)
1993–1995: Robert Smith Walker (Minority)
1995–1999: Dennis Hastert (Majority)
1999–2003: Roy Blunt (Majority)
2003–2009: Eric Cantor (Majority, 2003–2007; Minority, 2007–2009)
2009–2011: Kevin McCarthy (Minority)
2011–2014: Peter Roskam (Majority)
2014–2019: Patrick McHenry (Majority)
2019–2022: Drew Ferguson (Minority)
2023–present: Guy Reschenthaler (Majority)

List of Democratic Chief Deputy Whips
1955–1962: Hale Boggs (Majority)
1962–1971: Tip O'Neill (Majority)
1971–1973: John Brademas, John J. McFall (Majority)
1973–1977: John Brademas (Majority)
1977–1981: Dan Rostenkowski (Majority)
1981–1987: Bill Alexander (Majority)
1987–1991: David Bonior (Majority)
1991–1993: Butler Derrick, Barbara Kennelly, John Lewis (Majority)
1993–1995: Butler Derrick, Barbara Kennelly, John Lewis, Bill Richardson (Majority)
1995–1997: Rosa DeLauro, John Lewis, Bill Richardson (Minority)
1997–1999: Rosa DeLauro, Chet Edwards, John Lewis, Bob Menendez (Minority)
1999–2002: Chet Edwards, John Lewis, Ed Pastor, Maxine Waters (Minority)
2002–2003: John Lewis, Ed Pastor, Max Sandlin, Maxine Waters (Minority)
2003–2005: John Lewis (Senior Chief Deputy Whip), Joe Crowley, Baron Hill, Ron Kind, Ed Pastor, Max Sandlin, Jan Schakowsky, Maxine Waters (Minority)
2005–2007: John Lewis (Senior Chief Deputy Whip), Joe Crowley, Diana DeGette, Ron Kind, Ed Pastor, Jan Schakowsky, John Tanner, Maxine Waters (Minority)
2007–2011: John Lewis (Senior Chief Deputy Whip), G. K. Butterfield, Joe Crowley, Diana DeGette, Ed Pastor, Jan Schakowsky, Debbie Wasserman Schultz, John Tanner, Maxine Waters (Majority)
2011–2013: John Lewis (Senior Chief Deputy Whip), G. K. Butterfield, Joe Crowley, Diana DeGette, Jim Matheson, Ed Pastor, Jan Schakowsky, Debbie Wasserman Schultz, Maxine Waters, Peter Welch (Minority)
2013–2015: John Lewis (Senior Chief Deputy Whip), G. K. Butterfield, Diana DeGette, Keith Ellison, Ben Ray Lujan, Jim Matheson, Jan Schakowsky, Debbie Wasserman Schultz, Terri Sewell, Peter Welch (Minority)
2015–2019: John Lewis (Senior Chief Deputy Whip), G. K. Butterfield, Joaquin Castro, Diana DeGette, Keith Ellison, Jan Schakowsky, Debbie Wasserman Schultz, Terri Sewell, Kyrsten Sinema, Peter Welch (Minority)
2019–2022: Cedric Richmond (until January 15, 2021) (Assistant to the Majority Whip), John Lewis (until July 17, 2020), Jan Schakowsky (Senior Chief Deputy Whips), Pete Aguilar, G. K. Butterfield, Henry Cuellar, Sheila Jackson Lee, Dan Kildee, Debbie Wasserman Schultz, Terri Sewell, Peter Welch (Majority)
2023–present: Jan Schakowsky, Terri Sewell, Henry Cuellar, Sheila Jackson Lee, Jimmy Panetta, Colin Allred, Sharice Davids, Deborah Ross, Linda Sánchez, Marilyn Strickland

Assistant party leaders
The position of Assistant Democratic Leader was established by Nancy Pelosi on January 3, 2011, and filled by Jim Clyburn to avoid a battle for whip between then-Majority Leader Steny Hoyer and then-Majority Whip Jim Clyburn. The title has undergone several name changes, with the title being known as the titular "Assistant Speaker of the House of Representatives" during Pelosi's second speakership; it is said to replace the Assistant to the Leader post first established in 1999; and previously held by Chris Van Hollen. There is currently no Republican equivalent in the U.S. House of Representatives.

List of House Democratic Assistants to the Leader
1999–2003: Rosa DeLauro
2003–2007: John Spratt
2007–2009: Xavier Becerra
2009–2011: Chris Van Hollen

List of House Assistant Democratic Leaders
2011–2019: Jim Clyburn

List of Assistant Speakers of the House of Representatives
2019–2021: Ben Ray Luján
2021–2023: Katherine Clark

List of House Assistant Democratic Leaders
2023–present: Jim Clyburn

List of party leaders and whips
The Majority and President are included for historical and comparative reference.

See also

 Party leaders of the United States Senate
 Divided government in the United States

Notes

References

External links
 Office of the Majority Leader (Republican Leader)
 Office of the Majority Whip (Republican Whip)

United States House of Representatives
Lists related to the United States House of Representatives


Medical Practice Consultants or Healthcare Management Consultants typically advise licensed healthcare providers and health-systems on business and administrative issues, but not clinical issues.

These topics commonly include governance, operations, human resources, finance, billing, coding, transactions and marketing, but there are dozens of subcategories and specialties within the field.

More and more hospitals engage them as physician practices are acquired and more physicians are employed.  There are several trade association in the US for healthcare business consultants, the largest by-far being the National Society of Certified Healthcare Business Consultants (NSCHBC) that also serves dental, podiatric, chiropractic, physical therapy, and other subspecialty practice management consultants. NSCHBC offers a credential in the field; Certified Healthcare Business Consultant or "CHBC"; a directory searchable by specialty and state; and continuing education programs. Consulting rates vary from under $100 per hour to over $400 per hour.

Health care occupations
Consulting occupations

Medical practice consultants


Deborah Scroggins (November 27, 1961 in Atlanta, Georgia) is an American journalist and author. A graduate of Tulane University and Columbia University, she was a reporter and editor for the Atlanta Journal-Constitution from 1987 to 1998. Her book Emma's War: An Aid Worker, Radical Islam and the Politics of Oil - A True Story of Love and Death in the Sudan is about Emma McCune, a British aid worker who married Sudanese warlord Riek Machar.  It won the 2003 Ron Ridenhour Award for Truth-Telling.  Director Tony Scott had planned to direct a film based on the book and initial reports indicated that Nicole Kidman would star as McCune.<ref>Tom Anderson, The Independent'-, March 27, 2005</ref>  The project was in development at the time of Scott's death in 2012; its fate following Scott's death remains unclear.

Scroggins has also written a second book: Wanted Women: Faith, Lies, and the War on Terror: The Lives of Ayaan Hirsi Ali and Aafia Siddiqui, an examination of the militant Islam movement through the lives of two women on opposite sides of the spectrum: Ayaan Hirsi Ali and Aafia Siddiqui.

References

External links
 Bio and articles from The Nation Ridenhour Prize bio

 SIPA Alumna Deborah Scroggins Wins Ron Ridenhour Truth-telling Award, Columbia News''

1961 births
Living people
Writers from Atlanta
20th-century American women journalists
Columbia University alumni
20th-century American journalists
21st-century American women journalists
21st-century American journalists

Deborah Scroggins


The Russian Pillage (), is the name for the action of the Imperial Russian Fleet toward the Swedish civilian population along the Swedish east coast, as well as expeditions and the raids of single unit in the inland, during the finishing years of the Great Northern War in 1719–1721. The purpose was to pillage, sack, and burn to force the Swedish regime to concessions during the peace negotiations on Åland. The Swedish representative, Georg Heinrich von Görtz, was at the time stalling the negotiations in hope of military support from Great Britain. Peter the Great, on the other hand, wished for a swift end to the war, which would make it possible for him to focus on inner reform.

In the summer of 1719, a Russian fleet consisting of 132 galleys and several smaller boats, totaling 26000 men, assaulted Stockholm archipelago. The Russian fleet pillaged along the coast of Uppland almost as far north as Gävle, and the coast of Södermanland as far south as Norrköping. The archipelago was severely devastated by the assaults. On several of the larger islands, almost all buildings were burnt down. The entire city of Trosa was burnt to the ground, save for the city church and bell tower. After receiving reinforcements, the Russian fleet attempted to attack Stockholm but were defeated on 12 August 1719.

In 1720, Russian troops razed Umeå, and in 1721 the cities of Hudiksvall, Sundsvall, Söderhamn, Härnösand and Piteå.

The Russian forces were stopped after a Swedish counterattack at the Battle of Grengam (Swedish: Slaget vid Ledsund) of which 43 of the total 61 galleons were destroyed. This resulted in the Swedish east coast being saved. More similar encounters were repeated until the peace of Treaty of Nystad.

Notes

References
 Ullman, Magnus (2006). Rysshärjningarna på Ostkusten sommaren 1719. Stockholm: Bokförlaget Magnus Ullman. Libris 10203442.

Great Northern War
1719 in Sweden
1720 in Sweden
1721 in Sweden
Sweden during the Age of Liberty

Russian Pillage of 1719–1721


Thebes is a city in Central Greece in Boeotia. Today, about 23,000 people live there. It lies on the border of Boeotia and Attica. Archaeologists have found a Mycenaean settlement. They have also found clay tablets written in Linear B script. Thebes was once a super-power in Greece until the rise of Macedonia. It became a dominant power after their victory over the Spartans at the Battle of Leuctra in 371 BC.

Thebes, Greece


OPM is an American band based in Los Angeles. OPM has a distinctive sound, combining hip hop, rock music, and pop with laid-back reggae.

History
Originally called "Stash", the name OPM, according to the band's frontman John E. Necro, is an abbreviation of the phrase "Open People's Minds" (originally "Other People's Money"). This was stated during an interview with MarijuanaRadio.com. The name also sounds like the drug opium. The band's original members were John E. Necro, Matthew Meschery and Geoff Turney, with Gary Dean and Etienne Franc later appointed permanent members in 2001. John E. and Geoff aka Casper first met on a bus ride with their girlfriends in 1996. At the time John E. was a label scout at Island Records and Geoff was in a band called "Alpha Jerk". In 1997 John E. invited Geoff to do some recordings with him and his then brother-in-law Matthew Meschery. After 2 years they finally managed to start writing songs and sent a 3 track demo to Atlantic Records, leading them to get signed despite having never played live together. OPM released their debut album, Menace to Sobriety, in August 2000 on Atlantic Records. Their debut single "Heaven Is a Halfpipe" charted worldwide and won the Kerrang! Award for Best Single. They performed their hit single on Top of the Pops on July 20, 2001.

After the Menace to Sobriety tour, Matthew Meschery decided to leave the band. John E. Necro stated "that was the biggest blow of anyone" and "I don't think Matthew thought it through. It seemed like a really good idea when we got started, but it was more than he bargained for" during an interview in 2009. In the October 2015 edition of Rock Sound magazine, Matthew revealed he would "often get stage fright" when performing live and "The idea of touring another record for two years felt pretty daunting. I was done." Matthew along with Etienne Franc and Gary Dean then formed a band by the name of "The Free Agency" in 2003 after they all departed OPM. As of 2007, Matthew has been working for ITVS.

In 2002, they replaced Matthew with Big B and signed to Suburban Noize Records. They left Atlantic Records as they were not interested in releasing another OPM album. John E. spoke of this in 2004 by saying "They'd spent so much to promote the first album, that we thought everything was a go with the second record. But they kept sending us back into the studio…we wrote over 50 songs while waiting for the label to make a move. We finally got to the point where we realized that we needed more attention than they were giving us, so we started working on getting out of our deal." Their second album, ForThemAsses, was released in June 2004. The album was produced by OPM and Steve Gallagher and features guest appearances by reggae artists Yellowman and Eek-A-Mouse along with Johnny Richter of the Kottonmouth Kings. The only single from the album was "Horny", which was released a year later in 2005. Jonathan Williams was then appointed as a permanent member, having provided keyboards for the ForThemAsses album. Matt Rowe was appointed as bass player in 2005 along with Robert Bradley on drums. Their third album was California Poppy, released in July 2006. The album was supported by the release of the In the OPMDEN EP in 2006. In 2008 Robert left the band and was immediately replaced by Carlos Perez. OPM released their fourth album, Golden State of Mind in September 2008. The album was produced by Michael Patterson who also produced the band's debut album. Carlos Perez then left the band to become the drummer for Big B in 2009 and was replaced by Shane Mayo.

The band joined the new label MNO records, founded by John E. and released their single "Holiday Under The Sun" in 2010. In 2012 the band released a new EP called Heaven Can Wait to celebrate 13 years since the band's formation. When asked why a 13th anniversary, John E. Necro explained the band was originally planning a 10th anniversary, but due to a band hiatus which involved building a new studio, he claimed the 10th year "slipped past us, without realizing" and decided on 13 since it is considered an unlucky number. It featured 5 re-recordings of classic songs. In 2013 they released a new single entitled "Everything's The Same In LA". Matt Rowe and Shane Mayo left the band in 2014 to focus on their other band "Garrett Lee Robinson", who are also signed to OPM's label MNO records. In 2015 Carlos Perez returned to OPM to provide drums after originally leaving the band in 2009.

OPM released their 4th EP entitled "The Minge Dynasty" in August 2015 as well as announcing a European tour for 2015. The EP features a new single called "Millionaire Like Me". Big B returns to feature on the EP, produced by Ras MG. They also re-released Menace to Sobriety in September 2015 for the 15th anniversary of the release of their debut album. The re-release featured one bonus track called "Feel The Pain", which was one of the band's first songs recorded in 1999 with the original lineup (John E., Matthew and Geoff).

Members
 John E. Necro – vocals (1999–present)
 Geoff Turney  – guitars (1999–present)
 Jonathan Williams – keyboards (2004–present)
 Carlos Perez – drums (2008–2009, 2015–present)

Former members
 Alfunction – guitar (live only) (left 2001)
 Avram Brown – guitar & keyboards (live only) (left 2001)
 Mark Van Eps – keyboards (live only – Rock Im Park, Rock Am Ring festival 2001)
 Matthew Meschery aka Shakey Lo the Creation Kid – vocals and programming (1999–2002)
 Gary P. Dean – drums (2000–2002)
 Etienne Franc – bass (2000–2002)
 Will Joyce – bass (live only) (2004)
 Billy Flynn – drums (live only) (2004–2005)
 Big B – vocals (2002–2005, 2015)
 Robert aka The Skatanic Mechanic Bradley – drums (2005–2008)
 Matt Rowe – bass (2005–2014)
 Shane Mayo – drums (2009–2014)

Discography

Albums
Menace to Sobriety (September 2000) – UK No. 31
ForThemAsses (June 24, 2004)
California Poppy (July 18, 2006)
Golden State of Mind (September 2, 2008)

EPs
Outlaws, Perverts and Misfits (2004)
In the OPMDEN (June 18, 2006)
Heaven Can Wait (September 22, 2012)
The Minge Dynasty (August 25, 2015)

Singles

References

External links
Official MNO website

Suburban Noize Records

Musical groups established in 1999
Rap rock groups
Kerrang! Awards winners
Suburban Noize Records artists
Musical groups from Los Angeles
1999 establishments in California

OPM (band)


Las Herencias is a municipality located in the province of Toledo, Castile-La Mancha, Spain. According to the 2006 census (INE), the municipality has a population of 759 inhabitants. . It adjoins the municipalities of Talavera de la Reina in the north, La Pueblanueva and  San Bartolomé de las Abiertas at the east, Alcaudete de la Jara and Jara Belvís the south, and  Calera y Chozas to the west, all of Toledo.

Villages
El Membrillo

References

External links
Ruta 10: Las Herencias, El Membrillo, Alcaudete de la Jara, Belvís de la Jara, Las Herencias

Municipalities in the Province of Toledo

Las Herencias


Terdell Sands (born October 31, 1979) is a former American football defensive tackle. He was drafted by the Kansas City Chiefs in the seventh round of the 2001 NFL Draft. He played college football at the University of Tennessee at Chattanooga.

Sands also played for the Green Bay Packers, Oakland Raiders, and New England Patriots.

Early years
Sands played high school football at Howard High School in Chattanooga, Tennessee and was a four-year letterman in football and basketball. In football, as a defensive end, offensive tackle, and linebacker, he was a three-time All-City and a three-time All-State selection.

College career
Sands only played one year of college football at the University of Tennessee at Chattanooga. During his only season, 1999, he played he totaled 36 tackles, one sack, and two fumble recoveries. He did not play in 2000.

Professional career

Kansas City Chiefs
Sands was drafted by the Kansas City Chiefs in the seventh round (243rd overall) of the 2001 NFL Draft. He missed the entire season after being placed on the reserve/non-football injury list with a foot injury. After the season, he was allocated to the Berlin Thunder of NFL Europe, where he saw action in 10 games, picking up 14 tackles. He was waived by the Chiefs during final roster cutdowns before the 2002 season and re-signed to the team's practice squad on September 10. He was released from it on September 19.

Green Bay Packers
After being released from the Chiefs Sands was signed to the Green Bay Packers practice squad on November 20, 2002, where he spent the remainder of the season. He was re-signed by the Packers following the season. He was waived by the Packers on August 26, 2003, and re-signed to their practice squad on September 1. He was released from their practice squad on September 17, and re-signed to the practice squad on October 1. On October 16, 2003, he was promoted to the Packers' active roster. He played in one game before being waived on November 11, 2003.

Oakland Raiders
Sands was claimed off waivers by the Oakland Raiders on November 12, 2003. He played in three games (starting one) for the Raiders in the 2003 season, recording three tackles. He played in 15 games for the Raiders in 2004, picking up 22 tackles and two passes defensed on the year. He played in the final nine games of the 2005 season, recording 10 tackles and one sack.

For the Raiders in 2006, Sands played in 16 games, starting two, while recording a career-high 41 tackles, a sack, and his first career interception. Following the season, he was re-signed to a four-year, $17 million contract. He started 11 of 16 games played for the Raiders in 2007, picking up 23 tackles and no sacks. In 2008, he played in 16 games with no starts, recording 29 tackles and two sacks. Following a road win over the Denver Broncos on November 23, 2008, Sands punched Raiders punter Shane Lechler in the face on the team flight, but was neither fined nor suspended for the incident. In six years with the Raiders he started 14 of 75 games, recording 128 tackles, four sacks and an interception.

He was released on September 5, 2009, during final roster cutdowns.

New England Patriots
Sands signed with the New England Patriots on September 28, 2009. During his first week with the Patriots, Sands told the media he stood at 6-foot-8 and weighed 355 pounds. He was released by the team on October 14, after being active for one game.

References

External links
New England Patriots bio

1979 births
Living people
American football defensive tackles
American football defensive ends
Chattanooga Mocs football players
Kansas City Chiefs players
Green Bay Packers players
Oakland Raiders players
New England Patriots players
Players of American football from Chattanooga, Tennessee

Terdell Sands


Kenneth Kola Abiola Keazor is a Nigerian lawyer and jurist, was born in Lagos (Nigeria) on 12 April 1935 to Eugene Akosa Keazor and Anne Abiola Keazor. His father, Eugene, was a senior police officer who retired as a Commissioner of Police in Colonial Nigeria in 1964 - one of the most senior African policemen of his time.

Kenneth Keazor studied law at the University of London and was called to the Bar at Gray's Inn in 1962. He met and married his wife Victoria in October 1960. He returned to Nigeria in 1963, where he joined the Ministry of Justice in the Eastern Region of Nigeria, until 1967 when the Nigerian Civil War broke out and he joined the Biafran Army, rising to the rank of major.

Keazor joined the Nigerian Board of Inland Revenue as a legal adviser in 1969, and then the Ministry of Justice as Principal State Counsel. He worked in the Nigerian Civil Service in several capacities but most notably as counsel to the Government of Nigeria in the massive joint venture Warri Refinery project. He retired from the Federal Civil Service as Deputy Solicitor Generalm and joined Cadbury PLC as legal counsel and company secretary In 1981. He returned to Public service with his appointment as Attorney-General of Anambra State in 1988. He was later appointed a Justice of the State High Court in 1989, a position he retained till his second retirement in 2000.

Keazor was also a Pioneer Course member of the National Institute for Policy and Strategic Studies in Nigeria in 1979 - The country's high-level think tank on National Policy, whose membership has produced three of Nigeria's heads of state. His course papers on a foreign policy strategy for Cuba by African countries, and a proposed missile policy for Nigeria, remain important reference works for state policy in Africa. He remains active in the Alumni Association of this body, having variously occupied the positions of Secretary-General and Regional Chairman.

Generally regarded as a being of high moral integrity by his peers, Keazor has remained active after retirement, acting as Chairman of an election tribunal in 1991 and he served as Chairman of an investigative panel into fraudulent contracts awarded by the previous Anambra State administration.

He was conferred with the traditional title of Ogbueshi Akunne, by the Obosi community in 2015.

References

1935 births
20th-century Nigerian judges
State attorneys general in Nigeria
Living people
Alumni of the University of London
Lawyers from Lagos
People of the Nigerian Civil War

Kenneth Keazor


was a Japanese duo consisting of NEWS members Yuya Tegoshi and Takahisa Masuda, formed to promote Johnny's Entertainment internationally. The group's name is a merging of Tegoshi's and Masuda's names.

History
Tegomass released their first single "Miso Soup" in Sweden in November 2006 and held several promotions there. A month later, the duo released the Japanese version of the single in Japan. The next single, "Kiss (Kaerimichi no Love Song)", was released on May 16, 2007. The songs on this second single were used as theme songs for the Lovely Complex anime, with the title track as the ending theme, and the second track, "Kimi + Boku = Love?", as the opening theme. On June 18, 2008, the duo released its third single, "Ai Ai Gasa", the ending theme for the anime Neo Angelique Abyss.

On July 8, 2009, the duo released a fourth single, "Tanabata Matsuri". It went to #1, selling 80,243 copies in the first week (total sales so far - 100,714). Tegomass' first album, Tegomasu no Uta, was released on July 15, 2009. Tegomasu no Uta went to #1, selling 80,028 copies in the first week, with total sales so far of 99,534.

The mini-album Tegomass no Ai was released on April, 2010, shortly before the second tour, named after Tegomass no Ai, which started in May, 2010.

"Tanabata Matsuri" and Tegomasu no Uta were both certified Gold for shipment of 100,000 copies. Tegomass's first live tour DVD was released on January 20, 2010.

Tegomass 3rd album "Tegomass no Mahou" released on October 19, 2011 and top the Oricon chart. Their third concert was held that same year.

On June 19, 2020, Tegoshi ended his contract with Johnny's Entertainment, effectively breaking up Tegomass as well.

Tegomass in Sweden
Tegomass made a promotional trip to Sweden from November 14 to 17 in 2006. On 14 November, they were occupied with various interviews for TV and newspapers, but on the 15th they held a promotion event at SpyBar in Stockholm. Here Tegomass performed "Miso Soup" in English as well as "Hajimete no Asa" live on stage. After their performance, Tegomass held a hand-shaking event for all the fans who were also able to say a few words to them. The Swedish edition of the single (including "Miso Soup" in English and as a karaoke track) could be bought during this event, along with a Swedish edition of Shuuji to Akira's "Seishun Amigo" single. The same night, from around 7:30 to 10:00 pm, there was a release party, also at SpyBar, for journalists and fans over 20 years of age who signed up on the guest list.

Musical style
Tegomass specializes in the aforementioned Bacharach-style ballads.

Discography

Albums

Extended plays

Singles

Promotional singles

Video albums

Notes

External links
Oricon profile
DN.se - Tegomass in Swedish newspapers
Expressen - Tegomass in Swedish newspapers
Nippon Project - exclusive private interview

References

Japanese idol groups
Japanese boy bands
Johnny & Associates
Japanese pop music groups
Japanese musical duos
Musical groups from Tokyo
Musical groups established in 2006
Musical groups disestablished in 2020

Tegomass


Alfred Charles True, Ph.D., Sc.D. (June 5, 1853 - April 23, 1929) was a United States educator and agriculturist.

Biography
A son of Charles Kittredge True, he was born at Middletown, Connecticut.  He graduated from Wesleyan University in 1873, from which he also received his Sc.D.
He was a teacher at Westfield normal school in Westfield, Massachusetts, for several years, did graduate studies at Harvard in 1882-84, and served as an instructor at Wesleyan in 1884-88.

At Wesleyan, he got to know Wilbur O. Atwater, who in 1888 founded the Office of Experiment Stations at the United States Department of Agriculture (USDA). True went to work for the USDA in 1889, and from 1893 to 1915, he was director of the Office of Experiment Stations. In 1915, he became director of the States Relations Service, which the Office of Experiment Stations had become part of.  He served in this role until 1923.

True had charge of investigations in irrigation, drainage and human nutrition, and supervised the federal work and expenditures for agricultural experiment stations in all the states and in Alaska and Hawaii (both territories at that time) and Puerto Rico and Guam. He also supervised federal work and expenditures for co-operative extension work in agriculture and home economics throughout the United States under the Smith-Lever Act of 8 May 1914, together with investigations in home economics and agricultural education.

In 1902 he was dean of the first graduate school of agriculture in the United States, held at the Ohio State University, and in 1914 he was president of the Association of American Agricultural Colleges and Experiment Stations.

In 1875, he married Emma Fortune.  They had two children.

Selected publications

True particularly studied the organization and management of institutions for agricultural education and research, and published several monographs on this subject, chiefly in the bulletins of the Office of Experiment Stations, including:
 Education and Research in Agriculture in the United States (1894)
 Agricultural Experiment Stations: Their Objects and Work (1895)
 The Agricultural Experiment Stations in the United States (with V. A. Clark, 1900)
 Agricultural Experiment Stations in Foreign Countries (with D. J. Crosby, 1902)
 Progress in Agricultural Education (1902)

Beginning 1923, he devoted himself mostly to the production of three monographs:
 A History of Agricultural Extension Work in the United States, 1785-1923 (1928)/(1937)
 A History of Agricultural Education in the United States, 1785-1925 (1929)
 A History of Agricultural Experimentation and Research in the United States (1929)
A History of Agricultural Experimentation and Research in the United States, 1607-1925: Including a History of the United States Department of Agriculture (1937)
For ten years he was chief editor of the Experiment Station Record and the Experiment Station Work. He contributed articles on agriculture and horticulture to The New International Encyclopædia and Webster's International Dictionary.

Further reading

References

1853 births
1929 deaths
American male journalists
People from Middletown, Connecticut
Ohio State University faculty
Harvard University alumni
Wesleyan University alumni

Alfred Charles True


Mike Clancy is a British trade union leader.

Clancy grew up in Liverpool and studied law before pursuing a career in industrial relations.  He undertook further study at the University of Warwick, then became a researcher at the Clearing Bank Union.  He then became a negotiator for the union, before in 1989 becoming an area secretary for the Engineers' and Managers' Association.  He later became a national officer for the union, with time out in 2000 to complete an MBA at Cranfield University.

In 2001, the EMA merged into the new Prospect, with Clancy remaining a national officer until 2004, when he was appointed as deputy general secretary.  He was elected as general secretary in 2012, also winning a seat on the General Council of the Trades Union Congress.  In 2016, he was also appointed to the council of ACAS, and from 2017 he sat on the Nuclear Industry Council.

References

Year of birth missing (living people)
Living people
Alumni of Cranfield University
Alumni of the University of Warwick
General secretaries of British trade unions
Members of the General Council of the Trades Union Congress
Trade unionists from Liverpool

Mike Clancy (trade unionist)


The Republican Villagers Nation Party (, CKMP), alternatively translated Republican Peasants' Nation Party, was a political party in Turkey.

Fusions
The party was founded after the fusion of two smaller nationalist parties.

One of these parties was the Villagers Party, founded by  on16 May 1952. Most of the members of this party were former Democrat Party members and they were known as Nationalists. After the death of the founder in a plane crash in 1954, the party could not gain any seats in the parliament in the 1954 and 1957 elections.

Another party was Osman Bölükbaşı's Republican Nation Party, which was founded on 27 January 1954. But unlike Turkey Villagers Party, the Republican Nation Party was actually the continuation of Bölükbaşı's former party named Nation Party which was banned in 1953. Both in 1954 and in 1957 elections they were able to gain seats in the Parliament. On October 17, 1958, the Villagers Party merged with the Republican Nation Party to form the Republican Villagers' Nation Party. The chairman of the party was Osman Bölükbaşı.

1960s
On June 12, 1960, following the May 27 coup d'état, the junta, dubbed the "National Unity Committee", dissolved the parliament and on June 13, closed the district organizations of all political parties. In 1961, when the civil parliamentary system was once again in effect, on October 15, the general elections were held, at which the Republican Villagers' Nation Party received 14% of the votes to emerge as the third party and win 54 seats in the parliament and 16 senators. However, Osman Bölükbaşı refused to take place in the coalition government.

The CKMP members of parliament along with the members from the four remaining parties and the independent members signed a declaration on October 11, 1962, stating that they are "determined and decisive to confront any transgressions of the foundation built by the national revolution of May 27." Subsequently, the parliament decided a partial pardon for political prisoners. On June 15, 1962, the CKMP became part of the coalition led by İsmet İnönü.

Split in the party

In 1962, the party faced with the problem of coalition partnership. Up to 1962 CKMP had always been an opposition party. But in 1962 for the first time, CKMP was offered to take part in İsmet İnönü's coalition government. (see the 27th government of Turkey.) Although this offer was attractive for most of the party members, Osman Bölükbaşı was against serving under İsmet İnönü. Thus a group of MPs under the leadership of Osman Bölükbaşı issued from the party. The new chairman of the party was Ahmet Oğuz. The party participated in the coalition government and one member, Hasan Dincer, became the deputy prime minister. But without the rhetoric of Osman Bölükbaşı the party began to lose support. Between the general elections in 1961 and 1965 the support dropped from 14% to 2.2%. Meanwhile, in 1965 Bölükbaşı refounded the Nation Party, which received 6.3% in the elections of that year.

Conversion into MHP

In 1965, a meeting took place with opposition leaders, including the president of CKMP, Ahmet Oğuz and of the revived Nation Party (see below), Osman Bölükbaşı, which caused the government to resign. The new government led by independent senator Suat Hayri Ürgüplü had four ministers from the CKMP. In spring 1965, Alparslan Türkeş, along with "the 14s" who were expelled from the National Unite Unity, joined the CKMP. In August 1965 Türkeş became the new president at the expense of Ahmet Oğuz and many other senior politicians of the party. This enabled Alparslan Türkeş to a major influence over the party and during the party congress in 1967, the party's program was redesigned in line with the Nine Lights Doctrine. The CKMP gained a more nationalistic and Pan-Turkist ideology, and was hierarchically restructured after the old leadership was eliminated from the administration. Türkeş reportedly stated that: "Whoever joins the cause and becomes a traitor, kill him."

General elections were held on October 10, 1965, at which CKMP won 11 seats at the parliament and 4 at the senate. However, the 2.2%  of votes meant that it was losing ground. On February 6–9, 1969, at the extraordinary party congress, the name of the Republican Villager's Nation Party was changed to Nationalist Movement Party (Milliyetçi Hareket Partisi – MHP) and it opened itself for the Muslim electorate. Several of the nationalist party members who opposed the new party program which included an Islamic notion, where subsequently expelled. The MHP to this day is one of Turkey's major political parties and its most prominent far-right nationalist party.

References

External links
Parti code

1958 establishments in Turkey
1969 disestablishments in Turkey
Defunct far-right parties in Turkey
Nationalist Movement Party
Idealism (Turkey)
Defunct nationalist parties in Turkey
Defunct agrarian political parties
Political parties disestablished in 1969
Political parties established in 1958

Republican Villagers Nation Party


The Akakhel, pronounced Akaa Khel or Akakhail (Pashto and Urdu: اکاخیل,آقاخیل), are a Pashtun sub-tribe of the Ghilji/Ghilzais confederation. Their mother language is Pashto. In the early 20th century, the tribe was generally pastoral. The Akakhel are one of the largest Ghilji Pashtun subtribes. A reasonable majority of those who were living on the Durand Line migrated since 1900 into Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, Balochistan and Punjab provinces of Pakistan to Sikander Abad (Jarra Kalay) Charsadda,Peshawar,Swat(Barikot) , Buner(Topdara), Abbottabad, Nowshera, Mardan, Attock, Rawalpindi, Islamabad, Gujranwala, Gojra, Faisalabad, Lahore, Multan, Hyderabad, Karachi and Quetta.
The exact population number of this clan is not known; however, it is estimated to be around 2 million all around the world The population of this tribe primarily lives in Pakistan and Afghanistan. 85% live in Pakistan and about 1% or 2% live in Afghanistan and remaining 13% lives in England, Germany, United Arab Emirates, China, Malaysia, Canada and United States of America.

History

Aka, Sulaiman, Ahmad and Ali were four brothers, from Akaa the subtribe Akakhel, from Sulaiman the subtribe slemankhel, from Ahmad the subtribe Ahmadzi and from Ali the subtribe alizi commonly called Alozi descended.

Aka who was a Sufi Saint and his shrine is located in Serobi. He had seven sons Their names were following Toor Baba, Gander baba, Noor, Sikander, Qaozai, Sleem, Mirza and Hassan. From these sons the Akakhel tribe is sub-divided into Ganderkhel, Sikanderkhel, Maeenkhel or Moeenkhel Sleemikhel and Hassankhel.

Ancestors of Toor baba then is divided into Maeenkhel or "Moeenkhel" and Manikhel after the names of his sons Momin And Maeen. The Maeenkhel is then subdivided into Abdullahwal, Niaziwal Sifatwal and Badakwal after the names of his sons Abdullah, Niazai, Sifat and Badak. taking Niaziwal tribe is then divided into Aslamwal, Azamwal,
Akramwal and Nizam wal. aslam had then four sons namely Jabbar, Ilyaas, Pasta Khan and Misri. Misri was never married thus he had no sons.
Jabbar had three sons namely Jan nisar khan, Muhamaad shah khan and Maghul Khan. Pista khan had two sons Abullah jan and Sher Muhammad . Ilyaas had two sons Mirza and Kareem.

Gander baba Ganderkhel had four sons named Ahmad, Baba, Biland, Noor Muhammad, the Ahmad family known as Ahmadwal the Baba family known as Baba khel the Biland family known as Bilandwal and Noor Muhammad family known as Noorakwal the Ahmwadwal also known as (Shangyan) the Toor Baba, Gander baba, Noor, Sikander, Qaozai, Mirza and Hassan was settle in jaindai near to Tangi district Charsadda.

In early of 1900 their business was dry fruit from Afghanistan to Pakistan and to new Delhi on camel in winter season, at start of Summer in April they used to buy chaliya pan in Delhi and bring it to Lahore Karachi and sold it in Lahore and Karachi.

In 1947 the all families of Toor Baba, Gander baba, Noor, Sikander, Qaozai, Mirza and Hassan was transfer to other cities in time of partition of Pakistan and India in 1947 to Sikander Abad (formerly known as Jarra Kalay) Charsadda,Mangora, Barikot but the Aka khel of barikot has also migrated from chakesar shagla valley to Barikot swat in early 16th century (Swat) Nowshera, Mardan,  Abbottabad,  Attock, Rawalpindi, Islamabad, Gujranwala, Gojra, Faisalabad, Lahore, Multan, Hyderabad, Karachi, and Quetta. Most of them were settled in Peshawar, Mardan, Charsadda, Rawalpindi, Islamabad and Karachi. Most of Ganderkhel live in Peshawar,Rawalpindi and Karachi.

Sikander Khel further divided into small-tribes. Arsala-waal from the son Arsala Khan, Paaenda-khel (or Paanda-khel) from the son Paaenda Muhammad Khan, Malak-waal from the son Malak Khan.

Distribution

Tribal Research Cell of Government of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, Pakistan, Home and Tribal Affairs Department, have provided the available old/historical record copies of the Akakhail tribe since British era i.e. 1932–34.In which it is clearly stated that: (the original words of the copies) "217. The Aka Khel are true Ghilzais and related to the Ali Khel and Sulaiman Khel with whom they are friendly. The association of Aka Khel of Katawaz and Ali Khel with the Sulaiman Khel of Katawaz is so close that, often, when asked to what tribe they belong, they say that they are Sulaiman Khel. The tribe is almost entirely nomadic. Those who come from Katawaz to the Damam of Dera Ismail Khan in winter use the Gomal route, and they form only a comparatively small portion of the whole tribe. Many of the Aka Khel spend the summer in the Hazarajat and in autumn take their families to Ningarhar, carrying on trade between Kabul and Peshawar.

The population of this clan is estimated at 1 million worldwide. About 70% of the Akakhel population lives in Afghanistan and about 25% lives in Pakistan. The remainder live in England, Germany, United Arab Emirates, China, Malaysia, Canada and the United States of America.
People of Aka Khel tribes living in Pakistan have their basic roots in Pakistan community but are still facing problems of self recognition and identity rights just because of their resemblance in pushto dialect to the afghan people.

References

 Tribal Research Cell, Government of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, Home and Tribal Affairs Department, TRC(HD) 3-25/81, Volume IV, Peshawar, 12 March 2013.

Ghilji Pashtun tribes
Pashto-language surnames
Pakistani names

Akakhel


Finishing School is a 1934 pre-Code romantic drama film starring Frances Dee as a young woman who gets into trouble after being sent to a finishing school by her neglectful parents.

This film was condemned by the Legion of Decency.

Plot
Virginia Radcliff is enrolled at the exclusive Crockett Hall finishing school by her mother, with the acquiescence of her wealthy businessman father. Miss Van Alstyne, the head of the school, informs her new student of Crockett Hall's strict rules of ladylike conduct, but Virginia's new roommate, Cecilia Ferris, soon sets her straight. Van Alstyne and the rest of her staff do not really care what they do as long as it does not become public and stain the reputation of the school.

On the weekend, Cecilia (nicknamed "Pony" for her love of horses) takes Virginia to New York, chaperoned by a fake "Aunt Jessica". They meet Pony's boyfriend and Bill Martin, a conceited college football star, in a hotel room. With her new-found independence, Virginia decides to see what it feels like to get drunk. When she is, an equally-intoxicated Bill tries to take advantage of her. Hotel waiter Ralph "Mac" McFarland rescues her, punching Bill in the face. When he sees how drunk she is, Mac offers to drive her back to school. On the way, she discovers he is a medical intern at a children's hospital. The hospital does not pay him, so he has to work at the hotel to make ends meet.

Miss Van Alstyne is present when Mac drops Virginia off. Van Alstyne rebukes Virginia, not for being out with a handsome young man unchaperoned, but for being seen with him. Their relationship turns frosty. Meanwhile, Virginia sees Mac every chance she can, and they fall in love.

At the Christmas break, Virginia's father is tied up with work, and her mother decides to vacation in Florida, stranding her at school. Pony invites her to spend the holiday at her home, but Van Alstyne decides to punish her rebellious student by keeping her at school. However, Mac shows up secretly, and the couple sneaks away to the boathouse for a romantic evening. The camera pans away as they are kissing, but it is implied that they sleep together (a notion reinforced by Virginia's later actions).

A disapproving Van Alstyne intercepts and secretly tears up loving telegrams from Mac to Virginia, leaving the girl confused and heartbroken. When Van Alstyne insists that Virginia be examined by the school doctor, Virginia becomes first distraught, then defiant about what she and Mac have done. Van Alstyne summons Mrs. Radcliff and notifies her that Virginia is to be expelled. Meanwhile, Pony calls Mac to inform him what is going on. He shows up and takes Virginia away. At the school entrance, they run into Mr. Radcliff. Mac informs him that he and Virginia are going to get married that very day. After checking that his wife is not around, Mr. Radcliff offers his soon-to-be son-in-law a cigar and a congratulatory handshake.

Cast

External links

1934 films
1934 romantic drama films
1930s teen drama films
American black-and-white films
American coming-of-age drama films
American romantic drama films
Films about educators
Films directed by George Nicholls Jr.
Films directed by Wanda Tuchock
Films set in schools
Finishing schools
RKO Pictures films
Films with screenplays by Wanda Tuchock
1930s American films

Finishing School (1934 film)


A khutor  () or khutir (, pl. , khutory) is a type of rural locality in some countries of Eastern Europe; in the past the term mostly referred to a single-homestead settlement. The term can be translated as "hamlet".

They existed in Cossack-settled lands that encompassed today's Ukraine, Kuban, and the lower Don River basin while in Kuban and Don region the word khutor was also used to describe new settlements (irrespective of the number of homesteads) which had detached themselves from stanitsas. In some Cossack communities, these types of settlements were referred to as posyolok () or selyshche (). In Russia the term "" (vyselki, literally, "those who moved away") was also used. Khutor remains the official designation of many Russian villages in these regions.

During the Stolypin reforms in the Russian empire, Peter Stolypin envisaged rich peasants "privatising" their share of the community (obshchina () or tovarystvo ()) lands, leaving the obshchinas, and settling in khutors on their now individually owned land.  A less radical concept was that of an otrub (отруб) or vidrub: a section of formerly obshchina land, whose owner has left the obshchina but still continued to live in the village and to "commute" to his land. By 1910 the share of khutors and otrubs among all rural households in the European part of Russia was estimated at 10.5%. These were practically eliminated during the collectivisation in the USSR.

Linguistic origin
The origin of the word is not entirely clear. Borrowing from Hungarian is assumed. határ "border, border", to which the Slavs are reduced. határ "border, edge", Serbo-Croatian. khȁtȃr "land belonging to the village", Ukrainian hotar.

According to Max Fassmer, the word entered the East Slavic languages from Old Upper German.

In literature

Nikolai Gogol's first major work is called Evenings on a Farm Near Dikanka, where "farm" is a translation of "khutor" (, Vechera na khutore bliz Dikanki).

See also
Ranch

References

Economic history of Russia
Economic history of Ukraine
Social history of Ukraine
Rural geography
Human habitats
Types of administrative division
Russian-language designations of territorial entities

Khutor


John Charles Chapman (23 July 1930 – 16 November 2012), affectionately known as "Chappo", was an Australian preacher, Bible teacher and evangelist associated with the Sydney Anglican diocese. He wrote several books, including A Fresh Start; Know and Tell the Gospel; Setting Hearts on Fire, A Sinner's Guide to Holiness; and Making the Most of the Rest of Your Life, all published by Matthias Media. The Australian edition of A Fresh Start has sold nearly 40,000 copies since 1999.

Having begun his career as a teacher, Chapman shifted to Anglican ministry, his first curacy being at Moree. There he organised the Billy Graham Crusade landline services for the whole of Moree there. He started an interchurch prayer meeting in the Warriors Chapel of Moree's Anglican church in 1959 which is still going today. This is where he met Preston Walker, Aborigines Welfare District Officer and member of the Moree Methodist Church who later joined the British and Foreign Bible Society. Chapman valued the Christian fellowship of Preston and Kath Walker as they were former United Aborigines Mission missionaries from Western Australia and were evangelical Christians. Chapman taught woodwork in Moree before becoming a curate at Moree.

For 25 years he was the Director of the Anglican Department of Evangelism in Sydney, after beginning his career as a school teacher prior to theological training. In his retirement he continued to teach at Bible colleges, to speak at conventions around the world and to find time for the occasional game of tennis and golf.

Thousands heard his "persuasive, sane and happy preaching" presentations of the Gospel. But it was his shaping of young preachers, from Phillip Jensen to Steve Chong that brought him a lasting legacy.

The single men's accommodation at Moore Theological College was renamed John Chapman House in Chapman's honour. A biography, written by Michael Orpwood, was published in 1995 entitled Chappo: For the Sake of the Gospel. The foreword was provided by Dick Lucas - formerly rector of St Helen's Bishopsgate - a long-standing friend of Chapman.

References

Further reading

Australian Anglicans
Clergy from Sydney
Australian evangelicals
1930 births
2012 deaths
Academic staff of Moore Theological College
Moore Theological College alumni

John Chapman (evangelist)


The Outsiders is a 1983 crime and drama movie. It is set in 1965, Tulsa, Oklahoma. It is about tough low-income working class teenagers. Sherri Valance is played by Diane Lane. Matt Dillon plays Dallas Winston. Emilio Estevez plays Keith Matthews. Patrick Swayze plays Darrel Curtis. Tom Cruise plays Steve Randle. Rob Lowe plays Soda Curtis.

The movie is based on the 1967 novel of the same name. It was released on March 25, 1983. Its rating was changed to PG-13.

The reviews of the movie were mostly positive.

Other websites

1983 crime drama movies
1980s teen drama movies
American crime drama movies
American gangster movies
American teen drama movies
French crime movies
French drama movies
English-language movies
Movies based on books
Movies set in Oklahoma
Movies set in the 1960s
Movies directed by Francis Ford Coppola
Movies about dysfunctional families
Movies about brothers

The Outsiders (movie)


George Padmore  (28 yuni 1903 - 23 September 1959) azalaka mokomi mpé  Trinidadi na Tobago.

Bomoyi
Abotama na kombo ya Malcolm Ivan Meredith Nurse o 28 June 1903

Bowéyi
Georges Padmore akufaka o sanza Setembe 23 mobu 1959.

Buku
The Life and Struggles of Negro Toilers (London: Red International of Labour of Unions Magazine for the International Trade Union Committee of Negro Workers, 1931)
Haiti, an American Slave Colony (Centrizdat, 1931)
The Negro Workers and the Imperialist War Intervention in the USSR (1931)
How Britain Rules Africa (London: Wishart Books, 1936)
Africa and World Peace (Foreword by Sir Stafford Cripps; London: Martin Secker and Warburg Ltd, 1937)
Hands Off the Protectorates (London: International African Service Bureau, 1938)
The White Man's Duty: An Analysis of the Colonial Question in the Light of the Atlantic Charter (with Nancy Cunard) (London: W. H. Allen & Co., 1942)
The Voice of Coloured Labour (Speeches and Reports of Colonial Delegates to the World Trade Union Conference, 1945) (editor) (Manchester: Panaf Service, 1945)
How Russia Transformed Her Colonial Empire: A Challenge to the Imperialist Powers (in collaboration with Dorothy Pizer) (London: Dennis Dobson, 1946)
"History of the Pan-African Congress (Colonial and Coloured Unity: A Programme of Action)" (editor) (1947). Reprinted in Hakim Adi and Marika Sherwood, The 1945 Manchester Pan-African Congress Revisited (London: New Beacon Books, 1995)
Africa: Britain's Third Empire (London: Dennis Dobson, 1949)
The Gold Coast Revolution: The Struggle of an African People from Slavery to Freedom (London: Dennis Dobson, 1953)
Pan-Africanism or Communism? The Coming Struggle for Africa (Foreword by Richard Wright. London, Dennis Dobson, 1956)

o libanda ya awa

Mituya ya miké

Mokambi-ekólo wa rinidadi na Tobago
Mbótama na 1903
Liwá na 1959

George Padmore


Vincent Makori is the anchor of Africa 54, Voice of America's English television live news magazine show that broadcasts daily from Washington D.C. The program brings information about Africa, the United States, and the world to viewers across Africa.

Africa 54 features news, interviews with newsmakers, analysts, American and African government officials and everyday citizens presenting a variety of opinions on issues affecting the African continent.

Before joining the Voice of America, Vincent Makori was an Editor and on air talent with Germany's international broadcasting agency, Deutsche Welle in Cologne. He joined Deutsche Well in 1998 after having worked as a reporter, News Editor, anchor and talk show host with Kenya Broadcasting Corporation television and radio. As a reporter, Vincent interviewed then president George W. Bush in 2003 and thereafter travelled with the president and the White House press corps on a five nation trip to Africa. Vincent has also interviewed a number of sitting and former African presidents including then president of Ghana, John Kufuor; Hifikepunye Pohamba of Namibia; Bingu wa Mutharika of Malawi along with prominent scholars, celebrities and experts of various fields.

Early life
Vincent Makori hails from the Kisii region of Kenya but grew up in the capital, Nairobi. He earned a postgraduate diploma in mass communication from the University of Nairobi. Vincent holds a bachelor's degree in English literature from Moi University, in Eldoret, Kenya.  He has attended numerous journalism training  programs in Kenya, Germany and the US.

Career
Vincent Makori worked with Kenya Broadcasting Corporation's Radio and TV as reporter, editor and anchor for four years. While at KBC, Makori also hosted two prime time live TV shows, Face to Face and the current affairs program Mambo Leo. Later he left for Germany and joined Deutsche Welle Radio in 1998.  In 2001 Vincent was hired by the Voice of America (VOA) and moved to Washington D.C.

Notable reporting and interviews
During his career, Vincent has covered a wide range of stories including, president George W. Bush's trip to five African nations; the Africa Union Summit in Lusaka, Zambia, the UN General Assembly in New York; International Trade and Technology Fairs in Berlin and Hanover Germany, The International AIDS Conference, in Mexico City, Mexico, and the G-20 Summit in Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania. In January 2014, Mr. Makori interviewed Dr. Thomas Mensah world-renowned scientist, inventor and first black person to obtain seven US patents in a space of six years.

Awards
Makori is a recipient of numerous awards, among them are the BBG Gold Medal Award and VOA's Superior Accomplishment Award.

References

External links
VOA News

Kenyan television journalists
Living people
Year of birth missing (living people)
People from Nairobi
University of Nairobi alumni
Moi University alumni

Vincent Makori


A jobless recovery or jobless growth is an economic phenomenon in which a macroeconomy experiences growth while maintaining or decreasing its level of employment.  The term was coined by the economist Nick Perna in the early 1990s.

Causes
Economists are still divided about the causes and cures of a jobless recovery: some argue that increased productivity through automation has allowed economic growth without reducing unemployment. Other economists state that blaming automation is an example of the luddite fallacy and that jobless recoveries stem from structural changes in the labor market, leading to unemployment as workers change jobs or industries.

Industrial consolidation
Some have argued that the recent lack of job creation in the United States is due to increased industrial consolidation and growth of monopoly or oligopoly power. The argument is twofold: firstly, small businesses create most American jobs, and secondly, small businesses have more difficulty starting and growing in the face of entrenched existing businesses (compare infant industry argument, applied at the level of industries, rather than individual firms).

Population growth vs. employment growth

In addition to employment growth, population growth must also be considered concerning the perception of jobless recoveries. Immigrants and new entrants to the workforce will often accept lower wages, causing persistent unemployment among those who were previously employed.

Surprisingly, the U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics (BLS) does not offer data-sets isolated to the working-age population (ages 16 to 65). Including retirement age individuals in most BLS data-sets may tend to obfuscate the analysis of employment creation in relation to population growth. Additionally, incorrect assumptions about the term, Labor force, might also occur when reading BLS publications, millions of employable persons are not included within the official definition. The Labor force, as defined by the BLS, is a strict definition of those officially unemployed (U-3), and those who are officially employed (1 hour or more).

The following table and included chart depicts year-to-year employment growth in comparison to population growth for those persons under 65 years of age. As such, baby boomer retirements are removed from the data as a factor for consideration. The table includes the Bureau of Labor Statistics, Current Population Survey, for the Civilian noninstitutional population and corresponding Employment Levels, dating from 1948 and includes October 2013, the age groups are 16 years & over, and 65 years & over. The working-age population is then determined by subtracting those age 65 and over from the Civilian noninstitutional population and Employment Levels respectively. Isolated into the traditional working-age subset, growth in both employment levels and population levels are totaled by decade, an employment percentage rate is also displayed for comparison by decade.

When examined, by decade, the first decade of the 2000s, the United States suffered a 5% jobless rate when compared to the added working age population.

See also
 Deindustrialization
 Involuntary unemployment
 Lost Decade (Japan)
 Structural unemployment

Notes and references

External links
 Exploding Productivity Growth: Context, Causes, and Implications

Impact of Automation
Universal basic income
Economic growth
Unemployment
Unemployment in the United States

Jobless recovery