A vernacular or vernacular language contrasts with a "standard language". It refers to the language or dialect that is typically its speakers' native language, usually spoken informally rather than written, and seen as of lower status than more codified or institutional forms. It may vary from more prestigious speech varieties in different ways, in that the vernacular can be a distinct stylistic register, a regional dialect, a sociolect, or an independent language. Vernacular is a term for a type of speech variety, generally used to refer to a local language or dialect, as distinct from what is seen as a standard language. The vernacular is contrasted with higher-prestige forms of language, such as national, literary, liturgical or scientific idiom, or a lingua franca, used to facilitate communication across a large area.

According to another definition, a vernacular is a language that has not developed a standard variety, undergone codification, or established a literary tradition. In the context of language standardization, the terms "vernacular" and "vernacular dialect" are also used as alternative designations for "non-standard dialect".

Etymology
First usage of the word "vernacular" is not recent. In 1688, James Howell wrote:
Concerning Italy, doubtless there were divers before the Latin did spread all over that Country; the Calabrian, and Apulian spoke Greek, whereof some Relicks are to be found to this day; but it was an adventitious, no Mother-Language to them: 'tis confess'd that Latium it self, and all the Territories about Rome, had the Latin for its maternal and common first vernacular Tongue; but Tuscany and Liguria had others quite discrepant, viz. the Hetruscane and Mesapian, whereof though there be some Records yet extant; yet there are none alive that can understand them: The Oscan, the Sabin and Tusculan, are thought to be but Dialects to these.

Here, vernacular, mother language and dialect are already in use in a modern sense. According to Merriam-Webster, "vernacular" was brought into the English language as early as 1601 from the Latin vernaculus ("native") which had been in figurative use in Classical Latin as "national" and "domestic", having originally been derived from verna, a slave born in the house rather than abroad. The figurative meaning was broadened from the diminutive extended words vernaculus, vernacula. Varro, the classical Latin grammarian, used the term vocabula vernacula, "termes de la langue nationale" or "vocabulary of the national language" as opposed to foreign words.

Concepts of the vernacular

General linguistics

In contrast with lingua franca

In general linguistics, a vernacular is contrasted with a lingua franca, a third-party language in which persons speaking different vernaculars not understood by each other may communicate. For instance, in Western Europe until the 17th century, most scholarly works had been written in Latin, which was serving as a lingua franca. Works written in Romance languages are said to be in the vernacular. The Divina Commedia, the , and The Song of Roland are examples of early vernacular literature in Italian, Spanish, and French, respectively.

In Europe, Latin was used widely instead of vernacular languages in varying forms until , in its latter stage as Neo-Latin.

In religion, Protestantism was a driving force in the use of the vernacular in Christian Europe, the Bible having been translated from Latin into vernacular languages with such works as the Bible in Dutch: published in 1526 by Jacob van Liesvelt; Bible in French: published in 1528 by Jacques Lefevre d'Étaples (or Faber Stapulensis); German Luther Bible in 1534 (New Testament 1522); Bible in Spanish: published in Basel in 1569 by Casiodoro de Reina (Biblia del Oso); Bible in Czech: Bible of Kralice, printed between 1579 and 1593; Bible in English: King James Bible, published in 1611; Bible in Slovene, published in 1584 by Jurij Dalmatin. In Catholicism, vernacular bibles were later provided, but Latin was used at Tridentine Mass until the Second Vatican Council of 1965. Certain groups, notably Traditionalist Catholics, continue to practice Latin Mass. In Eastern Orthodox Church, four Gospels translated to vernacular Ukrainian language in 1561 are known as Peresopnytsia Gospel.

In India, the 12th century Bhakti movement led to the translation of Sanskrit texts to the vernacular.

In science, an early user of the vernacular was Galileo, writing in Italian , though some of his works remained in Latin. A later example is Isaac Newton, whose 1687 Principia was in Latin, but whose 1704 Opticks was in English. Latin continues to be used in certain fields of science, notably binomial nomenclature in biology, while other fields such as mathematics use vernacular; see scientific nomenclature for details.

In diplomacy, French displaced Latin in Europe in the 1710s, due to the military power of Louis XIV of France.

Certain languages have both a classical form and various vernacular forms, with two widely used examples being Arabic and Chinese: see Varieties of Arabic and Chinese language. In the 1920s, due to the May Fourth Movement, Classical Chinese was replaced by written vernacular Chinese.

As a low variant in diglossia
The vernacular is also often contrasted with a liturgical language, a specialized use of a former lingua franca. For example, until the 1960s, the Roman Rite of the Catholic Church was generally celebrated in Latin rather than in vernaculars. The Coptic Church still holds liturgies in Coptic, not Arabic. The Ethiopian Orthodox Church holds liturgies in Ge'ez, but parts of the Mass are read in Amharic.

Similarly, in Hindu culture, traditionally religious or scholarly works were written in Sanskrit (long after its use as a spoken language) or in Tamil in Tamil country. Sanskrit was a lingua franca among the non-Indo-European languages of the Indian subcontinent and became more of one as the spoken languages, or prakrits, began to diverge from it in different regions. With the rise of the bhakti movement from the 12th century onwards, religious works were created in other languages: Hindi, Kannada, Telugu and many others. For example, the Ramayana, one of Hinduism's sacred epics in Sanskrit, had vernacular versions such as Ranganadha Ramayanam composed in Telugu by Gona Buddha Reddy in the 15th century; and Ramacharitamanasa, a Awadhi version of the Ramayana by the 16th-century poet Tulsidas.

These circumstances are a contrast between a vernacular and language variant used by the same speakers. According to one school of linguistic thought, all such variants are examples of a linguistic phenomenon termed diglossia ("split tongue", on the model of the genetic anomaly). In it, the language is bifurcated: the speaker learns two forms of the language and ordinarily uses one but under special circumstances uses the other. The one most frequently used is the low (L) variant, equivalent to the vernacular, while the special variant is the high (H). The concept was introduced to linguistics by Charles A. Ferguson (1959), but Ferguson explicitly excluded variants as divergent as dialects or different languages or as similar as styles or registers. It must not be a conversational form; Ferguson had in mind a literary language. For example, a lecture is delivered in a different variety than ordinary conversation. Ferguson's own example was classical and spoken Arabic, but the analogy between Vulgar Latin and Classical Latin is of the same type. Excluding the upper-class and lower-class register aspects of the two variants, Classical Latin was a literary language; the people spoke Vulgar Latin as a vernacular.

Joshua Fishman redefined the concept in 1964 to include everything Ferguson had excluded. Fishman allowed both different languages and dialects and also different styles and registers as the H variants. The essential contrast between them was that they be "functionally differentiated"; that is, H must be used for special purposes, such as a liturgical or sacred language. Fasold expanded the concept still further by proposing that multiple H exist in society from which the users can select for various purposes. The definition of an H is intermediate between Ferguson's and Fishman's. Realizing the inappropriateness of the term diglossia (only two) to his concept, he proposes the term broad diglossia.

Sociolinguistics
Within sociolinguistics, the term "vernacular" has been applied to several concepts. Context, therefore, is crucial to determining its intended sense.

As an informal register
In variation theory, pioneered by William Labov, language is a large set of styles or registers from which the speaker selects according to the social setting of the moment. The vernacular is "the least self-conscious style of people in a relaxed conversation", or "the most basic style"; that is, casual varieties used spontaneously rather than self-consciously, informal talk used in intimate situations. In other contexts the speaker does conscious work to select the appropriate variations. The one they can use without this effort is the first form of speech acquired.

As a non-standard dialect
In another theory, the vernacular language is opposed to the standard language. The non-standard varieties thus defined are dialects, which are to be identified as complexes of factors: "social class, region, ethnicity, situation, and so forth". Both the standard and non-standard languages have dialects, but in contrast to the standard language, the non-standard language has "socially disfavored" structures. The standard language is primarily written (in traditional print media), whereas the non-standard language is spoken. An example of a vernacular dialect is African American Vernacular English.

As an idealisation
A vernacular is not a real language but is "an abstract set of norms".

First vernacular grammars
Vernaculars acquired the status of official languages through metalinguistic publications. Between 1437 and 1586, the first reference grammars of Italian, Spanish, French, Dutch, German and English were written, though not always immediately published. It is to be understood that the first precursors of those languages preceded their standardization by up to several hundred years.

Dutch
In the 16th century, the "rederijkerskamers" (learned, literary societies founded throughout Flanders and Holland from the 1420s onward) attempted to impose a Latin structure on Dutch, on the presumption that Latin grammar had a "universal character". However, in 1559, John III van de Werve, Lord of Hovorst published his grammar Den schat der Duytsscher Talen in Dutch; Dirck Volckertszoon Coornhert (Eenen nieuwen ABC of Materi-boeck) followed five years after, in 1564. The Latinizing tendency changed course, with a joint publication, in 1584 by De Eglantier and the rhetoric society of Amsterdam; this was to be the first comprehensive Dutch grammar, Twe-spraack vande Nederduitsche letterkunst/ ófte Vant spellen ende eyghenscap des Nederduitschen taals. Hendrick Laurenszoon Spieghel was a major contributor, with others contributing as well.

English

Modern English is considered to have begun at a conventional date of about 1550, most notably at the end of the Great Vowel Shift. It was created by the infusion of Old French into Old English, after the Norman conquest of 1066 AD, and of Latin at the instigation of the clerical administration. While present-day English speakers may be able to read Middle English authors (such as Geoffrey Chaucer), Old English is much more difficult.

Middle English is known for its alternative spellings and pronunciations. The British Isles, although geographically limited, have always supported populations of widely-varied dialects, as well as a few different languages; some examples of languages and regional accents (and/or dialects) within Great Britain include Scotland (Scottish Gaelic), Northumbria, Yorkshire, Wales (Welsh), the Isle of Man (Manx), Devon, and Cornwall (Cornish).

Being the language of a maritime power, English was (of necessity) formed from elements of many different languages. Standardisation has been an ongoing issue. Even in the age of modern communications and mass media, according to one study, "… although the Received Pronunciation of Standard English has been heard constantly on radio and then television for over 60 years, only 3 to 5% of the population of Britain actually speaks RP … new brands of English have been springing up even in recent times ...." What the vernacular would be in this case is a moot point: "… the standardisation of English has been in progress for many centuries."

Modern English came into being as the standard Middle English (i.e., as the preferred dialect of the monarch, court and administration). That dialect was of the East Midland, which had spread to London, where the king resided and from which he ruled. It contained Danish forms not often used in the north or south, as the Danes had settled heavily in the midlands. Chaucer wrote in an early East Midland style; John Wycliffe translated the New Testament into it, and William Caxton, the first English printer, wrote in it. Caxton is considered the first modern English author. The first printed book in England was Chaucer's Canterbury Tales, published by Caxton in 1476.

The first English grammars were written in Latin, with some in French, after a general plea for mother-tongue education in England: The first part of the elementary, published in 1582, by Richard Mulcaster. In 1586, William Bullokar wrote the first English grammar to be written in English, the Pamphlet for Grammar. This was followed by Bref Grammar, in that same year. Previously he had written the Booke at Large for the Amendment of Orthography for English Speech (1580), but his orthography was not generally accepted and was soon supplanted, thus his grammar shared a similar fate. Other grammars in English followed rapidly; Paul Greaves' Grammatica Anglicana (1594), Alexander Hume's Orthographie and Congruitie of the Britain Tongue (1617), and many others. Over the succeeding decades, many literary figures turned a hand to grammar in English; Alexander Gill, Ben Jonson, Joshua Poole, John Wallis, Jeremiah Wharton, James Howell, Thomas Lye, Christopher Cooper, William Lily, John Colet and more, all leading to the massive dictionary of Samuel Johnson.

French

French (as Old French) emerged as a Gallo-Romance language from Colloquial Latin during late antiquity. The written language is known from at least as early as the 9th century. That language contained many forms still identifiable as Latin. Interest in standardizing French began in the 16th century. Because of the Norman conquest of England and the Anglo-Norman domains in both northwestern France and Britain, English scholars retained an interest in the fate of French as well as of English. Some of the numerous 16th-century surviving grammars are:

 John Palsgrave, L'esclarcissement de la langue francoyse (1530; in English).
 Louis Meigret, Tretté de la grammaire françoeze (1550).
 Robert Stephanus: Traicté de la grammaire françoise (1557).

German

The development of a standard German was impeded by political disunity and strong local traditions until the invention of printing made possible a "High German-based book language". This literary language was not identical to any specific variety of German. The first grammar evolved from pedagogical works that also tried to create a uniform standard from the many regional dialects for various reasons. Religious leaders wished to create a sacred language for Protestantism that would be parallel to the use of Latin for the Roman Catholic Church. Various administrations wished to create a civil service, or chancery, language that would be useful in more than one locality. And finally, nationalists wished to counter the spread of the French national language into German-speaking territories assisted by the efforts of the French Academy.

With so many linguists moving in the same direction, a standard German (hochdeutsche Schriftsprache) did evolve without the assistance of a language academy. Its precise origin, the major constituents of its features, remains uncertainly known and debatable. Latin prevailed as a lingua franca until the 17th century, when grammarians began to debate the creation of an ideal language. Before 1550 as a conventional date, "supraregional compromises" were used in printed works, such as the one published by Valentin Ickelsamer (Ein Teutsche Grammatica) 1534. Books published in one of these artificial variants began to increase in frequency, replacing the Latin then in use. After 1550 the supraregional ideal broadened to a universal intent to create a national language from Early New High German by deliberately ignoring regional forms of speech, which practice was considered to be a form of purification parallel to the ideal of purifying religion in Protestantism.

In 1617, the Fruitbearing Society, a language club, was formed in Weimar in imitation of the  in Italy. It was one of many such clubs; however, none became a national academy. In 1618–1619 Johannes Kromayer wrote the first all-German grammar. In 1641 Justin Georg Schottel in teutsche Sprachkunst presented the standard language as an artificial one. By the time of his work of 1663, ausführliche Arbeit von der teutschen Haubt-Sprache, the standard language was well established.

Irish
Auraicept na n-Éces is a grammar of the Irish language which is thought to date back as far as the 7th century: the earliest surviving manuscripts are 12th-century.

Italian

Italian appears before standardization as the lingua Italica of Isidore and the lingua vulgaris of subsequent medieval writers. Documents of mixed Latin and Italian are known from the 12th century, which appears to be the start of writing in Italian.

The first known grammar of a Romance language was a book written in manuscript form by Leon Battista Alberti between 1437 and 1441 and entitled Grammatica della lingua toscana, "Grammar of the Tuscan Language". In it Alberti sought to demonstrate that the vernacular – here Tuscan, known today as modern Italian – was every bit as structured as Latin. He did so by mapping vernacular structures onto Latin.

The book was never printed until 1908. It was not generally known, but it was known, as an inventory of the library of Lorenzo de'Medici lists it under the title Regule lingue florentine ("Rules of the Florentine language"). The only known manuscript copy, however, is included in the codex, Reginense Latino 1370, located at Rome in the Vatican library. It is therefore called the Grammatichetta vaticana.

More influential perhaps were the 1516 Regole grammaticali della volgar lingua of Giovanni Francesco Fortunio and the 1525 Prose della vulgar lingua of Pietro Bembo. In those works the authors strove to establish a dialect that would qualify for becoming the Italian national language.

Occitan
The first grammar in a vernacular language in western Europe was published in Toulouse in 1327. Known as the Leys d'amor and written by Guilhèm Molinièr, an advocate of Toulouse, it was published in order to codify the use of the Occitan language in poetry competitions organized by the company of the Gai Saber in both grammar and rhetorical ways.

Spanish

Chronologically, Spanish (more accurately, lengua castellana) has a development similar to that of Italian. There was some vocabulary in Isidore of Seville, with traces afterward, writing from about the 12th century; standardisation began in the 15th century, concurrent with the rise of Castile as an international power. The first Spanish grammar by Antonio de Nebrija (Tratado de gramática sobre la lengua Castellana, 1492) was divided into parts for native and nonnative speakers, pursuing a different purpose in each. Books 1–4 describe the Spanish language grammatically, in order to facilitate the study of Latin for its Spanish-speaking readers. Book 5 contains a phonetical and morphological overview of Spanish for nonnative speakers.

Welsh
The Grammar Books of the Master-poets () are considered to have been composed in the early fourteenth century, and are present in manuscripts from soon after. These tractates draw on the traditions of the Latin grammars of Donatus and Priscianus and also on the teaching of the professional Welsh poets. The tradition of grammars of the Welsh Language developed from these through the Middle Ages and to the Renaissance.

First vernacular dictionaries
A dictionary is to be distinguished from a glossary. Although numerous glossaries publishing vernacular words had long been in existence, such as the Etymologiae of Isidore of Seville, which listed many Spanish words, the first vernacular dictionaries emerged together with vernacular grammars.

Dutch
Glossaries in Dutch began about 1470 AD leading eventually to two Dutch dictionaries:
 Christophe Plantin: Thesaurus Theutonicae Linguae, 1573
 Cornelis Kiliaan: Dictionarium Teutonico-Latinum, 1574 (becoming Etymologicum with the 1599 3rd edition)

Shortly after (1579) the Southern Netherlands came under the dominion of Spain, then of Austria (1713) and of France (1794). The Congress of Vienna created the United Kingdom of the Netherlands in 1815 from which southern Netherlands (being Catholic) seceded in 1830 to form the Kingdom of Belgium, which was confirmed in 1839 by the Treaty of London. As a result of this political instability no standard Dutch was defined (even though much in demand and recommended as an ideal) until after World War II. Currently the Dutch Language Union, an international treaty organization founded in 1980, supports a standard Dutch in the Netherlands, while Afrikaans is regulated by Die Taalkommissie founded in 1909.

English
Standard English remains a quasi-fictional ideal, despite the numerous private organizations publishing prescriptive rules for it. No language academy was ever established or espoused by any government past or present in the English-speaking world. In practice the British monarchy and its administrations established an ideal of what good English should be considered to be, and this in turn was based on the teachings of the major universities, such as Cambridge University and Oxford University, which relied on the scholars whom they hired. There is a general but far from uniform consensus among the leading scholars about what should or should not be said in standard English; but for every rule, examples from famous English writers can be found that break it. Uniformity of spoken English never existed and does not exist now, but usages do exist, which must be learnt by the speakers, and do not conform to prescriptive rules.

Usages have been documented not by prescriptive grammars, which on the whole are less comprehensible to the general public, but by comprehensive dictionaries, often termed unabridged, which attempt to list all usages of words and the phrases in which they occur as well as the date of first use and the etymology where possible. These typically require many volumes, and yet not more so than the unabridged dictionaries of many languages.

Bilingual dictionaries and glossaries precede modern English and were in use in the earliest written English. The first monolingual dictionary was Robert Cawdrey's Table Alphabeticall (1604) which was followed by Edward Phillips's A New World of English Words (1658) and Nathaniel Bailey's An Universal Etymological English Dictionary (1721). These dictionaries whetted the interest of the English-speaking public in greater and more prescriptive dictionaries until Samuel Johnson published Plan of a Dictionary of the English Language (1747), which would imitate the dictionary being produced by the French Academy. He had no problem acquiring the funding, but not as a prescriptive dictionary. This was to be a grand comprehensive dictionary of all English words at any period, A Dictionary of the English Language (1755).

By 1858, the need for an update resulted in the first planning for a new comprehensive dictionary to document standard English, a term coined at that time by the planning committee. The dictionary, known as the Oxford English Dictionary, published its first fascicle in 1884. It attracted significant contributions from some singular minds, such as William Chester Minor, a former army surgeon who had become criminally insane and made most of his contributions while incarcerated. Whether the OED is the long-desired standard English Dictionary is debatable, but its authority is taken seriously by the entire English-speaking world. Its staff is currently working on a third edition.

French
Surviving dictionaries are a century earlier than their grammars. The Académie française founded in 1635 was given the obligation of producing a standard dictionary. Some early dictionaries are:
 Louis Cruse, alias Garbin: Dictionaire latin-françois, 1487
 Robert Estienne, alias Robertus Stephanus: Dictionnaire françois–latin, 1539
 Maurice de la Porte: Epitheta, 1571
 Jean Nicot: Thresor de la langue fracoyse, tant ancienne que moderne, 1606
 Pierre Richelet: Dictionnaire françois contenant les mots et les choses, 1680
 Académie française: Dictionnaire de l'Académie française, 1694 annis.

German
High German dictionaries began in the 16th century and were at first multi-lingual. They were preceded by glossaries of German words and phrases on various specialized topics. Finally interest in developing a vernacular German grew to the point where Maaler could publish a work called by Jacob Grimm "the first truly German dictionary", Joshua Maaler's Die Teutsche Spraach: Dictionarium Germanico-latinum novum (1561).

It was followed along similar lines by Georg Heinisch: Teütsche Sprache und Weißheit (1616). After numerous dictionaries and glossaries of a less-than-comprehensive nature came a thesaurus that attempted to include all German, Kaspar Stieler's Der Teutschen Sprache Stammbaum und Fortwachs oder Teutschen Sprachschatz (1691), and finally the first codification of written German, Johann Christoph Adelung's Versuch eines vollständigen grammatisch-kritischen Wörterbuches Der Hochdeutschen Mundart (1774–1786). Schiller called Adelung an Orakel and Wieland is said to have nailed a copy to his desk.

Italian
In the early 15th century a number of glossaries appeared, such as that of Lucillo Minerbi on Boccaccio in 1535, and those of Fabrizio Luna on Ariosto, Petrarca, Boccaccio and Dante in 1536. In the mid-16th the dictionaries began, as listed below. In 1582 the first language academy was formed, called Accademia della Crusca, "bran academy", which sifted language like grain. Once formed, its publications were standard-setting.

Monolingual
 Alberto Accarisio: Vocabolario et grammatica con l'orthographia della lingua volgare, 1543
 Francesco Alunno: Le richezze della lingua volgare, 1543
 Francesco Alunno: La fabbrica del mondo, 1548
 Giacomo Pergamini: Il memoriale della lingua italiana, 1602
 : Vocabolario degli Accademici della Crusca, 1612

ItalianFrench
 Nathanael Duez : Dittionario italiano e francese/Dictionnaire italien et François, Leiden, 1559–1560
 Gabriel Pannonius: Petit vocabulaire en langue françoise et italienne, Lyon, 1578
 Jean Antoine Fenice : Dictionnaire françois et italien, Paris, 1584

ItalianEnglish
 John Florio: A Worlde of Words, London, 1598
 John Florio: Queen Anna's New World of Words, London, 1611

ItalianSpanish
 Cristóbal de las Casas: Vocabulario de las dos lenguas toscana y castellana, Sevilla, 1570
 Lorenzo Franciosini: Vocabulario italiano e spagnolo/ Vocabulario español e italiano, Roma, 1620.

Serbo-Croatian
 The first vernacular Serbian dictionary was Srpski rječnik (Serbian dictionary) written by Vuk Karadžić and published in 1818.
 Dictionary of Serbo-Croatian Literary and Vernacular Language was initiated in 1888 by Stojan Novaković, still in the making

Spanish
The first Spanish dictionaries in the 15th century were Latin-Spanish/Spanish-Latin, followed by monolingual Spanish. In 1713 the Real Academia Española, "Royal Spanish Academy", was founded to set standards. It published an official dictionary, 1726–1739.
 Alonzo de Palencia: El universal vocabulario en latin y romance, 1490
 Antonio de Nebrija: Lexicon latino-hispanicum et hispanico-latinum, 1492
 Sebastián de Covarrubias Orozco: Tesoro de la lengua castellana o española, 1611
 Real Academia Española: Diccionario de la lengua castellana, 1726–1739

Metaphorical usage
The term "vernacular" may also be applied metaphorically to any cultural product of the lower, common orders of society that is relatively uninfluenced by the ideas and ideals of the educated élite. Hence, vernacular has had connotations of a coarseness and crudeness. "Vernacular architecture", for example, is a term applied to buildings designed in any style based on practical considerations and local traditions, in contrast to the "polite architecture" produced by professionally trained architects to nationally or internationally agreed aesthetic standards. The historian Guy Beiner has developed the study of "vernacular historiography" as a more sophisticated conceptualization of folk history.

See also

References

Sources

External links

Sociolinguistics
Language varieties and styles
Linguistics terminology
Folklore

Vernacular


Mangesh Vitthal Rajadhyaksha (Marathi: मंगेश विठ्ठल राजाध्यक्ष) (7 June 1913 – 19 April 2010) was a Marathi writer and critic.
He studied at Elphinstone College in Mumbai, where he won the prestigious Wordsworth Prize for the best student in English literature.

Rajadhyaksha later taught English literature at Elphinstone College, Gujarat College (Ahmedabad) and Rajaram College (Kolhapur).
He also served on several prestigious committees, including the National Book Trust and the Jnanpith Trust that gives the Jnanpith Award.

He was closely involved with Abhiruchi, a Marathi literary journal that was the launching pad for some of the greatest writers in the post-independence era.

The Times of India reported at the time of his death: "His essays, collected in seven volumes, brought to Marathi literary criticism a rare perspicacity, candour and impatience with cant. His style was economical, precise and always lined with irony. He also coauthored a seminal history of Marathi literature with Kusumavati Deshpande. Panch Kavi, (पाच कवी) a selection of the works of five poets who represented the new and modern in poetry at the turn of the 19th century, became a literary classic. His preface to the volume remains one of the most lucidly argued pieces of literary criticism."

The Marathi daily Loksatta, in an editorial, described his death as the death of a पुराणपुरुष, and one who was a scholar in the English critical tradition as well as a Marathi intellectual.

He was the husband of the well-known Marathi writer Vijaya Rajadhyaksha.

He died on 19 April 2010 at the age of 96.

Books
 पाच कवी (संपादित, 1946)
 आकाश्भाशिते (1963)
 खर्डेघाशी (1963)
 अम्लान (1983)
 शालजोडी (1983)
 पंचम (1984)
 पाक्षिकी (1986)
 शब्दयात्रा (1986)
 पुरुषराज अळूरपांडे (with P.L. Deshpande and R.V. Alurkar, 1988)
 A History of Marathi Literature (with Kusumavati Deshpande, 1988)
 भाषाविवेक (1997)
 स्मरणसावल्या (2001)
 वाद संवाद (with Dattatraya Ganesh Godse, 2003)

Essays
 "Professor R. P. Kangle", Quelle: Perceptions on Kautilîya Artha´sâstra : in commemoration of Prof. R. P. Kangle's birth centenary, ed. K. P. Jog. Mumbai: Popular Prakashan, 1999. . 207 – 216
 M.V. Rajadhakshya, "Shakespeare in Marathi", Indian Literature, Sahitya Akademi, Delhi, vol.7 no.1 (1974), p. 83
 "Marathi Literature from A. D. 1800 to A. D. 1920". Maharashtra State Gazetteers, Government of Maharashtra Language and Literature

Translations
 Pendse, Shripad Narayan, The B.E.S.T. story, S. N. Pendsay ; rendered into English from the Marathi by M. V. Rajadhyaksha, Bombay Electric Supply & Transport Undertaking, Bombay: 1972

References

External links

Indian male essayists
Scholars from Mumbai
1913 births
Writers from Mumbai
University of Mumbai alumni
Academic staff of the University of Mumbai
2010 deaths
20th-century Indian essayists
20th-century Indian educational theorists
Elphinstone College alumni

M.V. Rajadhyaksha


The Kumul Depression, also known as the Hami Depression, (), is a basin in eastern Xinjiang, China. It is located in the south of the Kumul Prefecture, on the south slope of the Tian Shan, with an area of . Its lowest point has an elevation of .

The climate of the area is considered to be arid, with large seasonal differences in temperature. The city of Kumul, also known as Hami, lies within the basin and is known for producing the Hami melon, grapes, and other fruit produce. The basin has extensive oil resources.

Landforms of Xinjiang
Depressions (geology)

Hami Depression


The Third International Theory, also known as the Third Universal Theory (), was the style of government proposed by Muammar Gaddafi in the early 1970s, on which his government, the Great Socialist People's Libyan Arab Jamahiriya, was officially based. It was inspired by Islamic socialism, Arab nationalism, African nationalism and the principles of direct democracy.

The Third International Theory was meant to be an alternative to capitalism and communism, which Gaddafi felt were not appropriate for the countries of the Third World (not allies with either the US or the Soviet Union).

In 2011, the Libyan government based on this political theory was overthrown and Gaddafi was killed.

Background

Historical context
In the 1960s and 70s, an ideology called Islamic socialism became popular in the Arab world. People believed that socialism should be combined with the principles of Islam so that there would be a more fair and just world. Many people believed that capitalism and communism were both disrespectful of Islam and allowed other countries to control them.

On September 1, 1969, a group of Libyan army officers overthrew the king and established a republic. This republic was ruled by a Revolutionary Command Council (RCC) that was led by a young colonel whose name was Muammar Gadaffi.

The revolution was against imperialism. On October 7, they told the UN that foreign bases would not be allowed on Libyan soil.

In 1973, the country was renamed Socialist People's Libyan Arab Jamahiriya. "Jamahiriya" is an Arabic word that means "People's Republic."

Beliefs

The beliefs of the Third International Theory are described in Gadaffi's Green Book. The book is divided into three parts:

 Solving the problem of Democracy (People Power);
 Solving the problem of the economy (Socialism);
 The social aspect of the "Third International Theory," which explains how society should be organized.

"People Power"
The first part of The Green Book is called "Solving the problem of democracy: The Authority of the People." The theory says that a country should not be holding a referendum, have a political party, or have a parliament. Gaddafi believed that these are not things a true democracy should have.

People's Congress

In the Jamahiriya, everyone is part of the People's Congresses, which then elect the People's Committees. The Committees then elect the next Congresses, which then elect the State Committees, which run the government. Once a year, the People's Congresses meet up at the General People's Congress, which makes decisions and where issues are discussed.

Freedom of Speech

Gadaffi believed that everyone should have the right to speak their minds, no matter how irrational their beliefs are. He believed that having freedom of speech was important for democracy.

Socialism
The second part of the book, "The solution of the economic problem (Socialism)," explains the economic parts of the Third International Theory.

Society

Women
The Green Book talks about women, specifically:
 "A woman is a human, just like a man is";
 a woman "has a regular disease in the form of monthly bleeding, but if this does not happen, then she has become pregnant."
 denying a woman her natural role of mother and replacing her with nurseries is the end of a humane society and the beginning of its transformation into a biological society and her living an artificial life (as a result of this, there are no kindergartens in Libya, and a woman never goes to work again after giving birth).
 males in the world of plants and animals are by nature strong and rough, whereas women in the world of plants and animals are by nature beautiful and tender.

Gaddafi said that "human rights are for everyone—men and women, but the responsibilities are not equal."

Black people
Gadaffi believed that Black people would rule the world and that there is nothing anyone can do to prevent them from doing so. He says they will take over because they accept polygamy and reject birth control.

As time went on, Libya started to associate itself more with the rest of Africa than with the Arab world.

Sports
 "Sport can only be individual, like a prayer";
 "Mass sport is a social need of the human beings, so it is unacceptable from either a sporting or a democratic point of view to 'subcontract' sport to others [professionals]";
 "Collective sport is the business of the masses";
 "Stadiums exist in order to restrict the masses from using sports fields";
 "Boxing and various kinds of wrestling suggest that humanity has not completely rid itself of the vestiges [or remains] of barbarism."

For this reason, stadiums were only open for military parades and wrestling was banned in Libya.

Islam
The Green Book does not talk about Islam. However, Gaddafi said that the validity of Islam was to be shown by how much it matches the Third International Theory. He said, "if we were to restrict ourselves to the support of Muslims only, that would be an example of bigotry and selfishness: True Islam is the one that defends the weak, even if they are not Muslims"

Application in Libya
Gaddafi tried to put the Third International Theory into practice in Libya. He called the government based on the theory "Jamahiriya" (), which means "people's republic" or "state of the masses." It is different from "Jumhuriyah" (), which is the Arabic word for "republic." He wanted to show that the government system based on the Third International Theory was different from all previous forms of government (specifically monarchies and republics).

References

Socialism
Politics of Africa
History of Libya

Third International Theory


Amanda Dianne Busick is an American sports reporter who works as the National Hot Rod Association's (NHRA) multi-media reporter on behalf of Fox Sports. Her career began interning at her local news television station in North Carolina and later Chicago. Busick's first on-camera was as a sideline reporter for Time Warner Cable Sports at the North Carolina High School Athletic Association in 2014. She began working for the NHRA in 2016 and was the Formula E pit lane reporter at the New York City ePrix in 2018 and 2019.

Biography

Early life and education
Busick was raised in Greensboro, North Carolina. She is the daughter of Donna Lusk Busick and Reuben Wayne Busick, and has one brother, Matthew. She attended sporting events during her childhood, including American football, basketball, drag racing, and dirt track racing. Busick was first educated at Northeast Middle School, before moving to Northeast Guilford High School. In her school years, she held a strong interest in journalism and writing by watching a local news bulletin. Busick graduated from Northeast Guilford High School earlier than the rest of her class in December 2004, and enrolled at North Carolina State University in 2005. In December 2008, she graduated cum laude with a bachelor of science degree in business administration and a concentration in entrepreneurship.

Career
The Great Recession created less of an opportunity for employment as an entrepreneur who specialized in online education to students in high school, and thus Busick began her career interning at her county's local news television station. In 2010, she relocated from North Carolina to New York City with the ambition of obtaining employment as a sports reporter. During the daytime, Busick worked as an intern and took employment as a waitress at a restaurant during the night hours. She was able to convince a Chicago-based digital sports college company called Campus Insiders to employ her as a production assistant in 2012. To help her become financially stable, Busick took a second job at a restaurant.

In late 2014, she had her first on-camera role as a sideline reporter for Time Warner Cable Sports covering the North Carolina High School Athletic Association. Soon after Busick signed a contract with an agent to advance her career. She later took up employment as a stage manager for ESPN. In early 2015, Busick found employment as a meat salesperson and a bartender in Boston after her family had a major financial difficulty that required them to reside with each other.

She received a telephone call from National Hot Rod Association (NHRA) vice-president and chief content officer Ken Adelson in July 2015 about a job in the series. Busick had little knowledge of drag racing and spent the next three months researching the sport, and took up lessons at Frank Hawley's Drag Racing School to better acquaint herself with drag racing. In October 2015, she attended her first NHRA National event in Dallas, writing two reports for the series by interviewing multiple drivers. After the weekend, the NHRA invited her to report on its red carpet ceremony prior to its official banquet in Los Angeles. Busick was subsequently offered the position of a multi-media reporter for the NHRA on November 16, 2015.

She took up the position with the series' official broadcaster Fox Sports at the start of the 2016 season. From February to November each year, Busick covers NHRA events, works as a co-host for the Fox Sports 1 pre-race program Sunday Nitro Live. She reports on a reoccurring broadcast feature concerning the personality of drivers called Walk 1,000 Feet. In 2018, Busick was the pit lane reporter for the all-electric Formula E racing series race, the 2018 New York City ePrix double header, and performed the same role again at the 2019 edition.

References

1986 births
Living people
People from Greensboro, North Carolina
North Carolina State University alumni
20th-century American women
21st-century American women
Women sports announcers
American women television presenters
Formula E people
20th-century American people

Amanda Busick


The Church of St Michael and All Angels, is a parish church in the village of Mitchel Troy, Monmouthshire, Wales. The Grade II* listed building stands in the centre of the village, on the north side of the old road from Monmouth to Raglan,  south-west of Monmouth.

History
The village of Mitchel Troy derives its name from the Welsh "Llanfihangel Troddi" which means "Church of St Michael by the Trothy". The River Trothy passes north of the church on its route towards Monmouth.

A plaque in the church dating from the Victorian restoration gives a foundation date for the church of 1208. However,  little remains of this structure. The 18th century saw to collapse of a spire on the church tower which also severely damaged the main block of the church. The present building is mainly by John Prichard who undertook restoration between 1873 and 1876 with funding provided by the 8th Duke of Beaufort. The Beaufort family were patrons of the church throughout the 19th century.

Architecture

Exterior
The church has a tower with a castellated stone belfry. In the south-west corner of the tower is a large quoin stone, inscribed Orate Peo Godfride et Johanne. Little is known of its origin but it is thought to be a foundation stone. Central to the south side of the nave is a porch of medieval date, surmounted by dormers with trefoil-headed lights. The churchyard is entered via a stone lych gate. The churchyard cross, of which only the  column remains, is decorated with ball flowers which are echoed in the pulpit and reredos inside the church, and dates from the 15th century.

Interior
The generous patronage of the Beauforts led to Prichard creating a sumptuously-decorated interior. In the south aisle, there is a Norman font which was recovered from the rectory garden. On the other side is an elaborate marble font, designed by Prichard, decorated with fish and flowers. To the west of the doorway, a large inscription on the wall reads "To the Glory of God this church of St Michael and All Angels, built AD1208, was reconstructed Aug 4th AD 1876."

During the 19th century reconstruction, an ancient stone altar was discovered in the South aisle, with five consecration crosses representing the five wounds of Christ. The slab was remounted under the East window of the south aisle, serving as an altar for the Lady chapel. Also uncovered during the reconstruction was a stone which had been used as a piscina, but which was, in fact, the lid of a child's coffin. At the end of the north aisle is a reproduction of The Last Supper in marble.

The church has a number of decorated stone corbels. Above the nave they carry a portcullis, the Beaufort heraldic badge, and St. George's cross. On the organ chamber they depict an birds and flowers. On the south wall is an otter with a fish. The choir stalls originally had carved figures of angels with musical instruments, but these were stolen in 1995. Replacement finials depicting vegetation have been substituted. Stained glass windows within the church are dedicated to various vicars, members of the Beaufort family and others. The East window  represents the Ascension. The tower has three bells with inscriptions commemorating church wardens of the 17th and 18th centuries.

The church is a Grade II* listed building.

References

Michael and all angels, Llanvihangel Crucorney
Church in Wales church buildings

St Michael and All Angels, Mitchel Troy


Séverin Lachapelle (September 18, 1850 – June 18, 1913) was a physician, educator and political figure in Quebec. He represented Hochelaga in the House of Commons of Canada from 1892 to 1896 as a Conservative member.

He was born Pierre-Alphonse-Séverin in Saint-Rémi, Canada East, the son of Léon Lachapelle and Rébecca Lanctôt, and was educated at the Petit Séminaire de Montréal. Lachapelle served as a papal zouave from 1868 to 1870. He then studied at the Montreal School of Medicine and Surgery and set up practice in Saint-Constant, later moving to Saint-Henri. Lachapelle married Elise Demers in 1874. He was mayor for Saint-Henri from 1886 to 1887.

He contributed to the monthly L'Union médicale du Canada, also serving on its editorial board, and wrote a science column for the Revue canadienne; he also was the first editor for the Journal d'hygiène populaire and the magazine La Mère et l'enfant. He became one of the first professors at the Montreal campus of the Université Laval and served on the medical board for the Notre-Dame Hospital. In 1888, he published Manuel d'hygiène à l'usage des écoles et des familles ..., an instructive guide on hygiene which was also translated into English in 1891. In 1889, he was named superintendent for the Crèche de la Miséricorde, a child care facility.  He contributed to Le médecin de la famille, encyclopédie de médecine et d'hygiène publique et privée contenant la description de toutes les maladies connues ..., published in 1893. In 1907, he helped found the Hôpital Sainte-Justine. He helped establish the Gouttes de Lait program at Montreal with the aim of reducing infant mortality.

Lachapelle was first elected to the House of Commons in an 1892 by-election held after Alphonse Desjardins was named to the Canadian senate. He was defeated by Joseph Alexandre Camille Madore when he ran for reelection in 1896 and 1900. He died in Montreal at the age of 62 and was buried in Notre Dame des Neiges Cemetery.

In 1880, Lachapelle said "There is one particularly unsettling belief that is particularly widespread and deeply rooted in our families because it is shared by medical practitioners, and that is that there is no point in treating children's diseases." He was part of a movement which addressed that misperception.

Electoral record

References

External links

 British Medical Journal (September 13, 1913) p. 711
 Publications, Bibliothèque et Archives nationales du Québec

1850 births
1913 deaths
Members of the House of Commons of Canada from Quebec
Conservative Party of Canada (1867–1942) MPs
Mayors of places in Quebec
Burials at Notre Dame des Neiges Cemetery

Séverin Lachapelle


Anna Barsukova () (born 21 January 1988) is a Russian entrepreneur and former fashion model.

Career
Barsukova was born in Tomsk. In February 2005 she made her debut on fall runways in London with Nicole Farhi, and then appeared in a Dolce & Gabbana undergarment advertisement in 2006. In July 2006 she appeared in Teen Vogue and in September of the same year participated in shows for Marc Jacobs and Rocco Barocco in New York City. In November 2006 she was photographed by Paul Rowland from Supreme Modeling for a Supreme World article that appeared in V. In February 2007 she appeared in shows for Marc Jacobs and Brian Reyes and was pictured with Vlada Roslyakova for Fashion TV.

During the same year she also appeared in Alexander McQueen's McQ magazine and in June of the same year was photographed by Craig McDean for W. In July 2007 she participated at the Calvin Klein show and then was photographed by Jurgen Teller for Marc Jacobs. In September 2007 she appeared in the Julien Macdonald spring show in London and the Bottega Veneta show in Milan for the same season. She walked for Alexander McQueen in both the Spring/Summer 2007 and Fall/Winter 2007-2008 shows. In November 2007, Thomas Schenk photographed Anna for another Teen Vogue issue and in February 2008 she posed for United Bamboo and Marie Claire magazine. She also worked with such models as Mariya Markina, Johanna Gene Stickland, Oxana Pautova, Alyona Osmanova, and Tatiana Lyadockrina.

After retiring from modeling, Barsukova pursued an education in business and launched two startups. The first, founded in 2012, was a music school that she founded with a friend who was a music teacher. Two years later Barsukova sold her share in that business to her partner in order to pursue a second startup, a health food and consulting company called Organic Religion.

References

External links
Anna Barsukova photos at Fashion Supermodels

1988 births
Living people
Russian female models
Russian models
Russian women in business
People from Tomsk

Anna Barsukova (model)


Blackwell is a village located in the North-East of Worcestershire and comes under the jurisdiction of Lickey and Blackwell Parish Council. Nearby large towns include Barnt Green and Bromsgrove. Worcester and Birmingham are also influential. The village had a station on the Birmingham and Gloucester Railway, at the summit of the Lickey Incline, however this closed in 1965.

Background
The village has two churches, St Catherine's and the Methodist church (the latter having been bought by a glass company in the 21st Century) and now a private residence. In 2003/4, St Catherine's had the extension of "The wheel" added to it where meetings are held, etc.

The village has one shop that used to be a post office.

The Blackwell club was established in 1904 and has moved around the village throughout that time.

Blackwell has an active Scout Group (1st Blackwell), part of Bromsgrove District Scouts.

Blackwell Music Festival
Each year the village holds its own music festival, usually on the first Saturday in September.  Showcasing a variety of acts and a wide range of styles, the all day festival was initially held in the grounds of Hunters Hill College.    In 2021 the event moved to The Football Field on Linthurst Road, Blackwell,  opposite Dale Hill.

Outdoor Activity Centre
Blackwell Court is predominantly a children's centre with Scouting at its centre. Owned by the Scout Association County of Birmingham. Blackwell Adventure is a fully equipped outdoor activity centre covering 50 acres of parkland and is located within five minutes of the M42 and M5. They have indoor accommodation including a Manor House, stable bunk house and tented villages as well as many camping grounds to suit all both at Blackwell Court and their second site at Pikes Pool. Some of the activities include 240 metre Zip wire, 3G swing, high ropes, climbing walls, kayaking plus loads more. They also have an additional 50 acres of land at Pikes Pool.

References

External links

Villages in Worcestershire
Scouting and Guiding in the United Kingdom

Blackwell, Worcestershire


Endromis is a monotypic moth genus in the family Endromidae erected by Ferdinand Ochsenheimer in 1810. Its only species, Endromis versicolora, the Kentish glory, was described by Carl Linnaeus in his 1758 10th edition of Systema Naturae. It is found in the Palaearctic region.

The wingspan is 50–70 mm. The adults fly from March to May. Females are much larger and paler than males and fly only at night in order to lay eggs. Males, which fly both by night and day, can detect female pheromones from a distance up to 2 km.

Yellow at first, then purplish-brown eggs are laid in two or three rows around a thin birch branch. After 10 to 14 days little black caterpillars hatch.

The caterpillars primarily feed on birch (Betula species), but accept other trees and shrubs: Alnus, Corylus, Tilia and Carpinus species. It is green with paler stripes. At first it feeds in small groups of 15 to 30 larvae, but mature caterpillars feed individually and only at night.

Endromis versicolora has a single generation per year; it overwinters as a pupa in a thin loose strong cocoon buried shallowly in the soil.

External links

"67.001 BF1644 Kentish Glory Endromis versicolora (Linnaeus, 1758)". UKMoths.
Fauna Europaea
"06784 Endromis versicolora (Linnaeus, 1758) - Birkenspinner". Lepiforum e.V.

Endromidae
Moths of Asia
Moths of Europe
Macro-moths of Great Britain
Moths described in 1758
Taxa named by Carl Linnaeus
Monotypic moth genera

Endromis


The International Federation of Operational Research Societies (IFORS) is an umbrella organization for national operations research societies of over 45 countries from four geographical regions: Asia Pacific, Europe, North America, and South America.

The organization was officially founded in 1959 by three organizations:  ORSA (United States), ORS (United Kingdom ), and SOFRO (France), although the first IFORS conference was held in Oxford in 1957.

The Statutes, set the purpose of the IFORS to be "the development of operational research as a unified science and its advancement in all nations of the world." An interesting aspect of the Statutes is that in formal votings of the Board the voting power of each member society is proportional to the square root of the qualified membership — thus giving the greater weight of the larger societies but not overwhelming the smaller societies.

References

External links
Summary of the IFORS archives, held at the Modern Records Centre, University of Warwick

Operations research societies
Organizations established in 1959


A union organizer (or union organiser) is a type of trade union official. In most unions, the organizer's role is to hire groups of workers under the organizing model. In other unions, the organizer's role is largely that of servicing members and enforcing work rules, similar to the role of a shop steward. In some unions, organizers may also take on industrial/legal roles such as making representations before Fair Work Australia, tribunals, or courts.

In North America, a union organizer is a union representative who "organizes" or unionizes non-union companies or work sites. Organizers are mainly there to help non-union workers in forming groups of locals, usually by leading them in their efforts.

A union organizer is either elected or appointed. Most unions appoint rather than elect their organizers.

Other websites
National Labor Relations Board
AFL-CIO Organizing
National Labor College
What is the Employee Free Choice Act?

Trade unions

Union organizer


SantaCon is an annual pub crawl in which people dressed in Santa Claus costumes or as other Christmas characters parade in hundreds of cities around the world.

A December 2015 article on Vox described SantaCon as "a roving, loosely organized event where people dress like Santa Claus, elves, or other holiday figures and parade around a city in varying states of sobriety. Comparable to other adult party days, like St. Patrick's Day or Halloween, it's not organized by one particular group, though there is occasionally a dominant organization in a city (with varying degrees of cooperation with local businesses)."

Origins

SantaCon began in San Francisco in 1994, inspired by a Mother Jones article on the Danish activist theatre group Solvognen. In 1974, Solvognen gathered dozens of "Santas" in Copenhagen to hand out items from the shelves of a department store to customers as "presents" before they were arrested. Staged as street theater by a local prankster group, the Cacophony Society — which had grown out of the earlier Suicide Club — the aim was to make fun of Christmas and the rampant consumerism associated with the holiday. Originally called Santarchy and influenced by the Surrealist movement, Discordianism, and other subversive art currents, it was not intended to be a recurrent event.  However, the event occurred again in San Francisco in 1995 as a Cacophony Society event with 100 participants and at least two arrests.

SantaCon came to Portland in 1996 to Seattle in 1997, and to Los Angeles and New York in 1998, when a "young San Franciscan strapped on a fake white beard, donned a $12 red suit, and led 200 Santas as they went caroling up Fifth Avenue in Manhattan," to the delight of passersby. It has since evolved and spread to 44 countries around the world, with varying versions and interpretations. Events for 2013 were scheduled in 300 cities, including New York City, London, Vancouver, Belfast, and Moscow. The New York SantaCon is the largest, with an estimated 30,000 people participating in 2012. Other events were much smaller and more subdued, with 30 participating in Spokane, Washington.

The event has also been variously known as Santarchy, Santa Rampage, the Red Menace, and Santapalooza.

Venues

Hoboken
At the 2017 Santacon in Hoboken, New Jersey, 17 people were arrested and 55 taken to hospitals. In 2018, 14 were arrested,  including two for aggravated assault on police officers and one for a sexual offense. Hoboken's mayor, Ravi Bhalla, said that SantaCon  "remains a detriment to our city," and that Hoboken would "continue to explore ways to mitigate the impact of future 'con' events."

At the Hoboken SantaCon in 2019, eight persons were arrested, 49 summonses were issued, and there were 500 calls for assistance. Twenty persons were hospitalized for alcohol-related issues. Police Chief Ken Ferrante said the event, not sanctioned by the city, cost $75,000 in extra police manpower and said that its purported charitable purpose was a "sham."

Lowertown, Saint Paul, Minnesota

Lowertown SantaCon was first held in the Lowertown Historic District (Saint Paul, Minnesota) in 2008, organized by local artists and featuring a roving brass band playing Christmas carols for the first several years of the pub crawl, self-described as "half spectacle, half pub crawl and half flash mob—that's one and a half things!—in the historic former arts district of Lowertown, Saint Paul, MN." Unlike the infamous New York SantaCon, this smaller event has avoided negative press, has been welcomed by the local community, and has even included a "family friendly" first stop on the route where children can meet a costumed Krampus.

New York City

In New York City, by far the largest SantaCon venue, the event has been criticized for widespread drunkenness and sporadic violence. At a 2011 community board meeting in lower Manhattan, residents complained that their neighborhood had been "terrorized" by SantaCon participants. A December 2014 cover story in the Village Voice recounted how SantaCon had evolved from "joyful performance art" that originated in San Francisco to a "reviled bar crawl" of drunken brawling, vandalism, public urination and disorder in New York City and elsewhere, resulting in fierce community resistance and disavowals from the originators of the event. An emergency room physician tweeted in 2019 that the day is dreaded by ER physicians. Another tweeted  "All the NYC folks will understand my horror at learning that I'm working in the ER during SantaCon this weekend."

In an article on the 2011 SantaCon, Gothamist called SantaCon an "annual drunken shitshow" that "has steadily devolved from cleverly subversive to barely tolerable to 'time to lock yourself in your apartment for the day.' " The New York Daily News reported in 2017 that the event "endures an annual backlash from New Yorkers repulsed by the sight of Santas vomiting or urinating in the street in years past."

During the New York City SantaCon in 2012, participants "left a trail of trouble" through Hell's Kitchen, midtown Manhattan, the East Village, and Williamsburg. Residents complained revelers vomited and urinated in the street and fought with each other. One source of tension with residents was that most of the revelers come to the event from outside the city.

Official organizers in 2013 described it as "a nonsensical Santa Claus convention that happens once a year for absolutely no reason", saying on their website that $60,000 was raised that year for New York charities, and that participants donated about  of canned food to City Harvest. That year, The New York Times described the event as "a daylong bar crawl that begins with good cheer and, for many, inevitably ends in a blurry, booze-soaked haze."

Drunken behavior in 2013 disrupted parts of Manhattan and Brooklyn, and led to calls for the event to be ended and for participant misbehavior to be curbed. The event is monitored and supported by the New York City Police Department. But community opposition has increased, as SantaCon evolved into what The Village Voice described as "a day-long spectacle of public inebriation somewhere between a low-rent Mardi Gras and a drunken fraternity party."An op-ed in The New York Times on the eve of the 2013 SantaCon criticized it for "sexism, drunkenness, xenophobia, homophobia and enough incidents of public vomiting and urination to fill an infinite dunk tank," and said it "contributes absolutely zero value – cultural, artistic, aesthetic, diversionary, culinary or political – to its host neighborhood. Quite simply, SantaCon is a parasite."
Business Insider called the 2013 event a "dreaded annual event where frat house expats" wreak havoc on the city "dressed as the jolly holiday icon." An NYPD lieutenant in Hell's Kitchen sent an open letter to local taverns in 2013 which said, "Having thousands of intoxicated partygoers roam the streets urinating, littering, vomiting and vandalizing will not be tolerated in our neighborhood." On the Lower East Side of Manhattan, residents posted notices telling SantaCon participants to stay away, saying "Alcohol Soaked Father Christmas-themed flash mob not welcome here. Take your body fluids and public intoxication elsewhere." The Los Angeles Times reported that "some see [SantaCon] as a way for people who live in the suburbs to come to the city and ruin the weekend."

Prior to the 2013 SantaCon, city authorities demanded advance notice of the route of the pub crawl. The event was diverted from the Lower East Side and Midtown Manhattan because of complaints by residents, but went through the East Village and parts of Brooklyn as originally planned. During the 2013 SantaCon in New York City, the Long Island Rail Road, Metro-North Railroad and New Jersey Transit banned alcohol consumption on their trains for 24 hours. The 2013 SantaCon was more subdued than previous ones not only due to the alcohol ban on trains, but also an increased police presence, poor weather, and advance coordination with authorities.
A SantaCon organizer said that the group was "very aware of the backlash" and has sought to curb participant misconduct by the use of "helper elves" along the SantaCon route. There were no arrests at the 2013 SantaCon in New York City, and far fewer summonses issued. A more visible police presence and poor weather were credited with the decrease. Complaints of crowds and public drunkenness continued, and "the Santas would more or less take over all of the East Village visiting bars that had no affiliation with SantaCon whatsoever, angering patrons of those establishments who had no interest in being caught up in the debauchery."
In 2014, community leaders in Bushwick, Brooklyn, banded together to block SantaCon when organizers announced their intent to move the event to that neighborhood. Rafael Espinal, Jr., the city councilman representing Bushwick, urged bars to refrain from participating in the event. A "boycott SantaCon" website was launched by other opponents, and bars said that they would refuse entry to SantaCon participants. The New York City Parks Department refused to issue a permit for use of a local park, leading organizers to cancel plans to have SantaCon in Bushwick.

After the withdrawal from Bushwick, and opposition from the community board representing the Lower East Side and Hell's Kitchen, the 2014 event was rescheduled for 13 December for 32 bars in Midtown Manhattan. Event organizers hired Norman Siegel, a civil rights attorney, to defend their rights to express themselves "within the parameters of the First Amendment." The 2014 SantaCon coincided with demonstrations in Manhattan against police brutality sparked by the Michael Brown and Eric Garner cases.

Police arrested 5 participants and handed out 100 summonses during the 2015 SantaCon, which took place on 12 December. The summonses were for offenses that included carrying an open container, disorderly conduct, and public urination. One participant was arrested for assault, one for possession of a weapon, and three with drug possession.

In anticipation of the 2016 SantaCon, scheduled for 10 December, Metro-North Railroad banned alcohol on trains and stations. The event was scheduled to take place in Midtown Manhattan, the East Village, and the Flatiron District. A hundred summonses were handed out by police but there were no arrests. The New York Daily News reported that the pub crawl left "a trail of vomit and destruction throughout the East Village" and that one bar was robbed and vandalized by SantaCon participants.

The 2017 New York City SantaCon took place on 9 December. A stepped-up police presence and 24-hour liquor ban on Long Island Rail Road trains curbed disorder. Police reported one arrest. Two arrests and over 50 summonses were reported in 2018.

The 2019 SantaCon was on 14 Dec. at bars in Times Square, Midtown, Chelsea and the East Village. The Long Island Railroad, Metro-North and New Jersey Transit banned alcohol on trains for the day. A citizens campaign was launched to ban future SantaCons in the city, and plans for "Santa party boats" were disapproved after three New York legislators raised concerns with the marina operator.

The New York City SantaCon website stated that there would be no officially sanctioned New York Santacon event in 2020 due to the COVID-19 pandemic.

Portland

In Portland, Oregon, the 2014 SantaCon was organized by the Cacophony Society, which had originated SantaCon in the city, and sought to recapture the event's roots. The Oregonian commented that "while the massively popular New York SantaCon made its own bold statement about First Amendment rights Saturday, the Portland SantaCon's statement went back to the charmingly subversive attitude that started it all."

San Francisco
In 2018, SantaCon organizers said that the city of San Francisco will not sanction the event. The event went on despite the city's objections, concerned with safety and crowd control. No permits were issued and the crowd was thinner than in the past.

See also
 Pub crawl

References

External links

 SantaCon information

Cacophony Society
Christmas in the United States
Pub crawls
Articles containing video clips
Santa Claus

SantaCon


Spencer Roloson Winery is a winery in St. Helena, California, United States It produces wines from the volcanic California hillsides of the St. Helena and Clear Lake areas. It was founded in 1998 by winemaker Samuel Spencer and businesswoman Wendy Roloson with the goal of creating a premium winery. Focusing on Rhone and Spanish varietals, they specialize in single vineyard estate bottlings of Syrah, Viognier and Tempranillo.

The Spencer Roloson portfolio of wines includes the varietals Tempranillo, Grenache blanc, Grenache noir, Viognier and Syrah, which hail from the winegrowing regions of Northern Spain through the Rhone Valley in France. Spencer Roloson Winery also produces a Southern Rhone style blend called Palaterra as well as Zinfandel.

Spencer Roloson produces wines with grapes harvested from four vineyards. The steep and rocky Madder Lake Vineyard is located directly north of Mount St. Helena in Clear Lake appellation of Lake County. The La Herradura Vineyard is east of St. Helena at the base of Howell Mountain. Viognier is grown at the Noble Vineyard is at the foot of the Mayacamas Mountains, and Grenache blanc at the Esperanza Vineyard in Clarksburg near Sacramento.

The winery is an early client of Enologix, a computer software-driven laboratory analysis service run by a friend of Spencer's that helps winemakers match taste profiles to wines rated highly by Robert Parker and Wine Spectator.

References

External links

 *

Wineries in California
Wineries in Napa Valley
Companies based in Napa County, California
St. Helena, California
1998 establishments in California

Spencer Roloson Winery


Anti-corporate activism is activism directed against the private sector, particularly larger corporations. It is premised on the belief that the activities and impacts of big business are detrimental to the good of the public and democratic process.

Disagreements with corporations

International trade and financial deregulation impacted traditional industrial economies and facilitated corporate globalization. As more economies have embraced free-markets and deregulation, the power and autonomy of corporations have grown. Opponents of corporate globalization believe that governments need greater powers to control the market, limit or reduce corporate power, and eliminate rising income inequality. Usually on the political left, anti-corporate globalization activists rail against corporate power and advocate for reduced income gaps and improved economic equity.

Anti-corporate activists believe that large multinational corporations gained too much influence by hiring lobbyists to advance their political and economic agendas world-wide and to increase corporate profits.

Counter-arguments

The defenders of corporations such as Ron Arnold highlight that governments do legislate in ways that restrict the actions of corporations (see Sarbanes-Oxley Act) and that lawbreaking companies and executives are routinely caught and punished, usually in the form of monetary fines. Governments, if democratically elected, may be the most legitimate mechanism by which to guide and control corporate activities.

Alliances
Anti-corporate activists often ally with other activists, such as environmental activists or animal-rights activists, in condemning the business practices of organizations such as the McDonald's Corporation (see McLibel) and forestry company Gunns Limited (see Gunns 20).

In recent years, the number of books (Naomi Klein's 2000 No Logo being a well-known example) and films on the subject has increased such as The Corporation which have to a certain extent supported anti-corporate politics.

Art activism
An artist critical of sociopolitical agendas in business is conceptualist Hans Haacke.

Anti-corporate web sites
In June 2008, Condé Nast Publications released an article entitled "The Secret Seven" which listed the top seven anti-corporate web sites. These included: WikiLeaks, Mini-Microsoft, Wal-Mart Watch, HomeOwners for Better Building, Brenda Priddy and Company (automotive spy photos) and finally Apple Rumor Sites AppleInsider and MacRumors.   In 2020, a group called "Save our Elders from Corporate Abuse" was formed on Facebook. The page was designed to report and expose banks, trust companies, brokerage firms, and other businesses that contractually obligate or otherwise trap senior citizens, particularly those over the age of 80, into predatory loans, perpetual billing for products, or other schemes intended to get money from them without their knowledge or consent.

New digital media

Media and digital networking have become important features of modern anti-corporate movements. The speed, flexibility, and ability to reach a massive potential audience has provided a technological foundation for a contemporary network social movement structure. As a result, communities and interpersonal connections have transformed - meaning that corporations can be challenged in novel ways. The internet supports and strengthens local ties, but also facilitates new patterns for political activity. Activists have used this medium to operate between both the online and offline political spectrum.

Email lists, web pages, and open editing software have allowed for changes within an organization. Social media allows activism to be coordinated and scaled in previously unimaginable ways. Now, actions are planned, information is shared, documents are produced by multiple people, and all of this can be done despite differences in distance. This has led to increased growth in digital collaboration. Activists can presently build ties between diverse topics, open the distribution of information, decentralize and increase collaboration, and self-direct networks.

Rise of anti-corporate globalization

Nearly fifty thousand people protested the WTO meetings in Seattle on November 30, 1999. Labor, economic, and environmental activists protesting corporate globalization disrupted and ended the meetings. Participants communicated their experiences and strategies through emails, websites, and other platforms. Their success electrified activists and anti-globalization networks grew stronger and new ones emerged. Anti-corporate globalization movements have successfully used social media to expand and organize mass mobilizations. In the United States, anti-corporate globalization movements reemerged after less attention was given to the war in Iraq, resulting in an increase in mass mobilizations.

See also
 Anti-consumerism
 Anti-globalization
 Bernie Sanders
 Jeremy Corbyn
 Corporatocracy
 Evil corporation
 Lobbying in the United States
 McLibel case
 Multinational Monitor
 Occupy movement
 POCLAD – The Program On Corporations, Law, and Democracy
 Public Citizen
 Ralph Nader
 Criticisms of corporations

References

External links
Farewell to the End of History: Organization and Vision in Anti-Corporate Movements by Naomi Klein, Socialist Register, 2002

Corporate law
Corporate crime

Anti-corporate activism


Anseris Mons  is an isolated massif (mountain) in the southern highlands of Mars, located at the northeastern edge of Hellas Planitia at longitude 86.65°E and latitude 29.81°S. The mountain is  in diameter and rises to an elevation of approximately 4,200 m (13,780 ft) above datum (martian "sea" level) or about 6,200 m (20,300 ft) above the surrounding plains. The mountain lies in the southeastern quarter of the Iapygia quadrangle (MC-21), straddling the boundary with the adjoining Hellas quadrangle (MC-28) to the south.

Anseris Mons is named from Anseris Fons, a telescopic albedo feature mapped by Greek astronomer E. M. Antoniadi in 1930. The name was approved by the International Astronomical Union (IAU) in 1991.

Anseris Mons is not a volcano. Geologically, the massif is thought to be the eroded remnant of an ancient crustal block uplifted from depths of several kilometers in the formation of the Hellas impact basin during the period of heavy bombardment. Anseris Mons is the type area for a large set of rugged mountain blocks (>25 km across) that occur in a relatively continuous band 200 to 500 km wide around the western, northeastern, eastern, and southeastern rim of the Hellas basin. Many of the blocks, particularly along the western rim, are concentric with the basin and bounded by faults.

Rocks making up Anseris Mons and other massifs around Hellas are mapped as Noachian in age. However, work by Herbert Frey at NASA's Goddard Spaceflight Center using Mars Orbital Laser Altimeter (MOLA) data indicates that the southern highlands of Mars contain numerous buried impact basins that are older than the visible Noachian-aged surfaces and which pre-date the Hellas impact. He suggests that the Hellas impact should mark the beginning of the Noachian period (base of the Noachian system). If Frey is correct, then Anseris Mons bedrock is actually pre-Noachian in age, perhaps dating back to over 4.1 billion years ago.

The Anseris Mons massif has undergone a significant amount of erosion since it was uplifted. The flanks of the mountain have huge triangular re-entrants and associated spurs, which give the massif a broad, pyramidal shape. The re-entrants were likely produced through a variety of mass-wasting and periglacial/glacial processes. A large cirque-like re-entrant with channelized debris aprons or fans is present on the south side of the mountain.

Images

See also
 List of mountains on Mars
 List of mountains on Mars by height
 List of tallest mountains in the Solar System

References

Mountains on Mars
Iapygia quadrangle
Hellas quadrangle

Anseris Mons


Woodblock printing on textiles is the process of printing patterns on textile, usually of linen, cotton or silk, by means of carved wooden blocks.

History

Origins

Printing patterns on textile is so closely related in its ornamental effects to other methods of similar intention, such as by painting, dyeing, and weaving, that it is almost impossible to determine from the picturesque indications afforded by ancient records and writings of pre-Christian, classical or even medieval times, how far, if at all, allusion is being made in them to this particular process. Hence its original invention must probably remain a matter of inference only.

Woodblock printing on textiles is perhaps traceable to a primeval use of blocks of stone, wood, etc, so cut or carved as to make impressions on surfaces of any material. Ancient civilisations, such as China, Egypt, and Assyria, in which the existence of these can be traced, probably used printing on textiles in addition to other materials from a very early period.  For example, there is direct evidence that peoples in South Asia, including some from the Punjab and Mumbai, used printing for the decoration of textiles extensively from an early date. Starting in the 16th century, European and especially Dutch merchants bought printed and painted calico for trade. In contrast, despite the great skill displayed by the Chinese in ornamental weaving and other branches of textile art, there seems to be no direct evidence of their having used printing for the decoration of textiles. Woodblock printing was developed and modified in Europe in the nineteenth century by machinery and the adoption of stereotypes and engraved metal plates.

Ancient world
As in, the case of weaving and embroideries, specimens of printed stuffs have of recent years been obtained from disused cemeteries in Upper Egypt (Akhmim and elsewhere) and tell us of Egypto-Roman use of such things. Some few of them are now lodged in European museums. For indications that early Egyptians, Greeks and Romans were acquainted with the process, one has to rely upon less evidence. Of textiles painted by Egyptians there are many actual examples. Apart from these there are wall paintings, e.g., those of Beni Hasan (c. 2200–1800 BC), which depict Egyptian people wearing costumes irregularly patterned with spots, stripes and zigzags, which may have been more easily stamped than embroidered or woven. A more complicated and orderly pattern well suited to stamping occurs in a painting about 1320 BC, of Hathor and King Meneptha I. Herodotus, referring to the garments of inhabitants of the Caucasus, showing representations of various animals.

When Alexander invaded India in 327 BC, there were reportedly block-printed textiles produced there.

Pliny the Elder describes a process employed in Egypt for the colouring of cloth. After pressing the material, which is white at first, they saturate it, not with colours, but with mordants that are calculated to absorb colour. He does not explain how this saturation is done. But as it is clearly for the purpose of obtaining a decorative effect, stamping or brushing the mordants into the material may be inferred. When this was finished the cloth was plunged into a cauldron of boiling dye and removed the next moment fully coloured. It is a singular fact, too, that although the dye in the pan is of one uniform colour, the material when taken out of it is of various colours according to the nature of the mordants that have been respectively applied to it. Egypto-Roman bits of printed textiles from Akhmim exhibit the use, some three hundred years later than the time of Pliny, of boldly cut blocks for stamping figure-subjects and patterns onto textiles. Almost concurrent with their discovery was that of a fragment of printed cotton at Arles in the grave of St Caesarius, who was bishop there about AD 542. Equal in archaeological value are similar fragments found in an ancient tomb at Quedlinburg. These, however, are of comparatively simple patterns.

Medieval Europe
Museum specimens establish the fact that more important pattern printing on textiles had become a developed industry in parts of Europe towards the end of the 12th and the beginning of the 13th century.

According to Forrer (Die Kunst des Zeugdrucks, 1898) medieval Rhenish monasteries were the cradles of the artistic craft of ornamental stamp or block cutting, although it is now recognised that some of the examples he relied on are modern forgeries.  In rare monastic manuscripts earlier in date than the 13th century, initial letters (especially those that recurred frequently) were sometimes stamped from hand-cut blocks; and German deeds of the 14th century bear names of block cutters and textile stampers as those of witnesses.
Amongst the more ancient relics of Rhenish printed textiles are some of thin silken stuff, impressed with patterns in gold and silver foil. Of these, and of a considerable number of later variously dyed stout linens with patterns printed in dark tones or in black, specimens have been collected from reliquaries, tombs and old churches.

The first written reference to printed textiles in Europe is found in Florentine trade regulations from the fifteenth century.  In 1437, Cennino Cennini published a treatise describing the technique.

Early modern Europe
Augsburg, famous in the 17th century for its printing on linens, etc., supplied Alsace and Switzerland with many craftsmen in this process. After the revocation of the edict of Nantes, French refugees took part in starting manufactories of both painted and printed cloths in Holland, England and Switzerland; some few of the refugees were allowed back into France to do the same in Normandy: manufactories were also set up in Paris, Marseilles, Nantes and Angers; but there was still greater activity at Geneva, Neuchtel, Zurich, St Gall and Basel. The first textile printing works in Great Britain are said to have been begun towards the end of the 17th century by a Frenchman on the banks of the Thames near Richmond, and soon afterwards a more considerable factory was established at Bromley Hall in Essex; many others were opened in Surrey early in the 18th century. At Muihouse the enterprise of Koechlin, Schmatzer and Dollfus in 1746, as well as that of Oberkampf at Jouy, led to a still wider spread of the industry in Alsace. In almost every place in Europe where it was taken up and followed, it was met by local and national prohibitions or trade protective regulations and acts, which, however, were gradually overcome.

Technique

Preparing the block
Woodblocks for textile printing may be made of box, lime, holly, sycamore, plane or pear wood, the latter three being most generally employed. They vary in size considerably, but must always be between two and three inches thick, otherwise they are liable to warping, which is additionally guarded against by backing the wood chosen with two or more pieces of cheaper wood, such as deal or pine. The several pieces or blocks are tongued and grooved to fit each other, and are then securely glued together, under pressure, into one solid block with the grain of each alternate piece running in a different direction.

The block, being planed quite smooth and perfectly flat, next has the design drawn upon, or transferred to it. This latter is effected by rubbing off, upon its flat surface, a tracing in lampblack and oil, of the outlines of the masses of the design. The portions to be left in relief are then tinted, between their outlines, an ammoniacal carmine or magenta, for the purpose of distinguishing them from those portions that have to be cut away. As a separate block is required for each distinct colour in the design, a separate tracing must be made of each and transferred (or put on as it a termed) to its own special block.

Having thus received a tracing of the pattern the block is thoroughly damped and kept in this condition by being covered with wet cloths during the whole process of cutting. The blockcutter commences by carving out the wood around the heavier masses first, leaving the finer and more delicate work until the last so as to avoid any risk of injuring it during the cutting of the coarser parts. When large masses of colour occur in a pattern, the corresponding parts on the block are usually cut in outline, the object being filled in between the outlines with felt, which not only absorbs the colour better, but gives a much more even impression than it is possible to obtain with a large surface of wood. When finished, the block presents the appearance of flat relief carving, the design standing out like letterpress type.

Fine details are very difficult to cut in wood, and, even when successfully cut, wear down very rapidly or break off in printing. They are therefore almost invariably built up in strips of brass or copper, bent to shape and driven edgewise into the flat surface of the block. This method is known as coppering, and by its means many delicate little forms, such as stars, rosettes and fine spots can be printed, which would otherwise be quite impossible to produce by hand or machine block printing.

Frequently, too, the process of coppering is used for the purpose of making a mold, from which an entire block can be made and duplicated as often as desired, by casting. In this case the metal strips are driven to a predetermined depth into the face of a piece of lime-wood cut across the grain, and, when the whole design is completed in this way, the block is placed, metal face downwards in a tray of molten type-metal or solder, which transmits sufficient heat to the inserted portions of the strips of copper to enable them to carbonize the wood immediately in contact with them and, at the same time, firmly attaches itself to the outstanding portions. When cold a slight tap with a hammer on the back of the limewood block easily detaches the cake of the type-metal or alloy and along with it, of course, the strips of copper to which it is firmly soldered, leaving a matrix, or mold, in wood of the original design. The casting is made in an alloy of low melting-point, anti, after cooling, is filed or ground until all its projections are of the same height and perfectly smooth, after which it is screwed onto a wooden support and is ready for printing. Similar molds are also made by burning out the lines of the pattern with a red-hot steel punch, capable of being raised or lowered at will, and under which the block is moved about by hand along the lines of the pattern.

Other tools
In addition to the engraved block, a printing table and colour sieve are required. The table consists of a stout framework of wood or iron supporting a thick slab of stone varying in size according to the width of cloth to be printed. Over the stone table top a thick piece of woolen printers blanket is tightly stretched to supply the elasticity necessary to give the block every chance of making a good impression on the cloth. At one end, the table is provided with a couple of iron brackets to carry the roll of cloth to be printed and, at the other, a series of guide rollers, extending to the ceiling, are arranged for the purpose of suspending and drying the newly printed goods. The colour sieve consists of a tub (known as the swimming tub) half filled with starch paste, On the surface of which floats a frame covered at the bottom with a tightly stretched piece Of mackintosh or oiled calico. On this the colour sieve proper, a frame similar to, the last but covered with fine woolen cloth, is placed, and forms when in position a sort of elastic colour trough over the bottom of which the colour is spread evenly with a brush.

Printing process

The printer commences by drawing a length of cloth, from the roll, over the table, and marks it with a piece of coloured chalk and a ruler to indicate where the first impression of the block is to be applied.

They then applies the block in two different directions to the colour on the sieve and finally presses it firmly and steadily on the cloth, ensuring a good impression by striking it smartly on the back with a wooden mallet. The second impression is made in the same way, the printer taking care to see that it fits exactly to the first, a point which he can make sure of by means of the pins with which the blocks are provided at each corner and which are arranged in such a way that when those at the right side or at the top of the block fall upon those at the left side or the bottom of the previous impression the two printings join up exactly and continue the pattern without a break. Each succeeding impression is made in precisely the same manner until the length of cloth on the table is fully printed. When this is done it is wound over the drying rollers, thus bringing forward a fresh length to be treated similarly.

If the pattern contains several colours the cloth is usually first printed throughout with one, then dried, re-wound and printed with the second, the same operations being repeated until all the colours are printed.

Many modifications of block printing have been tried from time to time, but of these only two tobying and rainbowing are of any practical value. The object of tobey printing is to print the several colours of a multicolour pattern at one operation and for this purpose a block with the whole of the pattern cut upon it, and a specially constructed colour sieve are employed. The sieve consists of a thick block of wood, on one side of which a series of compartments are hollowed out, corresponding roughly in shape, size and position to the various objects cut on the block. The tops of the dividing walls of these compartments are then coated with melted pitch, and a piece of fine woolen cloth is stretched over the whole and pressed well down on the pitch so as to adhere firmly to the top of each wall; finally a piece of string soaked in pitch is cemented over the woolen cloth along the lines of the dividing walls, and after boring a hole through the bottom of each compartment the sieve is ready for use. In operation each compartment is filled with its special colour through a pipe connecting it with a colour box situated at the side of the sieve and a little above it, so as to exert just sufficient pressure on the colour to force it gently through the woolen cloth, but not enough to cause it to overflow its proper limits, formed by the pitch-soaked string boundary lines.

The block is then carefully pressed on the sieve, and, as the different parts of its pattern fall on different parts of the sieve, each takes up a certain colour that it transfers to the cloth in the usual way. By this method of tobying from two to six colours may be printed at one operation, but it is only applicable to patterns where the different coloured objects are placed at some small distance apart, and that, therefore, it is of but limited application.

See also
Arjak
Bagh Prints
Rogan printing
Bagru Print

References

Woodblock printing
Relief printing

sv:Blocktryck

Woodblock printing on textiles


Leonard Harris "Barrow Boy" Toyne (12 July 1922 – 17 March 1998) was an Australian rules footballer who played for Geelong, Fitzroy and Melbourne in the Victorian Football League (VFL) during the 1940s.

Toyne, from Terang, made his way into the Geelong seniors for the first time in 1940 after serving his apprenticeship in the reserves. He spent the 1942 season at Fitzroy, as Geelong were forced into recess as a result of the war, but was out of action for the next two years due to his service with the Australian Imperial Force (AIF). Returning to Geelong in 1945, Toyne finished third in the club's 'best and fairest'.

After getting married, Toyne moved to Sandringham in 1946 to live and work. Geelong granted him a clearance which allowed him to be appointed captain-coach of the Sandringham Football Club. The club had finished 11th the previous VFA season and had never reached the finals but Toyne steered them to a seven-point Grand Final win over Camberwell. Sandringham were runners-up in 1947 but struggled the following season, with Toyne getting suspended for three matches during the year after an altercation. Five rounds into the 1949 season, Toyne resigned, citing that he was being victimised by the umpires.

He finished the year at Melbourne before crossing to Sturt, which he captain-coached in 1950 and 1951. His final port of call was Launceston for the 1953 Northern Tasmanian Football Association season.

References

Holmesby, Russell and Main, Jim (2007). The Encyclopedia of AFL Footballers. 7th ed. Melbourne: Bas Publishing.

External links

1922 births
1998 deaths
Geelong Football Club players
Fitzroy Football Club players
Melbourne Football Club players
Sandringham Football Club players
Sandringham Football Club coaches
Sturt Football Club players
Sturt Football Club coaches
Launceston Football Club players
Terang Football Club players
Australian rules footballers from Victoria (state)
Launceston Football Club coaches
Australian Army personnel of World War II
Military personnel from Victoria (state)

Len Toyne


The Open Door Council, established in May 1926, was a British organisation pressing for equal economic opportunities for women. It opposed the extension of 'protective legislation' for women, regarding such legislation as 'restrictive' and arguing that it effectively barred women from better-paid jobs such as mining. In 1929 an international version was established, Open Door International, with Chrystal Macmillan serving as president until her death in 1937.

The Open Door Council was established by Lady Rhondda  of the Six Point Group, Elizabeth Abbott of NUSEC, Sarah Clegg (died 1931) of the London Society for Women's Service, Emmeline Pethick-Lawrence of the Women's Freedom League and Virginia Crawford of the St Joan's Social and Political Alliance. Membership of the Open Door Council overlapped considerably with that of the Six Point Group.

The organisation continued until 1965.

Papers relating to the Open Door Council are held at the Women's Library.

References

External links
Open Door Council  at the Women's Library

Organizations established in 1926
1965 disestablishments in the United Kingdom
Women's organisations based in the United Kingdom

Open Door Council


The University of Córdoba (Spanish: Universidad de Córdoba, UCO), is a university in Córdoba, in Andalusia, Spain, chartered in 1972. It offers undergraduate and postgraduate studies in humanities, social sciences, health sciences, natural sciences and engineering.

History

Although it was established in 1972, UCO is the inheritor of the Free University of Córdoba (Universidad Libre de Córdoba), which operated in the province in the late 19th century. Centenary institutions like the Faculty of Veterinary Science depend on UCO.

UCO stands out for its specialization in natural sciences, offering degrees in chemistry, biology, environmental sciences and agronomic and forest engineering. It is also specialized in health sciences, offering degrees in nursing and medicine, closely linked to the Reina Sofía University Hospital, and in humanities (history, art history, teacher training, philosophy, and diverse liberal arts degrees).

The university is structured in three main campuses: the Humanities and Legal and Social Sciences Campus, integrated in the urban centre; the Health Sciences Campus, in the west of the city; and the Agrifood, Science and Technology campus of Rabanales, in the east of the city. UCO also contains the Polytechnic School of Bélmez, situated seventy kilometres away from Córdoba, where Mining Engineering and Public Works Technical Engineering degrees are offered.

Campuses and structure

The university has four campuses, three in the city of Córdoba and one in Bélmez.

Rabanales Campus
Faculty of Veterinary Science
Higher Technical School of Agricultural and Forest Engineering
Faculty of Sciences
Higher Polytechnic School

Menéndez Pidal Campus
Faculty of Medicine
School of Nursing

City Centre Campus
Faculty of Law and Business and Economic Sciences
Faculty of Labour Science
Faculty of Philosophy and Letters
Faculty of Education Sciences

Bélmez Campus
Higher Polytechnic School of Bélmez

Research centres

European Documentation Centre
Andalusian Experimental Centre of Animal Health
Veterinary Clinic Hospital
Spanish Network of Aerobiology
Reina Sofía University Hospital
Royal Botanic Garden of Córdoba
Andalusian Inter-University Institute of Criminology
Andalusian Centre of Apiculture

References

Córdoba, Spain
Universities and colleges in Spain
Universities in Andalusia

University of Córdoba (Spain)