Lewis Edwards (27 October 1809 – 19 July 1887) was a Welsh educator and Nonconformist minister.

Life
He was born in Pen-llwyn, Ceredigion, Wales, the eldest son of Lewis and Margaret Edward. He was educated at Aberystwyth and at Llangeitho.  He ran schools in both these places and then became private tutor to a family in Meidrim, Carmarthenshire.

He had preached for the Calvinistic Methodists and, in 1829, was accepted as a regular preacher by the Calvinistic Methodist congregation at Llangeitho. In 1830 he was accepted for study at the Seceders' College, Belfast, but chose instead to study in London, at a college which later became University College London. After one year in London he became a minister and schoolteacher in Laugharne, Carmarthenshire. in 1833 he went to Edinburgh University, where he studied under Thomas Chalmers and Christopher North. By a special dispensation he graduated after three years instead of the usual four, obtaining an MA with honours. He was awarded an honorary D.D. by the University of Edinburgh in 1865.

He was now better able to further his plans for providing a trained ministry for his church. Previously, the success of the Methodist preachers had been due mainly to their natural gifts. Edwards made his home at Bala, and there, in 1837, with David Charles, his brother-in-law, he opened a school, which ultimately, as Bala College, became the denominational college for north Wales.

In 1836 he married Jane Charles, the granddaughter of Thomas Charles (1755–1814), a prominent Calvinistic Methodist minister. Their son Thomas Charles Edwards became the first principal of the University College of Wales, Aberystwyth.

He died on 19 July 1887, and was buried in Llanycil churchyard near the grave of his grandfather-in-law Thomas Charles.

Influence
Edwards may fairly be called one of the makers of modern Wales. Through his hands there passed generation after generation of preachers, who carried his influence to every corner of the principality. By fostering competitive meetings and by his writings, especially in Y Traethodydd, a quarterly magazine which he founded in 1845 and edited for ten years, he did much to inform and educate his countrymen on literary and theological subjects. A new college was built at Bala in 1867, for which he raised £10,000. His chief publication was a noteworthy book on the doctrine of the Atonement, cast in the form of a dialogue between master and pupil; the treatment is forensic, and emphasis is laid on merit. It was due to him that the North and South Wales Calvinistic Methodist Associations united to form an annual General Assembly; he was its moderator in 1866 and again in 1876. He was successful in bringing the various churches of the Presbyterian order into closer touch with each other, and unwearying in his efforts to promote education for his countrymen.

Publications
Edwards was closely involved with several magazines and periodicals. He was editor of Yr Esboniwr and assistant editor of Y Geiniogwerth. In 1845 he founded Y Traethodydd together with Roger Edwards and Thomas Gee.

His published books included:
Athrawiaeth yr Iawn
Traethodau Llenyddol
Traethodau Duwinyddol
Hanes Duwinyddiaeth
Person Crist

Edwards wrote several influential essays, including:
Schools of languages for the Welsh (1849)
Revisers of hymns (1850)
Goethe (1851)
Welsh poetry (1852)
Goronwy Owen (1876)

He translated several English hymns into Welsh.

References

Sources

Further reading

Welsh Methodist ministers
Welsh educators
1809 births
1887 deaths
People from Ceredigion
19th-century Welsh Methodist ministers
Alumni of the University of Edinburgh
19th-century Methodists
People from Bala, Gwynedd

Lewis Edwards


Caldonia (or Calvin) Fackler Johnson (October 14, 1844 – April 7, 1925) was an American businessman and philanthropist, active primarily in Knoxville, Tennessee, in the late 19th and early 20th centuries. Born into slavery, he rose to become a prominent Knoxville racetrack and saloon owner, and by the time of his death, was one of the wealthiest African-American businessmen in the state. He also owned several thoroughbred racehorses, one of which captured a world speed record in 1893.

Biography

Johnson was born in 1844 in a house at the corner of Gay Street and Church Avenue in downtown Knoxville.  His parents were Harriett Johnson (1813–1894), a slave of Charles McClung, and Cupid Johnson (1809–1858), a slave of Hugh Lawson McClung (Charles's son).  Cupid was widely known as a horse trainer and jockey, and played a vital role in shaping Cal's interest in horses. Harriett, a domestic servant, could read and write, and after the Civil War, she operated a hotel and grocery store in East Knoxville.  As a teenager, Cal was sent to McClung's estate in Campbell's Station (modern Farragut), where he tended the family's horses.  During the Civil War, he befriended noted Knoxville saloon owner Patrick Sullivan, and helped Sullivan (who was away fighting in the war) relay messages back and forth to his family.

Following the war, Johnson helped exhume soldiers' bodies from temporary graves at battlefield sites for reinterment in cemeteries.  He struggled financially, however, and sank into alcoholism and poverty.  He finally found employment as a bartender, and in 1879, used his savings to lease a saloon at the corner of Gay and Vine.  By the mid-1880s, he had accumulated around $20,000, and bought the saloon outright.  He also purchased two other saloons, one at the corner of Vine and Central, the other at the corner of Gay and Wall.   By the turn of the 20th century, his saloon at the corner of Gay and Vine, known as the Poplar Log (later renamed the Lone Tree), was one of the most popular in the city.

Johnson served as an alderman on Knoxville's city council from 1883 to 1885.  He also began buying thoroughbred racehorses, and attended races across the South.  In 1893, one of his horses broke a world speed record at the Columbian Exposition in Chicago.  Johnson also established Knoxville's only racetrack, in what is now the Burlington neighborhood near Chilhowee Park.  The track has since been converted into a street, Speedway Circle.

In 1907, Knoxville passed a prohibition ordinance that forced the city's saloons, including Johnson's, to close.  The following year, Johnson opened one of Knoxville's first movie houses on Central, but the business failed.  In 1910, as part of the Appalachian Exposition, Johnson cut down the lone tree in the middle of his racetrack to allow the first airplane to visit the city to land.  He later donated a house at the corner of Vine and Patton for the establishment of the city's African-American YMCA.  At his death in 1925, his net worth was estimated at $300,000 to $500,000.

Legacy

In 1898, Johnson constructed a three-story warehouse building on State Street in downtown Knoxville.  Now known as the Cal Johnson Building, this structure is a contributing property in the National Register of Historic Places-listed Gay Street Commercial Historic District.  In 1922, the city established a park for its black residents, which it named Cal Johnson Park in Johnson's honor.  Johnson donated a concrete fountain and arched entranceway for the park, though these have since been removed.  In 1957, the city built the Cal Johnson Recreation Center inside the park.

See also

Charles W. Cansler
Peter Kern
James G. Sterchi
William F. Yardley

References

External links
Cal Johnson Park

Businesspeople from Knoxville, Tennessee
African-American history in Knoxville, Tennessee
African-American businesspeople
Saloonkeepers
Tennessee city council members
1844 births
1925 deaths
20th-century African-American people

Cal Johnson (businessman)


A dabang is a Korean establishment that primarily serves coffee, tea, and other non-alcoholic beverages. Other words for dabang include coffee house, coffee shop, , , and .

The word dabang can also refer to coffee shops like Starbucks. Starbucks is referred to as  (Hangul: 별다방), from 'byeol', a Korean word for 'star'.

History
As Korea became more exposed to western culture in the late period of the Joseon Dynasty and the Korean Empire, dabang-like establishments began to emerge. The dabang was the origin of the tea ceremony. It is said that Dado was established in East Asian countries during the 8th and 9th centuries. In Korea, Dado culture was underdeveloped compared to China and Japan, as there was no Dado culture for the common people. However, Dado culture was institutionalized at the national level. According to literature, there was a place where tea was drunk in the Unified Silla period called Daejeon Won (Tea 院), and the term "tea room" appeared in the Goryeo period. In the Goryeo Dynasty, the national government took charge of tea, liquor, fruit, etc. In the Joseon Dynasty, there was a treaty encompassing these traditions that were connected to traditional ceremonies for the ancestors, and the tea ceremony was used during the reception for welcoming foreign envoys. The cafés affiliated with Daebul and Steward hotels established by foreigners in Incheon became pioneering dabang. However, dabang with modern functions and styles appeared after the March 1st Movement (Hangul: 3.1 운동) in 1919. The first hotel-style dabang of Seoul was housed inside Sontag Hotel, built in the neighborhood of Jeong-dong, Seoul, in 1902 by Ms. Sontag, a German-Russian. The hotel was built to serve foreign diplomats in Korea.

Around 1923 the modern tea room began to emerge. It was then that the first two Japanese-owned tea rooms, called "Futami" by Myeongdong and "Mt. Kumgang" by Chungmuro, were first established. In particular, Futami took the form of modern tea houses that resembled a coffee shop rather than a restaurant.  In 1927 filmmaker Lee Kyung-Son opened a tea room called "Kakadu" at the entrance to Kwanhun-dong.  Kakadu can be seen as the first dabang run by a Korean. In 1929, Jongno 2-ga opened the "Mexican Cafe" near the YMCA Hall of the Joseon Dynasty, and its owners were actors Kim Yong-gyu and Simyeong. It was said that the selection and arrangement of items in the interior, such as a chair and a table, represented the comprehensive work of the culture, and the collaboration of painters, photographers, stage apparatuses and others. In the 1930s, the appearance of "Nakrangapara" in Sogong-dong made it possible to escape from the culture lovers' atmosphere of early dancers and to become a full-fledged tea shop that paid attention to the profit.

The Russian style dabang called 'Troica' in Myeong-dong, Music dabang called 'Erisa', French style dabang called 'Mimosa', German style dabang called 'win', 'Fugaro' which is well known for weekly music concert, 'Dolce' used as a place for farewell in front of Seoul Station are the pioneers of the dabang culture. Since then, the coffee shop has been in a state of decline at the end of the Second World War and has been closed down since imports of sugar and coffee were blocked due to the Pacific War in 1941. As a result of the chaos of the 8/15 liberation and the 6/25 war, the former style of dabang gradually disappeared and transformed into a commercial café. Right after the Korean War in 1953, when cultural facilities became scarce, the dabang played a role of space for synthetic art, as well.

The tea ceremony of the 1950s was a social charitable object, serving as a hot-spot for the high-level unemployed. Since Kakadu, there were many cafés such as Hangaram, Asia, Kyungsung, and Grammar that were transformed from cultural dabang into commercial dabang like Myeong-dong.

Since the 1960s, the dabang has been transformed into a system in which, instead of the male masters of the intellectual class, women masters carry out face masam, register counters, and chefs. Since the 1970s, The dabang rooms have been decorated with colourful decorations. People visit dabang because of the convenience of commercial meeting rather than the flavour of the tea. Even employers who do not have offices have made use of dabang phones for business and do business with a secretary who works in the dabang. Especially, in the 1970s, as the instant coffee production of Dongseo Food, Koreans started to drink coffee at home, the coffee shop gradually began to become deluxe and specialised. The 1970s was also a time when music specialty coffee houses with youthful DJ s bloomed. In the 1980s, there were a lot of coffee shops with various kinds of tea, high prices, and luxurious interior decoration along with the autonomy of tea prices. The tea ceremony with chain stores started with 'Nandarang', and '00 Gallery', and when the night curfew system was abolished, the late-night tea room appeared in large cities. In the 1990s, dabang gradually lost its ground due to the spread of coffee machines, the refinement of beverages, and the increase of luxury dabang. Some coffee shops continue to use the name "dabang".  Since the so-called 'Ticket dabang', which run prostitutes, flourished around the province, negative images of the tea ceremony has permeated.

Modern day
After the liberation of Korea, the number of tea ceremonies increased every year since the 1975 restrictions were lifted. The number of dabang, however, started to decrease from a peak of about 45,000 in 1992, to about 33,000 before the 1997 financial crisis. After the IMF crisis, the number of dabang increased slightly, but it did not return to its former form. In recent years, the number of coffee shops has sharply decreased, and cafés and specialty stores, such as domestic and overseas brand franchises, have taken their place.

See also
Cafe
Tea house
Ticket Dabang

References

D
D
Korean cuisine

Dabang


Joseph Anthony Tainter (born December 8, 1949) is an American anthropologist and historian.

Biography
Tainter studied anthropology at the University of California, Berkeley and Northwestern University, where he received his Ph.D. in 1975.  he holds a professorship in the Department of Environment and Society at Utah State University. His previous positions include Project Leader of Cultural Heritage Research, Rocky Mountain Forest and Range Experiment Station, Albuquerque, New Mexico and Assistant Professor of Anthropology at the University of New Mexico.

Tainter has written and edited many articles and monographs. His best-known work, The Collapse of Complex Societies (1988), examines the collapse of Maya and Chacoan civilizations,
and of the Western Roman Empire, in terms of network theory, energy economics and complexity theory. Tainter argues that sustainability or collapse of societies follow from the success or failure of problem-solving institutions and that societies collapse when their investments in social complexity and their energy subsidies reach a point of diminishing marginal returns. He recognizes collapse when a society involuntarily sheds a significant portion of its complexity.

With Tadeusz Patzek, he is author of Drilling Down: The Gulf Oil Debacle and Our Energy Dilemma, published in 2011.

Joseph Tainter is married to Bonnie Bagley and they have one child, Emmet Bagley Tainter.

Social complexity

As described in Tainter's Collapse of Complex Societies, societies become more complex as they try to solve problems.  Social complexity can be recognized by numerous differentiated and specialised social and economic roles and many mechanisms through which they are coordinated, and by reliance on symbolic and abstract communication, and the existence of a class of information producers and analysts who are not involved in primary resource production.  Such complexity requires a substantial "energy" subsidy (meaning the consumption of resources, or other forms of wealth).

When a society confronts a "problem," such as a shortage of energy, or difficulty in gaining access to it, it tends to create new layers of bureaucracy, infrastructure, or social class to address the challenge. Tainter, who first identifies seventeen examples of rapid collapse of societies, applies his model to three case studies: The Western Roman Empire, the Maya civilization, and the Chaco culture.

For example, as Roman agricultural output slowly declined and population increased, per-capita energy availability dropped. The Romans "solved" this problem by conquering their neighbours to appropriate their energy surpluses (as metals, grain, slaves, other materials of value). However, as the Empire grew, the cost of maintaining communications, garrisons, civil government, etc. grew with it.  Eventually, this cost grew so great that any new challenges such as invasions and crop failures could not be solved by the acquisition of more territory.

Intense, authoritarian efforts to maintain cohesion by Domitian and Constantine the Great only led to an ever greater strain on the population. The empire was split into two halves, of which the western soon fragmented into smaller units. The eastern half, being wealthier, was able to survive longer, and did not collapse but instead succumbed slowly and piecemeal, because unlike the western empire it had powerful neighbors able to take advantage of its weakness.

It is often assumed that the collapse of the western Roman Empire was a catastrophe for everyone involved.  Tainter points out that it can be seen as a very rational preference of individuals at the time, many of whom were actually better off. Tainter notes that in the west, local populations in many cases greeted the barbarians as liberators.

Diminishing returns
Tainter begins by categorizing and examining the often inconsistent explanations that have been offered for collapse in the literature. In Tainter's view, while invasions, crop failures, disease or environmental degradation may be the apparent causes of societal collapse, the ultimate cause is an economic one, inherent in the structure of society rather than in external shocks which may batter them:  diminishing returns on investments in social complexity. Finally, Tainter musters modern statistics to show that marginal returns on investments in energy (EROEI), education and technological innovation are diminishing today.  The globalised modern world is subject to many of the same stresses that brought older societies to ruin.

However, Tainter is not entirely apocalyptic:  "When some new input to an economic system is brought on line, whether a technical innovation or an energy subsidy, it will often have the potential at least temporarily to raise marginal productivity".  Thus, barring continual conquest of your neighbors (which is always subject to diminishing returns), innovation that increases productivity is – in the long run – the only way out of the dilemma of declining marginal returns on added investments in complexity.

And, in his final chapters, Tainter discusses why modern societies may not be able to choose to collapse: because surrounding them are other complex societies which will in some way absorb a collapsed region or prevent a general collapse; the Mayan and Chacoan regions had no powerful complex neighbors and so could collapse for centuries or millennia, as could the Western Roman Empire - but the Eastern Roman Empire, bordered as it was by the Parthian/Sassanid Empire, did not have the option of devolving into simpler, smaller entities.

His paper Complexity, Problem Solving, and Sustainable Societies (1996) focuses on the energy cost of problem solving, and the energy-complexity relation in manmade systems.
The 2018 study, "Toward a General Theory of Societal Collapse. A Biophysical Examination of Tainter's Model of the Diminishing Returns of Complexity", by Ugo Bardi, Sara Falsini, and Ilaria Perissi, introduced a socioeconomic system model in support of Tainter's diminishing returns mechanism.

Works

See also

Societal collapse
Collapsology
State collapse
Wicked problem

References

Further reading
 Kohr, Leopold: The Breakdown of Nations, 1957.

External links
 Utah State University , Joseph Tainter official faculty page
 How Do You Know When Society Is About to Fall Apart? New York Times Magazine, November 4, 2020.

 , read by Joseph Tainter, videos 1 of 7
 Archaeology, History and Sustainability, audio commentary by Joseph Tainter
 Societal Complexity and Collapse, Omega Tau audio interview with Joseph Tainter recorded October 2015

1949 births
21st-century American historians
21st-century American male writers
Historians of antiquity
American anthropologists
Energy economists
Living people
University of California, Berkeley alumni
Northwestern University alumni
University of New Mexico faculty
Utah State University faculty
American male non-fiction writers

Joseph Tainter


Religious violence means the religiously-motivated killing and/or injuring of people of one religion by people of another region.

The September 11 attacks are an example of religious mass-killing. In India, Hindu-nationalists often attacked Christians,sice the country became independent. This has happened periodically. The United States Department of State in its annual human rights report for 2006 noted attacks against the people of religious groups who are small in number. State Department's annual reports on religious freedom for 2007 expressed concern over organized societal attacks against religious minority in India. Some state governments in India have been accused of not effectively prosecuting those who attack religious minorities.

References

Religious violence


Drew Brazil Dalman (born October 15, 1998) is an American football center for the Atlanta Falcons of the National Football League (NFL). He played college football at Stanford.

College career
Dalman was ranked as a threestar recruit out of high school. He committed to Stanford, where his father went to play football, on August 30, 2016.
Dalman had other offers from Arizona, Colorado, Columbia, Fresno State, Idaho, Michigan, Nevada, Washington, Wyoming and Yale.
Dalman played 4 years at Stanford as a center. Dalman started 22-of-25 games (20 at center, two at guard) over four years for the Cardinal.
Dalman did not allow a single pressure as a senior, fortifying a Stanford offensive line that did not allow a sack all season in 2020.
Dalman earned first-team All-Pac 12 honors as a senior and was named team captain.
Dalman started all 12 games at center as a junior in 2019 and was named second-team All-Pac 12. Dalman was named to second-team 2020–2021 CoSIDA Academic All-America team after majoring in mechanical engineering and maintaining a 3.61 grade point average.

Professional career

Atlanta Falcons
Dalman was drafted by the Atlanta Falcons with the 114th pick in the fourth round of the 2021 NFL Draft. He signed his four-year rookie contract with Atlanta on June 17, 2021.

Personal life
Dalman is the son of former San Francisco 49ers player Chris Dalman.
Dalman also has a sister named Kate who is the operations and recruiting assistant for the Stanford football program.

References

Living people
Players of American football from Salinas, California
American football centers
Stanford Cardinal football players
Atlanta Falcons players
1998 births

Drew Dalman


The Trinidad and Tobago Express, better known as Daily Express (and the weekend editions Saturday Express and Sunday Express), is one of three daily newspapers in Trinidad and Tobago. The Daily Express as per its masthead is published by the Caribbean Communications Network (CCN) and is headquartered on Independence Square in Port of Spain. The newspaper commenced operations on 6 June 1967. The website for the Trinidad and Tobago Express was first registered in 1997 and launched subsequently very soon thereafter. The Express newspaper is the second oldest of the daily Trinidad and Tobago newspapers.

Online presence
The Trinidad and Tobago Express news website, then known as the Internet Express, grew quickly into one of the top visited websites about Trinidad and Tobago. With up to 10,000 hits per day, the website has become one of the online centrepieces of CCN. In 2002, newscasts of the television channel CCN TV6, and its televised daily polls, were carried out using an integrated website of the Trinidad and Tobago Express. That same year, the joint staff of the Trinidad and Tobago website also created an e-commerce venture online called the Express MarketPlace, which was later renamed CaribBuy in 2003. In order to remain focused, a CCN New Ventures division was created within CCN to take control of the various websites.

History
Raoul Pantin, a former journalist and editor for the Trinidad Express, authored a book, The Trinidad Express Story which chronicles the history and establishment of the newspaper.

In 1986 the Express helped launch the Stabroek News, the first independent, general circulation newspaper in Guyana.

References

External links
 Trinidad Express website

Newspapers published in Trinidad and Tobago
Newspapers established in 1967

Trinidad Express Newspapers


Prix Condorcet was instituted in 1993, by the Mouvement laïque québécois to honour a public personality who had worked for the defense of secularity and  freedom of thought. The name honours the Marquis de Condorcet, a philosopher of the Age of Enlightenment and one of the writers of the Declaration of the Rights of Man and of the Citizen.

 1993: Micheline Trudel, voluntary.
 1994: Henry Morgentaler, defender of the right to abortion in Canada.
 1995: Centrale des syndicats du Québec, trade union of teachers.
 1996: Louise Laurin, founder of the Coalition for the deconfessionnalisation of the school system.
 1997: Institut canadien de Montréal, liberal and anticlerical organization (1844-1880).
 1998: All signatories of Refus Global.
 1999: Duplessis Orphans Association.
 2000: Jacques Hébert, senator and humanist of secularity.
 2001: Pierre Bourgault, founder of Rassemblement pour l'Indépendance Nationale and free-thinker.
 2002: Jacques Godbout and Jacques Mackay, former presidents of the Mouvement laïque de langue Française (MLF).
 2003: Janette Bertrand, playwright.
 2004: Rodrigue Tremblay, economist, politician and humanist.
 2005: Paul Bégin, deputy and republican partisan.
 2006: Daniel Baril, journalist and anthropologist, founder member and former president of the MLQ.
 2007: Yolande Geadah, essayist, public debater over immigration and religious issues.

Awards established in 1993
1993 in Canada
Culture of Quebec
Quebec awards

Prix Condorcet


Ingeborg, Duchess of Öland (; 1297–1357) was a Norwegian princess and a Swedish duchess. She was Duchess of Uppland, Öland and Finland. As a widow, she had a seat in the regency government of her nephew Magnus, who reigned as king of both Sweden and Norway.

Family
Ingeborg was the daughter of King Eric II of Norway and Isabel Bruce. Her father, Eric II, died on 15 July 1299, when Ingeborg was one or two years old. He was succeeded by his younger brother, Haakon V, as he died without sons. In 1300, Ingeborg's mother arranged her three-year-old daughter's engagement to Jon Magnusson, Earl of Orkney (died 1311). The marriage never took place; it is unclear whether the engagement was called off or if he died before her coming of age.

Marriage
In a 1312 double wedding in Oslo (another match arranged by her mother), Ingeborg married the Swedish king Birger's youngest brother, Valdemar, Duke of Finland, while her younger cousin Ingeborg, the only legitimate child of King Haakon V, married Birger's eldest brother Eric, Duke of Södermanland. The elder Ingeborg's dower included the island of Öland, whereby she was occasionally mentioned as Duchess of Öland. In 1316, she had a son who probably died young.

On the night between the tenth and eleventh of December 1317, her husband Valdemar and his brother Eric were arrested and chained during a call on their elder brother King Birger in Nyköping. At the imprisonment of her husband and brother-in-law, she and her cousin and sister-in-law, Ingeborg Håkansdotter, became the leaders of their spouses' followers. On 16 April 1318, "the two duchesses Ingeborg" made a treaty in Kalmar with the Danish duke Christoffer of Halland-Samsö and archbishop Esgar of Lund to free their husbands and not to make peace with the kings of Sweden and Denmark before they agreed to this, and the two duchesses promised to honour the promises they gave in return in the names of their husbands. Later the same year, their husbands were confirmed to have died. They either starved to death or were murdered.

Widowhood
The "two duchesses Ingeborg" are thus mentioned once in 1318 as acting for the government alongside Mats Kettilmundsson. It appears then as if Ingeborg had a seat at that time in the guardian government of her cousin Ingeborg's underage son, King Magnus, though there is no list of those seat members and no other evidence that she actually was on it. Her sister-in-law did remain a powerful politician for decades. Ingeborg Eriksdotter was styled Duchess of Öland from at least 1340, surviving her late husband long after his death and staying in Sweden until her own death.

References
 Jerker Rosén : Den svenska historien 2. Medeltiden 1319-1520 (The Swedish history 2. The middleages 1319–1520) (1966)
 http://www.snl.no/.nbl_biografi/Isabella_Bruce/utdypning
 Nordberg, Michael (1995). I kung Magnus tid. Norstedts. .
 Nationalencyklopedin, Bokförlaget Bra Böcker AB, Höganäs (1992)

1297 births
1357 deaths
House of Sverre
House of Bjelbo
Norwegian princesses
Ingiburga 1357
14th-century Swedish people
14th-century Swedish women
14th-century Norwegian women
14th-century Norwegian people
Daughters of kings

Ingeborg, Duchess of Öland


Christ Church is a church and local ecumenical partnership in Nelson, Lancashire, England. It is situated on Carr Road in the town centre. The building has been shared by the Methodist Church of Great Britain and the Roman Catholic Church since 2004 – a rare example of an ecumenical union between Methodists and Roman Catholics.

The Catholic congregation which meets in the church is the successor to the first mission in Nelson, dedicated to St Joseph, which used three successive church buildings. The Catholics began sharing a now-demolished building with the Methodists in 2001, construction of the Carr Road premises began in 2002, and it was opened on 6 June 2004 by Bishop Terence Brain. In 2019 a ceremony, attended by leaders from each denomination, was held to renew the "covenant" between the two traditions. The church is active and used for Methodist services and Catholic masses.

The church building is constructed with a steel frame and concrete blocks, faced in local stone and with a slate roof. It has stained glass windows and banners with a bifurcate theme.

See also
Roman Catholic Diocese of Salford
United and uniting churches

References

Methodist churches in Lancashire
Roman Catholic churches in Lancashire
Churches in the Borough of Pendle

Christ Church, Nelson


Frederick Albert Kempf (born 14 October 1977) is a British pianist born in Croydon to a German father and a Japanese mother. He lives in Berlin.

Early life
Kempf was born in Croydon.
He was educated at The Junior Kings School and St Edmund's School, Canterbury and the Royal Academy of Music. Taking up the piano at the age of four under Ronald Smith, Kempf first caught the attention of British concertgoers four years later when he played Mozart's Piano Concerto No. 12 with the Royal Philharmonic Orchestra at the Royal Festival Hall. The child virtuoso was shortly invited to Germany to repeat his performance.  In 1987, Kempf won the first National Mozart Competition in England and in 1992, was named BBC Young Musician of the Year for his performance of Rachmaninoff's Rhapsody on a Theme of Paganini. He won the Young Concert Artists International Auditions in 1996 which led to his New York City recital debut at Carnegie Hall.

Later career
Kempf's early adult career benefited from his failure to win the 1998 International Tchaikovsky Competition in Moscow, where the first prize in the piano section went instead to Denis Matsuev.  Apparently, some judges had wanted to award the first prize jointly to Matsuev and Kempf, and had successfully negotiated with the Russian Culture Ministry for the additional funding.  However, Kempf only collected the third prize in the end, which provoked a barrage of indignant protests from both the audience and the Russian press, who accused some of the judges of bias, especially towards contestants who also happened to be their former pupils. In April 1999, Kempf returned to Moscow with a series of television broadcasts and sold-out concerts.  His popularity has been compared with that garnered by American pianist Van Cliburn who, in a different result in 1958, had won the inaugural competition.

Kempf has continued to perform solo, chamber and concertante music in Europe, the Americas, East Asia and Australia, and has recorded recital discs of Bach, Beethoven, Chopin, Liszt, Prokofiev, Rachmaninoff and Schumann.  He was voted Best Young British Classical Performer in the Classical BRIT Awards in 2001.

In 2000 he formed the Kempf Trio, with Pierre Bensaid (violin) and Alexander Chaushian (cello). The trio has been well received in Europe, as well as in their international concerts.  Now London-based, they have appeared at the Flanders Festival in Belgium and in France at the Orpheus & Bacchus Festival. The ensemble made its United States debut in the chamber music series at La Jolla, California, and in Scottsdale, Arizona. In an April 2000 interview with Kempf, MusicWeb-International's Marc Bridle wrote,"Unlike many musicians of his age, Kempf has a startlingly mature interest in chamber music", quoting Kempf as saying, "With the piano it's very easy for your life to become very solitary. You're always the soloist, or you tell the conductor what to do. And with recitals it's the same, you just do what you want. ...  It's nice to sit in a chamber group and be told 'you're playing rubbish', or to be told what to do. ... For me it's one of the most fulfilling mediums to play in. Especially with the piano trio you can be as selfish as you want with each instrument treated as a solo." Bridle went on to note, "His craving for chamber music came from the Marlboro Festival", and cited Kempf recalling that, "I remember being told I'd have to rehearse the Mozart Piano Trio on the first day. […] All of these people were there and they just wanted to play chamber music. Even if you played with the cellist of the Guarneri Quartet, who had played with Rubinstein and had played the piece more than 200 or 300 times, you always felt comfortable. If you had a valid idea they would listen to you, it was just a wonderful experience". Bridle added, "At no time during our interview does Kempf seem more at ease than when talking about chamber music".

References

External links

Alumni of the Royal Academy of Music
British classical pianists
Male classical pianists
British people of German descent
British people of Japanese descent
1977 births
Living people
Fellows of the Royal Academy of Music
People educated at St Edmund's School Canterbury
Prize-winners of the Paloma O'Shea International Piano Competition
Child classical musicians
Musicians from Croydon
Eurovision Young Musicians Finalists
21st-century classical pianists
21st-century British male musicians

Freddy Kempf


Shuri was the capital of the former countries of Chuzan and later of the Ryukyu Kingdom, which were in present-day Okinawa. The Ryukyu kings would rule the kingdom from Shuri Castle. Today, it is a district of the present-day city of Naha. Shuri and Naha used to be different cities, but since Okinawa became part of Japan, Shuri would no longer be the capital. The Japanese government made Naha, which was a nearby port city, to be Okinawa's capital instead. Today, Shuri Station it is the last stop on the Okinawa Urban Monorail.

Okinawa Prefecture

Shuri


Triángulo Dionisio Foianini (Dionisio Foianini Triangle) is the name given to Bolivia's border with Brazil and Paraguay.  Its importance lies in the fact that this border is marked in part by the Paraguay River and, as a result, Bolivia has a water route to the Atlantic Ocean that does not involve Brazil.  Consequently, Bolivia is planning on building a major port at the Puerto Busch within the triangle.

Currently Bolivian ships must pass along the eleven kilometre Tamengo Canal which connects Laguna Cáceres to the Paraguay River at the Brazilian city of Corumbá.

Geography of Bolivia
Bolivia–Brazil border
Bolivia–Paraguay border

Dionisio Foianini Triangle


The Large Hadron Collider (LHC) is the world's biggest and most powerful particle accelerator. It was built by the European Organization for Nuclear Research (CERN). It is a giant circular tunnel built underground. The tunnel is 17 miles (27 kilometers) long, and between 50 and 175 meters below the ground. It lies beneath the border of Switzerland and France. 10,000 scientists and engineers from over 100 different countries worked together in the making of this project, and it cost 10.4 billion Swiss francs ($10 billion) to build. It is now the largest and most complicated experimental research facility in the world.

As its name states, the research at the LHC involves the collision of hadrons. A hadron is a particle which consists of a number of quarks held together by the subatomic strong force. Protons and neutrons are examples of a hadron. The LHC primarily uses the collision of protons in its experiments. Protons are parts of atoms with a positive charge. The LHC accelerates these protons through the tunnel until they reach nearly the speed of light. Different protons are directed through the tunnel in opposite directions. When they collide, they create conditions similar to the early universe.

The LHC attempts to study elementary particles and the ways they interact. Researchers have used it to learn about quantum physics, and they hope to learn much more about the structure of space and time. The observations researchers are able to make can help us learn what the universe might have been like within milliseconds after the big bang.

How it works
The LHC ionizes Hydrogen atoms to get their protons. A Hydrogen atom consists of only one proton and one electron. When they ionize the atoms, they are removing the one electron to give it a net positive charge. The Hydrogen protons are then directed through the circle by electromagnets. In order for the magnets to be strong enough, it must be very cold. The inside of the tunnel is cooled by liquid helium. They keep the temperature at just above absolute zero. The protons hit one another at close to the speed of light and this creates lots of particles, many of which only live a short time before decaying to lighter particles. At the four collision sites, there are large detectors called ALICE, ATLAS, CMS and LHCb.

When the particles hit each other, their energy is converted into many different particles, and sensitive detectors keep track of the pieces that are created. By looking carefully at the detector data, scientists can study what the particles are made of and how the particles interact. This is the only way to detect some particles because very high energy is needed to create them. The LHC's particle collisions have the energy needed.

The LHC has three main parts to it. There is the particle accelerator, the four detectors, and the Grid. The accelerator creates the collision, but the results cannot be directly observed. The detectors turn it into usable data and send it to the Grid. The Grid is a computer network that the researchers use to interpret the data. There are 170 locations in 36 different countries which are filled with regular desktop computers. All of these computers are connected, and together they act as a supercomputer. The LHC's Grid is considered the most powerful supercomputer ever built. The computers share processing power and data storage space.

The Grid is very powerful, but it is only able to take in about one percent of the data it receives from the detectors. Its limitations have motivated attempts at creating quantum computers, which could use what the LHC has taught us about quantum mechanics in order to make faster computers.

Scientists used the LHC to find the Higgs boson, a particle predicted to exist by the Standard Model.

Some people thought the LHC could create a black hole, which would be very dangerous. There are two reasons not to be worried. The first is that the LHC didn't do anything that the cosmic rays that hit the Earth every day don't do, and these rays do not create black holes. The second reason is that even if the LHC did make black holes, they would be very tiny. The smaller a black hole is, the shorter its life. Very tiny black holes would evaporate before they could hurt people.

The LHC was first used on September 10, 2008, but it did not work because a cooling system broke. The magnets that help to move the charged particles must be cold. The failure caused part of the facility to collapse. The lab shut down for the winter and the collider was not used again until November 2009. While it was being repaired, scientists used the Tevatron to look for the Higgs Boson. When the LHC was restarted in November 2009, it set a new speed record by accelerating protons to 1.18 TeV (teraelectronvolt, or trillion electronvolt). On March 30 2010, the LHC created a collision at 3.5 TeV.

References

Other websites

 The official LHC website

Buildings and structures in Switzerland
Nuclear physics

Large Hadron Collider


Chinese nationalism () is a form of nationalism in which asserts that the Chinese people are a nation and promotes the cultural and national unity of all Chinese people. It is often equated with Han nationalism, although these two concepts are different. According to Sun Yat-sen's philosophy in the Three Principles of the People, Chinese nationalism should be a form of civic nationalism constructed on top of a united value, however this has not been fully recognized or applied in practice by successors.

Modern Chinese nationalism emerged in the late Qing dynasty (1636–1912) in response to the humiliating defeat in the First Sino-Japanese War and the invasion and pillaging of Beijing by the Eight-Nation Alliance. In both cases, the aftermath forced China to pay financial reparations and grant special privileges to foreigners. The nationwide image of China as a superior Celestial Empire at the center of the universe was shattered, and last-minute efforts to modernize the old system were unsuccessful. These last-minute efforts were best exemplified by Liang Qichao, a late Qing reformer who failed to reform the Qing government in 1896 and was later expelled to Japan, where he began work on his ideas of Chinese nationalism.

The effects of World War I continually shaped Chinese nationalism. Despite joining the Allied Powers, China was again severely humiliated by the Versailles Treaty of 1919 which transferred the special privileges given to Germany to the Empire of Japan. This resulted in the May Fourth Movement of 1919, which developed into nationwide protests that saw a surge of Chinese nationalism. Large-scale military campaigns led by the Kuomintang during the Warlord Era that overpowered provincial warlords and sharply reduced special privileges for foreigners helped further strengthen and aggrandize a sense of Chinese national identity.
After the Empire of Japan was defeated by Allies in World War II, Chinese nationalism again gained traction as China recovered lost territories previously lost to Japan before the war, including Northeast area and the island of Taiwan. However, the Chinese Civil War, (which had paused in the face of Japanese invasion) had resumed, damaging the image of a unified Chinese identity. The Communists were victorious in 1949, as the Kuomintang retreated to Taiwan. Under Mao Zedong, the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) began to employ Chinese nationalism as a political tool. Using Chinese nationalism, the CCP began to suppress separatism and secessionist attitudes in Tibet, Inner Mongolia, and among the Uyghurs, a Turkic minority in the far-west province of Xinjiang, an issue that persists. In modern times, especially due to changing US-China relations, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the People's Republic of China often cite ideas of Chinese nationalism when responding to press questions on the topic.

Development of national consciousness

The first state of China was confirmed as the Shang dynasty (c. 1570 BC-c. 1045 BC). The Chinese concept of the world was largely a division between the civilized world and the barbarian world and there was little concept of the belief that Chinese interests were served by a powerful Chinese state. Commenter Lucian Pye has argued that the modern "nation state" is fundamentally different from a traditional empire, and argues that dynamics of the current People's Republic of China (PRC) – a concentration of power at a central point of authority – share an essential similarity with the Ming and Qing Empires.

Chinese nationalism as it emerged in the early 20th century was based on the experience of Japanese nationalism, especially as viewed and interpreted by Sun Yat-sen. Chinese nationalism was rooted in the long historic tradition of China as the center of the world, in which all other states were offshoots and owed some sort of deference. That sense of superiority underwent a series of terrible shocks in the 19th century, including large-scale internal revolts, and more grievously the systematic gaining and removal of special rights and privileges by foreign nations who proved their military superiority during the First and Second Opium Wars, based on modern technology that was lacking in China. It was a matter of humiliation one after another, the loss of faith in the Qing Dynasty. By the 1890s, disaffected Chinese intellectuals began to develop "a new nationalist commitment to China as a nation-state in a world dominated by predatory imperialist nation states." Overall, their concern was not in preserving a traditional Chinese order but instead the construction of a strong state and society that could stand in a hostile international arena. Unlike many nationalist projects in other countries, the trend among Chinese intellectuals was to regard tradition as unsuitable for China's survival and instead to view tradition as a source of China's problems.

China's defeat by Japan in the 1894-1895 First Sino-Japanese war was fundamental to the development of the first generation of Chinese nationalists. The most dramatic watershed came in 1900, in the wake of the invasion, capture, and pillaging of the national capital by an eight-nation coalition that punished China for the Boxer Rebellion. Ethnic nationalism was, in any case, unacceptable to the ruling Manchu elitethey were foreigners who conquered China and maintained their own language and traditions. Most citizens had multiple identities, of which the locality was more important than the nation as a whole. Anyone who wanted to rise in government non-military service had to be immersed in Confucian classics, and pass a very difficult test. If accepted, they would be rotated around the country, so the bureaucrats did not identify with the locality. The depth of two-way understanding and trust developed by European political leaders and their followers did not exist.

The Second Sino-Japanese war was one of the most important events in the modern construction of Chinese nationalism. The Chinese experience in the war helped create an ideology based on the concept of "the people" as a political body in its own right, "a modern nation as opposed to a feudal empire."

Ideological sources

The discussion of modern Chinese nationalism has dominated many political and intellectual debates since the late nineteenth century. Political scientist Suisheng Zhao argues that nationalism in China is not monolithic but exists in various forms, including political, liberal, ethnical, and state nationalism. Over the first half of the twentieth century, Chinese nationalism has constituted a crucial part of many political ideologies, including the anti-Manchuism during the 1911 Revolution, the anti-imperialist sentiment of the May Fourth Movement in 1919, and the Maoist thoughts that guided the Communist Revolution in 1949. The origin of modern Chinese nationalism can be traced back to the intellectual debate on race and nation in late nineteenth century. Shaped by the global discourse of social Darwinism, reformers and intellectuals debated how to build a new Chinese national subject based on a proper racial order, particularly the Manchu-Han relations. After the collapse of the Qing regime and the founding of the Republic of China in 1911, concerns of both domestic and international threat made the role of racism decline, while anti-imperialism became the new dominant ideology of Chinese nationalism over the 1910s. While intellectuals and elites advocated their distinctive thoughts on Chinese nationalism, political scientist Chalmers Johnson has pointed out that most of these ideas had very little to do with China's majority population—the Chinese peasantry. He thus proposes to supplement the ideology of the Chinese Communist Party in the discussion of Chinese nationalism, which he labels "peasant nationalism."

In the 19th century, significant development of the Chinese national identity resulted from an attempt in some revolutionary circles to negatively identify themselves against the Qing dynasty, which in their view was non-Chinese. Under this initial view of Chinese nationalism, the Chinese identity was primarily associated with the majority Han ethnic group.

After Qing's defeat in the Sino-Japanese War of 1895, reformers and intellectuals debated how to strengthen the nation, the discussion of which centered on the issue of race. Liang Qichao, a late Qing reformist who participated in the Hundred Days' Reform of 1898, contended that the boundary between Han and Manchu must be erased (ping Man-Han zhi jie). Liang was among the most prominent nationalists who viewed earlier conceptions of a Han-focused national identity as too restrictive. Liang attributed the decline of China to the Qing dynasty ruled by the Manchus, who treated the Han as an "alien race" and imposed a racial hierarchy between the Han and the Manchus while ignoring the threat of imperial powers. However Liang's critique of the Qing court and the Manchu-Han relations laid the foundation for anti-Manchuism, an ideology that early Republican and nationalist revolutionaries advocated in their efforts to overthrow the Qing dynasty and found a new Republic in China. More broadly, Liang's view was that modernity was "an age of struggle among nations for the survival of the fittest" and that therefore the Qing government should support industrialization and develop a Chinese people with strong work ethic, "a strong sense of nationalism, and a militaristic mentality."

In his writing "Revolutionary Army," Zou Rong, an active Chinese revolutionary at the turn of the twentieth century, demanded a revolution education for the Han people who were suffering from the oppression of the Manchu rule. He argued that China should be a nation of the orthodox Han Chinese and no alien race shall rule over them. According to Zou, the Han Chinese, as the descendants of the Yellow Emperor, must overthrow the Manchu rule to restore their legitimacy and rights. Wang Jingwei, a Chinese revolutionary who later became an important figure in the Kuomintang, also believed that the Manchus were an inferior race. Wang contended that a state consisting of a single race would be superior to those multiracial ones. Most of the Republican revolutionaries agreed that preserving the race was vital to the survival of the nation. Since the Han had asserted its dominant role in Chinese nationalism, the Manchus had to be either absorbed or eradicated. Historian Prasenjit Duara summarized this by stating that the Republican revolutionaries primarily drew on the international discourse of "racist evolutionism" to envision a "racially purified China."

After the 1911 Revolution, Sun Yat-sen established the Republic of China, the national flag of which contained five colors with each symbolizing a major racial ethnicity of China. This marked a shift from the earlier discourse of radical racism and assimilation of the non-Han groups to the political autonomy of the five races. The rhetorical move, as China historian Joseph Esherick points out, was based on the practical concerns of both imperial threats from the international environment and conflicts on the Chinese frontiers. While both Japan and Russia were encroaching China, the newly born republic also faced ethnic movements in Mongolia and Tibet which claimed themselves to be part of the Qing Empire rather than the Republic of China. Pressured by both domestic and international problems, the fragile Republican regime decided to maintain the borders of the Qing Empire to keep its territories intact. With the increasing threat from the imperialist powers in the 1910s, anti-imperialist sentiments started to grow and spread in China. An ideal of "a morally just universe," anti-imperialism made racism appear shameful and thus took over its dominant role in the conceptualization of Chinese nationalism. Yet racism never perished. Instead, it was embedded by other social realms, including the discourse of eugenics and racial hygiene.

The Blue Shirts Society, a fascist paramilitary organization within the Kuomintang that modelled itself after Mussolini's blackshirts of the National Fascist Party, was anti-foreign and anti-communist, and it stated that its agenda was to expel foreign (Japanese and Western) imperialists from China, crush Communism, and eliminate feudalism. In addition to being anticommunist, some KMT members, like Chiang Kai-shek's right-hand man Dai Li were anti-American, and wanted to expel American influence. In addition, the close Sino-German relations at the time promoted close ties between the Nationalist Government and Nazi Germany.
The New Life Movement was a government-led civic movement in 1930s China initiated by Chiang Kai-shek to promote cultural reform and Neo-Confucian social morality and to ultimately unite China under a centralized ideology following the emergence of ideological challenges to the status quo. The Movement attempted to counter threats of Western and Japanese imperialism through a resurrection of traditional Chinese morality, which it held to be superior to modern Western values. As such the Movement was based upon Confucianism, mixed with Christianity, nationalism and authoritarianism that have some similarities to fascism. It rejected individualism and liberalism, while also opposing socialism and communism. Some historians regard this movement as imitating Nazism and being a neo-nationalistic movement used to elevate Chiang's control of everyday lives. Frederic Wakeman suggested that the New Life Movement was "Confucian fascism".

In response to the Cultural Revolution, Chiang Kai-shek promoted a Chinese Cultural Renaissance movement which followed in the steps of the New Life Movement, promoting Confucian values.

In addition to anti-Manchurism and anti-imperialism, political scientist Chalmers Johnson has argued that the rise of power of the CCP through its alliance with the peasantry should also be understood as "a species of nationalism." Johnson observes that social mobilization, a force that unites people to form a political community together, is the "primary tool" for conceptualizing nationalism. In the context of social mobilization, Chinese nationalism only fully emerged during the Second Sino-Japanese War (1937-1945), when the CCP mobilized the peasantry to fight against the Japanese invaders. Johnson contends that early nationalism of the Kuomintang was quite similar to the late nineteenth-century nationalism in Europe, as both referred to the search for their national identities and positions in the modern world by the intelligentsia. He argues that nationalism constructed by the intellectuals is not identical to nationalism based on mass mobilization, as the nationalist movements led by the Kuomintang, as well as the May Fourth Movement in 1919, were not mass movements because their participants were only a small proportion of the society where the peasants were simply absent. When the Second Sino-Japanese War broke out in 1937, the CCP began to mobilize the Chinese peasantry through mass propaganda of national salvation () Johnson observed that the primary shift of the CCP's post-1937 propaganda was its focus on the discourse of national salvation and the temporary retreat of its Communist agenda on class struggle and land redistribution. The wartime alliance of the Chinese peasantry and the CCP manifests how the nationalist ideology of the CCP, or the peasant nationalism, reinforced the desire of the Chinese to save and build a strong nation.

Irredentism and expansionism have also played a role in Chinese nationalism, declaring that China should regain its "lost territories" and form a Greater China. To this day, the Republic of China maintains its territorial claims since its inception in 1912. Its territorial claims were inherited from the Great Qing government as part of the Imperial Edict of the Abdication of the Qing Emperor.

Ethnicity

Defining the relationship between ethnicity and the Chinese identity has been a very complex issue throughout Chinese history. In the 17th century, with the help of Ming Chinese rebels, the Manchus conquered China proper and set up the Qing dynasty. Over the next centuries, they would incorporate groups such as the Tibetans, the Mongols, and the Uyghurs into territories which they controlled. The Manchus were faced with the issue of maintaining loyalty among the people they ruled while at the same time maintaining a distinctive identity. The main method by which they accomplished control of the Chinese heartland was by portraying themselves as enlightened Confucian sages part of whose goal was to preserve and advance Chinese civilization. Over the course of centuries the Manchus were gradually assimilated into the Chinese culture and eventually many Manchus identified themselves as a people of China.

The Chinese nation has also been referred to as descendants of Yandi and Huangdi, who were legendary historical ancestors of the Huaxia people, who were ancestral to the Han Chinese.

The complexity of the relationship between ethnicity and the Chinese identity is best exemplified during the Taiping Rebellion in which the rebels fought fiercely against the Manchus on the ground that they were barbarian foreigners while at the same time others fought just as fiercely on behalf of the Manchus on the grounds that they were the preservers of traditional Chinese values.

The Yihetuan, also known as the Boxers, were a Chinese nationalist and pro-Qing monarchist secret society who initiated the Boxer Rebellion from 1899 to 1901. Their motivations were Anti-Christianism and resistance to Westernisation. The Boxers at their peak were supported by some elements of the Imperial Army. Their slogan was "Support the Qing, destroy foreigners!".

In 1909, the Law of Nationality of Great Qing () was published by the Manchu government, which defined Chinese with the following rules: 1) born in China while his/her father is a Chinese; 2) born after his/her father's death while his/her father is a Chinese at his death; 3) his/her mother is a Chinese while his/her father's nationality is unclear or stateless.

In 1919, the May Fourth Movement grew out of student protests to the Treaty of Versailles, especially its terms allowing Japan to keep territories surrendered by Germany after the Siege of Tsingtao, and spurned upsurges of Chinese nationalism amongst the protests.

The official Chinese nationalistic view in the 1920s and 1930s was heavily influenced by modernism and social Darwinism, and included advocacy of the cultural assimilation of ethnic groups in the western and central provinces into the "culturally advanced" Han state, to become in name as well as in fact members of the Chinese nation. Furthermore, it was also influenced by the fate of multi-ethnic states such as Austria-Hungary and the Ottoman Empire. It also became a very powerful force during the Japanese occupation of Coastal China during the 1930s and 1940s and the atrocities committed then.

With the 1911 Revolution and the appearance of modern nationalist theories, "Zhonghua minzu" in the early Republic of China, referred to the Five Races Under One Union concept. This principle held that the five major ethnicities in China, the Han Chinese, Manchus, Mongols, Hui, and Tibetans, all belonged to a single Chinese identity. The government promoted Chinese nationalism for these five ethnic groups but with the Han Chinese are main ethnic group of "Zhonghua minzu" or China, this continued by Nationalist rule under Chiang Kai-shek and his Kuomintang in all China until the proclamation of the People's Republic of China in Chinese Mainland and the Republic of China retreated to Taiwan.

While initially rejected by Mao Zedong and his Chinese Communist Party, it later became accepted, the concept of "Chinese" created in Mao's period was "huge Chinese family" or a political union including the Han Chinese and 55 other ethnic groups. Following the establishment of the People's Republic of China, the government extended the number of ethnicities comprising the Chinese nation to these 56.

Before Xi Jinping took power, Chinese nationalism of the People's Republic of China was influenced strongly by the Soviet Korenizatsiya policy. The Chinese Communist Party also criticized that the Kuomintang-led Republic of China for supporting Han chauvinism. The official ideology of the People's Republic of China asserts that China is a multi-ethnic state, with the majority Han one of many ethnic groups of China, each of whose culture and language should be respected (akin to Soviet patriotism). The government also instituted policies of affirmative action, in general, the ethnic policy of the People's Republic of China at the time was strongly influenced by the nature of its Marxist-Leninist state. Despite this official view, assimilationist attitudes remain deeply entrenched, and popular views and actual power relationships create a situation in which Chinese nationalism has in practice meant Han dominance of minority areas and peoples and assimilation of those groups. Since Xi Jinping took power, assimilation has been overt and intensified while preferential policies for ethnic minorities have shrunk.

During the 1960s and 1970s, Chinese nationalism within mainland China became mixed with the rhetoric of Marxism, and nationalistic rhetoric become in large part subsumed into internationalist rhetoric. On the other hand, Chinese nationalism in Taiwan was primarily about preserving the ideals and lineage of Sun Yat-sen, the party he founded, the Kuomintang (KMT), and anti-Communism. While the definition of Chinese nationalism differed in the Republic of China (ROC) and PRC, both were adamant in claiming Chinese territories such as Senkaku (Diaoyutai) Islands.

In the 1990s, the dissolution of the Soviet Union, rising economic standards and the lack of any other legitimizing ideology, has led to what most observers see as a resurgence of nationalism within Mainland China.

Ethnic minorities

Chinese Muslims and Uyghurs

Chinese Muslims have played an important role in Chinese nationalism. Chinese Muslims, known as Hui people, are a mixture of the descendants of foreign Muslims like Arabs and Persians, mixed with Han Chinese who converted to Islam. Chinese Muslims are sinophones, speaking Chinese and practicing Confucianism.

Hu Songshan, a Muslim Imam from Ningxia, was a Chinese nationalist and preached Chinese nationalism and unity of all Chinese people, and also against foreign imperialism and other threats to China's sovereignty. He even ordered the Chinese Flag to be saluted during prayer, and that all Imams in Ningxia preach Chinese nationalism. Hu Songshan led the Ikhwan, the Chinese Muslim Brotherhood, which became a Chinese nationalist, patriotic organization, stressing education and independence of the individual. Hu Songhan also wrote a prayer in Arabic and Chinese, praying for Allah to support the Chinese Kuomintang government and defeat Japan. Hu Songshan also cited a Hadith (), a saying of the prophet Muhammad, which says "Loving the Motherland is equivalent to loving the Faith" (). Hu Songshan harshly criticized those who were non-patriotic and those who taught anti-nationalist thinking, saying that they were fake Muslims.

Ma Qixi was a Muslim reformer, leader of the Xidaotang, and he taught that Islam could only be understood by using Chinese culture such as Confucianism. He read classic Chinese texts and even took his cue from Laozi when he decided to go on Hajj to Mecca.

Ma Fuxiang, a Chinese Muslim general and Kuomintang member, was another Chinese nationalist. Ma Fuxiang preached unity of all Chinese people, and even non-Han Chinese people such as Tibetans and Mongols to stay in China. He proclaimed that Mongolia and Tibet were part of the Republic of China, and not independent countries. Ma Fuxiang was loyal to the Chinese government, and crushed Muslim rebels when ordered to. Ma Fuxiang believed that modern education would help Hui Chinese build a better society and help China resist foreign imperialism and help build the nation. He was praised for his "guojia yizhi"(national consciousness) by non-Muslims. Ma Fuxiang also published many books, and wrote on Confucianism and Islam, having studied both the Quran and the Spring and Autumn Annals.

Ma Fuxiang had served under the Chinese Muslim general Dong Fuxiang, and fought against the foreigners during the Boxer Rebellion. The Muslim unit he served in was noted for being anti-foreign, being involved in shooting a Westerner and a Japanese to death before the Boxer Rebellion broke out. It was reported that the Muslim troops were going to wipe out the foreigners to return a golden age for China, and the Muslims repeatedly attacked foreign churches, railways, and legations, before hostilities even started. The Muslim troops were armed with modern repeater rifles and artillery, and reportedly enthusiastic about going on the offensive and killing foreigners. Ma Fuxiang led an ambush against the foreigners at Langfang and inflicted many casualties, using a train to escape. Dong Fuxiang was a xenophobe and hated foreigners, wanting to drive them out of China.

Various Muslim organizations in China like the Islamic Association of China and the Chinese Muslim Association were sponsored by the Kuomintang and the Chinese Communist Party.

Chinese Muslim imams had synthesized Islam and Confucianism in the Han Kitab. They asserted that there was no contradiction between Confucianism and Islam, and no contradiction between being a Chinese national and a Muslim. Chinese Muslim students returning from study abroad, from places such as Al-Azhar University in Egypt, learned about nationalism and advocated Chinese nationalism at home. One Imam, Wang Jingzhai, who studied at Mecca, translated a Hadith, or saying of Muhammad, "Aiguo Aijiao"- loving the country is equivalent to loving the faith. Chinese Muslims believed that their "Watan"  was the whole of the Republic of China, non-Muslims included.

General Bai Chongxi, the warlord of Guangxi, and a member of the Kuomintang, presented himself as the protector of Islam in China and harbored Muslim intellectuals fleeing from the Japanese invasion in Guangxi. General Bai preached Chinese nationalism and anti-imperialism. Chinese Muslims were sent to Saudi Arabia and Egypt to denounce the Japanese. Translations from Egyptian writings and the Quran were used to support propaganda in favour of a Jihad against Japan.

Ma Bufang, a Chinese Muslim general who was part of the Kuomintang, supported Chinese nationalism and tolerance between the different Chinese ethnic groups. The Japanese attempted to approach him however their attempts at gaining his support were unsuccessful. Ma Bufang presented himself as a Chinese nationalist who fought against Western imperialism to the people of China in order to deflect criticism by opponents that his government was feudal and oppressed minorities like Tibetans and Buddhist Mongols. He presented himself as a Chinese nationalist to his advantage to keep himself in power as noted by the author Erden.

In Xinjiang, the Chinese Muslim general Ma Hushan supported Chinese nationalism. He was chief of the 36th Division of the National Revolutionary Army. He spread anti-Soviet, and anti-Japanese propaganda, and instituted a colonial regime over the Uyghurs. Uyghur street names and signs were changed to Chinese, and the Chinese Muslim troops imported Chinese cooks and baths, rather than using Uyghur ones. The Chinese Muslims even forced the Uyghur carpet industry at Khotan to change its design to Chinese versions. Ma Hushan proclaimed his loyalty to Nanjing, denounced Sheng Shicai as a Soviet puppet, and fought against him in 1937.

The Tungans (Chinese Muslims, Hui people) had anti-Japanese sentiment.

General Ma Hushan's brother Ma Zhongying denounced separatism in a speech at Id Kah Mosque and told the Uyghurs to be loyal to the Chinese government at Nanjing. The 36th division had crushed the Turkish Islamic Republic of East Turkestan, and the Chinese Muslim general Ma Zhancang beheaded the Uyghur emirs Abdullah Bughra and Nur Ahmad Jan Bughra. Ma Zhancang abolished the Islamic Sharia law which was set up by the Uyghurs, and set up military rule instead, retaining the former Chinese officials and keeping them in power. The Uyghurs had been promoting Islamism in their separatist government, but Ma Hushan eliminated religion from politics. Islam was barely mentioned or used in politics or life except as a vague spiritual focus for unified opposition against the Soviet Union.

The Uyghur warlord Yulbars Khan was pro-China and supported the Republic of China. The Uyghur politician Masud Sabri served as the Governor of Xinjiang Province from 1947 to 1949.

Tibetans

Pandatsang Rapga, a Tibetan politician, founded the Tibet Improvement Party with the goal of modernisation and integration of Tibet into the Republic of China.

The 9th Panchen Lama, Thubten Choekyi Nyima, was considered extremely "pro-Chinese", according to official Chinese sources.

Mongols
Many of the Chinese troops used to occupy Mongolia in 1919 were Chahar Mongols, which has been a major cause for animosity between Khalkhas and Inner Mongols.

Manchus
In the late Qing Dynasty, revolutionaries incited anti-Manchuism to overthrow the Qing dynasty, especially Zou Rong.

In Taiwan

One common goal of current Chinese government is the unification of mainland China and Taiwan. While this was the commonly stated goal of both the People's Republic of China and the Republic of China (Taiwan) before 1992, both sides differed sharply in the form of unification due to differences in political ideology.

In Taiwan, there is a general consensus to support the status quo of Taiwan's de facto independence as a separate nation. Despite this, the relationship between Chinese nationalism and Taiwan remains controversial, involving symbolic issues such as the use of the "Republic of China" as the official name of the government on Taiwan and the use of the word "China" in the name of government-owned corporations. There is little support in Taiwan for immediate unification. Overt support for formal independence is also muted due to the PRC's insistence on military action should Taiwan make such a formal declaration. The argument against unification is partly over culture and whether democratic Taiwanese should see themselves as Chinese or Taiwanese; and partly over mistrust of the authoritarian Chinese Communist Party (CCP), its human rights record, and its de-democratizing actions in Hong Kong (e.g. 2014–2015 Hong Kong electoral reform, which sparked the Umbrella Movement).

These misgivings are particularly prevalent among younger generations of Taiwanese, who generally consider themselves to have little or no connection to China.

More radical Chinese nationalist groups in Taiwan include the Patriot Alliance Association founded in 1993 and the Chinese Unification Promotion Party founded by Taiwanese mafia leader Chang An-lo. The latter has been accused of violence against Hong Kong opposition figures such as Denise Ho and Lam Wing-kee.

Nationalist symbology
 In addition to the national symbols of China, the national symbols of the Republic of China, and the flags of China, there are many symbols opted for use by Chinese nationalists. Some of these include Chinese legendary or ancient figures such as the Yellow Emperor and the Fire Emperor, Yu the Great, Qin Shi Huang, or more modern figures such as Sun Yat-sen, Chiang Kai-shek, or Mao Zedong. Another symbol often used is the Chinese dragon as a personification for the Chinese nation.

Similar to the use of the chrysanthemum (which also has cultural significance in China) in Japan as the Imperial Seal of Japan, the plum blossom is also a national symbol of China, designated by the Legislative Yuan in the Republic of China on 21 July 1964. It was also proposed to be the national flower of the People's Republic of China. The Republic of China patriotic song The Plum Blossom revolves around its symbolism for China.

In the Republic of China, as the National Flower, the plum blossom symbolises:
 Three buds and five petals – symbolises Three Principles of the People and the five branches of the Government in accordance with the Constitution
 The plum blossom withstands the cold winter (it blossoms more in colder temperatures) – it symbolises the faithful, the resolute and the holy; it represents the national spirit of Republic of China nationals.
 The five petals of the flower – symbolises Five Races Under One Union; it also symbolises Five Cardinal Relationships (Wǔlún), Five Constants (Wǔcháng) and Five Ethics (Wǔjiào) according to Confucian philosophy (national philosophy of imperial China for two millennia until 1912, when the Qing Dynasty was overthrown and the Republic of China was established)
The branches (枝橫), shadow (影斜), flexibility (曳疏), and cold resistance (傲霜) of the plum blossom also represent the four kinds of noble virtues, "originating and penetrating, advantageous and firm" mentioned in the I Ching (Book of Changes).

Opposition
There are movements for regional secession from China and independence for Taiwan.

The Milk Tea Alliance formed by netizens from Hong Kong, Taiwan, and Thailand began as a reaction against Chinese nationalist commentators online.

Elements of Japanese nationalism are hostile to China. In World War II, the Empire of Japan conquered large swathes of Chinese territory, and many contemporary nationalists in Japan deny the events of the Nanking Massacre.

Northern and Southern

American scholar Edward Friedman has argued that there is a northern governmental, political, bureaucratic Chinese nationalism that is at odds with a southern, commercial Chinese nationalism.

Populism
Populist nationalism is a comparatively late development in Chinese nationalism of the 1990s. It began to take recognizable shape after 1996, as a joint result of the evolving nationalist thinking of the early 1990s and the ongoing debates on modernity, postmodernism, postcolonialism, and their political implications-debates that have engaged many Chinese intellectuals since early 1995.

Modern times

During the Cold War era, American strategies to contain the spread of communism fueled nationalist sentiment in China, including as a result of the Korean War, the Taiwan Strait Crisis, the PRC's exclusion from the United Nations, and the U.S. embargo of China.

The end of the Cold War has seen the revival throughout the world of nationalist sentiments and aspirations, nationalism is seen as increasing the legitimacy of Chinese Communist Party rule. It has been pursued in a more pragmatic and flexible manner compared to policies during the Cultural Revolution. One remarkable phenomenon in the post-Cold War upsurge of Chinese nationalism is that Chinese intellectuals became one of the driving forces. Many well-educated people-social scientists, humanities scholars, writers, and other professionals have given voice to and even become articulators for rising nationalistic discourse in the 1990s. Some commentators have proposed that "positive nationalism" could be an important unifying factor for the country as it has been for other countries. China has also pursued ethno-nationalist policies aimed at appealing to its diaspora abroad.

On 7 May 1999, during Operation Allied Force (NATO bombing of Yugoslavia), NATO aircraft bombed the Chinese embassy in Belgrade, Yugoslavia, killing three Chinese citizens. The US claimed that the bombing was an accident caused by the use of outdated maps but few Chinese accepted this explanation. The incident caused widespread anger and following the attack Chinese officials described the bombing as a "barbarian act" and a "war crime" while Chinese students in Europe and America demonstrated against 'NATO fascism'. In China thousands were involved in protest marches in Beijing and other provincial capitals, some protesters threw gas bombs and rocks at the diplomatic missions of the United States and other NATO countries while in Chengdu the American Consul's residence was firebombed, deepening anti-Western and anti-American sentiment in China. China, along with Russia, had already supported Slobodan Milošević and the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia during the Kosovo War, and opposed NATO bombardment of Yugoslavia.

In the 21st century, notable spurs of grassroots Chinese nationalism grew from what the Chinese public saw as the marginalization of their country from Japan and the Western world. One such event occurred in the Hainan Island incident of April 1, 2001, in which a United States US EP-3 surveillance aircraft collided mid-air with a Chinese Shenyang J-8 jet fighter over the South China Sea. China sought a formal apology, and President Jiang Zemin accepted United States Secretary of State Colin Powell's expression of "very sorry" as sufficient. The incident nonetheless created negative feelings towards the United States by the Chinese public and increased public feelings of Chinese nationalism.

The Japanese history textbook controversies, as well as Prime Minister Junichiro Koizumi's visits to the Yasukuni Shrine was the source of considerable anger on Chinese blogs. In addition, the protests following the 2008 Tibetan unrest of the Olympic torch has gathered strong opposition within the Chinese community inside China and abroad. Almost every Tibetan protest on the Olympic torch route was met with a considerable pro-China protest. Because the 2008 Summer Olympics were a major source of national pride, anti-Olympics sentiments are often seen as anti-Chinese sentiments inside China. Moreover, the Sichuan earthquake in 2008 sparked a high sense of nationalism from the Chinese at home and abroad. The central government's quick response to the disaster was instrumental in galvanizing general support from the population amidst harsh criticism directed towards China's handling of the Lhasa riots only two months previously. In 2005, anti-Japanese demonstrations were held throughout Asia as a result of events such as the Japanese history textbook controversies. In 2012, Chinese people in mainland China, Hong Kong, and Taiwan held anti-Japanese protests due to the escalating Senkaku Islands dispute.

Nationalism was witnessed at the 2008 Olympic torch relay where pro-Olympic protests were held by overseas Chinese in response to disruptions by anti-China activists in Paris and London. At least 5,000 Chinese Americans including immigrants from mainland China, Hong Kong, Taiwan and Southeast Asia also protested outside CNN's Hollywood offices after CNN commentator Jack Cafferty described Chinese products as "junk" and the Chinese as "goons" and "thugs" during a segment about China's relationship with America. When the Olympic torch passed through Paris, a pro-Tibetan independence protestor attempted to snatch it from a young handicapped Chinese athlete who clung to it. The images were widely televised and led to an internet rumor that accused French supermarket company Carrefour of funding Tibetan independence groups. Protests and calls for boycott resulted and ultimately subsided, in part because of efforts by French officials to apologize for the Paris torch attack.

Another example of modern nationalism in China is the Hanfu movement, which is a Chinese movement in the early 21st century that seeks the revival of Chinese traditional clothing.

The China–United States trade war also fueled nationalist sentiment among both CCP leadership and the general public. The external pressure of the trade war allowed Xi Jinping to point to the United States' actions as a reason for China's economic slowdown. The Chinese public responded. Academic Suisheng Zhao summarizes, "Proud of their accomplishments through hard work, tremendous sacrifices, dogged determination, and well-crafted policies, many Chinese are fed up with US criticisms that China's rise is because it did not play by rules, violated international commitments, and tilted the playing field to advantage Chinese firms."

Credit Suisse has determined through a 2018 survey that young Chinese consumers are turning to local brands as a result of growing nationalism. Local brands like Lenovo have also received backlash from some online Chinese for being unpatriotic.

In 2021 Hannah Bailey, a researcher of Chinese internet censorship at the University of Oxford's Internet Institute, noted a shift in China's approach toward deriving legitimacy from nationalism, compared to the earlier approach based on its economic performance.

Internet activism

In the 1990s, nationalists among the Chinese public were primarily connected through the internet.

In 2005, twenty-two million Chinese netizens signed an internet petition in opposition to Japan's efforts to join the United Nations Security Council.

In response to protests during the 2008 Olympic Torch Relay, the Chinese blogosphere became filled with nationalistic material, many of which highlighted perceived biases and inaccuracies in Western media such as photos of clashes between police and Tibetan independence protestors that took place in Nepal and India but captioned to seem as if the events happened in China. One such site, Anti-CNN, claimed that news channels such as CNN and BBC pushed false narratives and only reported selectively in the 2008 Tibetan unrest.

Chinese hackers have claimed to have attacked the CNN website numerous times, through the use of DDoS attacks. Similarly, the Yasukuni Shrine website was hacked by Chinese hackers during late 2004, and another time on 24 December 2008.

During the 2019–2020 Hong Kong protests, in response to protestors doxing police officers and people unsupportive of the protests, some Chinese nationalists in Hong Kong responded by doxing protestors.

During the Russo-Ukrainian War (in particular the 2022 Russian invasion of Ukraine), nationalistic netizens disseminated pro-Russian sentiments and posted pro-Russian posts across the Chinese internet.

Xi Jinping and the "Chinese Dream"

As Xi Jinping solidified his control after 2012, became the General Secretary of the Chinese Communist Party, the CCP has used the phrase "Chinese Dream", to describe his overarching plans for China. Xi first used the phrase during a high-profile visit to the National Museum of China on 29 November 2012, where he and his Standing Committee colleagues were attending a "national revival" (民族复兴; more commonly translated "national rejuvenation" to differentiate from national awakening) exhibition. Since then, the phrase has become the signature political slogan of the Xi era. In the public media, the Chinese Dream and nationalism are interwoven. In diplomacy, the Chinese dream and nationalism have been closely linked to the Belt and Road Initiative. Peter Ferdinand argues that it thus becomes a dream about a future in which China "will have recovered its rightful place."

References

Further reading

 Befu, Harumi. Cultural Nationalism in East Asia: Representation and Identity (1993). Berkeley, Calif.: Institute of East Asian Studies, University of California.
 Cabestan, Jean-Pierre. "The many facets of Chinese nationalism." China perspectives  (2005) 2005.59 online.
 Chang, Maria Hsia. Return of the Dragon: China's Wounded Nationalism, (Westview Press, 2001), 256 pp,
 Chow, Kai-Wing. "Narrating Nation, Race and National Culture: Imagining the Hanzu Identity in Modern China," in Chow Kai-Wing, Kevin M. Doak, and Poshek Fu, eds., Constructing nationhood in modern East Asia (2001). Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, pp. 47–84.
 Gries, Peter Hays. China's New Nationalism: Pride, Politics, and Diplomacy, University of California Press (January 2004), hardcover, 224 pages,
 Duara, Prasenjit, "De-constructing the Chinese Nation," in Australian Journal of Chinese Affairs (July 1993, No. 30, pp. 1–26).
 Duara, Prasenjit. Rescuing History from the Nation Chicago and London: University of Chicago Press, 1995.
 Fitzgerald, John.  Awakening China – Politics, Culture and Class in the Nationalist Revolution (1996). Stanford University Press.
 He, Baogang. Nationalism, national identity and democratization in China (Routledge, 2018).
 Hoston, Germaine A. The State, Identity, and the National Question in China and Japan (1994). Princeton UP.
 Huang, Grace C. Chiang Kai-shek's Politics of Shame: Leadership, Legacy, and National Identity in China. Cambridge: Harvard University Asia Center, 2021.
 Hughes, Christopher. Chinese Nationalism in the Global Era (2006).
 Judge, Joan. "Talent, Virtue and Nation: Chinese Nationalism and Female Subjectivities in the Early Twentieth Century," American Historical Review 106#3 (2001) pp. 765–803. online
 Karl, Rebecca E. Staging the World - Chinese Nationalism at the Turn of the Twentieth Century (Duke UP, 2002) excerpt
 Leibold, James. Reconfiguring Chinese nationalism: How the Qing frontier and its indigenes became Chinese (Palgrave MacMillan, 2007).
 Lust, John. "The Su-pao Case: An Episode in the Early Chinese Nationalist Movement," Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies 27#2 (1964) pp. 408–429. online

 Nyíri, Pál, and Joana Breidenbach, eds. China Inside Out: Contemporary Chinese Nationalism and Transnationalism (2005) online
 Pye, Lucian W. "How China's nationalism was Shanghaied." Australian Journal of Chinese Affairs 29 (1993): 107–133.
 Tan, Alexander C. and Boyu Chen."China's Competing and Co-opting Nationalisms: Implications to Sino-Japanese Relations." Pacific Focus (2013) 28#3 pp. 365–383). abstract
 Tønnesson, Stein. "Will nationalism drive conflict in Asia?." Nations and Nationalism 22#2 (2016) online.
 Unger, Jonathan, ed. Chinese nationalism (M, E. Sharpe, 1996).
 Wang, Gungwu. The revival of Chinese nationalism (IIAS, International Institute for Asian Studies, 1996).
 Wei, C.X. George and Xiaoyuan Liu, eds. Chinese Nationalism in Perspective: Historical and Recent Cases (2001) online
 Zhang, Huijie, Fan Hong, and Fuhua Huang. "Cultural Imperialism, Nationalism, and the Modernization of Physical Education and Sport in China, 1840–1949." International Journal of the History of Sport 35.1 (2018): 43–60.
 Zhao Suisheng. A Nation-State by Construction. Dynamics of Modern Chinese Nationalism (Stanford UP, 2004)
 Harvard Asia Pacific Review, 2010. "Nations and Nationalism." Available at Issuu Harvard Asia Pacific Review 11.1
 Chinese Nationalism and Its Future Prospects, Interview with Yingjie Guo (27 June 2012)

Chinese nationalism


Péter Ács (born 10 May 1981 in Eger, Hungary) is a Hungarian chess grandmaster (GM). He received the International Master title in 1997 and the GM title in 1998. In 2001 he won the World Junior Chess Championship. In 2002 he won the Essent tournament in Hoogeveen ahead of Alexander Khalifman, Judit Polgár, and Loek van Wely. He has represented Hungary at the 2000, 2002, and 2004 Chess Olympiads.

His best results include: 3rd at the World U16 Championship; 1st at the First Saturday in Budapest 1997; 1st at the First Saturday in Budapest 1998; 1st at Budapest 1999; 1st at Essent 2002; 2nd at Pardubice 2002; 1st at the György Marx Memorial in Paks 2007.

Ács reached his peak Elo rating of 2623 on the January 2003 FIDE World Rankings.

External links

1981 births
Living people
Chess grandmasters
Hungarian chess players
People from Eger
World Junior Chess Champions
20th-century Hungarian people
21st-century Hungarian people

Péter Ács


Pulmonaria officinalis, common names lungwort, common lungwort, Mary's tears or Our Lady's milk drops, is a herbaceous rhizomatous evergreen perennial  plant of the genus Pulmonaria, belonging to the family Boraginaceae.

Etymology
The genus name comes from the Latin pulmo meaning lung and was first used by Leonhart Fuchs (1501–1566), a German physician and one of the three founding fathers of botany. The species was named officinalis by Carl Linnaeus for the medical properties of these plants, used since the Middle Ages to treat coughs and diseases of the chest, because of the doctrine of signatures whereby Christian doctors believed that plants that resemble any body part could be used to treat illnesses in this part since God put his signature in the plant to guide mankind.

Description

The basal leaves are green, cordate, more or less elongated and pointed and always with rounded and often sharply defined white or pale green patches. The upper surface of the leaves has tiny bumps and it is quite hairy. The leaves of this host plant are eaten by the caterpillars of the moth Ethmia pusiella. In spring, the plant produces small bunches of flowers. The 5-petal flowers are red or pink at first, later turn to blue-purple during the anthesis, by changing the pH value inside of the petals. As a matter of fact the flowers contain a dye that belongs to the anthocyanins and change the color from red (acidic) to blue (alkaline). Pulmonaria officinalis is diploid and has the chromosome number 2n = 14. Flowering period extends from March through May and the seeds ripen from May to June. Pollination is granted by insects (entomophily) - mainly bees, bumblebees and butterflies - the spread of seeds over ants.

Distribution
This native species is perhaps the most widespread plant in Europe. It is distributed west in the Ardennes up to the Netherlands, Denmark and southern Sweden. It is missing in Norway and it is only naturalized in the British Isles. It reaches central Russia and the Caucasus and it occurs in the Balkans and in northern to central Italy.

Habitat
Pulmonaria officinalis is an understorey species. It grows in deciduous and beech mixed forests from the lowlands to the mountains. It prefers fresh and shady areas, nutrient-rich and mostly calcareous, stony or pure clay loam soils, at an altitude of 0–1,500 meters (0–4,921 ft) above sea level. As a spring geophyte it starts its vegetative period before full foliation of the tree storey. During this time, it is exposed to high solar radiation, which presents a potential danger for the plant. After leaf out, the amount of solar radiation decreases. The plant is adapted to changing conditions with efficient protective and repair mechanisms (morphological characteristics of leaves, epidermal structure, UV-B absorbing substances). After foliation, the amount of photosynthetic pigments in plant leaves slightly increases due to less sunlight available. On the contrary, the UV-B absorbing substances (flavonoids and anthocyanins) are significantly reduced after foliation.

Gallery

References

 Pignatti S. - Flora d'Italia – Edagricole – 1982, Vol. II, pag. 407
 Tutin, T.G. et al. - Flora Europaea, second edition - 1993

External links
 Biolib
 Pulmonaria officinalis

officinalis
Plants described in 1753
Taxa named by Carl Linnaeus

Pulmonaria officinalis


In telecommunication, the term security kernel has the following meanings:

In computer and communications security, the central part of a computer or communications system hardware, firmware, and software that implements the basic security procedures for controlling access to system resources.
A self-contained usually small collection of key security-related statements that (a) works as a part of an operating system to prevent unauthorized access to, or use of, the system and (b) contains criteria that must be met before specified programs can be accessed.
Hardware, firmware, and software elements of a trusted computing base that implement the reference monitor concept.

References

National Information Systems Security Glossary

Computing terminology

Security kernel


Saint-Génis-des-Fontaines Abbey  is a Benedictine abbey in Saint-Génis-des-Fontaines, Pyrénées-Orientales, France. It was dedicated to Saint Genesius and Saint Michael, to whom the surviving church is still dedicated.

History
The monastery is recorded for the first time in 819, in a document mentioning its abbot, Sentimir. Plundered and destroyed, it was rebuilt by order of King Lothair of France in 981.

Later it came under the protection of the Counts of Roussillon and later of the Kings of Aragon. The abbey church was enlarged and re-consecrated in 1153. In the 13th century it gained a marble cloister on the north-eastern side. Subsequently the abbey declined, and in 1507 was united with Montserrat Abbey.

During the French Revolution, the monks were expelled and the complex divided between several owners. The church was reopened to worship in 1846, as the village's parish church dedicated to Saint Michael. The cloister, which had been dismantled and sold, was bought back and re-installed in its original location in the 1980s.

Architecture

The abbey church was most likely built at the same time as the original monastery, in the 8th century. Of the original church there remain some of the foundation structures, which show its plan to have included a main apse and two deep side apses, with a long transept.

The 1153 enlargement, with the addition of the vaulted ceiling over the transept and nave, led to the reconstruction of the walls in order to support the additional weight of the roof vaults. The ceilings of the apses were also modified and decorated with frescoes, of which only a few traces remain today. The church kept the Latin Cross plan typical of Romanesque architecture, with a nave, transept and three apses. In the 17th century the church was enriched with Baroque altars.

The exterior has two bell towers from different ages. The larger one is located next to the transept and nave. The façade has several Romanesque sculptures and tombstones of monks and local notables. The main portal has an architrave with bas-reliefs commissioned by abbot Guillaume and realized in 1020-21 in white marble from Céret. In the middle is portrayed Christ in majesty in a mandorla, supported by two archangels and flanked by two groups of three figures under arcades of Mozarabic horseshoe arches, over which to either side of the mandorla is the inscription ANNO VIDESIMO QUARTO RENNATE ROTBERTO REGE WILIELMUS GRATIA ABA ISTA OPERA FIERI IUSSIT IN ONORE SANCTI GENESII CENOBII QUE VOCANT FONTANES, which translates to "In the twenty-fourth year of the reign of King Robert, William, by the grace [of God] abbot, ordered this work to be made in honour of Saint Genesius the hermit, which is called Fontanes." The 24th year of the reign of King Robert II of France was 1020-21. A similar sculpture, perhaps by the same artist, is also present in the Abbey of St. Andrew, 4 km from Saint-Génis-des-Fontaines Abbey.

The Christ in Majesty is an Apocalyptic theme that became a common icon depicted in church portals beginning in the early eleventh century in Catalonia. Throughout the eleventh century, people in northern Spain and southern France were exposed to Apocalyptic iconography through widely circulated manuscripts such as the Commentary on the Apocalypse by Beatus of Liébana. The Saint-Génis lintel of Christ and the apostles is the oldest, preserved architectural example of sculpted Apocalyptic iconography. Prior to the dissemination of eleventh century manuscripts, the iconography of Christ in Majesty can be traced to ancient images of the enthroned ruler. The image of Christ in Majesty set above the portal of the Church is an appropriate choice of iconography as it reminds humble worshippers that they are entering God's home. As a result of the Saint-Génis lintel, such visual manifestations of God in the eyes of humans or theophany started to appear on almost every church building. The apostles, set into Mozarabic horseshoe arches, are reminiscent of early Christian sarcophagi in their occupation of architectural space; however, the Saint-Génis figures are purely decorative in their two-dimensionality and do not conform to principles of natural form or space. In contrast to sculptors who were more concerned with placing material beings in a three-dimensional space, the Saint-Génis artist created a sculpture that corresponded more closely with ancient relics or altar frontals. Ultimately, the Saint-Génis lintel was a springboard in the tradition of architectural sculpture and by the twelfth century, such portal carvings became a standard feature of church entrances and facades.

The cloister was built in the 13th century, and was already completed in 1271. It has been supposed that a cloister existed here before, which would be the one depicted near the figures in the portal architrave, but no traces of it remain. The capitals supporting the 13th century cloister are in late Romanesque style. It has been suggested that they could originally have been painted.

See also
 French Romanesque architecture

References

Sources

External links

Images of the abbey

9th-century churches in France
12th-century Roman Catholic church buildings in France
Benedictine monasteries in France
Monuments historiques of Pyrénées-Orientales
8th-century establishments in Francia
Tourist attractions in Pyrénées-Orientales
Churches in Pyrénées-Orientales
Christian monasteries established in the 8th century

Saint-Génis-des-Fontaines Abbey


The Laramide orogeny was a time of mountain building in western North America. It started in the Upper Cretaceous, 70 to 80 million years ago. It ended 35 to 55 million years ago.

The Laramide orogeny occurred in a series of pulses, with quiet phases in between. The main feature was a deep-seated orogeny, from Canada to northern Mexico. The easternmost mountain-building is the Black Hills of South Dakota.

When Pangaea broke up, the Americas moved West. The buckling effect of this was the Andes and the Rockies. They over-rode existing continental plates and buckled up to produce the mountain ranges on the west of the Americas.

References

Orogenies
Geography of North America
Geology

Laramide orogeny