Angling  (from Old English angol, meaning "hook") is a fishing technique that uses a fish hook attached to a fishing line to tether individual fish in the mouth. The fishing line is usually manipulated via a fishing rod, although rodless techniques such as handlining also exist.  Modern angling rods are usually fitted with a fishing reel that functions as a cranking device for storing, retrieving and releasing out the line, although Tenkara fishing and traditional cane pole fishing are two rod-angling methods that do not use any reel. The fish hook itself can be additionally weighted with a denser tackle called a sinker, and is typically dressed with an appetizing bait (i.e. hookbait) to attract and entice the fish into swallowing the hook, but sometimes an inedible fake/imitation bait with multiple attached hooks (known as a lure) is used instead of a single hook with edible bait. Some type of bite indicator, such as a float, a bell or a quiver tip, is often used to relay underwater status of the hook to the surface and alert the angler of a fish's presence.

When angling, the fisherman (known as the angler) will first throw the hook (i.e. "cast") to a chosen area of water (i.e. fishing ground), and then patiently wait for fish to approach and devour the hookbait. It is also not uncommon for the angler to scatter some loose bait (groundbait) around the target area before even casting the hook, to better attract distant fish with scents. If a fish has succumbed to its own feeding instinct and swallowed the baited hook (i.e. "bite" or "strike"), the hook point will likely pierce into and anchor itself inside the fish jaw, gullet or gill, and the fish in turn becomes firmly tethered by the fishing line. Once the fish is hooked (often colloquially called "fish-on"), any struggles and attempts to escape will pull along the line, causing the bite indicator to signal the angler, who jerks the fishing rod back to further deepen the hook anchorage (i.e. "setting the hook") and then tries to retrieve the line back, pulling the fish closer in the process. During the line retrieval, the angler will carefully monitor the line and rod tension to avoid equipment breaking. With stronger and feistier fish, the angler might need to temporarily halt or even reverse the line retrieval to prolong the struggle time and tire out the fish (i.e. "walking" the fish), before dragging it near enough to eventually lift it out of the water (known as "landing") for a successful catch. Sometimes a hand net (or "landing net") or a long-handled hook is used to make fetching the fish easier.

Angling is the principal method of recreational fishing, but commercial fisheries also use angling methods such as longlining, trotlining or trolling. In many parts of the world, a fishing licence is mandated for angling and size limits apply to certain species, meaning by law, fish below and/or above a certain size range must be released alive after capture. The popular fish species pursued by anglers, collectively known as game fish, vary with geography. Among the many species of saltwater fish that are angled for sport globally are billfish (swordfish, sailfish and marlin), tuna, trevally and grouper, while cod and sea bass are popular targets in Europe. In North America, the popular freshwater fish species include bass, northern pike/muskellunge, walleye, trout and anadromous salmon, tilapia, channel catfish and panfishes such as crappie, sunfish (e.g. bluegill) and yellow perch. In Europe, Asia and Australasia, freshwater anglers often pursue species such as carp, pike, bream, tench, rudd, roach, European perch, catfish and barbel, many of which are regarded as undesirable "rough fish" in North America. In developed countries, catch and release angling is increasingly practiced by sport fishermen in recent years to conserve the fish stocks and help maintain sustainability of the local fisheries.

Angling is not to be confused with snagging, another fishing technique that also uses line and hook to catch fish. The principal differences between the two techniques are that angling often uses very small hooks and relies on the target fish itself to voluntarily swallow the hook to pierce internally into the fish's mouth; while snagging uses very large, sharp, multi-pointed grappling hooks that actively "claw" and pierce externally into the body/gill of the fish, and hardly ever involves any hookbait. Snagging also inflicts far more mutilating injuries to the fish and makes it very difficult to heal and survive even if the fish is released alive or manages to escape the snag.

Tackles

Hook

The use of the hook in angling is descended, historically, from what would today be called a gorge. The word "gorge", in this context, comes from the French word meaning "throat". Gorges were used by ancient peoples to capture fish and animals like seal, walrus and birds. A gorge was a long, thin piece of bone or stone attached by its midpoint to a thin line. The gorge would be baited so that it would rest parallel to the lay of the line. When the game would swallow the bait, a tug on the line would cause the gorge to orient itself at right angles to the line, thereby sticking in the fish or animal's throat or gullet. Gorges evolved into the modern fishing hook which is J-shaped with a loop on one end and a sharp point on the other. Most hooks have a barb near the point to better anchor the point and prevent a fish from unhooking itself while being reeled in. Some laws and regulations require hooks to be barbless, typically to facilitate catch and release. This rule is commonly implemented to protect populations of certain species, as a barbed hook could cause significant collateral lacerations (especially when it penetrates the gill) that can kill a fish even after released alive.

Line

Fishing lines are long, ultra-thin, flexible cords that may come in monofilament or braided multifilament forms. Traditional fishing lines are made of silk, while most modern fishing lines are made from synthetic polymers such as nylon, polyethylene, polyvinylidene fluoride ("fluorocarbon") or copolymer materials. Important specifications for a fishing line include its material and forms, test weight, diameter, stretch, memory, abrasion resistance, UV resistance, and reflective and/or refractive visibility.

Rod

A fishing rod is a long, thin stick/pole that acts as an extended lever and allows the angler to amplify line movements while luring and pulling the fish. It also enhances casting distance by lengthening the swing radius (compared to that of a human arm) and increasing the launch speed of the terminal tackles (the hook, bait/lure, and other co-launched attachments such as float and sinker/feeder). Traditional fishing rods are made from single piece of hardwood (e.g. ash and hickory) or bamboo, while contemporary rods are usually made from alloys (e.g. aluminium) or more often high-tensile composite materials such as fibreglass or carbon fiber, and newer rod designs are often constructed from hollow blanks to increase the specific strength and reduce the overall weight. Modern rods also may come in multi-piece or telescoping forms, which are more portable and storage-friendly.

Reel

Fishing reels are manually cranked reels typically mounted onto a fishing rod, used to wind and stow fishing line when a long casting distance or a prolonged retrieval is expected. Traditional fishing reels are essentially compact windlasses with a "direct-drive" design, while modern reels since the Industrial Revolution typically are "multiplier" reels that use internal gear trains to gain a higher rotational speed. Most reels made from the latter half of the 20th century onwards have smoother line guides, anti-reverse designs, gear disengagement mechanisms and sophisticated drag and braking adjustments to help casting farther, more accurately and reliably, and to provide optimal pulling forces when retrieving the line.

Bite indicator

A bite indicator is any device that can help to notify the angler that the hook has been swallowed by a fish. There are many types of bite indicators, the oldest and most ubiquitously used being the fishing float, which floats at the water surface with the hook and bait suspended below it. When the fish swallows the hook, the leader line between the hook and the float pulls the float deeper into the water, causing it to oscillates in and out of water in a bobbing-like fashion (hence its American English name, the "bobber").

Other bite indicators used in angling include:
 Fishing bell — an (often plastic) bulldog clip attached to a pair of small jingle bells, used often in surf fishing and bank fishing involving rod holders. When clipped onto the fishing rod, the bells will rattle when vibrations are transmitted onto the rod from the fishing line, and the sound can alert the angler.
 Quiver tip — a (typically removable) elastic extension to the distal end of the fishing rod, used in bottom fishing (which does not use floats) and often in conjunction with fishing bells. As the name suggests, the more flexible tip extension will amplify any vibration transmitted from the line to the rod, allowing the angler to see the tip "quiver" and be alerted to any changes along the line.
 Bite alarm – an electronic alarm device comprising a buzzer and a vibration sensor that is placed in close contact with the fishing rod and/or line, designed to give off a bleep sound each time the line is tugged. Bite alarms come in different sizes and forms, from compact devices that clips onto the rod like a fishing bell, to large multi-rod holder racks with different bleep tone and sound quality settings.  Some bite alarms also incorporate LED lighting that can visually indicate in addition to the sound alert, in case the angler happens to temporarily wander away from the rod and cannot hear the sound clearly.

Baits

In angling, two broad types of baits are used: groundbait, which is thrown separately into the water in large quantities as an "appetizer" to olfactorily attract distant fish nearer to the angler's position; and hookbait, which is directly attached to the fish hook to entice the fish into swallowing the hook along with the bait.  In colloquial usage, the word "bait" refers specifically to hookbaits, which can be further separated into three main categories: natural baits, artificial baits and lures.

The choice of what bait to use is dictated mainly by the target species's diet, the habitat and weather conditions](which can alter the fish's foraging behavior), the angler's own personal preferences, and the local fishery regulations. Using an optimal angling bait can increase the chance of catching the intended fish, while conversely using an inadequate bait will greatly reduce the success rate, especially when there are other bait fishermen nearby.

Natural baits

Natural baits are food items that are present within the target fish's natural diet, which are usually animals at a lower trophic level in the food web. A natural bait angler, with few exceptions, will use a common prey species of the target fish as a bait. The natural bait used may be live food (known as a live bait) or carcass (i.e. dead bait), and a bait improvised from grossly intact portions of a dead animal (e.g. fish head) is known as a cutbait.  Common natural baits for both fresh and saltwater fishing include earthworm, leech, insects and larvae, minnow, squid, prawn, crayfish, and even crabs, frogs and salamanders. Natural baits are effective due to the real texture, odour and movements of the bait presented.

The common earthworm is a universal live bait for freshwater angling, and grubs and maggots are also excellent bait when trout fishing. Grasshoppers, crickets, eels and even ants are also used as bait for trout in their season, although many anglers believe that trout or salmon roe is superior to any other bait.

Crayfish, which are preyed upon by a variety of ray-finned fishes, are also commonly used as bait, either live or with only the tail meat. They are popular for catching catfish, largemouth bass, smallmouth bass, striped bass, perch and pike. However, studies had confirmed that introducing crayfish outside of their home range has led to various ecological problems of them becoming invasive species. Transporting crayfish as live bait has also contributed to the spread of zebra mussels, which are known to attach themselves onto crayfish, in various waterways throughout Europe and North America.

Spreading diseases

The capture, transportation and culture of bait fish can spread damaging organisms between ecosystems, endangering them. In 2007 several American states enacted regulations designed to slow the spread of fish diseases, including viral hemorrhagic septicemia, by bait fish. Because of the risk of transmitting Myxobolus cerebralis (whirling disease), trout and salmon should not be used as bait.

Anglers may increase the possibility of contamination by emptying bait buckets into fishing venues and collecting or using bait improperly. The transportation of fish from one location to another can break the law and cause the introduction of fish alien to the ecosystem.

Artificial baits

Artificial baits are edible baits that are not directly acquired via natural means, but are made from other food materials via some kind of artificial processing. These can be fish food that are either homemade (e.g. dried food paste) or commercially purchased (e.g. boilies and feed pellets), or prepared/processed food such as cutlets, offals, dehulled kernels (e.g. peas and corns), dairy products (cheese and curd), bread or doughballs made from various ingredient mixtures (e.g. rice, semolina, cornmeal, bread crumbs, and fishmeal, etc.), which can be used to attract omnivorous or even herbivorous fish.  In lakes in southern climates such as Florida, panfish such as sunfish will even take household wheat bread or pet food as bait. These bread bait is prepared from a small amount of bread, often moistened and softened by saliva, then squeezed into a ball of the bite size of small fish.

Lures

Some baits are not actual food items but rather just "fake" replicas of food made of inedible materials (e.g. wood, metal, silicone rubber, plastics, etc), and are designed to entice predatory fish to strike by imitating the appearance and motions of real prey (shad, worm, frog, insect, crayfish, etc.). These inedible, replica baits are typically called lures instead of baits, although expressions such as "swimbaits", "crankbaits", "jerkbaits", "spinnerbaits" and "chatterbaits" are still used when describing specific types of lures.  Unlike conventional baits, lures typically do not release any scents and rely solely on looks and sounds/vibrations to attract fish, although occasionally chemical attractants (e.g. dimethyl-β-propiothetin) are still used in addition either to impregnate favorable smells or to mask away unwanted plastic smells.  Many anglers prefer to fish solely using lures, as these rely more on the user's rod and reel actions to successfully attract fish, and requires frequent casting and retrieving the line, and are thus more interactive and exciting.

Lures can be broadly categorized into hard-body and soft-body lures, although hybrid lures with both hard and soft components are also common.  Soft-body lures tend to give a more flexible and realistic "swimming" posture when towed through the water, while hard-body lures usually rely on stirring up more noise and turbulences. Some newer hard lure designs, however, are multi-jointed and can resemble soft lures in dynamics.  Soft lures are typically coupled with a single conventional fish hook or a jighead, while hard lures commonly have more than one hooks (which are often treble hooks). When lures are used in combination with other terminal tackles (floats, sinkers, swivels, etc.) to produce sophisticated presentations, the entire lure package is known as a rig. Common rigs with a soft plastic lure are the Texas Rig or the Carolina Rig.

Some fishing lures (e.g. spoons and spinnerbaits) may not even resemble any prey in looks, and may require skilled rod movements to impart an enticing presentation to the target fish, for example in jigging and topwater fishing.  Some lures, such as the flies used in fly fishing, are ultralight and even require specialized gears and techniques to be cast properly.  In modern times, there are also lures that photically attract fish with LED illuminiation, as well as battery-powered "bionic" lures that are essentially primitive robot fish that can swim around without needing to be towed by a fishing line.

Techniques

Rod fishing
Almost all recreational angling activities involve the use of fishing rods, which is used to manipulate the movements of fishing lines and to allow farther casting of baits/lures. The main rod fishing techniques are float fishing, bottom fishing, lure fishing and trolling, while the former two are often collectively known as "bait fishing" due to the exclusive use of conventional edible baits.

Float fishing

Float fishing is the most common method of angling, defined by the use of a compact light buoy attached to fishing line – known as a float (or "bobber" in the United States) — as the bite indicator.  Due to buoyancy, the float remains at the water surface and suspends the baited hook at a predetermined depth.  It can also drift in the prevailing current and carry the hook to areas of water otherwise inaccessible by casting alone.  When the fish bites and swallows the hook, the float visually signals any forces exerted on the leader line below it, as the fisherman can then see it being pulled underwater and/or sideways.

Bottom fishing

Bottom fishing, also called legering in the United Kingdom, uses a weighted tackle called a sinker tied to the end of the fishing line to keep the baited hook close to the bottom of the water, to target groundfishes such as sucker, bream, catfish and crappie. The sinker can also be used to add momentum to the hook and help casting the line to a further distance. The method can be used both with handlining and rod fishing, and can be done both from boats and from the land. Specialized fishing rods called "donkas" are also commonly used for bottom fishing, and a quiver tip (sometimes coupled with a jingle bell) is used instead as the bite indicator.

Some sinkers are replaced by feeders, which is designed to contain and release groundbaits to help attract fish towards the hook.

Lure fishing

Lure fishing uses a type of artificial fake bait known as lure, which is usually made from inedible materials such as wood, metal and plastics.  Unlike conventional fishing baits, lures do not emit any scent and thus cannot attract fish olfactorily, but instead using prey-like appearances, movements, vibrations, bright reflections and flashy colors to attract and entice carnivorous predatory fish into mistakenly striking.  Many lures are equipped with more than one hooks to better the chance of anchoring into the fish's mouth, though some hookless lures are used to bait the fish nearer so it can be captured via other means such as spearing, netting/trapping or capturing by hand.  In addition to rod angling, handlining, longlining and commercial trolling also employ lure fishing.

Lure fishing is a popular style of recreational fishing. When fishing, a lure angler will repeatedly cast out the lure afar and then methodically retrieves the line, pulling the lure through the water and creating vibrations, turbulent splashes and/or a popping action in the process, which imitating a small aquatic prey such as a baitfish, a drowning insect or a frog.  A skilled angler can explore many possible hiding spots for fish through lure casting such as under logs and on flats.  No bite indicator is used, and when the lure catches the attention of a game fish and successfully results in biting/swallowing of the lure, the angler can detect it by watching for splashes and feeling any vibrations, rod bending and changes in line tension.  Lure fishing also typically uses relatively lightweight fishing rods coupled with baitcasting reels or spinning reels.

Depending on the style of lure retrieval, lure fishing can roughly be separated into power fishing, which relies on more frequent and vigorous lure retrievals to increase the chance of luring fish; and finesse fishing, which focuses on the more lingered and vivid lure presentation within each cast-retrieval cycle to better entice fish.

Rod trolling
Rod trolling is basically a simplified version of commercial trolling (see below), with fishing rods functioning as improvised outriggers to tow the baits/lures through the water, usually behind or beside a moving boat with the rod fixated to the gunwale. It can also be done by very slowly winding the line in (like "finesse"-type lure fishing) or even sweeping the line sideways, with the angler operating the rod from a static position (e.g. atop a jetty, pier or bridge).

A variation of trolling is drift fishing, which is usually done from an unpowered boat in faster-flowing waters. The line is not actively reeled, and the bait/lure is allowed to drift and react freely to the turbulences in the water current, much like how a tethered kite would behave in a wind gust.

Line fishing
Although all angling techniques use hook and line, the term "line fishing" specifically refers to those that do not involve using fishing rods.

Handlining

Handlining is angling with a handheld fishing line, baited with lures or bait fish just like normal rod angling. Handlining is the oldest angling technique used by mankind, and can be done from boats or from the shore. It is used mainly to catch groundfish and squid, but smaller pelagic fish can also be caught.

Deadlining
Deadlining is the practice of leaving a baited handline in the water (with the other end fastened to the bank) and returning later (usually overnight) to check and capture any tethered fish, similar to the use of a snare trap by hunters.

Longlining

Longlining is a commercial fishing technique that uses a long heavy line with a series of hundreds or even thousands of baited hooks hanging from the main line via branch lines called snoods. Longlines are usually operated from specialised boats called longliners, which use a special winch to haul in the line and can operate in deeper waters targeting pelagic species such as swordfish, tuna, halibut and sablefish.

Droplining

Droplining involves setting a longline vertically down into the water (instead of being more horizontally deployed like longlining) with a series of baited hooks. Droplines are weighted at the bottom and have a float at the top. They are not usually as long as longlines and have fewer hooks, and tend to be stationary.

Trotlining

Trotlining uses a longline that, instead of being tethered to the water surface only at one end, are fixed at/near the surface at both ends of the longline, with hooked snood lines hanging vertically down along the main line. Trotlines are used for catching crabs or fish (e.g. catfish), particularly across rivers. They can be physically set in many ways, such as tying each end to a fixed structure and span the line across the water in-between like a boom, and adjusting rest of the line with weights and floats.

Slabbing

Slabbing is a bass fishing technique that resembles jigging, and involves repetitively lifting and dropping a flat lure, usually made of 1 to 2.5 oz of lead painted to look like a baitfish (or heavy slabs of metal), through a school of actively feeding fish that the angler has located on a fishfinder. It is used on white and striped bass in the reservoirs of the southern US.

Trolling

Rodless trolling is typically used in commercial fishing, with one or more baited lines drawn through the water behind a slow moving fishing boat that is usually equipped with outriggers, downriggers and trolling motors. Trolling is used to catch economic pelagic fish such as mackerel and kingfish.

Pahila (literally meaning "pulled") is a Filipino traditional shoreline trolling, uniquely using baited hooks tied to a laterally flattened float called palyaw, which is shaped like a small outrigger boat, a catamaran or a fish. A longline is attached to the float, and set unto the water's edge and dragged by someone running or walking along the beach. The combination of the water resistance and the diagonal pull forces the float outwards into deeper waters, like a kite. Once the line reaches its maximum line length, it moves rapidly parallel to the person pulling it along the beach, and is pulled back to the shore intermittently to check for catches. It is also called , , , , hilada, or , among other names, in other Philippine languages.

Laws and regulations

Laws and regulations managing angling vary greatly, often regionally, within countries. These commonly include permits (licences), closed periods (seasons) where specific species are unavailable for harvest, restrictions on gear types, and quotas.

Laws generally prohibit catching fish with hooks other than in the mouth (i.e. snagging, or "foul hooking" and "jagging") or the use of nets and hand hooks other than as an aid in landing a captured fish. Some species, such as bait fish, may be taken with nets, and a few for food. Sometimes, non-sport fish are considered of lesser value and it may be permissible to take them by methods like snagging, bow and arrow or spearing, none of which fall under the definition of angling since they do not rely upon the use of a hook and line.

Fishing seasons

Fishing seasons are set by countries or localities to indicate what kinds of fish may be caught during sport fishing (also known as angling) for a certain period of time. Fishing seasons are enforced (usually by water police) to maintain ecological balance and to protect species of fish during their spawning period during which they are easier to catch and more physiologically vulnerable.

Slot limits

Slot limits prohibit the harvest of fish where the measured lengths (from the snout to the end of the tail fin) fall within a protected interval. These are put in action to help protect certain fish (usually juvenile) in a given area. They generally require anglers to release captured fish if they fall within a given size range, allowing anglers to keep only smaller (though rare) or larger fish. Slot limits vary from water to water depending on what local officials believe would produce the best outcome for managing fish populations.

Individual fishing quota (IFQ), also known as individual transferable quota (ITQ), is a kind of catch share that sets a species-specific total allowable catch (TAC), typically by weight and for a given time period. A dedicated portion of the TAC (called "quota share") is then allocated to individual fishermen, and can typically be transferable (i.e. bought, sold or leased). As of 2008, 148 major fisheries (generally, a single species in a single fishing ground) around the world had adopted some variant of this approach, along with approximately 100 smaller fisheries in individual countries. Approximately 10% of the marine harvest was managed by ITQs as of 2008. The first countries to adopt individual fishing quotas were the Netherlands, Iceland and Canada in the late 1970s, and the most recent is the United States Scallop General Category IFQ Program in 2010 The first country to adopt individual transferable quotas as a national policy was New Zealand in 1986.

Minimum landing size

The minimum landing size (MLS) is the smallest fish measurement at which it is legal for the fisherman to keep a captured fish. The MLS depends on the species of fish, and allowed sizes also vary around the world, as they are legal definitions which are defined by the local regulatory authority.

The idea behind this limitation is that only the older, more mature adult fish get taken, leaving growing juveniles behind to continue breeding and propagating their species. There is some criticism of this legal requirement, however, as it applies artificial selection pressure to the fish population (see Fisheries-induced evolution) unless the anglers voluntarily practise catch and release indiscriminate of sizes. As larger fish (whose survival has been more successful so far) get taken out of the population, the genes for larger size are reduced or removed from the gene pool, while fish that mature at a smaller size survive longer to continue breeding, and the average size of fish stock shrinks over time. This has led to a collapse in the amount of catchable fish in some fisheries.

Catch and release

Although most anglers keep their catch for consumption, catch and release fishing is increasingly practiced, especially by fly anglers. The general principle is that releasing fish allows them to survive, thus avoiding unintended depletion of the population. For species such as marlin, muskellunge, and bass, there is a cultural taboo among anglers against taking them for food. In many parts of the world, size limits apply to certain species, meaning fish below a certain size must, by law, be released. It is generally believed that larger fish have a greater breeding potential. Some fisheries have a slot limit that allows the taking of smaller and larger fish, but requiring that intermediate sized fish be released. It is generally accepted that this management approach will help the fishery create a number of large, trophy-sized fish.  In smaller fisheries that are heavily fished, catch and release is the only way to ensure that catchable fish will be available from year to year.
The practice of catch and release is criticised by some who consider it unethical to inflict pain upon a fish for purposes of sport. Some of those who object to releasing fish do not object to killing fish for food. Adherents of catch and release dispute this charge, pointing out that fish commonly feed on hard and spiky prey items, and as such can be expected to have tough mouths, and also that some fish will re-take a lure they have just been hooked on, a behaviour that is unlikely if hooking were painful. Opponents of catch and release fishing would find it preferable to ban or to severely restrict angling. On the other hand, proponents state that catch-and-release is necessary for many fisheries to remain sustainable, is a practice that generally has high survival rates, and consider the banning of angling as not reasonable or necessary.

In some jurisdictions, in the Canadian province of Manitoba, for example, catch and release is mandatory for some species such as brook trout. Many of the jurisdictions which mandate the live release of sport fish also require the use of artificial lures and barbless hooks to minimise the chance of injury to fish. Mandatory catch and release also exists in the Republic of Ireland where it was introduced as a conservation measure to prevent the decline of Atlantic salmon stocks on some rivers. In Switzerland, catch and release fishing is considered inhumane and was banned in September 2008.

Barbless hooks, which can be created from a standard hook by removing the barb with pliers or can be bought, are sometimes resisted by anglers because they believe that increased fish escapes. Barbless hooks reduce handling time, thereby increasing survival.  Concentrating on keeping the line taut while fighting fish, using recurved point or "triple grip" style hooks on lures, and equipping lures that do not have them with split rings can significantly reduce escapement.

Tournaments and derbies

Sometimes considered within the broad category of angling is where contestants compete for prizes based on the total length or weight of a fish, usually of a pre-determined species, caught within a specified time (fishing tournaments). Such contests have evolved from local fishing contests into large competitive circuits, where professional anglers are supported by commercial endorsements. Professional anglers are not engaged in commercial fishing, even though they gain an economic reward. Similar competitive fishing exists at the amateur level with fishing derbies. In general, derbies are distinguished from tournaments; derbies normally require fish to be killed. Tournaments normally deduct points if fish can not be released alive.

Motivation
A ten-year-long survey of US fishing club members, completed in 1997, indicated that motivations for recreational angling have shifted from personal leisure, outdoor exercise, experiencing nature and thrill of the catch, to the importance of family time and social bonding via recreational fishing. Anglers with higher family incomes went fishing more frequently and were less concerned about obtaining fish as food.

A German study indicated that satisfaction derived from angling was not dependent on the actual catch, but depended more on the angler's expectations of the experience.

A 2006 study by the Louisiana Department of Wildlife and Fisheries tracked the motivations of anglers on the Red River. Among the most often stated responses were the fun of catching fish, the experience, to catch a lot of fish or a very large fish, for challenge, and adventure. Use as food was not investigated as a motive.

See also

Artisanal fishing
Bamboo fly rods
Bibliography of fly fishing
Fishing
Gaff
Piscatorial Society
Recreational fishing
Rock fishing
Tailrace fishing
Trolling (fishing)
Trout worms

References

External links

Project Gutenberg: The Compleat Angler
How to fish taken from the Boy's Own Book of Outdoor Sports (early 1900s)
Carp Fishing Information

Recreational fishing

eo:Fiŝhokado

Angling


Latigo was a comic strip written and drawn by cartoonist Stan Lynde, who also created the Rick O'Shay comic strip. After a dispute over the ownership of Rick O'Shay with the Chicago Tribune Syndicate, Lynde left and went to Field Enterprises to launch Latigo.

Latigo began on Sunday, June 24, 1979. The daily strip ended on May 7, 1983, followed by the last Sunday strip a month later, on June 5.

Characters and story
Set in the old West, it told the adventures of Cole Cantrell, aka "Two Trails". His father was a mountain man and his mother a Crow Indian. After serving in the Union Army during the Civil War, Latigo returned to the West and became a Federal marshal. Comics historian Don Markstein detailed the strip's background and characters:
{{quote|The star was Cole Cantrell, nicknamed "Latigo" (after a saddle part). Cantrell was a veteran of the Union army, in contrast to his friend, Duke Sateen, who had fought for the Confederacy. He was raised among Crow Indians, where his name was the Crow equivalent of Two Trails. He had long-standing, unspecified "issues" with a railroad outfit called the Python Corporation and its ruthless CEO, Claudius Max, and clashed directly with them several times. He was an extremely good fighter, with either his fists or a gun, but tended to avoid fighting when he could. Latigo'''s daily strips were taken up with fairly serious continuing stories, though not without an element of humor. In the Sunday strips, which told self-contained stories, the humor was a bit more pronounced, but seldom predominated. Sober or funny, the series always represented Lynde's personal philosophy, which was strongly linked to a gentle style of Christianity—gentle not in the sense that he was shy about asserting it, but that unlike some strongly religious people, he never denigrated the beliefs of others. The Latigo series wasn't nearly as successful as Rick O'Shay, and lasted less than four years.}}

Books, reprints, and spinoffs
The Latigo daily strips have all been reprinted in three volumes from Cottonwood Publishing.Comics Revue is reprinting the Latigo Sunday strips in color, starting in issue #300 (April 2011).

Dean Owen, Western writer, wrote three novels starring Latigo with Stan Lynde's permission.  They were Latigo: Trackdown, Latigo #2: Vengeance Trail, and Latigo #3: Dead Shot''.

References

American comic strips
Comics characters introduced in 1979
Western (genre) comics characters
1979 comics debuts
1983 comics endings
Western (genre) comics
Western (genre) peace officers

Latigo (comic strip)


Diamphidia nigroornata or Bushman arrow-poison beetle, is an African leaf beetle species in the genus Diamphidia.

The larvae and pupae of Diamphidia produce a toxin used by San people as an arrow poison.
The Finnish explorer Hendrik Jacob Wikar, who travelled in Southern Africa in 1773–1779, described the larvae as "poisonous worms". Hans Schinz was the first scientist to document the process by which the San people extract and use the poison.

The adults and larvae of Diamphidia nigroornata feed on Commiphora angolensis.

Life cycle

Adult females of Diamphidia nigroornata lay their eggs on the stems of Commiphora species and coat the eggs with their faeces which harden into a protective covering. As the larval instars develop, the pellets of their own faeces remain attached to their backs and posteriors. The final instar sheds this faecal coat when entering the soil to pupate. The Diamphidia larvae burrow down for a depth of up to 1 metre in the sand under the food plant, where they may lie dormant for several years before going through a very rapid pupal phase.

Toxin
Diamphotoxin, the poisonous compound in Diamphidia, is highly labile, and has a low molecular weight. It is bound to a protein that protects it from deactivation. It causes an increased permeability of cell membranes, which, while not affecting normal ionic flow between cells, allows easy access to all small ions, thereby fatally disrupting normal cellular ionic levels. Although it has no neurotoxic effect, it produces a lethal haemolytic effect, and may reduce haemoglobin levels by as much as 75%, leading to haemoglobinuria.

Parasite host
Diamphidia is parasitised by a carabid Lebistina beetle, the larva of which attaches itself to a mature Diamphidia larva, clinging to it until the Diamphidia has formed its cocoon, enclosing both host and parasite, and then feeding on its host's soft tissue. The Lebistina larvae are more toxic than their hosts and are preferred by San hunters for arrow poison.

Gallery

References

External links

Beetles of Africa
Alticini
Poisonous animals
Beetles described in 1858
Taxa named by Carl Stål

Diamphidia nigroornata


Saliamonas Banaitis (; 15 July 1866 – 4 May 1933) was a Lithuanian printer, politician, and businessman. He was one of the twenty signatories of the Act of Independence of Lithuania in 1918.

Early death of his father and brother forced Banaitis to quit school in order to work at his family's farm. Despite lack of higher education, he joined Lithuanian cultural life – smuggled banned Lithuanian press, assisted Vincas Kudirka with the publication of Lithuanian-language newspapers Varpas and Ūkininkas, participated in the Great Seimas of Vilnius. In 1905, he moved to Kaunas and established the first Lithuanian printing press in the city. In close cooperation with the Society of Saint Casimir, his press published almost 400 books and ten periodicals. He founded a credit union in 1911.

Banaitis was particularly active during World War I. He established the first Lithuanian gymnasium as well as 12 primary schools in Kaunas, organized an ensemble of kanklės players, prepared and published a political proposal for a future Lithuanian state along the historical traditions of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania. In 1917, he attended Vilnius Conference and was elected to the 20-member Council of Lithuania. On 16 February 1918, he was the second (after Jonas Basanavičius) to sign the Act of Independence of Lithuania. At the outbreak of the Lithuanian Wars of Independence, he recruited men to join the newly formed Lithuanian Army.

In independent Lithuania, Banaitis was one of the founders of the right-wing Economic and Political Union of Lithuanian Farmers and editor of its newspaper Žemdirbių balsas (Voice of Farmers). The union failed to win seats in the parliamentary elections and merged with the Party of National Progress to form the Lithuanian Nationalist Union in 1924. In 1918, Banaitis was one of the founders and council member of the Trade and Industry Bank. Due to mismanagement, the bank went bankrupt in 1927. He was also co-founder and vice-chairman of the Lithuanian Steamship Corporation. His last project, the construction of the Kaunas bus station, was completed already after his death.

Early life and education
Banaitis was born in , Šakiai District, Augustów Governorate, Congress Poland. On his mother's side, his ancestors had French roots and lived in East Prussia until 1830. His mother participated in the Uprising of 1863. His father was a Lithuanian farmer; he died when Banaitis was three years old. He attended a primary school in Sintautai for three years. In 1879, he enrolled into the Marijampolė Gymnasium. His classmate was Kazys Grinius, future President of Lithuania. His tutor for the gymnasium entrance examinations was priest  who introduced Banaitis to the banned Lithuanian press. In 1883, Banaitis was forced to quit school when his brother died and his mother needed help at the  farm. Banaitis never finished his education and was the only of the twenty signatories without tertiary education.

Despite the circumstances, Banaitis did not limit himself to farming. He began smuggling Lithuanian books that were banned by the Tsarist authorities and successfully evaded the police. Together with a partner, who had returned from United States, he established shops in Sintautai, Griškabūdis, Lukšiai. In 1886, he got acquainted with Martynas Jankus and joined the cultural Birutė Society. At least four Lithuanians got a job at Jankus' press with Banaitis' recommendations. His farm became known as a center of Lithuanian culture. Vincas Kudirka visited it in summer 1888 and Juozas Adomaitis-Šernas lived there in spring 1889 hiding from the German police. In 1890, when Kudirka became ill, Banaitis wanted to take over the publication of the monthly Lithuanian-language newspapers Varpas and Ūkininkas, but due to disagreements between Kudirka and Jankus, the newspapers were left in the care of doctor .

In 1890, Banaitis married Marijona, sister of priest Justinas Pranaitis and organist . They had five children, one daughter and four sons. Son Kazimieras Viktoras Banaitis (1896–1963) studied at the Leipzig Conservatory and became a known composer. Son Bronius (1898–1967) studied at the Technische Universität Darmstadt and became an engineer. Son Vytautas (1900–1980), educated at the Wharton School of the University of Pennsylvania, was the only member of the family to remain in Lithuania after the Soviet occupation of Lithuania in 1940.

In 1900–1902, Banaitis attended bookkeeping courses in Saint Petersburg. After the graduation, he was offered a government job in the Vyatka Governorate, but refused. Upon return to Lithuania, he spent two years trying to establish a modern dairy. He bought equipment in Warsaw from Jonas Smilgevičius and attempted to produce butter and cheese, but other farmers did not support the effort and the enterprise failed. He attended the Great Seimas of Vilnius in December 1905, but was not very active in its proceedings.

Owner of a printing press

When the Lithuanian press ban was lifted, he petitioned the Ministry of National Education for a permit to open a Lithuanian press in Kaunas. The permit was received but the authorities demanded to print pro-Russian newspaper Lietuvos balsas (Voice of Lithuania). The first issue was published on 19 January 1906, but perhaps due to sabotage by Banaitis, the newspaper was discontinued after 32 issues. The beginnings were difficult – there was a lack of equipment (the first acquisition was a hand-powered Koenig & Bauer press) and of qualified personnel. To obtain enough funds, Banaitis mortgaged his farm in Vaitiekupiai. By 1914, the press grew to 30 employees and four printing presses. But due to lack of quality equipment and typeset, the publications were of low polygraphic quality.

Banaitis press closely cooperated with the Society of Saint Casimir. The major project was the publication of the full Bible translation into Lithuanian by Juozapas Skvireckas from the Vulgate. The first sections of the New Testament (the four gospels and Acts of the Apostles) were published already in 1906. In total, six volumes were published in 1911–1937 – the first two volumes were published under Banaitis' ownership. In 1907, he published his own translation of seven Japanese fairy tales from Russian to address the public interest in Japan in the wake of the Russo-Japanese War. In ten years, the press published about 300 books with a combined circulation of 1.3 million. Some of these were small cheap booklets printed in thousands of copies, such as a 13-page booklet on good confession (50,000 copies sold for three kopeykas each) in 1905 and a farmer's calendar (75,000 copies sold for three kopeykas each) in 1910. In total, between 1905 and 1918, the press published 358 Lithuanian, 34 Russian, five Polish, and one Latin book. The press also printed Lithuanian newspapers Garnys, Viensėdis and magazines Ateitis, Bažnytinė apžvalga, Draugija, Lietuvaitė, Lietuvos mokykla, Nedėldienio skaitymas, Vienybė.

During World War I, Banaitis did not evacuate to Russia and continued to work in Kaunas. When Germans captured Kaunas in summer 1915, Banaitis published newspaper Kauno žinios (Kaunas News). It was a brief newsletter-type publication on the developments in the front and in the city. Banaitis wanted to publish it only in Lithuanian, but Ober Ost officials insisted on translating it to German and Polish. The newspaper was discontinued by the end of 1915. Banaitis wanted to publish other Lithuanian periodicals, but did not get a permit from the German authorities. Banaitis then secretly printed an anti-German proclamation. When it was discovered by the Germans, two employees were arrested and imprisoned. Banaitis managed to secure their release in two months. On 1 November 1918, Banaitis sold his press for 25,000 Rbls to the Society of Saint Casimir.

During World War I

Cultural and educational activities
Back in 1904, Banaitis joined the Daina Society which organized music and theater performances. In 1915, Banaitis organized Kaunas chapter of the Lithuanian Society for the Relief of War Sufferers and became its vice-chairman. In early September 1915, Banaitis managed to obtain a permit for a Lithuanian gymnasium (present-day Aušra Gymnasium). With financial help from the Lithuanian Society and resources of the educational Saulė Society, Banaitis organized the new school – located the premises, obtained supplies, and recruited students and teachers. The school opened by the end of 1915 with about 60 students. Banaitis' son Bronius was among its students and graduated in spring 1919 while another son Kazimieras Viktoras was one of the first teachers. Saulė Society soon took over the school administration. Banaitis further established 12 elementary schools and was their inspector. In late 1915, he also organized bookkeeping courses. He and four others taught 20 students for four months.

In winter 1915, the press was mostly idle as few orders came due to war. Banaitis decided to hire Pranas Puskunigis, a known kanklės player from , to establish and lead a kanklės ensemble from his press workers. The ensemble began giving performances in late 1915. Accompanied by a student choir from the Saulė Gymnasium (led by Banaitis' son and future composer Kazimieras Viktoras), the ensemble organized a concert at the Kaunas City Theater on 5 January 1916. The ensemble was also invited to perform in Königsberg. When the society of kanklės players was organized in 1925, both Puskunigis and Banaitis were among the co-founders.

Political activities
On 15 December 1915, 800 copies of a proclamation authored by Banaitis, Jonas Kriaučiūnas, Adomas Jakštas, and others was printed at the Banaitis press. It was a proposal for a constitution of a future Lithuanian state. The proclamation envisioned a Lithuanian–Belarusian–Latvian confederation along the historical traditions of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania ruled by a Grand Duke and two-chamber parliament. The project guaranteed democratic freedoms and human rights, such as universal voting rights, freedom of religion, freedom of speech, freedom of the press, and freedom of association. However, it did not attract greater interest.

In September 1917, as a member of the Lithuanian Christian Democratic Party, Banaitis attended Vilnius Conference and was elected to the 20-member Council of Lithuania. Since he was based in Kaunas and the council was based in Vilnius, he was not among the most active or influential members of the council. On 15 January 1918, Banaitis was appointed to a three-member commission to initiate the creation of Lithuanian police and military, but the German administration would not allow it. When the council debated whether Lithuania should be a constitutional monarchy or a democratic republic, Banaitis supported monarchy. On 16 February 1918, he was the second (after Jonas Basanavičius) to sign the Act of Independence of Lithuania. When Germany signed the Armistice of 11 November 1918 and Soviet Russia began its westward offensive starting the Lithuanian–Soviet War, Banaitis was active in organizing the Lithuanian Army. His goal was to recruit 2,000 volunteers in Kaunas. For a few months in 1919, he served as a governor of Šakiai district. During that time he organized local administration and recruited 120 men for the Lithuanian Army. His four sons also became army volunteers.

Post-independence

Political and editorial activities
Banaitis founded and became vice-chairman of the Economic and Political Union of Lithuanian Farmers (). Its founding meeting took place on 28 April 1919. It was a right-wing political party that sympathized and eventually merged with the Party of National Progress to form the Lithuanian Nationalist Union. In May 1919, it briefly discussed a possible merger with the Farmers' Association. In October 1919, Banaitis began editing and publishing party's newspaper Žemdirbių balsas (Voice of Farmers). In his native Vaitiekupiai and nearby Sintautai, he established a milk separating and grain cleaning points.

Banaitis, as a candidate of the union, participated in the April 1920 elections to the Constituent Assembly of Lithuania, but the union failed to win any seats. Due to the poor election results, the publication of Žemdirbių balsas ceased between May 1920 and January 1921, and between February 1921 and January 1922. When the publication resumed, Banaitis used the newspaper to advocate against monopoly (particularly for linen production), explain benefits of property insurance, promote the idea of a Farmer's Bank, and agitate against the ruling parties. After the Union of Lithuanian Farmers failed to win any seats in the October 1922 elections, the newspaper was discontinued on 5 February 1923. Next year, the party merged into the Lithuanian Nationalist Union.

Banaitis returned to publishing in February 1928 when he established weekly newspaper Tautos kelias (Path of the Nation). The newspaper supported the coup d'état of December 1926 that brought the Lithuanian Nationalist Union and President Antanas Smetona to power. However, Banaitis soon lost editorial control to supporters of Prime Minister Augustinas Voldemaras. In June 1928, Banaitis resigned as editor in favor of Algirdas Sliesoraitis, one of the founders of the Iron Wolf organization.

Business ventures
Already in October 1911, Banaitis and lawyer Antanas Petraitis established a small Lithuanian credit union. The number of union members grew from 70 to 429 in January 1915. By the time it was liquidated due to World War I, its balance was 554,000 Rbls. In early 1918, the Council of Lithuania discussed the need for a Lithuanian bank. Banaitis, , , and others established the Trade and Industry Bank, which was approved in December 1918 becoming the first Lithuanian bank. Banaitis was elected to its council and obtained 300,000 German marks to purchase weapons and ammunition for the Lithuanian Army from the Germans. Initially, the bank was successful and raised substantial capital from the Lithuanian government, prominent Lithuanians, and Lithuanian Americans. However, due to the hyperinflation of the German mark, mishandled transition to the Lithuanian litas, and general mismanagement, the bank suffered major financial losses. In September 1927, Banaitis, on behalf of the board, officially declared the bank bankrupt.

In February 1919, the first Lithuanian Shipping Company () was organized by 19 Lithuanians to provide passenger and cargo transportation via the Neman and other rivers in Lithuania. It was later known as the Lithuanian Steamship Corporation (). It was chaired by Martynas Yčas and Banaitis was vice-chairman. In March 1920, the company received the first motorized sea ships Jūratė and Kastytis (named after the fairy tale Jūratė and Kastytis) produced by the Friedrich Krupp Germaniawerft. However, cargo transportation around the Baltic Sea was not profitable. Kastytis sank in 1925, and Jūratė was sold in 1926. The river transport was more profitable. The company had several steamships, including Rambynas (built in 1912 in Kiev, capacity 800 passengers), Reinholdas (built in 1912 in Elbing, capacity 320 passengers), Eglė (built in 1883 in Germany, capacity 255 passengers), Gulbė.

In 1927, Banaitis decided to expand on the shipping business to the Lithuanians emigrants headed towards the South America. He applied for a permit to establish a bureau of the Hamburg Südamerikanische Dampfschifffahrts-Gesellschaft, but due to financial difficulties it was approved only in June 1928. A year later, it changed the name to Amerika and represented  operating from Antwerp. In 1930, due to the Great Depression, Lloyd Royal Belge experienced financial difficulties and was acquired by Compagnie Maritime Belge. The Lithuanian government ordered Banaitis to find a different ship owner to represent and, when he failed to do so, terminated the permit for Amerika in March 1931.

Last years
In 1927, Banaitis became a free non-matriculated student at the Law Faculty of the University of Lithuania. He attended the courses for a year. On 15 May 1928, for contributions to the Lithuanian state, he was awarded the 4th class of the Order of the Lithuanian Grand Duke Gediminas. In the last years, Banaitis worked as the director of the bus station in Kaunas. Appointed in early 1932 as the station director, he worked to relocate the station to a more convenient location. He was instrumental in purchasing the plot of land next to the Kaunas railway station and starting the construction. The new station was opened in 1935.

Banaitis suffered bleeding from a stomach ulcer and died on 4 May 1933 in Kaunas. His funeral was attended by many dignitaries. Fellow signatories of the Act of Independence Antanas Smetona and Pranas Dovydaitis delivered public speeches. He was buried in the old Kaunas cemetery and reburied in the Petrašiūnai Cemetery when the old cemetery was converted into the present-day Ramybė Park. Banaitis left debts that he used to finance his business ventures. Family members had to raise funds to save the mortgaged farm in Vaitiekupiai from being auctioned off by a bank. The farm burned down in 1941; its remnants were destroyed by the authorities of the Lithuanian SSR – stones of the foundations were used to pave roads.

References
In-line notes

Bibliography

1866 births
1933 deaths
People from Šakiai District Municipality
Politicians from Kaunas
Lithuanian bankers
Lithuanian publishers (people)
Lithuanian book smugglers
Lithuanian newspaper editors
Members of the Council of Lithuania
20th-century Lithuanian educators
19th-century Lithuanian educators
Officer's Crosses of the Order of the Lithuanian Grand Duke Gediminas
Lithuanian independence activists
Burials at Petrašiūnai Cemetery
Businesspeople from Kaunas

Saliamonas Banaitis


Maria Alicia Austria-Martinez (born Maria Alicia Austria; December 19, 1940) is a Filipino jurist who served as an associate justice of the Supreme Court of the Philippines from 2002 to 2009. She was appointed to the Court by President Gloria Macapagal Arroyo on April 12, 2002.

Profile
Austria-Martinez started working in the government as a clerk in the Office of the Insurance Commissioner (February 1962 - December 1962). Later, she became Legal Officer I in the same Office (January 1963 - October 1964).

Her brief stint in the Office of the Insurance Commissioner was cut short when she became a legal researcher in the Court of First Instance of Rizal (October 1964 - July 1969), thus, starting her long and illustrious career in the judiciary. From being a researcher, she gradually worked her way up in the ladder of judicial hierarchy and, in the process, held various positions such as Attorney Researcher (July 1969 - December 1975), Senior Attorney (January 1976 - October 20, 1976), and eventually Division Clerk of Court of the Court of Appeals (October 21, 1976 - January 17, 1983).

On January 18, 1983, she was appointed as the Presiding Judge of the Regional Trial Court (Branch XXXVI) of Calamba, Laguna. On November 4, 1986, she became the Presiding Judge of the Regional Trial Court (Branch CLIX) of Pasig. From 1990 to 1992, she concurrently held the position of Executive Judge of the Regional Trial Court of Pasig. She also served in different capacities as an officer of the Philippines Judges' Association and the Philippine Women Judges' Association from 1987 to 1992.

On March 5, 1992, she went back to the Court of Appeals, this time as an associate justice. She served in this capacity until July 27, 2001, when she was appointed as the presiding justice of the Court of Appeals. However, her occupation of the Office of the presiding justice proved to be short-lived because on April 9, 2002, she was named associate justice of the High Tribunal.

Her curriculum vitae includes: Examiner in Commercial Law in the 1994 Bar Examinations and Examiner in Remedial Law in the 2000 Bar Examinations; member of the Supreme Court's Committee on Formulation of Rules of Procedure in Family Courts which includes the drafting of the Rules on Examination of a Child Witness, on Domestic Adoption, on Commitment of Children, and on Annulment and Declaration of Nullity of Marriage; lecturer and resource person in various programs and seminars conducted under the auspices of the Supreme Court, the Philippine Judicial Academy and the U.P. Law Center.

Austria-Martinez graduated from the University of the Philippines in 1962, earning the degree of Bachelor Laws (LLB). She passed the Bar Examinations given in 1962. She also obtained a master's degree in National Security Administration in 1980 from the National Defense College of the Philippines where she eventually became the Chairman of the Panel of Examiners for Oral Defense in 1987, 1988 and 1991. She also served as a member of the Board of Admission in the same College deom 1991–1993. Austria-Martinez also attended the 31st Program of Instruction for Lawyers held at the Harvard Law School in Cambridge, Massachusetts in 1999.

Resignation
On September, 2008, Austria-Martinez, citing health reasons, filed a letter to the Supreme Court of the Philippines through Reynato Puno, tendering her resignation effective April 30, 2009, or 15 months before her compulsory retirement on December 19, 2010. In the October 1 Judicial and Bar Council's en banc deliberations, Reynato Puno ruled: "The court merely noted it. We don't have to approve it... it is her right." During the JBC hearing, a JBC member said "Austria-Martinez had wanted to retire earlier because of health reasons. We were told she had health problems even when she was in the CA." Retired Chief Justice of the Supreme Court of the Philippines Artemio Panganiban stated: "I am saddened that Justice Ma. Alicia Austria-Martinez has opted to retire early from the Supreme Court due to 'health reasons.' She is not bedridden. Neither is she physically or mentally incapacitated, but she has chosen to retire on April 30, 2009 because she felt she could no longer cope with the heavy caseload." The 1987 Constitution of the Philippines provides that: "Section 11, Article VIII. The Members of the Supreme Court xxx shall hold office during good behavior until they reach the age of seventy years or become incapacitated to discharge the duties of their office."

Family
Born as Ma. Alicia Austria in Manila on December 19, 1940, Austria-Martinez was introduced early to the intricacies of the law. Both her parents were lawyers. Her father, Retired Colonel Benjamin A. Austria, served in the Philippine Air Force while her mother, Remedios M. Austria, was a Doctor of Civil Law and served as a consultant in the Graduate School of the University of Santo Tomas (UST). Austria-Martinez is the widow of Daniel T. Martinez who once served as the Clerk of Court of the Supreme Court. Austria-Martinez has two sons.

Other work
Austria-Martinez also served as dean of Adamson University College of Law from 2012 to 2015.

Some notable opinions
 Macalintal v. COMELEC (2003) — on constitutionality of the Overseas Absentee Voting Act
 Tecson v. COMELEC (2004) - Separate Opinion — on the nationality of presidential candidate Fernando Poe Jr.
 Honasan v. Panel of Investigators (2004) — on authority of the Department of Justice to conduct preliminary investigations on a Senator charged with the crime of coup d'état.
 Freedom from Debt Coalition v. MERALCO (2004) - Concurring and Dissenting —  on the requisite of notice prior to approval of electricity rate increases.
 ETPI v. ICC (2004) — on the power grant of provisional authorities by the government to operate telecommunications services.
 People v. Tomaquin (2004) — on admissibility in evidence of extrajudicial confession executed with assistance of a barangay captain/lawyer.
 Olivares v. Marquez (2004) — on procedure for challenging municipal tax assessments.
 Tolentino v. Mendoza (2004) —  on admissibility in evidence of confidential birth records
 ABAKADA v. Ermita (2005) — on constitutionality of 2005 Expanded Value Added Tax Law

References

External links
 Justice Alicia Austria-Martinez (Official Supreme Court Webpage)

1940 births
Living people
Harvard Law School alumni
20th-century Filipino judges
21st-century Filipino judges
Lawyers from Manila
Associate Justices of the Supreme Court of the Philippines
University of the Philippines alumni
Justices of the Court of Appeals of the Philippines
Filipino women judges
Presiding Justices of the Court of Appeals of the Philippines
21st-century women judges
20th-century women judges

Alicia Austria-Martinez


Telepsychiatry or telemental health refers to the use of telecommunications technology (mostly videoconferencing and phone calls) to deliver psychiatric care remotely for people with mental health conditions. It is a branch of telemedicine.

Telepsychiatry can be effective in treating people with mental health conditions. In the short-term it can be as acceptable and effective as face-to-face care.

It can improve access to mental health services for some but might also represent a barrier for those lacking access to a suitable device, the internet or the necessary digital skills. Factors such as poverty that are associated with lack of internet access are also associated with greater risk of mental health problems, making digital exclusion an important problem of telemental health services.

During the COVID-19 pandemic mental health services were adapted to telemental health in high-income countries. It proved effective and acceptable for use in an emergency situation but there were concerns regarding its long-term implementation.

Definition
Telepsychiatry or telemental health means the use of telecommunications (videoconferencing, voice call, text messages) to provide mental health services from a distance. This can include a wide range of services from different forms of traditional therapy (individual, group, family) to psychiatric evaluations and managing medications. Telemental health is a branch of telemedicine which is the process of using telecommunications technology to deliver medical services.

Effectiveness
Telemental health services can be effective in improving symptoms and quality of life among people with mental health disorders. People who choose to receive services in this way, or for whom it would otherwise be difficult to receive care, tend to view these services positively as it improves their access to mental health care. Compared to face-to-face care, telemental health services delivered via video-call can be as acceptable and effective in the short term as the former, and are sometimes reported to result in lower rates of missed appointments.

Telepsychiatry is most successful when it is provided in a personalised and flexible way. Taking individual preferences into account regarding whether service users wish to receive care remotely, and if so whether by video or phone call results in a more acceptable and effective service. These preferences may change over time and vary from appointment to appointment, so revisiting them regularly is also necessary.

Benefits and limitations
Rural communities, people with physical disabilities may benefit from telemental health, as it reduces the need to travel (which can be difficult or costly in terms of time and money) and arrange and pay for child care.

For individuals with mental health problems which affect their ability and/or willingness to travel and meet clinicians face-to-face, telemental health can be an appropriate solution. It also offers a way to receive care for people reluctant to visit stigmatised places like those offering mental health care. Conversely, telemental health may exacerbate some mental health symptoms, such as paranoia and anxiety, and therefore may not be suitable for everyone.

Digital exclusion is a key concern for the use of telemental health. For already disadvantaged groups the widespread application of an online-first approach could exacerbate health inequalities. For example, mental health service users may lack access to an appropriate device or the internet. This may affect many groups of service users, including homeless people, people in inpatient wards, older adults, individuals with dementia, young children, people living in poverty, refugees, Travellers, among many others. Some people may also not have the ability, knowledge and confidence to use technology to connect online. Service users might also lack private space or find participating in sometimes intimate and distressing discussions from home intrusive. Other barriers include difficulty in establishing and maintaining therapeutic relationships and in conducting high-quality assessments. The user-friendliness of the digital platform is also an important factor in how inclusive a telemental health service is. When video calls are not acceptable or feasible phone calls or text messaging may be options but tend to result in more limited conversations and briefer interactions.

The use of video calls often results in a change in visual and auditory cues, which can be disruptive for service users (especially those engaging with mental health care for the first time) and staff. There are ways to improve the therapeutic quality when using telemental health, for example, setting up cameras at an appropriate angle and height, and using a high speed internet connection at both ends, to reduce the likelihood of video glitches or audio lags.

Providing mental health care via video calls is largely seen as beneficial among mental health staff, due to its ability to improve access to care and increase efficiency of services. When training, technical support, clear guidelines and a good digital infrastructure are available, clinicians can find telemental health useful and easy to engage with. However, when training and technical support is unavailable, it can represent a challenge and concern to staff. In addition, some mental health staff express concerns regarding safety, security, liability, and confidentiality when using video calls to provide mental health care.

Optimizing the implementation of telemental health can be achieved by using guidelines and strategies that are created together (co-produced) with service users and staff.

Sub-specialties
Telepsychiatry includes a variety of sub-specialties based on different contexts of service delivery.

Home-based telepsychiatry
Psychiatric support of people who are at home or in another private setting is called home-based telepsychiatry or direct-to-consumer telepsychiatry, and it can be delivered with only a webcam and high-speed internet service. The growth in home-based telepsychiatry is attributed to a shortage of psychiatrists and the ability to reach people in rural areas. The telepsychiatrist, collaboratively with service users,  needs to consider several factors before starting treatment. They must receive informed consent and guarantee that the use of telepsychiatry is safe for the patient, use secure videoconferencing platforms in order to protect the patient's privacy and provide the same standard of care as in a traditional office. Telepsychiatry produces similar treatment outcomes and has similar reliability of diagnosis compared to face-to-face therapy. Patient satisfaction with telepsychiatry is generally high, although providers report lower levels of satisfaction than patients. Despite a higher up-front cost, telepsychiatry is more cost-effective in the long run due to savings in travel expenses. At the same time patients may lack access to privacy in their homes to attend telepsychiatry appointments.

Forensic telepsychiatry
Forensic telepsychiatry is the use of a remote psychiatrist or nurse practitioner for psychiatry in a prison or correctional facility, including psychiatric assessment, medication consultation, suicide watch, pre-parole evaluations and more. Telepsychiatry can deliver significant cost savings to correctional facilities by eliminating the need for prisoners to be escorted to off-site appointments and psychiatric interventions.

On-demand telepsychiatry
As of 2008, guidelines are being developed for the provision of telepsychiatric consultation for emergency psychiatric patients, such as the evaluation of people who are distressed and feeling suicidal, depressed, manic, or experience psychosis, acute anxiety patients. However, emergency telepsychiatry services are already being provided to hospital emergency departments, jails, community mental health centers, substance abuse treatment facilities, and schools. Emergency telepsychiatry can ease staff shortages in overworked hospital emergency departments and increase the number of people with mental health conditions who can receive care. Rather than employ expensive, short-term locum tenens doctors or have emergency department physicians evaluate the psychiatric stability of their patients, hospitals can use telepsychiatry to decrease costs and increase patient access to behavioral health evaluations by psychiatric specialists.

Crisis telepsychiatry is also an efficient means of reducing the need for psychiatric boarding. Psychiatric boarding is when someone is detained, often in a hospital emergency department, while waiting for proper psychiatric treatment. With the increased throughput offered by telepsychiatry, psychiatric consumers enjoy reduced wait times and faster access to care.

Scheduled telepsychiatry
Many facilities that offer behavioral health care are turning to telepsychiatry providers to allow for an increased care capacity. With routine telepsychiatry, a consistent provider or small group of providers serve a regular caseload of service users in previously scheduled blocks of time. Remote providers can be consulted for medication management, treatment team meetings, supervision, or to offer traditional psychiatric assessment and consultations.

Having access to remote providers allows facilities, especially those in rural areas that struggle to recruit and maintain providers, access to a greater variety of speciality care to offer their service users. For example behavioural therapy is an effective treatment for tics in children but many can not access this service due to a lack of professionals. Offering an online, self-guided but therapist-supported intervention can be effective in reducing tics and could allow more people to receive care.

Telepsychiatry around the world

In the United States
One of the drivers behind telepsychiatry's growth in the United States has been a national shortage of psychiatrists, particularly in specialty areas such as child and adolescent psychiatry. Telepsychiatry can allow fewer doctors to serve more patients by improving utilization of the psychiatrist's time. The most common means of insurance coverage for telehealth services among the United States is to incorporate coverage into the Medicare program. Reimbursement for Medicare-covered services must satisfy federal requirements of efficiency, economy and quality of care. Since 1999, Medicare and Medicaid reimbursement for all kinds of telehealth services have expanded, requirements of providers have been reduced, and grants have been given to support telehealth program adoption. For 2014, the Center for Medicare (CMS) services does cover telemedicine services, including telepsychiatry in many areas.

HIPAA (the Health Insurance Portability and Accountability Act) is a United States federal law that establishes security and privacy standards for electronic medical information exchange, including telemental health services. In order to comply with HIPAA guidelines, many providers develop their own specialized videoconferencing services, since common third-party consumer solutions do not include sufficient security and privacy safeguards. There are also a growing number of HIPAA-compliant technologies available for telepsychiatry.

According to a Kaiser Family Foundation and Epic Research database of electronic health records, 40% of mental health and substance abuse visits in the United States were conducted by telehealth in 2021 (as compared with only 5% of all other outpatient care visits and virtually no mental health and substance abuse visits being conducted by telehealth prior to the COVID-19 pandemic), while more than 150 million Americans lived in designated healthcare shortage areas for mental health professionals by the Health Resources and Services Administration in 2022.

Since the passage of the Infrastructure Investment and Jobs Act in November 2021, the telehealth industry in the United States has expanded due to its $65 billion appropriation for broadband internet access expansion, and online mental health start-up companies saw a $4.8 billion increase in investment in 2022 according to Rock Health.

Digital advertising spending by telehealth companies increased from approximately $10 million in 2020 to $100 million in 2021 (while $23 million in telehealth digital advertising was spent on TikTok alone from January to November 2022). In December 2022, The Wall Street Journal published an analysis it conducted in October and November of that year of telehealth digital advertisements that found that 20 companies ran more than 2,100 advertisements on Facebook and Instagram that described prescription drug benefits without citing risks (including for ketamine and testosterone), that promoted unapproved usages of drugs, or that featured testimonials without disclosing the speaker's relationship with the company, while 15 telehealth companies ran more than 1,800 other social media advertisements without prescription drug warnings or risks (including at least 800 that promoted controlled substances).

In India
India's large population and relatively small number of psychiatrists makes telepsychiatric service a good option for expanding access to mental health care. Telepsychiatry in India is still a young industry, but it is gradually growing, led by institutes such as the Post Graduate Institute of Medical Education and Research in Chandigarh and the Schizophrenia Research Foundation in Chennai.

In the UK
In the years before the COVID-19 pandemic the National Health Service (NHS)  has been slow at implementing telepsychiatry.

During the pandemic, there was rapid utilisation of telemental health to maintain contact and provide some services to people with mental health problems. Technological initiatives have also helped to address social isolation, which worsened throughout the pandemic. There were large increases in remote consultations in NHS primary care, and national data reported that most contacts in NHS mental health settings were delivered remotely in 2020 particularly during the first UK lockdown (March to July 2020).

Global health
There is an increasing demand for telemental health services in low- and middle income countries. This is especially pronounced due to the lack of access to quality healthcare, underfunding and low awareness of mental health issues. In a global health context telemental health may offer access to high-quality mental health services for a wider range of people. At the same time there are concerns around data security and challenges regarding proper infrastructure, capacity, access and skills.

Telemental health during the COVID-19 pandemic
Due to lockdowns or 'stay at home' orders at the start of the COVID-19 pandemic, mental health services in high-income countries were able to adapt existing service provision to telemental health care. Estimates suggest that between 48% and 100% of service users who were already receiving care at the start of the pandemic were able to continue their mental health care using remote methods. Some face-to-face appointments still took place if necessary.

During the pandemic telemental health care (mostly phone and video calls) was effective and viewed as acceptable by the majority of clinicians and service users for use in an emergency situation. However both groups had concerns regarding the longer term use of telemental health care. For example, clinicians identified concerns including difficulties with medication appointments, concerns around engaging and assessing new patients, and finding it harder to assess some physical indicators of mental health status remotely. Service users identified barriers including a lack of private space at home to access during their sessions or access to technology.

The rates of telemental health use seem to have declined as COVID-19 restrictions were loosened, indicating that face-to-face care might be preferable for some service users and clinicians.

See also

 Online counseling
 Social media therapy
 Telephone counseling
 Telepsychology
 Use of technology in treatment of mental disorders

References

Further reading

 Substance Abuse and Mental Health Services Administration (SAMHSA). Telehealth for the Treatment of Serious Mental Illness and Substance Use Disorders. SAMHSA Publication No. PEP21-06-02-001 Rockville, MD. Substance Abuse and Mental Health Services Administration, 2021.

External links

 Digital technologies and telepsychiatry, NIHR Oxford Biomedical Research Centre.
 Telepsychiatry Blog and Telepsychiatry Toolkit, American Psychiatric Association.

Treatment of mental disorders
Telemedicine
Counseling
Psychiatry

Telepsychiatry


Andrew Gray (21 July 1955 in Cardiff, Wales, United Kingdom – 7 May 1999, near Vanuatu) was a British anthropologist and activist for the rights of indigenous peoples.

Life
Gray graduated from the University of Edinburgh in 1973 and received a PhD from the University of Oxford in 1983 for his work studying the Arakmbut people of the Peruvian Amazon.

He then became director of the International Work Group for Indigenous Affairs (IWGIA), a post he held for six years. After leaving the IWGIA in 1989, he continued to act as a consultant for them and for related organisations such as the World Rainforest Movement, the International Alliance of Indigenous and Tribal Forest Peoples, the Gaia Foundation and Anti-Slavery International.

Although he lectured at the University of Copenhagen and the University of Oxford, Gray avoided a conventional academic career and never took up a full-time research post. He continued to publish academic work, most notably The Arakmbut of Amazonian Peru (three vols, 1996–1997). He also spent a large amount of time on fieldwork, visiting and talking to indigenous groups worldwide.

At the time of his death, was vice-chair of the IWGIA, and was working in the Pacific. Whilst travelling in the region, the light aircraft he was in came down in the sea off Vanuatu; he survived the crash, but was separated from the group of survivors before they made it to shore, and was presumed dead.

References

1955 births
1999 deaths
Cultural anthropologists
Alumni of the University of Oxford
Alumni of the University of Edinburgh
Victims of aviation accidents or incidents in Vanuatu
Indigenous rights activists
20th-century British anthropologists

Andrew Gray (anthropologist)


Jordi Masó is a Catalan classical pianist.

Biography and career
Jordi Masó was born in Barcelona, Catalonia, and studied at the Barcelona Conservatory with Josep M. Roger, at the Barcelona School of Music, with Albert Attenelle, and at the Royal Academy of Music of London with Christopher Elton and Nelly Akopian. He graduated from the Royal Academy of Music in 1992 with a DipRAM, the institution's highest distinction.

Masó specializes in the music of Spanish composers, notably those of the 20th and 21st centuries. He has won first prizes in a number of national and international competitions, and has performed in most European countries, in South America and in Asia. He regularly performs as a soloist with major Spanish orchestras. Since 1996, he has been a member of the contemporary music group Barcelona 216, which won the Barcelona City Prize for music in 2000. In 2008 he was awarded the Associated Royal Academy of Music (ARAM), given to the Academy most distinguished students.

Masó has recorded several dozen CDs for labels such as Anacrusi, Marco Polo, and Naxos. He specializes in Spanish music, and has notably recorded the complete piano music of Frederic Mompou on six discs, and the complete piano music of Padre Donostia. He is currently working on recordings of the complete piano music of Joaquín Turina and Déodat de Séverac for Naxos.

Masó teaches piano at the Granollers Conservatory and at the ESMUC (Escola Superior de Música de Catalunya).

References

External links

Spanish classical pianists
Male classical pianists
Living people
Year of birth missing (living people)
21st-century classical pianists
21st-century male musicians
Spanish male musicians

Jordi Masó (pianist)