Sex work is "the exchange of sexual services, performances, or products for material compensation. It includes activities of direct physical contact between buyers and sellers as well as indirect sexual stimulation". Sex work only refers to voluntary sexual transactions; thus, the term does not refer to human trafficking and other coerced or nonconsensual sexual transactions such as child prostitution. The transaction must take place between consenting adults of the legal age and mental capacity to consent and must take place without any methods of coercion, other than payment. The term emphasizes the labor and economic implications of this type of work. Furthermore, some prefer the use of the term because it grants more agency to the sellers of these services.

Types
In 2004, a Medline search and review of 681 "prostitution" articles was conducted in order to create a global typology of types of sex work using arbitrary categories. Twenty-five types of sex work were identified in order to create a more systematic understanding of sex work as a whole. Prostitution varies by forms and social contexts, including different types of direct and indirect prostitution. This study was conducted in order to work towards improving the health and safety of sex workers.

Types of sex work include various consensual sexual services or erotic performances, involving varying degrees of physical contact with clients:
 Webcam modeling and pornographic modeling. The former is often done via a camming site, and the latter may or may not make use of an adult content-subscription service.
 Stripper
 Naked butler
 Pole dancing
 Phone sex operators: have sexually oriented conversations with clients, and may do verbal sexual roleplay
 Go-go dancing
 Erotic dancing
 Neo-burlesque
 Twerking
 Striptease / Table dance
 Erotic massage
 Grinding
 Lap dancing
 Pornographic film acting
 Peepshow performers
 Escort services / Girlfriend experience / Sugar baby
 Sexual surrogates: work with psychoanalysts to engage in sexual activity as part of therapy with their clients.
 Street prostitution
 Indoor prostitution (brothel work, massage parlor-related prostitution, bar or casino prostitution)
 Dominatrix

Legal models

Full criminalization of sex work is the most widely practiced legal strategy for regulating transactional sex. Full criminalization is practiced in China, Russia, and the majority of countries in Africa. In the United States, in which each state has its own criminal code, full contact sex work is illegal everywhere, sex work using a condom is legal only in parts of Nevada; non-contact sex work is a gray and confused area. Under full criminalization the seller, buyer, and any third party involved is subject to criminal penalties. This includes anyone who profits from commercial sex in any location or physical setting. Criminalization has been linked to higher rates of sexually transmitted infections, partner violence, and police harassment. Fear of legal ramifications can deter sex workers from seeking proper sexual health care services and discourage them from reporting crimes of which they were the victim. According to research conducted by Human Rights Watch, criminalization has sex workers more vulnerable to rape, murder, and discrimination due to their marginalized position and ability to be prosecuted by the police even if they come forward as a victim.

Partial criminalization allows for the legalization of both the buying and selling of sex between two consenting parties but prohibits the commercial selling of sex within brothels or public settings such as street solicitation. This has the unintended consequence that it criminalizes the coalition of sex workers, forcing them to work alone and in less safe conditions. Partial criminalization ranges from a variety of legal models such as abolitionism, neo-abolitionism and the Swedish-Nordic Model.

Legalization is currently practiced in parts of South America, Australia, Europe, and in certain counties in the U.S. state of Nevada. The Red Light District in Amsterdam, the Netherlands, is an example of full legalization, where all aspects of sex work are allowed as long as they are registered with the government. Since the registration process is often expensive and time-consuming, requires legal residence, and may involve regular medical exams, the most marginalized sex workers have to remain illegal, and usually charge less, because they cannot comply with the regulations. This is most common among minority groups, immigrants, and low-income workers.

Decriminalization is the most supported solution by sex workers themselves. The decriminalization of sex work is the only legal solution that offers no criminalization of any party involved in the sex work industry and additionally has no restrictions on who can legally participate in sex work. The decriminalization of sex work would not remove any legal penalties condemning human trafficking. There is no reliable evidence to suggest that decriminalization of sex work would encourage human trafficking. New Zealand was the first country to decriminalize sex work in 2003, with the passage of the Prostitution Reform Act.  This is the most advocated for by sex workers because it allows them the most negotiating power with their clients. With full protection under the law, they have the ability to determine their wages, method of protection, and protect themselves from violent offenders. Sex work is one of the oldest professions in existence and even though sex work is criminalized in most places in order to regulate it, the profession has hardly changed at all over time. Those who work in sex trade are more likely to be exploited, trafficked, and victims of assault when sex work is criminalized. Starting in August 2015, Amnesty International, a global movement free of political, religious, or economic interests to protect people from abuse, introduced a policy that requested that all countries decriminalized sex work. Amnesty International stated in this policy that decriminalizing sex work would decrease human trafficking through promotion of the health and safety of sex workers by allowing them to be autonomous with protection of the government. This policy gained a large amount of support worldwide from the WHO, UNAIDS, GAATW, and several others, but has not been adopted universally yet.

History
Sex work, in many different forms, has been practiced since ancient times. It is reported that even in the most primitive societies, there was transactional sex. Prostitution was widespread in ancient Egypt and Greece, where it was practiced at various socioeconomic levels. Hetaera in Greece and geisha in Japan were seen as prestigious members of society for their high level of training in companionship. Attitudes towards prostitution have shifted through history.

During the Middle Ages prostitution was tolerated but not celebrated. It was not until the Renaissance and the Protestant Reformation in the 16th century that attitudes turned against prostitution on a large scale and bodies began to be regulated more heavily. These moral reforms were to a large extent directed towards the restriction of women's autonomy. Furthermore, enforcement of regulations regarding prostitution disproportionately impacted the poor.

Sex work has a long history in the United States, yet laws regulating the sale of sex are relatively new. In the 18th century, prostitution was deeply rooted from Louisiana to San Francisco. Despite its prevalence, attitudes towards prostitutes were negative and many times hostile. Although the law did not directly address prostitution at this time, law enforcement often targeted prostitutes. Laws against lewdness and sodomy were used in an attempt to regulate sex work. Red-light districts formed in the 19th century in major cities across the country in an attempt by sex workers to find spaces where they could work, isolated from outside society and corresponding stigma.

Ambiguity in the law allowed for prostitutes to challenge imprisonment in the courts. Through these cases prostitutes forced a popular recognition of their profession and defended their rights and property. Despite sex workers' efforts, social reformers looking to abolish prostitution outright began to gain traction in the early 20th century. New laws focused on the third-party businesses where prostitution took place, such as saloons and brothels, holding the owners culpable for the activities that happened within their premises. Red-light districts began to close. Finally, in 1910 the Mann Act, or "White Slave Traffic Act" made illegal the act of coercing a person into prostitution or other immoral activity, the first federal law addressing prostitution. This act was created to address the trafficking of young, European girls who were thought to have been kidnapped and transported to the United States to work in brothels but criminalized those participating in consensual sex work. Subsequently, at the start of the First World War, a Navy decree forced the closure of sex-related businesses in close proximity to military bases. Restrictions and outright violence led to the loss of the little control workers had over their work. In addition to this, in 1918, the Chamberlain–Kahn Act made it so that any woman found to have a sexually transmitted infection (STI) would be quarantined by the government. The original purpose of this act was to stop the spread of venereal diseases among U.S. soldiers. By 1915 under this act, prostitutes, or those perceived to be prostitutes could be stopped, inspected, and detained or sent to a rehabilitation facility if they were found to test positive for any venereal disease. During World War I, an estimated 3,000 women were detained and examined. The state had made sex workers into legal outcasts. During the Great Depression, black women in New York City accounted for more than 50% of arrests for prostitution.

Types of sex work expanded in the 21st century. Film and later the Internet provided new opportunities for sex work. In 1978, Carol Leigh, a sex worker and activist, coined the term "sex work" as it is now used. She looked to combat the anti-pornography movement by coining a term that reflected the labor and economic implications of the work. The term came into popular use in the 1980s. COYOTE (Call Off Your Old Tired Ethics) and other similar groups formed in the 1970s and 80s to push for women's sexual freedom and sex workers' rights. A rift formed within feminism that continues today, with some arguing for the abolishment of sex work and others working for acceptance and rights for sex works.

Stigmas are negative and often derogatory ideas and labels that are placed on one or more members of a community. A prevalent stigma of sex workers that is circulated through various media platforms is the "whore" stigma in which sex workers are labelled as "whores" due to the nature and abundance of client relationships.

A history of media narratives of sex workers was studied to yield the top three most common storylines shown in media about sex works. First, sex workers are shown as carriers and sources of disease. Second, sex work is shown as a social problem that varies in severity. And third, sex work is almost always portrayed in media to occur outdoors, which adds to negative social perceptions that associate sex work to be dirty or public. Across all of these narratives, we typically see a gendered hierarchy in which women of various ages are shown as the sex workers and men are portrayed as the authoritative role of pimps, clients, and law enforcers.

A study in 2006 from the University of Victoria found that when compared to media representations of sex work, firsthand experiences of sex workers were far from similar. It was found that even though inaccurate, media portrayals of sex work are formed from rigid social and cultural scripts that perpetuate stigma and provide influence to news coverage and negative perceptions of sex work.

The HIV/AIDS epidemic presented a new challenge to sex workers. The criminalization of exposing others to HIV/AIDS significantly impacted sex workers. Harm reduction strategies were organized providing testing, counseling, and supplies to stop the spread of the disease. This experience organizing helped facilitate future action for social justice. The threat of violence persists in many types of sex work. Unionization of legal types of sex work such as exotic dancers, lobbying of public health officials and labor officials, and human rights agencies has improved conditions for many sex workers. Nonetheless, the political ramifications of supporting a stigmatized population make organizing around sex work difficult. Despite these difficulties, actions against violence and for increased visibility and rights persist drawing hundreds of thousands of participants.  Women in the sex trade are more susceptible to experiencing more stigma and discrimination than men. This stigma and discrimination is attributed to the negative social connotation of the job title "sex worker" and social perspective that sex workers have closer exposure to sexually transmitted diseases like HIV and AIDS. These stigmas influence how society interacts with sex workers. In 2011, many sex workers in Hong Kong reported having a verbally or physically abusive interaction with a police officer or healthcare official, which prompted a negative impact on overall health and unequal access to healthcare.

During the COVID-19 pandemic, contact professions (which includes many forms of sex work, amongst others) had been banned (temporarily) in some countries. This has resulted in a reduction in Europe of certain forms of sex work. In addition, there has been a greater adoption of forms of sex work which do not require physical contact (virtual sexual services). Examples of sex work that do not require physical contact include webcam modelling and adult content-subscription services (e.g. OnlyFans).
Some sex workers have carried on regardless however, also because some virtual sexual services may require an official bank account (or other means of receiving money digitally) and an own private room. The COVID-19 pandemic has heightened pre-existing marginalization, inequality, and criminalization of sex workers. With increased global health risks associated with the pandemic, sex workers' in-person services were suspended, posing more financial stressors to an already poverty-stricken population. COVID-19 regulations have specifically posed more threats to the physical and financial safety of socially disadvantaged sex workers who are undocumented, transgender, and of color.

Sex work empowerment

International Day to End Violence Against Sex Workers
Dr. Annie Sprinkle and the Sex Workers Outreach Project USA first observed the International Day to End Violence Against Sex Workers on December 17, 2003, and has been continuously recognized for the last 17 years. Sprinkle and the Sex Workers Outreach Project USA first observed this day in memory of victims of the Green River Killer in Seattle Washington and has since evolved into an annual, international recognition for other cities who have lost many lives of sex workers, those who experience and have experienced violence, and to empower sex workers. During the week of December 17, the International Day to End Violence Against Sex workers calls attention to hate crimes around the world and social justice organizations work side-by-side with sex worker communities to hold memorials and stage actions to raise awareness of violence by focusing on condemnation of transphobia, xenophobia, racism, criminalization of drug use as well as stigma of sex work in order for sex work to be a safe, non criminalized practice.

Adult content-subscription services
In adult content-subscription services (e.g. OnlyFans) social media creators can be paid for their content. This content can include selfies, tips, information, tutorials, as well as sex work. OnlyFans creators make a lucrative profit from subscribers who purchase access to their exclusive account every month. The experience is curated for each individual subscriber versus a broad audience like the content provided by Pornhub, brazzers, xxxvideos, etc. OnlyFans has changed sex work in a way that has made it more powerful for the creator, and safer for them to control how they perform their sex work. Many OnlyFans creators that focus on sex work have reported that they receive more subscribers as they post more frequently. It is irrelevant if the posts are "explicit" or not. Several of the women who perform sex work on OnlyFans have regulars that they know everything about from their job description to family member names, to when their surgical procedures are. Although these creators are often paid for and may assist in their subscribers' orgasms, this act is not considered prostitution. Subscribers to OnlyFans sex work accounts have stated that they can get pornography for free anywhere, and that they are paying for a service catered to their personal needs. These subscribers are paying for people to be an online significant other who occasionally helps them achieve an orgasm.

Emotional labor
Emotional labor is an essential part of many service jobs, including many types of sex work. Through emotional labor sex workers engage in different levels of acting known as surface acting and deep acting. These levels reflect a sex worker's engagement with the emotional labor. Surface acting occurs when the sex worker is aware of the dissonance between their authentic experience of emotion and their managed emotional display. In contrast deep acting occurs when the sex worker can no longer differentiate between what is authentic and what is acting; acting becomes authentic.

Sex workers engage in emotional labor for many different reasons. First, sex workers often engage in emotional labor to construct performances of gender and sexuality. These performances frequently reflect the desires of a clientele which is mostly composed of heterosexual men. In the majority of cases, clients value women who they perceive as normatively feminine. For women sex workers, achieving this perception necessitates a performance of gender and sexuality that involves deference to clients and affirmation of their masculinity, as well as physical embodiment of traditional femininity. The emotional labor involved in sex work may be of a greater significance when race differences are involved. For instance Mistress Velvet, a black, femme dominatrix, advertises herself using her most fetishized attributes. She makes her clients, who are mostly white heterosexual men, read Black feminist theory before their sessions. This allows the clients to see why their participation, as white heterosexual men, contributes to the fetishization of black women.

Both within sex work and in other types of work, emotional labor is gendered in that women are expected to use it to construct performances of normative femininity, whereas men are expected to use it to construct performances of normative masculinity. In both cases, these expectations are often met because this labor is necessary to maximizing monetary gain and potentially to job retention. Indeed, emotional labor is often used as a means to maximize income. It fosters a better experience for the client and protects the worker thus enabling the worker to make the most profit.

In addition, sex workers often engage in emotional labor as a self-protection strategy, distancing themselves from the sometimes emotionally volatile work. Finally, clients often value perceived authenticity in their transactions with sex workers; thus, sex workers may attempt to foster a sense of authentic intimacy.

Health care for sex workers

Mental health care
Traumatic sexual events and violence put sex workers at a higher risk for mental health disorders. Women in sex work have a higher chance of suffering mental health disorders, and the chance is even greater for those who are women in minority groups including the LGBTQ+ community. A study performed in 2010 concluded that women in sex work were more likely to exhibit signs of PTSD (13%), anxiety (33.7%), and depression (24.4%). Women in sex work experience more obstacles and barriers to gaining mental health care despite their increased risk due to stigma, lack of access to insurance, lack of trust from health care professionals and misogyny. A study examining the institutionalized barriers to healthcare faced by female sex workers was conducted in Canada in 2016. The study yielded the finding that about 70% of female sex workers experience one or more institutional barriers to healthcare. These institutional barriers included long wait times, limited hours of operation, and biased treatment or discrimination on behalf of health care providers.

Primary health care
Sex workers are less likely to seek health care or be eligible to seek health care due to negative stigma. Women in sex work are disproportionally treated worse in health care settings. It is a minimal necessity that women in sex work have access to frequent STD/STI testing and treatment, but it is essential that sex workers have the equal access for regular primary care for other ailments as non-sexworkers. UNAIDS researched the percentage rates of accessible prevention services for sex workers in 2010 around the world and concluded that 51% did not have access. Another obstacle for sex workers to gain health care services is that many are unable to, or unwilling to disclose their profession on required medical paperwork making them ineligible to receive medical care.

The population of sex workers has been targeted by the public health industry as a population that has a high risk of HIV infection. This concept is used to strategize marketing materials to sex workers about health resources, but it has been found to actually add to stigma and discrimination of sex workers, further delegitimize prostitution as a source of income, hinder effective health interventions, and perpetuate the idea that being a sex worker is a risk factor for disease. Public health care initiatives that prioritize HIV prevention among sex workers and portray sex workers as a vulnerable population overshadow the rights of sex workers and the legitimacy of sex work as a functional occupation. The title "sex worker" itself was introduced in an attempt to break the association by healthcare industries that links female prostitutes with dirty, immoral, and diseased identities.

Factors in sex workers' health
There is a possibility that sex works status as a criminal offense could lead sex workers to engage in practices that impact their own health and safety. In countries where sex work is classified as a crime, condoms can be used as a form of evidence. The Sex Workers Project is an organization that provides legal and social services for sex workers. In a study done regarding the impact of using condoms as evidence, the Brooklyn Defense Services provided data that showed that between 2008 and 2009 there were around 39 sex work-related cases in which condoms were used  as evidence. There is a chance that in order to decrease the chance of arrest, sex workers are inclined to participate in unprotected sex. If this is the case, this would contribute to the higher risk of sexually transmitted infections these workers face, as aforementioned.

In Tangent with this, it is not uncommon for sex workers experiencing health difficulties to not take the appropriate steps with healthcare professionals due to fear or distrust in them. A survey done by STAR-STAR, a partner of the human rights organization UNFPA, concluded that almost a quarter of sex workers were denied healthcare services because of their occupation.

Communication between health-care providers and sex workers
In the interest of providing the best care for Sex Workers seeking health care, transparent communication can enhance the quality of services being provided. This can be practiced on both sides of this relationship. For example, a care provider could include questions in their sexual history questionnaire that pertain to the exchange of sex for money. Being prompted with these kinds of questions could mitigate the anxiety that if the patient is honest about what they do would cause their services to be declined. This might encourage the patient to be more honest about their entire experience and history, which would allow for a better decision to be made in regards to treatment.

Intimate relationships
A study in Melbourne, Australia, found that sex workers typically experience relationship difficulties as a result of their line of work. This primarily stems from the issue of disclosure of their work in personal relationships. Some sex workers noted that dating ex-clients is helpful as they have had contact with sex workers, and they are aware of their employment.

Although a majority of women in sex work reported that their profession negatively affected them, those that stated a positive effect reported that they had increases sexual self-esteem and confidence. There is very little empirical evidence characterizing clients of sex workers, but they may share an analogous problem. A Scientific American article on sex buyers summarizes a limited field of research which indicates that Johns have a normal psychological profile matching the makeup of the wider male population but view themselves as mentally unwell.

Dolf Zillmann asserts that extensive viewing of pornographic material produces many sociological effects which he characterizes as unfavorable, including a decreased respect for long-term, monogamous relationships, and an attenuated desire for procreation. He claims that pornography can "potentially undermine the traditional values that favor marriage, family, and children" and that it depicts sexuality in a way which is not connected to "emotional attachment, of kindness, of caring, and especially not of continuance of the relationship, as such continuance would translate into responsibilities".

Commodified intimacy
In clients' encounters with prostitutes or exotic dancers (and potentially other sex workers as well), many seek more than sexual satisfaction. They often seek, via their interactions with sex workers, an affirmation of their masculinity, which they may feel is lacking in other aspects of their lives. This affirmation comes in the form of (a simulation of) affection and sexual desire, and "smooth, intimate, affective space, wherein the way that time is managed is governed only by mutual desire and enjoyment." Partly because they are engaged in work during these interactions, prostitutes' experience and interpretation of time tends to be structured instead by desires to maximize income, avoid boredom, and/or avoid detriment to self-esteem.

For sex workers, commodified intimacy provides different benefits. In Brazil, sex workers prioritize foreign men over local men in terms of forming intimate relationships with sex workers. This is a result of local men regarding sex workers as having no worth beyond their occupation. In contrast, foreign men are often accompanied by wealth and status, which are factors that can help a sex worker become independent. Hence sex workers in Brazil are more likely to seek out "ambiguous entanglements" with the foreign men they provide services for, rather than the local men.

Gender differences
Interviews with men and women escorts illuminate gender differences in these escorts' experiences. On average, women escorts charged much more than men. Compared to traditional women escorts, women in niche markets charged lower rates. However, this disparity in rates did not exist for men escorts. Men escorts reported widespread acceptance in the gay community; they were much more likely than women to disclose their occupation. This community acceptance is fairly unusual to the gay community and not the experience of many women sex workers. Also, heterosexual men prostitutes are much more likely than heterosexual women prostitutes to entertain same-gender clients out of necessity, because the vast majority of clients are men. In general, there is a greater social expectation for women to engage in emotional labor than there is for men; there are also greater consequences if they do not.

Risks
The potential risks sex work poses to the worker vary greatly depending on the specific job they occupy. Compared to outdoor or street-based sex workers, indoor workers are less likely to face violence. Street sex workers may also more likely to use addictive drugs, to have unprotected sex, and to be the victim of sexual assault. HIV affects large numbers of sex workers, of all genders, who engage in prostitution globally. Rape and violence, poverty, stigma, and social exclusion are all common risks faced by sex workers in many different occupations. A study of violence against women engaged in street prostitution found that 68% reported having been raped. Sex workers are also at a high risk of murder. According to Salfati's study, sex workers are 60 to 120 times more likely to be murdered than nonprostitute females. Although these features tend to apply more to sex workers who engage in full service sex work, stigma and safety risks are pervasive for all types of sex work, albeit to different extents. Because of the varied legal status of some forms of sex work, sex workers in some countries also face the risk of incarceration, flogging and even the death penalty.

Feminist debate

Feminist debates on sex work focus primarily on pornography and prostitution. Feminist arguments against these occupations tend to be founded in the notion that these types of work are inherently degrading to women, perpetuate the sexual objectification of women, and/or perpetuate male supremacy.  In response, proponents of sex work argue that these claims deny women sex workers' agency, and that choosing to engage in this work can be empowering. They contend that the perspectives of anti-sex work feminists are based on notions of sexuality constructed by the patriarchy to regulate women's expressions sexuality. In fact, many feminists who support the sex industry claim that criminalizing sex work causes more harm to women and their sexual autonomy. An article in the Touro Law Review 2014, focuses on the challenges faced by prostitutes in the U.S and the need for prostitution reform: "[By criminalizing prostitution] women lose the choice to get paid for having consensual sex. A woman may have sex for free, but once she receives something of value for her services, the act becomes illegal". Those who see this as an attack on a women's sexual autonomy also worry about the recent attacks on liberal social policy, such as same sex marriage and abortion on demand, in the U.S.  Some liberals also argue that since a disproportionate share of those who choose sex work as a means of income are the poor and disadvantaged, public officials should focus on social policies improving the lives of those choosing to do so rather than condemnation of the "private" means which those victims of society employ.

Debates on sex worker agency
The topic of sexual labor is often contextualized within opposing abolitionist and sex-positive perspectives. The abolitionist perspective typically defines sex work as an oppressive form of labor. According to opponents of prostitution, it is not only the literal purchase of a person's body for sexual exploitation, it also constitutes exertion of power over women both symbolically and materially. This perspective views prostitution and trafficking as directly and intimately connected and therefore calls for the abolition of prostitution in efforts to eliminate the overall sexual exploitation of women and children. Opponents also refute the idea of consent among sex workers by claiming that such consent is merely a submissive acceptance of the traditional exploitation of women. For these reasons, opponents believe that decriminalizing sex work would utterly harm women as a class by maintaining their sexual and economic exploitation while "serving the interests of pimps, procurers and prostitutors". Some Marxist feminists argue sex work is not uniquely exploitative. Heather Berg writes, "Commercial sex exchange is not exploitative because of anything unique to sex; it is exploitative because it is labor under capitalism."

Some sex-positive feminists recognize sex workers as situated within a modern Western sexual hierarchy where a married man and woman are respected while LGBT people, fetishists, and sex workers such as prostitutes and pornographic models are viewed as sexual deviants. According to sex positive feminists, sex law incorporates a prohibition against mixing sex and money in order to sustain this hierarchy. Therefore, the individuals who practice these "deviant" sexual acts are deemed as criminals and have limited institutional support and are subjected to economic sanctions. Sex-positive perspectives challenge this hierarchy by appreciating sexual diversity and rejecting any notion of "normal" sex. With this understanding, people who choose to engage in criminalized sex acts are seen as autonomous sexual beings rather than victims of the sex industry. For black women, agency is viewed as contextual due to historical considerations, and can be regarded as one facet of a complex system of ideals that encompass black women's sexuality over time. One result of this is the way that race relations impact the mobility of black people in the sex industry.

Some liberal feminists believe that a "democratic morality" should judge sexual activity (as if the proclivities of the majority, as well as their proficiency in providing sexual pleasures, should determine the direction of a society's moral compass) "by the way partners treat one another, the presence or absence of coercion, and the quantity and quality of the pleasures they provide". They propound that it should not be an ethical concern whether sex acts are coupled or in groups, same or mixed sex, with or without consensual acts of violence or video, commercial or free.

Relevant television series and films

 The Client List
 The Client List (TV series)
 The Deuce (TV series)
 The Girlfriend Experience (TV series)
 Sand Dollars
 Nights of Cabiria
 The Florida Project
 Top of the Lake
 Whores' Glory
 Mamma Roma
 Buying Sex
 Meet the Fokkens

See also

 Decriminalization of sex work
 List of sex worker organizations
 Migrant sex work
 Prostitution
 Revolting Prostitutes
 Sexual assistance
 Transgender sex worker

References

Prostitution
Human sexuality
Organized crime activity
Sex industry
Human trafficking

Sex work


A Stranger to Command (2008) is a fantasy novel written by Sherwood Smith. It was written as a prequel to her first published work that takes place on the actual Sartorias-deles, Crown Duel.

Synopsis
Vidanric Renselaeus, fifteen-year-old Marquis of Shevraeth, finds himself sent across the continent to a military academy in Marloven Hess, a kingdom known for its violent history. Vidanric is used to civilized life in pleasant Remalna—except that the evidence is increasingly clear that the civilization is only on the surface. Too many young, smart heirs have suffered accidents of late, and the evidence is beginning to point to the king, Galdran, who has grandiose plans for expansion.

In Marloven Hess, no one can pronounce his real names, and they assume his title is his name. He becomes Shevraeth—discovering that there are no marquises or dukes or barons in this kingdom, and no one has the slightest interest in Remalna. Or in foreigners. Until very recently, the academy was closed to outsiders. But the king—also fifteen, and recently come to his throne after a nasty civil war—wants him there.

Learning about command turns out to be very different from what Shevraeth had assumed, and the Marlovens, who are going through political and social change at all levels, are not at all what he expected. He makes friends as well as enemies; experiences terror and laughter as well as challenges on the field and off.

He discovers friendship, loyalty—and love.

All the while greater events in the world are moving inexorably toward conflagration, drawing the smartest of the young people into key positions—whether they want it or not. They're going to have to be ready.

Publishing history
2008, Norilana Books, YA Angst (), pub date ? August 2008, hardback (First Edition)
2009, Norilana Books, YA Angst (, ), pub date 15 June 2009, paperback
2010, Book View Cafe, corrected e-book edition, ()

External links

2008 American novels
2008 fantasy novels
American fantasy novels
Novels by Sherwood Smith

A Stranger to Command


Chip select (CS) or slave select (SS) is the name of a control line in digital electronics used to select one (or a set) of integrated circuits (commonly called "chips") out of several connected to the same computer bus, usually utilizing the three-state logic.

One bus that uses the chip/slave select is the Serial Peripheral Interface Bus (SPI bus).

When an engineer needs to connect several devices to the same set of input wires (e.g., a computer bus),  but retain the ability to send and receive data or commands to each device independently of the others on the bus, they can use a chip select. The chip select is a command pin on many integrated circuits which connects the I/O pins on the device to the internal circuitry of that device.

When the chip select pin is held in the inactive state, the chip or device is "deaf", and pays no heed to changes in the state of its other input pins; it holds its outputs in the high impedance state, so other chips can drive those signals. When the chip select pin is held in the active state, the chip or device assumes that any input changes it "hears" are meant for it, and responds as if it is the only chip on the bus. Because the other chips have their chip select pins in the inactive state, their outputs are high impedance, allowing the single selected chip to drive its outputs.

CS may also affect a power consumption or serve as cycle control in certain circuits (such as SRAM or DRAM).

References

Computer buses

Chip select


Henry Chichele ( , also Checheley;  – 12 April 1443) was Archbishop of Canterbury (1414–1443) and founded All Souls College, Oxford.

Early life
Chichele was born at Higham Ferrers, Northamptonshire, in 1363 or 1364; Chichele told Pope Eugene IV, in 1443, in asking leave to retire from the archbishopric, that he was in his eightieth year. He was the third and youngest son of Thomas Chichele, who appears in 1368 in extant town records of Higham Ferrers, as a suitor in the mayor's court, and in 1381–1382, and again in 1384–1385, was mayor: in fact, for a dozen years he and Henry Barton, schoolmaster of Higham Ferrers grammar school, and one Richard Brabazon, filled the mayoralty in turns.

Thomas Chichele's occupation does not appear but his eldest son, William, is on the earliest extant list (1383) of the Grocers' Company in London. On 9 June 1405 Henry Chichele was admitted, in succession to his father, to a burgage in Higham Ferrers. His mother, Agnes Pincheon, is said to have been of gentle birth. There is therefore no foundation in fact for the account (copied into the Dictionary of National Biography from a local historian, John Cole, Wellingborough, 1838) that he was picked up, as a poor ploughboy "eating his scanty meal off his mother's lap", by William of Wykeham. This story was unknown to Arthur Duck, Fellow of All Souls, who wrote Chichele's life in 1617.

Education
The first recorded appearance of Chichele himself is at New College, Oxford, as Checheley, eighth among the undergraduate fellows, in July 1387, in the earliest extant hall-book, which contains weekly lists of those dining in Hall. He had come from Winchester College in one of the earliest batches of scholars from that college, the sole feeder of New College, not from St John Baptist College, Winchester, as guessed by  to cover the mistaken supposition that St Mary's College, Winchester was not founded until 1393. St Mary's College was formally established in 1382, and the school had been founded in 1373.

Chichele appears in the Hall-books of New College up to the year 1392/93, when he was a B.A. and was absent for ten weeks from about 6 December to 6 March, presumably for the purpose of his ordination as a sub-deacon, which was performed by the bishop of Derry, acting as suffragan to the bishop of London. He was then already beneficed, receiving a royal ratification of his estate as parson of Llanvarchell in the diocese of St Asaph on 20 March 1391/92 (Cat. Pat. Rolls).

Career

Legal career
In the Hall-book, marked 1393/94, but really for 1394/95, Chichele's name does not appear. He had then left the University of Oxford and gone up to London to practise as an advocate in the principal ecclesiastical court, the Court of Arches. His rise was rapid. Already on 8 February 1395/96 he was, on a commission with several knights and clerks to hear an appeal in a case of John Molton, Esquire v. John Shawe, citizen of London, from Sir John Cheyne kt., sitting for the constable of England in a court of chivalry.

Like other ecclesiastical lawyers and civil servants of the day Chichele was paid with ecclesiastical preferments. On 13 April 1396, he obtained ratification of the parsonage of St Stephen Walbrook, presented on 30 March by the abbot of Colchester, no doubt through his brother Robert, who restored the church and increased its endowment. In 1397 he was made archdeacon of Dorset by Richard Mitford, bishop of Salisbury, but litigation was still going on about it in the papal court until 27 June 1399, when the pope extinguished the suit, imposing perpetual silence on Nicholas Bubwith, master of the rolls, his opponent. In the first year of Henry IV Chichele was parson of Sherston, Wiltshire, and prebendary of Nantgwyly in the college of Abergwili, Wales; on 23 February 1401/2, now called doctor of laws, he was pardoned for bringing in, and allowed to use, a bull of the pope providing to him the chancellorship of Salisbury Cathedral, and canonries in the nuns' churches of Shaftesbury and Wilton in that diocese; and on 9 January 1402/3 he was archdeacon of Salisbury.

Royal service
This year his brother Robert Chichele was senior sheriff of London. On 7 May 1404, Pope Boniface IX provided him to a prebend at Lincoln, notwithstanding he already held prebends at Salisbury, Lichfield, St Martins-le-Grand and Abergwyly, and the living of Brington. On 9 January 1405 he found time to attend a court at Higham Ferrers and be admitted to a burgage there. In July 1405 Chichele began a diplomatic career by a mission to the new Roman Pope Innocent VII, who was professing his desire to end the schism in the papacy by resignation, if his French rival at Avignon would do likewise. Next year, on 5 October 1406, he was sent with Sir John Cheyne to Paris to arrange a lasting peace and the marriage of Prince Henry with the French princess Marie, which was frustrated by her becoming a nun at Poissy next year.

In 1406 renewed efforts were made to stop the schism, and Chichele was one of the envoys sent to the new Pope Gregory XII. Here he utilised his opportunities. On 31 August 1407 Guy Mone (he is always so spelt and not Mohun, and was probably from one of the Hampshire Meons; there was a John Mone of Havant admitted a Winchester scholar in 1397), Bishop of St Davids, died, and on 12 October 1407 Chichele was by the pope provided to the bishopric of St Davids. Another bull the same day gave him the right to hold all his benefices with the bishopric. He was consecrated on 17 June 1408.

At Siena in July 1408 he and Sir John Cheyne, as English envoys, were received by Gregory XII with special honour, and Bishop Repingdon of Lincoln, ex-Wycliffite, was one of the new batch of cardinals created on 18 September 1408, most of Gregory's cardinals having deserted him. These, together with Benedict's revolting cardinals, summoned a general council at Pisa. In November 1408 Chichele was back at Westminster, when Henry IV received the cardinal archbishop of Bordeaux and determined to support the cardinals at Pisa against both popes. In January 1409 Chichele was named with Bishop Hallam of Salisbury and the prior of Canterbury to represent the Southern Convocation at the council, which opened on 25 March 1409, arriving on 24 April. Obedience was withdrawn from both the existing popes, and on 26 June a new pope elected instead of them.

Chichele and the other envoys were received on their return as saviours of the world; though the result was summed up by a contemporary as trischism instead of schism, and the Church as giving three husbands instead of two. Chichele now became the subject of a leading case, the court of kings bench deciding, after arguments reheard in three successive terms, that he could not hold his previous benefices with the bishopric, and that, spite of the maxim Papa potest omnia, a papal bull could not supersede the law of the land (Year-book ii. H. iv. 37, 59, 79). Accordingly, he had to resign livings and canonries (28 April 1410). As, however, he had obtained a bull (20 August 1409) enabling him to appoint his successors to the vacated preferments, including his nephew William, though still an undergraduate and not in orders, to the chancellorship of Salisbury, and a prebend at Lichfield, he did not go empty away. In May 1410 he went again on an embassy to France; on 11 September 1411 he headed a mission to discuss Henry V's marriage with a daughter of the duke of Burgundy; and he was again there in November.

In the interval Chichele found time to visit his diocese for the first time and be enthroned at St Davids on 11 May 1411. He was with the English force under the earl of Arundel which accompanied the duke of Burgundy to Paris in October 1411 and there defeated the Armagnacs, an exploit which revealed to England the weakness of the French. On 30 November 1411 Chichele, with two other bishops and three earls and the prince of Wales, knelt to the king to receive public thanks for their administration. That he was in high favour with Henry V is shown by his being sent with Richard de Beauchamp, 13th Earl of Warwick (1382–1439) to France in July 1413 to conclude peace. Immediately after the death of Thomas Arundel Archbishop of Canterbury the king recommended him to the pope for promotion to the archbishopric on 13 March 1414, signified his royal assent of Chichele's postulation on 23 March 1414, translated by papal bull on 28 April 1414, and received the pall without going to Rome for it on 24 July.

These dates are important as they help to save Chichele from the charge, versified by Shakespeare (Henry V. act 1. sc. 2) from Hall's Chronicle, of having tempted Henry V into the conquest of France for the sake of diverting parliament from the disendowment of the Church. There is no contemporary authority for the charge, which seems to appear first in Redman's rhetorical history of Henry V, written in 1540 with an eye to the political situation at that time, As a matter of fact, the parliament at Leicester, in which the speeches were supposed to have been made, began on 30 April 1414 before Chichele was archbishop. The rolls of parliament show that he was not present in the parliament at all. Moreover, parliament was so far from pressing disendowment that on the petition of the House of Commons it passed a savage act against the heresies commonly called Lollardy which aimed at the destruction of the king and all temporal estates, making Lollards felons and ordering every justice of the peace to hunt down their schools, conventicles, congregations and confederacies.

Later career
In his capacity of archbishop, Chichele remained what he had always been chiefly, the lawyer and diplomatist. He was present at the siege of Rouen, and the king committed to him personally the negotiations for the surrender of the city in January 1419 and for the marriage of Katherine. He crowned Katherine at Westminster (20 February 1421), and on 6 December baptised her child Henry VI. He was a persecutor of heretics. No one could have attained or kept the position of archbishop at the time without being so. He presided at the trial of John Claydon, skinner and citizen of London, who after five years imprisonment at various times had made public abjuration before the late archbishop, Arundel, but now was found in possession of a book in English called The Lanterne of Light, which contained the heresy that the principal cause of the persecution of Christians was the illegal retention by priests of the goods of this world, and that archbishops and bishops were the special seats of Antichrist. As a relapsed heretic, he was left to the secular arm by Chichele, which resulted in burning at Smithfield.

On 1 July 1416 Chichele directed a half-yearly inquisition by archdeacons to hunt out heretics. On 12 February 1420 proceedings were begun before him against William Taylor, priest, who had been for fourteen years excommunicated for heresy, and was now degraded and burnt for saying that prayers ought not to be addressed to saints, but only to God. A striking contrast was exhibited in October 1424, when a Stamford friar, John Russell, who had preached that any religious potest concumbere cum muliere and not mortally sin, was sentenced only to retract his doctrine.

In 1422, in Higham Ferrers, he established a college called Chichele College for secular canons. The College had provision for 8 priests, 4 clerks, 6 choristers and a song and grammar master.

Further persecutions of a number of Lollards took place in 1428. The records of convocation in Chichele's time are a curious mixture of persecutions for heresy, which largely consisted in attacks on clerical endowments, with negotiations with the ministers of the crown for the object of cutting down to the lowest level the clerical contributions to the public revenues in respect of their endowments. Chichele was tenacious of the privileges of his see, and this involved him in a constant struggle with Henry Beaufort, bishop of Winchester. In 1418, while Henry V was alive, he successfully protested against Beaufort's being made a cardinal and legate a latere to supersede the legatine jurisdiction of Canterbury. But during the regency, after Henry VI's accession, Beaufort was successful, and in 1426 became cardinal and legate.

Relations with the papacy
This brought Chichele into collision with Martin V. The struggle between them has been represented as one of a patriotic archbishop resisting the encroachments of the papacy on the Church of England. In point of fact it was almost wholly personal, and was rather an incident in the rivalry between the Duke of Gloucester and his half-uncle, Cardinal Beaufort, than one involving any principle. Chichele, by appointing a jubilee to be held at Canterbury in 1420, after the manner of the Jubilee ordained by the Popes, threatened to divert the profits from pilgrims from Rome to Canterbury. A ferocious letter from the pope to the papal nuncios, on 19 March 1423, denounced the proceeding as calculated to ensnare simple souls and extort from them a profane reward, thereby setting up themselves against the apostolic see and the Roman pontiff, to whom alone so great a faculty has been granted by God (Cat. Pap. Reg. vii. 12). Chichele also incurred the papal wrath by opposing the system of papal provision which diverted patronage from English to Italian hands, but the immediate occasion was to prevent the introduction of the bulls making Beaufort a cardinal. Chichele had been careful enough to obtain Papal provisions for himself, his pluralities, his bishopric and archbishopric.

Educational foundations
In addition to his accomplishments as an archbishop and statesman, Chichele is remembered for his educational foundations. He endowed a "hutch" (chest or loan-fund) for poor scholars at New College, and another for the University of Oxford at large. He founded three colleges: two at Oxford, one at Higham Ferrers. His first college at Oxford was St Bernard's College, founded by Chichele under licence in mortmain in 1437 for Cistercian monks, on the model of Gloucester Hall and Durham College for the southern and northern Benedictines. Nothing more than a site and building was required by way of endowment, as the young monks, who were sent there to study under a provisor, were supported by the houses of the order to which they belonged. The site was five acres, and the building is described in the letters patent "as a fitting and noble college mansion in honour of the most glorious Virgin Mary and St Bernard in Northgates Street outside the Northgate of Oxford." It was suppressed with the Cistercian abbeys in 1540, and, on 11 December 1546, granted to Christ Church, Oxford, which sold it to Thomas White in 1554 for St John's College, Oxford.

The college at Higham Ferrers was a much earlier design. On 2 May 1422, Henry V granted for 300 marks (£200) licence to found, on three acres at Higham Ferrers, a perpetual college of eight chaplains and four clerks, of whom one was to teach grammar and the other song. A papal bull having also been obtained, the archbishop, in the course of a visitation of Lincoln diocese, executed his letters patent founding the college, dedicating it to the Virgin Mary, St Thomas à Becket and St Edward the Confessor, and handed over the buildings to its members, the vicar of Higham Ferrers being made the first master or warden. He further endowed it in 1434 with lands in Bedfordshire and Huntingdonshire, and his brothers, William and Robert, gave some houses in London in 1427 and 1438. The foundation was closely modelled on Winchester College, with its warden and fellows, its grammar and song schoolmasters, but a step in advance was made by the masters being made fellows and so members of the governing body. Attached was also a bede or almshouse for twelve poor men. Both school and almshouse had existed before, and this was merely an additional endowment. The endowment was in 1535 worth some £200 a year, about a fifth of that of Winchester College. The college at Higham Ferrers fell with other colleges not part of the universities. On 18 July 1542 it was surrendered to Henry VIII, and its possessions granted to Robert Dacres on condition of maintaining the grammar school and paying the master £10 a year, the same salary as the headmasters of Winchester and Eton, and maintaining the almshouse.

All Souls College, Oxford was considerably later. The patent for it, dated 20 May 1438, is for a warden and 20 scholars. A papal bull for the college was obtained on 21 June 1439, and further patents for endowments from May 1441 to January 1443. Early in 1443, not long before his death, Chichele opened the college.

Death
Chichele died on 12 April 1443. He is buried in Canterbury Cathedral, in a "cadaver tomb" between the upper choir and the choir ambulatory, adjacent to the north-east transept. The neighbouring gateway, from the transept into the choir, is known as the "Chichele Gate". His elaborate and colourful tomb, built years before his death, depicts his naked corpse on the lower level, while on the upper level he is depicted resplendent in archiepiscopal vesture, his palms together in prayer. "I was pauper-born," reads the inscription on his tomb, "then to primate raised. Now I am cut down and served up for worms. Behold my grave."

See also
Chichele Lectures
Chichele Professorship

Citations

References

1360s births
1443 deaths
15th-century English Roman Catholic archbishops
Alumni of New College, Oxford
Archbishops of Canterbury
Archdeacons of Dorset
Bishops of St Davids
Burials at Canterbury Cathedral
Fellows of All Souls College, Oxford
People from Higham Ferrers
Founders of colleges of the University of Oxford
Year of birth uncertain

Henry Chichele


Hermann Jung (1830, St. Imier – 1901, London) was a Swiss watchmaker who was active as a socialist in the International Workingmen's Association IWA.
Jung participated in the revolution of 1848/49 in Germany and then emigrated to London. Here he became involved with the IWA. He was corresponding secretary for Switzerland in 1864–1872. He presided over the congresses of the IWA held in Geneva, Brussels, Basle and London. He was a member of the British Federal Council. Originally he  followed of Marx, but after 1872 he joined the British Federal Council and the leaders of the British trade unions in opposing centralisation. He was not involved in the labour movement after 1877.

References

1830 births
1901 deaths

Hermann Jung


Chaerophyllum bulbosum is a species of flowering plant from the carrot family and known by several common names, including turnip-rooted chervil, tuberous-rooted chervil, bulbous chervil, and parsnip chervil. It is native to Europe and Western Asia. It was a popular vegetable in the 19th century.

This is a tall annual herb with fringelike divided leaves and large umbels of white flowers. The plant is cultivated on a small scale in parts of Europe for the edible tubers, which look like a dark gray carrot with yellowish-white flesh. After the harvest they are stored for a few months under cold conditions. During storage, sugar content increases through hydrolysis of starch by amylases.

Description

Vegetative features
Chaerophyllum bulbosum is a biennial plant. In the first year, its rosette of leaves produces large amounts of starch, which are stored in the taproot to provide energy for the plant to flower in the second year. In the second year, it grows up to a height of 70 cm to > 2 m.

The stem is smooth with nodes at intervals. It is hairy around the base just above the ground and may show scattered red spots. Additionally, the lower stem is often blue-rimmed.

Subsequent leaves are alternate (with a single leaf attached to a node), spirally arranged, and pinnately compound, with leaf bases sheathing the stem. As the plant grows, the bases of the seed leaves, near the taproot, are pushed apart. The stem, located just above the ground, is compressed and the internodes are not distinct. When the seed stalk elongates for flowering, the tip of the stem narrows and becomes pointed, and the stem extends upward to become a highly branched inflorescence.

Flower features

Characteristic of an Apiaceae plant, Chaerophyllum bulbosum individuals produce 10 - 200 umbels. A total of 1,000 - 36,000 flowers are produced per plant. The flowers are protandrous. The styles only elongate after pollen is shed, which prevents selfing almost completely under wild, optimal pollination conditions. Chaerophyllum bulbosum is an andromonoecious plant, which means that the hermaphrodite and male flowers occur on the same plant. The sex ratio between functionally male and hermaphrodite flowers is about 80% to 20%.

Wild populations
Native, wild populations are distributed in Europe from Ukraine to France and from Sweden to Italy. In France and Germany, wild populations can be found in the Rhine and the Weser River basins. It can also be found in Western and central Asia as in Turkey and Caucasus. In the wild, tuberous-rooted chervil grows in dense populations, mainly  along river banks. Seeds are dispersed by hydrochory.

Breeding
The plant has been grown since the Middle Ages but only survived as a garden crop in France without any named varieties. However, the first named cultivar in modern times seems to have been developed in France, named "Altan" (1986), followed by new cultivars "Véga" and "M4.10." The new varieties are mainly characterized by low seed embryo dormancy.

Use
It is otherwise used in cuisine for flavoring or cooked like other root vegetables. Much of the flavor comes from the skin of the tuber. The aroma intensifies the longer the plant is stored. Eaten raw, the taste is somewhat sharp like radish, but the cooked tuber gives a subtle taste of potatoes and chestnuts with a slightly pungent taste of celery and parsnip. C. bulbosum roots are high in fiber and have the same starchy quality as potatoes. They contain vitamins B and C and mineral salts.

Origin and history
Tuberous-rooted chervil (Chaerophyllum bulbosum) is native to middle- and south-eastern-Europe. During the 1580s, tubers of tuberous-rooted chervil were found at the local market in Wien. In 1846, the tubers arrived in France. 16 years later, the tubers became even more prominent due to Phytophthora infestans, late blight of potatoes, and had been increasingly cultivated as a substitute for potatoes. At the end of the 20th century breeding programs focused on this alternative crop mainly due to its delicate flavor. Through breeding achievements of French scientists, this alternative crop gained agricultural importance in regions like Loire Valley (France) and the north of Brittany.

Cultivation
The cultivation is similar to carrots and parsnips. An adequate site for cultivation is characterized by light and fertile soils. The soil should be moderately moist. Cultivation period is from 9 up to 10 months. The seeds require exposure to cold temperatures (vernalization) to break dormancy in spring. The crop cultivation starts therefore in the autumn. The dormancy ends with at least 8 weeks of continuous humidity and temperatures below 5 °C. After stratification, germination is at optimum with a temperature range between 5 and 10 °C. At temperatures above 25 to 30 °C significant germination inhibition occurs. Sowing is done directly, without any seedling cultivation, from September to November. Distance between rows is usually from 20 up to 25 cm with a distance of 4 to 6 cm between seeds. In the first year of growth, after sprouting in spring, the tuber develops with a leaf rosette just above ground. Voles are a common pest for this crop in the field.

Harvest

Root maturity is reached when leaves turn yellow in June. The main harvest time starts in July and lasts until September. Due to the requirement of a dormancy period, it is almost mandatory to sow the seeds directly after harvest for the upcoming season. Because of this, and due to the low yield and poor germination of the seeds, Chaerophyllum bulbosum has hardly spread in commercial cultivation.

Propagation

Sexual propagation through saving seeds, after harvest of the roots, is the main method of propagation. The seeds are short-lived, which means that the seeds lose their vitality easily (especially in dry seed packets); therefore, fresh seeds should be used every year. Keeping the seeds in cool and slightly damp sand might help sustain their vitality.

Pollinators for Chaerophyllum bulbosum includes flies and beetles.

Diseases

Similar diseases as for carrots and parsnip and other Apiaceae can occur for tuberous-rooted chervil. These are mainly the carrot fly, storage decay and root aphids. Furthermore, it can be host for other aphids, erysiphe heraclei or celery mosaic virus.

Gallery

References

bulbosum
Edible Apiaceae
Flora of Western Asia
Flora of Europe
Plants described in 1753
Root vegetables
Taxa named by Carl Linnaeus

Chaerophyllum bulbosum


Martin Harold Phillips Bott  (12 July 1926 – 20 October 2018) was a British geologist and Professor in the Department of Earth Sciences at the University of Durham, England.

Education
Bott was educated at Clayesmore School in Dorset and Magdalene College, Cambridge, where he was awarded a Master of Arts degree and PhD.

Career
Bott worked throughout his academic career at the University of Durham. In 1954 he started as Turner & Newall Research Fellow. In 1956 he received an appointment as lecturer in Geophysics, was promoted to Reader in Geophysics in 1963 and in 1966 appointed Professor of Geophysics. This place he held until his retirement in 1988, interrupted only in 1970 by a year abroad at the Lamont–Doherty Geological Observatory of Columbia University.

Research
Bott dealt first with the interpretation of magnetic and gravimetric anomalies in England, including Devon and Cornwall and in the eastern Alps. In the late 1950s he began studies on the mechanism of geological disturbances, and published work on various problems in relation to the structure of the crust.

In the 1960s Bott published papers on the use of digital computation methods for solving geophysical problems and further work on the structure of the crust, regional geophysical studies in England and Ireland. In the early 1970s he published his textbook The Interior of the Earth, in which he summarised the current knowledge about the structure of the earth. In addition to theoretical work on the interpretation of magnetic and gravimetric anomalies that appeared over the next few years, he published other geophysical papers on regions such as the Faroe Islands, South Greenland and the Lesser Antilles. Even after his retirement, he remained true to his research and published numerous scientific papers and books.

Awards and honours
Bott was elected a Fellow of the Royal Society (FRS) in 1976, and was the 1992 recipient of the Wollaston Medal from the Geological Society of London. His nomination for the Royal Society reads:

Personal life
Bott was a Vice-President of Christians in Science.

He died on 20 October 2018 at the age of 92.

References

1926 births
2018 deaths
Academics of Durham University
Alumni of Magdalene College, Cambridge
English Christians
English geologists
English geophysicists
Fellows of the Royal Society
Members of the International Society for Science and Religion
People educated at Clayesmore School
Wollaston Medal winners

Martin Bott


Cannikin was an underground nuclear weapons test performed on November 6, 1971, on Amchitka island, Alaska, by the United States Atomic Energy Commission.  The experiment, part of the Operation Grommet nuclear test series, tested the unique W71 warhead design for the LIM-49 Spartan anti-ballistic missile.  With an explosive yield of almost , the test was the largest underground explosion ever detonated by the United States.

Prior to the main five-megaton test in 1971, a  test took place on the island on October 2, 1969, for calibration purposes, and to ensure the subsequent Cannikin test could be contained. This test, Milrow, was included in the Operation Mandrel nuclear test series.

The Cannikin test faced considerable opposition on environmental grounds. The campaigning environmental organization Greenpeace grew out of efforts to oppose the test.

Siting
The Cannikin test was too large to be conducted safely in Nevada.  Amchitka had been considered in the 1950s as a potential nuclear test site, but had been deemed unsuitable at that time.  In 1965, a single nuclear test, Long Shot, was carried out on the island for the purposes of seismic test detection development, under program Vela Uniform.

Preparation
Preparation for the test took place over five years and involved hundreds of staff from the Lawrence Radiation Laboratory, later the Lawrence Livermore National Laboratory. Drilling for the shaft for the Milrow test began in March 1967, with drilling for the Cannikin test commencing in August 1967.

To perform the test, 400 tons of equipment was placed in a shaft  deep and  wide. Test support equipment was designed to survive a ground upheaval of  at test time.

The chairman of the Atomic Energy Commission, James R. Schlesinger, brought his wife and two daughters to Amchitka for the test to emphasize the safety of the test.

Opposition
Both the 1969 calibration test and Cannikin itself attracted protest. Because of the 1964 Alaska earthquake, the plans raised concerns that tests might trigger earthquakes and cause a tsunami. A 1969 demonstration of 7,000 people blocked a major U.S.–Canada border crossing in British Columbia, carrying signs reading "Don't Make A Wave. It's Your Fault If Our Fault Goes". Further demonstrations occurred at Canada–US border crossings in Ontario and Quebec.  The Canadian Don't Make a Wave Committee, founded that year in Vancouver, attempted to halt further nuclear testing on the Aleutian Islands chain. With the intention of sailing to Amchitka to protest the 1971 test, the committee chartered a ship it renamed Greenpeace.   During the voyage to Amchitka, the test was delayed a month. The ship was turned back by the U.S. Coast Guard, although a letter given to the Greenpeace crew showed support of the protest by some on the intervening Coast Guard ship. Under the Greenpeace name, the organization created for the protest continued to exist as the campaigning environmental organization Greenpeace.

In July 1971, the anti-nuclear Committee for Nuclear Responsibility filed suit against the Atomic Energy Commission, asking the court to stop the test. The suit was unsuccessful, with the Supreme Court denying the injunction by 4 votes to 3.  The test was carried out and did not cause a tsunami as feared.

See also
Military history of the Aleutian Islands

References

External links

Underground nuclear weapons testing

Cannikin


Setting can mean:
 Jewelry:
Setting (the noun): Frame or bed into which a diamond or gem is set, see also personal setting
 Setting (the verb) describes is the art to fasten a diamond or gem into a jewelry item
 A place where something is set
 Set construction in theatrical scenery
 Setting (fiction) in literature
 Campaign setting in role playing games
 Setting - a frame - in psychoanalysis and psychotherapy- all the basic rules regulating place, time and behaviors within which therapeutic process and therapeutic alliance evolve
 A Setting is a term used in Irish traditional music to describe a version of a tune that is incompatible when played together with other versions of the same tune.
 Tracking (education), grouping students by ability.
 In computers and electronics, can refer to the configuration of options of the software or device

Setting


Pallithura is the north-west portion of Trivandrum city the capital of Kerala state in India. Literally translated from Malayalam, it means 'the beach (Thura) besides the church (Palli). Although most churches in this region where beside the Arabian Sea, the etymology is significant because Pallitura is one of the places where St. Francis Xavier established a church. This church has now been transformed to the space museum of Vikram Sarabhai Space Centre. The villagers of Pallithura are now famous for their sacrifice in 1962 of most of their village for creating the Thumba Equatorial Rocket Launching Station (TERLS), which was the basis for the formation of Indian Space Research Organization.  The revival of interest in the history of Pallithura resulted as a result of President Abdul Kalam's mentioning of it in his books and speeches.

Location
The location of Pallithura can be specified based on the time in question: before and after the formation of TERLS. Till the formation of TERLS, Pallithura bordered Veli in the south, Kulathoor in the east, and Kochuthura in the north. The Parvathy Puthannaar canal formed the border with Kulathoor.  Due to this vast expanse making the then Pallithura one of the biggest parishes in the diocese. After the formation of TERLS, Parvathy Puthanar Canal become the east and VSSC Housing Colony on South same way Arabian Sea on west and KINFRA Industrial Area on North.

Pallithura of 1960s
Based on the rehabilitation agreement with the government of India, a model village was to be rebuilt to its southern border. The villagers are of Latin Catholic faith and hence a large church which was a priority was built. A primary school was built to facilitate basic education. The houses were neatly built single bedroom on ten-cents of land consisting of a kitchen, patio, and a living room. They were aligned in thirteen parallel lanes, with sixteen houses (eight on each side) on a lane.  A state-of-the-art water supply and distribution system was the attraction providing water for the entire village through two public taps in each lane. A police check-post was formed to maintain order in case people were not very comfortable with the packed nature of their new neighbourhood. A public transport main road with a designated bus stop provided access to the city. In order to aid the villagers who were dependent on the sea for their livelihood, an ice-plant and fish processing centre was built. For entertainment, a radio-kiosk was built and land was set-aside for resting at evenings. A market-place and a medical clinic was built at the centre of the village.

References

Villages in Thiruvananthapuram district

Pallithura


In algebraic geometry, a generic point P of an algebraic variety X is a point in a general position, at which all generic properties are true, a generic property being a property which is true for almost every point.

In classical algebraic geometry, a generic point of an affine or projective algebraic variety of dimension d is a point such that the field generated by its coordinates has transcendence degree d over the field generated by the coefficients of the equations of the variety.

In scheme theory, the spectrum of an integral domain has a unique generic point, which is the zero ideal. As the closure of this point for the Zariski topology is the whole spectrum, the definition has been extended to general topology, where a generic point of a topological space X is a point whose closure is X.

Definition and motivation
A generic point of the topological space X is a point P whose closure is all of X, that is, a point that is dense in X.

The terminology arises from the case of the Zariski topology on the set of subvarieties of an algebraic set: the algebraic set is irreducible (that is, it is not the union of two proper algebraic subsets) if and only if the topological space of the subvarieties has a generic point.

Examples

The only Hausdorff space that has a generic point is the singleton set.
Any integral scheme has a (unique) generic point; in the case of an affine integral scheme (i.e., the prime spectrum of an integral domain) the generic point is the point associated to the prime ideal (0).

History
In the foundational approach of André Weil, developed in his Foundations of Algebraic Geometry, generic points played an important role, but were handled in a different manner. For an algebraic variety V over a field K, generic points of V were a whole class of points of V taking values in a universal domain Ω, an algebraically closed field containing K but also an infinite supply of fresh indeterminates. This approach worked, without any need to deal directly with the topology of V (K-Zariski topology, that is), because the specializations could all be discussed at the field level (as in the valuation theory approach to algebraic geometry, popular in the 1930s).

This was at a cost of there being a huge collection of equally generic points. Oscar Zariski, a colleague of Weil's at São Paulo just after World War II, always insisted that generic points should be unique. (This can be put back into topologists' terms: Weil's idea fails to give a Kolmogorov space and Zariski thinks in terms of the Kolmogorov quotient.)

In the rapid foundational changes of the 1950s Weil's approach became obsolete. In scheme theory, though, from 1957, generic points returned: this time à la Zariski. For example for R a discrete valuation ring, Spec(R) consists of two points, a generic point (coming from the prime ideal {0}) and a closed point or special point coming from the unique maximal ideal. For morphisms to Spec(R), the fiber above the special point is the special fiber, an important concept for example in reduction modulo p, monodromy theory and other theories about degeneration. The generic fiber, equally, is the fiber above the generic point. Geometry of degeneration is largely then about the passage from generic to special fibers, or in other words how specialization of parameters affects matters. (For a discrete valuation ring the topological space in question is the Sierpinski space of topologists. Other local rings have unique generic and special points, but a more complicated spectrum, since they represent general dimensions. The discrete valuation case is much like the complex unit disk, for these purposes.)

References

Algebraic geometry
General topology

Generic point


Devunipalli is a small village under the Andugulapalli Gram Panchayat in Peddapalli district in Telangana state. It is located 2 km away from Andugulapalli and 6 km from Peddapalli. Lakshmi Narasimha Temple, Devunipalli is a famous temple in the village. Every year on the Karthika Purnima day (full moon in the month of Karthik), a Kalyanotsavam (Wedding Festival) is celebrated for the deity, followed by a five-day celebration ending in a Rathotsavam (Chariot Festival). During the five-day celebrations, the village hosts pilgrims from the surrounding villages and towns.

Gallery

Villages in Peddapalli district

Devunipalli


MacHouston "Mickey" Baker (October 15, 1925 – November 27, 2012) was an American guitarist, best known for his work as a studio musician and as part of the recording duo Mickey & Sylvia.

Early life
Baker was born in Louisville, Kentucky. His mother was black, and his father, whom he never met, was believed to be white.

In 1936, at the age of 11, Baker was put into an orphanage. He ran away frequently, and had to be retrieved by the staff from St. Louis, New York City, Chicago, and Pittsburgh. Eventually the orphanage quit looking for him, and at the age of 16, and he stayed in New York City. He found work as a laborer and then a dishwasher, but after hanging out in the pool halls of 26th Street, he gave up regular work to become a full-time pool shark.

By 19, Baker, once again, decided to make a change in his life and went back to dishwashing, but remained determined to become a jazz musician. The trumpet was his first choice for an instrument, but with only $14 saved up, he could not find a pawnshop with anything but guitars for that price.

He enrolled at The New York School of Music, but found the learning pace too slow, so he dropped out and resolved to teach himself instead only to give up shortly afterwards. Six months later, he met a street guitarist who inspired him to start playing again and he resumed taking private lessons from different teachers over the next few years.  His musical style was influenced by saxophonist Charlie Parker.

Career
By 1949, Baker had his own combo, and a few paying jobs. He decided to move west, but found that audiences there were not receptive to progressive jazz music. Baker was stranded without work in California when he saw a show by blues guitarist Pee Wee Crayton. Baker said of the encounter:

"I asked Pee Wee, 'You mean you can make money playing that stuff on guitar?' Here he was driving a big white Eldorado and had a huge bus for his band. So I started bending strings. I was starving to death, and the blues was just a financial thing for me then."

He found a few jobs in Richmond, California, and made enough money to return to New York.

After returning east, Baker began recording for Savoy, King and Atlantic Records. He did sessions with Doc Pomus, The Drifters, Ray Charles, Ivory Joe Hunter, Ruth Brown, Big Joe Turner, Louis Jordan, Coleman Hawkins, Dion and numerous other artists.

Inspired by the success of Les Paul & Mary Ford, he formed the pop duo Mickey & Sylvia (with Sylvia Robinson, one of his guitar students) in the mid-1950s. Together, they had a hit single with "Love Is Strange" in 1956. After the duo split up in the late 1958, Baker recorded with Kitty Noble as Mickey & Kitty. They released three records on Atlantic Records in 1959. In late 1959, Baker released his debut solo album, The Wildest Guitar, on Atlantic. Mickey & Sylvia reunited in 1960 and sporadically worked together on additional tracks until the mid-1960s.

Around this time he moved to France, where he worked with Ronnie Bird and Chantal Goya and made a few solo records. He would remain in France for the rest of his life. Up until the end of his life, Baker was rarely without work. As well as his influential series of guitar tutor books, he recorded two albums during the 1970s with British label Big Bear Records, one, Take A look Inside, as the featured artist and another as sideman to trombonist Gene Conners.

Baker appeared at the 1975 version of the Roskilde Festival.

Because Baker revealed very few details about his private life, reasons for his move to France were never made completely clear.  Some media sources claimed that Baker had grown tired of the business aspects of the commercial music industry in the United States, while others stated that the bi-racial Baker was angered by the growing rate of hate crimes in the southern United States, during the burgeoning civil rights movement.

Personal life
Baker guarded his personal life as much as possible, giving few interviews and making only sporadic public appearances.  After moving to France, he rarely left the country, and made very few trips to the United States.

Baker was married six times. Among his wives were Barbara Castellano from the mid-1950s to the mid-1970s, and Marie France-Drei, a singer with whom he stayed from the early 1980s until his death.

Baker had two children; a son, MacHouston Jr., and a daughter, Bonita Lee.

Death
Baker died on November 27, 2012, near Toulouse, France, aged 87.  His wife, Marie, said he died of heart and kidney failure.

Books
Baker's self-tuition method book series, the Complete Course in Jazz Guitar is a mainstay for introducing students of guitar to the world of jazz. They have remained in print for over 50 years.

Awards and honors
In 1999, Baker received the Pioneer Award from the Rhythm and Blues Foundation.

In 2003, Baker was listed at No. 53 on Rolling Stones "100 Greatest Guitarists of All Time".

In 2004, "Love Is Strange" was inducted into the Grammy Hall of Fame.

Discography

As leader
 The Wildest Guitar (Atlantic, 1959)
 Bossa Nova en Direct du Bresil (Versailles, 1962)
 Mickey Baker Plays Mickey Baker (Versailles, 1962)
 But Wild (King, 1963)
 Bluesingly Yours with Memphis Slim (Polydor, 1968)
 Mickey Baker in Blunderland (Major Minor, 1970)
 The Blues and Me (Black and Blue, 1974)
 Take a Look Inside (Big Bear, 1975)
 Tales from the Underdog (Artist, 1975)
 Mississippi Delta Dues (Blue Star, 1975)
 Up On the Hill (Roots, 1975)
 Blues and Jazz Guitar (Kicking Mule, 1977)
 Jazz Rock Guitar (Kicking Mule, 1978)
 Sweet Harmony (Bellaphone, 1980)
 Back to the Blues (Blue Silver, 1981)
 The Legendary Mickey Baker (Shanachie, 1991)
 New Sounds (Legacy, 2015)

As sidemanWith Dion DiMucci Runaround Sue (Laurie Records, 1961)With Colette Magny Melocoton (CBS, 1963)
 Frappe Ton Coeur (Le Chant du Monde, 1963)
 Colette Magny (Le Chant du Monde, 1967)With others'''
 Big Maybelle, The Okeh Sessions (Charly, 1983)
 Ronnie Bird, L'amour Nous Rend Fou (Decca, 1964)
 Clarence "Gatemouth" Brown, The Blues Ain't Nothing (Black and Blue, 1972)
 Nappy Brown, Don't Be Angry! (Savoy, 1984)
 Ruth Brown, Ruth Brown (Atlantic, 1957)
 Ruth Brown, Miss Rhythm (Atlantic, 1959)
 Solomon Burke, Solomon Burke (Apollo Records, 1962)
 Milt Buckner, Rockin' Hammond (Capitol, 1956)
 Eric Charden, Eric Charden (Vega, 1963)
 Gene "The Might Flea" Connors, Let The Good Times Roll (Big Bear, 1973)
 Buck Clayton, Buck Clayton and Friends (Gitanes Jazz, 2007)
 Jimmy Dawkins, Jimmy Dawkins (Vogue, 1972)
 Jean-Jacques Debout, Jean-Jacques Debout (Vogue, 1964)
 Bill Doggett, Moondust (Odeon, 1959)
 Champion Jack Dupree, Champion Jack Dupree and His Blues Band Featuring Mickey Baker (Decca, 1967)
 Champion Jack Dupree, I'm Happy to Be Free (Vogue, 1972)
 Stefan Grossman, Friends Forever (Guitar Workshop, 2008)
 Coleman Hawkins, Disorder at the Border (Milan, 1989)
 Screamin' Jay Hawkins, At Home with Screamin' Jay Hawkins (Epic, 1958)
 Screamin' Jay Hawkins, ...What That Is! (Philips, 1969)
 Little Willie John, Fever (King, 1956)
 Louis Jordan, Somebody Up There Digs Me (Mercury, 1957)
 Booker T. Laury, Nothing but the Blues (Blue Silver, 1981)
 Booker T. Laury, Booker in Paris (EPM, 1992)
 Memphis Slim, Very Much Alive and in Montreux (Barclay, 1973)
 Jimmy Scott, If You Only Knew (Savoy, 2000)
 Sonny Terry & Brownie McGhee, Back Country Blues (CBS, 1958)
 Sylvie Vartan, Sylvie Vartan's Story 1962 & 1963'' (RCA Camden, 1969)

References

External links
 100 Greatest Guitarists of All Time
 Everyguitarist.com
 [ Allmusic biographical notes]
 Mickey Baker, NY Times

1925 births
2012 deaths
African-American guitarists
20th-century American guitarists
21st-century American guitarists
American jazz guitarists
Mainstream jazz guitarists
American rock guitarists
American rhythm and blues guitarists
American male guitarists
Musicians from Louisville, Kentucky
American expatriates in France
East Coast blues musicians
Savoy Records artists
Jazz musicians from Kentucky
Rock musicians from Kentucky
Guitarists from Kentucky
20th-century American male musicians
21st-century American male musicians
American male jazz musicians
Black & Blue Records artists
MGM Records artists
King Records artists
Atlantic Records artists
20th-century African-American musicians
21st-century African-American musicians

Mickey Baker


Empire State Youth Orchestras (ESYO) is an ensemble of classical music performing groups aimed at providing talented young musicians with an opportunity to participate in group ensembles with other similar musicians. Based in the Capital Region of upstate New York, ESYO ensembles are composed of a total of approximately 300 talented and musically advanced high- and middle-school students from New York and western New England. The most advanced group, the Symphony Orchestra, is considered one of the premier youth orchestras in the United States, and regularly performs concerts at the Troy Savings Bank Music Hall, Ozawa Hall at the Tanglewood Music Center, and Carnegie Hall and in New York City.

History
In 1979, Barry Richman founded ESYO, consisting of a single orchestra, known as the "Youth Orchestra." Along with two colleagues, Lois Lyman and Eleanor Barnes, Richman brought together a group of parents and music educators. Together they organized an orchestra for some of the talented young musicians throughout the Capital Region. The Empire State Junior Orchestra was added in 1981 for middle-school aged students, and over time, additional ensembles were added to allow even more young people to participate. Today's ESYO consists of nine performing ensembles including over 300 musicians: two full orchestras, a wind orchestra, a string ensemble, two jazz ensembles, and three percussion ensembles. Previous conductors of the orchestra have included Victoria Bond, Eiji Oue, Paavo Järvi, Francisco Noya, Jin Kim, Burton Kaplan, Helen Cha-Pyo, and Carlos Ágreda.

Ensembles
ESYO is composed of thirteen ensembles:
 ESYO Symphony Orchestra - Etienne Abelin, Conductor
 ESYO Repertory Orchestra - David Beck, Conductor
 ESYO Wind Orchestra - Robert Hansbrough, Conductor
 ESYO String Orchestra - Joseph Gumpper, Conductor
 ESYO Youth Jazz Orchestra- Lee Russo, Conductor
 ESYO Repertory Jazz Orchestra - David Fisk, Conductor
 ESYO Youth Percussion Ensemble - Richard Albagli and Mark Foster, Co-Conductors
 ESYO Repertory Percussion Ensemble - Richard Albagli and John Antonio, Co-Conductors
 ESYO Chamber Percussion Ensemble - Genoveffa Vitale, Conductor
ESYO Concertino Strings - Leo Milman, Conductor
ESYO Concertino Wind Choir, Julie Taylor
ESYO Concertino Brass Choir, Scott Hopkins
ESYO Chorale, Rae Jean Teeter

Programming
The Youth Orchestra is well known for its 30+ year participation in CBS 6's Melodies of Christmas (benefit concerts for the Melodies Center for Childhood Cancer and Blood Disorders at the Children's Hospital at Albany Medical Center). ESYO's ensembles also give approximately 30 public performances a year.  ESYO reaches out to the community with an annual free concert for senior citizens, concerts for young people, recitals in nursing homes, and performances at public events. In addition, the ensembles perform an annual "Playathon" fundraiser at Crossgates Mall in which they play for the entire day.

In May 2010, the Youth Orchestra performed for the first time at EMPAC at Rensselaer Polytechnic Institute in the grand finale concert of the Albany Symphony Orchestra's American Music Festival.  Other ESYO ensembles routinely perform at the Massry Center for the Arts, The College of Saint Rose, as well as at area high schools.  The Repertory Orchestra routinely performs with Albany Pro Musica at its annual High School Choral Festival.

In June 2011, ESYO won 2nd prize for Adventurous Programming (Youth Division) from ASCAP (American Society of Composer, Authors, and Publishers).   The award was presented to Music Director Helen Cha-Pyo at the League of American Orchestra's annual conference in Minneapolis, Minnesota.  This was the 3rd ASCAP award for ESYO; in June 2008, ESYO received 1st prize for Adventurous Programming (Youth Division) and the rarely presented Award for American Programming on Foreign Tours.

During June 2020, ESYO live streamed a three-day digital music festival titled "#SoundingTogether" among the COVID-19 pandemic. The campaign took at-home video from students and musicians and broadcast them in a virtual concert format. During Day 3 of the festival, ESYO unveiled the first ever 360° video At-Home Orchestra, which featured 125 musicians performing "Ay Caray", an original composition by Carlos Ágreda in a 3d environment.

Touring
The Youth Orchestra embarked on a fifth international tour in the summer of 2012 after accepting an invitation to perform at the 2012 World Expo in Yeosu, South Korea.  The orchestra also gave concerts in Beijing, Shanghai, and Seoul.   Previous tours included traveling to Austria and Hungary in 1989, to Spain in 1994, to Germany and the Czech Republic in 2000, and to Germany, the Czech Republic, and Austria in 2008. In the Summer of 2018 the ESYO Wind Orchestra embarked on an international tour for the first time, including Hungary.

The 2008 tour was particularly distinguished as the Youth Orchestra premiered American composer Samuel Adler's piece "A Bridge to Understanding" with Dr. Adler accompanying the orchestra on tour.  "A Bridge to Understanding" was commissioned by ESYO for its Youth Orchestra to perform in a festival of new music in March 2008.  During that festival, ESYO ensembles premiered nine pieces - one commissioned for each of ESYO's performing ensembles.  The festival was funded in part by a $100,000 grant from New York State Music Fund at Rockefeller Philanthropy Advisors. A future tour will occur in July 2020 to Argentina and Uruguay.

Outreach
In addition to its performing groups, in 2015 ESYO launched CHIME, an "El Sistema" based program. Through free, daily music instruction and mentorship, ESYO CHIME provides young musicians from poor communities comprehensive support at both the elementary and middle school levels.

ESYO provided free private lessons to poor students in Schenectady for nearly two decades, and in 2015, in partnership with the Schenectady City School District (SCSD), it launched a new access program called, Creating Harmony Invigorating Music Education—CHIME.

Beginning with a cohort of 30 children at Schenectady's Yates Arts in Education Magnet School, CHIME now serves more than 100 children at three Schenectady program sites with plans to add a fourth by 2020. In 2018 ESYO opened a Troy site

References

American youth orchestras
1979 establishments in New York (state)
Musical groups established in 1979
Youth organizations based in New York (state)
Capital District (New York)
Orchestras based in New York (state)

Empire State Youth Orchestra