Face-Negotiation Theory is a theory conceived by Stella Ting-Toomey in 1985, to understand how people from different cultures manage rapport and disagreements. The theory posited "face", or self-image when communicating with others, as a universal phenomenon that pervades across cultures. In conflicts, one's face is threatened; and thus the person tends to save or restore his or her face. This set of communicative behaviors, according to the theory, is called "facework".  Since people frame the situated meaning of "face" and enact "facework" differently from one culture to the next, the theory poses a cross-cultural framework to examine facework negotiation. It is important to note that the definition of face varies depending on the people and their culture and the same can be said for the proficiency of facework. According to Ting-Toomey's theory, most cultural differences can be divided by Eastern and Western cultures, and her theory accounts for these differences.

Background
In this theory, "face" is a metaphor for self-image, which originated from two Chinese conceptualizations: lien and mianzi. Lien is the internal moral face that involves shame, integrity, debasement, and honor issues. Mien-tzu, on the other hand, is the external social face that involves social recognition, position, authority, influence and power.

Erving Goffman also situated "face" in contemporary Western research and conceptualized the terms lien and mien-Tzu as identity and ego.  He noted that face is a concern for one's projected image that is both immediate and spontaneous and is tied to the dynamics of social interaction. Goffman also notes that face is a part of a performance, in which performance is day-to-day activity that each individual uses to influence others. In a way, Western society views face as a marketable asset. The performance of "face" can be for the good of others or it can be for the good of one's self.  Correspondingly, "facework" denotes actions taken to maintain consistency between the self and public line. The two forms of facework include restorative and preventive. Restorative facework is the act of reinstating face after the loss of it has taken place; the preventive face is the act of communicating to safeguard the threat of face being lost. Further research by Penelope Brown and Stephen Levinson on politeness suggests that the desire for face is a universal concern. Brown and Levinson further suggested that face can refer to two wants of the individual- the positive face that necessitates approval by others and the negative face that requires that one's actions or thoughts are unimpeded by others. Thus participant's wants are of more importance than the interaction itself in a face-saving view of politeness. In fact, researchers Brown and Levinson posit that face is something that "is emotionally invested, and can be lost, maintained, or enhanced, and must be constantly attended to in interaction". Levinson and Brown did not, however, address culture-specific norms, which is why Ting-Toomey decided to do so in this theory.

Ting-Toomey expanded this thinking and conceptualized face as an individual's claimed sense of favorable social self-image in a relational and network context. Facework is defined as clusters of communicative behaviors that are used to enact self-face and to uphold, challenge/threaten, or support the other person's face. In other words, facework is the sum of all messages received by someone that helps them gain or lose face.

With these concepts and frameworks, the face-negotiation theory investigates intercultural conflict styles. The perceived or actual conflict differences revolved around three issues: content, relational, and identity.  Content conflict refers to the substantive issues external to the individual involved. Relational conflict refers to how individuals define, or would like to define, the particular relationship in that particular conflict episode. The identity-based conflict concerns issues of identity confirmation-rejection, respect-disrespect, and approval-disapproval.  In this way, identity issues are tied closely to culture-based face-orientation factors. A face-threatening episode is an identity expectancy violation episode. Thus, the face-negotiation theory views conflict, intercultural conflict in particular, as a situation that demands active facework management from the two interdependent conflict parties. It can also be noted that in face-negotiation, individuals negotiate face not only with others but with themselves, as well.

The theory has gone through multiple iterations since its creation. There is a 1988 version of seven assumptions and 12 propositions, a 1998 version of seven assumptions and 32 propositions, and, most recently, the 2005 version of seven assumptions and 24 propositions.

Components

Individualism vs. Collectivism
To understand Ting-Toomey's theory, it is important to understand the difference between individualistic and collectivistic cultures. The phrase originates from Geert Hofstede's Culture's Consequences. In the book, Hofstede uses individualism and collectivism as one of the four dimensions that vary between cultures. In Ting-Toomey's theory of face negotiation theory, individualism and collectivism are one of the main differences between Eastern and Western cultures.

Individualistic cultures are less common than collectivistic cultures, as they make up only about ⅓ of the world. According to psychology professor Harry Triandis, the three ways to tell apart individualistic and collectivistic cultures are through self, goals, and duty.

In individualistic cultures, people are more likely to focus on themselves rather than any groups they are involved in. A self-introduction would look simply like the name of the person, their age, etc. In collectivistic cultures, some of the most important aspects of the self are the groups they are involved in. Those from collectivistic cultures are more likely to define themselves by any group affiliation they find themselves in. Those from individualistic cultures focus on their own personal goals, rather than how those from collectivistic cultures want to achieve goals for their groups. To an individualistic culture, it would be unusual to think about pride in one's company over pride in oneself. Finally, those raised in collectivistic cultures are more likely to be sacrificial in their duty to others, unlike those raised individualistic. Collectivistic cultures have an emphasis on family dynamics and the duty one has to their loved ones. Meanwhile, people from individualistic cultures will feel less of a duty towards their family because they were likely not socialized with traditional family values.

Assumptions
Face and facework are universal phenomena. The Face-Negotiation Theory perspective stresses the impact of culture on the situated meaning of face and the enactment of facework. Thus, the theory assumes that:
Those from any culture practice facework whenever communicating.
Example: Humans constantly maintain upkeep for their self-image no matter if they practice self-face upkeep or other-face upkeep.
Face is problematic when identities are questioned.
Differences in individualistic vs. collectivistic and small vs. large power distance cultures profoundly shape face management.
Individualistic cultures prefer self-oriented facework while ollectivistic cultures prefer other-oriented facework.
Example: Individuals from individualistic cultures are more likely to protect their own faces during threatening social situations. Meanwhile, those from collectivistic cultures integrate their face with the face of others involved in threatening social situations (less "every man for himself").
Small power distance cultures prefer an "individuals are equal" framework, whereas large power distance cultures prefer a hierarchical framework.
 Example: These differences are often seen in the political climate of each of the different power distance cultures.
Behavior is also influenced by cultural variances, individual, relational, and situational factors.
Competence in intercultural communication is a culmination of knowledge and mindfulness.

Taxonomies
Face-negotiation theory primarily deals with five sets of themes: face orientation or concerns, face movements, facework interaction strategies, conflict communication styles, and face content domains. In the 2005 version of theory, the five thematic clusters are referred as "core taxonomies".

Face orientations

The orientation of face determines the focus with which the face negotiator will direct her or his attention and energy of the conflict messages. Because of different concerns, caused by different underlying cultural values, face negotiators may orient towards self-face (one's own image), other face (the other conflict party's image) or mutual face (both parties' image and/or the image of the relationship).

For example, in individualist cultures, such as the United States, Germany, and Great Britain, there is great value on personal rights, freedoms and the "do it yourself" attitude. Individualists cultures are seen as promoting independence for individuals  In collectivist cultures such as Japan, Saudi Arabia, and Colombia, more value is placed on "we" vs. "I".  The needs of the group outweigh the needs of the individual, making independence or individualism viewed as selfish.  One-third of the world lives in an individualist society, while the other two thirds are identified with collectivist cultures.

Face orientation also involves the concept of power distance.  People from large power distance cultures accept unequal power distributions, are reliant on established hierarchy, such as age, sex, and roles, not just social rank and understand that rewards and sanctions are based on social position.  People from small power distance cultures value equal power distributions, symmetric relations, and rewards and sanctions based on performance. Denmark is an example of a small power distance culture, while Japan embodies a large power distance culture; The United States is considered to be in the middle in regards to power distance.

Drawing on the research of Geert Hofstede, face-negotiation theory notes that while individualism and power distance are two separate dimensions, they are correlated. Highly individualistic cultures tend to be low in power distance, and vice versa.

Besides the cultural-level collectivism-individualism and power distance, face-negotiation also consists of the individual-level self-construal. Self-construal is an individual level of the construct in face-negotiation theory, and it can be regarded as an additional alternative to understand cross-cultural conflicts, and it is also closely related to cultural variability. There are two types of self-construal: independent self-construal and interdependent self-construal. Independent self-construal refers to the great degree to which people regard themselves as an isolated entity, whereas people who are more interdependent self-construal tend to conceive themselves as an integral part in interpersonal relationship. According to Gudykunst, in individualistic cultures, independent self-construal prevails, while in collectivistic cultures, people are more related to interdependent self-construal.

Face movements

Face movement refers to the options that a negotiator faces in choosing whether to maintain, defend and/or upgrade self-face versus other-face in a conflict episode. There are four opportunities a mediator has in regards to their concern for self-face, your personal image and other-face, the counterpart's image of themselves that define face movements:
If there is a high level of concern for both self-face and other-face, the result is mutual-face protection.
If there is a low level of concern for both self-face and other-face, the result is mutual-face obliteration.
If there is a high level of concern for self-face but a low level of concern for other-face, the result is self-face defence.
If there is a high level of concern for other-face but a low level of concern for self-face, the result is other-face defence.

Ting-Toomey asserts that several conditions must be perceived as severe in order for a negotiator to feel his face is threatened; the importance of the culturally approved facework that is violated, feelings of mistrust because of a large distance between cultures, the importance of the conflict topic, the power distance between the two parties, and the perception of the parties as outgroup members are all conditions which must be made salient for face-threatening communication to occur. Whether or not a person engages in a conflict depends on how face-threatening the situation is perceived.

In an individualistic culture, the more self-face threatening the conflict, the more likely the individual will engage in an attack.  In a collectivistic culture, where mutual-face concern is important, avoidance of conflict may prevail in order for the situation to be defused. Collectivistic communicators may also require a third-party negotiation to make progress in finding a resolution.

Facework interaction strategies

On a broad level, individualistic cultures operate with a more direct, low context facework with importance placed on verbal communication and nonverbal gestures for emphasis.  Collectivistic cultures operate in a more indirect, high context facework emphasizing nonverbal subtleties.  There are three prevalent facework strategies: dominating, avoiding, and integrating.  Dominating facework is characterized by trying to maintain a credible image with the goal of winning the conflict.  Avoiding facework attempts to preserve harmony in the relationship by dealing with the conflict indirectly.  Integrating facework focuses on content resolution and maintaining the relationship.

Along the face concern-orientation dimension, facework is at play before (preventive), during, and after (restorative) the situation. Preventive facework is an attempt to minimize face-loss before the threat occurs. Preventive strategies include credentialing, appealing for suspended judgment, pre-disclosure, pre-apology, hedging, and disclaimers.  Collectivistic cultures tend to employ more preventive strategies than individualistic cultures.  Restorative facework attempts to repair face that was lost.  Restorative strategies include excuses, justifications, direct aggression, humor, physical remediation, passive aggressiveness, avoidance, and apologies.  Individualistic cultures are more likely to use restorative facework than collectivistic cultures.

Facework differs from conflict styles by employing face-saving strategies which can be used prior to, during, or after a conflict episode and can be used in a variety of identity-threatening and identity-protection situations.  These strategies are focused on relational and face identity beyond conflict goal issues.  Conflict styles are specific strategies used to engage or disengage from a conflict situation. Preventive and restorative face-work strategies are typically employed when one's face is being threatened.

Conflict communication styles

Conflict style consists of learned behaviors developed through socialization within one's culture.  Rahim based his classification of conflict styles into two dimensions.  The first dimension demonstrates the concern for self, how important it is for the individual to maintain their own face or that of their culture (this is rated on a high to low continuum) and the second is concern for others, how important is it to the individual to help them maintain their own face (also rated on a high to low continuum). The two dimensions are combined to create five styles for dealing with conflict. The individual will choose a style of handling conflict based on the importance of saving their face and that of the face of the other.
Dominating: One person's position or goal above the other.
Avoiding: Eluding the conflict topic, the conflict party, or the conflict situation altogether.
Obliging: High concern for the other person's conflict interest above a person's own interest.
Compromising: A give-and-take concession approach in order to reach a midpoint agreement.
Integrating: A solution closure that involves high concern for one's self and high concern for the other.

In 2000 Ting-Toomey, Oetzel, and Yee-Jung incorporated three additional conflict communication styles to the original five. These three have further enhanced conflict communication across cultures.

Emotional Expression-Articulating a person's feelings in order to deal with and control conflict.
Third Party Help-Resolving conflicts by enlisting additional help to manage communication.
Passive Aggressive-Reacting to conflict in a roundabout way, placing blame indirectly.

Other researchers used a different way to group the conflict tactics. Ting-Toomey (1983) grouped strategies into three categories of tactics for handling conflict; integrative, distributive and passive-indirect.

Integrative conflict tactics incorporated integrating and compromising styles and is reflective of mutual-face and the need for a solution. Those who chose this tactic work with the other person involved in the conflict to get the best possible solution for both parties. Examples of Integrative tactics may include listening to the other, respecting their feelings, and providing their own personal viewpoints in a manner that assists in the negotiation.

Distributive conflict tactics use the dominating style of handling conflict, and emphasizes the individuals own power over the other. This style reflects self-face. Passive-indirect conflict tactics are consistent with obliging and avoiding styles of handling conflict and reflects other-face.

Face content domains

Face content domains refer to the different topics an individual will engage in facework on. Individuals have different face wants or face needs in a diverse range of communicative situations. There are six domains that an individual will operate in:
Autonomy-represents our need for others to acknowledge our independence, self-sufficiency, privacy, boundary, nonimposition, control issues, and our consideration of other's autonomy face needs
Inclusion-our need to be recognized as worthy companions, likeable, agreeable, pleasant, friendly, cooperative
Status-need for others to admire our tangible and intangible assets or resources: appearance, attractiveness, reputation, position, power, and material worth
Reliability-need for others to realize that we are trustworthy, dependable, reliable, loyal, and consistent in words and actions
Competence-need for others to recognize our qualities or social abilities such as intelligence, skills, expertise, leadership, team-building, networking, conflict mediation, facework, and problem-solving skills
Moral-need for others to respect our sense of integrity, dignity, honor, propriety, and morality.

usage
Before starting a negotiation with a party above are the basic details to concern to make the negotiation win-win state. To begin negotiation, negotiator should start to absorb the reaction of the party and then try to brainstorm with the prepared checklist of concern to find the interest areas of the party to initialize the role to attain the goal.

Theoretical propositions
The heart of Face Negotiation Theories are 24 propositions.  They are based on the seven assumptions and five taxonomies that have been proven in numerous cases and studies.  They describe facework on three levels of communication: cultural, individual, and situational.

Cultural-level propositions

Individualistic cultures predominantly express self-face maintenance interests than collectivistic culture members do.
Collectivistic cultures are more concerned with other-face maintenance than members of individualistic cultures.
Members of collectivist cultures are more concerned with mutual-face maintenance than individualistic cultures.
Members of individualistic cultures predominantly use direct and dominating facework strategies in conflict
Collectivistic cultures tend to use avoidance strategies more than individualistic cultures do.
Members of collectivistic cultures use more integrative facework strategies than individualistic culture members do.
Individualistic cultures prefer dominating/competing conflict styles more than collectivistic cultures do.
Individualistic cultures use more emotionally expressive conflict styles than collectivistic cultures do.
Individualistic cultures use more aggressive conflict styles than members of collectivistic cultures.
Collectivistic cultures use more avoidance techniques than members of individualistic cultures.
Collectivistic cultures use more obliging conflict styles than members of individualistic cultures.
Collectivistic cultures utilize compromising styles of conflict more than members of individualistic cultures.

Individual-level propositions

Independent self is positively associated with self-face concern.
Interdependent self is positively associated with other-/mutual-face concern.
Self-face maintenance is associated with dominating/competing conflict style.
Other-face maintenance is associated with avoiding/obliging conflict style.
Other-face maintenance is associated with compromising/integrating conflict style.
Independent self–construal is associated with dominating/competing conflict style.
Interdependent self-construal is associated with obliging/avoiding.
Interdependent self-construal is associated with compromising/integrating.
Bi-construal is associated with compromising/integrating.
Ambivalent is associated with neglect/third-party.

Situational-level propositions

Individualist or independent-self personalities tend to express a greater degree of self-face maintenance concerns and less other-face maintenance concern in dealing with both ingroup and outgroup conflicts situations.
Collectivist or interdependent-self personalities express a greater degree of other-face concerns with ingroup members and a greater degree of self-face maintenance concerns with outgroup members in intergroup conflict situations.

Intercultural facework competence
Reflecting on the final assumption, intercultural facework competence consists of another component of face-negotiation theory.
Facework competence is conceptualized as an optimal integration of knowledge, mindfulness and communication skills in managing self's and other's face-related concerns. To act competently in an intercultural conflict episode, the theory posits that individuals have to enhance their cultural knowledge and mindfulness in applying context-sensitive facework interaction skills.

Knowledge dimension

Knowledge here refers to the process of in-depth understanding of  phenomenon via a range of information gained through conscious learning and personal experiences. Building block concepts include: (1) individualism-collectivism, (2) power distance. (3) two contrastive "self/face" models, and (4) facework communication styles.

Mindfulness dimension

Mindfulness means attending to one's internal assumptions, cognitions and emotions and simultaneously attuning attentively to the other's assumptions, cognitions and emotions while focusing the five senses. To be mindful of intercultural facework differences, we have to learn to see the unfamiliar behavior from a fresh context. Thus, on a general level, mindfulness demands creative thinking and living.

Applications

As an intercultural communication theory, face-negotiation theory was first tested in and applied to the field of intercultural training and conflicts. However, researchers from other areas also find this theory applicable and relevant. Recent applications and examinations of the theory include following studies.

Intercultural conflict training

One direct application of face-negotiation theory is the design of intercultural conflict training frameworks. Part of the objective of face-negotiation theory, according to Ting-Toomey, is in fact to translate the theory into a viable framework for mindful intercultural conflict training. Ting-Toomey suggests that this theory can be most useful when it comes to application of the theory to intercultural training across cultures.

More specifically, intercultural conflict training revolves around international business negotiation, intercultural conflict mediation, managing intercultural miscommunication, and developing intercultural conflict competencies. Adapting face-negotiation theory, and also in combination with various communication researches such as Critical Incident, Intergroup Negotiation Simulation etc., Ting-Toomey designed a detailed three-day training session. Agenda outline, along with in class activities, lecture themes, and exercises, is provided in her design as well.

Face concerns in interpersonal conflict

This study by the author of the theory Stella Ting-Toomey and, Department of communication and Journalism at the University of New Mexico, John G. Oetzel was done in order to discover if face was indeed a factor in determining "culture's influence on conflict behavior" (Ting-Toomey & Oetzel, 2003).  There were 768 people from four different countries who partook in the study. The cultures represented were China, Germany, Japan, and the United States. China and Japan representing the collectivist countries and Germany and the United States as the individualist countries. Each contributor was given a survey in which they were to explain interpersonal conflict.
The largest findings are as follows.
"Cultural individualism-collectivism had direct and indirect effects on conflict styles."
"Independent self-construal related positively with self-face and interdependent self-construal related positively with other-face."
"Self-face related positively with dominating conflict styles and other-face related positively with avoiding and integrating styles."
"Face accounted for all of the total variance explained (100% of 19% total explained) in dominating, most of the total variance explained in integrating (70% of 20% total explained) when considering face concerns, cultural individualism-collectivism, and self-construals."

Face and facework in conflicts with parents and siblings

This study, implemented by the author of this theory Stella Ting-Toomey, John Oetzel, Martha Idalia Chew-Sanchez, Richard Harris, Richard Wilcox, and Siegfried Stumpf, observed how facework in conflict with parents and siblings is affected by culture, self-concept, and power distance. There were 449 people from four different countries and cultures that participated. Germany, Japan, Mexico, and the United States were the countries used in the study. The survey looked at 3 apprehensions of face and 11 behaviors of "facework". The results are as follows.
"Self-construals had strong effects on face concerns and facework with independence positively associated with self-face and dominating facework and interdependence positively associated with other- and mutual-face and integrating and avoiding facework behaviors."
"Power distance had small, positive effects on self-face, other-face, avoiding facework, and dominating facework."
"National culture had small to medium effects with individualistic, small power distance cultures having more self-face and mutual-face and using more dominating and integrating facework and less avoiding facework."
"Germans have more self-face and used defending more than U.S. Americans."
"Japanese used more expression than Mexicans."
"Individuals in conflict with parents were more likely to use respect and expression and less likely to use aggression, pretend, and third party than individuals in conflict with siblings."

Face negotiation with mothers

Motherhood of the Construction of "Mommy Identity" – Heisler & Ellis Face Negotiation Theory suggests that, "USA culture simultaneously encourages connection and autonomy among individuals." Mothers do not want to be vulnerable so there is a "face" that is developed in the culture of mothers. Heisler and Ellis did a study on the "face" and reasons for face in motherhood. The results portrayed that the main reasons for keeping "face" in a culture of mothers are:

 Acceptance and approval: There is a fear of criticism and rejection by others. There is the avoidance face which deflects others attention. Acceptance face attracts attention.
 Personal Reasons: There are many internal pressures that mothers face. These include the guilt that they do not spend enough time with their children, insecurities and values they have are not being in met, and their self-esteem is low because of the fear of judgment.
 Mentoring/helping others: Mothers put on a face in order to appear as a good mother figure to younger mothers that look up to them. There are cultural expectations that can contribute to personal expectations for how mothers should act. Women's thoughts on mothering are not their own original ideas. They take on a lot of societal pressures. An example would be, if a mother's child acts poorly in public, it makes the mother look bad.

Motherhood and "face": Results from the same study showed that mothers participate in "Mommy face work." Depending on who they are talking to or interacting with. Mothers said to put on their highest face with friends, spouses, mothers and other family members. This is not to say that mother's plan to be deceptive, but they feel more comfortable not showing weakness and hide it accordingly.

Physician communication in the operating room
Kristin Kirschbaum applied face-negotiation theory to the health communication context, and specifically in the operating room environment. In the research, a survey was administered to anesthesiologists and surgeons at a teaching hospital in the southwestern United States to measure three variables commonly associated with face-negotiation theory: conflict-management style, face concern, and self-construal.
The results strongly support the theory, and significant positive correlations were found between independent self-construal and self-face concern for anesthesiologists and surgeons. Specific to this health communication context, the research shows differences between the two groups of operating-room physicians: surgeons are potentially more other-face oriented and that anesthesiologists are potentially more independently oriented. Further, both anesthesiologists and surgeons recognize the importance of collaboration as surgical team members.

The survey also found that specific terms were contextually inappropriate for this population, e.g. the terms pride, dignity, or credibility demonstrated a need for error correlation. This suggests unique considerations of language. Along this line of thinking, the research recommended physician communication training to address both unique language considerations and different orientations to face concern and self-construal.

Safe sex negotiation
Gust Yep, noticing the potential vulnerability and emotional volatility of sexual interaction, applied face-negotiation theory to the safe sex negotiation context.

The study integrated various components of face-negotiation theory, and eight propositions are derived from empirical testing in intimate communication scenarios including east–west romantic dyads. The research is based on preliminary observations on personal interviews with two Asian women, aiming to predict intimate communication patterns between Asian women and Euro-American men. Specifically, low-high context and individualism-collectivism frameworks are used to draw the eight propositions.

Face saving in business request emails
A study conducted on the exchange of business emails between Chinese & American business associates presented how the structure of email requests affected the person's face & impacted how the associates viewed the request. It was observed that direct requests in an email threatened the face of the recipient & sender. It resulted in loss of face because the recipient was denied autonomy and acted in a socially unacceptable manner.

Face negotiation and online gift-giving
Research into the world of community gift-giving on livestream services found that face plays a role in purchases on live video streaming platforms. Consumer competitive arousal, gift design aesthetics, and broadcaster's image all make a difference in an audience's decision to purchase these gifts for livestreamers. Though research found it is easy to make purchasing decisions online, face plays a role in moderating how much someone is willing to give gifts to a person on a livestream.

Face threat and disability
Research was conducted to gauge how disabled persons interact with able bodied individuals with regards to protecting one's face and self-identity. The study considered students with not only physical disability but also disabilities not visually identifiable such as heart conditions and hearing impairment. Those with disabilities were threatened by the way others treated them and hence they chose more face-saving strategies. For instance, communication apprehension was noted in students with a hearing impairment and they reported less disclosure in the conversation. In fact, the study found that disabled students viewed asking help from able bodied individuals as a face threatening act.

Responding to unethical communication
Research in people's reaction to unethical communication revealed that people use face-threatening acts in order to counter the apprehension in communication. According to Bisel et al. (2011), "denying unethical communication challenges both positive and negative face of the hearer". An expression of disapproval threatens a person's positive face which indicates the hearer's need for approval and it impacts the person's negative face because it affects the person's autonomy.

The study put forth a research question of associating politeness strategies and unethical communication. The strategies considered were don't' do the face threatening act, negative politeness, positive politeness and bald on strategy. The unethical communication was classified as one that was either deceptive, manipulative, exploitative, intrusive or coercive. The ideal strategic responses have been highlighted in the figure.

Face saving in artwork reviews
A research was conducted to study the use of face saving and face threatening acts in reviewing artwork. For the study, twelve reviews from the periodical Literatūra ir menas (Literature and Art) were randomly selected. The source for the research analysis was between 1970 -1975.

It was observed that reviewers generally had the face of the artist in mind before presenting their reviews. When presenting a negative review, reviewers threatened the positive face of the artist and hence also presented positive feedback in order to 'save face' of the artist.

Face concerns and the intent to apologize
A study was conducted among 317 Chinese and American participants to determine how the cultural variation between the two affected the intention to apologize. The cultural norms were categorized as the individualistic and collectivist cultures. According to Hofstede (1980), an individualistic culture lays emphasis on the identity of the "I" while collectivist cultures place more importance on the "we" and the harmony in groups.

This study also took into account culture when trying to understand the intention to apologize. Apology, according to Goffman (1971), is the "offender's device to remedy a social breach and to re-establish social harmony".

The cultural differences were more prominent especially as the intention took into account if the member (whose face was threatened by an act and thus necessities an apology) was an in-group or an out-group member. The study thus found that Chinese participants had a greater intention to apologize especially if their act threatened the positive face of the other individual. On the other hand, the U.S. participants had the intention to apologize when their act threatened the negative face of the person.

Face concerns, self-construal and Forgiveness
Ting-Toomey and other researchers conducted a latest research in 2019 on the effects of the three main individual-level constituents of face-negotiation: face concerns, self-construal and apology on victims' choice of forgiveness, reconciliation and revenge to offenders. It is a study on relational transgressions in two different cultures: the high-context communication of China, and the low-context communication of United States.
Participants of this study include 327 college students in United States and 176 college students in central China. The researchers compared five hypotheses on relationship between the central constructs of face-negotiation theory and victims' behavioral consequences. The final result indicates a negative relationship between self-face concern and forgiveness, independent self-construal and forgiveness in both cultures. It also suggests a positive association between other-face concern and forgiveness, interdependent self-construal and forgiveness, offender apology and forgiveness in both countries.

See also
 Effective group decision-making

Notes

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 Oetzel, John, Stella Ting-Toomey, Martha Idalia Chew-Sanchez, Richard Harris, Richard Wilcox, and Siegfried Stumpf. "Face and Facework in Conflicts With Parents and Siblings: A Cross-Cultural Comparison of Germans, Japanese, Mexicans, and U.S. Americans ." Journal of Family Communication. 3.2 (2003): 67-93.
 Qin Z., Stella T., & John G.O. (2014) Linking emotion to the conflict face-negotiation theory: a U.S.-China investigation of the mediating effects of anger, compassion , and guilt in interpersonal conflict. Human Communication Research, 40, 373-375.
 Qin Z., John G. O., Stella T. & Jibiao Z. (2019) Making up or getting even? The effects of face concerns, self-construal, and apology on forgiveness, reconciliation and revenge in the United States and China. Communication Research, Vol.46(4),503-524.
 Rogan, R. G., & Hammer, M. R. (1994). Crisis negotiations: A preliminary investigation of facework in naturalistic conflict discourse.Taylor & Francis
 Stella T., John G.O., & Kimberlie Y. (2001) Self-construal types and conflict management styles. Communication Reports, Vol.14, No.2, 87-104.
 Suzanne F. (1998) Forgiveness and reconciliation: The importance of understanding how they differ. Counseling and Values, Vol.42, 200-216.
 Thich, N. H. (1991). Peace is every step: The path of mindfulness in everyday life. New York: Bantam Books.
 Ting-Toomey, S. (1988). Intercultural conflict styles: A face negotiation theory. In Y. Y. Kim & W. B. Gudykunst (Eds.), Theories in intercultural communication (pp. 213–238). Newbury Park, CA: Sage.
 Ting-Toomey, S. (1997). Intercultural conflict competence. In W. Cupach and D. Canary (Eds.), Competence in interpersonal conflict, New York: McGraw-Hill. pp.120-147.
 Ting-Toomey, S., & Kurogi, A. (1998). Facework competence in intercultural conflict: An updated face-negotiation theory.International Journal of Intercultural Relations, 22(2), 187-225.
 Ting-Toomey, S. (1999). Face and facework. In J. Mio, J. Trimble, P. Arredondo, H. Cheatham, & D. Sue (Eds.) Key words in multicultural interventions. (pp. 125-127), Westport, CT: Greenwood.
 Ting-Toomey, S. (2004). Translating conflict face-negotiation theory into practice. In Landis, D. R., Bennett, J. M., & Bennett, M. J. (Eds.). Handbook of intercultural training. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage.
 Ting-Toomey, S. (2005) The Matrix of Face: An Updated Face-Negotiation Theory. In W.B. Gudykunst (Ed.), Theorizing About Intercultural Communication(pp. 71–92). Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage.
 Ting-Toomey, Stella, and John Oetzel. (2003). Face Concerns in Interpersonal Conflict: A Cross-Cultural Empirical Test of the Face Negotiation Theory. Communication Research. 30.6 (2003): 599-624.
 Tracy, K., & Baratz, S. (1994). The case for case studies of facework. In S. Ting-Toomey (Ed.), The challenge of facework (pp. 287–306). Albany, NY: SUNY.
 West, R. L., Turner, L. H., & Zhao, G. (2010). Introducing communication theory: Analysis and application. New York: McGraw-Hill.
 William, B.G., Yuko, M., Stella, T., Tsukasa, N., Kwangsu, K., & Sam, H.(1996) The influence of cultural individualism-collectivism, self-construals, and individual values on communication styles across cultures. Human Communication Research, Vol.22 No.4,510-543.
 Wilmot, W. W., & Hocker, J. L. (1998). Interpersonal conflict. New York: McGraw-Hill.
 Yep, G. A. (1998). Safer sex negotiation in cross-cultural romantic dyads: An extension of Ting-Toomey's face negotiation theory. In Cole, E., Rothblum, E. D., Fuller, L. K., & Roth, N. (Eds.). Women and AIDS: Negotiating safer practices, care, and representation. Routledge, NY: Taylor & Francis. pp. 81–100.

 Further reading

 Knapp, M.L.; Daly, J. (2011). Background and Current Trends in the Study of Interpersonal Communication. California: SAGE. 3–24.
 Levene, L. (2023, Jun 27). Sex and misery in the workplace: DANCE Saving Face The Place, London aaaee. Financial Times''

Communication
Communication theory
Cultural studies
Psychological theories

Face negotiation theory


The 2010 Canterbury earthquake (also known as the Darfield earthquake) struck the South Island of New Zealand with a moment magnitude of 7.1 at  on , and had a maximum perceived intensity of X (Extreme) on the Mercalli intensity scale. Some damaging aftershocks followed the main event, the strongest of which was a magnitude 6.3 shock known as the Christchurch earthquake that occurred nearly six months later on 22 February 2011. Because this aftershock was centred very close to Christchurch, it was much more destructive and resulted in the deaths of 185 people.

The earthquake on 4 September caused widespread damage and several power outages, particularly in the city of Christchurch, New Zealand's second largest city at that time. Two residents were seriously injured, one by a collapsing chimney and a second by flying glass. One person died of a heart attack and another from a fall. Mass fatalities were avoided partly due to there being few houses of unreinforced construction, although this was also aided by the quake occurring during the early hours of the morning when most people were off the street.

The earthquake's epicentre was  west of Christchurch, close to the town of Darfield. The hypocentre was at a depth of 10 km. A foreshock of roughly magnitude 5.8 hit five seconds before the main quake, and strong aftershocks were reported, up to magnitude 5.4. The quake was felt as lasting up to 40 seconds, and was felt widely across the South Island, and in the North Island as far north as New Plymouth. As the epicentre was on land away from the coast, no tsunami occurred.

The National Crisis Management Centre in the basement of the Beehive in Wellington was activated, and Civil Defence declared a state of emergency for Christchurch, the Selwyn District, and the Waimakariri District, while Selwyn District, Waimakariri and Timaru activated their emergency operation centres. Initially, a curfew was established for parts of Christchurch Central City from 7 pm to 7 am in response to the earthquake. The New Zealand Army was deployed to the worst affected areas in Canterbury.

Insurance claims totalled between NZ$2.75 and $3.5 billion, although it is unclear how much cost can be attributed to each of the earthquake events in the 2010–2011 Canterbury earthquake sequence. The total estimated damage bill was up to $40 billion, making it the fifth-biggest insurance event in the world since 1953.

Geology

Background

In the first eighty years of European settlement in Christchurch (1850–1930), four earthquakes caused significant damage, the last of these centred at Motunau on the North Canterbury coast in 1922.

Modelling conducted for the New Zealand Earthquake Commission (EQC) in 1991 found that earthquakes with a Mercalli intensity of VIII (significant property damage, loss of life possible) could recur on average in the Christchurch area every 55 years. The study also highlighted the dangers of soil liquefaction of the alluvial sediments underlying the city, and the likelihood of significant damage to water, sewer and power supply services.

Geologists have recognised about 100 faults and fault segments in the region, some as close as 20 km to central Christchurch. The closest faults to Christchurch capable of producing powerful earthquakes occur in the Rangiora-Cust area, near Hororata, and near Darfield. However, the 2010 quake ruptured the ground surface on a previously unknown fault and involved slip on up to seven individual faults.

Event
The main quake occurred as a result of strike-slip faulting within the crust of the Pacific plate, near the eastern foothills of the Southern Alps at the western edge of the Canterbury Plains. The earthquake epicentre was located about  to the south and east of the current surface expression of the Australia–Pacific plate boundary through the island (the Alpine and Hope Faults). Though removed from the plate boundary itself, the earthquake likely reflects right-lateral motion on one of a number of regional faults related to the overall relative motion of these plates and may be related to the overall southern propagation of the Marlborough Fault System in recent geologic time. The peak ground acceleration (PGA) measured was 1.26 g (12.36 m/s2), recorded near Darfield. GNS scientists considered this an "extremely rare seismic recording made near a fault rupture". The February 2011 Christchurch earthquake experienced PGA of 1.51 g.

GNS seismologists and geophysicists, who believed the 7.1 Mw quake consisted of three or four separate quakes, quickly proposed at least two models for the quake.
John Beavan proposed a four-fault model consisting of a 6.5 Mw quake on the Charing Cross fault, followed by a 7.0 Mw quake on the Greendale Fault, and a 6.2 Mw quake near Hororata, with a 6.5 Mw quake on the fourth fault, which could run between West Melton, Sandy Knolls and Burnham. Caroline Holden proposed a three-fault model, consisting of a 6.3 Mw quake of 2–4 seconds on the Charing Cross fault, followed by a 6.9 Mw quake lasting 7–18 seconds on the Greendale Fault, and an approximately 6.5 Mw quake of 15–18 seconds near Hororata. Ultimately, the event appears to have been an extremely complex earthquake that involved up to seven faults.

Aftershocks

At 7 August 2012, the area had experienced 11,000+ recorded aftershocks of magnitude 2 or more, including 26 over 5.0 magnitude, and 2 over 6.0 magnitude. Many caused further damage to buildings in the Christchurch central business district, and some were felt as far away as 300 km to the south in Dunedin.

Notable aftershocks, in chronological order, include:
 On  a 5.1 magnitude aftershock had an epicentre just 7 km from the Christchurch city centre.
 On  a magnitude 5.0 aftershock with a depth of just 9 km caused surface shaking – reported at the time to be the worst since the original earthquake.
 On 26 December 2010, Boxing Day, a swarm of more than 32 shallow aftershocks, many centred directly under the city, occurred throughout the day, beginning with a 4.2 jolt at 2:07am. The largest of these, the "Boxing Day aftershock", with a magnitude of 4.9, at a depth of 12 km below Opawa was felt very strongly. It caused further damage to at least 20 buildings, the closure of central Christchurch, and cut power to more than 40,000 residents for some time.
 On  a magnitude 5.1 aftershock with a depth of  struck at 6:03am, waking many residents. The shock caused some minor damage and was felt as far away as the West Coast and Oamaru.
 On  an earthquake of magnitude 6.3 was centred at Heathcote Valley,  from Lyttelton and at a depth of . Seismologists regard it as an aftershock of the 2010 earthquake. Many buildings collapsed or were significantly damaged in the quake, among them Christchurch's iconic ChristChurch Cathedral. As of 1 June 2011, 185 people had been confirmed dead.
 On 6 June 2011 a magnitude 5.5 aftershock with a depth of 15 km centred in Rolleston occurred at 9:09 am, causing power cuts and supermarket closures. The shock was felt widely in the South Island, with reports from as far south as Dunedin and as far north as Nelson. It was the sixth-largest aftershock since the magnitude 7.1 shake in September 2010.
 On 13 June 2011 a magnitude 6.3 earthquake struck Christchurch at a depth of . It was preceded by a magnitude 5.6 tremor, and affected many structures previously damaged by other earthquakes. The earthquake injured a total of 46 people, while many others were evacuated from the city centre.
 On 21 June 2011 a magnitude 5.4 aftershock with a depth of 8 km centred south-west of Halswell occurred at 10:34pm. The shock was felt heavily in Christchurch, causing moderate-heavy content damage in western suburbs such as Upper Riccarton and Hornby. Halswell New World reported that more stock had fallen from shelves in this shake than in the 22 February and 13 June quakes.
 On 22 July 2011 a magnitude 5.1 aftershock with a depth of 12 km occurred at 5:39am.
 23 December 2011 featured another series of strong shocks, including a 5.8 at 1:58pm and a 6.0 at 3:18pm. The earthquakes interrupted power and water supplies, three unoccupied buildings collapsed and there was again liquefaction in eastern suburbs and rockfalls in hill areas. One person died after tripping on uneven ground caused by the earthquake.

Geotechnical reports
The Earthquake Commission has published two Geotechnical Land Damage Assessment & Reinstatement Report[s]. The first Stage-1 report was published on 21 October 2010. The report briefly describes the mechanics of the earthquake, underlying geology, residential land damage assessment, reconstruction considerations, land and building reinstatement, and remediation options.

The second Stage-2 report was published on 1 December 2010. It divides the quake-affected areas into three zones, and outlines the remediation plans for these areas.

Casualties, damage, and other effects
Most of the damage was in the area surrounding the epicentre, including the city of Christchurch, New Zealand's second-largest urban area with a population of 386,000. Minor damage was reported as far away as Dunedin and Nelson, both around  from the earthquake's epicentre.

The September 2010 earthquake caused two Christchurch residents to be seriously injured, one by a falling chimney and a second by flying glass, and led to many with less serious injuries. One person died of a heart attack suffered during the quake, with the coroner's report identifying the earthquake as being a contributing factor. Another person died after falling during the quake.

The subsequent 22 February 2011 aftershock caused a large number of deaths and casualties, along with significant damage to buildings and infrastructure.

Financial exposure
Total Earthquake Commission (EQC), private insurance and individual costs were estimated to reach as high as 4 billion according to the New Zealand Treasury. Another projection of the cost covered by insurance (including EQC) was lower at $2.1 billion to $3.5 billion, but would still rank the quake as the world's fifth most costly to insurers.

The Earthquake Commission covers only domestic residences with private insurance and does not provide cover for businesses. The EQC payout is limited to the first $100,000 plus GST of any individual claim, with any amount above that covered by the insurance company holding the policy. The insurance companies themselves had limited or no exposure, having offloaded most of their risk to reinsurance companies. The EQC had reinsurance of $2.5 billion with a $1.5 billion excess, so its exposure was the first $1.5 billion and any amount after the first $4 billion. It had a total fund prior to this earthquake of approx $6 billion.

For comparison, the 1931 Hawke's Bay earthquake cost NZ£7 million, equal to approximately $650 million in 2010 dollars.

Effects in Christchurch

Reports of the quake's intensity in Christchurch generally ranged from V to VIII (Moderate to Severe) on the Modified Mercalli Intensity Scale. A strong smell of sulphur was widely reported in Christchurch following the earthquake. Sewers were damaged, and water lines were broken. The water supply at Rolleston, located to the southwest of Christchurch, was contaminated. Power to up to 75 percent of the city was disrupted. Christchurch Hospital was forced to use emergency generators in the immediate aftermath of the quake. About 90% of the electricity in Christchurch had been restored by 6:00pm the day of the earthquake. The repair of electricity was estimated to be more difficult in the rural areas. One building caught fire after its electricity was turned back on, igniting leaking LPG in the building. The fire was quickly extinguished by the Fire Service before it could spread. Damage to buried pipes may have allowed sewage to contaminate the residential water supply. Residents were warned to boil tap water before using it for brushing teeth, drinking, and washing or cooking food. Several cases of gastroenteritis were reported. By 7 September 28 cases had been observed at the city's welfare centres. The boil water notice for Christchurch and Banks Peninsula was lifted late on 8 September 2010, after more than 500 tests conducted over three days found no contamination.

Christchurch International Airport was closed following the earthquake and flights in and out of it cancelled. It reopened at 1:30pm, following inspection of the terminals and main runway. All schools and early childhood centres in Christchurch City, Selwyn and Waimakariri Districts were ordered shut until Monday 13 September for health and safety assessments. The city's two universities, the University of Canterbury and Lincoln University, and the Christchurch campus of the University of Otago were also closed until 13 September awaiting health and safety assessments.

Crime in Christchurch decreased eleven percent compared with the previous year following the earthquake, although there were initial reports of looting in the city centre and "known criminals" trying to pass off as council workers to get into the central city cordon area. Police also observed a fifty-three percent jump in the rates of domestic violence following the earthquake.
Many more heart attacks than usual were reported in the days following the quake. Usually the heart unit at Christchurch Hospital handles two to three heart attacks a day, but the rate had risen to eight to ten a day since the earthquake. A record number of babies for a Saturday were born at Christchurch Women's Hospital in the twenty-four hours after the quake, with the first baby arriving six minutes after the initial shock. This was at least in part due to outlying birthing centres being closed, pending structural checks, forcing more mothers to deliver at hospitals than was generally the case.

Effects outside Christchurch

The quake's epicentre was around Darfield, around  from Christchurch. Four metres (13 ft) of sideways movement has been measured between the two sides of the previously unknown fault.

In many towns outside Christchurch, the electrical grid was disrupted, with it taking an estimated two days to fully restore power to those affected. Power outages were reported as far away as Dunedin.

Access was restricted to over 350 homes in the town of Kaiapoi, of which about 100 were deemed unsafe. Some 22 commercial properties were deemed unsafe. According to Ron Keating, Mayor of Waimakariri District, the town "will never be the same again". As noted above, damage to buried pipes may have allowed sewage to contaminate the residential water supply, and residents were warned to boil tap water before using it for brushing teeth, drinking, and washing or cooking food. A boil water notice for most of Selwyn District was lifted on 9 September. E. coli has been found in a water sample from Kaiapoi, and a boil water notice remained in effect for parts of Waimakariri District until 19 September.

A  section of rail track was damaged near Kaiapoi and there was lesser track damage at Rolleston and near Belfast. As a precaution, state rail operator KiwiRail shut down the entire South Island rail network after the earthquake, halting some 15 trains. Two locomotives running light (i.e. without any carriages or wagons) came to a stop just 30 metres short of a major buckle in the line. After inspection, services south of Dunedin and north of Kaikōura recommenced at 10:30 am that day. The Main South Line, linking Christchurch with Dunedin, was given the all-clear and reopened, albeit with a 40 km/h speed restriction north of Ashburton, just after 6pm to allow emergency aid, including  of drinking water, to be railed into Christchurch. By the afternoon of Monday 6 September, the entire South Island rail network had reopened with the exception of the Main North Line between Rangiora and Addington. Freight was shuttled by road between the two points, while the TranzCoastal was replaced with a coach service.

 Major bridges on state highways and the Lyttelton road tunnel were inspected by the NZ Transport Agency, and found to be in structurally sound condition. The only major road closure outside Christchurch was a slip in the Rakaia Gorge, blocking State Highway 77. The slip was partially cleared by 4pm to allow a single lane of traffic through the site. Kaiapoi's main road was closed for a few days.

The quake caused damage to historic buildings in Lyttelton, Christchurch's port town, including cracks in a church and the destruction of parts of a hotel. The Akaroa area of Banks Peninsula came through the earthquake relatively unscathed, though there was some damage to the town's war memorial and hospital and some homes were extensively damaged. Duvauchelle Hotel was also seriously affected.

In Oamaru, 225 kilometres southwest of Christchurch, the earthquake caused part of a chimney on the St Kevin's College principal's residence to fall through the house, and caused the clock atop the Waitaki District Council building to stop at 4:36am. The earthquake also caused the Dunedin Town Hall clock and the University of Otago clocktower to stop working in Dunedin, some 350 km away from the quake epicentre.

The earthquake was a wake-up call to many New Zealand residents. Two Dunedin supermarkets sold out of bottled water following the earthquake as people stocked up on emergency supplies.

Major stores across the South Island were affected as their distribution centres in Christchurch were closed. Both The Warehouse and Progressive Enterprises (owners of Countdown), which have their sole South Island distribution centres in Christchurch, had to ship essential products to their South Island stores from the North Island, while Foodstuffs (owners of New World and Pak'n Save) had to ship to all their South Island stores from their Dunedin distribution centre.

Notable buildings

Many of the most badly affected structures in both Christchurch and the surrounding districts were old buildings, including several notable landmarks. Heritage New Zealand board member Anna Crighton said the earthquake had been "unbelievably destructive." The historic homesteads of Hororata and Homebush inland from Christchurch were both extensively damaged, as were Ohinetahi homestead and Godley House on Banks Peninsula. Homebush, located four kilometres from Glentunnel and only 15 kilometres from the earthquake's epicentre, was the historic home of the Deans family, one of the Canterbury Region's pioneer settler families, but was so extensively damaged that it has been described as being "practically in ruins".

The seven-storey Manchester Courts (or MLC Building), located at the busy intersection of Manchester and Hereford Streets, was extensively damaged. It was the tallest commercial building in Christchurch when it was built in 1905–06 for the New Zealand Express Company, and blended 1890s Chicago Skyscraper style with English Edwardian architecture. The building had a Category One Historic Places trust classification, but was deemed unsafe and was one of just two historic CBD buildings the City Council initially proposed for immediate demolition. That decision was reversed hours later when the building's owner proposed to dismantle the building over several weeks. Demolition began on 19 October 2010 and was continuing in late January.

The 1911 Anglican church of St. John's in Hororata, five kilometres south of Glentunnel, was extensively damaged when part of its tower collapsed. The port town of Lyttelton's most notable building, the 1876 Timeball station, was also affected by the earthquake, though strengthening work completed in 2005 may have saved it from further damage. In the later Christchurch earthquake in February 2011 the building was severely damaged, and it is planned by Heritage New Zealand for it to be dismantled, with the possibility of reconstruction.

The Valley Inn Tavern in Heathcote, built in 1877, survived the initial quake, but had to be torn down after the large 5.1 magnitude aftershock. Lincoln's historic 1883 public house, The Famous Grouse, was also irreparably damaged and was demolished within days of the earthquake.

Many of Christchurch's major landmarks survived intact, including the Canterbury Provincial Council Buildings, the Anglican cathedral, and Christ's College. The Catholic Cathedral of the Blessed Sacrament (Christchurch Basilica) also survived, although it suffered severe structural damage and also had some windows broken. The central city's iconic Christchurch Press building also survived with only minor damage.

Most modern buildings performed as they were designed to do, preserving life rather than keeping the interior in good order. The City Council's own new Civic Building sustained some interior damage, mainly to fixtures and fittings that delayed it being reopened for a week. Others, such as the city's International Antarctic Centre and Christchurch Art Gallery, the latter of which served as the Civil Defence Headquarters during the earthquake aftermath, suffered little or no damage and were able to be used immediately.

Christchurch Arts Centre, housed in the former Canterbury College buildings, was less fortunate, with moderate damage to the Great Hall, the Clocktower, and the Observatory.

The structure of the University of Canterbury's buildings survived the earthquake, but its museum collection of Greek and Roman artefacts (the Logie Memorial Collection) was significantly damaged. Also, as many of the bookshelves in the main library were toppled, with repairs expected to take until Christmas, the University arranged electronic access to many academic publishers databases for students about to sit exams.

The Oxford Terrace Baptist Church, constructed 1881–1882, was extensively damaged. Several other Christchurch area churches also suffered serious damage, including St. Mary's Anglican church in Merivale, St. John's Anglican church in Latimer Square, and the Rugby Street Methodist church.

The city's Repertory Theatre, on Kilmore Street in the central city, was reported to be extensively damaged and may be beyond repair, however the Repertory Theatre website notes "Beneath the rubble the lower façade is intact with not even a broken window. Further into the theatre everything was undisturbed; the auditorium, stage area, fly tower and dressing rooms intact. The historic proscenium undamaged."

Several notable buildings in the Timaru area,  southwest of Christchurch, were also badly affected. A pinnacle on the tower of St Mary's Anglican Church tower fell to the ground, and the recently restored tower itself sustained "significant cracking". The spire of St. Joseph's Catholic Church in Temuka was also shifted  by the earthquake, leaving it precariously balanced, and the town's historic Royal Hotel was also damaged.

Heritage experts urged building owners not to hastily demolish their buildings. The mayor warned of significant penalties for demolishing buildings without consent, and launched a fund to help repair historic buildings damaged by the quake. The Government allocated NZ$10 million towards restoration of such buildings a few days later.

Liquefaction
A feature of the quake was the damage caused by soil liquefaction. This was particularly the case in the riverside areas of Avonside, Dallington, Burwood, Avondale, and Kaiapoi, and in river delta areas near Bexley, Brooklands, Spencerville, Pines Beach, and Kairaki, with other areas being affected to a substantially lesser degree or not at all. Damage from liquefaction may have been worsened by the high water table from a wet winter.

Liquefaction can also cause buried pipes to float up to the surface. This has caused problems for the gravity-fed sewer system, which may need to be completely rebuilt in some areas.

While the problem had long been well understood by planners, it is not clear that the public understood it as well, or that it widely influenced development, buying or building decisions. Liquefaction risk at the Pegasus Town site was identified in 2005, so the developers spent approximately $20 million on soil compaction, and the ground there held firm during the quake.

Relative lack of casualties

The media have remarked on the lack of casualties, despite the close parallels of the quake to incidents that have had devastating consequences in other countries, such as the 1989 San Francisco quake, which killed 63 people and was magnitude 7.1 also. The analysis especially compared the Canterbury quake with the 2010 Haiti earthquake, which also occurred in similar proximity to an urban area, also occurred at shallow depth under the surface, and was of very similar strength. Unlike the many tens of thousands of deaths in Haiti (with some estimates placing the death toll at one in ten or higher), only two deaths directly attributable to the earthquake were reported in New Zealand.

This was ascribed to the fact that the quake happened in the early hours of a Saturday morning, when most people were asleep in timber framed homes, and "...there would almost certainly have been many deaths and serious injuries had it happened during a busy time of the day...". Another important factor was building practices which took earthquakes into account, starting after the 1848 Marlborough earthquake and the 1855 Wairarapa earthquake, both of which badly affected Wellington. These led to formal standards after the 1931 Hawke's Bay earthquake, which have since been progressively updated. By contrast, Haiti's much lower standard codes were poorly enforced and many buildings were made of hand-made non-reinforced concrete, which is extremely vulnerable to seismic damage. Ground shaking in populated areas of Canterbury was also generally less strong than for the Haiti quake.

Emergency response and relief efforts
Christchurch's emergency services managed the early stages of the emergency as the Civil Defence organisation was activated. The St John Ambulance service had sixteen ambulances operational within half an hour of the earthquake and received almost 700 calls within the first 6 hours.

Police promptly arrested a couple of opportunists who had broken into a liquor store shortly after the quake and attempted to take alcohol. Police emphasised this was only an isolated incident. The alleged offenders subsequently appeared in Court on burglary and theft charges in connection with the looting.

A state of emergency was declared for Christchurch at  on 4 September, and the city's central business district was closed to the general public. A curfew was put in place from 7pm to 7am for parts of the central business district. The New Zealand Army was deployed to help the police enforce the closure and curfew.

Civil Defence also declared a state of emergency for Selwyn District and Waimakariri District. The National Crisis Management Centre in the basement of the Beehive in Wellington was activated, while Selwyn District, Waimakariri and Timaru activated their emergency operation centres.

A Royal New Zealand Air Force C-130 Hercules plane brought 42 urban search and rescue personnel and three sniffer dogs from the North Island to Christchurch the day of the quake, to help check for people buried in the rubble and determine which buildings are safe to use. There were a large number of police and engineers present in the disaster areas. The New Zealand Army deployed personnel upon the request of the Christchurch mayor. Eighty police officers from Auckland were dispatched to Christchurch to assist with general duties there.

The United Nations contacted the New Zealand government and offered its assistance. The United States military offered to send help from Hawaii; local authorities expressed gratitude for the offer, but turn it down saying they had matters under control. The Queen asked the Prime Minister to send her good wishes to the people affected by and helping recover from the quake.

Prime Minister John Key, who was raised in Christchurch, visited the scene of the devastation within hours of the earthquake. Christchurch mayor Bob Parker requested that the Prime Minister order the deployment of the New Zealand Army to keep stability and to assist in searches when possible within Christchurch, and the Prime Minister stated that the Army was on standby. New Zealand's Earthquake Commission, which provides government natural disaster insurance, had the role of paying out on claims from residential property owners for damage caused by the earthquake. On 7 September, John Key appointed Cabinet Minister, Leader of the House and MP for the Christchurch electorate of Ilam Gerry Brownlee as the Minister for Earthquake Recovery to oversee the response to the earthquake.

'Welfare centres' were set up with the help of Red Cross, The Salvation Army and St. John Ambulance at Burnside High School, Linwood College and Addington Raceway, where over 244 people slept on the night after the quake. Tankers delivered drinking water to the welfare centres.

A joint mayoral relief fund was established by Selwyn District Council, Christchurch City Council and Waimakariri District Council, to which the government initially gave NZ$5 million. The Red Cross and Salvation Army also appealed for donations to fund their own efforts.

Under the National-led Government the Canterbury Earthquake Response and Recovery Act was drafted and passed to assist reconstruction. The Act permitted Government ministers to suspend almost any New Zealand law and attracted criticism from New Zealand and international academics specialising in constitutional law, who claimed that it lacked constitutional safeguards and set a dangerous precedent for future natural disasters.

The response to the earthquake was praised by most citizens with 94% saying that Civil Defence had performed well and 90% saying the City Council had performed well.

The earthquake occurred five weeks to the day before the Christchurch local elections. Following the earthquake, the polls for the mayoral election swung from favourite Jim Anderton to incumbent Bob Parker. Parker went on to win the 9 October election with a majority 53.7% of the vote.

A benefit concert, Band Together, was held on 23 October 2010 at Hagley Park.

See also

 February 2011 Christchurch earthquake
 2016 Christchurch earthquake
 Geology of Canterbury, New Zealand
 June 2011 Christchurch earthquake
 List of earthquakes in 2010
 List of earthquakes in New Zealand
 UC CEISMIC Canterbury Earthquakes Digital Archive

References

External links

 Google Maps: A publicly editable map of earthquake damage in Canterbury
 Canterbury earthquake (on GNS Science website).
 Time-lapse animation of the aftershocks
 News coverage from stuff.co.nz, The New Zealand Herald, Radio New Zealand
 Canterbury Earthquake – first flyover of fault trace – GNS Science

2010 earthquakes
2010 in New Zealand
Earthquakes in New Zealand
2010 earthquake
2010s in Christchurch
September 2010 events in New Zealand
2010 disasters in New Zealand

2010 Canterbury earthquake


The Iskandar Johor Open was a golf tournament held in Malaysia and part of the Asian Tour. It was first held in 2007 when it was played at the Royal Johor Country Club in Johor Bahru.

The 2008 purse was US$500,000. In 2009, Johor Open's purse was doubled to a size of US$1 million. The prize fund in 2010 was US$1.25 million, the joint richest event sanctioned solely by the Asian Tour, alongside the Hero Honda Indian Open, and 8th richest event of the Asian Tour. The 2011 Johor Open was added to the European Tour and the purse increased to US$2 million. In 2012, the Johor Open was no longer a European Tour event but the prize money remained at US$2 million. The tournament was discontinued after 2012.

The Championship was supported by the Johor state government and the Iskandar Region Development Authority (IRDA).

Winners

Notes

External links
 Coverage on the Asian Tour's official site
 Coverage on the European Tour's official site

Former Asian Tour events
Former European Tour events
Golf tournaments in Malaysia
Sport in Johor
Recurring sporting events established in 2007
Recurring sporting events disestablished in 2012
2007 establishments in Malaysia
2012 disestablishments in Malaysia

Iskandar Johor Open


Lakehurst Cinemas (originally known as General Cinema Lakehurst 12 until 2000) was a multiplex movie theatre located in Waukegan, Illinois, United States, that operated from 1974 until 2007.

History
General Cinema Lakehurst opened in 1974 as a part of Lakehurst Mall, a  shopping mall across the street from the theater.

The theater was built in keeping with General Cinema's tradition of adding screens near major shopping destinations. General Cinema Lakehurst was originally built with three screens, and its opening film was The Exorcist. In 1984 the theater expanded to eight screens, and finally in 1987 to 12-screens and 3,200 seats; boasting the record for "Most Movie Screens in America", although theaters with more screens did already exist at that time.

Movie Pullings
The theatre received heavy local press in March 1991 after a large gang-related brawl occurred in the theater's parking lot at the opening of New Jack City. The melee resulted in the pulling of all showtimes for the film at the theater.  Later that year the theatre was one of four to pull the film Boyz n the Hood, after a Chicagoan was murdered at the movie's opening day at a nearby theatre.

In 1995 the theatre also refused to show the movie Showgirls.

Decline
Beginning in 1991 with the opening of the colossal Gurnee Mills 10 minutes northwest; Lakehurst Mall began a decade-long decline. The dying mall was drastically affecting the surrounding businesses; many restaurants, shops, and attractions closed.

In 2000, General Cinema Lakehurst closed as a result of General Cinema's bankruptcy. Lakehurst was one of many former General Cinema theaters not acquired by AMC Theatres. The next year, Lakehurst Mall (with the exception of the surviving Carson Pirie Scott department store) was shuttered.

On September 28, 2001 the multiplex re-opened under the name Lakehurst Cinemas, and was then operated by Village Theatres, a small chain of theaters in the Chicago area. Curiously, except for a small banner covering a sign at the theater entrance, the theater still bore General Cinema signage on the building's north side, and on its sign near Waukegan Road (Route 43).

In 2003 the Lakehurst Mall property was purchased by the Shaw Company, and was demolished in 2004 for a mixed-use redevelopment known as Fountain Square of Waukegan. It was also announced that Lakehurst Cinema would close in the future, but a date was not given.

A visit by Lake County Building Inspectors in December 2006 resulted in a red-tag on the structure; and revealed numerous life-safety concerns including lack of heat in several theaters, a leaking roof, water in a screening room, and inoperable fire alarms. The theater briefly re-opened after repairing the most severe problems, and announced it would cease operation permanently after January 7, 2007.

Among the last films to be shown at the theater were Happy Feet, Rocky Balboa, Night at the Museum, Stomp the Yard, Eragon and We Are Marshall.

Demolition of the multiplex began in mid-July 2007, and the theater was gone by mid-August. While the press touted a Holiday Inn Express would be built on the former site of the theatre, it was actually built approximately  west of the site. The site today is a vacant dirt-filled lot, and an Aldi store was finally built in the theater's parking lot in 2018.

External links
General Cinema

References

Cinemas and movie theaters in Chicago
Demolished theatres in Illinois
Waukegan, Illinois
Buildings and structures demolished in 2007

Lakehurst Cinemas


Harlem Writers Guild (HWG) is the oldest organization of African-American writers, originally established as the Harlem Writers Club in 1950 by John Oliver Killens, Rosa Guy, John Henrik Clarke, Willard Moore and Walter Christmas. The Harlem Writers Guild seeks to give African-American writers a platform to present their art in its entirety without censoring their experience of being Black in the United States of America. In addition to publishing works, the Harlem Writers Guild also acts as an organization to promote social change and an entity that hosts events to celebrate and promote their members.

History
The Harlem Writers Guild (formerly known as the Harlem Writers Club) was set up in 1950 as a forum where African-American writers could develop their craft. After funding for an organization active in the late 1940s called "The Committee for the Negro in the Arts" ended, these writers felt excluded from the mainstream literary culture of New York City. The HWG was also part of the Black Arts Movement of the 1960s, and its rationale continues to be to develop and aid in the publication of works by writers of the African diaspora. Other writers who have been associated with the HWG include Lonne Elder III, Douglas Turner Ward, Ossie Davis, Paule Marshall, Audre Lorde, Maya Angelou and Sarah E. Wright.

In the 1950s, John Oliver Killens had invited several aspiring African-American writers to meet at a shop in Harlem to hear and review one another's literature. The Harlem Writers Guild thus began expanding, with new authors writing and publishing work emphasizing topics such as racism, oppression, and welfare. The Harlem Writers Guild was a tool that was used by African-American authors of its presence to uniquely divide their literary work against mainstream literature that neglected African-American literature.

Emphasizing on expanding their literary works as well as creating a space for advantageous advertisement of their work, the Harlem Writers Guild used their social circles and their academic voices towards social change. During the 1960s, the group supported Malcolm X, conflicts of independent rights in Angola and Mozambique and organized to dismantle racist policies established in South Africa. The group used their connections to communicate about marches, Freedom Rides, and other progressive organizations.

In 1977, the HWG was honored by the United Nations Society of Writers. In 1986, John O. Killens estimated that members of the Harlem Writers Guild had produced more than 300 published works of fiction, non-fiction, poetry, plays, and screenplays. Several have received literary acclaim.

Harlem Writers Guild Press
In 2000, the HWG announced a partnership with the digital publisher iUniverse to create its own imprint, Harlem Writers Guild Press. The anthology Beloved Harlem: A Literary Tribute to Black America's Most Famous Neighborhood (Random House, 2005), edited by William H. Banks Jr., former Executive Director of HWG, featured work by HWG members including Dr. John Henrik Clarke, Grace F. Edwards, Rosa Guy, Rachel DeAragon, John Oliver Killens, Walter Dean Myers, Louise Meriwether, Funmi Osoba, Diane Richards, Karen Robinson, Dr. Olubansile Abbas Mimiko and Sarah E. Wright.

Harlem Renaissance
During the 1920s and 1930s, many southern African Americans traveled to Northern urban cities for greater opportunities. The Harlem Renaissance cultivated a boom of literary, music, art expressions as a channel for writers, musicians, and artists cumulatively in Harlem, New York. This boom was so prevalent it was regarded as the rebirth of African-American arts. The prevalence in the Harlem neighborhoods began as a root within African diaspora, somewhere many African Americans traveled to and combined feelings of culture and community. The growing prevalence of African-American art forms paved the way for a new era of African-American literature to enroll.

Members
Past and present members include:

 Dr. John Henrik Clarke
 Grace F. Edwards
 Rosa Guy
 Rachel DeAragon
 John Oliver Killens
 Walter Dean Myers
 Louise Meriwether
 Karen Robinson
 Dr. Olubansile Abbas Mimiko
 Sarah E. Wright
 Audre Lorde
 Paule Marshall
 Julian Mayfield
 Terry McMillan
 Robert McNatt
 Lofton Mitchell
 Wilbert Oliver
 Funmi Osoba
 Sidney Poitier
 Charles Russell
 K. C. Washington
 Minnette Coleman
 Gammy Singer
 Wilbert Tatum
 Brenda Wilkinson
 Valerie Wilson Wesley
 Sarah Elizabeth Wright
 Sandra L. West
 Doris Jean Austin
 William H. Banks Jr.
 Wesley Brown
 Rosemary Bray
 Irving Burgie
 Judy C. Andrews
 Godfrey Cambridge
 Andrea Broadwater
 Alice Childress
 Ossie Davis
 Ruby Dee
 James DeJongh
 Lonne Elder III
 Donis Ford
 Bill William Forde
 Lorraine Hansberry
 Bob Desverney
 Dr. Beryl Dorsett
 Sheila Doyle
 Lloyd Hairston
 Robert Hooks
 Rose James
 Alfonso Nicks
 Betty Ann Jackson
 Diane Richards

Among writers more recently added to the HWG roster are:

 Angela Dews
 Cordenia Paige
 Eartha Watts Hicks
 Sylvia White
 Miriam Kelly Ferguson.

John Henrik Clarke
John Henrik Clarke is just one of the influential co-founders who helped develop the Harlem Writers Guild as a space specifically for African American literary creatives to preserve their experiences. He was an autodidact, never fully completing his education, rather learning from his mentor Arturo Alfonso Schomburg. Clarke had a strong emphasis on understanding the African American experience through the use of cultural relativism and not through the Eurocentric distortion seen in history books. His emphasis contributed to the idea that African-American lives have worth and value, thus further preserving the black experience.

John Oliver Killens

John Oliver Killens was the first guild member to have their work published. Killens is known for his politically-charged stories, which aim to invoke social change. Killens is most notable for his novel Youngblood, which was first published in 1954. This novel in particular is considered a landmark protest novel of the American Civil Rights Movement and revolves around the lives of an African-American family living in Georgia under Jim Crow laws.

Events
On March 12, 1972, the Harlem Writers Guild hosted a party in celebration of Chester Himes' autobiography The Quality of Hurt (1971) at the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace in New York.

In March 2021, the spirits brand Rémy Martin teamed up with the Harlem Writers Guild to honor artists from Harlem in the "Voices of Harlem" campaign. This partnership was able to give younger generations the tools and confidence to appreciate and engage in their African American literary legacies.

Social movements
Members of the Harlem Writers Guild and the Black nationalist literary organization, On Guard for Freedom, are credited for the demonstration of protest in front of the United Nations following the assassination of the Congolese Prime Minister Patrice Lumumba in 1961.

References

External links
 Harlem Writers Guild official website.
 HW Radio with Harlem Writers Guild members for HBF , July 23, 2011.

1950 establishments in the United States
African-American arts organizations
African-American culture
African-American writers
American writers
American writers' organizations
Arts organizations established in 1950
Black Arts Movement

Harlem Writers Guild