Robert "Bob" Beatty is the head football coach for the Trinity Shamrocks, a high school football team located at Trinity High School in Louisville, Kentucky. He is the most successful High School Football coach in Kentucky state history, having won 12 state championship titles, and 1 National Championship over the course of his forty-year long career.

In 2011, he was named by USA Today as the National High School Coach of the Year. Beatty was the East's head coach at the U.S. Army All-American Bowl in 2012.

In 2013, he was named by Athlon Sports as the tenth most important High School Football Coach in the United States. On January 10, 2017, he was given the Key to the City of Louisville, Kentucky, by Mayor (and Trinity graduate) Greg Fischer.

Personal life
Beatty was born on June 7, 1955, in Butler, Missouri. In 1974, he went to Missouri Southern State College, where he graduated in 1978 with a Bachelor's in Education. In 1980, Beatty married his wife Jayne. They have two grown up children, Jennifer and David.

Coaching career

Clinton High School
Beatty's Coaching Career began in 1978, when he took a job as an Assistant Coach at Clinton High School in Clinton, Missouri. He worked there for two years, then he moved to Liberty, Missouri. Beatty was also a teacher during that time.

William Jewell College
In 1980, Beatty took a job as the Offensive Coordinator for William Jewell College in Liberty, Missouri. He worked at the job from 1981 to 1986. Beatty then left the college and moved to Blue Springs, Missouri. Beatty was also a teacher during that time.

Blue Springs High School
In 1986, Beatty took a job as the Offensive Coordinator at Blue Springs High School, in Blue Springs, Missouri. He was there until 1997, when he was offered the position of head coach. He took the role and was their head coach until the year 2000, when he moved to Louisville, Kentucky. Beatty was also a teacher during that time.

Trinity High School
Beatty came to Trinity High School in 2000 to be the head coach of the Trinity Shamrocks Football team. The very next year, Beatty led the team to victory over rival Male High School in the 2001 state championship. Beatty kept up his winning streak by winning the state championships in 2002, 2003, 2005, 2006, 2007, 2008, 2010, 2011, and 2012. However, in 2013, the Shamrocks ended the season 6-6. Beatty took this as a sign that his team needed a complete makeover. He said: "It's been a long time since we ended a season with a loss. You find out whether you want to spit that taste out of your mouth or swallow it again."

Beatty chose to follow up these words with a plan. He fired all but one of his defensive coordinators, and hired Jay Cobb, a former head coach at Knott County Central, Somerset, and Campbellsville, as the new defensive coordinator. After the shakeup, Trinity went on to win the state championship the next year in 2014, as well as in 2016.

In addition to serving as the Head Football Coach, Beatty also works at Trinity as a teacher for freshmen at the school. He teaches a course that combines Physical Education, as well as Health education, which includes information on drugs, alcohol and tobacco, as well as anatomy and physiology.

State Championship Record
Below is a list of Trinity High School's State Championship Wins during the tenure of Head Coach Bob Beatty.

Coaching Record at Trinity
Below is a year-by-year breakdown of Beatty's coaching record at Trinity.
{| border="0" style="width:40%;"
|-
| valign="left" |

{| cellpadding="1" border="1" cellspacing="0" style="width:80%;"
|-
!style="background:green; color:white;"|Year
!style="background:green; color:white;"|Class
!style="background:green; color:white;"|Record
!style="background:green; color:white;"|Achievement
|- style="text-align:center;"
| 2001 || 4A || 15-0-0 || State ChampionUndefeated Season
|- style="text-align:center;"
| 2002 || 4A || 15-0-0 || State ChampionUndefeated Season
|- style="text-align:center;"
| 2003 || 4A || 15-0-0 || State ChampionUndefeated Season
|- style="text-align:center;"
| 2004 || 4A || 10-2-0 ||
|- style="text-align:center;"
| 2005 || 4A || 13-2-0 || State Champion
|- style="text-align:center;"
| 2006 || 4A || 14-1-0 || State Champion
|- style="text-align:center;"
| 2007 || 6A || 13-2-0 || State Champion
|- style="text-align:center;"
| 2008 || 6A || 14-1-0 || State Champion
|- style="text-align:center;"
| 2009 || 6A || 9-5-0 ||
|- style="text-align:center;"
| 2010 || 6A || 14-1-0 || State Champion
|- style="text-align:center;"
| 2011 || 6A || 14-0-0 || State ChampionUndefeated Season
|- style="text-align:center;"
| 2012 || 6A || 13-1-0 || State Champion
|- style="text-align:center;"
| 2013 || 6A || 6-6-0 ||
|- style="text-align:center;"
| 2014 || 6A || 11-5-0 || State Champion
|- style="text-align:center;"
| 2015 || 6A || 11-2-0 ||
|- style="text-align:center;"
| 2016 || 6A || 15-0-0 || State ChampionUndefeated Season
|- style="text-align:center;"
| colspan=3 style="background:green; color:white;"|Current Record| colspan=2 style="background:green; color:white;"|202-28-0'''
|}
|}

Coaching Method

In late May 2013, a Trinity player approached Beatty and said, "I can't wait for practice to start." Beatty allegedly was startled by the comment. "You're ready for me to scream and yell and cuss and spit?" he asked. "Sure," the player said. "You're not my friend. You're my coach." According to Beatty, he had to smile, because that's the way he approaches his players. "I don't have 17-year-old friends, I have 17-year-old champions."

According to Beatty, his team trains, practices, and plays for 11 months of the year. In 2013, he stated, "If you are going to be in this program, you have to punch the clock." In late April, when Beatty starts practices for the next season, Beatty allegedly tells his players "You better pray hard, because you belong to me now." He also stated in an interview that "We try to get more done in two hours than other teams do in two weeks. There are no superfluous meetings. It's all about efficiency and winning."

Former Players

Beatty has sent many of his former players to the NCAA D-I level. He coached quarterback Brian Brohm, who was featured on the cover of Sports Illustrated'' while he was a junior in high school at Trinity and who later played for the Louisville Cardinals, as well as with the Green Bay Packers and Buffalo Bills. Beatty also coached former quarterback Nick Petrino, who is the son of Louisville Cardinals football coach Bobby Petrino.

Important past players under Beatty

References

American football coaches
1955 births
Sportspeople from Missouri
Living people

Bob Beatty


The Blockade of Africa began in 1808 after the United Kingdom outlawed the Atlantic slave trade, making it illegal for British ships to transport slaves. The Royal Navy immediately established a presence off Africa to enforce the ban, called the West Africa Squadron. Although the ban initially applied only to British ships, Britain negotiated treaties with other countries to give the Royal Navy the right to intercept and search their ships for slaves.

The 1807 Act Prohibiting Importation of Slaves abolished the intercontinental slave trade in the United States but was not widely enforced. From 1819, some effort was made by the United States Navy to prevent the slave trade. This mostly consisted of patrols of the shores of the Americas and in the mid-Atlantic, the latter being largely unsuccessful due to the difficulty of intercepting ships mid-ocean. As part of the Webster–Ashburton Treaty of 1842, it was agreed that both countries would work together on the abolition of the slave trade, which was deemed piracy, and to continue the blockade of Africa. US Navy involvement continued until the beginning of the American Civil War, in 1861. The following year, the Lincoln administration gave the UK full authority to intercept US ships. Slavery was not abolished in the United States until 1865, when Congress ratified the 13th Amendment. The Royal Navy squadron remained in operation until 1870.

United Kingdom involvement

Background
The Slave Trade Act 1807 stated that:

The African Slave Trade, and all manner of dealing and trading in the Purchase, Sale, Barter, or Transfer of Slaves, or of Persons intended to be sold, transferred, used, or dealt with as Slaves, practised or carried on, in, at, to or from any Part of the Coast or Countries of Africa, shall be, and the same is hereby utterly abolished, prohibited, and declared to be unlawful.

Under this act, if a ship was caught with slaves, there was a fine of £100 per enslaved person. This fine was usually paid by the ship's captain.

In order to enforce this, two ships were dispatched to the African coast, their primary mission being to prevent British subjects from slave trading and also to disrupt the slave trades of the UK's enemies during the Napoleonic Wars.

Diplomacy

The original 1807 Act only allowed for British ships to be searched and applied only to British subjects. The slave trade on the African coast therefore continued, though without the presence of British slavers, at least on a legal basis. However, in 1810, under considerable diplomatic pressure, a convention with Portugal was signed, widening the mandate of the Royal Navy. In 1815, Portugal strengthened their anti-slavery legislation by abolishing all trade north of the equator, allowing the Royal Navy a much freer hand. With the conclusion of the Napoleonic Wars, Britain obtained treaties with several other powers, including France, which abolished its trade entirely in 1815 (but did not commit to right of search), and Spain, which agreed to cease trade north of the equator in 1818, and south of the equator by 1820. A clause was also inserted into the Congress of Vienna, which called for the eventual abolition of the trade by all signatories. In 1826, Brazil signed an agreement similar to that of Portugal and ceased trade north of the equator.

The UK's slave trade suppression efforts attempted to remain within the primitive international laws of the time: slavers had to be tried in courts. British vessels were taken to vice admiralty courts, and those of foreign states that had treaties with the UK were taken to Courts of Mixed Commission. Mixed Commission Courts had representation from both the UK and the other nation in question, to ensure a fair trial. Many were established at key points along the coast of Africa and its islands. However, the reluctance of other powers greatly curtailed the ability of the courts to operate. Sometimes, the foreign representation would never arrive, or arrive exceptionally late. The Brazilian ambassador, in spite of the court opening in 1826, did not arrive until 1828, and he reversed all judgements carried out in his absence upon arrival.

In addition to the issues with Mixed Commission Courts, the Navy's mandate to police the trade was also found to be lacking and built on a series of complicated and often weak diplomatic treaties between other states. The agreements were signed reluctantly and were therefore very weak in practice. When policing foreign vessels, there had to be slaves on board at the time of seizure for the accused slaver to be convicted. Unlike in Britain's 1807 Act, there was no equipment clause, meaning that slave ships carrying what was obviously equipment for transporting slaves, but without slaves on board at the time of search, could not be seized. This major flaw, which greatly curtailed the navy's efforts and caused some naval officers to fall foul of the law, was not rectified until the 1830s. Frustrated with the lack of progress, in 1839, the British government subjected Portuguese vessels to British jurisdiction and did the same to Brazilian vessels in 1845. This was an unprecedented step, which subjected foreign vessels to the much more stringent British law and much stricter penalties for slave trading.

However, some nations, such as the United States, resisted British coercion. The US believed strongly in freedom of the seas and on several occasions refused to allow the Royal Navy right of search. Knowing that many slavers would fly false US flags to avoid being boarded, some slavers were even registered in southern US states. This caused several diplomatic incidents, as frustrated officers would often board ships with US flags, directly contravening their orders, to capture slavers. There was fierce opposition to this in the US Congress, and John Forsyth said in 1841 that "the persistence" of British cruisers was "unwarranted", "destructive to private interests", and "[would] inevitably destroy the harmony of the two countries". In 1842, there was a thaw in diplomatic relations, and the US allowed visitation to US vessels, but only if a US officer was also present.

With the beginning of the 1850s, Portugal had completely ceased slave trading (1836) and Spain had all but ceased, but Cuba was still an active slave port. Brazil continued to defy British intervention, and the Brazilian trade was not extinguished until 1852, when Palmerston began using force under the Pax Britannica doctrine.

West Africa Squadron

The British Royal Navy commissioned the West Africa Squadron in 1807, and the United States Navy did so as well in 1842. The squadron had the duty to protect Africa from slave traders, and it effectively aided in ending the transatlantic slave trade. In addition to the West Africa Squadron, the Africa Squadron had the same duties to perform. However, they faced a problem with finding enough sailors. The Liberian coastal Kru people were hired, which allowed the West African Squadron to patrol the coast of Africa effectively. Following the 1807 Act, two ships had been dispatched to the African coast for anti-slavery patrol.

By 1818, the squadron had grown to six ships, with a naval station established in 1819 at what is now Freetown and a supply base at Ascension Island, later moved to Cape Town in 1832.

These resources were further increased: in the middle of the 19th century, there were around 25 vessels and 2,000 personnel, with a further 1,000 local sailors. Between 1808 and 1860, the West Africa Squadron captured 1,600 slave ships and freed 150,000 Africans. Around 2,000 British sailors died on their mission of freeing slaves with the West Africa Squadron.

End of the trade

In spite of Britain's best efforts to pursue suppression through diplomatic means, the trade persisted. Public opinion was beginning to turn against the anti-slavery efforts due to their huge costs, the diplomatic repercussions they created, and the damage caused to other trade. Opposition in the Commons emerged from anti-coercionists, who were opposed to the use of British coercion of other nations and prolonged military action against slavers. The anti-coercionists were a mixed group of free trade activists and anti-slavery advocates who saw the only way to end the trade being the establishment of legitimate commerce with Africa. Their leader, Thomas Fowell Buxton, advocated a renewed naval effort until this could be achieved. In 1839, he published The African Slave Trade and its Remedy, which contained a top-to-bottom critique of the British efforts thus far. The work was highly influential and gave Buxton a leading role in the planning of the Niger expedition of 1841, an attempt to establish trading posts along the Niger River to create an alternative to slave trading. Although the plan had offered a long-term solution to the slave trade, the expedition ended in abject failure, with many of the Europeans falling ill. In 1845, Buxton died, with his ambitions unfulfilled.

From 1845, the anti-coercionist cause became much more radical and much less concerned with the plight of Africans; this "new generation" of anti-coercionists did not include abolitionists. Free trade advocates such as William Hutt were vehemently opposed to naval actions and argued the trade would eventually die naturally and the UK's interference was unwarranted. Such was their influence that there was even a motion in the Commons to end all naval activity, which came close to ending the West Africa Squadron and also the career of Prime Minister John Russell, who threatened resignation should the motion be carried.

To prevent a repeat of this, swift action was taken. Brazil was still one of the largest slave trading nations and continued to defy British diplomatic calls to put an end to the practice. In 1846, Palmerston returned as foreign secretary and in 1850 permitted Royal Naval vessels to enter Brazilian waters in order to blockade slavers on both sides of the Atlantic. By 1852, the Brazilian trade could be said to be extinct. "For Palmerston … the naval campaign on the coast of Brazil had brought the long drawn-out saga of the Brazilian slave trade to a resolution within twelve months".

The many years of British pressure on the United States to join vigorously in fighting the Atlantic slave trade had been neutralised by the southern states. However, with the onset of the American Civil War, the Lincoln administration became eager to sign up, humanitarian and military objectives combined. To the North, anti-slavery was an important military tool with which to harm the Confederate economy. It also won praise, sympathy, and support on the international stage and dampened international support for the Southern States, who vehemently defended their right to keep slaves. In the Lyons–Seward Treaty of 1862, the United States gave the UK full authority to crack down on the Atlantic slave trade when carried on by US ships. With the end of hostilities the UK and the US would continue cooperating, and in 1867, Cuba, under much pressure from the two nations, gave up its trade.

United States involvement

The United States Constitution of 1787 had protected the importation of slaves for twenty years. The Pennsylvania Abolition Society held its first meeting at the temporary capital, Philadelphia, in 1794. On 7 April 1798, the fifth Congress passed an act that imposed a $300-per-slave penalty on persons convicted of performing the illegal importation of slaves. It was an indication of the type of behaviour and course of events soon to become commonplace in the Congress.

On Thursday, 12 December 1805, in the ninth Congress, Senator Stephen Roe Bradley of the State of Vermont gave notice that he should, on Monday next, move for leave to bring in a bill to prohibit the importation of certain persons therein described "into any port or place within the jurisdiction of the United States, from and after the first day of January", which will be "in the year of our Lord 1808". His words would be repeated many times by the legislators in the ninth Congress. The certain persons were described as being slaves on Monday, 16 December 1805.

Wary of offending slaveholders to the least degree, the Senate amended the proposed Senatorial Act, then passed it to the House of Representatives, where it was meticulously scrutinised. Ever mindful of not inciting the wrath of slaveholders, members of the House produced a bill that would explain the Senatorial Act. The two measures were bound together, with the House bill being called H R 77 and the Senate Act being called An Act to prohibit the importation of slaves into any port or place within the jurisdiction of the United States, from and after the first day of January, in the year of our Lord, 1808. The bond measure also regulated the coastwise slave trade. The bond measure was placed before President Thomas Jefferson on 2 March 1807 for his approbation.

The 1807 Act of Congress was modified and supplemented by the Fifteenth Congress. The importation of slaves into the United States was called "piracy" by an Act of Congress that punctuated the Era of Good Feelings in 1819. Any citizen of the United States found guilty of such "piracy" might be given the death penalty. The role of the Navy was expanded to include patrols off the coasts of Cuba and South America. The naval activities in the western Atlantic bore the name of "The African Slave Trade Patrol of 1820–61". The blockade of Africa was still being performed in the eastern Atlantic at the same time.

Africa Squadron operations

American naval officer Matthew Calbraith Perry was the executive officer aboard HMS  in 1819, which had escorted the Elizabeth, whose passengers included former slaves moving from the United States to Africa. President James Monroe had the Secretary of the Navy order the American vessel to convoy the Elizabeth to Africa with the first contingent of freed slaves that the American Colonization Society was resettling there. Of the 86 black emigrants sailing on the Elizabeth, only about one-third were men; the rest were women and children. In 1821, Perry commanded the USS Shark in the Africa Squadron. USS Alligator, under the command of Lieutenant Robert F. Stockton, was also in the African Squadron in 1821 and captured several slavers. Lieutenant Stockton also convinced the local African chief to relinquish land around Cape Mesurado, where Liberia eventually formed. Stockton became the commander of the US Navy's first screw-propelled steamer, the USS Princeton, in 1843.

On 26 and 27 November 1842, aboard the USS Somers in the African Squadron, commander Alexander Slidell Mackenzie ordered the arrest of three crewmen who were plotting to take control of the ship. The three were hanged on 1 December. This is the only occurrence of Maritime Mutiny at Law in the history of the United States Navy.

Commodore Perry was placed in command of the African Squadron in 1843. Ships that captured slavers while deployed with the African Squadron include USS Yorktown, USS Constellation, and the second USS Constellation, which captured Cora on 26 September 1860, with 705 Africans on board. The first USS San Jacinto captured the brig Storm King on 8 August 1860, off the mouth of the Congo River, with 616 Africans on board. In her final act, USS Constitution captured H.N. Gambrill in 1853.

The Navy attempted to intercept slave ships from 1808 (or 1809) to 1866. A small number of ships were accosted; some of them were carrying Africans destined to be sold into slavery, while others, which had no slaves on board, were captured and escorted away from the coast of Africa.

Black Ivory

The Louisiana Purchase in 1803 created great demand for more slaves to work in the vast new area. Jean Lafitte was a pirate who brought many slaves to the United States and sold them through an organised system established at New Orleans that included merchants from the vicinity. After he helped Andrew Jackson during the War of 1812, President James Madison issued a proclamation early in 1815 granting him and his men pardons for their misdeeds.

The United States Navy's Africa Squadron, Brazil Squadron, and Home Squadron were assigned the task of intercepting ships that were bringing Africans across the Atlantic Ocean to the slave markets, where black ivory found numerous customers. Since the War of Independence had been costly, no American warships were constructed between 1783 and 1795. The Navy Department was created on 30 April 1798. On 27 March 1794, following communication with President Washington, Congress authorised the purchase or construction of six frigates. These ships included the first USS Constellation, launched 7 September 1797, and USS Constitution, a ship that would be briefly employed in the African Squadron. Few new ships were built in the United States after 1801 until USS Guerriere was launched on 20 June 1814; it proved to be an effective warship in the war with the Barbary pirates in 1815.

At the same time as this effort was taking place, other important tasks, such as the War of 1812, the ongoing troubles with the Barbary pirates, the extermination of the pirates in the West Indies from 1819 to 1827, the protection of American shipping in the Pacific Ocean off the coast of Peru in the 1830s, the War with Mexico in the 1840s, the voyages to Japan in the 1850s, and transporting of diplomats to other nations left little capability available for use in the African Squadron.

See also
 William "Bull" Nelson
 Joseph Denman
 Mary Faber (slave trader)

References

External links
 Chasing Freedom: The Royal Navy and the Suppression of the Transatlantic Slave Trade

Africa
Africa
African slave trade
History of West Africa
19th-century history of the Royal Navy
Slavery in the British Empire
History of the Atlantic Ocean
Abolitionism in Africa
Slavery in South America
Slavery in North America
Slavery in the Caribbean
Anti-slavery military operations

Blockade of Africa


David Sheldon (July 20, 1953 – November 25, 2007) was an American professional wrestler, better known by his ring name, Angel of Death.

Sheldon wrestled in various North American regional promotions during the 1980s and early 1990s including Stampede Wrestling, World Class Championship Wrestling (WCCW), the Universal Wrestling Federation (UWF) (as the bodyguard of The Freebirds) and in Jim Crockett Promotions (where he was the first man to portray the masked wrestler "The Black Scorpion").

Professional wrestling career

Early career (1985–1987)
Sheldon debuted in 1985. In early 1986, he began wrestling with "Strangler" Steve DiSalvo as "The Angel of Death" in the Calgary-based Stampede Wrestling and faced mainstays such as Johnny Smith and feuded with Owen Hart eventually losing to him and Bruce Hart in a tag team match with Robbie Stewart in Fort Qu'Appelle, Saskatchewan on April 28, and to he and Ben Bassarab in Calgary, Alberta on June 20, 1986. Moving on to Bill Watts' Universal Wrestling Federation as "The Angel of Death", he appeared at several Superdome Extravaganza supercards in late 1986 feuding with Ken Massey although he later lost to The Freebirds in a 6-man tag team match with Bill Irwin and The Viking on April 11. As "Angel of Death", His gimmick was to play Taps on a trumpet before his match.

Returning to Calgary to face Owen Hart in single matches in May 1987, their first matchup resulted in a double disqualification on May 21 although he was defeated in rematches on May 22 and May 24. While still in the Mid-South region, he continued to appear on Superdome Extravaganza events teaming with Vladimir Petrov against the then NWA Tag Team Champions The Rock 'n' Roll Express on June 13, 1987.

Jim Crockett Promotions / World Championship Wrestling (1987–1991)

He also began wrestling for Jim Crockett Promotions during the mid-1980s, teaming with Big Bubba Rogers and manager Skandor Akbar against UWF Tag Team Champions The Lightning Express at the Great American Bash '87 on July 31, 1987. He also competed in Dallas-based independent promotions early in his career including World Class Championship Wrestling later losing to The Missing Link and Jason Sterling in a tag team match with Vince Apollo and later participated in a "triple dome Texas roundup" match at the last WCCW Parade of Champions supercard on May 8, 1988.

Returning to Jim Crockett Promotions as one half of the Russian Assassins with Jack Victory, he and Victory feuded with Ivan Koloff who had left Paul Jones' Army during late 1988 eventually defeating Koloff and Junkyard Dog at Starrcade '88. Returning to Stampede Wrestling in mid 1989, he wrestled against Kim Schau, Ron Ritchie and Eddie Watts before the promotion closed later that year. In 1990, he was awarded the WCCW Texas Heavyweight Championship by forfeit from then champion Kerry Von Erich in Dallas, Texas on July 13, although he lost the title to Kevin Von Erich four months later on November 23, 1990.

In August 1990, while competing in World Championship Wrestling (WCW), Sheldon also began wrestling as "The Black Scorpion" at house shows. The identity of The Black Scorpion, speculated by announcers at the time to have been a former friend of Sting, was hinted to be as one of several wrestlers then competing in World Championship Wrestling including The Angel of Death, having been a former training partner of Sting while a part of Powerteam USA several years before. While wrestling as The Black Scorpion during that time, the character who eventually wrestled Sting was Al Perez (and at the conclusion of the storyline was eventually revealed to be longtime rival Ric Flair at Starrcade 1990) by the time of their first encounter at Clash of the Champions XII on September 5, 1990.

Late career (1991–1995)
During the early 1990s, Sheldon continued wrestling in Texas independent promotions winning the TWF Tag team titles with Abdullah the Butcher in 1990, although they eventually lost the belts to Steve Austin and "The California Studd" Rod Price on November 11, 1990. Following the close of WCCW in January 1991, he lost to Kevin Von Erich on February 23 in a match for the vacant WCCW Texas Heavyweight Championship recognized by the now defunct Texas Wrestling Federation before it closed three months later. Later aligning himself with Kevin Sullivan and One Man Gang, the three attacked El Gigante following his match against Tony Mella before Ron Simmons ran in chasing the three out of the ring during a televised WCW event in Dothan, Alabama on May 11, 1991. The next week he appeared on WCW Saturday Night, attacking Ron Simmons as Simmons had a match the following evening against Butch Reed, another of Teddy Long's charges. While in the Global Wrestling Federation, he teamed with Eddie Gilbert in his feud with Big Bad John facing Big Bad John in tag team matches with Dark Patriot on April 10 and Barry Horowitz on April 17 in a steel cage match resulting in a no contest. Turning against Gilbert, he was later defeated by Gilbert, John Tatum and Rod Price in a 6-man tag team match with Horowitz and Johnny Mantell on April 24, 1992. He was scheduled to wrestle Bruiser Brody and Kerry Von Erich at the time of their deaths, however his own career was also cut short after suffering a severe leg injury after wrestling a match against P. N. News (as a result, P. N. News was taken off WCW television for the remainder of his contract and eventually released from the company). Wrestling sporadically in the promotion during the 1990s, he occasionally appeared on WCW Saturday Night.

Sheldon retired in 1995.

Death
It was reported that Sheldon was found dead in Bedford, Texas in November 2007. He was found on his couch with the TV remote in his hand. His body was claimed by his "little sister", Missy Evans, a close friend for more than 20 years. He did not have close family living near him, but a sister with whom he had not spoken in more than 20 years was said to be living in Miami at the time of his death. Sheldon's friends gathered on December 8, 2007 at a memorial service in North Richland Hills that Evans planned. Many wrestling greats were there, including Terry Taylor and Cowboy Johnny Mantell. His ashes are buried at Bear Creek Cemetery in Euless, Texas. Sheldon's dearest friend from high school, Pat Mitchell, provided early and later wrestling career highlights to the Fort Worth Star-Telegram for a full-page obituary.

Championships and accomplishments
Texas Wrestling Federation
TWF Tag Team Championship (1 time) - with Abdullah the Butcher
World Class Championship Wrestling
WCCW Texas Heavyweight Championship (1 time)

References

External links

1953 births
2007 deaths
20th-century professional wrestlers
American male professional wrestlers
Faux Russian professional wrestlers
Masked wrestlers
Professional wrestlers from Texas
Sportspeople from Arlington, Texas
NWA Texas Heavyweight Champions

Angel of Death (wrestler)


Mbiri ya wanangwa wa ŵanthu mu Malaŵi mu virimika vyasonosono apa njakusuzga, ndipo vinthu vikusintha comene.

M'paka mu 1994, vinthu vikaŵa makora yayi. Vinthu vikamba kwenda makora mu chaka chenechicho, pamanyuma pakuti boma la Malawi lazomera dango liphya la "kusintha vinthu" ndondomeko iyi yikapangiska kuti paŵe vyaru vinandi. Ndipouli, apo Bingu wa Mutharika, uyo wakafwa mu Epulero 2012, wakaŵa pafupi kumara kuwusa, vinthu vikamba kunangikirathu, kweni pamanyuma apo Joyce Banda, wachiŵiri wa Mutharika, wakamba kuwusa, vinthu vikamba kwenda makora..

Umo vinthu vikaŵira
Wupu wa International Foundation for the Protection of Human Rights ukati mu 2011 charu cha Malawi "chikatemwekanga kuti ni charu icho ŵanthu ŵakuyowoya mwakufwatuka".

Lipoti la mu 2010 la British High Commission likati ku Malawi "kwenda makora comene pa nkhani ya wanangwa wa ŵanthu kwambira apo boma la Malawi likambira kulamulira na vipani vinandi" mu 1994, apo dango la Malawi likamba kugwira ntchito. Lipoti la ku Britain likati dango la Malawi likuvikilira wanangwa wa ŵanthu, kuti chalo ichi chili kulembeska ku vyaru vinandi, kweniso kuti kulije ŵakayidi ŵa ndyali mu jele la Malawi nga umo vikaŵira mu nyengo ya chipani chimoza. Lipoti ili likayowoyaso za umo vinthu vyendekera mu vyaru ivyo vili na mtende wa ndyali kweniso umo ŵanthu ŵangasangira wanangwa wa vinthu nga ni umoyo uwemi, masambiro, chakurya na urunji.

Lipoti la mu 2010 la British High Commission likati ku Malawi "kwenda makora comene pa nkhani ya wanangwa wa ŵanthu kwambira apo boma la Malawi likambira kulamulira na vipani vinandi" mu 1994, apo dango la Malawi likamba kugwira ntchito. Lipoti la ku Britain likati dango la Malawi likuvikilira wanangwa wa ŵanthu, kuti chalo ichi chili kulembeska ku vyaru vinandi, kweniso kuti kulije ŵakayidi ŵa ndyali mu jele la Malawi nga umo vikaŵira mu nyengo ya chipani chimoza. Lipoti ili likayowoyaso za umo vinthu vyendekera mu vyaru ivyo vili na mtende wa ndyali kweniso umo ŵanthu ŵangasangira wanangwa wa vinthu nga ni umoyo uwemi, masambiro, chakurya na urunji.

Boma likati lawona ivyo vikacitikanga ku North Africa, likacitapo kanthu mwacikanga. Ŵalara ŵa boma ŵakayowoya mazgu ghakukhuŵilizga ŵanthu kuti ŵacitire nkhaza ŵanthu ŵakuvikilira wanangwa wa ŵanthu na ŵalongozgi ŵa wupu wa vyawo.

Ndimo vikaŵiraso na lipoti la wupu wa Human Rights Watch ilo likulongosora kuti wanangwa wa ŵanthu ku Malawi "wakanangika chomene mu 2011 apo boma la Pulezidenti Bingu wa Mutharika likachitanga vinthu mwakutalulira". Mu chaka ichi, Mutharika ′′wakasaina malango ghaphya ghakukanizga, kusazgapo chigaŵa cha 46 cha dango la milandu, ico cikovwira nduna ya vya makani kuti yikanizge mabuku agho ghakuwoneka kuti 'ghakwimikana na vyakukhumba vya ŵanthu.' ′′ Dango liphya lakukanizga ŵanthu kupeleka milandu ku ŵalara ŵa boma. Ŵasambizgi ŵa pa yunivesite na ŵana ŵa sukulu awo ŵakasuskanga boma cifukwa ca kutondeka kuvikilira wanangwa wa ŵanthu ŵakasuzgikanga, ndipo mwana wa yunivesite uyo wakaŵa wachiŵiri kwa pulezidenti wa Youth for Freedom and Democracy (YFD) wakasangika wakufwa pa sukulu ya Polytechnic na chilonda pa mutu. Nangauli ŵapolisi ŵakuti wakajikoma, kweni ŵanthu ŵakususka boma kuti likukolerana na nyifwa ya Chasowa.

The human-rights crisis in Malawi came to a head on July 20, 2011, when Malawian police killed 19 unarmed individuals who were taking part in nationwide protests against economic conditions and against the increasing repression under President Mutharika. About five hundred persons were arrested, and a number of journalists were beaten or otherwise restrained from covering the protests and atrocities.

Mutharika's aggression toward human-rights activists and other opponents of his regime continued. In September firebombs were thrown at the homes or offices of several critics of the government; in October police arrested five anti-government activists for "holding an illegal demonstration." In March 2012, journalists and activists were warned that anyone insulting the president would be prosecuted and face jail time. On March 16, the head of the Malawi Human Rights Commission was arrested without a warrant and charged with possession of "materials with seditious words," although no such materials were in fact found.  On March 21, a leading member of the opposition party, the United Democratic Front, was arrested and charged with inciting violence.

On March 23, Human Rights Watch commented with concern on the Mutharika government's "recent surge of arrests and threats against critics," which it described as reflecting a "broader crackdown on free speech and other basic rights." The human-rights situation in Malawi became so dire that over the course of 2011, Britain, the United States, Germany, the World Bank, the EU, the African Development Bank, and Norway all suspended or partially froze aid to the country, in response to which an angry Mutharika refused to meet with World Bank and IMF delegations accused donor nations of providing financial support to his opponents.

In April 2012, President Mutharika died suddenly, and Vice-President Joyce Banda became president. In August 2012, Human Rights Watch noted that Malawi had "made notable progress" in human rights since the accession to the presidency of Banda, who had introduced greater media freedom, was calling for the repeal of antigay laws, and was threatening "to arrest President Omar al-Bashir of Sudan, who is wanted for war crimes by the International Criminal Court, if he tries to enter her country." Under Banda, the donor nations that had wholly or partly suspended their aid to Malawi resumed providing support.

At a June 2012 press conference in Malawi, UN Deputy High Commissioner for Human Rights Kyung-wha Kang said that Banda had "swiftly moved to tackle many pressing human rights concerns" and praised "her strong commitment to advancing human rights and the welfare of the people of Malawi."    Observing that "Malawi has a very progressive constitution with strong human rights provisions, and a good set of laws and institutions in place to promote and protect human rights," Kyung-wha Kang said that "[i]t is now time to strengthen a culture of human rights and the rule of law in Government institutions and in the individuals responsible for the protection, promotion and fulfilment of the full range of human rights for the people of Malawi." Kyung-wha Kang emphasized that Malawians, emerging "from a period of political repression," needed "to hear from their leadership that the fundamental freedoms of expression, association and assembly will be respected fully, and to see concrete actions taken to demonstrate this commitment."

One indication of the change in attitude toward human rights under Banda was her announcement in June 2012 that Malawi, which had been scheduled to host the African Union (AU) summit in July, would not host it if President Omar al-Bashir of Sudan, who is wanted by the International Criminal Court for war crimes, genocide, and crimes against humanity, were allowed to attend. "Malawian President Joyce Banda took a strong stance in support of justice despite tough pressure from the African Union," said Undule Mwakasungula, director of the Malawi Centre for Human Rights and Rehabilitation. "Malawi has done right by Darfur victims today."

Although the human-rights situation has definitely improved under Banda, "some Malawians," according to the Voice of America, "have been accusing human rights groups of deliberately muting their criticisms of the new administration," saying that it "has failed to respond to consumers affected by currency devaluation and price hikes." The VOA quotes Billy Banda, executive director of the human-rights organization Malawi Watch, as saying that his and other groups "were not deliberately keeping quiet" but were instead "lobbying silently" in order to help Banda's government survive through a difficult time. "But by giving support, that does not necessarily mean that were condoning the current administration. We are urging the administration to open a window of interaction so that whenever people raise concerns they should take heed."

The following chart shows Malawi's ratings since 1972 in the Freedom in the World reports, published annually by Freedom House. A rating of 1 is "free"; 7, "not free".

Malawi Human Rights Commission
The Malawi Human Rights Commission (MHRC) was established by the country's 1994 constitution and became fully functional in 1998 or 1999. It is charged with protecting human rights and investigating violations. The Commission has "broad powers to hear and obtain any necessary evidence, to conduct searches after obtaining a warrant issued by a magistrate, and to exercise 'unhindered authority' to visit detention center[s] 'with or without notice.'" It does not have the power to prosecute offenders, but it "can intervene in court cases and it has acted as amicus curiae." Transparency International reported in 2004 that "the MHRC is perceived as one of the most efficient public institutions in the country." or 1999

During the presidency of Bingu wa Mutharika, the Human Rights Commission was hampered by a lack of resources and a fear of reprisals. Even under Mutharika, however, the MHRC retained its independence, according to the Human Rights Institute of the International Bar Association, as "exhibited through the concerted efforts of the outgoing chair of the MHRC, John Kapito," whose open criticism of Mutharika's government resulted in threats and harassment. Despite concerns about its sustainability, the MHRC continued under Mutharika "to execute its mandate to the best of its ability."

In June 2012, UN Deputy High Commissioner for Human Rights Kyung-wha Kang said that the MHRC had "done exemplary work, including through very difficult times in the past year. It is important that the independence and broad mandate of the MHRC are maintained and respected." Swearing in new members of the Commission in August 2012, President Banda assured them of her support for their work and of her commitment to their independence. She urged them to make the most of their "advisory role" and assured them "that nobody will be arrested by my office and I shall not hesitate to seek advice from your institution."

Basic rights

The Malawian Constitution has often been described as very strong in its human-rights guarantees. The Bill of Rights included in the Constitution, according to the International Bar Association, explicitly protects "the rights to life, dignity, equality and the right to freedom of conscience, belief, thought and religion and to academic freedom." It also protects "freedom of expression, freedom of information, freedom of movement and freedom of assembly. Any limit or restriction imposed on rights and freedoms must be consistent with Malawi's obligations under international human rights law."

The 2012 report of the Human Rights Institute of the International Bar Association indicates that even in the last days of Mutharika's regime, when the news media were subjected to "interference and harassment" and "incidents of intimidation," they "remained relatively free" and continued to "present a diversity of opinion." The report cited "the burning of vehicles of independent radio service Zodiak," the death threats reportedly received by journalists, the arrest and beating of journalists at the July 2011 demonstrations, and the government-ordered "media blackout" of those demonstrations.

Under Banda, the constitutional protections of fundamental rights are being respected by the government to a far greater degree than during Mutharika's last years. For example, Section 46 of the Penal Code, under which a cabinet minister could shut down newspapers that were considered "contrary to the public interest," has been repealed. The Injunction Law, under which government officials enjoyed immunity from prosecution, has also been repealed.

During her June 2012 visit to Malawi, UN Deputy High Commissioner for Human Rights Kyung-wha Kang noted that there were a "number of draft laws on matters including HIV/AIDS, gender equality, and trafficking in persons that are pending consideration," and expressed hope "that the new laws will be in line with international human rights standards."

LGBT rights

The topic of LGBT rights has been unusually prominent, and has been the focus of great contention, during the last years of the Mutharika regime and the early months of the Banda administration.

Under Malawi's colonial-era sodomy laws, consensual same-sex behavior between men is punishable by up to 14 years in prison for men. In December 2009, under the presidency of Bingu wa Mutharika, two men were convicted of "unnatural practices between men and gross public indecency" and sentenced to 14 years at hard labor. After widespread public criticism of this harsh punishment, the president pardoned the men. In the same month, however, the parliament passed legislation that criminalized sex between women, making it punishable by as much as 5 years in prison.

Two Malawian activist groups, the Center for the Development of People (CEDEP) and the Center for Human Rights and Rehabilitation (CHRR), have long lobbied Malawian officials to change the law. In May 2012, in her first address to the nation after becoming president, Joyce Banda said that the laws against "unnatural acts and indecency" would be reviewed "as a matter of urgency," and suggested that she would decriminalize homosexual acts by repealing Sections 153 and 156 of the Penal Code. This statement was widely noticed and applauded, with Canadian Foreign Affairs Minister John Baird praising Banda for her "commitment to repeal discriminatory legislation, including legislation that persecutes gays and lesbians." In September 2012, however, Banda "told reporters from international media in September that Malawians might not be ready for such a change, and suggested that members of parliament should take the question of decriminalization back to their constituencies."

In a radio debate on November 5, 2012, Justice Minister Ralph Kasambara announced a moratorium on arrests on charges of sodomy, an act that Human Rights Watch characterized as "a compromise position, which will permit parliament to debate possible legislative change." At least part of the reason for Kasambara's action, reportedly, was a concern that Malawi's antigay law might violate the constitution's strong language about the "inherent dignity and worth of each human being" and "the rights and views of all individuals," and that it was incompatible with the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, of which Malawi is a signatory.

Tiseke Kasambala of Human Rights Watch congratulated Malawi for taking "this bold step forward, putting respect for its own constitutional guarantees of equality front and center." A representative of Amnesty International said that the organization "welcomes Minister Kasambara's statement and hopes it serves as the first step towards ending discrimination and persecution based on real or perceived sexual orientation and gender identity in Malawi." However, three days following his announcement of the moratorium, which had been fiercely criticized by Malawian church officials and by the Law Society, Minister Kasambara claimed that he had never declared any such moratorium and said "that laws carrying up to 14 years in prison for committing homosexual acts were still being enforced."

HIV/AIDS rights
There is great stigma associated with HIV/AIDS status in Malawi, and considerable discrimination. MHRC Commissioner Dalitso Kubalasa said in October 2012 that "HIV and AIDS is a human rights issue in that lack of respect for human rights increases the spread and impact of the epidemic. Furthermore, the disease exposes people who are affected by the virus to various human rights violations through stigma and discrimination." He urged that district commissioners be given training that would reduce this stigma and discrimination.

Rights of persons under arrest
A 2012 report by the Human Rights Institute of the International Bar Association, based on observations made before Banda's accession to the presidency, noted "the use of excessive force by the police, especially in the context of handling political dissent." The report criticized police conduct during the demonstrations in July 2011, and focused on "the suspicious death of student activist and Youth for Freedom and Democracy Vice President, Robert Chasowa," in September 2011, pointing out that "a post-mortem report contradicted police claims that Chasowa committed suicide," indicating rather "that his injuries were most likely due to assault." The reported noted "with satisfaction" that Banda had "appointed a commission of inquiry to investigate Chasowa's death."

In July 2012, the UN Deputy High Commissioner for Human Rights Kyung-wha Kang expressed "serious concerns about ill treatment and violence, in some cases leading to death, by the police against crime suspects."  Praising Banda's government for its determination to restore public trust in the police, Kyung-wha Kang said she looked forward "to seeing this commitment backed up by concrete actions, including training and efforts to fight impunity for such violations." As a "welcome step in the right direction" she praised the "new police complaints mechanism."

Rights of persons on trial
During her July 2012 visit to Malawi, the UN human-rights official Kyung-wha Kang noted "shortcomings in the administration of justice in Malawi." The MHRC has alleged "that certain members of the judiciary appear aligned to the executive and that this undermines the effectiveness of the MHRC." Also, the Human Rights Institute of the International Bar Association noted in 2012 that the office of the Director of Public Prosecutions "is currently severely understaffed," and lacking in experienced staffers.  This causes major delays in the administration of justice, with "criminal cases...taking two to three years on average before trial."

According to the International Bar Association, "the remuneration of judges and judicial support staff is a serious problem," leading to concerns "that some judges might be more inclined to look to other, sometimes improper, ways of earning extra income." Furthermore, the International Bar Association noted with concern that there is no specific qualification, training, or code of conduct for magistrates, and that most High Court and Supreme Court of Appeal judges "obtained their law degrees during the one party era, when human rights were not covered extensively in the curriculum," a problem that the United Nations Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights and other organizations have sought to remedy by organizing "workshops and seminars on human rights for the judiciary."

Rights of persons in prison
The UN Deputy Hugh Commissioner for Human Rights Kyung-wha Kang noted in July 2012 the persistence of a number of serious problems in Malawian prisons, including "[p]rolonged detention in severely overcrowded holding cells, due to a backlog of cases and the slow processing of bail applications." She noted that the efforts were being made to resolve this problem "and to explore alternatives to detention and imprisonment," and praised "this shift in thinking."

Human-rights groups
Malawi Watch Human Rights, founded in 1992, "is an advocacy and lobbying non-governmental organization that works in areas of political and economic governance." Its website has not been updated since January 2011.

The Centre For The Development Of People (CEDEP) is a human-rights organization "dedicated to addressing the needs, improving the lives, and providing support for some of Malawi's most neglected minority groups through civic education, training, capacity building, networking and research." Its members believe "that improving the welfare of minority groups, including prisoners, sex workers, and those in same-sex relationships, is crucial to the health and well-being of all peoples."

The Human Rights Consultative Committee, founded in 1995, is a network consisting of church institutions, human-rights groups, and the Law Society of Malawi, all of which work together on advocacy, monitoring, and other activities with the goal of protecting and promoting human rights in Malawi. The home of the HRCC's acting national coordinator, was a target of an arson attack in 2011.

The Centre for Human Rights and Rehabilitation (CHRR) is another leading Malawian human rights organization, also founded in 1995.

The Institute for Policy Interaction is another Malawian human-rights group.  Its director, Rafiq Hajat, was forced to go into hiding during the presidency of Mutharika. On September 3, 2011, a petrol bomb was thrown into IPI offices in Blantyre, causing considerable damage.

International treaties
Malawi is a signatory of the following international agreements: • African Charter on Human and Peoples' Rights (1981)

• Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (1987)

• African Charter on the Rights and Welfare of the Child (1990)

• Convention on the Rights of the Child (1991)

• International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (1993)

• International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights (1993)

• Convention Against Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment (1996)

• First Optional Protocol to the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (1996)

• Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination (1996)

• Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court (1998)

• Protocol to the African Charter on Human and Peoples' Rights on the Rights of Women in Africa (2005)

• Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities (2009)

• Optional Protocol to the Convention on the Rights of the Child on the Sale of Children. Child Prostitution and Child Pornography (2009)

• Optional Protocol to the Convention on the Rights of the Child on the Involvement of Children in Armed Conflict (2010).

See also

 Human trafficking in Malawi
 LGBT rights in Malawi
 Politics of Malawi

Notes

 1.Note that the "Year" signifies the "Year covered". Therefore the information for the year marked 2008 is from the report published in 2009, and so on.
 2.As of January 1.
 3.The 1982 report covers the year 1981 and the first half of 1982, and the following 1984 report covers the second half of 1982 and the whole of 1983. In the interest of simplicity, these two aberrant "year and a half" reports have been split into three year-long reports through interpolation.

References

External links

 2012 Annual Report, by Amnesty International
 Freedom in the World 2011 Report, by Freedom House
 World Report 2012, by Human Rights Watch

Wanangwa wa ŵanthu mu Malaŵi


The American Association of Colleges of Osteopathic Medicine (AACOM) is a non-profit organization that supports the 41 accredited colleges of osteopathic medicine (COMs) in the United States. These colleges are accredited to deliver instruction at 66 teaching locations in 35 states. In the current academic year, these colleges are educating more than 35,000 future physicians—25 percent of all U.S. medical students. Seven of the colleges are public and 34 are private institutions.

AACOM serves as a unifying voice for osteopathic medical education (OME), fostering collaboration among its member institutions, and is active in advocacy at the federal government level. The Association is governed by its Board of Deans and led by President Robert A. Cain, DO.

AACOM often works in collaboration with other allied organizations and promotes public awareness for osteopathic medicine and OME. The association provides centralized services to its members, including data collection and analysis, and operation of its online application service, AACOMAS, for prospective students applying to U.S. osteopathic medical schools.

Mission
AACOM provides leadership for the osteopathic medical education community by promoting excellence in medical education, research and service, and by fostering innovation and quality across the continuum of osteopathic medical education to improve the health of the American public.

History
Osteopathic medicine was founded in the late 1800s in Kirksville, Missouri, by Andrew Taylor Still, MD, DO, a medical doctor who recognized that the medical practices of the day often caused more harm than good. He focused on developing a system of medical care that would promote the body's innate ability to heal itself and called this system of medicine osteopathy, now known as osteopathic medicine.

In 2012, AACOM worked with the Association of American Medical Colleges to improve medical education on post-traumatic stress disorder and traumatic brain injuries.

Osteopathic physicians, also known as DOs, work in partnership with their patients. They consider the impact that lifestyle and community have on the health of each individual, and they work to break down barriers to good health. DOs are licensed to practice the full scope of medicine in all 50 states. They practice in all types of environments, including the military, and in all types of specialties, from family medicine to obstetrics, surgery, and aerospace medicine.

Publications
AACOM publishes the Student Guide to Osteopathic Medical Colleges annually and Inside OME, a biweekly e-newsletter covering news related to osteopathic medicine and OME, legislation, updates on the transition to a single graduate medical education (GME) system, and more. AACOM also publishes a number of reports throughout the year which focus on original research and data in OME.

AACOM Councils
Created by the AACOM Board of Deans, AACOM councils support the work of the Association on behalf of all member colleges. Councils typically meet twice a year and collaborate regularly through the AACOMmunities online forum. AACOM also hosts online discussions for a wide variety of ad hoc committees and other interest groups in AACOMmunities.

Programs and initiatives
AACOM also sponsors or co-sponsors a variety of programs and initiatives for audiences at every level of osteopathic medical education, from students to senior administrators. AACOM also offers opportunities for both medical students and health care professionals, including scholarships, internships, fellowships, and grants.

See also
 Association of Osteopathic Directors and Medical Educators
 List of medical specialty colleges in the United States

References

External links
AACOM's official website

School accreditors
Medical education in the United States
Osteopathic medical associations in the United States
Medical and health organizations based in Maryland


Cor bovinum  or cor bovis refers to a massive hypertrophy of the left ventricle of the heart due to volume overload, usually in earlier times in the context of tertiary syphilis but currently more often due to chronic aortic regurgitation, hypertensive and ischaemic heart disease.

Signs and symptoms

Pathophysiology

Due to syphilitic aortitis (a complication of tertiary syphilis) the aortic valve ring becomes dilated. The free margins of valve cusps no longer approximate leading to aortic valve insufficiency.  As blood regurgitates into the left ventricle between each systole, volume overload ensues and the ventricular wall hypertrophies in an attempt to maintain cardiac output and blood pressure.  The massive ventricle can lead to a heart weighing over 1000 grams (the weight of a normal heart is about 350 grams), referred to as cor bovinum (Latin for cow's heart).

Fluri and Gebbers define cor bovinum as a heart exceeding 500 g in weight. Looking through autopsies on Internal Medicine patients at the Kantonsspital Luzern, they found 415 cases out of 1181 autopsies in the two periods 1978-81 and 1997-2000. Cor bovinum was found in 25.3% of cases in the earlier period, with mean age at death 67.7 years, and in the later period 20.6% with mean age 74.3 years. The male female ratio was 4:1. "In 93% of all patients with CB, we found coronary atherosclerosis as a sign of high blood pressure and in 79% a COPD."

In 84% of cases the cause of death was directly related to the cor bovinum, but in 37% the cause of death was still unclear. They concluded that cor bovinum was a decreasing but still frequent autopsy finding. High blood pressure, COPD and male sex were the main risk factors. The decreasing incidence was ascribed to improved medical management: they mention treatments for high blood pressure and coronary artery disease, which suggests that "COPD" in their abstract refers to the latter.

Diagnosis

Terminology
A Medline search in January 2008 of articles published since 1950 revealed seven articles on "cor bovinum" (in the earlier part of this period only the titles could be searched), of which only one was in English. A search for dictionary-reported synonyms revealed no mention of "bucardia," and all 101 articles mentioning "ox heart" related to oxen.

See also
 Cardiomegaly
 Left ventricular hypertrophy
 Syphilitic aortitis
 Ventricular hypertrophy

References

Cardiomegaly
Sexually transmitted diseases and infections

Cor bovinum


Dals-Ed Municipality (Dals-Eds kommun) is a  municipality in Västra Götaland County in western Sweden, on the border to Norway. Its seat is located in the town of Ed.

The present municipality was formed during the local government reform of 1952 through the amalgamation of six former units. Its territory was not affected by the 1971 reform.

Locality
There is only one locality with more than 200 inhabitants in the municipality, and that is the seat Ed.

Tourism
Dals-Ed Municipality, located in the historical province of Dalsland, has a united tourism motto for Dalsland, saying that Dalsland, with its population of 50,000, is a place where one will not feel crowded. This is perhaps most fitting for Dals-Ed, as it is the sparsest populated municipality in Västra Götaland County, with 6.7 inhabitants per km2.

The municipality promises a quiet environment. The nature hosts some 400 lakes for bathing, canoeing, fishing or boat tours. There are also several nature reserves, and the northernmost oak woods of Sweden grow in the municipality. In addition, the large Tresticklan National Park is contained within the municipality.

Historically Dals-Ed is rewarding for those interested in the ancient. Some 60 grave fields and burial places are situated here.

References
Official site

External links

Dals-Ed Municipality - Official site

Municipalities of Västra Götaland County
North Älvsborg

Dals-Ed Municipality


Bathabile Dlamini (born 10 September 1962) is a South African politician who was the President of the African National Congress (ANC) Women's League from 2015 to 2022. She was previously the Minister in the Presidency for Women from 2018 to 2019 and the Minister of Social Development from 2010 to 2018.

A social worker by training, Dlamini rose to national political prominence in the ANC Women's League, where she was Secretary General from 1998 to 2008. She was also a Member of Parliament between 1994 and 2004. In 2006, she was convicted of having defrauded Parliament in the Travelgate scandal. She was first elected to the ANC National Executive Committee in 2007 and became an outspoken supporter of former President Jacob Zuma, who appointed her to his cabinet. Although she served briefly as Minister for Women under Zuma's successor, Cyril Ramaphosa, she was removed from the cabinet after the May 2019 general election and resigned from the National Assembly the following month.

As Social Development Minister, Dlamini was a central figure in the 2017 social grants crisis which nearly disabled the South African Social Security Agency and social welfare system. The Constitutional Court and an official inquiry into her conduct both concluded that her personal negligence had contributed to the crisis. In April 2022, she was additionally convicted of perjury for having lied under oath during the inquiry. In the same month, she was removed as President of the ANC Women's League when the ANC disbanded the league's leadership corps on the grounds that it had exceeded its five-year term. Her perjury conviction also disqualified her from standing for election to a fourth five-year term on the ANC National Executive Committee.

Early life and career

Bathabile Olive Dlamini was born on 10 September 1962 in Nquthu in what was then Natal province, now part of KwaZulu-Natal. She grew up in Matshensikazi, near Nkandla, and in Imbali, a township outside Pietermaritzburg. In 1983, she was a founding member of Imbali Youth Organisation, a civic organisation affiliated to the United Democratic Front. She joined the South African National Students Congress, another Congress-aligned organisation, in 1985. In 1989, she graduated from the University of Zululand with a Bachelor of Arts in social work. From 1991 to 1993, she worked as a social worker at a non-governmental organisation for the physically disabled called the Pietermaritzburg Cripples Association.

During the same period, from 1991, Dlamini was part of the interim regional leadership of the African National Congress (ANC) Women's League (ANCWL) in the Natal Midlands. The ANC had recently been unbanned by the apartheid government and the interim leadership was tasked with rebuilding the organisational structures of the ANCWL inside South Africa. She was formally elected as the Regional Secretary of the ANCWL in the Natal Midlands in 1992 and held that position until December 1993, when she was elected Deputy Secretary General of the national ANCWL, serving under Secretary General Nosiviwe Mapisa-Nqakula.

Parliamentary career
In South Africa's first post-apartheid election in 1994, Dlamini was elected as a Member of the National Assembly, the lower house of the new South African Parliament. Between then and 2004, she served on the Portfolio Committees of Correctional Services and Social Development. Simultaneously, she was Secretary General of the ANCWL, a position which she held from 1998 to 2008.

Travelgate

In 2005, Dlamini was one of the politicians implicated by the Scorpions in South Africa's Travelgate scandal, which concerned the abuse of parliamentary travel vouchers. The National Prosecuting Authority alleged that Dlamini had used parliamentary travel vouchers – designated for air travel expenses only – to cover the costs of hotel accommodation, car rentals, and other benefits. The following year, in October 2006, she pled guilty to fraud in relation to an amount of R254,000 and was sentenced to a R120,000 fine or ten years' imprisonment with five years suspended. She paid the fine.

Party positions
After her conviction, Dlamini retained her position as ANCWL Secretary General, having been elected to a second five-year term in 2003. She also became involved in the foundation of the Progressive Women's Movement of South Africa, launched in 2006. Within the ANC, Dlamini – unlike the rest of the ANCWL leadership, then headed by Nosiviwe Mapisa-Nqakula – was a strong supporter of ANC Deputy President Jacob Zuma, who ultimately succeeded in ousting Thabo Mbeki from the ANC presidency at the party's 52nd National Conference in December 2007. At the same conference, Dlamini was elected to a five-year term on the National Executive Committee of the mainstream ANC, and she simultaneously served on the party's National Working Committee.

At the conclusion of her term as ANCWL Secretary General, Dlamini stood to succeed Mapisa-Nqakula as ANCWL President, but in July 2008 she was defeated in a vote by Angie Motshekga. However, Dlamini was elected to an ordinary seat on the ANCWL National Executive Committee. In 2008, she also worked as a full-time employee of the ANC as a sectoral work co-ordinator in the office of newly elected ANC President Zuma.

Career in cabinet

Ministry of Social Development: 2009–2018

Dlamini was re-elected to a seat in the National Assembly in the 2009 general election, which also saw Zuma elected as President of South Africa. On 11 May 2009, Zuma appointed her Deputy Minister of Social Development under Minister Edna Molewa. She served as Deputy Minister until 31 October 2010, when Zuma announced a cabinet reshuffle in which Dlamini replaced Molewa as Minister of Social Development.

Dlamini remained in the social development portfolio for the rest of Zuma's presidency, securing appointment to his second cabinet after the 2014 general election. As Minister, she chaired the inter-ministerial committees on gender-based violence, combating substance abuse, and early childhood development. During her tenure, the gender-based violence committee launched the Gender-Based Violence Command Centre, a 24-hour call centre which counselled victims of gender-based violence.

Ministerial expenses
In June 2016, the opposition Democratic Alliance (DA) criticised Dlamini for arguing that social grant recipients should be able to survive on a monthly payment of R753, pointing out that she had herself spent R11,000 on a short stay in a luxury hotel in Umhlanga Rocks. Later that year, the Sunday Times reported that the Department of Social Development had spent R1.3 million on Dlamini's ministerial vehicle, a BMW 740i, as well as R1.1 million on a Jeep Grand Cherokee for her deputy, Hendrietta Bogopane-Zulu; both expenditures exceeded the National Treasury's procurement limit for official vehicles.

In May 2017, under questioning by Parliament's Standing Committee on Public Accounts, Dlamini admitted that the South African Social Security Agency (SASSA) had paid from its budget to hire private security for her children, according to her because of various threats to the children's safety. In 2018, Dlamini's successor as Social Development Minister, Susan Shabangu, reported that SASSA had spent just over R2 million on these protection services in the 2014/2015 financial year and that the department was undertaking steps to recoup the money spent.

Grants crisis

In 2014, the South African Constitutional Court ruled that SASSA had followed an improper tendering procedure in arranging a contract with a private company, Cash Paymaster Services, which was hired to distribute South Africa's social grants (at that time worth R10 billion each month) to beneficiaries. The court declared the Cash Paymaster Services contract invalid and ordered SASSA to rerun the tender process. When the process was rerun, SASSA extended the Cash Paymasters Services until 1 April 2017 but decided that, upon the expiry of the contract, it would in-source the distribution of social grants and pay out the grants itself. However, by mid-March 2017, SASSA had not prepared to take over grants distribution nor found an alternative service provider, raising fears – dismissed by Dlamini, SASSA's political custodian – that grants would not be paid in April, with disastrous effects for the 17 million residents dependent on them. The crisis was ameliorated on 17 March, when the Constitutional Court responded to an application by Black Sash (joined by Corruption Watch, the South African Post Office, and others) and ordered SASSA to extend the contract with Cash Paymaster Services for another year.

During the crisis, President Zuma defended Dlamini, dismissing calls to fire her and saying that her performance in the matter could not be evaluated until the 1 April deadline passed. However, Dlamini was widely criticised for her inaction in the months and years before the contract's expiry, as well as for her handling of the media during the crisis. She claimed that she had not taken action earlier because it was not until October 2016 that she became aware that SASSA was not prepared to implement the proposed takeover. In the 17 March judgement, written by Justice Johan Froneman with the full bench concurring, the Constitutional Court singled out Dlamini as partly personally responsible for causing the crisis and concluded that she, as the Minister responsible for SASSA, was "ultimately responsible" for the crisis in its entirety. Echoing the sentiment expressed by Chief Justice Mogoeng Mogoeng during oral arguments, Froneman wrote that "there is no indication... that [Dlamini] showed any interest in SASSA's progress" until late 2016. Indeed, constitutional law expert Pierre de Vos said that the judgement contained "the most scathing criticism of a member of the executive that I have ever seen".

The Constitutional Court subsequently appointed retired judge Bernard Ngoepe to conduct an official inquiry into Dlamini's personal role and conduct in the crisis. In May 2018 – by which time Dlamini had left the Social Development portfolio – Ngoepe reported back to the court that Dlamini's conduct as Minister had been "reckless" and "grossly negligent". In September of that year, on the basis of Ngoepe's report, the court ruled unanimously that part of the responsibility for the grants crisis was due to Dlamini, who had been personally negligent. She was served with a personal cost order and instructed to pay 20% of the legal costs in the case that had been brought earlier by Black Sash. The Ngoepe inquiry and related Constitutional Court finding also led ultimately to Dlamini's criminal conviction on a charge of perjury .

Absenteeism
During and after the grants crisis, Dlamini was harshly criticised by other Members of Parliament, including in the ANC caucus, for her non-attendance at meetings of parliamentary committees which sought to probe the crisis. Her attendance had been very good in 2016 but between January and May 2017 both she and her Deputy Minister missed six of nine committee meetings at which their presence had been expected. Among other meetings in 2017, Dlamini failed to appear at a Standing Committee on Public Accounts meeting about SASSA's poor audit performance and plans for the grants switchover, and later she failed to appear at two separate meetings about her Department's 2017/2018 annual budget and performance plan.

President of the ANC Women's League: 2015–2022
In the early hours of 8 August 2015, at the ANCWL's national elective conference in Pretoria, Dlamini was elected ANCWL President. She beat Basic Education Minister Angie Motshekga, who was running for re-election, with 1,537 votes to Motshekga's 1,081. Dlamini was also re-elected to the mainstream ANC's National Executive Committee at the party's 53rd National Conference in December 2012 and again at its 54th National Conference in December 2017.

During Dlamini's tenure as league president, the ANCWL became known as an outspoken supporter of controversial President Zuma. In 2016, Dlamini famously told the SABC that senior ANC members should hesitate to discuss publicly allegations of state capture under Zuma's administration, because "All of us in the NEC [ANC National Executive Committee] have our smallanyana ["tiny little"] skeletons and we don't want to take out skeletons because all hell will break loose". Ahead of the ANC's 54th National Conference in 2017, Dlamini supported Zuma's unsuccessful campaign to have Nkosazana Dlamini-Zuma elected as his successor.

Dlamini remained ANCWL President until 2022, despite having been elected for what was, in terms of the league's constitution, a five-year term. In April 2022, shortly after Dlamini's criminal conviction , the ANC National Executive Committee announced that it would disband the national executive of the ANCWL because the leaders had exceeded their terms. The disbandment ended Dlamini and other national leaders' terms, and leadership of the ANCWL was entrusted to an interim task team, pending fresh leadership elections; Dlamini was not appointed to the task team.

Dlamini attempted to stage a political comeback in July 2023 as the Women's League held its first elective conference since 2015. Her ambitions were dashed when it was revealed that she had received the least amount of nominations for the position of president of the Women's League; she had only managed to secure 258 branch nominations, far behind her competitors Sisisi Tolashe and Thembeka Mchunu, who received 1,564 and 796 nominations, respectively. On 23 July 2023, Tolashe was announced as the new president of the Women's League, defeating Mchunu and Dlamini by a huge margin; Dlamini had received the least amount of votes from delegates for the position, finishing last with 170 votes while Mchunu and Tolashe received 1,038 and 1,729 votes, respectively.

Ministry of Women: 2018–2019
In late February 2018, Zuma resigned as national President and his successor, Cyril Ramaphosa, appointed Dlamini to his cabinet as Minister for Women, in which capacity she was technically a Minister in the Presidency. She held that portfolio until 25 May 2019, when, following the 2019 general election, she was removed from Ramaphosa's cabinet. She was re-elected to her seat in Parliament, having been ranked 14th on the ANC's party list, but she resigned shortly after the election in June 2019.

Perjury
The 2018 report of the Ngoepe inquiry into the social grants crisis  suggested that Dlamini had been dishonest, as well as negligent, during the crisis. Ngoepe reported to the Constitutional Court that, during the inquiry, Dlamini had been highly evasive and had made statements which were contradicted by other evidence. In particular, other witnesses, and a copy of a letter written by Dlamini in 2017, strongly suggested that Dlamini had been closely involved in setting up parallel "work streams" which reported directly to her as minister and which trenched on SASSA's functions, undermining the agency's efficacy. Dlamini denied this, and Ngoepe suggested that her denial was false and self-serving.

In its September 2018 judgement, the Constitutional Court concurred with Ngoepe that Dlamini had provided false or misleading evidence under oath, and it referred Ngoepe's report to the National Prosecuting Authority, which it recommended should investigate Dlamini on a possible criminal perjury charge. DA politician Bridget Masango laid a formal complaint with the Public Protector, alleging that Dlamini had lied to Parliament in May 2016 when she assured the National Assembly that SASSA would be able to take over social grants payments from April 2017; the Public Protector, Busisiwe Mkhwebane, reported in 2019 that she could not "substantiate" Masango's claim that Dlamini's promise had violated the Executive Ethics Code.

Conviction
However, Dlamini was indeed charged with perjury and made her first appearance in the Johannesburg magistrate's court on 1 September 2021. She was convicted of perjury on 9 March 2022. The court found that she had "knowingly and intentionally disposed of false evidence" in claiming that she did not oversee the relevant parallel work streams. Taking into account Dlamini's 2006 conviction on another offence associated with dishonesty , the court sentenced her to serve four years' imprisonment, with two years suspended, or pay a fine of R200,000; she opted to pay the fine.

ANC response
Dlamini's conviction led to some controversy on the question of whether the ANC's so-called step-aside rule required Dlamini to step down as ANCWL President. The ANC National Executive Committee decided that she was not personally required to step aside, though it announced that decision while disbanding the entire ANCWL executive . However, in December 2022, the ANC's Electoral Committee, chaired by Kgalema Motlanthe, informed Dlamini that, because she had been convicted of a "serious crime", she was ineligible to stand for any ANC leadership position during the internal elections scheduled for the party's 55th National Conference. Until then, it had been highly likely that Dlamini would be re-elected to the ANC National Executive Committee – the nominations process suggested that she was ranked 15th by popularity among all candidates nominated for election to the 80-member body. In an unsuccessful application to have the decision appealed internally, Dlamini stated her intention to take the party to court to have the decision reversed.

Personal life
Dlamini is a single mother.

References

External links

1968 births
Living people
Members of the National Assembly of South Africa
Government ministers of South Africa
African National Congress politicians
Women members of the National Assembly of South Africa
Women government ministers of South Africa
University of Zululand alumni
South African politicians convicted of fraud
South African female criminals

Bathabile Dlamini


Divergence is a 2005 Hong Kong action-crime film produced and directed by Benny Chan, from a screenplay by Ivy Ho. The film stars Aaron Kwok, Ekin Cheng and Daniel Wu.

Plot
It is about three people (a cop, a lawyer and a killer) who cross paths after the murder of a federal witness and a kidnapping of a pop star.

CID Suen Siu-yan (Aaron Kwok) arrests the accountant of a money launderer. However, the accountant is assassinated upon his arrival in the Hong Kong airport. The killer Coke (Daniel Wu) escapes without leaving any clues. While the masterminded laundry head (Gallen Lo) is happy about the soon resumption of his frozen assets for the death of his unfavorable witness, his fond son Xia is kidnapped suddenly.

Suen is an ill-fated CID. He can't forget his loving girlfriend (Angelica Lee) who disappeared 10 years ago and has not yet been found. During investigation, he finds a woman (Angelica Lee) who looks very much alike with his missing girlfriend. The woman is the wife of the lawyer To (Ekin Cheng) who represents the laundry head. It raises his interest in the couple.

Although the killer Coke has completed his job, he can't help feeling great interest in the case and it violates the code of killers. He does it because years ago Suen was the host of the Police Call which leave him great impression. And he knows why Suen's girlfriend disappeared 10 years ago.

The lawyer To is very successful in his field. He always wins cases in the court and helps the suspects escape from prison terms. Will there be a hidden side for an arrogant person like him? Everyone in the story seems to possess some qualities that don't suit their identity. Will it engulf them into the whirlpool?

Simultaneously, there are many other crimes around the city. Unknown motivated murders and disappearances are plentiful. Will the cases related to the 3 characters of the story?

Cast
 Aaron Kwok as Suen Siu-yan
 Ekin Cheng as To Hou-san
 Daniel Wu as Koo/Coke
 Gallen Lo as Yiu Tin-chung
 Angelica Lee as Siu-fong / Amy
 Ning Jing as Ting
 Eric Tsang as Uncle Choi
 Yu Rongguang as Inspector Mok
 Tommy Yuen as Yiu Ha
 Samuel Pang as So Fu-on
 Jan Lamb as Detective Chu
 Sam Lee as Leung Tak
 Lam Suet as Mou Wai-bun

Awards and nominations

External links

2005 films
Hong Kong crime action films
2000s crime action films
Police detective films
2000s Cantonese-language films
Films directed by Benny Chan
Films about contract killing
Films set in Hong Kong
Films shot in Hong Kong
2000s Hong Kong films

Divergence (film)


The present-day Evangelical-Lutheran parish church of St. Andrew (St. Andreas) in Lübbecke is one of the ancient parishes (Urpfarreien) of the Bishopric of Minden.

Construction history
The originally single-nave, cross-shaped building with a west tower was built, probably from 1160 to 1180, in the Romanesque style. In 1350 it was converted into a Gothic hall church by the addition of two side aisles. This change of style can still be clearly recognised in the interior of the church. As the inscribed stone dating to 1350 states in Latin "In the year 1350, when the plague came, when the Geisler was carried out and the Jews were killed, this church was extended." During restoration work in 1959–62 the remains of wall and ceiling paintings inside the church were uncovered, some of which dated to as early as the 13th century. The church's fittings include a cup-shaped Gothic baptismal font, a lifesize Christ on the cross made around 1200, and an organ casing from 1628, that was modified in 1642. In addition, a large number of epitaphs have been preserved. The tower is almost 70 metres high, making it one of the highest church towers in a town anywhere in Germany.

History
The collegiate church of St. Andrew in Lübbecke had been founded as a chapter of St. John (Johanneskapital) at Ahlden on the Aller, before it moved to Lübbecke in 1295. In 1280 it was at first moved to Neustadt am Rübenberge and in 1295, for security reasons, to Lübbecke. The Church of St. Andrew in Lübbecke was elevated to a collegiate church. In 1550 the Reformation was introduced at St. Andrew's and the church became a Lutheran parish church. In 1624 there were five Lutheran and a Roman Catholic canon. The collegiate chapter was not abolished until 1810 by the French government in Kassel (Kingdom of Westphalia).
The stone of the former castle of Meeseburg on the summit of the Meesenkopf in the Wiehen Hills was supposed to have been used to build the church.

Oberbauerschaft dependency
Until the construction of the church in Oberbauerschaft in 1899 the inhabitants of that village, which lies to the south on the other side of the Wiehen ridge, had to make their way to Lübbecke if they wished to attend services. A forest track to Lübbecke, the Alte Kirchweg ("Old Church Way") and a separate entrance door on the north side of St Andrew's are witness to this historical situation.
Since the end of 2008 the tower of the church has been externally lit at night by floodlights.

Literature
 Helmut Hüffmann: Die St. Andreas-Kirche in Lübbecke. Lübbecke 1990.
 Maria Spahn: Das Kollegiatstift St. Andreas zu Lübbecke. Ein Beitrag zur Stadtgeschichte. In: Mindener Beiträge 17. Minden 1980.
 Westfälisches Klosterbuch. Band 1, S. 546–550.

References

External links

 Website of the Ev.-Luth. church parish of Lübbecke

Lubbecke
Lubbecke
Lubbecke
Lubbecke
Andrew

St. Andrew's Church, Lübbecke


Louisa Bojesen () (born May 13, 1974) is a Danish-American financial journalist who worked for CNBC Europe television in London for 17 years.  She was most recently a co-host of the channel's European version of Street Signs, reporting on global financial markets. In addition, Bojesen reported for CNBC (U.S.), CNBC Asia, NBC and MSNBC. She co-anchored Squawk Box Europe with Geoff Cutmore and Steve Sedgwick and anchored European Closing Bell until its final show on December 18, 2015.  Bojesen co-anchored the European version of Street Signs until her departure from CNBC Europe on April 28, 2017.

Bojesen studied political science, medicine and philosophy at Loyola University Chicago before working as a trader. She joined CNBC Europe in 2000, initially serving as a Nordic markets reporter in Copenhagen before moving to the channel's London headquarters.

In addition to her long-running duties on Squawk Box Europe, Bojesen was also formerly the host of CNBC's Power Lunch Europe between 2005 and its cancellation in early 2009. From 1999 through 2008, she served as the morning financial reporter for NBC's Early Today.

In 2008 she filmed the documentary Outbound Africa for CNBC, exploring the impact of the environment and poverty on rural Ghana. Bojesen made a brief appearance as herself in the 2005 BBC TV movie The Girl in the Café.

Bojesen was regularly seen on MSNBC's Morning Joe and (now cancelled) Way Too Early, providing early snapshots of the various U.S. and overseas markets.

Bojesen has covered such events as the Mobile World Congress and the World Economic Forum's annual Middle East meeting for CNBC. She has hosted the GSM Awards Ceremony in Cannes as well, the Pan European IR Awards in Zurich in October 2006 and was a speaker at the Danish Media Festival in November 2006. She hosted the Pan European IR Awards in Vienna in 2005, as well as the 2006 Nordic IR Awards in Stockholm. She has also given presentations on the Nordic economy at the London Stock Exchange.

References

Living people
Danish expatriates in England
Danish women journalists
Danish people of American descent
20th-century Danish journalists
American expatriates in England
American expatriates in Denmark
American women television journalists
1974 births
21st-century Danish journalists

Louisa Bojesen


Claude Lombard (25 February 1945 – 20 September 2021) was a Belgian pop singer. She was best known for her participation in the 1968 Eurovision Song Contest. She performed "Quand tu reviendras" ("When You Come Back"), representing Belgium. She was born in Brussels.

Lombard died on 20 September 2021 in Brussels at the age of 76.

References

1945 births
2021 deaths
Belgian singers
Eurovision Song Contest entrants
Pop singers
Entertainers from Brussels

Claude Lombard


Turboraketti is a space dog fight game for Amiga computers created by Finnish game designer Heikki Kosola.

There's plenty of misleading information about the publishing year of the game and the sequel. According to Kosola he created the beta version of Turboraketti in 1992 and the final version in 1993. Some people have thought that the final version is the sequel but Kosola says that there has never been Turboraketti II.

Turboraketti is played by two people fighting each other with spaceships. The game is similar to an earlier game called Gravity Force. The ships are viewed from a side perspective and gravity pulls ships down. The screen is split in two halves in vertical direction. Both players have one half of the screen. Hitting a landscape or another ship destroys the vessel. Movement of ships is affected by their thrust, gravity and drag in air and liquid.

The players can choose from various weapons that are advantageous in different situations. Rapid fire weapons are good for causing at least some damage for the opponent and non-rapid fire weapons are good for hitting the opponent hard from proximity. The players can load weapons and fuel on their base platforms. The base platform can also repair a ship. The player needs to make a trade-off between good acceleration (small mass) and the amount of ordnance and fuel loaded. It is also possible to play the game as a time race.

External links
 Turboraketti fan web site

 All Turboraketti level maps.

References

 This article was submitted to the Amiga Games Database, and the author gave public domain status for this review. See the database entry.

1992 video games
Amiga games
Amiga-only games
Multidirectional shooters
Video games developed in Finland

Turboraketti


Clayton Moore (September 14, 1914 – December 28, 1999) was an American actor.

Career
His real name was Jack Carlton Moore. He was born in Chicago, Illinois. He began his career as a child, as an acrobat in the circus. In 1938 he went to Hollywood and acted in minor roles in Class B Western movies. In 1947 he was in the movie Jesse James Rides Again. He played Jesse James. He also played James in Adventures of Frank and Jesse James (1948). He starred in The Ghost of Zorro (1949). The other B-movies he starred in were Cyclone Fury 1951; Montana Territory, 1952, as Commissioner George Ives; and Gunfighters of the Northwest, 1954.

The Lone Ranger
In 1949 he was chosen by ABC Television to play The Lone Ranger. In the series of the same name. His co-star was the actor Jay Silverheels. It was the biggest success of ABC in the postwar period. From 1949 to 1956, 169 episodes were made of The Lone Ranger. His silver bullets, white hat and black mask were icons of the western U.S. In 1979, the company owning the rights to The Lone Ranger forced him to no longer use the character. Judge Vernon Foster said Moore could no longer use his black mask, or advertise as The Lone Ranger. Moore obeyed the judge's decision. In 1987 a star was placed on Sunset Boulevard in Los Angeles.

He died on December 28, 1999 from a heart attack in his Los Angeles, California home, aged 85.

References

Other websites

  Clayton Moore Memorial
 Clayton Moore at The Old Corral (b-westerns.com)
 Clayton Moore, Television's Lone Ranger And a Persistent Masked Man, Dies at 85

American movie actors
American television actors
Actors from Chicago
Deaths from myocardial infarction
1914 births
1999 deaths

Clayton Moore


Major Andre Andrews (1792–1834) was the second mayor of Buffalo, New York, serving 1833–1834. He was born at Cornwall, Connecticut on July 8, 1792, and named after Major John André.  He studied law and became a lawyer, practicing in Middletown, Connecticut before moving to Buffalo about 1820. While at Middleton, he married Sarah Mehitabel Hosmer, granddaughter of General Samuel Holden Parsons. He amassed a  property on which he built his home. His residence was located on the site now occupied by the Electric Tower.

In 1826 he was elected to his first political position as a Trustee of the Village of Buffalo. He held this position again in 1827. In 1829 he campaigned unsuccessfully, for a seat on the New York State Assembly.  In 1830, he became a founding member of the first Bank of Buffalo, along with Benjamin Rathbun, Hiram Pratt, and William Ketchum, the latter two future mayors of Buffalo. During Mayor Johnson's first term, Andrews served on the Streets, Alleys, Canals and Ferries committee and the Police committee.

In 1833, the Common Council voted Major Andre Andrews Buffalo's second mayor.  In 1834, cholera returned to Buffalo and, on August 18, 1834, claimed Mayor Andrews. Andrews is buried in Forest Lawn Cemetery.

References

1792 births
1834 deaths
Mayors of Buffalo, New York
Burials at Forest Lawn Cemetery (Buffalo)
Deaths from cholera
People from Cornwall, Connecticut
19th-century American politicians

Major Andre Andrews