The Great Lakes Quilt Center is the Michigan State University Museum's center for quilt-related research, education, and exhibition activities. While the museum, established in 1857, has long held significant collections, its focus of activities on quilt scholarship and education began with the launch of the Michigan Quilt Project at the museum in 1984. The Michigan Quilt Project not only spearheaded the documentation of the state's quiltmaking history, but also stimulated interest in strengthening the museum's quilt collection, upgrading its care, and expanding its use. As of 2008, the Michigan Quilt Project has collected documentation on over 9000 quilts in the state and the collection of quilts numbers over 700 with significant examples from Michigan and the Great Lakes region, examples of quilts from numerous African countries, major ethnographic collections of Native American quilts and Michigan African American quilts, and special collections assembled by Kitty Clark Cole, Harriet Clarke, Merry and Albert Silber, Deborah Harding, and Betty Quarton Hoard. The MSU Museum also houses two important collections developed by pioneering American quilt historians Cuesta Benberry and Mary Schafer.

In partnership with MATRIX: Center for Humane Arts, Letters, and Social Sciences OnLine and the Alliance for American Quilts, the MSU Museum/Great Lakes Quilt Center has spearheaded the development of two major national projects. The multimedia Quilt Treasures Project develops "web portraits" built from video-taped oral history and supporting archival materials. These web portraits document the lives, work, and influence of leaders of the American quilt revival of the last quarter of the 20th century. The Quilt Index is a national digital repository of quilt and quilt-related collections in distributed physical repositories. The Quilt Index digitally preserves the collections and makes them accessible and searchable for research and teaching. The project was beta-tested with the collections of the MSU Museum and, as of 2008, the repository holds over 18000 quilts from nine collections. By the end of 2010, another twelve collections will be added and plans are underway for the addition of scores more.

Stated goals

According to the GLQC website, the primary goals of the center are to:
 Record written and oral history documenting quilting and the personal histories of quiltmakers
 Expand and maintain a research collection of information on Great Lakes quilting
 Initiate educational and exhibition programs to bring quilting history to a wider audience
 Increase awareness of textile conservation issues and support preservation efforts of endangered textiles
 Identify and recognize quilters and quilting traditions from diverse regional, social, economic, and ethnic backgrounds
 Honor outstanding individual quilters and quilt groups through the Michigan Heritage Awards and other programs
 Support the continuation of traditional quilting styles and practices through the Michigan Traditional Arts Apprenticeship Program
 Publish information on Great Lakes quilts, quilters, and quilting

Collections

The Great Lakes Quilt Center is home to several distinct quilt and textile collections.  These include:
 Michigan African American Quilt Collection
 The Clarke Family Quilt Collection
 Kitty Clark Cole Quilt Collection
 Durkee-Blakeslee-Quarton-Hoard Family Quilt Collection
 The Deborah Harding Redwork Collection
 International Textile Collection
 Michigan Quilts
 North American Indian and Native Hawaiian Quilt Collection
 Merry and Albert Silber Quilt Collection
 Cuesta Benberry African and African-American Quilt and Quilt Ephemera Collection

Exhibitions

 Quilts from MSU Museum Collections, Battle Creek, MI, 1987
 New Donations to the MSU Museum's Quilts Collections, MSUM, 1987
 Stories in Thread: Hmong Pictorial Embroidery, MSUM, 1987
 Quilts in the Classroom, MSUM, 1987
 Michigan Quilts: 150 Years of a Textile Tradition, MSUM, 1987
 Michigan Quilts: 150 Years of a Textile Tradition, Kresge Art Museum, 1987
 Michigan Quilts: 150 Years of a Textile Tradition, Michigan Historical Museum, 1987
 Quilts from the Merry and Albert Silber Collection, MSUM, 1988
 Michigan Quilts, Chicago Hilton, 1989
 Quilts of Rosie Wilkins: Improvisational Quiltmaking in the African-American Tradition, Michigan Women's Historical Center, 1989
 The Names Quilt Project Quilt: Traditions in Needlework in Social Change and Public Memorials, MSUM, 1990
 African-American Quiltmaking Traditions in Michigan, MSUM, 1991
 Quilts from the Michigan State University Museum Collection, Muskegon Museum of Art, 1992
 A Family Legacy: Quilts from the Clarke Collection, MSUM, 1993
 Native Quilts and Quilters: A National Gathering, MSUM, 1996
 To Honor and Comfort: Native Quilting Traditions, 1998
 Native Quilts from the Michigan State University Museum Collection, Petoskey, MI, 1998
 Native American Quilts from the Southwest: Tradition, Creativity and Inspiration, Institute for American Indian Art, Santa Fe, NM, 1998
 Great Lakes Native Quilting, MSUM, 1999
 American Quilt Study Group's Seminar exhibits, MSUM, 1999
 Oklahoma Quilt (memorial to the bombing), MSU Ad Building, 2000
 Michigan Quilt Project: New Discoveries, MSUM, 2001
 The Mary Schafer: A Legacy of Quilt History, MSUM, 2001
 Quilts from the MSU Museum, Novi, MI, 2001
 Great Lakes, Great Quilts, contest winners various venues, 2002
 American Quilts from the Michigan State University Museum, Japan, 2003
 Quilts Old and New: Reproductions from the Great Lakes Quilt Center, MSUM, 2003
 Weavings of War: Fabrics of Memory, MSUM, 2006
 Redwork: A Textile Tradition in America, MSUM, 2006
 Quilts and Human Rights, MSUM, 2008

Current traveling exhibits

The following exhibitions were organized by the Great Lakes Quilt Center:

 To Honor and Comfort: Native Quilting Traditions
 Great Lakes Native Quilting
 Michigan Quilt Project Blocks
 The Mary Schafer Collection: A Legacy of Quilt History
 Quilts Old and New: Reproductions from the Great Lakes Quilt Center
 Quilting Sisters: African-American Quiltmaking in Michigan

On-line exhibits

 To Honor and Comfort: Native Quilting Traditions (virtual version/Michigan State University Museum)
 The Mary Schafer Collection: A Legacy of Quilt History (virtual)
 Mary Schafer: Quilter, Quilt Collector, and Quilt Historian (virtual)
 Quilt Treasures: Presenting Mary Schafer (virtual)
 Redwork: A Textile Tradition in America (virtual)
 Quilts and Human Rights (virtual)
 Weavings of War (virtual)

Projects

Projects directed by the Great Lakes Quilt Center include:
 Michigan Quilt Project, a project that seeks to document significant quilts made or owned in Michigan
 Quilt Index
 H-Quilts, a scholarly discussion list devoted to quilt history and other significant topics in quilting
 Great Lakes Folk Festival, a three-day festival held in August of each year in East Lansing, Michigan that features traditional music, arts, and foods significant to the Great Lakes region

GLQC Projects associated with the Alliance for American Quilts include:
 Michigan "Quilters Save Our Stories"
 Michigan Boxes Under the Bed
 Quilt Treasures

Publications
 MacDowell, Marsha.  (Ed.)  African American Quiltmaking in Michigan. East Lansing, MI: Michigan State University Press, 1997.
 MacDowell, Marsha (Ed.). American Quilts from Michigan State University Museum. Tokyo: Kokusai Art, 2003.
 MacDowell, Marsha.  (Ed.)  Great Lakes, Great Quilts. Lafayette, Calif. : C&T Pub., 2001.
 MacDowell, Marsha and Ruth D. Fitzgerald (Eds).  Michigan Quilts: 150 Years of a Textile Tradition. East Lansing, Mich.: Michigan State University Museum, 1987.
 MacDowell, Marsha.  Stories in Thread: Hmong Pictorial Embroidery.  East Lansing, Mich.: Michigan Traditional Arts Program, Folk Arts Division, Michigan State University Museum, 1989.
 MacDowell, Marsha and C. Kurt Dewhurst (Eds.). To Honor and Comfort: Native Quilting Traditions. Santa Fe, New Mexico: Museum of New Mexico Press, 1997.
 Marston, Gwen and Joe Cunningham. Mary Schafer and Her Quilts. East Lansing, MI: Michigan State University Museum, 1990.
 Marston, Gwen  Q is for Quilt: An ABC Quilt Pattern Book.  East Lansing, Mich.: Michigan State University Museum, 1987.

See also
 The Quilt Index
 Quilt Treasures

References

External links
 Great Lakes Quilt Center
 Michigan Heritage Awards
 Michigan Traditional Arts Apprenticeship Program

Quilting
Quilt museums in the United States
University museums in Michigan
Michigan State University
Art museums established in 1885
Museums in Ingham County, Michigan
Folk art museums and galleries in Michigan
1885 establishments in Michigan

Great Lakes Quilt Center


Fair Stable was an American Thoroughbred horse racing stable owned by heiress Virginia Graham Fair that operated during the 1920s and the first half of the 1930s. Ms. Fair was the daughter of the wealthy mining magnate James Graham Fair. In 1899, she married William Kissam Vanderbilt II of the prominent Vanderbilt family of New York City who in 1920 inherited the Haras du Quesnay Thoroughbred breeding farm and racing stable near Deauville in France's famous horse region of Lower Normandy. Interested in horse racing, but separated from her husband, Virginia Graham Fair established her own racing stable.

Fair Stable employed future Hall of Fame trainer Max Hirsch until 1928 when Alex Gordon took over. They won a number of important Graded stakes races including the 1923, 1927, and 1931 Champagne Stakes at Belmont Park. The stable had only one horse run in the Kentucky Derby with Chicatie finishing 14th in the 1929 edition.

By far the most famous horse owed by Fair Stable was Sarazen, a gelding acquired in 1923 who would earn back-to-back U.S. Horse of the Year honors in 1924 and 1925 and who was posthumously inducted into the United States' National Museum of Racing and Hall of Fame.

As part of a program honoring important horse racing tracks and racing stables, the Pennsylvania Railroad named its baggage car #5853 the "Fair Stable".

Virginia Graham Fair Vanderbilt died in 1935 and her estate sold off the racing stable but daughter Muriel Vanderbilt would follow in her mother's footsteps and set up her own racing operation which would include the Hall of Fame filly, Desert Vixen.

References
 Article on the Pennsylvania Railroad
 Fair Stable's Sarazen at the United States' National Museum of Racing and Hall of Fame

American racehorse owners and breeders
Horse farms in the United States

Fair Stable


Mbandzeni (also known as Dlamini IV, Umbandine, Umbandeen) (c. 1855–1889) was the King of Swaziland (now Eswatini) from 1872 until 1889.
Ingwenyama Mbandzeni was the son of Mswati II and Nandzi Nkambule.  His mother the wife of King Mswati had died when he was still very young. Mbandzeni ascended to the throne after his half brother Ludvonga II died before he could become the king.  Ludvonga's death resulted in his mother Inkhosikati Lamgangeni adopting Mbandzeni who was motherless as her son, thus making him king and her the queen mother of Swaziland.  His royal capital was at Mbekelweni. During his kingship Mbandzeni granted many mining, farming, trading and administrative concessions to white settlers from Britain and the Transvaal. The Boers had tricked  the king into signing permanent land concesions. The king could not read or write, so the Boers made him sign the concessions with a cross. The king was told that these were not permanent land concessions but the papers themselves stated otherwise. These concessions granted with the help of Offy Sherpstone eventually led to the conventions of 1884 and 1894, which reduced the overall borders of Swaziland and later made Swaziland a protectorate of the South African Republic.
During a period  of concessions preceded by famine around 1877 some of the tindvunas (governors) from within Swaziland like Mshiza Maseko and  Ntengu kaGama Mbokane were given permission by King Mbandzeni to relocate to farms towards the Komati River and Lubombo regions, Mshiza Maseko later settled in a place called eLuvalweni towards Nkomati River, where he was later buried. Mbandzeni, still in command of a large Swazi army of more than 15,000 men aided the British in defeating Sekhukhune in 1879 and preventing Zulu incursion into the Transvaal during the same year.
As a result, he guaranteed his country's independence and international recognition despite the Scramble for Africa which was taking place at the time. Mbandzeni died after an illness in 1889 and is quoted to have said in his deathbed "the Swazi kingship dies with me". He was buried at the royal cemetery at Mbilaneni alongside his father and grandfather Sobhuza I. Mbandzeni was succeeded by his young son Mahlokohla and his wife Queen Labotsibeni Mdluli after a 5 year regency of Queen Tibati Nkambule.  Today a number of buildings and roads in Swaziland are named after Mbandzeni. Among these the Mbandzeni house in Mbabane and the Mbandzeni Highway to Siteki are named after him.

Early life

After the death of King Mswati II in July 1868, the Queen Mother Tsandzile Ndwandwe served as the Queen Regent.  The son of Mswati II and inkhosikati LaKhumalo was chosen to become the king and was named Ludvonga II. However he died of poisoning in 1874 just before he could become the King.  As a result the Swazi council of elders recommended that LaKhumalo choose another child to be "put in her stomach" and become her son. She chose Mbandzeni who was at the time motherless as his mother had died while he was very young. Mbandzeni thus became the king in 1875 though not without further drama. Another pretender to the throne, Prince Mbilini waMswati, who was allied with the Zulu Kings, first Mpande ka
Senzangakhona and later Cetshwayo ka Mpande. However Mbilini never succeeded in his goal to become the King of Swaziland.

Kingship

Mbandzeni's rule consists of a number of notable events. The first event was the continued interaction of Swazis and the Transvaal Boers. During the rule of Mswati, such a relationship had been established with Mswati granting some land sales to the Ohristad and Lydenburg Boers in the 1850s.  During the reign of Mbandzeni, numerous visits to his capital in Mbekelweni was made by many concessionaires and settlers who were seeking land, mining rights and other business deals. Mbandzeni granted many leases to the settlers and with the advice of 'Offy' Shepstone the nephew of Sir Theophilus Shepstone who was the administrator of the Natal colony, even more.  Mbandzeni and royal officials granted many overlapping concessions to the British and Dutch interests and in return were paid in either gold or cattle or other available currency or goods. It is as a result of these that Swaziland came to be of major interest to British settlers and burghers from the Dutch republics for its potential in agriculture, mining and in general settlement. The discovery of gold in the Transvaal exacerbated the issue.

Immediately into the reign of Mbandzeni, skirmishes between the British and the Boers had begun and Britain annexed the Transvaal and made it its colony. The Zulu Kingdom in the South under Cetshwayo was still independent with British recognition, but would soon be at war with Britain. The Zulu war occurred in 1879 and the renegade Swazi Prince Mbilini who was married to the granddaughter of Chief Manzini Mbokane a trusted confidant of  King Mbandzeni was allied with the Zulu King Cetshwayo during this period. Chief Mbokane through his son Ntengu Mbokane, who was the father of Prince Mbilini's wife intervened and ensured that Prince Mbilini's cooperation with King Cetshwayo was stopped. Despite that King Cetshwayo would often raid the southern chiefdoms of Swaziland. As a result, Mbandzeni would not accept the request of Cetshwayo to assist in the war against the British. Indeed Swazi troops helped to prevent Zulu raids into the Transvaal. During the same year, the British forces under Sir Garnet Wolseley in the Transvaal, sought Swazi help to defeat the Pedi King Sekhukhune who had resisted the Boers a few years earlier in 1876.  The Pedi, having harbored another Prince who was a pretender to the Swazi throne eventually faced a British attack backed by a 10000 strong Swazi force which led to the capture of Sekhukhune and the destruction of that kingdom.
Mbandzeni's support for Britain was rewarded with Britain's recognition for Swaziland's independence and a promise to protect Swazis against Zulu and Boer encroachment. However the concessions Mbandzeni and Mswati earlier had granted to the settlers would be detrimental to the independence issue as they were used in the Swaziland conventions in 1884 and in 1894 with Britain reneging on its promises.

The present border of Swaziland was decided upon in these two conventions, with Shepstone representing Swazi interests in the 1884 and Allister Miller in 1894.  In both negotiations, no direct Swazi representation was present.  The border with the Portuguese territorial boundary was decided to be the Lubombo ranges for Swaziland and the MacMahon line for British Tongaland (in South Africa). The border with the South African Republic was chosen to be the present boundary, cutting off many Swazi homes including royal villages such as Mjindini, Mekemeke, among others. As a result many Swazis remain residents of South Africa especially in Mpumalanga province, a number bigger than the population of Swaziland proper.

Later life

Mbandzeni died after ill health during the border discussions with very little input from him. He was buried at the royal burial site at Mbilaneni where Mswati II and Sobhuza I had been buried. Mbandzeni like other Swazi kings before him had many wives, and children. His wife Labotsibeni Mdluli was chosen to be the Queen Mother and her son Mahlokohla was chosen to be the King of Swaziland.
A regency period of about 5 years followed with Queen Regent Tibati Nkambule ruling and then the young Ngwane V taking over. It was during this time that Swaziland was made a protectorate of the South African Republic although a complete administration never took place.

Legacy

Mbandzeni's rule is viewed differently by many people. Some view him as someone who sold his country. In some publications it is even said that Mbandzeni "sold the land but kept his country". Some viewed him as a kind hearted person who did not know when to stop. However some consider him as a ruler who did what he could at a difficult time.

References

1850s births
1889 deaths
19th-century monarchs in Africa
Swazi monarchs

Mbandzeni


A unilamellar liposome is a spherical liposome, a vesicle, bounded by a single bilayer of an amphiphilic lipid or a mixture of such lipids, containing aqueous solution inside the chamber. Unilamellar liposomes are used to study biological systems and to mimic cell membranes, and are classified into three groups based on their size: small unilamellar liposomes/vesicles (SUVs) that with a size range of 20–100 nm, large unilamellar liposomes/vesicles (LUVs) with a size range of 100–1000 nm and giant unilamellar liposomes/vesicles (GUVs) with a size range of  1-200 µm. GUVs are mostly used as models for biological membranes in research work. Animal cells are 10–30 µm and plant cells are typically 10–100 µm. Even smaller cell organelles such as mitochondria are typically 1-2 µm. Therefore, a proper model should account for the size of the specimen being studied. In addition, the size of vesicles dictates their membrane curvature which is an important factor in studying fusion proteins. SUVs have a higher membrane curvature and vesicles with high membrane curvature can promote membrane fusion faster than vesicles with lower membrane curvature such as GUVs.

The composition and characteristics of the cell membrane varies in different cells (plant cells, mammalian cells, bacterial cells, etc). In a membrane bilayer, often the composition of the phospholipids is different between the inner and outer leaflets. Phosphatidylcholine, phosphatidylethanolamine, phosphatidylserine, phosphatidylinositol, and sphingomyelin are some of the most common lipids most animal cell membranes. These lipids are widely different in charge, length, and saturation state. The presence of unsaturated bonds (double bonds) in lipids for example, creates a kink in acyl chains which further changes the lipid packing and results in a looser packing. Therefore, the composition and sizes of the unilamellar liposomes must be chosen carefully based on the subject of the study.

Each lipid bilayer structure is comparable to lamellar phase lipid organization in biological membranes, in general. In contrast, multilamellar liposomes (MLVs), consist of many concentric amphiphilic lipid bilayers analogous to onion layers, and MLVs may be of variable sizes up to several micrometers.

Preparation

Small unilamellar vesicles and large unilamellar vesicles
There are several methods to prepare unilamellar liposomes and the protocols differ based on the type of desired unilamellar vesicles. Different lipids can be bought either dissolved in chloroform or as lyophilized lipids. In the case of lyophilized lipids, they can be solubilized in chloroform. Lipids are then mixed with a desired molar ratio. Then chloroform is evaporated using a gentle stream of nitrogen (to avoid oxygen contact and oxidation of lipids) at room temperature. A rotary evaporator can be used to form a homogeneous layer of liposomes. This step removes the bulk of chloroform. To remove the residues of trapped chloroform, lipids are placed under vacuum from several hours to overnight. Next step is re-hydration where the dried lipids are re-suspended in the desired buffer. Lipids can be vortexed for several minutes to insure that all the lipid residues get re-suspended. SUVs can be obtained in via two methods. Either by sonication (for instance with 1 second pulses in 3 Hz cycles at a power of 150 W) or by extrusion. In extrusion method, the lipid mixture is passed through a membrane for 10  or more times. Depending on the size of the membrane, either SUVs or LUVs can be obtained. Keeping vesicles under argon and away from oxygen and light can extend their lifetime.

Giant unilamellar vesicles
Natural swelling: in this method soluble lipids in chloroform are pipetted on a Teflon ring. The chloroform is allowed to evaporate and the ring is then placed under the vacuum for several hours. Next the aqueous buffer is added gently over the Teflon ring and lipids are allowed to naturally swell to form GUVs overnight. the disadvantage of this method is that a large amount of multilamellar vesicles and lipid debris are formed.

Electroformation: In this method lipids are placed on a conductive cover glass (indium tin oxide or ITO coated glass) or on Pt wires instead of a Teflon ring and after vacuuming, buffer is placed on the dried lipids and it is sandwiched using a second conductive cover glass. Next an electrical field with certain frequency and voltage is applied which promotes formation of GUVs. For polyunsaturated lipids, this technique can induce a significant oxidation effect on the vesicles. Nevertheless, it is a very common and reliable technique to generate GUVs. Modified approaches exist that employ gel-assisted swelling (agarose-assisted swelling or PVA-assisted swelling) for the formation of GUVs under more biologically relevant conditions.

A variety of methods exist to encapsulate biological reactants within GUVs by using water-oil interfaces as a scaffold to assemble lipid layers. This allows the use GUVs as cell-like membrane containers for the in vitro recreation (and investigation) of biological functions. These encapsulation methods include microfluidic methods, which allow for a high-yield production of vesicles with consistent sizes.

Applications
Phospholipid liposomes are used as targeted drug delivery systems. Hydrophilic drugs can be carried as solution inside the SUVs or MLVs and hydrophobic drugs can be incorporated into lipid bilayer of these liposomes. If injected into circulation of human/animal body, MLVs are preferentially taken up phagocytic cells, and thus drugs can be targeted to these cells. For general or overall delivery, SUVs may be used. For topical applications on skin, specialized lipids like phospholipids and  sphingolipids may be used to make drug-free liposomes as moisturizers, and with drugs such as  for anti-ultraviolet radiation applications.

In biomedical research, unilamellar liposomes are extremely useful to study biological systems and mimicking cell functions. As a living cell is very complicated to study, unilamellar liposomes provide a simple tool to study membrane interaction events such as membrane fusion, protein localization in the plasma membrane, study ion channels, etc.

See also
Lipid polymorphism
Liposome
Lipid bilayer

References

Drug delivery devices
Membrane biology
Surfactants
Colloidal chemistry

Unilamellar liposome


The Latona Fountain (Fr: Bassin de Latone) is a fountain. It lies on the east-west alignment between the Palace of Versailles, the Apollo Fountain, the Green Carpet, and the Grand Canal. Latone faces west. The fountain was designed by Le Nôtre in 1666. The fountain figures were executed in lead by the Marsy brothers between 1668 and 1670. In 1686 Hardouin-Mansart altered the fountain. He had the figure of Latona (which originally faced the palace) turned 180 degrees. He also raised her pedestal.

The fountain is designed in the wedding cake style. On the top tier, there is a statue of the goddess Latona. In addition to the goddess Latona are her young children, Apollo and Diana. The second and third tiers of the fountain have frogs. The lowest tier has turtles and alligators. Latona turned the Lycean peasants into frogs when they mocked her and refused to give her water in her flight from the jealous and angry Juno.

Gallery

Notes

Sources
 Pérouse de Montclos, Jean-Marie. 1991. Versailles Abbeville Press.

Fountains of Versailles
Fountains

Latona Fountain


Carlo Pietro Tagliabue (January 13, 1898 in Mariano Comense – April 5, 1978 in Monza) was an Italian baritone.

After studies with Leopoldo Gennai and Annibale Guidotti he made his debut in Lodi, Lombardy, in Loreley and Aida.  His debuts in Genoa (1923), Torino, La Scala (1930), Rome (1931), and Naples (1931) were all in Tristan und Isolde (sung in Italian).  He also performed in Wagner's Götterdämmerung, Tannhäuser and Lohengrin.  However, Tagliabue would go on to excel in the Verdian repertoire, especially La forza del destino, Aida, Rigoletto, La traviata, Nabucco, and Otello. He created the role of Basilio in Respighi's La fiamma in 1934.

His international career included Buenos Aires' Teatro Colón (1934), the Metropolitan Opera, New York City (1937–39), and San Francisco Opera and Covent Garden, London (1938). Tagliabue's last performance was in 1955 at La Scala, at the famous performance of La traviata conducted by Carlo Maria Giulini and directed by Luchino Visconti, where Maria Callas scandalized the public by throwing her shoes off.

In his book Voci Parallele Giacomo Lauri-Volpi wrote, "[Tagliabue] is the only survivor of a school that knows that in Rigoletto, in Ballo in Maschera, Trovatore, Traviata a melodramatic piece should be sung, measured and breathed musically in line with the mastery of great art."

Sources

Lauri-Volpi G. (1955) Voci parallele. Milan
Rosenthal, Harold (1992), 'Tagliabue, Carlo' in The New Grove Dictionary of Opera, ed. Stanley Sadie (London)

Italian operatic baritones
1898 births
1978 deaths
People from the Province of Como
20th-century Italian male opera singers

Carlo Tagliabue


The Griggs Grange No. 1467 is a historic Grange hall located near the village of Jefferson in rural Ashtabula County, Ohio, United States.  Constructed in the 1890s and occupied by a local Grange since its early years, it has been named a historic site.

The building's construction date is uncertain; its first recorded appearance occurred in the early 1890s.  Although once used as a house of worship, it has been home to the Griggs Grange since the chapter's founding in April 1897.  It was one of almost 850 Ohio agricultural organizations recorded in 1907 by the Interstate Commerce Commission.  The group continues meeting in the hall, with most of its finances arising from fundraisers such as raffles.  Nationally, Grange membership dropped by 40% between 1992 and 2007, and Ashtabula County's membership has paralleled the national trend; the 1907 Interstate Commerce Commission recorded four Grange chapters in the vicinity of Jefferson alone, but just seven existed countywide in late 2009, at which time Griggs' membership had fallen to the teens.  Nevertheless, the group remains active; the statewide Grange organization recognized Griggs for its community service in 2013.

Built of wood, the Grange hall is covered with an asphalt roof and rests on a stone foundation.  It is a simple gable-front structure with three side windows.  The roof projects over the gable to form eaves, while the entrance is set in the center of the gable, sheltered by a tiny roof with simple structural brackets.

In late 1995, the Griggs Grange was listed on the National Register of Historic Places, qualifying because of its place in local history.  It is one of five National Register-listed locations in and around Jefferson, and one of nearly forty such sites countywide.

References

Buildings and structures in Ashtabula County, Ohio
Former churches in Ohio
Grange organizations and buildings in Ohio
National Register of Historic Places in Ashtabula County, Ohio
Vernacular architecture in Ohio
Grange buildings on the National Register of Historic Places

Griggs Grange No. 1467


A safe harbor is a provision of a statute or a regulation that specifies that certain conduct will be deemed not to violate a given rule.  It is usually found in connection with a more-vague, overall standard.  By contrast, "unsafe harbors" describe conduct that will be deemed to violate the rule.

For example, in the context of a statute that requires drivers to "not drive recklessly", a clause specifying that "driving under 25 miles per hour will be conclusively deemed not to constitute reckless driving" is a "safe harbor".  Likewise, a clause saying that "driving over 90 miles per hour will be conclusively deemed to constitute reckless driving" would be an "unsafe harbor".  In this example, driving between 25 miles per hour and 90 miles per hour would fall outside of either a safe harbor or an unsafe harbor, and would thus be left to be judged according to the vague "reckless" standard.

Theoretical justifications
Safe harbors have been promoted by legal writers as reducing the uncertainty created by simply employing a vague standard (such as "recklessness").  On the other hand, this type of rule formulation also avoids the problem of creating a precise rule that leaves a judge with no available discretion to allow for "hard cases". In theory, the safe harbor formulation can combine the virtues of vague standards and precise rules, allowing legislatures to prescribe with certainty the advance outcome for specific foreseeable cases, and to leave to judges to decide the cases that remain.

Criticisms
Safe harbors can create precise rules that will be applied in unintended ways. For example, driving under 25 miles per hour in a 60 MPH zone when not required by traffic or other conditions could be reckless driving.

United States
Safe Harbor provisions appear in a number of laws and in many contracts.  An example of safe harbor in a real estate transaction is the performance of a Phase I Environmental Site Assessment by a property purchaser: creating a "safe harbor" protecting the new owner if, in the future, contamination caused by a prior owner is found.  Another common use of Safe Harbor is to protect management of a corporation from liability for making financial projections and forecasts in good faith.

The Digital Millennium Copyright Act (DMCA) has notable safe-harbor provisions which protect Internet service providers from the consequences of their users' actions. (Similarly, the EU directive on electronic commerce provides a similar provision of "mere conduit" which, while not exactly the same, serves much the same function as the DMCA safe harbor in this instance.)

In the context of the environmental protection, a voluntary safe harbor agreement can be undertaken between property owners and the United States Fish and Wildlife Service (FWS) or the National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration (NOAA) under which a property owner undertakes actions that protect and aid the recovery an endangered species protected under the Endangered Species Act with habitat on their property. In exchange, the FWS or NOAA promises not to require any additional or different conservation activities on the property without the property holder's consent. When the agreement expires, the property owner is permitted to return the landscape to its original baseline condition if they so desire.

Safe Harbor laws are being used across the United States to address how children are treated when they become victims of human trafficking and commercial sexual exploitation of children (CSEC). These laws are being used in New York, Florida and 20 other states (as of 2014) to "address the inconsistent treatment" that children receive after they are exploited sexually. The laws are used to ensure exploited children are treated as "victims", not as "criminals".

European Union

There is an example of a safe harbor decision in reference to the EU Data Protection Directive. The Directive sets comparatively strict privacy protections for EU citizens.  It prohibits European firms from transferring personal data to overseas jurisdictions with weaker privacy laws. Five years later, a decision created exceptions where foreign recipients of the data voluntarily agreed to meet EU standards under the International Safe Harbor Privacy Principles. In October 2015, following a court decision by the Court of Justice of the European Union, the safe harbor agreement between the EU and US was declared invalid on the grounds that the US was not supplying an equally adequate level of protection against surveillance for data being transferred there.

India
Safe harbour rules are part of the taxation laws in India under which multinational companies declaring certain minimum operational profits will not be subject to rigorous transfer pricing audits. The rules were issued in June 2017 amending the earlier notification from 2013. The current safe harbour rules lower the minimum operation profits declared by software development and ITeS companies, to avoid an audit, to 17-18% depending on the previous year's turnover. For KPO companies, safe harbour rates are set at 18-24%. These rates are effective for the Assessment Years 2017–18 to 2019–20.

See also
 Section 230

References

Legal doctrines and principles
Legal defenses

Safe harbor (law)


アルティン・ハッセの指数関数は、1928年にアルティンとハッセによって、下の級数によって与えられた。

歴史
この級数を指数関数によって表す一つの動機は、無限積に由来する。 形式的冪級数環Qx{{Nowiki]]}}において、この恒等式が成り立つ。

ここでμ(n)はメビウス関数である。これは両辺の対数微分を行うことで示すことができる。同様にして、アルティン・ハッセの指数関数の無限積は:

So passing from 積 over 全てのn to a product over only n 素数p, これは典型的なp進解析での操作であり、ex から Ep(x) を導く。

The coefficients of Ep(x) are rational. We can use either formula for Ep(x) to prove that, unlike ex, all of its coefficients are p-integral; in other words, the denominators of the coefficients of Ep(x) are not divisible by p.  A first proof uses the definition of Ep(x) and Dwork's lemma, which says that a power series f(x) = 1 + ... with rational coefficients has p-integral coefficients if and only if f(xp)/f(x)p ≡ 1 mod pZp[[x]].  When  f(x) = Ep(x), we have f(xp)/f(x)p = e−px, whose constant term is 1 and all higher coefficients are in pZp. A second proof comes from the infinite product for Ep(x): each exponent -μ(n)/n for n not divisible by p is a p-integral, and when a rational number a is p-integral all coefficients in the binomial expansion of (1 - xn)a are p-integral by p-adic continuity of the binomial coefficient polynomials t(t-1)...(t-k+1)/k! in t together with their obvious integrality when t is a nonnegative integer (a is a p-adic limit of nonnegative integers) . Thus each factor in the product of Ep(x) has p-integral coefficients, so Ep(x) itself has p-integral coefficients.

Combinatorial interpretation
The Artin–Hasse exponential is the generating function for the probability a uniformly randomly selected element of Sn (the symmetric group with n elements) has p-power order (the number of which is denoted by tp,n):

This gives a third proof that the coefficients of Ep(x) are p-integral, using the theorem of Frobenius that in a finite group of order divisible by d the number of elements of order dividing d is also divisible by d. Apply this theorem to the nth symmetric group with d equal to the highest power of p dividing n!.

More generally, for any topologically finitely generated profinite group G there is an identity

where H runs over open subgroups of G with finite index (there are finitely many of each index since G is topologically finitely generated) and aG,n is the number of continuous homomorphisms from G to Sn.  Two special cases are worth noting. (1) If G is the p-adic integers, it has exactly one open subgroup of each p-power index and a continuous homomorphism from G to Sn is essentially the same thing as choosing an element of p-power order in Sn, so we have recovered the above combinatorial interpretation of the Taylor coefficients in the Artin–Hasse exponential series. (2) If G is a finite group then the sum in the exponential is a finite sum running over all subgroups of G, and continuous homomorphisms from G to Sn are simply homomorphisms from G to Sn. The result in this case is due to Wohlfahrt (1977).  The special case when G is a finite cyclic group is due to Chowla, Herstein, and Scott (1952), and takes the form

where am,n is the number of solutions to gm = 1 in Sn.

David Roberts provided a natural combinatorial link between the Artin–Hasse exponential and the regular exponential in the spirit of the ergodic perspective (linking the p-adic and regular norms over the rationals) by showing that the Artin–Hasse exponential is also the generating function for the probability that an element of the symmetric group is unipotent in characteristic p, whereas the regular exponential is the probability that an element of the same group is unipotent in characteristic zero.

Conjectures
At the 2002 PROMYS program, Keith Conrad conjectured that the coefficients of  are uniformly distributed in the  p-adic integers with respect to the normalized Haar measure, with supporting computational evidence. The problem is still open.

Dinesh Thakur has also posed the problem of whether the Artin–Hasse exponential reduced mod p is transcendental over .

See also
 Witt vector
 Formal group

References

 A course in p-adic analysis, by Alain M. Robert

数論
数学のエポニム

アルティン・ハッセの指数関数


In linguistics, control is a construction in which the understood subject of a given predicate is determined by some expression in context. Stereotypical instances of control involve verbs. A superordinate verb "controls" the arguments of a subordinate, nonfinite verb. Control was intensively studied in the government and binding framework in the 1980s, and much of the terminology from that era is still used today. In the days of Transformational Grammar, control phenomena were discussed in terms of Equi-NP deletion. Control is often analyzed in terms of a null pronoun called PRO. Control is also related to raising, although there are important differences between control and raising. Most if not all languages have control constructions and these constructions tend to occur frequently.

Examples
Standard instances of (obligatory) control are present in the following sentences:

Susan promised to help us. - Subject control with the obligatory control predicate promise
Fred stopped laughing. - Subject control with the obligatory control predicate stop
We tried to leave. - Subject control with the obligatory control predicate try

Sue asked Bill to stop. - Object control with the obligatory control predicate ask
They told you to support the effort. - Object control with the obligatory control predicate tell
Someone forced him to do it. - Object control with the obligatory control predicate force

Each of these sentences contains two verbal predicates. Each time the control verb is on the left, and the verb whose arguments are controlled is on the right. The control verb determines which expression is interpreted as the subject of the verb on the right. The first three sentences are examples of subject control, since the subject of the control verb is also the understood subject of the subordinate verb. The second three examples are instances of object control, because the object of the control verb is understood as the subject of the subordinate verb. The argument of the matrix predicate that functions as the subject of the embedded predicate is the controller. The controllers are in bold in the examples.

Control verbs vs. auxiliary verbs
Control verbs have semantic content; they semantically select their arguments, that is, their appearance strongly influences the nature of the arguments they take. In this regard, they are very different from auxiliary verbs, which lack semantic content and do not semantically select arguments. Compare the following pairs of sentences:

a. Sam will go. - will is an auxiliary verb.
b. Sam yearns to go. - yearns is a subject control verb.

a. Jim has to do it. - has to is a modal auxiliary verb.
b. Jim refuses to do it. - refuses is a subject control verb.

a. Jill would lie and cheat. - would is a modal auxiliary.
b. Jill attempted to lie and cheat. - attempted is a subject control verb.

The a-sentences contain auxiliary verbs that do not select the subject argument. What this means is that the embedded verbs go, do, and lie and cheat are responsible for semantically selecting the subject argument. The point is that while control verbs may have the same outward appearance as auxiliary verbs, the two verb types are quite different.

Non-obligatory or optional control
Control verbs (such as promise, stop, try, ask, tell, force, yearn, refuse, attempt) obligatorily induce a control construction. That is, when control verbs appear, they inherently determine which of their arguments controls the embedded predicate. Control is hence obligatorily present with these verbs. In contrast, the arguments of many verbs can be controlled even when a superordinate control verb is absent, e.g.

He left, singing all the way. - Non-obligatory control of the present participle singing
 Understanding nothing, the class protested. - Non-obligatory control of the present participle understanding
 Holding his breath too long, Fred passed out. - Non-obligatory control of the present participle holding

In one sense, control is obligatory in these sentences because the arguments of the present participles singing, understanding, and holding are clearly controlled by the matrix subjects. In another sense, however, control is non-obligatory (or optional) because there is no control predicate present that necessitates that control occur. General contextual factors are determining which expression is understood as the controller. The controller is the subject in these sentences because the subject establishes point of view.

Some researchers have begun to use the term "obligatory control" to just mean that there is a grammatical dependency between the controlled subject and its controller, even if that dependency is not strictly required. "Non-obligatory control", on the other hand, may be used just to mean that there is no grammatical dependency involved. Both "obligatory control" and "non-obligatory control" can be present in a single sentence. The following example can either mean that the pool had been in the hot sun all day (so it was nice and warm), in which case there would be a syntactic dependency between "the pool" and "being". Or it can mean that the speaker was in the hot sun all day (so the pool is nice and cool), in which case there would be no grammatical dependency between "being" and the understood controller (the speaker). In such non-obligatory control sentences, it appears that the understood controller needs to be either a perspective holder in the discourse or an established topic.The pool was the perfect temperature after being in the hot sun all day.

Arbitrary control
Arbitrary control occurs when the controller is understood to be anybody in general, e.g.

Reading the Dead Sea Scrolls is fun. - Arbitrary control of the gerund reading.
Seeing is believing. - Arbitrary control of the gerunds seeing and believing

Having to do something repeatedly is boring. - Arbitrary control of the gerund having

The understood subject of the gerunds in these sentence is non-discriminate; any generic person will do. In such cases, control is said to be "arbitrary". Any time the understood subject of a given predicate is not present in the linguistic or situational context, a generic subject (e.g. 'one') is understood.

Representing control
Theoretical linguistics posits the existence of the null pronoun PRO as the theoretical basis for the analysis of control structures. The null pronoun PRO is an element that impacts a sentence in a similar manner to how a normal pronoun impacts a sentence, but the null pronoun is inaudible.  The null PRO is added to the predicate, where it occupies the position that one would typically associate with an overt subject (if one were present). The following trees illustrate PRO in both constituency-based structures of phrase structure grammars and dependency-based structures of dependency grammars:

The constituency-based trees are the a-trees on the left, and the dependency-based trees the b-trees on the right. Certainly aspects of these trees - especially of the constituency trees - can be disputed. In the current context, the trees are intended merely to suggest by way of illustration how control and PRO are conceived of. The indices are a common means of identifying PRO and with its antecedent in the control predicate, and the orange arrows indicate further the control relation. In a sense, the controller assigns its index to PRO, which identifies the argument that is understood as the subject of the subordinate predicate.

A (constituency-based) X-bar theoretic tree that is consistent with the standard GB-type analysis is given next:

The details of this tree are, again, not so important. What is important is that by positing the existence of the null subject PRO, the theoretical analysis of control constructions gains a useful tool that can help uncover important traits of control constructions.

Control vs. raising
Control must be distinguished from raising, though the two can be outwardly similar. Control predicates semantically select their arguments, as stated above. Raising predicates, in contrast, do not semantically select (at least) one of their dependents. The contrast is evident with the so-called raising-to-object verbs (=ECM-verbs) such as believe, expect, want, and prove. Compare the following a- and b-sentences:

a. Fred asked you to read it. - asked is an object control verb.
b. Fred expects you to read it. - expects is a raising-to-object verb.

a. Jim forced her to say it. - forced is an object control verb.
b. Jim believed her to have said it. - believes is a raising-to-object verb.

The control predicates ask and force semantically select their object arguments, whereas the raising-to-object verbs do not. Instead, the object of the raising verb appears to have "risen" from the subject position of the embedded predicate, in this case from the embedded predicates to read and to have said. In other words, the embedded predicate is semantically selecting the argument of the matrix predicate. What this means is that while a raising-to-object verb takes an object dependent, that dependent is not a semantic argument of that raising verb. The distinction becomes apparent when one considers that a control predicate like ask requires its object to be an animate entity, whereas a raising-to-object predicate like expects places no semantic limitations on its object dependent.

Diagnostic Tests

Expletives
The different predicate types can be identified using expletive there. Expletive there can appear as the "object" of a raising-to-object predicate, but not of a control verb, e.g.

a. *Fred asked there to be a party. - Expletive there cannot appear as the object of a control predicate.
b.  Fred expects there to be a party. - Expletive there can appear as the object of a raising-to-object predicate.

a. *Jim forced there to be a party. - Expletive there cannot appear as the object of a control predicate.
b.  Jim believes there to have been a party. - Expletive there can appear as the object of a raising-to-object predicate.

The control predicates cannot take expletive there because there does not fulfill the semantic requirements of the control predicates. Since the raising-to-object predicates do not select their objects, they can easily take expletive there.

Idioms
Control and raising also differ in how they behave with idiomatic expressions. Idiomatic expressions retain their meaning in a raising construction, but they lose it when they are arguments of a control verb. See the examples below featuring the idiom "The cat is out of the bag", which has the meaning that facts that were previously hidden are now revealed.

a. The cat wants to be out of the bag. - There is no possible idiomatic interpretation in the control construction.
b. The cat seems to be out of the bag. - The idiomatic interpretation is retained in the raising construction.

The explanation for this fact is that raising predicates do not semantically select their arguments, and therefore their arguments are not interpreted compositionally, as the subject or object of the raising predicate. Arguments of the control predicate, on the other hand, have to fulfill their semantic requirements, and interpreted as the argument of the predicate compositionally.

This test works for object control and ECM too.
a. I asked the cat to be out of the bag. - There is no possible idiomatic interpretation in the control construction.
b. I believe the cat to be out of the bag. - The idiomatic interpretation is retained in the raising construction.

Notes

See also
 Dependency grammar
 Phrase structure grammar
 Predicate
 Argument
 Raising
 Catenative verb

References
Bach, E. 1974. Syntactic theory. New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, Inc.
Borsley, R. 1996. Modern phrase structure grammar. Cambridge, MA: Blackwell Publishers.
Carnie, A. 2007. Syntax: A generative introduction, 2nd edition. Malden, MA: Blackwell Publishing.
Cowper, E. 2009. A concise introduction to syntactic theory: The government-binding approach. Chicago: The University of Chicago Press.
Culicover, P. 1982. Syntax, 2nd edition. New York: Academic Press.
Culicover, P. 1997. Principles and Parameters: An introduction to syntactic theory. Oxford University Press.
Davies, William D., and Stanley Dubinsky. 2008. The grammar of raising and control: A course in syntactic argumentation. John Wiley & Sons.
Emonds, J. 1976. A transformational approach to English syntax: Root, structure-preserving, and local transformations. New York: Academic Press.
Grinder, J. and S. Elgin. 1973. Guide to transformational grammar: History, theory, and practice. New York: Holt, Rinehart, and Winston, Inc.
Haegeman, L. 1994. Introduction to government and binding theory, 2nd edition. Oxford, UK: Blackwell.
Lasnik, H. and M. Saito. 1999. On the subject of infinitives. In H. Lasnik, Minimalist analysis, 7-24. Malden, MA: Blackwell.
McCawley, T. 1988. The syntactic phenomena of English, Vol. 1. Chicago: The University of Chicago Press.
Osborne, T. and T. Groß 2012. Constructions are catenae: Construction Grammar meets Dependency Grammar. Cognitive Linguistics 23, 1, 163-214.
van Riemsdijk, H. and E. Williams. 1986. Introduction to the theory of grammar. Cambridge, MA: The MIT Press.
Rosenbaum, Peter. 1967. The grammar of English predicate complement constructions. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press.

External links
 List of English control verbs at Wiktionary

Verb types

Control (linguistics)


Þingeyrakirkja is an Icelandic church  situated between lakes Hóp and Húnavatn at Þingeyrar in Iceland's Northwestern Region.

It was consecrated on 9 Sept. 1877 by the Reverend Eiríkur Briem from Steinnes.  Þingeyrakirkja is  a stone church which replaced an old turf church, the objects from which were moved to  Þingeyrakirkja . Among the valuable items are an alabastar altarpiece most likely dating from the 13th century, and a pulpit estimated to be of Dutch origin from the year 1696. The pulpit was a gift from Lárus Gottrúp, a lawyer who resided at Þingeyrar Monastery (Þingeyraklaustur) from 1683 to 1721. He also gave a silver baptismal font inscribed with the dates 1663 and 1697. A silver chalice and an altar linen from 1763 are also among the church's historically valuable possessions.

Ásgeir Einarsson (1809–1885) was largely responsible for the church's construction. Einarsson  was a local farmer and a member of Icelandic Parliament ( Alþingi). Construction of the church took 13 years and required transporting stone from Nesbjörg throughout the winter of 1864–65, by sled over the ice-covered lake Hóp on an 8-km journey. Stonemason Sverrir Runólfsson assisted with the planning and built the church walls. Each stone used was put in stowage or tied down and also glued with chalk, and the stones have not moved to this day.

References

External links
Official Website

Churches in Iceland
Buildings and structures in Northwestern Region (Iceland)

Þingeyrakirkja


John Rhodes (born 4 September 1962) was an English cricketer. He was a right-handed batsman and right-arm medium-pace bowler who played for Devon. He was born in Lancaster.

Rhodes made his debut for Devon in the Minor Counties Championship of 1990, and played in the competition until 2001.

Rhodes made his first List A appearance for the team in 1995, in a game against Sussex, in which he took figures of 0-45 with the ball, but didn't bat in the match. Similarly in his second match, he did not bat, and was noted in the scorecard as being "absent hurt".

Having played consistently in the Minor Counties Championship for the following six years, he made his final appearance for the team in the C&G Trophy in September 2001.

External links
John Rhodes at Cricket Archive

1962 births
Living people
English cricketers
Devon cricketers
Cricketers from Lancaster, Lancashire

John Rhodes (cricketer)


Lupinus formosus, the summer lupine or western lupine, is a species of flowering plant in the legume family, Fabaceae. It is native to California and Oregon in the United States.

Lupinus formosus has been cited as a poisonous plant. Although it is not endangered it faces eradication in some areas at the hands of cattle farmers as it has been implicated in crooked calf disease. This lupine, along with five others, is poisonous from the time it starts growth in the spring until the seed pods shatter in late summer or early fall. However, the younger the plant the more toxic it is.

Summer lupine is one of three piperidine alkaloid containing plants that have poisonous effects on livestock. It, along with poison hemlock (Conium maculatum) and tree tobacco (Nicotiana glauca), induced "multiple congenital contractures (MCC) and palatoschisis in goat kids when their dams were gavaged with the plant during gestation." The skeletal abnormalities included fixed extension of the carpal, tarsal and fetlock joints, scoliosis, lordosis, torticollis and rib cage problems. The clinical signs of toxicity in sheep, cattle and pigs included, ataxia, incoordination, muscular weakness, prostration and death.

It inhabits areas of dry slopes beneath pine trees, clay soils, grasslands, coniferous forests, and areas in the San Jacinto, Santa Rosa and San Gabriel Mountains. Its distribution extends across the state of California except for the eastern deserts and the plateaus east of the Sierra Nevada. This lupine blooms from April to August.  It is one of the foodplants of the endangered mission blue butterfly.

There are two varieties. Lupinus formosus var. robustus is confined to the Sierra Nevada and the Southern Coast Ranges of California, while var formosus is more widespread.

It is a larval host to the Acmon blue, arrowhead blue, Melissa blue, silvery blue, and sooty hairstreak.

References

External links
The Jepson eFlora 2013: Lupinus formosus
Lupinus formosus — CalPhotos

formosus
Flora of California
Flora of Oregon
Flora of the Cascade Range
Flora of the Sierra Nevada (United States)
Plants described in 1891
Flora without expected TNC conservation status

Lupinus formosus


Viking's Revenge Flume Ride was a log flume at the Sea World theme park on the Gold Coast, Australia.

History
In the late 1970s, Sea World set about adding a log flume to their park. American firm Arrow Dynamics was approached, however, they asked $1.5 million to construct it. John Menzies decided this price was too high and began constructing the ride in-house. He made several overseas trips to measure the dimensions of similar rides. The final cost of the ride turned out to be $350,000 - a fraction of what Arrow Dynamics wanted. After a soft-opening in 1978, the ride officially opened in March 1979. In late 2012, the ride's course was rerouted to make way for the construction of the park's 2013 attraction, Storm Coaster, on the site of the former Bermuda Triangle ride.

In November 2016, in the wake of a fatal incident at nearby park Dreamworld, which triggered safety audits in amusement parks across Queensland, the ride was closed indefinitely for extensive maintenance. Several components were removed from the ride during this period, and all signage was removed from the park.

On 10 December 2016, the Viking's Revenge Flume Ride was confirmed to be permanently closed by Village Roadshow Theme Parks.

Ride
Riders joined the queue which began alongside the station of the ride. The queue crossed part of the ride's track and into the centre of the station. The station was made up of four platforms which allowed two boats to load as another two were unloading. Riders boarded one of twenty-two, four-person boats. Each Viking-themed boat arranged riders inline in four rows. When the boat left the load station it moved further forward toward the main channel before reaching a brake system. This system ensured that the boats that were dispatched from the 2 parallel stations do not run into each other. Once released by the control system, the ride turned around and ventured alongside the station of the ride before approaching the Sea World Theatre which was themed as a Viking's castle. It then began the conveyor belt-powered lift hill to the top of the building. The track navigated the perimeter of the building before approaching the final drop. At this point riders were  above ground. During the final drop, riders reached speeds of up to . The ride then returned to the station. An on-ride photo was taken on the final drop and can be purchased from the photo store adjacent to the ride.

The original ride channel was routed alongside Jet Rescue and the queue of the Bermuda Triangle. It would then enter one of Bermuda Triangle's volcanoes before exiting from the other. The course would continue with the lift hill and final drop of the current ride's route.

See also
 Bermuda Triangle, another ride built in-house by Sea World
 Looney Tunes River Ride, a ride built in-house by Sea World's sister park Warner Bros. Movie World
 Rocky Hollow Log Ride, a log flume built in-house by Sea World's competitor park Dreamworld

References

External links

1979 establishments in Australia
2016 disestablishments in Australia
Amusement rides introduced in 1979
Amusement rides that closed in 2016
Log flume rides

Viking's Revenge Flume Ride


This article is about the property of radioactive elements. For the video game, see Half-Life (video game).

The half-life of a substance is the time it takes for half of the substance to decay. The word "half-life" was first used when talking about radioactive elements where the number of atoms get smaller over time by changing into different atoms. It is now used in other situations, such as the time it takes for a drug in the body to be half gone. A Geiger-Muller detector can be used to measure the radioactive half-life; it is the time when the activity is half the original.

Half-life depends on probability because the atoms decay at a random time. Half-life is the expected time when half the number of atoms have decayed, on average.

Radioactive isotopes are atoms that have unstable nuclei, meaning that the nucleus of each atom will decay after enough time has passed. Their nuclei are unstable because the arrangement of protons and neutrons in them  change.  This is known as radioactive decay. When they decay, they release particles such as alpha particles, beta particles, gamma rays. Sometimes they decay by fission, which means to break into pieces, to make smaller nuclei. For example, a radioactive carbon-14 atom releases a beta particle to become nitrogen-14. As an example of fission decay, a fermium-256 atom can split into xenon-140 and palladium-112 atoms, releasing four neutrons in the process.

Uranium-232 has a half-life of about 69 years. Plutonium-238 has a half-life of 88 years. Carbon-14, which is used to find the age of recent fossils, has a half-life of 5,730 years.

After ten half-lives, about 99.9% of the atoms have decayed into different atoms, so only 0.1% of the original atoms are left, and 99.9% of the radioactivity from the original kind of atom is gone. Some atoms decay into other atoms that are also radioactive, so the remaining radioactivity depends on the type of atom.

An example of a short half-life: the isotope, 260Sg, has a half-life of approximately y 4 ms (or 4 thousandths of a second).

Related pages
Biological half-life
Period 8 element

References

Other websites
Online chart of isotopes by half-life from the National Nuclear Data Center

Nuclear physics

Half-life (element)


Accountability, in terms of ethics and governance, is equated with answerability, culpability, liability, and the expectation of account-giving.

As in an aspect of governance, it has been central to discussions related to problems in the public sector, nonprofit, private (corporate), and individual contexts. In leadership roles, accountability is the acknowledgment of and assumption of responsibility for actions, products, decisions, and policies such as administration, governance, and implementation, including the obligation to report, justify, and be answerable for resulting consequences.

In governance, accountability has expanded beyond the basic definition of "being called to account for one's actions". It is frequently described as an account-giving relationship between individuals, e.g. "A is accountable to B when A is obliged to inform B about A's (past or future) actions and decisions, to justify them, and to suffer punishment in the case of eventual misconduct."

Accountability cannot exist without proper accounting practices; in other words, an absence of accounting means an absence of accountability. Another key area that contributes to accountability is good records management.

History and etymology
"Accountability" derives from the late Latin  (to account), a prefixed form of  (to calculate), which in turn is derived from  (to reckon). While the word itself does not appear in English until its use in 13th century Norman England, the concept of account-giving has ancient roots in record-keeping activities related to governance and money-lending systems that first developed in Ancient Egypt, Israel, Babylon, Greece, and later Rome.

Political
Political accountability is when a politician makes choices on behalf of the people, and the people have the ability to reward or sanction the politician. In representative democracies, citizens delegate power to elected officials through periodic elections, and such officials are empowered to represent or act in the citizens' interest. A challenge is how to see to it that those with such power, who presumably have divergent interests from the citizens, nonetheless act in their best interests. Citizens can rely on rewards or sanctions to reward or threaten politicians who might otherwise act in a manner that is antithetical to the people's interest. Accountability occurs when citizens only vote to re-elect representatives who act in their interests, and if representatives then select policies that will help them be re-elected. "Governments are 'accountable' if voters can discern whether governments are acting in their interest and sanction them appropriately, so that those incumbents who act in the best interest of the citizens win reelection and those who do not lose them."

Representatives can be held accountable through two mechanisms: electoral replacement and rational anticipation. In electoral replacement, citizens vote to replace representatives who are out of step with their interests. Rational anticipation requires that representatives anticipate the consequences of being out of step with their constituency and then govern in accordance with citizens' wishes to avoid negative consequences. Accountability can still be achieved even if citizens are not perfectly knowledgeable about their representatives' actions; as long as representatives believe that they will be held accountable by citizens, they will still be motivated to act in accordance with the citizens' interests.

Electoral
Electoral accountability refers to citizens using their vote to sanction or reward politicians.

Some researchers have considered accountability using formal theory, which makes assumptions about the state of the world to draw larger conclusions. Voters can hold representatives accountable through the process of sanctioning—voting the incumbent out of office in response to poor performance. While politicians face a decrease in vote share as a result of poor performance, they are less likely to see an increase in vote share for good performance. Selection—voters choosing candidates based on who will best represent their interests—is another method by which voters hold their representatives accountable. These methods of accountability can occur simultaneously, with voters holding representatives accountable using both sanctioning and selection. These conclusions rely on the assumption that voters do not observe the policy implemented by the incumbent, but do know their own welfare.

Some factors make it harder for voters to sanction incumbents. When politicians do not have control over outcomes, it becomes harder to hold them accountable. Additionally, when organizations are unable to monitor elections and provide information to voters, then voters struggle to sanction the incumbent. When voters are better informed about the incumbent's performance, the incumbent is more vulnerable to voter sanctioning. Furthermore, when incumbents face sanctioning, challengers are more likely to enter the race.

While elections are believed to increase government accountability to citizens, they may lead to less egalitarian policy outcomes, since those that hold the government accountable tend to be from wealthier segments of society. For example, a study of elected versus appointed property assessors in the state of New York shows that the election of property assessors leads to policies that severely undertax wealthier homes relative to poorer homes.

Electoral manipulation and accountability
Studies on political accountability have emphasized the key role of elections in promoting accountability in democratic settings. It is through elections that citizens hold governments accountable for past performance. However, the role of elections in fostering accountability is often undermined by electoral manipulation and fraud. By preventing citizens from removing leaders through elections based on their performance in office, electoral manipulation breaks down accountability and may undercut the consolidation of democratic institutions.

Electoral manipulation is not rare; some estimates are that in the 1990s and 2000s, up to one fourth of elections suffered some form of substantial manipulation. This includes a large array of pre-election and election-day tactics, such as outlawing rival parties and candidates, employing violence and intimidation, and manipulating voter registration and vote count. Some efforts to improve accountability by preventing electoral manipulation and fraud have obtained a certain measure of success, such as using cell phone applications for monitoring and disseminating polling station results and employing domestic or international election observers. However, governments may simply alter the type of manipulation or where it occurs in order to deceive observers and monitoring agencies.

Governments, politicians, and political parties are more likely to resort to electoral manipulation and fraud when they believe they might be removed from office and when they face few institutional constraints to their power. Low political competition has also been linked to some forms of manipulation, such as abolishing presidential term limits. Well-connected candidates are more likely to resort to vote count fraud. Governments may engage in electoral manipulation not only to obtain victory at a given election or to remain in office longer, but also for post-election reasons, such as reducing the strength of the opposition or increasing their own bargaining power in the subsequent period.

Administrative

Public goods
Politicians may be incentivized to provide public goods as a means of accountability. The ability of voters to attribute the credit and blame of outcomes also determines the extent of public goods provision. Research suggests that public goods provision  being able to attribute outcomes to politicians as opposed to civil servants. This attribution can be enhanced by more short-run and visible inputs and outcomes such as famine relief or access to drinking water, whereas lower-visibility issues such as sanitation and education may be more difficult to attribute credit for and thus less likely to provide for.

Another condition determining how voters use the provision of public goods to hold leaders accountable is whether the prioritization of public goods is determined either directly via vote or delegated to a governing body. An experiment in New Mexico regarding proposed spending during the state's 2008 special summer legislative session provides evidence that legislators update their positions when learning about voters' policy preferences, indicating that a representative democracy can increase accountability when politicians learn about voters' preferences. A 2016 experiment in Afghanistan regarding rural development projects, however, finds that when voters directly prioritize their preferences at the ballot box, they perceive the quality of local government to be higher than when a governing committee prioritizes development projects. These contrasting outcomes highlight a debate between trustees and delegates, though the lack of objective superior outcomes in projects decided by vote as opposed to committee in the Afghanistan experiment indicate neither is superior to the other in determining which public goods should be given priority.

Other research indicates that voters use elections to hold politicians accountable for the provision of public goods. In India, rural areas are charged a flat rate for electricity, but in the province of Uttar Pradesh, line loss—electricity that is consumed but not billed—is significantly higher in election years than non-election years, and increases in line loss reliably predict electoral gains. Voters rewarded incumbent politicians with a 12% increase in party seats in response to a 10% increase of unbilled electricity, in 2007 elections. In Ghana, the improvement of road conditions is linked to an increasing vote share for incumbent parties. Both of these research outcomes hinge on voters being able to attribute the service of public goods to politicians.

Politicians may also have incentives to respond to pressure for public goods provision in electoral autocracies. There is evidence that as autocratic governments lose seats in their party's legislatures, they respond by increasing spending on public goods such as education, healthcare, and pensions. There is further evidence suggesting higher quality of life, civil liberties, and human development in electoral autocracies, lending credence to the theory that autocratic rulers use elections as a bellwether against popular discontent and citizen opposition, and in turn increase public goods provision to dampen the grievances of disgruntled citizens, even in non-democracies.

While the introduction of elections is generally thought to improve public goods provision, in some cases, researchers have shown that it may reduce its quality. For example, the introduction of direct elections for local district office in Indonesia resulted in political interference in the hiring process for bureaucrats in the public education sector, reducing the quality of education provision; politicians were incentivized to dole out patronage positions in the education sector, especially in election years, and where such positions were added, student test scores were lower.

Non-electoral
Governments are held accountable if citizens can punish or reward the government to influence it to pursue their best interests. While scholars who study democratic theory emphasize the role of elections in ensuring accountability, another strand of scholars investigates non-electoral forms of accountability in democracies and non-democracies and the conditions that make unelected leaders represent the interests of the general public.

Political protests
Political changes after protests can be the result of the protests per se, or symptoms of shifts in political preferences underneath the observable phenomena of the protests. One study of the Tea Party movement in the United States has shown that protests per se have an impact on political change.

Other scholars studied the effect of protests on political changes in developing countries. Mass protests instigated by economic hardship and political repression occurred in 16 sub-Saharan African countries, and 21 governments in the region implemented significant political reforms, such as the adoption of multi-party elections. Authoritarian regimes in Africa distorted the market and reduced the cost of farm produce in favor of urban workers at the cost of rural farmers in the 1980s to prevent urban unrest, which is more visible and easier to mobilize than rural protests.

Selectorates
Belsky et al. point out that whereas, under more democratic governance, accountability is built into the institution of the state by a habit of regular elections, accountability in autocratic regimes relies on a selectorate—a group that legitimizes or delegitimizes the autocrat's powers according to selectorate theory. Selectorates are those on whom a leader depends in order to hold onto power, and those who have the ability to depose a leader. When a selectorate's hold on power is not overly dependent on the leader in office, selectorates can remove poorly performing leaders, and this accountability by selectorates renders it possible for autocracies to perform better for the benefit of all. Beyond that, institutions can act as credible restraints on autocracy as well.

Civil societies
In democracies, voluntary associations, interest groups, and associational activity can improve the performance of the government. One study showed that civil society organizations such as NGOs can increase the performance of local government according to the central government's standards by monitoring and disclosing information about local government performance in authoritarian regimes like China. Solidarity groups in rural China, in which members share moral obligations and interests, can hold local officials accountable as well when (i) the solidarity group encompasses everyone under the local government's jurisdiction, and (ii) local officials are embedded in the group as members. The social standing and recognition of these groups encourages local officials to perform well, as they value high moral standing in the group.

At the local level, various accountability measures exist that impact the job performance of elected officials. In Uganda, civil society organizations (CSOs) that divulge to the public how well an incumbent is performing their job duties, in a district with an upcoming competitive election, increase the performance of the politician for the rest of their term. In contrast to these works, a meta-analysis released in 2019 uncovers no effects from CSO voter information campaigns on political accountability after examining the results from seven trials across six countries. In Ghana, election-day monitoring of polling centers for district-level positions, as well as an increase in the awareness of monitoring in an upcoming election, increases job performance among incumbents, who spend more of their annual Constituency Development Fund allocations from the central government on public goods for the electorate. In locales with weaker institutions, when citizens elect leaders with higher levels of competency, these officials have a greater ability to overcome the barriers of bad informal institutions, and deliver more goods and long-term investment projects for the constituency without needing to raise taxes. Additionally, many local elections are for positions that involve performing jobs with a single function, such as a school board member or a sheriff. These elected officials are held accountable to their positions mainly through information provided to the public through the media. When the media focuses attention on data trends associated with these positions, constituents are then able to use this information to retrospectively vote for or against an incumbent based on their performance in office.

Public opinion polls
Approval ratings generated through public opinion polling create a measure of job performance during an incumbent's term that has implications for whether the official will retain their seat, or if reelection will even be sought. These approval ratings predict election outcomes when combined with other factors included in Bayesian Model Averaging forecasts. In the United States, senator job approval ratings affect whether a senator will retire, the quality of candidates that seek to challenge them, the amount of money the senator can raise to seek reelection if they decide to run, and the outcome of the election itself. Strategic incumbent senators will seek reelection less when their approval ratings are low during their time in office.

Shared interests
Traditional leaders in Zambia provide local public goods despite the fact that they lack an electoral incentive to do so. Many customary chiefs never leave the communities they lead and depend on local sources for a significant portion of their income; thus, traditional leaders may facilitate bringing in local public goods and benefit from the community's development over time just like stationary bandits in Olson's argument.

Accountability and corruption
Political corruption refers to "the misuse or the abuse of public office for private gains". Corrupt practices include fraud, appropriation of public funds, and accepting bribes. Corruption can cause people to negatively evaluate politicians, since citizens may perceive corruption as a signal of poor performance, motivating them to sanction an incumbent. As the model of retrospective voting suggests that voters incentivize good politicians' behavior by rewarding good performance and punishing bad performance, citizens are expected to sanction corrupt politicians. However, studies suggest that though voters have a distaste for corruption, they often fail to punish corrupt incumbents; some of them receive benefits from their representatives' corrupt practices, and prefer to retain this type of politician. In high-corruption contexts, voters may become more tolerant of or even prefer corrupt politicians because others are also perceived as corrupt, leading to a corrupt equilibrium "where voters are generally willing to retain corrupt politicians", referred to as a "political corruption trap". This high corruption equilibrium is difficult to break due to interaction between corrupt politicians, voters who tolerate and retain corrupt politicians, and potential entrants or challengers who also engage in corrupt practices, leading to the maintenance of corruption.

Democracy does not seem to reduce corruption. Economic development is associated with a decrease in corruption. Freedom of the press contributes to the reduction of corruption by exposing corrupt actions. Documentation on how a corrupt government (e.g. Alberto Fujimori's government from 1998 to 2000 in Peru) can strategically undermine checks-and-balances institutions, suggests that the news media—i.e. newspapers and mainly television—is crucial to the dissemination of information to the public. There is also evidence about the importance of local media, such as local radio stations, in holding corrupt incumbents accountable and in promoting non-corrupt politicians. Information about corruption may not only lead to vote losses for the incumbent parties, but also for challenging parties, as well the erosion of partisan attachments, which implies that information about corruption also provokes citizens' disengagement from the political process.

Scholarly literature about corruption finds mixed results about the role of political institutions on the level of a country's corruption. For example, some scholarly research suggests that more horizontal accountability, or oversight across branches of government, would generally decrease corruption. However, other research shows that increased oversight could increase corruption when actors in one branch can pressure actors in another to collude; in Ghana, bureaucrats are more likely to engage in corruption on behalf of politicians when politicians have higher levels of discretion to oversee the bureaucracy (e.g., by threatening to transfer noncompliant bureaucrats).

Low accountability for corruption is difficult to combat, and some anti-corruption activities may also lead to perverse consequences. For example, in places where private sector work pays better than public sector work (e.g., China), highly qualified individuals engaging in public sector work may only find such work attractive because it allows for further compensation through corrupt activities. Government anti-corruption activities can therefore decrease the quality and overall representativeness of the bureaucracy as a result. On the other hand, there is evidence that, despite strategic evasion and unintentional consequences, anti-corruption initiatives are beneficial, as they lower malfeasance and increase social welfare, even where strategic evasion is relatively large.

Police accountability

Organizational

Ethical

Within an organization, the principles and practices of ethical accountability aim to improve both the internal standard of individual and group conduct as well as external factors, such as sustainable economic and ecologic strategies. Also, ethical accountability plays an important role in academic fields, such as laboratory experiments and field research. Debates around the practice of ethical accountability on the part of researchers in  – whether professional or others – were explored by Norma R.A. Romm in her work on Accountability in Social Research, and elsewhere. Researcher accountability implies that researchers are cognizant of, and take some responsibility for, the potential impact of their ways of doing research – and of writing it up – on the social fields of which the research is part. Accountability is linked to considering carefully, and being open to challenge in relation to, one's choices concerning how research agendas are framed and the styles in which research results are written.

Security
The traceability of actions performed on a system to a specific system entity (user, process, device) also affects accountability. For example, the use of unique user identification and authentication supports accountability, and the use of shared user IDs and passwords degrades accountability.

Individuals within organizations
Because many individuals in large organizations contribute in many ways to decisions and policies, it is difficult even in principle to identify who should be accountable for the results. This is what is known, following Dennis F. Thompson, as "the problem of many hands". It creates a dilemma for accountability. If individuals are held accountable or responsible, individuals who could not have prevented the results are either unfairly punished, or they "take responsibility" in a symbolic ritual without suffering any consequences. If only organizations are held accountable, then all individuals in the organization are equally blameworthy or all are excused.

Various solutions have been proposed. One is to broaden the criteria for individual responsibility so that individuals are held accountable for not anticipating failures in the organization. Another solution, recently proposed by Thompson, is to hold individuals accountable for the design of the organization, both retrospectively and prospectively.

Accountability is an element of a responsibility assignment matrix which indicates who is ultimately answerable for the correct and thorough completion of a deliverable or task, as well as the delegation of the work to those responsible.

Public/private overlap
With the increase in public service provided by private entities, especially in Britain and the United States, some have called for increased political accountability mechanisms for otherwise non-political entities. Legal scholar Anne Davies, for instance, argues that the line between public institutions and private entities like corporations is becoming blurred in certain areas of public service in the United Kingdom, and that this can compromise political accountability in those areas. She and others argue that some administrative law reform is necessary to address this accountability gap.

With respect to the public/private overlap in the United States, public concern over the contracting of government services (including military) and the resulting accountability gap was highlighted following the Nisour Square massacre perpetrated by the Blackwater security firm in Iraq.

In education
As defined by National Council on Measurement in Education (NCME), accountability is "[a] program, often legislated, that attributes the responsibility for student learning to teachers, school administrators, and/or students. Test results typically are used to judge accountability, and often consequences are imposed for shortcomings."

Student accountability is traditionally based on school and classroom rules, combined with sanctions for infringement.

In contrast, some educational establishments such as Sudbury schools believe that students are personally responsible for their acts, and that traditional schools do not permit students to choose their course of action fully; they do not permit students to embark on the course, once chosen; and they do not permit students to suffer the consequences of the course, once taken. Freedom of choice, freedom of action, freedom to bear the results of action are considered the three great freedoms that constitute personal responsibility. Sudbury schools claim that Ethics' is a course taught by life experience". They adduce that the essential ingredient for acquiring values—and for moral action—is personal responsibility, that schools will become involved in the teaching of morals when they become communities of people who fully respect each other's right to make choices, and that the only way the schools can become meaningful purveyors of ethical values is if they provide students and adults with real-life experiences that are bearers of moral import. Students are given complete responsibility for their own education and the school is run by a direct democracy in which students and staff are equals.

Media and accountability

Econometric research has found that countries with greater press freedom tend to have less corruption. Greater political accountability and lower corruption were more likely where newspaper consumption was higher, according to data from roughly 100 countries and from different states in the US. Congressmen who receive less press coverage are less likely to produce a positive impact for their constituencies, are less likely to  congressional hearings, and federal spending for their district is lower. One explanation for the positive impact of media on accountability stems from Besley and Burgess' work. They argue that media resolves the information asymmetries between citizens and government and provides a way of overcoming obstacles preventing political action. When elected officials and the public gain information, the public is better equipped to hold politicians accountable and politicians are more responsive. Ferraz & Finan demonstrate this in the Brazilian context. In their work, they find releasing audit reports prior to elections creates a more informed electorate which holds incumbent officials accountable.

While evidence supports the positive impact of press freedom on political accountability, other work highlights the significance of factors such as media concentration and ownership as government tools for influencing or controlling news content. Non-democratic regimes use media for a variety of purposes such as – (i) to enhance regime resilience, (ii) censor, or (iii) strategically distract the public. Control of the media may also be especially beneficial to incumbents in new or developing democracies, who consider media control a spoil of office.

An analysis of the evolution of mass media in the U.S. and Europe since World War II noted mixed results from the growth of the Internet: "The digital revolution has been good for freedom of expression [and] information [but] has had mixed effects on freedom of the press": It has disrupted traditional sources of funding, and new forms of Internet journalism have replaced only a tiny fraction of what's been lost. Various systems have been proposed for increasing the funds available for investigative journalism that allow individual citizens to direct small amounts of government funds to news outlets or investigative journalism projects of their choice.

Standards
Accountability standards have been established that organizations can voluntarily commit to. Standards apply in particular to the non-profit world and to Corporate Social Responsibility initiatives. Accountability standards include the:
 INGO Accountability Charter signed by a large number of NGOs to "demonstrate their commitment to accountability and transparency"
 AccountAbility's AA1000 series "principles-based standards to help organisations become more accountable, responsible and sustainable. They address issues affecting governance, business models and organizational strategy, as well as providing operational guidance on sustainability assurance and stakeholder engagement"
 Humanitarian Accountability Partnership 2010 standards for humanitarian organizations to help them "design, implement, assess, improve and recognize accountable programmes"
In addition, some non-profit organizations set up their own commitments to accountability:
 Accountability, Learning and Planning System (ALPS) by ActionAid a framework that sets out key accountability requirements, guidelines, and processes

See also

Footnotes

Further reading

External links

Citizens' Circle for Accountability

Democracy
Euthenics
Evaluation
Issues in ethics
Political corruption
Social concepts

Accountability


The Colonial Valley Conference (CVC) is an athletic conference in Central Jersey composed of high schools located primarily in Mercer County, New Jersey, with one member school in Monmouth County (Allentown High School) and one in Middlesex County (West Windsor-Plainsboro High School North). The conference operates under the supervision of the New Jersey State Interscholastic Athletic Association (NJSIAA).

Allentown High School Redbirds
Ewing High School Blue Devils
Steinert High School (Hamilton East) Spartans
Nottingham High School (Hamilton North) Northstars
Hamilton High School (Hamilton West) Hornets
Hightstown High School Rams
Hopewell Valley Central High School Bulldogs
Lawrence High School Cardinals
Notre Dame High School Irish
Princeton High School Tigers
Robbinsville High School Ravens
Trenton Central High School Tornadoes
West Windsor-Plainsboro High School North Knights (Plainsboro)
West Windsor-Plainsboro High School South Pirates (West Windsor)

External links
 official website

New Jersey high school athletic conferences

Colonial Valley Conference


Sonnenfeld is a surname.

Notable people with the surname include:

 Barry Sonnenfeld (born 1953), American film maker
 Chloe Sonnenfeld, American actress, daughter of Barry Sonnenfeld
 David A Sonnenfeld (born 1953), professor at the State University of New York College of Environmental Science and Forestry
 Jeffrey Sonnenfeld (born 1954), professor at Yale University
 Kurt Sonnenfeld (born 1962), American videographer for FEMA, notable for his 9/11 work
 Portia Sonnenfeld, founder and music director, Princeton Symphony Orchestra
 Sigismond Sonnenfeld (1846-1929), Director-General of the Jewish Colonization Association
 Stefan Sonnenfeld (born 1964), American colorist
 Viktor Sonnenfeld (1902-1969), Croatian translator and philosopher
 Yosef Chaim Sonnenfeld (1849-1932), former chief rabbi of Jerusalem

German toponymic surnames

Sonnenfeld (surname)


A ctenidium is a respiratory organ or gill which is found in many molluscs. This structure exists in bivalves, cephalopods, Polyplacophorans (chitons), and in aquatic gastropods such as freshwater snails and marine snails. Some aquatic gastropods possess one ctenidium known as monopectinate and others have a pair of ctenidia known as bipectinate.

A ctenidium is shaped like a comb or a feather, with a central part from which many filaments or plate-like structures protrude, lined up in a row. It hangs into the mantle cavity and increases the area available for gas exchange. The word is Latinized but is derived from the Greek ktenidion which means "little comb", being a diminutive of the word kteis meaning comb.

References

Bivalve anatomy
Cephalopod zootomy
Gastropod anatomy
Invertebrate respiratory system

Ctenidium (mollusc)


Teresópolis () is a Brazilian municipality located in the state of Rio de Janeiro, in a mountainous region known as Região Serrana. The Serra dos Órgãos National Park lies partly within the city limits. The city is known as the home of the Brazil national football team, since it hosts CBF's training ground at Granja Comary.

History

Before the arrival of the Portuguese to the area where Teresópolis lies today, in the 16th century, it was inhabited by indigenous Brazilians. In the following centuries, Portuguese started buying land there. The region was also occupied by a quilombo, formed by runaway slaves coming from sugar cane plantations near Rio de Janeiro.

In 1821, English citizen George March (born and raised in Portugal) established a farm there, which later became the most important settlement along the way between the court, in Rio de Janeiro, and the territory of Gerais (nowadays, the state of Minas Gerais), which led to the great improvement of agriculture and cattle raising.

The Brazilian imperial family was much impressed by the natural beauty and the climate of the region, which developed slowly so that in 1855 the settlement became a village that was named Freguesia de Santo Antonio de Paquequer.

The further development of the village was due to the traders that came from Minas Gerais in the way to Rio de Janeiro, and used the region as a resting stop. Finally, on July 6, 1891, the village became a municipality that was named Teresópolis ("city of Teresa"), after Empress Teresa Cristina, wife of Emperor Pedro II.

The uncontrolled growth of Teresópolis and other cities of the mountainous region near Rio de Janeiro led to the construction of a great number of houses in mountainous terrain or on the banks of rivers. This fact, together with a 24-hour rainfall that exceeded what was expected for the entire month, caused a series of floods and mudslides in January 2011. More than 400 people died and thousands lost their houses in the event, which is considered the worst weather-related tragedy in Brazilian history. .

Geography

According to the 2010 Brazilian Census, the city has a population of 163,746 within a land area of 770,6 km2. The Serra dos Órgãos National Park is in the vicinity. Its predominant vegetation belongs to the Atlantic Forest type. The city is surrounded by forests and by well-known summits or peaks, because of which the city is known as the national capital of mountaineering. The most famous peaks are:
 Peak of Pedra do Sino –
 Peak of Pedra do Açu –
 Peak of Agulha do Diabo –
 Peak of Nariz do Frade –
 Peak of Dedo de Deus –
 Peak of Pedra da Ermitage –
 Peak of Dedo de Nossa Senhora –
Of these, Dedo de Deus ("God's finger") is the most famous.

The municipality contains the  Montanhas de Teresópolis Municipal Nature Park, created in 2009 to protect a large area of Atlantic Forest.
The municipality contained the  Floresta do Jacarandá Environmental Protection Area, but this was extinguished in 2013.
It contains the  Bacia dos Frades Environmental Protection Area, created in 1990.
The municipality contains 20% of the  Três Picos State Park, created in 2002.
It contains part of the Central Rio de Janeiro Atlantic Forest Mosaic of conservation units, created in 2006.

Climate

Teresópolis features a subtropical highland climate (Köppen climate classification: Cfb), with relatively cold and dry winters and mild and wet summers. The annual average temperature is 16 °C/60.8 °F.

Teresópolis has one of the mildest climates in Brazil and this is one reason why the area has been chosen as Brazilian Football Confederation's training headquarters, hosting the Brazil national football team, located in Granja Comary.

Divisions

District of Teresópolis

Gallery

Sister cities
Teresópolis' sister cities are:

  Rio de Janeiro

References

External links

Official
 City Hall (Prefeitura Municipal)
 Municipal Legislative Chamber (Câmara Municipal)

Tourism
Visite Teresópolis - Tourism, Information, news, photos...
Teresopolis.com.br - Complete guide to the city, Information, news, and photos
TeresopolisOn - Information, news, and photos
Portal Terê - Complete guide to the city

1891 establishments in Brazil
Populated places established in 1891
Municipalities in Rio de Janeiro (state)

Teresópolis