Stuart Silver is a screenwriter, television writer, actor and director. He works solo and collaboratively and is co-founder of the BAFTA-nominated, performance duo Noble and Silver, who won the 2000 Perrier Award (now the Foster's Edinburgh Comedy Awards) for Best Newcomer.  Stuart has since appeared on stage in his own one-man show, You Look Like Ants and in shorter pieces. He has also featured in television shows such as Get Off Me, The Mighty Boosh, Garth Marenghi's Darkplace, and Man to Man with Dean Learner.

Career

Noble and Silver

Stuart Silver and his writing and performance partner Kim Noble first came to national prominence upon winning the Best Newcomer Perrier Award in 2000. Trained in fine art at Sheffield Hallam University, the duo received as much praise from the art community as from comedy aficionados.  Their work drew together visual art, stand-up, theatre, spoken word and performance art.

Noble and Silver's post-Perrier shows include the 2001 Edinburgh Festival Fringe show in Pleasance Above which was a collage of video, recorded sound and performance and a month-long residency in London's Beaconsfield art space, entitled We're Spending Four Weeks at Beaconsfield, So Let's Hope Everything Goes OK.

In spring 2001, the UK digital channel, E4 commissioned a six-part series entitled Noble and Silver: Get Off Me!.

Solo work
In 2010 Stuart created a solo piece You Look Like Ants and performed it at the London Word Festival and Soho Theatre. You Look Like Ants is a monologue and musical performance that interweaves several narratives non-sequentially.  Stuart plays electric ukulele during the piece.

Stuart has twice collaborated with the contemporary performance duo Lone Twin, co-writing and co-directing Cabaret Simon for The Barbican, London in December 2009.  For Lone Twin, he also produced the in-show video for Beastie.

Stuart is the lead mentor for musician, spoken word artist collaborations for Phrased & Confused.

References

External links

Living people
British performance artists
British comedians
Alumni of Sheffield Hallam University
Year of birth missing (living people)

Stuart Silver


A prikaz (; , plural: ) was an administrative, judicial, territorial, or executive office functioning on behalf of palace, civil, military, or church authorities in the Grand Duchy of Moscow and the Tsardom of Russia from the 15th to the 18th centuries. The term usually suggests the functionality of a modern "ministry", "office", "department", or "bureau"; however, in practice prikaz was historically applied to most governmental organizations regardless of their function or authority. In modern Russian, prikaz literally means an 'order' in the meaning of 'directive' or 'command'.

Most of the prikazy were subordinated to the boyar duma. Some of them, palace prikazy (), were subordinated to the  or , which answered directly to the tsar of Russia. The patriarch of Moscow and all Rus' had his own prikazy.

History
Originally, prikazy were created by private orders given by the tsar to a certain person. The functions of the prikazy would be led by boyars and professional administrators. From 1512, the term "prikaz" started to be used to refer to offices. There were 22 prikazy (departments) in 1613, however this number would balloon to 80 by the mid-17th century.

Abolition
The prikazy were abolished by Peter the Great as part of his governmental reform program and replaced them, beginning in 1717, with administrative organs known as Collegiums. This process would undergo a long span of time; the Siberian Prikaz, for example, was restored in 1730 and existed until 1755. At the beginning of the 18th century, Peter the Great even established some new prikazy. The system was only fully eliminated by Catherine the Great in 1775.

List of Russian prikazy

Foreign affairs
Ambassadorial Prikaz () — in charge of international affairs, a kind of a Ministry of Foreign Affairs, 1549-1718
Captive Prikaz, (Polonyanichy Prikaz from archaic  'polon', 'plen' meaning "captive") — for the redemption of Russian captives and prisoners of war
Prikaz of Pans (Panskiy Prikaz) — office of Polish affairs
Administrative
Prikaz of the Seal (Pechatny Prikaz) — placed the tsar's seal on various documents granting various things to private individuals, and collected the corresponding duties
Stone Prikaz (Kamennyi Prikaz)
Coachman Prikaz (Courier Prikaz, Yam Prikaz: Yamskoy Prikaz)
Book Printing Prikaz
Prikaz of Hospice Construction
Pharmaceutical Prikaz (Aptekarskiy prikaz)
Monk Prikaz (Monasheskiy Prikaz)
Judicial Prikazes
Moscow
Vladimir
Dmitrov
Ryazan
Military Prikazes
Prikaz of Riflemen (Streletsky Prikaz)
Artillery Prikaz , (Pushkarsky Prikaz)
Prikaz of Admiralty, (Admiralteysky Prikaz)
Prikaz of Cossacks (), 1618–1646
Armored Prikaz (Bronniy Prikaz)
Conscription Prikaz (Prikaz sbora ratnykh i datochnykh lydei ()
Foreigners' Prikaz (Inozemsky Prikaz)
Arsenal Prikaz (Oruzheiniy Prikaz)
 Preobrazhensky prikaz (ru) — oversaw the Preobrazhensky and Semyonovsky regiments in the 18th century
Prikaz of German feeds — probably, paid a salary to foreigners (known as "Germans" (, which also means "mute people")) in Russian military or state service
Ritter Prikaz
Financial Prikazes
Domestic Prikaz (Pomestny Prikaz)
Accounting Prikaz
Prikaz of Grand Treasury
Prikaz of Grand Income
Security
Prikaz of Petitions (Chelobitny Prikaz) — considered complaints or petitions addressed to the Tsar; the adjective chelobitnaya () comes from the expression bit' chelom, "to knock with one's forehead (on the ground)", meaning a very humble submission of a petition, with an extremely low bow. The standard form of such complaint included the words "Slave of God ... (or: 'Your slave') is beating with the forehead", or "Slaves and orphans are beating with foreheads"
Privy Prikaz (, Tayny Prikaz) — secret police (1654–1676)
Robbery Prikaz (Razboiniy Prikas) — criminal police
Prikaz of Investigations (Sysknoy prikaz)
Regional Prikazes
Little Russia, Ministry of the Ukrainian (Malorossiya) Affairs (Малороссийский приказ, Malorossiyskiy prikaz)
Kazan (Казанский приказ, Приказ Казанского дворца, Kazan Palace Prikaz), Volga Region (Поволжье) Affairs (South-West of Russia, territories of former Kazan Khanate)
Siberia (), (1637–1763)
Great Russia
Grand Duchy of Lithuania
Smolensk (disbanded on Poland's conquest of Smolensk (1611); restored when Smolensk returned to Russian control in 1654)
Livonia Affairs
Novgorod quarter
Vladimir quarter
Ustyug quarter
Kostroma quarter
Galich quarter
Smolensk quarter
Palace Prikazes
Prikaz of Stables Konyushenny Prikaz
Palace Prikaz (, 1627–1709)
Prikaz of Stone Palace (Prikaz kamennogo dvortsa)
Prikaz of Gold and Silver Affairs
Prikaz of Requiem (Panihydniy prikaz) - requiems for members of the tsar's family
Patriarchal Prikazes
Patriarchal Prikaz-in-charge
Patriarchal Treasury Prikaz
Patriarchal Palace Prikaz
Other
Order-in-charge (Razryadny Prikaz) — in charge of higher military and civil administration personnel
Kholop Prikaz (Kholopskiy Prikaz) — considered the affairs of kholops

Classification
The classification of the various prikazes is a very difficult task. In fact, each major historian tries to build their own system of classification. Major variants include prikazes of a territory, of a class of population, or of an area of affairs. Another method of classification is to rank prikazes by subordination.

See also
Dyak, clerk
Podyachy, clerk assistant
List of Russian foreign ministers

References

External links
State administration in Russia 16th-17th centuries, in Russian

Tsardom of Russia
Government of the Russian Empire
Medieval Russia

Prikaz


Olivier de Kersauson de Pennendreff (born 20 July 1944) is a French sailor and sailing champion.

Kersauson was the seventh child in a family of eight. While he was the only Kersauson not to have been born in Brittany, he was born on 20 July 1944 and brought up near Morlaix in a "provincial Catholic aristocracy with compulsory mass" as he calls it. Very early on, Olivier de Kersauson was to break away from his family. Without being inattentive, he was a pupil who did not settle in well to school life with the priests at boarding school. He passed through eleven schools altogether. After his final school exams and getting up to a lot of things, always on the coast, he began studying economics.

At the age of twenty-two, he met Eric Tabarly in Saint Malo. Shortly after, Eric invited him to do his military service on board. This opportunity stretched into eight years during which he was Tabarly's mate.

In 1973-74, he was a crewmember on the yacht Pen Duick VI in the Whitbread Round the World Yacht Race.

Together, they put on their boots and waterproofs, swallowing up the miles aboard the Pen Duicks. Very quickly, Olivier de Kersauson developed a passion for multihulls in which he became a pioneer. He was, in particular, the first to build a multihull of composite material, Ribourel, then a trimaran with long floaters, Poulain, at the helm of which he set in 1989-1990 the single-handed round the world speed record.

From 1992 onwards, he spent his time working towards the Jules Verne Trophy, the round the world crew record. Wearing the livery of Lyonnaise des Eaux - Dumez, in 1994, he raced around the world against Peter Blake. At the helm of his catamaran Enza, the New Zealander and his six-member crew managed to go around the world in 74 days and 22 hours, while the five Frenchmen took 77 days and five hours. Remaining determined, he made some improvements to his boat and wearing the livery of Sport Elec, took off again around the world. On 8 March 1997, Olivier de Kersauson and his six-man crew left Brest. They were to return triumphant 71 days, 14 hours, 22 minutes and 8 seconds later, improving by more than a week on Peyron's first time.

In 2001, he named his giant trimaran Geronimo, "because Geronimo never gave up." It was at the helm of this boat that Olivier de Kersauson took the Jules Verne Trophy for the second time in 2004 (63 days, 13 hours, 59 minutes).

In January 2003, Kersauson claimed that his boat was attacked by a giant squid.

Radio
 Since 2014 : Les pieds dans le plat on Europe 1

References

1944 births
Living people
French male sailors (sport)
Single-handed circumnavigating sailors
Sportspeople from Finistère
Volvo Ocean Race sailors

Olivier de Kersauson


Noise, vibration, and harshness (NVH), also known as noise and vibration (N&V), is the study and modification of the noise and vibration characteristics of vehicles, particularly cars and trucks. While noise and vibration can be readily measured, harshness is a subjective quality, and is measured either via jury evaluations, or with analytical tools that can provide results reflecting human subjective impressions. The latter tools belong to the field psychoacoustics.

Interior NVH deals with noise and vibration experienced by the occupants of the cabin, while exterior NVH is largely concerned with the noise radiated by the vehicle, and includes drive-by noise testing.

NVH is mostly engineering, but often objective measurements fail to predict or correlate well with the subjective impression on human observers. For example, although the ear's response at moderate noise levels is approximated by A-weighting, two different noises with the same A-weighted level are not necessarily equally disturbing. The field of psychoacoustics is partly concerned with this correlation.

In some cases, the NVH engineer is asked to change the sound quality, by adding or subtracting particular harmonics, rather than making the vehicle quieter.

Noise, vibration, and harshness for vehicles can be distinguished easily by quantifying the frequency. Vibration is between 0.5 Hz and 50 Hz, noise is between 20 Hz and 5000 Hz, and harshness takes the coupling of noise and vibration.

Sources of NVH
The sources of noise in a vehicle can be classified as:
 Aerodynamic (e.g., wind, cooling fans of HVAC)
 Mechanical (e.g., engine, driveline, tire contact patch and road surface, brakes)
 Electrical (e.g., electromagnetically induced acoustic noise and vibration coming from electrical actuators, alternator, or traction motor in electric cars)
 Mainly, noise is either structure-borne noise or airborne noise.

Many problems are generated as either vibration or noise, transmitted via a variety of paths, and then radiated acoustically into the cabin. These are classified as "structure-borne" noise. Others are generated acoustically and propagated by airborne paths. Structure-borne noise is attenuated by isolation, while airborne noise is reduced by absorption or through the use of barrier materials. Vibrations are sensed at the steering wheel, the seat, armrests, or the floor and pedals. Some problems are sensed visually, such as the vibration of the rear-view mirror or header rail on open-topped cars.

Tonal versus broadband

NVH can be tonal such as engine noise, or broadband, such as road noise or wind noise, normally. Some resonant systems respond at characteristic frequencies, but in response to random excitation. Therefore, although they look like tonal problems on any one spectrum, their amplitude varies considerably. Other problems are self-resonant, such as whistles from antennas.

Tonal noises often have harmonics. Below is the noise spectrum of Michael Schumacher's Ferrari at 16680 rpm, showing the various harmonics. The x-axis is given in terms of multiples of engine speed. The y-axis is logarithmic, and uncalibrated.

Instrumentation

Typical instrumentation used to measure NVH include microphones, accelerometers, and force gauges or load cells. Many NVH facilities have semi-anechoic chambers, and rolling road dynamometers. Typically, signals are recorded directly to the hard drive via an analog-to-digital converter. In the past, magnetic or DAT tape recorders were used. The integrity of the signal chain is very important, typically each of the instruments used are fully calibrated in a laboratory once per year, and any given setup is calibrated as a whole once per day.

Laser scanning vibrometry is an essential tool for effective NVH optimization. The vibrational characteristics of a sample is acquired full-field under operational or excited conditions. The results represent the actual vibrations. No added mass is influencing the measurement, as the sensor is light itself.

Investigative techniques

Techniques used to help identify NVH include part substitution, modal analysis, rig squeak and rattle tests (complete vehicle or component/system tests), lead cladding, acoustic intensity, transfer path analysis, and partial coherence. Most NVH work is done in the frequency domain, using fast Fourier transforms to convert the time domain signals into the frequency domain. Wavelet analysis, order analysis, statistical energy analysis, and subjective evaluation of signals modified in real time are also used.

Computer-based modeling

NVH analysis needs good representative prototypes of the production vehicle for testing. These are needed early in the design process as the solutions often need substantial modification to the design, forcing in engineering changes which are much less expensive when made early. These early prototypes are very expensive, so there has been great interest in computer aided predictive techniques for NVH.

One example is the modeling works for structure borne noise and vibration analysis. When the phenomenon being considered occurs below, for example, 25–30 Hz, the idle shaking of the powertrain, a multi-body model can be used. In contrast, when the phenomenon being considered occurs at relatively high frequency – for example, above 1 kHz – a statistical energy analysis (SEA) model may be a better approach.

For the mid-frequency band, various methodologies exist, such as vibro-acoustic finite element analysis, and boundary element analysis. The structure can be coupled to the interior cavity and form a fully coupled equation system. Also, other techniques exist that can mix measured data with finite element or boundary element data.

Typical solutions

There are three principal means of improving NVH:

 Reducing the source strength, as in making a noise source quieter with a muffler, or improving the balance of a rotating mechanism
 Interrupting the noise or vibration path, with barriers (for noise) or isolators (for vibration)
 Absorption of the noise or vibration energy, as for example with foam noise absorbers, or tuned vibration dampers

Deciding which of these (or what combination) to use in solving a particular problem is one of the challenges facing the NVH engineer.

Specific methods for improving NVH include the use of tuned mass dampers, subframes, balancing, modifying the stiffness or mass of structures, retuning exhausts and intakes, modifying the characteristics of elastomeric isolators, adding sound deadening or absorbing materials, and using active noise control. In some circumstances, substantial changes in vehicle architecture may be the only way to cure some problems cost-effectively.

Not-for-profit organizations such as the American Society of Heating, Refrigerating, and Air-Conditioning Engineers (ASHRAE) and Vibration Isolation and Seismic Control Manufacturers Association (VISCMA) provide specifications, standards, and requirements that cover a wide array of industries including electrical, mechanical, plumbing, and HVAC.

See also

Acoustic camera
Acoustic quieting
Engine balance
Health effects from noise
Noise control
Noise mitigation
Vibration calibrator
Vibration isolation
Acoustical measurements and instrumentation

References

Bibliography

 Baxa (1982). Noise Control in Internal Combustion Engines.
 Beranek. Acoustics.
 Griffin. Handbook of Human Vibration.
 Harris. Shock and Vibration Handbook.
 Thomson. Theory of Vibration with Applications.

External links
Agilent's Fundamentals of Signal Analysis
Basics of NVH Dr. Pawan Pingle

Mechanical vibrations
Automotive engineering
Noise control

Noise, vibration, and harshness


Vasaloppet is an annual cross-country skiing competition in Sweden. It started off in 1922 and has been a part of Worldloppet as long as Worldloppet has been around. Nowadays it is held the first Sunday in March each year.

The competition runs from Sälen to Mora. Women were banned from participating between 1924 and 1980, due to the length of the race (90 kilometers). In 1997, an official women's award was established.

The race is held to commemorate the historical events related to Gustav Vasa back in the early 1520's.

Sister races
Botniavasan (Finland)
Vasaloppet China
Vasaloppet Japan
Vasaloppet USA
Vasaloppet de la Sergerie (Canada)

Related pages
Tjejvasan

References

Other websites

 Official website
The event at SVT's open archive

1922 establishments in Sweden
Sports competitions
Skiing in Sweden

Vasaloppet


Esteves is a Portuguese family name. Esteves comes from esteva, a flower in Portuguese. It is a patronymic, meaning son of Stephen. It is equivalent to the Galician name Estévez/Esteves, which takes the form Estevez in America.

Notable people with the name include:

 Luis R. Esteves (1893–1958), founder of the Puerto Rico National Guard
 Adriana Esteves (born 1969), Brazilian actress
 Horacio Esteves (1940–1996), Venezuelan sprinter
 Ricardo Esteves (born 1979), Portuguese footballer
 Décio Esteves (1927–2000), Brazilian football player and coach
 Alfredo Esteves (born 1976), Portuguese-East Timorese footballer
 Jose Esteves (born 1947), mayor of Milpitas, California
 Imara Esteves Ribalta (born 1978), Cuban beach volleyball player
 Miguel Esteves Cardoso (born 1955), Portuguese writer, translator, critic and journalist
 Hélder Esteves (born 1977), Portuguese football striker
 Adérito Esteves (born 1985), Portuguese rugby union player
 Leonardo Esteves de Nápoles (c. 1350–1421), Portuguese nobleman and military
 Sandra María Esteves, American poet and graphic artist
 José de Jesús Esteves (1881-1918), Puerto Rican poet, lawyer, and judge
 Rui Esteves (born 1967), Portuguese football midfielder
 Sérgio Esteves (born 1968), Portuguese swimmer
 Constantino Esteves (1914–1985), Portuguese film director
 Tomás Esteves (born 2002), Portuguese footballer

See also

Estevez

Portuguese-language surnames
Patronymic surnames
Surnames from given names

Esteves


The 1913 Tennessee Volunteers football team represented the University of Tennessee in the 1913 Southern Intercollegiate Athletic Association football season. The Volunteers had a winning record for the first time since 1908 and won their first Southern Intercollegiate Athletic Association game since 1910.

Schedule

Season summary

Vanderbilt
Red Rainey scored Tennessee's touchdown. Goat Carroll missed the kick.  Tennessee's right guard S. D. Bayer drew a 33-yard, half the distance to the goal penalty for slugging, and was ejected by umpire Bradley Walker. The first down after, Hord Boensch threw a touchdown pass to Enoch Brown. Brown ran the last ten yards shaking off several defenders. Boensch kicked goal and won the game for Vanderbilt.

References

Tennessee
Tennessee Volunteers football seasons
Tennessee Volunteers football

1913 Tennessee Volunteers football team


In mathematics, the axiom of determinacy (abbreviated as AD) is a possible axiom for set theory introduced by Jan Mycielski and Hugo Steinhaus in 1962.  It refers to certain two-person topological games of length ω. AD states that every game of a certain type is determined; that is, one of the two players has a winning strategy.

Steinhaus and Mycielski's motivation for AD was its interesting consequences, and suggested that AD could be true in the smallest natural model L(R) of a set theory, which accepts only a weak form of the axiom of choice (AC) but contains all real and all ordinal numbers. Some consequences of AD followed from theorems proved earlier by Stefan Banach and Stanisław Mazur, and Morton Davis. Mycielski and Stanisław Świerczkowski contributed another one: AD implies that all sets of real numbers are Lebesgue measurable. Later Donald A. Martin and others proved more important consequences, especially in descriptive set theory. In 1988, John R. Steel and W. Hugh Woodin concluded a long line of research. Assuming the existence of some uncountable cardinal numbers analogous to , they proved the original conjecture of Mycielski and Steinhaus that AD is true in L(R).

Types of game that are determined

The axiom of determinacy refers to games of the following specific form:
Consider a subset A of the Baire space ωω of all infinite sequences of natural numbers. Two players, I and II, alternately pick natural numbers
n0, n1, n2, n3, ...
After infinitely many moves, a sequence  is generated. Player I wins the game if and only if the sequence generated is an element of A. The axiom of determinacy is the statement that all such games are determined.

Not all games require the axiom of determinacy to prove them determined.  If the set A is clopen, the game is essentially a finite game, and is therefore determined. Similarly, if A is a closed set, then the game is determined. It was shown in 1975 by Donald A. Martin that games whose winning set is a Borel set are determined.  It follows from the existence of sufficiently large cardinals that all games with winning set a projective set are determined (see Projective determinacy), and that AD holds in L(R).

The axiom of determinacy implies that for every subspace X of the real numbers, the Banach–Mazur game BM(X) is determined (and therefore that every set of reals has the property of Baire).

Incompatibility of the axiom of determinacy with the axiom of choice

Under assumption of the axiom of choice, we present two separate constructions of counterexamples to the axiom of determinacy. It follows that the axiom of determinacy and the axiom of choice are incompatible.

Using well-ordering of the continuum

The set S1 of all first player strategies in an ω-game G has the same cardinality as the continuum. The same is true for the set S2 of all second player strategies. Let SG be the set of all possible sequences in G, and A be the subset of sequences of SG that make the first player win. With the axiom of choice we can well order the continuum, and we can do so in such a way that any proper initial portion has lower cardinality than the continuum. We use the obtained well ordered set J to index both S1 and S2, and construct A such that it will be a counterexample.

We start with empty sets A and B. Let α  J be the index of the strategies in S1 and S2. We need to consider all strategies S1 = {s1(α)} of the first player and all strategies S2 = {s2(α)} of the second player to make sure that for every strategy there is a strategy of the other player that wins against it. For every strategy of the player considered we will generate a sequence that gives the other player a win. Let t be the time whose axis has length ℵ0 and which is used during each game sequence. We create the counterexample A by transfinite recursion on α:

 Consider the strategy s1(α) of the first player.
Apply this strategy on an ω-game, generating (together with the first player's strategy s1(α)) a sequence {a(1), b(2), a(3), b(4),...,a(t), b(t+1),...}, which does not belong to A. This is possible, because the number of choices for {b(2), b(4), b(6), ...} has the same cardinality as the continuum, which is larger than the cardinality of the proper initial portion { β  J | β  α } of J.
Add this sequence to B (if it is not already in B), to indicate that s1(α) loses (on {b(2), b(4), b(6), ...}).
Consider the strategy s2(α) of the second player.
Apply this strategy on an ω-game, generating (together with the second player's strategy s2(α)) a sequence {a(1), b(2), a(3), b(4),...,a(t), b(t+1),...}, which does not belong to B. This is possible, because the number of choices for {a(1), a(3), a(5),...} has the same cardinality as the continuum, which is larger than the cardinality of the proper initial portion { β  J | β  α } of J.
Add this sequence to A (if it is not already in A), to indicate that s2(α) loses (on {a(1), a(3), a(5), ...}).
Process all possible strategies of S1 and S2 with transfinite induction on α. For all sequences that are not in A or B after that, decide arbitrarily whether they belong to A or to B. So B is the complement of A.

Once this has been done, prepare for an ω-game G. If you give me a strategy s1 of the first player, then there is an α  J such that s1 = s1(α), and we constructed A such that s1(α) fails (on certain choices {b(2), b(4), b(6), ...} of the second player). Hence s1 fails. Similarly, any other strategy of either player fails.

Using a choice function on a partition of the continuum into size-2 sets

In this construction, the use of the axiom of choice is similar to the choice of socks as stated in the quote by Bertrand Russell at Axiom_of_choice#Quotations.

In a ω-game, the two players are generating the sequence , an element in ωω, where our convention is that 0 is not a natural number, hence neither player can choose it. Define the function  such that f(r) is the unique sequence of length ω whose values are in {0, 1}, whose first term equals 0, and whose sequence of runs (see run-length encoding) equals r. (f can be shown to be injective. The image is the subset of  of sequences that start with 0 and that are not eventually constant.)

Observe the equivalence relation on  such that two sequences are equivalent if and only if they differ in a finite number of terms. This partitions the set into equivalence classes, and let T be the set of equivalence classes (such that T has the cardinality of the continuum). Define  that takes a sequence to its equivalence class. Define the complement of any sequence s in  to be the sequence s1 that differs in each term. Define the function  such that for any sequence s in , h applied to the equivalence class of s equals the equivalence class of the complement of s (which is well-defined because if s and s' are equivalent, then their complements are equivalent. One can show that h is an involution with no fixed points, and thus we have a partition of T into size-2 subsets such that each subset is of the form {t, h(t)}. Using the axiom of choice, we can choose one element out of each subset. In other words, we are choosing "half" of the elements of T, a subset that we denote by U, such that t is in U iff h(t) is not in U.

Next, we define the subset A of ωω in which player 1 wins: A is the set of all r such that g(f(r)) is in U. We now claim that neither player has a winning strategy, using a strategy-stealing argument. Denote the current game state by a finite sequence of natural numbers (so that if the length of this sequence is even, then player 1 is next to play; otherwise player 2 is next to play).

Suppose that q is a (deterministic) winning strategy for player 2. Player 1 can construct a strategy p that beats q as follows. Suppose that player 2's response (according to q) to [1] is b1. Then player 1 specifies in p that a(1) = 1 + b1. (Roughly, player 1 is now playing as the second player in a second parallel game; player 1's winning set in the second game equals player 2's winning set in the original game, and this is a contradiction. Nevertheless, we continue more formally).

Suppose that player 2's response (always according to q) to [1 + b1] is b2, and player 2's response to [1, b1, b2] is b3. When player 1 is constructing p, they only aim to beat q, and therefore they only have to handle the response b2 to their first move. Player 1 specifies that their response to [1 + b1, b2] is b3. In general, for even n, denote player 2's response to [1 + b1, ..., bn-1] by bn and player 2s response to  [1, b1, ..., bn] by bn + 1. Then player 1 specifies in p that their response to [1 + b1, b2, ..., bn] is bn + 1. Strategy q is presumed to be winning, and game-result r in ωω given by [1, b1, ...] is one possible sequence allowed by q, so r must be winning for player 2 and g(f(r)) must not be in U. Game-result r' in ωω given by [1 + b1, b2, ...] is also a sequence allowed by q (specifically, q playing against p), so g(f(r')) must not be in U. However, f(r) and f(r') differ in all but the first term (by the nature of run-length encoding and an offset of 1), so f(r) and f(r') are in complement equivalent classes, so g(f(r)), g(f(r')) cannot both be in U, contradicting the assumption that q is a winning strategy.

Similarly, suppose that p is a winning strategy for player 1; the argument is similar but now uses the fact that equivalence classes were defined by allowing an arbitrarily large finite number of terms to differ. Let a1 be player 1's first move. In general, for even n, denote player 1's response to [a1, 1] (if n = 2) or [a1, 1, a2, ... an-1] by an and player 1's response to [a1, 1 + a2, ... an] by an + 1. Then game-result r given by [a1, 1, a2, a3, ...] is allowed by p so that g(f(r)) must be in U; also game-result r' given by [a1, 1 + a2, a3, ...] is also allowed by p so that g(f(r')) must be in U. However, f(r) and f(r') differ in all but the first a1 + 1 terms, so they are in complement equivalent classes, so g(f(r)) and g(f(r')) cannot both be in U, contradicting that p is a winning strategy.

Large cardinals and the axiom of determinacy

The consistency of the axiom of determinacy is closely related to the question of the consistency of large cardinal axioms. By a theorem of Woodin, the consistency of Zermelo–Fraenkel set theory without choice (ZF) together with the axiom of determinacy is equivalent to the consistency of Zermelo–Fraenkel set theory with choice (ZFC) together with the existence of infinitely many Woodin cardinals. Since Woodin cardinals are strongly inaccessible, if AD is consistent, then so are an infinity of inaccessible cardinals.

Moreover, if to the hypothesis of an infinite set of Woodin cardinals is added the existence of a measurable cardinal larger than all of them, a very strong theory of Lebesgue measurable sets of reals emerges, as it is then provable that the axiom of determinacy is true in L(R), and therefore that every set of real numbers in L(R) is determined.

Projective ordinals

Moschovakis introduced the ordinals , which is the upper bound of the length of -norms (injections of a  set into the ordinals), where  is a level of the projective hierarchy. Assuming AD, all  are initial ordinals, and we have , and for  the th Suslin cardinal is equal to .

See also

 Axiom of real determinacy (ADR)
 Borel determinacy theorem
 Martin measure
 Topological game

References

Inline citations

Further reading

 Philipp Rohde, On Extensions of the Axiom of Determinacy, Thesis, Department of Mathematics, University of Bonn, Germany, 2001
 Telgársky, R.J. Topological Games: On the 50th Anniversary of the Banach-Mazur Game, Rocky Mountain J. Math. 17 (1987), pp. 227–276. (3.19 MB)
 "Large Cardinals and Determinacy" at the Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy

Axioms of set theory
Determinacy
Large cardinals

Axiom of determinacy


The National Fascist Party (, PNF) was a political party in Italy, created by Benito Mussolini as the political expression of Italian fascism and as a reorganisation of the previous Italian Fasces of Combat. The party ruled the Kingdom of Italy from 1922 when Fascists took power with the March on Rome until the fall of the Fascist regime in 1943, when Mussolini was deposed by the Grand Council of Fascism. It was succeeded, in the territories under the control of the Italian Social Republic, by the Republican Fascist Party, ultimately dissolved at the end of World War II.

The National Fascist Party was rooted in Italian nationalism and the desire to restore and expand Italian territories, which Italian Fascists deemed necessary for a nation to assert its superiority and strength and to avoid succumbing to decay. Italian Fascists claimed that modern Italy was the heir to ancient Rome and its legacy and historically supported the creation of an Italian Empire to provide spazio vitale ("living space") for colonisation by Italian settlers and to establish control over the Mediterranean Sea. The party also supported social conservative stances.

Fascists promoted an anti-capitalist corporatist economic system whereby employer and employee syndicates are linked together in associations to collectively represent the nation's economic producers and work alongside the state to set national economic policy. This economic system intended to resolve class conflict through collaboration between the classes. Moreover, the PNF strongly advocated autarky.

Italian Fascism, similarly to German Fascism (Nazism), opposed capitalism and liberalism, but did not seek a reactionary restoration of the pre-French Revolutionary world, which it considered to have been flawed, and not in line with a forward-looking direction on policy. It was opposed to Marxist socialism in its purest form, despite Giovanni Gentile's fascist philosophy's origins being rooted in Marxism, because of its typical opposition to nationalism, but was also opposed to the reactionary conservatism developed by Joseph de Maistre. It believed the success of Italian nationalism required respect for tradition and a clear sense of a shared past among the Italian people alongside a commitment to a modernised Italy, as well as a solid belief that Italy was destined to become the hegemonic power in Europe.

The National Fascist Party along with its successor, the Republican Fascist Party, are the only parties whose re-formation is banned by the Constitution of Italy: "It shall be forbidden to reorganize, under any form whatsoever, the dissolved Fascist party."

History

Historical background

After World War I (1914–1918), despite the Kingdom of Italy (1861–1946) being a full-partner Allied Power against the Central Powers, Italian nationalism claimed Italy was cheated in the Treaty of Saint-Germain-en-Laye (1919), thus the Allies had impeded Italy's progress to becoming a "Great Power". Thenceforth, the PNF successfully exploited that perceived slight to Italian nationalism in presenting Fascism as best suited for governing the country by successfully claiming that democracy, socialism and liberalism were failed systems.

In 1919 at the Paris Peace Conference, the Allies compelled the Kingdom of Italy to yield to Yugoslavia the Croatian seaport of Fiume (Rijeka), a mostly Italian city of little nationalist significance, until early 1919. Moreover, elsewhere Italy was then excluded from the wartime secret Treaty of London (1915) it had concorded with the Triple Entente, wherein Italy was to leave the Triple Alliance and join the enemy by declaring war against the German Empire and Austria-Hungary in exchange for territories at war's end, upon which the Kingdom of Italy held claims (see ).

In September 1919, the nationalist response of outraged war hero Gabriele D'Annunzio was declaring the establishment of the Italian Regency of Carnaro. To his independent Italian state, he installed himself as the Regent  (Leader) and promulgated the  (Charter of Carnaro, 8 September 1920), a politically syncretic constitutional amalgamation of right-wing and left-wing politics – anarchist, proto-fascist and democratic republican ideas – which much influenced the politico-philosophic development of early Italian fascism. Consequent to the Treaty of Rapallo (1920), the metropolitan Italian military deposed the Regency of  D'Annunzio on Christmas 1920. In the development of the fascist model of government, D'Annunzio was a nationalist and not a fascist, whose legacy of political–praxis ("Politics as Theatre") was stylistic (ceremony, uniform, harangue and chanting) and not substantive, which Italian fascism artfully developed as a government model.

Founded in Rome during the Third Fascist Congress on 7–10 November 1921, the National Fascist Party marked the transformation of the paramilitary  into a more coherent political group (the  had been founded by Mussolini in Milan's Piazza San Sepolcro on 23 March 1919).

The Fascist Party was instrumental in directing and popularising support for Mussolini's ideology. In the early years, groups within the PNF called Blackshirts () built a base of power by violently attacking socialists and their institutions in the rural Po Valley, thereby gaining the support of landowners. Compared to its predecessor, the PNF abandoned republicanism to turn decisively towards the right-wing of the political spectrum.

March on Rome

On 28 October 1922, Mussolini attempted a coup d'état, titled the March on Rome by Fascist propaganda, in which almost 30,000 fascists took part. The quadrumvirs leading the Fascist Party, General Emilio De Bono, Italo Balbo (one of the most famous ras), Michele Bianchi and Cesare Maria de Vecchi, organised the March while the  stayed behind for most of the march, though he allowed pictures to be taken of him marching along with the Fascist marchers. Generals Gustavo Fara and Sante Ceccherini assisted to the preparations of the March of 18 October. Other organisers of the march included the Marquis Dino Perrone Compagni and Ulisse Igliori.

On 24 October 1922, Mussolini declared before 60,000 people at the Fascist Congress in Naples: "Our program is simple: we want to rule Italy". Meanwhile, the Blackshirts, who had occupied the Po plain, took all strategic points of the country. On 26 October, former prime minister Antonio Salandra warned current prime minister Luigi Facta that Mussolini was demanding his resignation and that he was preparing to march on Rome. However, Facta did not believe Salandra and thought that Mussolini would govern quietly at his side. To meet the threat posed by the bands of fascist troops now gathering outside Rome, Facta (who had resigned but continued to hold power) ordered a state of siege for Rome. Having had previous conversations with the king about the repression of fascist violence, he was sure the king would agree. However, King Victor Emmanuel III refused to sign the military order. On 28 October, the King handed power to Mussolini, who was supported by the military, the business class, and the right-wing part of population.

The march itself was composed of fewer than 30,000 men, but the King in part feared a civil war since the  had already taken control of the Po plain and most of the country, while fascism was no longer seen as a threat to the establishment. Mussolini was asked to form his cabinet on 29 October 1922, while some 25,000 Blackshirts were parading in Rome. Mussolini thus legally reached power in accordance with the Statuto Albertino, the Italian Constitution. The March on Rome was not the conquest of power which fascism later celebrated, but rather the precipitating force behind a transfer of power within the framework of the constitution. This transition was made possible by the surrender of public authorities in the face of fascist intimidation. Many business and financial leaders believed it would be possible to manipulate Mussolini, whose early speeches and policies emphasised free market and laissez-faire economics. This proved overly optimistic, as Mussolini's corporatist view stressed total state power over businesses as much as over individuals, via governing industry bodies ("corporations") controlled by the Fascist party, a model in which businesses retained the responsibilities of property, but few if any of the freedoms.

Even though the coup failed in giving power directly to the Fascist Party, it nonetheless resulted in a parallel agreement between Mussolini and King Victor Emmanuel III that made Mussolini the head of the Italian government. On 15 December, the Grand Council of Fascism was founded and it was the supreme organ of the PNF.

Fascist government

After a drastic modification of electoral legislation (the Acerbo Law), the Fascist Party clearly won the highly controversial elections of April 1924. In early 1925, Mussolini dropped all pretense of democracy and set up a total dictatorship. From that point onward, the PNF was effectively the only legally permitted party in the country. This status was formalised by a law passed in 1928 and Italy remained a one-party state until the end of the Fascist regime in 1943. The new laws were strongly criticised by the leader of the Socialist Party Giacomo Matteotti during his speech in Parliament and a few days later Matteotti was kidnapped and killed by fascist blackshirts.

After taking sole power, the Fascist regime began to impose the Fascist ideology and its symbolism throughout the country. Party membership in the PNF became necessary to seek employment or gain government assistance. The fasces adorned public buildings, Fascist mottos and symbols were displayed in art and a personality cult was created around Mussolini as the nation's saviour called "Il Duce", "The Leader". The Italian parliament was replaced in duties by the Chamber of Fasces and Corporations, solely filled with Fascist Party members. The PNF promoted Italian imperialism in Africa and staunchly promoted racial segregation and white supremacy of Italian settlers in the colonies.

In 1930 came the Youth Fasces of Combat. The 1930s were characterised by the secretary Achille Starace, "faithful" to Mussolini and one of the few fascist secretaries from Southern Italy, who launched a campaign of Fascism in the country made up of a wave of ceremonies and rallies and the creation of organisations which aimed to frame the country and the citizen in all its manifestations (both public and private). To regiment youth movements, Starace brought the Opera Nazionale Balilla (ONB) under the direct control of the PNF and the Youth Fasces that were dissolved and merged into the new Gioventù Italiana del Littorio (GIL).

On 27 May 1933, party membership was declared a basic requirement for public office. On 9 March 1937, it became mandatory if one wanted access to any public office and from 3 June 1938 those who did not join the party could not work. In 1939, Ettore Muti replaced Starace at the helm of the party, a fact that testifies to the increasing influence of Galeazzo Ciano, the Minister of Foreign Affairs and son-in-law of Mussolini.

On 10 June 1940, from the balcony of Palazzo Venezia Mussolini announced the entry of Italy into World War II on the side of Hitler's Germany.

The Fall of Mussolini

On 25 July 1943, following a request from Dino Grandi due to the failure of the war the Grand Council of Fascism overthrew Mussolini by asking the King to resume his full authority in officially removing Mussolini as prime minister, which he did. Mussolini was imprisoned, but the Fascists immediately collapsed and the party was officially banned by Pietro Badoglio's government on 27 July.

After the Nazi-engineered Gran Sasso raid liberated Mussolini in September, the PNF was revived as the Republican Fascist Party (Partito Fascista Repubblicano – PFR; 13 September), as the single party of the Northern and Nazi-protected Italian Social Republic (the Salò Republic). Its secretary was Alessandro Pavolini. The PRF did not outlast Mussolini's execution and the disappearance of the Salò state in April 1945, amidst the final Allied offensive in Italy.

Ideology
Italian Fascism was rooted in Italian nationalism and Georges Sorel's revolutionary syndicalism that eventually evolved into national syndicalism in Italy. Most Italian revolutionary syndicalist leaders were not only "founders of the Fascist movement", but later held key positions in Mussolini's administration. They sought to restore and expand Italian territories, which Italian Fascists deemed necessary for a nation to assert its superiority and strength and to avoid succumbing to decay. Italian Fascists claimed that modern Italy is the heir to ancient Rome and its legacy and historically supported the creation of an Italian Empire to provide spazio vitale ("living space") for colonisation by Italian settlers and to establish control over the Mediterranean Sea.

Italian Fascism promoted a corporatist economic system whereby employer and employee syndicates are linked together in associations to collectively represent the nation's economic producers and work alongside the state to set national economic policy. This economic system intended to resolve class conflict through collaboration between the classes.

Italian Fascism opposed liberalism, but rather than seeking a reactionary restoration of the pre-French Revolutionary world, which it considered to have been flawed as it had a forward-looking direction. It was opposed to Marxist socialism because of its typical opposition to nationalism, but was also opposed to the reactionary conservatism developed by Joseph de Maistre. It believed the success of Italian nationalism required respect for tradition and a clear sense of a shared past among the Italian people, alongside a commitment to a modernised Italy.

Nationalism
Italian Fascism is based upon Italian nationalism and in particular seeks to complete what it considers as the incomplete project of Risorgimento by incorporating Italia Irredenta ("unredeemed Italy") into the state of Italy. The National Fascist Party founded in 1921 declared that the party was to serve as "a revolutionary militia placed at the service of the nation. It follows a policy based on three principles: order, discipline, hierarchy".

It identifies modern Italy as the heir to the Roman Empire and Italy during the Renaissance and promotes the cultural identity of Romanitas ("Roman-ness"). Italian Fascism historically sought to forge a strong Italian Empire as a "Third Rome", identifying ancient Rome as the "First Rome" and Renaissance-era Italy as the "Second Rome". Italian Fascism has emulated ancient Rome and Mussolini in particular emulated ancient Roman leaders, such as Julius Cæsar as a model for the Fascists' rise to power and Augustus as a model for empire-building. Italian Fascism has directly promoted imperialism, such as within the Doctrine of Fascism (1932) ghostwritten by Giovanni Gentile on behalf of Mussolini, declared:

Fascism emphasised the need for the restoration of the Mazzinian Risorgimento tradition that pursued the unification of Italy, that the Fascists claimed had been left incomplete and abandoned in the Giolittian-era Italy. Fascism sought the incorporation of claimed "unredeemed" territories to Italy.

To the east of Italy, the Fascists claimed that Dalmatia was a land of Italian culture whose Italians, including those of Italianized South Slavic descent, had been driven out of Dalmatia and into exile in Italy and supported the return of Italians of Dalmatian heritage. Mussolini identified Dalmatia as having strong Italian cultural roots for centuries via the Roman Empire and the Republic of Venice. The Fascists especially focused their claims based on the Venetian cultural heritage of Dalmatia, claiming that Venetian rule had been beneficial for all Dalmatians and had been accepted by the Dalmatian population. The Fascists were outraged after World War I, when the agreement between Italy and the Entente Allies in the Treaty of London of 1915 to have Dalmatia join Italy was revoked in 1919.

The Fascist regime supported annexation of Yugoslavia's region of Slovenia into Italy that already held a portion of the Slovene population, whereby Slovenia would become an Italian province, resulting in a quarter of Slovene ethnic territory and approximately 327,000 out of total population of 1.3 million Slovenes being subjected to forced Italianization.

The Fascist regime supported annexation of Albania, claimed that Albanians were ethnically linked to Italians through links with the prehistoric Italiotes, Illyrian and Roman populations and that the major influence exerted by the Roman and Venetian empires over Albania justified Italy's right to possess it. The Fascist regime also justified the annexation of Albania on the basis that—because several hundred thousand people of Albanian descent had been absorbed into society in Southern Italy already—the incorporation of Albania was a reasonable measure that would unite people of Albanian descent into one state. The Fascist regime endorsed Albanian irredentism, directed against the predominantly Albanian-populated Kosovo and Epirus – particularly in Chameria inhabited by a substantial number of Albanians.<ref>Bernd Jürgen Fischer. 'Albania at war, 1939–1945. West Lafayette, Indiana, USA: Purdue University Press, 1999. P. 70-73.</ref> After Italy annexed Albania in 1939, the Fascist regime endorsed assimilating Albanians into Italians and colonising Albania with Italian settlers from the Italian Peninsula to gradually transform it into an Italian land. The Fascist regime claimed the Ionian Islands as Italian territory on the basis that the islands had belonged to the Venetian Republic from the mid-14th until the 18th century.

To the west of Italy, the Fascists claimed that the territories of Corsica, Nice and Savoy held by France were Italian lands.Mussolini Unleashed, 1939–1941: Politics and Strategy in Fascist Italy's Last War. Cambridge, England, UK: Cambridge University Press, 1986, 1999. P. 38. During the period of Italian unification in 1860 to 1861, Prime Minister of Piedmont-Sardinia, Camillo Benso, Count of Cavour, who was leading the unification effort, faced opposition from French Emperor Napoleon III who indicated that France would oppose Italian unification unless France was given Nice and Savoy that were held by Piedmont Sardinia, as France did not want a powerful state having control of all the passages of the Alps. As a result, Piedmont-Sardinia was pressured to concede Nice and Savoy to France in exchange for France accepting the unification of Italy. The Fascist regime produced literature on Corsica that presented evidence of the italianità of the island. The Fascist regime produced literature on Nice that justified that Nice was an Italian land based on historic, ethnic and linguistic grounds. The Fascists quoted Medieval Italian scholar Petrarch who said: "The border of Italy is the Var; consequently Nice is a part of Italy". The Fascists quoted Italian national hero Giuseppe Garibaldi who said: "Corsica and Nice must not belong to France; there will come the day when an Italy mindful of its true worth will reclaim its provinces now so shamefully languishing under foreign domination". Mussolini initially pursued promoting annexation of Corsica through political and diplomatic means, believing that Corsica could be annexed to Italy through first encouraging the existing autonomist tendencies in Corsica and then independence of Corsica from France, that would be followed by annexation of Corsica into Italy.

To the north of Italy, the Fascist regime in the 1930s had designs on the largely Italian-populated region of Ticino and the Romansch-populated region of Graubünden in Switzerland (the Romansch are a people with a Latin-based language). In November 1938, Mussolini declared to the Grand Fascist Council: "We shall bring our border to the Gotthard Pass". The Fascist regime accused the Swiss government of oppressing the Romansch people in Graubünden. Mussolini argued that Romansch was an Italian dialect and thus Graubünden should be incorporated into Italy. Ticino was also claimed because the region had belonged to the Duchy of Milan from the mid-fourteenth century until 1515. Claim was also raised on the basis that areas now part of Graubünden in the Mesolcina valley and Hinterrhein were held by the Milanese Trivulzio family, who ruled from the Mesocco Castle in the late 15th century. Also during the summer of 1940, Galeazzo Ciano met with Adolf Hitler and Joachim von Ribbentrop and proposed to them the dissection of Switzerland along the central chain of the Western Alps, which would have left Italy also with the canton of Valais in addition to the claims raised earlier.

To the south, the regime claimed the archipelago of Malta, which had been held by the British since 1800. Mussolini claimed that the Maltese language was a dialect of Italian, and theories about Malta being the cradle of the Latin civilisation were promoted.Jeffrey Cole. Ethnic Groups of Europe: An Encyclopedia. ABC-CLIO. 2011. p. 254 Italian had been widely used in Malta in the literary, scientific and legal fields and it was one of Malta's official languages until 1937, when its status was abolished by the British as a response to Italy's invasion of Ethiopia.

Italian irredentists had claimed that territories on the coast of North Africa were Italy's Fourth Shore and used the historical Roman rule in North Africa as a precedent to justify the incorporation of such territories to Italian jurisdiction as being a "return" of Italy to North Africa. In January 1939, Italy annexed territories in Libya that it considered within Italy's Fourth Shore, with Libya's four coastal provinces of Tripoli, Misurata, Benghazi and Derna becoming an integral part of metropolitan Italy. At the same time, indigenous Libyans were given the ability to apply for "Special Italian Citizenship" which required such people to be literate in the Italian language and confined this type of citizenship to be valid in Libya only.

Tunisia, a French protectorate since 1881, had the highest concentration of Italians in North Africa and its seizure by France had been viewed as an injury to national honour in Italy at what they perceived as a "loss" of Tunisia from Italian plans to incorporate it. Upon entering World War II, Italy declared its intention to seize Tunisia as well as the province of Constantine of Algeria from France.

To the south, the Fascist regime held interest in expanding Italy's African colonial possessions. In the 1920s, Italy regarded Portugal as a weak country that was unbecoming of a colonial power due to its weak hold on its colonies and mismanagement of them and as such Italy desired to annexe Portugal's colonies. Italy's relations with Portugal were influenced by the rise to power of the authoritarian conservative nationalist regime of António de Oliveira Salazar, which borrowed fascist methods, though Salazar upheld Portugal's traditional alliance with Britain.

Totalitarianism

In 1925, the PNF declared that Italy's Fascist state was to be totalitarian. The term "totalitarian" had initially been used as a pejorative accusation by Italy's liberal opposition that denounced the Fascist movement for seeking to create a total dictatorship. However, the Fascists responded by accepting that they were totalitarian, but presented totalitarianism from a positive viewpoint. Mussolini described totalitarianism as seeking to forge an authoritarian national state that would be capable of completing Risorgimento of the Italia Irredenta, forge a powerful modern Italy and create a new kind of citizen – politically active Fascist Italians.

The Doctrine of Fascism (1932) described the nature of Italian Fascism's totalitarianism, stating the following:

American journalist H. R. Knickerbocker wrote in 1941: "Mussolini's Fascist state is the least terroristic of the three totalitarian states. The terror is so mild in comparison with the Soviet or Nazi varieties, that it almost fails to qualify as terroristic at all." As example he described an Italian journalist friend who refused to become a Fascist. He was fired from his newspaper and put under 24-hour surveillance, but otherwise not harassed; his employment contract was settled for a lump sum and he was allowed to work for the foreign press. Knickerbocker contrasted his treatment with the inevitable torture and execution under Stalin or Hitler, and stated "you have a fair idea of the comparative mildness of the Italian kind of totalitarianism".

However, since World War II historians have noted that in Italy's colonies Italian Fascism displayed extreme levels of violence. One-tenth of the population of the Italian colony of Libya died during the Fascist era, including from the use of gassings, concentration camps, starvation and disease; in Ethiopia during and after the Second Italo-Ethiopian War, a quarter of a million Ethiopians died.

Corporatist economics
Italian Fascism promotes a corporatist economic system. The economy involves employer and employee syndicates being linked together in corporative associations to collectively represent the nation's economic producers and work alongside the state to set national economic policy. It supports criminalisation of strikes by employees and lockouts by employers, as it deems these acts prejudicial to the national community as a whole.

Age and gender roles
The Italian Fascists' political anthem was called Giovinezza ("The Youth"). Fascism identifies the physical age period of youth as a critical time for the moral development of people that will affect society.

Italian Fascism pursued what it called "moral hygiene" of youth, particularly regarding sexuality. Fascist Italy promoted what it considered normal sexual behaviour in youth while denouncing what it considered abnormal sexual behaviour. It deemed homosexuality as deviant sexual conduct. The Fascist State also criminalised the dispersion of birth control as well as abortion and created laws that taxed bachelors. Fascist Italy regarded the promotion of male sexual excitation before puberty as the cause of criminality amongst male youth. Fascist Italy reflected the belief of most Italians that homosexuality was wrong and even went as far as to create punitive laws against homosexuals. Instead of the traditional Catholic teaching that it was a sin, a new approach was taken based on then-modern psychoanalysis that it was a social disease. Fascist Italy pursued an aggressive campaign to reduce prostitution of young women.

Mussolini perceived women's primary role to be childbearers while men were warriors, once saying that "war is to man what maternity is to the woman". In an effort to increase birthrates, the Italian Fascist government gave financial incentives to women who raised large families and initiated policies designed to reduce the number of women employed. Italian Fascism called for women to be honoured as "reproducers of the nation" and the Italian Fascist government held ritual ceremonies to honour women's role within the Italian nation. In 1934, Mussolini declared that employment of women was a "major aspect of the thorny problem of unemployment" and that for women working was "incompatible with childbearing". Mussolini went on to say that the solution to unemployment for men was the "exodus of women from the work force".

Tradition
Italian Fascism believed that the success of Italian nationalism required a clear sense of a shared past amongst the Italian people, along with a commitment to a modernised Italy. In a famous speech in 1926, Mussolini called for Fascist art that was "traditionalist and at the same time modern, that looks to the past and at the same time to the future".

Traditional symbols of Roman civilisation were used by the Fascists, particularly the fasces that symbolised unity, authority and the exercise of power. Other traditional symbols of ancient Rome used by the Fascists included the she-wolf of Rome. The fasces and the she-wolf symbolised the shared Roman heritage of all the regions that constituted the Italian nation. In 1926, the fasces was adopted by the Fascist government of Italy as a symbol of the state. In that year, the Fascist government attempted to have the Italian national flag redesigned to incorporate the fasces on it. However, this attempt to incorporate the fasces on the flag was stopped by strong opposition to the proposal by Italian monarchists. Afterwards, the Fascist government in public ceremonies rose the national tricolour flag along with a Fascist black flag. However, years later and after Mussolini was forced from power by the King in 1943 only to be rescued by German forces, the Italian Social Republic founded by Mussolini and the Fascists did incorporate the fasces on the state's war flag, which was a variant of the Italian tricolour national flag.

The issue of the rule of monarchy or republic in Italy was an issue that changed several times through the development of Italian Fascism. Initially Italian Fascism was republican and denounced the Savoy monarchy. However, Mussolini tactically abandoned republicanism in 1922 and recognised that the acceptance of the monarchy was a necessary compromise to gain the support of the establishment to challenge the liberal constitutional order that also supported the monarchy. King Victor Emmanuel III had become a popular ruler in the aftermath of Italy's gains after World War I and the army held close loyalty to the King, thus any idea of overthrowing the monarchy was discarded as foolhardy by the Fascists at this point. Importantly, Fascism's recognition of monarchy provided Fascism with a sense of historical continuity and legitimacy. The Fascists publicly identified King Victor Emmanuel II – the first King of a reunited Italy who had initiated the Risorgimento – along with other historic Italian figures, such as Gaius Marius, Julius Cæsar, Giuseppe Mazzini, Camillo Benso, Count of Cavour, Giuseppe Garibaldi and others, for being within a tradition of dictatorship in Italy that the Fascists declared that they emulated. However, this compromise with the monarchy did not yield a cordial relationship between the King and Mussolini. Although Mussolini had formally accepted the monarchy, he pursued and largely achieved reducing the power of the King to that of a figurehead. The King initially held complete nominal legal authority over the military through the Statuto Albertino, but this was ended during the Fascist regime when Mussolini created the position of First Marshal of the Empire in 1938, a two-person position of control over the military held by both the King and the head of government, that had the effect of eliminating the King's previously exclusive legal authority over the military by giving Mussolini equal legal authority to the King over the military. In the 1930s, Mussolini became aggravated by the monarchy's continued existence due to envy of the fact that his counterpart in Germany Adolf Hitler was both head of state and head of government of a republic; and Mussolini in private denounced the monarchy and indicated that he had plans to dismantle the monarchy and create a republic with himself as head of state of Italy upon an Italian success in the then-anticipated major war about to erupt in Europe.

After being removed from office and placed under arrest by the King in 1943 and the Kingdom of Italy's new non-fascist government switching sides from the Axis to the Allies, Italian Fascism returned to republicanism and condemnation of the monarchy. On 18 September 1943, Mussolini made his first public address to the Italian people since his rescue from arrest by allied German forces, in which he commended the loyalty of Hitler as an ally while condemning King Victor Emmanuel III of the Kingdom of Italy for betraying Italian Fascism. On the topic of the monarchy removing him from power and dismantling the Fascist regime, Mussolini stated that "[i]t is not the regime that has betrayed the monarchy, it is the monarchy that has betrayed the regime" and that "[w]hen a monarchy fails in its duties, it loses every reason for being...The state we want to establish will be national and social in the highest sense of the word; that is, it will be Fascist, thus returning to our origins". The Fascists at this point did not denounce the House of Savoy in the entirety of its history and credited Victor Emmanuel II for his rejection of "scornfully dishonourable pacts" and denounced Victor Emmanuel III for betraying Victor Emmanuel II by entering a dishonourable pact with the Allies.

The relationship between Italian Fascism and the Catholic Church was mixed, as originally it was highly anti-clerical and hostile to Catholicism, but from the mid to late 1920s anti-clericalism lost ground in the movement as Mussolini in power sought to seek accord with the Church as the Church held major influence in Italian society with most Italians being Catholic. In 1929, the Italian government signed the Lateran Treaty with the Holy See, a concordat between Italy and the Catholic Church that allowed for the creation of a small enclave known as Vatican City as a sovereign state representing the papacy. This ended years of perceived alienation between the Church and the Italian government after Italy annexed the Papal States in 1870. Italian Fascism justified its adoption of antisemitic laws in 1938 by claiming that Italy was fulfilling the Christian religious mandate of the Catholic Church that had been initiated by Pope Innocent III in the Fourth Lateran Council of 1215, whereby the Pope issued strict regulation of the life of Jews in Christian lands which reduced their status to essentially perpetual slaves, Jews were prohibited from holding any public office that would give them power over Christians and Jews were required to wear distinctive clothing to distinguish them from Christians.

Influence outside Italy
The National Fascist Party model was very influential beyond Italy. In the twenty-one-year interbellum period, many political scientists and philosophers sought ideological inspiration from Italy. Mussolini's establishment of law and order to Italy and its society was praised by Winston Churchill, Sigmund Freud, George Bernard Shaw and Thomas Edison, as the Fascist Government combated organised crime and the Mafia with violence and vendetta (honour).

Italian Fascism was copied by Adolf Hitler's Nazi Party, the Russian Fascist Organization, Brit HaBirionim, the British Union of Fascists, the Romanian National Fascist Movement (the National Romanian Fascia and National Italo-Romanian Cultural and Economic Movement), whereas the Dutch fascists were based upon the Verbond van Actualisten journal of H. A. Sinclair de Rochemont and Alfred Haighton. The Sammarinese Fascist Party established a government in San Marino with a politico-philosophic basis that was essentially Italian Fascism. In the Kingdom of Yugoslavia, Milan Stojadinović established his Yugoslav Radical Union, which was based on Fascism. Party members wore green shirts, Šajkača caps and used the Roman salute. Stojadinović also took to calling himself Vodja. In Switzerland, pro-Nazi Colonel Arthur Fonjallaz of the National Front became an ardent Mussolini admirer after visiting Italy in 1932 and advocated the Italian annexation of Switzerland, whilst receiving Fascist foreign aid. The country was host for two Italian politico-cultural activities: the International Centre for Fascist Studies (CINEF — Centre International d' Études Fascistes), and the 1934 congress of the Action Committee for the Universality of Rome (CAUR — Comitato d' Azione della Università de Roma). In Spain, the writer Ernesto Giménez Caballero, in Genio de España (The Genius of Spain, 1932) called for the Italian annexation of Spain, led by Mussolini presiding an international Latin Roman Catholic empire. He then progressed to be closely associated with Falangism, leading to discarding the Spanish annexation to Italy. In India, Italian Fascism and particularly the Opera Nazionale Balilla, influenced B.S. Moonje and the Hindu Mahasabha. In Brazil, Italian Fascism played a role in inspiring and financing Plínio Salgado's Brazilian Integralist Action.

Legacy
Although the National Fascist Party was outlawed by the postwar Constitution of Italy, a number of successor neo-fascist parties emerged to carry on its legacy. Historically, the largest neo-fascist party was the Italian Social Movement (Movimento Sociale Italiano), whose best result was 8.7% of votes gained in the 1972 general election. The MSI was disbanded in 1995 and was replaced by National Alliance, a conservative party that distanced itself from Fascism (its founder, former foreign minister Gianfranco Fini, declared during an official visit to State of Israel that Fascism was "an absolute evil"). National Alliance and a number of neo-fascist parties were merged in 2009 to create the short-lived People of Freedom party led by then Prime Minister Silvio Berlusconi, which eventually disbanded after the defeat in the 2013 general election. By now, many former members of MSI and AN joined Brothers of Italy party led by Giorgia Meloni.

Secretaries of the PNF

Michele Bianchi (November 1921 – January 1923)
multiple presidency (January 1923 – October 1923)Triumvirate: Michele Bianchi, Nicola Sansanelli, Giuseppe Bastianini
Francesco Giunta (15 October 1923 – 22 April 1924)
multiple presidency (23 April 1924 – 15 February 1925)Quadrumvirate: Roberto Forges Davanzati, Cesare Rossi, Giovanni Marinelli, Alessandro Melchiorri
Roberto Farinacci (15 February 1925 – 30 March 1926)
Augusto Turati (30 March 1926 – 7 October 1930)
Giovanni Giuriati (October 1930 – December 1931)
Achille Starace (December 1931 – 31 October 1939)
Ettore Muti (31 October 1939 – 30 October 1940)
Adelchi Serena (30 October 1940 – 26 December 1941)
Aldo Vidussoni (26 December 1941 – 19 April 1943)
Carlo Scorza (19 April 1943 – 27 July 1943)

Election results

Italian Parliament

Party symbols

SlogansViva il Duce! ("Long live the Leader!")Saluto al Duce! ("Hail the Leader!")Tutto nello Stato, niente al di fuori dello Stato, nulla contro lo Stato ("Everything in the State, nothing outside the State, nothing against the State") – Benito Mussolini (October 1925)La guerra è per l'uomo, come la maternità è per la donna ("War is to man, as motherhood is to woman")Viva la morte ("Long live death [sacrifice])Credere, obbedire, combattere ("Believe, obey, fight")Vincere e vinceremo! ("Win and we will win!")Libro e moschetto - fascista perfetto ("Book and rifle - perfect Fascist")Se avanzo, seguitemi. Se indietreggio, uccidetemi. Se muoio, vendicatemi ("If I advance, follow me. If I retreat, kill me. If I die, avenge me")La libertà non è diritto è un dovere ("Liberty is not a right it is a duty")Noi tireremo diritto'' (literally "We will go straight" or "We shall go forward")

See also
Glossary of Fascist Italy
Fascism
Fascism and ideology
Italian fascism
Revolutionary nationalism
Squadrismo

References

Bibliography
Renzo De Felice, Le interpretazioni del fascismo, Laterza, Roma-Bari, 1977
Renzo De Felice, I rapporti tra fascismo e nazionalsocialismo fino all'andata al potere di Hitler. 1922-1933. Appunti e documenti. Anno accademico 1970-1971, Napoli, Edizioni Scientifiche Italiane, 1971
Renzo De Felice, Autobiografia del fascismo. Antologia di testi fascisti, 1919-1945, Minerva italica, Bergamo, 1978
Renzo De Felice, Intellettuali di fronte al fascismo. Saggi e note documentarie, Bonacci, Roma, 1985
Renzo De Felice, Fascismo, Prefazione di Sergio Romano, Introduzione di Francesco Perfetti, Luni Editrice, Milano-Trento, 1998. ISBN 88-7984-109-2
Renzo De Felice, Breve storia del Fascismo, Mondadori, Milano, 2002
Carlo Galeotti, Achille Starace e il vademecum dello stile fascista, Rubbettino, 2000 ISBN 88-7284-904-7
Carlo Galeotti, Benito Mussolini ama molto i bambini..., Galeotti editore, 2022
Carlo Galeotti, Saluto al Duce!, Gremese, 2001
Carlo Galeotti, Credere obbedire combattere, Stampa alternativa, 1996
Paola S. Salvatori, La seconda Mostra della Rivoluzione fascista, in "Clio", XXXIX, 3, 2003, pp. 439–459
Paola S. Salvatori, La Roma di Mussolini dal socialismo al fascismo. (1901-1922), in «Studi Storici», XLVII, 2006, 3, pp. 749–780
Paola S. Salvatori, L'adozione del fascio littorio nella monetazione dell'Italia fascista, in "Rivista italiana di numismatica e scienze affini", CIX, 2008, pp. 333–352
Paola S. Salvatori, Liturgie immaginate: Giacomo Boni e la romanità fascista, in "Studi Storici", LIII, 2012, 2, pp. 421–438

External links

THE DOCTRINE OF FASCISM / BENITO MUSSOLINI (1932)
Fascist Italy and the Jews: Myth versus Reality  an online lecture by Dr. Iæl Nidam-Orvieto of Yad Vashem

1921 establishments in Italy
1943 disestablishments in Italy
Defunct nationalist parties in Italy
Defunct political parties in Italy
Fascist parties
Italian Fascism
Parties of one-party systems
Political parties established in 1921
Political parties disestablished in 1943
Right-wing populism in Italy
National conservative parties
Social conservative parties
Far-right political parties
Banned far-right parties

National Fascist Party


The Sony Xperia XZ1 is an Android smartphone manufactured and marketed by Sony. Part of the Xperia X series, the device was announced to the public along with the Xperia XZ1 Compact at the annual IFA 2017 on August 31, 2017. It is the direct successor to the Sony Xperia XZ according to Sony, and is the latest flagship after the Xperia XZ Premium.

The Xperia XZ1, along with the Xperia XZ1 Compact, were recognized as the first Android smartphones to come with the recently launched Android 8.0 Oreo operating system pre-installed. Its highlight features are the HDR-enabled 5.2" FHD IPS display and a new world's-first-in-a-smartphone 3D-modelling feature that doesn't need a dual camera setup.

Hardware

Design and Build
Sony refreshes the trademark Xperia Loop Surface design for the Xperia XZ1. But instead of using glass surfaces like the Xperia XZ Premium, the XZ1 is mostly consisted of a wraparound metal chassis, making up the back and sides of the device, with subtly-curved nylon top and bottom edges giving a more smoother approach to the overall design. The most defining change in the XZ1 as well as the XZ Premium is the placement of the image sensors at the back. It is now arranged across the camera lens, centered along the top, as opposed to being longitudinally placed below the lens like on the XZs. But unlike the XZ Premium which has a glass back panel, on the XZ1, the NFC antenna is housed alongside the image sensors, placed directly at the center of the glass window. A durable scratch-resistant glass panel made of Corning's Gorilla Glass 5 adorns the front of the device. Dual front-firing stereo speakers with Sony's new S-Force Front Surround stereo, producing 50% more sound pressure than previous Xperia models for a more immersive surround sound, along with a 13 MP front camera, ambient light and proximity sensor and a notification LED make up the Xperia XZ1's front panel.

The Xperia XZ1's dimensions are  in height, with a width of  and a depth of  and weighs approximately . It has an IP rating of IP65/68, making it dust-proof and water resistant for over 1.5 meters and 30 minutes. The device also features a fingerprint sensor embedded into the power button that can be used to unlock the phone and secure it from unauthorized access. This feature, however, is disabled on units sold in the US.

Display and Performance
The Xperia XZ1 is one of the first smartphones with an HDR display. But unlike the Xperia XZ Premium, the Xperia XZ1 abandons the 4K UHD resolution, settling for a 1080p FHD display instead. It is HDR10 compliant just like the XZ Premium, but has no Dolby Vision support. The  IPS LCD screen has a pixel density of 424 ppi and features Sony's TRILUMINOS display and X-Reality for mobile technology.

It is powered by the same Qualcomm Snapdragon 835 (MSM8998) found in the Xperia XZ Premium, built on 10 nm process technology with 8 custom Kryo processors (4x 2.35 GHz and 4x 1.9 GHz), 4 GB of LPDDR4X RAM and uses the Adreno 540 for graphics rendering. The device also has an internal storage of 64 GB and comes in single-SIM and dual-SIM versions, with both featuring LTE Cat. 16 with Gigabit-class speeds, a 4x4 MIMO antenna design and a total of 10 antennas. It also has microSD card expansion of up to 256 GB (in a hybrid slot for the dual-SIM variant).

Camera
Sony debuted in the Xperia XZs and the XZ Premium the world's first three-layer stacked image sensor with DRAM for smartphones. Known as the Sony IMX400, the sensor features a RAM chip sandwiched in between the sensor and control circuitry layers which serves as a large and fast buffer to where the sensor can temporarily offload a significant amount of captured data before transferring it to the phone's internal memory for processing. This enables the camera to record super slow-motion videos at 960 fps, at a steady 720p resolution. Recording at super slow motion is limited to 0.18 seconds per buffer though, due to limitations.

The Xperia XZ1 borrows the Motion Eye Camera from the Xperia XZ Premium and XZs. It comprises a 19 MP 1/2.3" Exmor RS for mobile sensor with a 1.22 μm pixel pitch, f/2.0 aperture and 25 mm wide G Lens. It also features 4K video recording, which supports SteadyShot video stabilization alongside the standard 1080p/30 fps, a high-speed 1080p/60 fps and a 120 fps recording in 720p options. The front selfie camera has a 13-megapixel sensor (1/3.06") with 22 mm, f/2.0 lens, a 90-degree wide angle lens and SteadyShot with Intelligent Active Mode (5-axis stabilization).

The Xperia XZ1 has the Triple Image Sensing technology that started with the Xperia XZ as standard. It is composed of the image sensing (CMOS sensor with PDAF), distance sensing (Laser AF sensor) and color sensing (RGBC-IR sensor) systems, featuring a hybrid autofocus that utilizes Phase Detection (PDAF) to lock focus on a subject within 0.03 seconds, and also includes phase and contrast detection along with predictive motion tracking. It also has a laser autofocus sensor for fast tracking and locking focus on a subject, as well as an RGBC-IR (RedGreenBlueClear-InfraRed) color sensor that assists the white balance function of the camera by providing additional data about the light conditions of the surrounding environment. It also has SteadyShot with Intelligent Auto in addition to the five-axis sensor-shift image stabilization first seen in the Xperia XZ. The Motion Eye Camera in the Xperia XZ1 also has Predictive Capture. When it detects fast-paced movement, the camera automatically captures a maximum of four photos before the shutter button is pressed, and lets the user select the best one afterwards. This is done without any user intervention and is possible due to the same built-in RAM chip on the image sensor used in capturing the 960 fps super slow-motion videos.

The newest addition to the Motion Eye Camera of the Xperia XZ1 is a 3D scanning feature without the need of a dual-camera setup, a world first for Sony. It utilizes the IMX400's built-in DRAM to offload captured data before being combined and built up in the proprietary 3D Creator application, creating a near-perfect rendition of the subject,  be it a face of a person, a whole head or any object the user may wish to capture. The user is then given the option to use the rendered 3D image on the included animated figures for a more creative approach or have it 3D-printed by Sony's approved 3D printing companies, all within the app itself.

Battery
The Xperia XZ1 is powered by a non-removable 2700 mAh battery. Charging and data transfer is handled by a USB-C port with support for USB 3.1. It also has Qualcomm's QuickCharge 3.0 and Qnovo adaptive charging technology built-in. This allows the device to monitor the cell's electrochemical processes in real time and adjust charging parameters accordingly to minimize cell damage and extend the battery unit's lifespan. It also comes with Battery Care, a Sony proprietary feature, that controls the charging process of the phone by learning and recognizing the user's charging patterns, preventing the phone from damaging the battery's cells from excessive heat due to overcharging. For example, when charging overnight, Battery Care stops the initial charge to 90 percent and then continue charging until full where it left off the next day.

Audio and Connectivity
The Xperia XZ1 comes with a standard 3.5 mm audio jack for plugging in wired headphones. It also has improved LDAC, an audio coding technology developed by Sony, that enables the transmission of 24bit/96 kHz High-Resolution (Hi-Res) audio content over Bluetooth at up to 990 kbit/s, three times faster than conventional audio streaming codecs, to compatible audio devices.  Other connectivity options include Bluetooth 5 with aptX and Low Energy, NFC, dual-band Wi-Fi a/b/g/n/ac with 2x2 MIMO antennas, Wi-Fi Direct, screen casting via Miracast, Google Cast, DLNA, GPS (with A-GPS), GLONASS, BeiDou and Galileo satellite positioning. Like most flagships today, the Xperia XZ1 has no FM radio support.

Software
The Sony Xperia XZ1 is the first smartphone to launch with Android 8.0 Oreo out of the box, along with Sony's famed minimalist approach to customizing its interface, Smart Stamina battery saving modes and multimedia apps.

References

External links

Android (operating system) devices
Sony smartphones
Mobile phones introduced in 2017
Mobile phones with 4K video recording

Sony Xperia XZ1


Jesse Kremer (born February 28, 1977) is a former American politician, pilot, emergency medical technician (EMT), and firefighter.

From Kewaskum, Wisconsin, Kremer was born in Moline, Illinois on February 28, 1977. He served in the United States Army and Wisconsin Army National Guard. In 1995, Kremer graduated from Kettle Moraine Lutheran High School. He received his A.S. in Professional Pilot Training from Fox Valley Technical College attended the Police Recruit Academy and firefighter training at Waukesha County Technical College and EMT training at Milwaukee Area Technical College. Kremer was a firefighter on the Germantown Fire Department and is still an EMT and firefighter on the Kewaskum Fire Department. He was also an airline captain at Midwest Connect Airlines. On November 4, 2014, Kremer was elected to the Wisconsin State Assembly for Assembly District 59. In  2018, Kremer did not run for re-election to the Wisconsin Assembly.

Kremer advocates Young Earth creationism, specifically that the Earth is 6,000 years old, voicing this view during a May 2017 Colleges and Universities Assembly committee hearing.

References

1977 births
Living people
People from Moline, Illinois
People from Kewaskum, Wisconsin
Fox Valley Technical College alumni
Milwaukee Area Technical College alumni
Waukesha County Technical College alumni
Military personnel from Wisconsin
21st-century American politicians
People from Germantown, Wisconsin
Republican Party members of the Wisconsin State Assembly

Jesse Kremer


The 1984 World Championship Tennis circuit was one of the two rival professional male tennis circuits of 1984. It was organized by World Championship Tennis (WCT).
The WCT circuit withdrew from the Grand Prix circuit in 1982 and established its own full calendar season consisting of 20 tournaments. For the 1983 season the WCT circuit was downsized to eight tournaments and ran from January to May. The circuit was again downsized for the 1984 season to five tournaments and the best twelve competitors played at the WCT Finals in Dallas. This was the final year of the WCT as a separate tennis circuit.

Calendar

See also
 1984 Grand Prix circuit

References

External links
 ATP 1984 results archive

World Championship Tennis circuit seasons
World Championship Tennis

1984 World Championship Tennis circuit