Gaius Marius (;  – 13 January 86 BC) was a Roman general and statesman. Victor of the Cimbric and Jugurthine wars, he held the office of consul an unprecedented seven times.

Rising from a well-off provincial Italian family in Arpinum, Marius acquired his initial military experience serving with Scipio Aemilianus at the Siege of Numantia in 134 BC. He won election as tribune of the plebs in 119 BC and passed a law limiting aristocratic interference in elections. Barely elected praetor in 115 BC, he next became the governor of Further Spain where he campaigned against bandits. On his return from Spain he married Julia, the aunt of Julius Caesar.

Marius attained his first consulship in 107 BC and became the commander of Roman forces in Numidia, where he brought an end to the Jugurthine War. By 105 BC Rome faced an invasion by the Cimbri and Teutones, and the comitia centuriata elected Marius consul for a second time to face this new threat. Marius was consul every year from 104–100 BC, and he defeated the Teutones at Aqua Sextiae and the Cimbri at Vercellae. However, Marius suffered political setbacks during his sixth consulship in 100 BC and afterwards entered a period of semi-retirement from public life.

The Republic fell into crisis with the outbreak of the Social War in 91 BC, in which Marius fought with limited success. He then became embroiled in a conflict with the Roman general Sulla which resulted in his exile to Africa in 88 BC. Marius returned to Italy from Carthage during the War of Octavius, seized Rome, and began a bloody reign of terror in the city which culminated in him being elected consul a seventh time and then dying at the beginning of his consulship, in 86 BC.

In the 19th century, Marius was credited with the so-called Marian reforms, including the shift from militia levies to a professional soldiery; improvements to the pilum (a kind of javelin); and changes to the logistical structure of the Roman army. Twenty-first-century historians generally view the notion as "a construct of modern scholarship."

Life

Early career
Marius was born in Cereatae , a small village near the town of Arpinum in south-east Latium. The town had been conquered by the Romans in the late 4th century BC and was initially given Roman citizenship without voting rights (civitas sine suffragio). Only in 188 BC, thirty years before his birth, did the town receive full citizenship. Although Plutarch claims that Marius's father was a labourer, this is almost certainly false since Marius had connections with the nobility in Rome, he ran for local office in Arpinum, and he had marriage relations with the local nobility in Arpinum, all of which when taken together indicate that he was born into a locally important family of equestrian status. While many of the problems he faced during his early career in Rome show the difficulties that faced a "new man" (novus homo) in being accepted into the stratified upper echelons of Roman society, Marius – even as a young man – was not poor or even middle-class; he was most assuredly born into inherited wealth, gained most likely from large land holdings. In fact, his family's resources were definitely large enough to support not just one member of the family in Roman politics, but two: Marius's younger brother, Marcus Marius, also entered Roman public life.

In 134 BC, Marius joined the personal legion of Scipio Aemilianus as an officer for the expedition to Numantia. It is unclear whether or not Marius was already present and serving in Numantia with the previous commander when Aemilianus arrived. While serving with the army at Numantia, his military aptitude brought him to the attention of Scipio Aemilianus. According to Plutarch, during a conversation after dinner, when the conversation turned to generals and someone asked Scipio Aemilianus where the Roman people would find a worthy successor to him, the younger Scipio gently tapped on Marius's shoulder, saying "Perhaps this is the man".

It would seem that even at this early stage of his military career, Marius had ambitions for a political career in Rome. He was elected on the basis of his accomplishments, even though he was not known by sight to the electors, as one of the twenty-four special military tribunes. After election, he likely served Quintus Caecilius Metellus Balearicus on the Balearic Islands, helping him win a triumph. Next, Marius possibly ran for the quaestorship after losing an election for local office in Arpinum. He may have stood for local office as a means of gaining support back home, and lost to a local competitor. It is possible, however, that Marius never ran for the quaestorship at all, jumping directly to plebeian tribune. He likely participated in the major Roman victory at the Battle of the Isère River in 121 BC, which permanently cemented Roman control over southern Gaul.

In 120 BC, Marius was returned as a plebeian tribune for the following year. He won with the support of the Metelli, specifically Lucius Caecilius Metellus Dalmaticus. While Plutarch says the Metelli were one of his family's hereditary patrons, this may be a latter-day exaggeration. It was not uncommon for prospective consuls to campaign for their candidates for the tribunate and lower the possibility of opposition tribunes exercising their vetoes.

Plutarch relates that against the wishes of his patrons, he pushed through a law that restricted the interference of the wealthy in elections. In the 130s, voting by ballot had been introduced in elections for choosing magistrates, passing laws and deciding legal cases, replacing the earlier system of oral voting. The wealthy continued to try to influence the voting by inspecting ballots, and Marius passed a law narrowing the passages down which voters passed to cast their votes in order to prevent outsiders from harassing the electors or seeing who was voted for. It is not clear, however, whether Plutarch's narrative history properly reflects how controversial this proposal in fact was; Cicero, writing during the Republic, describes this  as quite straightforward and uncontroversial. Plutarch reports that he then alienated the plebs by vetoing a bill expanding the grain dole, but it is more likely that Plutarch misinterpreted Marius as vetoing attempts to interfere in the existing grain provisions.

Soon thereafter, in 117 BC, Marius stood for the aedileship and lost. It seems clear that by this time, due to the enormous financial difficulties that any prospective aedile would have to shoulder, Marius had either amassed or was availed of significant financial resources. This loss was at least in part due to the enmity of the Metelli. In 116 BC he barely won election as praetor for the following year, coming in last, and was promptly accused of  (electoral corruption). Being accused of electoral corruption was common during the middle and late Republic and details of the trial are sketchy or apocryphal. Marius, however, was able to win acquittal on this charge, and spent an uneventful year as praetor in Rome, likely as either  or as president of the corruption court. In 114 BC, Marius's imperium was prorogued and was sent to govern the highly sought-after province of Further Spain () pro consule, where he engaged in some sort of minor military operation to clear brigands from untapped mining areas. He likely governed his province for two years before returning to Rome late in 113 BC with his personal wealth greatly enlarged.

He received no triumph on his return, but he did marry Julia, the aunt of Julius Caesar. The Julii Caesares were a patrician family, but at this period seem to have found it hard to advance beyond the praetorship into the consulship. The Julii had done so only once in the 2nd century, in 157 BC. The match was advantageous to both sides: Marius gained respectability by marrying into a patrician family and the Julii received a great injection of energy and money. Sources are unclear on whether Marius joined the annual race of former praetors for the consulship, but it is likely that he failed to be elected at least once.

Subordinate to Metellus
The Jugurthine War started in 112 BC due to "Roman exasperation with the ambitions of Jugurtha", a Numidian king who had killed his half-brothers, massacred Italians in his civil war against them, and bribed many prominent Romans to support him in the Senate. After the start of hostilities, the first army sent to Numidia was apparently bribed to withdraw and the second army was defeated and forced to pass under the yoke in humiliation. These debacles eroded trust in the ability of the aristocracy to adequately manage foreign affairs.

While Marius had seemingly broken with the Caecilii Metelli during his time as tribune and praetor, the Metelli did not seem to hold this rupture against him so much as to pass over him for selection as legate in the opening phases of the Jugurthine War. In 109 BC, likely to improve his chances for the consulship, Marius joined then-consul Quintus Caecilius Metellus in his campaign against Jugurtha. In Sallust's long account of Metellus's campaign, no other legates are mentioned, so Marius was probably Metellus's senior subordinate and right-hand man. Metellus was using Marius's strong military experience, while Marius was strengthening his position to stand for the consulship.

During the Battle of the Muthul, Marius's actions probably saved the army of Metellus from annihilation. Jugurtha had cut the Romans off from the River Muthul where they wanted to refill their water reserves. The Romans had to fight Jugurtha in the desert where the Numidian light cavalry had an advantage. The Numidian cavalry scattered the Romans into small detachments and soon had control of the battlefield. Each group of Romans was fighting for survival independently. At this point Marius re-organized a few detachments and led a column of 2,000 men through the Numidians to link up with Metellus. Together they led their men against the Numidian infantry who occupied a hill. After gaining control of the hill Marius and Metellus led their men against the rear of the Numidian cavalry. The Romans gained the initiative and the Numidians had no choice but to withdraw.

Standing for the consulship
By 108 BC, Marius expressed his desire to stand for consul. Metellus did not give Marius his blessing to return to Rome, allegedly advising Marius to wait until Metellus's son was elected (who was at the time only twenty, signifying a campaign decades in the future). Undeterred, Marius began to campaign for the consulship. Sallust claims that this was catalysed, in part, by a fortune-teller in Utica who "declared that a great and marvellous career awaited him; the seer accordingly advised him, trusting in the gods, to carry out what he had in mind and put his fortune to the test as often as possible, predicting that all his undertakings would have a happy issue".

Marius soon earned the respect of the troops by his conduct towards them, eating his meals with them and proving he was not afraid to share in any of their labours. He also won over the Italian traders by claiming that he could capture Jugurtha in a few days with half of Metellus's troops. Both groups wrote home in praise of him, suggesting that he could end the war quickly, unlike Metellus, who was pursuing a policy of methodically subduing the countryside.

During the winter of 109 and 108 BC, a detachment of Roman soldiers serving as the garrison of Vaga was ambushed and cut down almost to a man. The garrison commander, one Titus Turpilius Silanus, a client of Metellus, escaped unharmed. Marius allegedly urged Metellus to sentence Silanus to death on charges of cowardice, but then turned on Metellus, arguing that the sentence was disproportionate and overly harsh. Marius also sent letters back to Rome claiming that Metellus had become enamoured with the unlimited powers associated with his imperium. Metellus, wary of an increasingly disgruntled and resentful subordinate, permitted Marius to return to Rome. According to Plutarch, he returned with barely enough time to make it back for the consular elections; but according to Sallust, with enough time to effectively canvass for votes.

With growing political pressure towards a quick victory over Jugurtha and equestrian hostility toward the senate's conduct of the war, Marius was elected consul for 107 BC, campaigning against Metellus's apparent lack of swift action against Jugurtha, with Lucius Cassius Longinus as his colleague. The senate prorogued Metellus's command in Numidia, thereby preventing Marius from assuming command. Marius got around this by inducing an ally of his, then-tribune Titus Manlius Mancinus, to have the concilium plebis override the Senate's decision and give him the command. Metellus refused to personally hand over command to Marius and returned to Rome. Upon his return, the senate voted Metellus a triumph and the agnomen Numidicus.

Command in Numidia

Seeking troops to bolster the forces in Numidia and win his promised quick victory, Marius found it difficult to recruit from Rome's traditional source of manpower, property-holding men. Except in emergencies, normal practice in the middle republic was only to allow property-owning citizens to enlist in the legions; this may have been related to Tiberius Gracchus's reforms which would have, by giving more people more land, made more men eligible to serve in the legions. While the senate allowed Marius to conscript men normally, he preferred instead to request volunteers, especially among discharged veterans (), with promises of victory and plunder. He also recruited volunteers from men without property, the . With more troops mustering in southern Italy, Marius sailed for Africa, leaving his cavalry in the hands of his newly elected quaestor, Lucius Cornelius Sulla.

Marius found that ending the war was more difficult than he had previously boasted. Jugurtha was fighting a guerrilla war, and it appeared that no strategy would work better than Metellus's strategy of denying Jugurtha local reinforcement and support. Marius arrived comparatively late in 107 BC but still fought and won a battle near Cirta (modern Constantine, Algeria). At the end of 107 he surprised Jugurtha by a dangerous desert march to Capsa in the far south where, after the town surrendered, he killed all the adult males, enslaved the remaining survivors, and razed the town, distributing the loot to his soldiers. Keeping up the pressure, he drove Jugurtha's forces southwards and westwards into Mauretania. Marius had been supposedly unhappy at receiving the dissolute and libertine Lucius Cornelius Sulla as his quaestor, but Sulla proved a highly competent officer and was well liked by the men.

Meanwhile, Jugurtha was trying to get his father-in-law king Bocchus of Mauretania to join him in the war against the Romans. In 106, Marius marched his army far to the west, capturing a fortress near the river Molochath. Unfortunately, this advance brought him near the dominions of Bocchus, finally provoking the Mauretanian into action; in the deserts just west of Serif, Marius was taken by surprise by a combined army of Numidians and Mauretanians under the command of the two enemy kings. For once, Marius was unprepared for action and in the melee all he could do was form defensive circles. The attack was pressed by Mauretanian and Gaetulian horsemen and for a time Marius and his main force found themselves besieged on a hill, while Sulla and his men were on the defensive on another hill nearby. The Romans managed to hold off the enemy until evening and the Africans retired. The next morning at dawn the Romans surprised the Africans' insufficiently guarded camp and completely routed the Numidian–Mauretanian army. Marius then marched east to winter quarters in Cirta. The African kings harried the retreat with light cavalry, but were beaten back by Sulla, whom Marius had put in command of the cavalry. It was by now evident that Rome would not defeat Jugurtha's guerrilla tactics through military means. Therefore, Marius resumed negotiations with Bocchus, who, though he had joined in the fighting, had not yet declared war.

Ultimately, Marius reached a deal with Bocchus whereby Sulla, who was friendly with members of Bocchus's court, would enter Bocchus's camp to receive Jugurtha as a hostage. In spite of the possibility of treachery on the Mauritanian's part, Sulla agreed; Jugurtha's remaining followers were massacred, and he himself was handed over in chains to Sulla by Bocchus. In the aftermath, Bocchus annexed the western part of Jugurtha's kingdom and was recognised as an ally of Rome. Jugurtha was thrown into an underground prison (the Tullianum) in Rome, and ultimately died after gracing Marius's triumph in 104 BC.

Sulla and Marius, after the triumph, disputed who received credit for capturing Jugurtha. As Sulla was acting as Marius's subordinate, under Roman tradition, the credit was Marius's; Sulla and his noble allies, however, focused on Sulla's direct responsibility to discredit Marius's victory. According to Plutarch, this was "the first seed" of their "incurable hatred".

Putative reforms to the military

Marius has, in modern scholarship starting from the 1840s in Germany, repeatedly been attributed with broad reforms to the military during his consulships between 107 and 100 BC. The standard narrative is that after a series of manpower shortages, Marius received a dispensation to recruit volunteers from the poorest census class, the , for the war against Jugurtha in 107 BC. There is, however, very little evidence that Italy's population fell during the second century, that any major reforms to the Roman army occurred in the second century, or that Marius was responsible; specialists now increasingly dismiss these "Marian reforms" as a "construct of modern scholarship".

The recruitment of  in 107, documented in Sallust, seems to have been a one-time affair: the volunteers were discharged on their return from the war and Marius, upon assuming command against the Cimbri, took over command of a consular army in northern Italy levied in the traditional manner. There are no indications that open recruitment of volunteers changed the social composition of the legions and later texts indicate that the Romans continued to raise most of their armies by conscription. The armies of the late Republic still were predominantly drawn from rural populations. The narrative that the army's domination by poor volunteers, who in search of riches and retirement bonuses became the clients of their generals, who then used those armies to overthrow the republic, is now rejected.

Other reforms attributed to Marius include the abolition of the citizen cavalry and light infantry, a redesign of the , a standardised eagle standard for all legions, and the substitution of the cohort for the maniple. There is little evidence for the abolition of the citizen cavalry and light infantry by the first century BC, as they are still attested in evidence. If Marius redesigned the , archaeological finds indicate his design was soon discarded. Literary evidence indicates that eagle standards continued to co-exist through the late republic with other traditional animal standards including the ox and wolf. Lastly, there is no ancient evidence that Marius introduced the cohort; Sallust's narrative gives the last attestation of the maniple in 109 BC under Metellus Numidicus' command.

Changes to logistical arrangements and training, the  ("Marius's mules") of common historiography, were regular practice among Roman generals: seeking victory, they generally sought the speed advantages of operating without large baggage trains and to ensure that their men were well-trained for combat.

Cimbri and Teutones

In 109 BC a migrating Germanic tribe called the Cimbri appeared in Gaul and routed the Roman army there under Marcus Junius Silanus. This defeat reduced Roman prestige and resulted in unrest among the Celtic tribes recently conquered by the Romans in southern Gaul. In 107 the consul Lucius Cassius Longinus was completely defeated by the Tigurini, and the senior surviving officer (one Gaius Popillius, son of the consul of 132) had saved what was left only by surrendering half the baggage and suffering the humiliation of having his army "pass under the yoke". The next year, 106 BC, another consul, Quintus Servilius Caepio, marched to Gaul with a new army to salvage the situation. Caepio was prorogued into the next year and the new consul for 105 BC, Gnaeus Mallius Maximus, was also assigned to southern Gaul with another army. Caepio's disdain for Mallius – a new man like Marius with a hunger for glory – made it impossible for them to cooperate.

The Cimbri and another tribe called the Teutones appeared on the Rhône, and while Caepio was on the west bank he refused to come to the aid of Mallius on the east. The Senate was unable to induce Caepio to cooperate with Mallius, which proved both generals' undoing. At the Battle of Arausio (modern Orange), the Cimbri overran Caepio's legions with massively overwhelming numbers. Caepio's routed men crashed into Mallius's troops, which led to both armies being pinned against the Rhône and annihilated by the numerically dominant Cimbrian warriors. News of this defeat reached Rome just shortly after Marius completed the campaign against Jugurtha successfully.

The Republic, altogether lacking generals who had recently concluded military campaigns successfully, took the illegal step of electing Marius in absentia for a second consulship in three years. While his election was not unprecedented, as Quintus Fabius Maximus had been elected for consecutive consulships and it was not unheard of for consuls to be elected in absentia, the precedent was certainly not recent. Yet, since the Assembly had the ability to overturn any law, it simply set aside the requirements and made Marius consul.

As consul
Marius was still in Africa when the Assembly elected him consul for 104 BC. At the start of his consulship, Marius returned from Africa in spectacular triumph, bringing Jugurtha and the riches of North Africa to awe the citizenry. Jugurtha, who had prophesied the purchase and destruction of Rome, met his end in a Roman prison after having been led through the streets of the city in chains. Marius was assigned (it is unclear whether by the Assembly or by sortition) the province of Gaul to deal with the Cimbric threat.

The Cimbri, after their decisive victory at Arausio, marched west into Hispania. Marius was tasked with rebuilding, effectively from scratch, the Gallic legions. Building his army around a core of trained legionaries from the last year, Marius again secured exemption from the property requirements and with his newly minted reputation for victory, raised an army of some thirty thousand Romans and forty thousand Italian allies and auxiliaries. He established a base around the town of Aquae Sextiae (modern Aix-en-Provence) and trained his men.

One of his legates was his old quaestor, Sulla, which shows that at this time there was no ill will between them. In 104 BC, Marius was returned as consul again for 103 BC. Though he could have continued to operate as proconsul, it is likely that the people re-elected him as consul so as to avoid another incident of disputed command à la Caepio and Mallius. While Plutarch – possibly referencing the memoirs of Rutilius Rufus – jibed that Marius's consular colleagues were his servants, Evans dismisses this.

In 103 BC, the Germans still did not emerge from Hispania, and Marius's colleague died, requiring Marius to return to Rome to call elections. Lacking a decisive conclusion to the Cimbrian conflict over the last two years, it was not a foregone conclusion that Marius would win reelection. An appeal by a young tribune, Lucius Appuleius Saturninus, in a public meeting before the vote – along with a field of candidates without great name recognition – allowed Marius to be returned as consul again in 102 BC. His colleague was Quintus Lutatius Catulus. Over his successive consulships, Marius was not idle. He trained his troops, built his intelligence network, and conducted diplomacy with the Gallic tribes on the provincial frontiers.

Battle with the Germanic tribes

The decision to re-elect Marius as consul for 102 BC was vindicated when the Cimbri returned from Hispania and, with a number of other tribes, moved on Italy. The Teutones and their allies the Ambrones were to head south and advance toward Italy from the west along the coast; the Cimbri were to attempt to cross the Alps into Italy from the north by the Brenner Pass; and the Tigurini (the allied Celtic tribe who had defeated Longinus in 107) were to cross the Alps from the northeast. The two consuls divided their forces, with Marius heading west into Gaul and Catulus holding the Italian Alps.

In the west, Marius denied the Teutones and Ambrones battle, staying inside a fortified camp and fighting off their attempts to storm it. Failing to take his camp, the Teutones and their allies moved on. Marius shadowed them, waiting for an opportune moment to attack. Near Aquae Sextiae (modern Aix-en-Provence), an accidental skirmish between Roman camp servants, getting water, and bathing Ambrones turned into a spontaneous battle between Marius's army and the Ambrones in which the Romans defeated some 30,000 Ambrones. The next day, the Teutones and the Ambrones counterattacked up a hill against the Roman position. Marcus Claudius Marcellus flanked their advance with a column of three thousand men, turning the battle into a slaughter: estimates vary from 100,000 to 200,000 being slain or captured. Marius sent Manius Aquillius with a report to Rome that said 37,000 superbly trained Romans had succeeded in defeating over 100,000 Germans in two engagements.

Marius's consular colleague in 102 BC, Quintus Lutatius Catulus, who Marius may have expected to "spend a fruitless year employed in garrison duty", did not fare so well. He suffered some casualties in a minor engagement up in one of the mountain valleys near Tridentum. Catulus then withdrew and the Cimbri entered northern Italy. The Cimbri paused in northern Italy to regroup and await expected reinforcements from the other Alpine passes.

Shortly after Marius had vanquished the western invaders at Aquae Sextiae, Marius received news that he had been re-elected to his fourth consecutive consulship (and fifth consulship as a whole) as consul for 101 BC. His colleague would be his friend Manius Aquillius. After election, he returned to Rome to announce his victory at Aquae Sextiae, deferred a triumph, and promptly marched north with his army to join Catulus, whose command was prorogued since Marius's consular colleague was dispatched to defeat a slave revolt in Sicily.

In late July 101 BC, during a meeting with the Cimbri, the invading tribesmen threatened the Romans with the advance of the Teutones and Ambrones. After informing the Cimbri of their allies's destruction, both sides prepared for battle. In the ensuing battle – the Battle of Vercellae (or the Raudine Plain) – Rome decisively defeated the Cimbri. Caught off guard by Sulla's cavalry, pinned down by Catulus's infantry and flanked by Marius, the Cimbri were slaughtered and the survivors enslaved. Upwards of 120,000 Cimbri perished. The Tigurini gave up their efforts to enter Italy from the northeast and went home.

After fifteen days of thanksgiving, Catulus and Marius celebrated a joint triumph. Plutarch reports that Marius was also hailed as "the third founder of Rome", but this is unlikely, as the identification of Camillus as a second founder dates to after the Sullan-era annalists and may be in fact post-Ciceronean. In the popular imagination, it was Marius who "deserved to be the sole beneficiary of the two triumphs awarded for the decisive conclusion of the war". At the same time, Marius's consular colleague, Manius Aquillius, defeated the Sicilian slave revolt in the Second Servile War. Having saved the Republic from destruction and at the height of his political powers, Marius desired another consulship to secure land grants for his veteran volunteers and to ensure he received appropriate credit for his military successes. Marius was duly returned as consul for 100 BC with Lucius Valerius Flaccus; according to Plutarch, he also campaigned on behalf of his colleague so to prevent his rival Metellus Numidicus from securing a seat.

Sixth consulship

During the year of Marius's sixth consulship (100 BC), Lucius Appuleius Saturninus was tribune of the plebs for the second time and advocated reforms like those earlier put forth by the Gracchi. Saturninus, after assassinating one of his political opponents to the tribunate, pushed for bills that would drive Marius's former commanding officer Metellus Numidicus into exile, lower the price of wheat distributed by the state, and give colonial lands to the veterans of Marius's recent war. Saturninus's bill gave lands to all veterans of the Cimbric wars, including those of Italian allies, which was resented by some of the plebs urbana.

Marius worked with Saturninus and Saturninus's ally Glaucia to pass the land bill and banish Metellus Numidicus, but then distanced himself from them and their more radical policies. Around the start of the annual campaign season for the consulship, Marius attempted to disqualify Glaucia from standing for consul. Because other candidates would lower the chances of Glaucia's victory, Saturninus and Glaucia had an opponent – Gaius Memmius – killed during the consular elections for 99 BC. The elections then were delayed. The Senate responded to Saturninus's attempt, to by violence force through Glaucia's candidacy over Marius's disqualification, by issuing a senatus consultum ultimum, and – for the first time – ordered the magistrates to take whatever actions they felt necessary to end unrest generated by other Roman magistrates.

After rejecting a plan to deploy the army near Rome under proconsul Marcus Antonius, Marius rallied volunteers from the urban plebs and his veterans. He cut the water supply to the Capitoline hill and put Saturninus under a short and decisive siege. After Saturninus surrendered, Marius attempted to keep Saturninus and his followers alive by locking them safely inside the senate house, where they would await prosecution. Possibly with Marius's implied consent, an angry mob broke into the building and, by dislodging the roof tiles and throwing them at the prisoners below, lynched those inside. Glaucia too was dragged from a house and killed.

In complying with the Senate's wishes, Marius tried to show the Senate, who had always been suspicious of his motives, that he was one of them instead of the outsider that Quintus Metellus said he was in 108 BC. Marius's overall concern was always how to maintain the Senate's esteem: in the words of the scholar A.N. Sherwin-White, Marius "wanted to end his days as vir censorius, like the other great worthies among the novi homines of the second century".

This episode in the city, however, won Marius little advantage. After he left office, Metellus Numidicus' relatives dogged him in mourning dress for his maltreatment of the general, pleading for his recall from exile. Plutarch states that Marius's had alienated both senators and the people. It is, however, unlikely that Marius was abandoned by his clients and peers, as Plutarch also claims. Evans tells us that Marius entered a semi-retirement as an elder statesman, a role which "precluded a more active participation in public life".

90s BC
After the events of 100 BC, Marius at first tried to oppose the recall of Metellus Numidicus, who had been exiled by Saturninus in 103. However, seeing that opposition was impossible, Marius decided to travel to the east to Galatia in 98 BC, ostensibly to fulfil a vow he had made to the goddess Magna Mater.

Plutarch portrays this voluntary exile as a great humiliation for the six-time consul: "considered obnoxious to the nobles and to the people alike", he was even forced to abandon his candidature for the censorship of 97. Plutarch also reports that while in the East, Marius attempted to goad Mithridates VI of Pontus into declaring war on Rome – telling Mithridates to either become stronger than Rome or obey her commands – so that the Roman people might be forced to rely on Marius's military leadership once more. This anecdote, however, is discounted by Evans, who dismisses it as "nothing more than a malicious rumour" perhaps created by Rutilius Rufus or Sulla. Other scholars have argued that the mission was instead planned by the Senate with the support of the princeps senatus Marcus Aemilius Scaurus for the purpose of investigating Mithridates' campaigns in Cappadocia without arousing too much suspicion.

However, scholars have pointed out that Marius's supposed "humiliation" cannot have been too long-lasting. In c. 98–97 BC, he was given the unprecedented honour of being elected in absentia to the college of priestly augurs whilst away in Asia Minor. Furthermore, Marius's mere presence at the trial of Manius Aquillius in 98 BC, his friend and former colleague as consul in 101 BC, was enough to secure acquittal for the accused, even though he was apparently guilty. Marius also successfully acted as sole defence for T. Matrinius in 95 BC, an Italian from Spoletium who had been granted Roman citizenship by Marius and who was now being prosecuted under a new citizenship law.

Social War

While Marius was away in the east and after he returned, Rome had several years of relative peace. But in 95 BC, Rome passed a decree, the lex Licinia Mucia, expelling from the city all residents who were not Roman citizens. In 91 BC, Marcus Livius Drusus was elected tribune; he proposed a wide-ranging reform programme to support the plebs with land reform and grain distribution laws, grant citizenship to the Italians to compensate for land reform's infringement on Italian property rights, and enlarge the senate with equestrians. Marius seemed not to have an opinion on Drusus's Italian question. However, after Drusus was assassinated, many of the Italian states revolted against Rome in the Social War of 91–87 BC, named after the Latin word for allies, socii.

In the next campaigning year, Marius is listed as one of the senior legates of the consul Publius Rutilius Lupus, who was perhaps one of his relatives. Lupus fell to a Marsic ambush on 11 June 90 BC while crossing the river Tolenus; Marius, commanding a different wing of the army, was yet able to drive the enemy back with heavy losses. The senate, after Lupus' death, appointed Marius in joint command with the praetor Quintus Servilius Caepio; Caepio, however, quickly fell to perfidy, leaving Marius in sole command. After taking command over the northern front of the war, Marius moved energetically forward, defeating the Marsi with his former legate Sulla's help on hilly ground south of the Fucine Lake; Herius Asinius, a praetor of the Marrucini, was among the slain. According to Plutarch, Marius then entered a state of inaction and refused to pursue – probably because he did not trust his men – which led Poppaedius Silo to challenge him: "So if you are such a great general, Marius, why not come down [from your fortifications] and fight?" To this Marius retorted, "Well, if you think you are any good a general, why don't you try to make me?"

The next year saw Marius relieved by Lucius Porcius Cato, one of the consuls, and him excluded from command. We do not know why for sure he was not given another command: "his age should been outweighed by his experience". It may be possible that Marius had relinquished command on account of illness or had been relieved under a perception of insufficient aggressiveness. The war was immensely hard fought but drew to an end within the next few years, as the Romans brought the lex Julia in 90 BC, granting citizenship to all the allies who were loyal or would otherwise promptly put down arms. Marius's efforts in the conflict brought him few honours, though he served at a senior level and won at least a few victories. In all likelihood, this experience rekindled his desire for further commands and glory, embarking him upon a path towards seeking command in the east.

Sulla and the First Civil War

During the Social War, one of Marius's clients and friends, Manius Aquillius, had apparently encouraged the kingdoms of Nicomedia and Bithynia to invade Pontus. In response King Mithridates of Pontus invaded both kingdoms as well as the Roman holdings in Asia (in present-day western Turkey). Defeating the meagre forces at Aquillius's disposal, Mithridates marched across the Bosphorus and Aquillius retreated to Lesbos. With the Social War concluded and with the prospects of a glorious and fabulously rich conquest, there was significant competition in the consular elections for 88 BC. Eventually, Lucius Cornelius Sulla was elected consul, and received command of the army being sent to Pontus.

After news of Mithridates' actions reached Rome, Marius may have considered a seventh term as consul. A tribune, Publius Sulpicius Rufus, was also working on proposals to distribute the new Italian citizens into the thirty-five voting tribes. Marius was likely the one pushing for this most, while also positioning himself for a seventh consulship and – when bundled with Sulpicius's other voting reforms – a long-lasting political base. Sulpicius's proposals raised a furore in the forum, leading to a riot in which the consul – Sulla – was forced to shelter in Marius's house, where a compromise was reached allowing the voting bill to pass through and for Sulla to prepare to go east.

After Sulla left Rome to prepare for his army in Nola to depart for the east, Sulpicius had his measures passed into law, and tacked on a rider which unprecedentedly appointed Marius – now a private citizen lacking any office in the Republic – to the command in Pontus. Marius then sent two of his legates to take the command from Sulla. These moves were foolish: Evans notes "Marius's political ingenuity seems to have deserted him" and calls his actions rash. Sulla refused to relinquish his post, even though all but one of his own subordinates opposed Sulla's course of action. After killing Marius's legates, Sulla rallied his troops to his personal banner and called upon them to defend him against the insults of the Marian faction. The ancient sources say that Sulla's soldiers pledged their loyalty because they were worried that they would be kept in Italy while Marius raised troops from his own veterans who would then proceed to plunder great riches. Marius's faction sent two tribunes to Sulla's legions in eastern Italy, but the tribunes were promptly murdered by Sulla's troops.

Sulla then ordered his troops to begin a slow march on Rome. This was a momentous event, unforeseen by Marius, as no Roman army had ever marched upon Rome: it was forbidden by law and ancient tradition. Once it became obvious that Sulla was going to defy the law and seize Rome by force, Marius attempted to organize a defence of the city with gladiators. Unsurprisingly, Marius's ad hoc force was no match for Sulla's legions. Marius was defeated and fled the city. He narrowly escaped capture and death on several occasions and eventually found safety with his veterans in Africa. Sulla and his supporters in the Senate proscribed twelve men, and passed a death sentence on Marius, Marius's son, Sulpicius and a few other allies. Sulpicius was executed but, according to Plutarch, many Romans disapproved of Sulla's actions.

Some who opposed Sulla were elected to office in 87 BC – Gnaeus Octavius, a supporter of Sulla, and Lucius Cornelius Cinna, a supporter of Marius and member of Sulla's extended family, were elected consuls – as Sulla wanted to demonstrate his republican bona fides. Regardless, Sulla was again confirmed as the commander of the campaign against Mithridates, so he took his legions out of Rome and marched east to war.

Seventh consulship and death
While Sulla was on campaign in Greece, fighting broke out between the conservative supporters of Sulla, led by Octavius, and the popular supporters of Cinna over voting rights for the Italians. When Cinna was forced to flee the city by Octavius's gangs, he was able to rally significant Italian support: some 10 legions including the Samnites. Marius along with his son then returned from exile in Africa to Etruria with an army he had raised there, and they placed themselves under Cinna's command to oust Octavius. Marius demanded the tribunes lift his banishment by passage of law. Cinna's vastly superior army coerced the Senate into opening the gates of the city.

They entered Rome and started purged a number of their opponents, including Octavius. Their heads were exhibited in the Forum. Fourteen of the victims, including six former consuls, were noteworthy individuals: Lucius Licinius Crassus (older brother of the triumvir), Gaius Atilius Serranus, Marcus Antonius Orator, Lucius Julius Caesar, his brother Caesar Strabo, Quintus Mucius Scaevola the Augur, Publius Cornelius Lentulus, Gaius Nemotorius, Gaius Baebius and Octavius Ruso. A number of those targeted by the purge were not immediately killed: show trials were set up before the victims committed suicide. Marius and Cinna also declared Sulla an enemy of the state and stripped him of his proconsular command in the east.

While Marius and Cinna were both responsible for the deaths and the headed pikes in the forum, it is unlikely that Marius and his men killed everyone in their paths, as reported in Cassius Dio and Plutarch. The killings, more likely, served to terrorise the political opposition. With competitors suitably frightened, show elections were held for 86 BC, with Marius and Cinna being elected by the  irregularly. Within a fortnight of assuming the consulship for the seventh time, Marius was dead.

Plutarch relates several opinions on the end of Marius: one, from Posidonius, holds that Marius contracted pleurisy; Gaius Piso has it that Marius walked with his friends and discussed all of his accomplishments with them, adding that no intelligent man ought leave himself to fortune. Plutarch then anonymously relates that Marius, having gone into a fit of passion in which he announced in a delusionary manner that he was in command of the Mithridatic War, began to act as he would have on the field of battle; finally, Plutarch relates that, ever an ambitious man, Marius lamented on his deathbed that he had not achieved all of which he was capable, despite his having acquired great wealth and having been chosen consul more times than any man before him.

After his death, Lucius Valerius Flaccus, another patrician like Cinna, was elected as the sole candidate to succeed Marius as consul; Flaccus was dispatched immediately with two legions to fight Mithridates alongside (but not with) Sulla. While Marius is at times blamed for the purges, his sudden death more than likely was used to deflect blame, avoiding an actual change in policy. Cinna and one of his later consular colleagues, Carbo, would lead their faction into the civil war, which continued until their defeat (and that of Marius's son) by Sulla's army, eventually allowing Sulla to make himself dictator.

Legacy

Marius was an extremely successful Roman general and politician. In ancient sources, he has been repeatedly characterised as having unending ambition and opportunism. Plutarch says of him:

if Marius could have been persuaded to sacrifice to the Greek Muses and Graces, he would not have put the ugliest possible crown upon a most illustrious career in field and forum, nor have been driven by the blasts of passion, ill-timed ambition, and insatiable greed upon the shore of a most cruel and savage old age.

According to Evans this characterisation is not entirely fair, because Marius's attempts to win the consulship and for self-aggrandisement were not out of the norm for politicians of the middle to late Republic. Marius's legacy is heavily defined by his example: his five successive consulships, while seen contemporaneously as necessary for the survival of Roman civilisation, gave unprecedented power into the hands of a single man over a never-before-seen length of time.

However, that Marius died "so hated by contemporaries is really rather unremarkable, because to his unrealistic, even senile, dreams of further triumphs may be laid the prime cause for the disastrous civil war of 87 [BC]... His unquenchable ambitio overcame an unusually astute sense of judgement; the result, the beginning of the Roman revolution". Broadly, "traditional republican culture had been based on the principles of equality between colleagues in office and short terms of office holding... the inherited republic could not survive Marius and his ambitions".

Supposed reforms to the legions
In the narratives of Plutarch and Sallust, Marius's reforms to the recruitment process for the Roman legions are roundly criticised for creating a soldiery wholly loyal to their generals and beholden to their beneficence or ability to secure payment from the state. However, Evans argues this development did not emerge from Marius, and it was likely initially envisioned as nothing more than a temporary measure to meet the extraordinary threats of Numidia and the Cimbrian tribes. Moreover, the armies in the late republic were broadly similar to those of the middle republic.

The willingness of the soldiers to kill fellow Romans changed after the Social War: "if Sulla's army had been unwilling to march on Rome... then the outcome would obviously have been completely different, no matter how power-hungry Marius or Sulla were". The Social War had the related effect of breaking down the Roman government's legitimacy. Lintott, in the Cambridge Ancient History, similarly writes that "Roman armies were only to be used for civil war after their scruples had been drowned in a blood-bath of fighting with their own Italian allies... it may as well be argued that civil war created the self-seeking unprincipled soldier".

There were political effects, however, to the promise of land after service: the decision to call up the  would not be fully felt until the time to draw down the troops. As the spoils of war became increasingly inadequate as compensation for the soldiers – the spoils of war do not guarantee a long term stream of income – it became common practice to allocate land (generally abroad) for the foundation of veterans' colonies. Political unrest over veterans' land bonuses in the first century BC, however, is exaggerated: soldiers both in the Marian and post-Marian periods largely went home peacefully when land demands were not immediately met. Moreover, through the post-Marian period, land distributions were sporadic and volunteers were taken on with no promises or reasonable expectations of land at discharge. It was only by the second half of the last century BC that veteran demands for land had become an expectation, later fulfilled by the Second Triumvirate.

Assemblies and foreign affairs
Marius's repeated use of the Assemblies to overturn Senatorial commands had significant negative effects on the stability of the state. The senate generally used sortition to choose generals for command posts, removing the conflict of interest between consuls. Marius's use of the Assemblies to remove Metellus from command in Numidia spelled an end to collective governance in foreign affairs. In later years, use of  became the main means by which commands were granted to other generals, adding to personal rivalries and diminishing the ability to govern the state. The size of the rewards gained from manipulating the Assemblies was irresistible to future generations of ambitious politicians.

The similar use of the Assemblies in an attempt to replace Sulla with Marius for the Mithridatic War was unprecedented, as never before had laws been passed to confer commands on someone lacking any official title in the state. Marius's legal strategy misfired disastrously because he failed to predict Sulla's reaction of marching on the city to protect his command:

It was plainly expected that Sulpicius's bill and the sanctity of the law, even if much abused, would be obeyed without question... Sulla's unforeseen rejection of the 'popular' will, which he must surely have believed to have been of equivocal legality, was made from a position of great strength since he had the means and the opportunity to impose his will on the situation.

Political violence
While political violence had been increasingly normalised throughout the middle and late Republic, starting with the murder of the Gracchi brothers, the passage of the  against Saturninus and Glaucia in Marius's sixth consulship normalised the use of force not only against private citizens, but also "against properly elected magistrates in order to preserve [the Senate's] own position".

Moreover, Marius's attempts to undermine Sulla's command at the start of the First Mithridatic War massively expanded the scope of that violence. No longer would only mobs clash in the streets of Rome. No longer would personal grudges be pursued by mere political prosecutions in the courts: political enemies would be killed. The use of the Assemblies eroded senatorial control which, along with Sulla's decision to march on Rome, created significant and prolonged instability, only resolved by the destruction of the Republican form of government and the transition to Empire.

Timeline
Years are from .

Offices

Table
The following table is sourced from .

Consulships

Notes

References

Citations

Sources
Books

Articles and theses

Ancient sources

Further reading

 Reviewed in

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The Honolulu Strangler, also known as The Honolulu Rapist, is the nickname given to an unidentified serial killer who is credited with killing five women in Hawaii from 1985 and 1986. He is the second known serial killer active in the state (after Eugene Barrett).

Victims

Vicki Gail Purdy
The first victim was Vicki Gail Purdy, age 25, a military spouse of Gary Purdy, an army helicopter pilot. She had left to go clubbing in Waikīkī on May 29, 1985, but failed to meet her friends. She was last seen by the taxi driver who drove her to the Shorebird Hotel at 12:00 a.m., apparently to retrieve her car, which was later found in the hotel parking lot. The next morning, her body was found in an embankment at Keehi Lagoon, wearing her yellow jumpsuit. Her hands were bound behind her back, and she had been raped and strangled. Her husband told police he suspected her death to be associated with her job, working at a video rental store that also handled pornographic film, where two women were stabbed to death one year earlier.

Regina Sakamoto
The second victim was Regina Sakamoto, age 17, of Leilehua High School. She had missed her bus from Waipahu to school on January 14, 1986, and was last heard from by her boyfriend at 7:15 a.m. when she called to tell him she would be late. On January 15, her body was found at Keehi Lagoon wearing her blue tank top and white sweatshirt, but her lower body was unclothed. Her hands bound behind her back, she had been raped and strangled. She was planning on attending Hawaii Pacific University in the fall. This second case led police to suspect the same killer as the first because of the same modus operandi.

Denise Hughes
The third victim was Denise Hughes, age 21, a secretary for a telephone company who commuted by bus and was active in her Christian church. She did not show up to work on January 30, and was found dead in Moanalua stream by three young fishermen on February 1. Her decomposing body was clothed in a blue dress, wrapped in a blue tarp, and with her hands bound. She had been sexually assaulted and strangled. Prompted by a third body, a serial killer taskforce was established on February 5.

Louise Medeiros
The fourth victim was Louise Medeiros, age 25. She lived in Waipahu but had gone to Kauai to meet her extended family because of the death of her mother. Medeiros took a late night flight back to Oahu on March 26 and told her family she would get home by bus from the airport. She disembarked the airplane and disappeared. Her decomposing body was found April 2 near Waikele stream by road workers. She was wearing her blouse, but her lower body was unclothed, and her hands were bound behind her back. Police set up sting operations using policewomen around Keehi Lagoon and the Honolulu International Airport.

Linda Pesce
The fifth and last known victim of the Honolulu Strangler was Linda Pesce, age 36. According to her roommate, she left home on the morning of April 29 and was expected to be home late that evening, due to a pre-scheduled work meeting. The next morning, after being told that Pesce had not shown up for work and that her car was parked on the side of the Nimitz-H1 viaduct, her roommate reported her missing.  A man named Howard Gay told police a psychic told him a body could be located at Sand Island. On May 3, he took police to an exact location, only to find nothing there. Police then searched the entire island and found Pesce's body. She was nude, her hands bound behind her back.

Investigation
The Honolulu Police Department had established a 27-person serial killer taskforce on February 5 with help from the FBI and the Green River taskforce. The killer's profile was that of an opportunist who attacked women who were vulnerable, such as at bus stops, not one who stalks his victims. He also likely lives or works in the area of the attacks, Waipahu or Sand Island.

Police set up roadblocks at the time of the Pesce murder to question frequent commuters. Witnesses came forward saying they had seen a light colored van and a Caucasian or mixed-race man with Pesce's car.

Following the discovery of Pesce's body, police arrested Howard Gay on May 9 as the primary suspect. The suspect's ex-wife and girlfriend described him as a smooth talker. They also provided a potentially incriminating fetish clue, as both recalled engaging in bondage activity, allowing him to tie them up and have sex with their hands bound behind their back. His girlfriend related that on nights after they had fought, he would leave the house, and that these were the same nights the murders had occurred. The suspect lived in Ewa Beach and worked as a mechanic at one of the air freight carriers along Lagoon Drive. Between 8:00 p.m. and 3:00 a.m., the suspect was interrogated, failed a polygraph test and was eventually released.

Police followed the suspect and a $25,000 reward for information was put out by private businesses. Two months after the arrest of the suspect, a woman came forward and claimed she saw Pesce with a man on the night of her murder. She successfully picked the suspect out of a photo lineup as the man. She did not want to be a witness because she believed he saw her as well.

Howard Gay died in 2003.

Media
The case was covered by Casefile True Crime Podcast on October 7, 2017, by the Investigation Discovery (ID) channel program, Breaking Homicide, on May 13, 2018, My Favorite Murder podcast on July 12, 2018, by Ghostlore of Hawaii podcast on July 8, 2022, and Crime Junkie podcast on July 3, 2023

See also
 Eugene Barrett
 List of fugitives from justice who disappeared
 List of serial killers in the United States

References

== Sources ==

== External links ==
 Casefile True Crime Podcast - Case 62: The Honolulu Strangler - 7 October 2017
 Map of the attacks around Honolulu Airport

1985 in Hawaii
1985 murders in the United States
1986 in Hawaii
1986 murders in the United States
American murderers of children
Deaths by strangulation in the United States
History of women in Hawaii
Murder in Hawaii
Serial killers from Hawaii
Unidentified American rapists
Unidentified American serial killers
Unsolved murders in the United States
Year of birth unknown

Honolulu Strangler


Frank Joseph Lucchesi ( ; April 24, 1926 – June 8, 2019) was an American professional baseball player, manager, and coach. He was the manager of three Major League Baseball (MLB) teams: the Philadelphia Phillies (–); Texas Rangers (–); and Chicago Cubs (, on an interim basis). Overall, Lucchesi posted a career win–loss record of 316–399 (.442).

Minor league career
A native of San Francisco, Lucchesi had a long career as an outfielder and manager in minor league baseball. As a player (1945–1957), he toiled largely in the mid- and lower minors, in the Class B Western International League and Class C California League. He batted .276 in 1,149 games with 56 home runs. Lucchesi batted and threw right-handed, stood  tall and weighed .

His managerial career began in 1951 in the Class D Far West League as a player-manager. After a brief, early-1950s stint in the St. Louis Browns' organization, Lucchesi joined the Phillies' farm system in 1956. He logged 14 seasons as a manager there, including Triple-A assignments with the Arkansas Travelers, San Diego Padres and Eugene Emeralds, winning two championships; Eugene's 1969 Pacific Coast League regular-season division title earned Lucchesi promotion to the manager's job in Philadelphia the following season. In the 1970s and 1980s, Lucchesi also managed in the Cleveland Indians and Cincinnati Reds organizations.

Manager of Phillies, Rangers, and Cubs
Lucchesi took over the Phillies at the beginning of the  season as the team was rebuilding with young players. Although his initial squad showed a ten-game improvement from 1969's club, the 1971 Phillies fell into the basement of the National League East Division, and when the Phils started only 26–50 in 1972, Lucchesi was fired on July 9 by the club's new general manager, Paul Owens, who took over as manager himself.

After returning to Triple-A to manage Cleveland's Oklahoma City 89ers affiliate in 1973, Lucchesi was appointed third-base coach of the Texas Rangers of the American League (AL) for 1974. The following season, on July 21, 1975, Lucchesi succeeded the fired Billy Martin as manager of the 1975 Rangers, who were a disappointing 44–51 in Martin's second season at the helm. Lucchesi led them to a 35–32 mark for the remainder of the year, and was rehired for 1976, when the Rangers continued to struggle at 76–86, tied for fourth in the AL West. Lucchesi was invited to return as manager for 1977, but a violent incident in spring training with second baseman Lenny Randle marred the season.

Lucchesi was auditioning rookie Bump Wills to take over Randle's second base job. When Randle complained publicly about being benched, Lucchesi was quoted as responding: "I'm sick and tired of punks making $80,000 a year moaning and groaning about their situation." A few days later, before an exhibition game against the Minnesota Twins in Orlando, Randle and Lucchesi became embroiled in an argument. Randle struck his manager, who was still clad in street clothes, knocking Lucchesi to the ground and causing his hospitalization for a concussion and broken jaw. Randle was suspended without pay for 30 days, fined an additional $10,000, then traded to the New York Mets.

Meanwhile, Lucchesi recovered from his injuries and returned to the bench, but on June 21, with the 1977 Rangers stalled at 31–31, he was fired. Randle was found guilty of assault, and Lucchesi later sued him for $200,000, blaming Randle for the loss of his job. The case was settled, and in 1979–80 Lucchesi returned to the Rangers as third-base coach, serving under manager Pat Corrales, whom he had managed 15 years earlier in the Phillies' farm system.

In , Lucchesi was named caretaker pilot of the Chicago Cubs on September 8 upon the firing of Gene Michael. He had been serving the team as an "eye in the sky" scout from the press box. The Cubs went 8–17 over the season's final month, then hired both a new general manager, Jim Frey, and a new manager, Don Zimmer, for . Lucchesi, then 61, returned to the minor leagues for two final seasons, managing the Nashville Sounds, the Reds' top affiliate in the Triple-A American Association.

Personal life
On June 8, 2019, Lucchesi died at his home in Colleyville, Texas, at the age of 93.

References

Further reading

External links

Frank Lucchesi at SABR (Baseball BioProject)
Frank Lucchesi at Baseball Biography

1927 births
2019 deaths
American people of Italian descent
Baseball coaches from California
Baseball players from San Francisco
Bisbee Yanks players
Chattanooga Lookouts managers
Chicago Cubs managers
Chicago Cubs scouts
Cleveland Indians scouts
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Frank Lucchesi


Jerry Eisenberg (born December 14, 1937) is an American television producer, animator, storyboard artist, and character designer, primarily known for his work at Hanna-Barbera Productions and Ruby-Spears Productions.

Eisenberg was the son of Harvey Eisenberg, an animator and comic book artist associated with Tom and Jerry and the other characters from the MGM cartoon studio.  They were of German descent. Jerry Eisenberg quit art school to take his first job, as an inbetweener for MGM, in 1956. The studio closed seven months after Eisenberg's hire, and he went on to work as an assistant to Ken Harris at Warner Bros. Cartoons.

In 1961, Eisenberg was hired at Hanna-Barbera Productions, run by former MGM cartoon producers William Hanna and Joseph Barbera. Here, Eisenberg co-created The Peter Potamus Show, designed the characters on Wacky Races and Super Friends, and worked in layout on programs such as The Jetsons, The Huckleberry Hound Show, Jonny Quest, and Wacky Races. In 1977, Hanna-Barbera alumnae Joe Ruby and Ken Spears started their own studio, Ruby-Spears Productions, and hired Eisenberg as producer and character designer for Fangface, The Plastic Man Comedy/Adventure Show, and Thundarr the Barbarian.

Eisenberg later worked as a writer, storyboard artist, and/or designer and layout artist for a number of productions at various studios, including Muppet Babies at Marvel Productions, House of Mouse at Walt Disney Television Animation and Dilbert (Idbox/Columbia TriStar Television). He has also worked on a number of productions for Hanna-Barbera and its successor, Warner Bros. Animation, including Johnny Bravo, Tom & Jerry Kids, and a number of Scooby-Doo direct-to-video films.

References

External links

1937 births
Living people
American animators
American television writers
American male television writers
American animated film producers
American television producers
American storyboard artists
Hanna-Barbera people

Jerry Eisenberg


James Driscoll (1931-August 18, 2003) was the 34th Chief Clerk of California Assembly. Driscoll was the first Chief Clerk to serve the state's Assembly after the legislature became full-time in 1966. During his career as the nonpartisan clerk, he served under 4 Democratic and 1 Republican Speakers.

Biography
James Driscoll was born in Glendale, California in 1931. He received his B.A. from Fresno State College.  He completed his M.A. at Claremont Graduate University.  While he was Chief Clerk, he attended McGeorge School of Law, where he later earned his J.D. while in office. Driscoll died in 2003.

Driscoll served as Chief Clerk from 1963 to 1986.  He began his legislative career in 1957 in the first class of the Assembly Fellowship Program (at the time, it was simply called the "Legislative Internship Program" and was funded by the Ford Foundation).  Driscoll was placed in the office of the Chief Clerk as an intern.

The following year, longtime Chief Clerk Arthur Ohnimus hired him as First Assistant Clerk; and in 1961, Ohnimus appointed Driscoll to be Chief Assistant Clerk.

When Ohnimus retired in 1963, Driscoll was appointed Chief Clerk by the Rules Committee. Driscoll was subsequently elected by the Assembly for the 1964 session and every session thereafter, until his retirement in 1986.

After California voters made the legislature full-time in November 1966, Driscoll published the book, California's Legislature, under the auspices of the Chief Clerk's office.

References

Further reading
California's Legislature (2006 edition), California Assembly: Office of the Chief Clerk, p. 153, 266, 331.
Legislative Handbook, 1968 Session, 1983-84 Regular Session. Office of State Printing, Sacramento.
Assembly Journal, January 5, 1987, p. 113.

Officers of the California State Legislature
1931 births
2003 deaths
People from Glendale, California

James D. Driscoll


Loser or Losers may refer to:

Movie and television
 Loser, a 1996 movie directed by Kirk Harris
 Loser (movie), a 2000 movie starring Jason Biggs and Mena Suvari
 The Losers (movie), the 2010 movie adaptation of the Vertigo comic
 "Loser" (Grounded for Life), a 2001 episode of Grounded for Life
 Losers (2015 movie), a 2015 Bulgarian movie
 L.O.S.E.R.S., fictional characters featuring in The Fairly OddParents episodes
 Losers (TV series), a Netflix television series

Literature and publications
 Loser (novel), a 2002 novel by Jerry Spinelli
 Losers (comics), two comic book teams published by DC Comics
 The Losers (Vertigo), the Vertigo "modernization" of the classic comic
 The Loser, a 1983 novel by Thomas Bernhard

Music
 Losers (band), a British rock band
 Loser (band), an American rock band
 "Loser" (Big Bang song), a 2015 song by Big Bang
 "Loser" (Beck song), a 1993 song by Beck
 "Loser" (3 Doors Down song), a 2000 song by 3 Doors Down from their album The Better Life
 "Loser" (Ayreon song), a 2005 song by Ayreon
 Losers (album), a 1990 album by Sentridoh
 "Loser", a 1972 song by Jerry Garcia and Robert Hunter that appeared on Garcia, and was later covered by Cracker on their album Kerosene Hat
 "Loser", a song by Limp Bizkit from Gold Cobra
 "Losers" (The Weeknd song), on the 2015 album Beauty Behind the Madness
 "Losers", a song by The Belle Brigade from The Belle Brigade
"LOSER / Number Nine", a 2016 single by Kenshi Yonezu.

In other uses
 In contract bridge, a card which will never win a trick
 Loser (hand gesture), a hand gesture made by extending the thumb and index fingers, leaving the other fingers closed to create the letter L, interpreted as "loser", and generally given as a demeaning sign
 Loser (mountain), a mountain in Ausseerland, Styria, Austria

Related pages
 The Losers (disambiguation)
 Lovable loser, a character archetype
 Losar
 Failure

Loser


O Meu Marido Está a Negar is a 2007 documentary film about a play of the same name, written and directed by Rogério Manjate.
The film and play both discuss HIV/AIDS issues.
Manjate directed the award-winning short I Love You, also concerning HIV/AIDS, the same year.
The film's title means "My Husband is in Denial".

Film synopsis

Hermínia discovers that she is an HIV positive mother when she goes in for a pregnancy check-up. Gabriel, her husband, knows about her illness and accepts it but refuses to take the tests. As long as he does, it is useless for Hermínia to follow a treatment. She thinks that if he sees a play about it, he might change his mind. O Meu Marido esta a negar takes a look at the interactive performances of The Teatro do Oprimido (Theatre of the Oppressed) and its goals: To make the audience aware of AIDS and help change their behavior.

Play performances

The Theatre of the Oppressed is an interactive style that originated in Brazil and has been exported to over 70 countries on five continents.
The format was created by Augusto Boal, who was nominated for the Nobel Peace Prize for his success in using theater as a tool for social activism.
"O meu marido esta a negar" has been performed as a play throughout Mozambique as part of  a program to overcome cultural obstacles in the treatment and prevention of HIV.
It is presented in public places - markets, schools and businesses - and the public is invited to attend and present their own solutions to the unequal power relations shown in the play.
The result is more effective than a lecture in Portuguese or distribution of written material to a largely illiterate population.

Alvim Cossa, an actor who lost four members of his family from HIV/AIDS, described a performance in a busy market in Maputo: "We asked the public to put themselves in the place of the oppressed character, the pregnant wife, and to suggest solutions to her dilemma. Dressed in her skirt and head scarf, men and women in the audience took the place of the wife to encourage her husband to do the test, or explain that you can use traditional medicine, but for HIV should go to the hospital - all contribute to the education of the spectators".

Festival screenings

The film was screened at the Durban International Film Festival held between 23 July to 3 August 2008.
In October 2008 it was shown at the Festival Dockanema in Maputo.
It has also been screened at the 2009 African Film Festival of Cordoba.

References

2007 films
2007 short documentary films
Documentary films about HIV/AIDS
Films set in Mozambique
HIV/AIDS in Africa
Mozambican short documentary films

O Meu Marido Está a Negar


E-mini S&P, often abbreviated to "E-mini" (despite the existence of many other E-mini contracts) and designated by the commodity ticker symbol ES, is a stock market index futures contract traded on the Chicago Mercantile Exchange. The notional value of one contract is 50 times the value of the S&P 500 stock index; thus, for example, on June 20, 2018, the S&P 500 cash index closed at 2,767.32, making each E-mini contract a $138,366 bet.

History and structure
The contract was introduced by the CME on September 9, 1997, after the value of the existing S&P contract (then valued at 500 times the index, or over $500,000 at the time) became too large for many small traders. The E-mini quickly became the most popular equity index futures contract in the world. The original ("big") S&P contract was subsequently split 2:1, bringing it to 250 times the index. Hedge funds often prefer trading the E-mini over the big S&P since the older ("big") contract still uses the open outcry pit trading method, with its inherent delays, versus the all-electronic Globex system for the E-mini. The current average daily implied volume for the E-mini is over $100 billion, far exceeding the combined traded dollar volume of the underlying 500 stocks.

Following the success of this product, the exchange introduced the E-mini NASDAQ-100 contract, at one fifth of the original NASDAQ-100 index-based contract, and many other "mini" products geared primarily towards small speculators, as opposed to large hedgers.

In June 2005 the exchange introduced a yet smaller product based on the S&P, with the underlying asset being 100 shares of the highly-popular SPDR exchange-traded fund. However, due to the different regulatory requirements, the performance bond (or "margin") required for one such contract is almost as high as that for the five times larger E-mini contract. The product never became popular, with volumes rarely exceeding 10 contracts a day.

The E-mini contract trades from Sunday to Friday 5:00pm – 4:00pm (Chicago Time/CT) with a 15-minute trading halt from 3:15pm to 3:30pm CT. From 4:00pm to 5:00pm is a daily maintenance period.

Outsized trades

According to US government investigations, the sale of 75,000 E-mini contracts by a single trader was the trigger to cause the 2010 Flash Crash. According to the SEC/CFTC report, the firm "accidentally instructed its trading program to dump them all in a series of sell orders over 20 minutes, rather than spreading the sell orders out over a much longer time period". This claim was later addressed by the Chicago Mercantile Exchange, not mentioning any "accident" and implying the program was a methodical hedge whose execution generated "less than 9% of the volume during the" twenty minutes.

On December 7, 2016, multiple buyers purchased around 16,000 E-mini S&P 500, in what was described as a series of stop orders triggered by a single contract trading at 2225.00.  The contracts traded as stops, traded "all ... at the same nanosecond", were valued at $1.8 billion. The sequence of trades at new highs was prelude to a sharp market rally for the balance of the day and the two succeeding days. It was the biggest E-mini trade by more than a factor of two in 2016 and attracted comparison to the 2010 flash-crash trade.

See also
 E-mini
 NASDAQ futures
 Futures contract
 Performance bond

References

External links
 E-mini S&P 500 Futures: CME description
 Quotes, E-mini S&P 500 Futures, CME

Derivatives (finance)

E-mini S&P


The Plumbing & Drainage Institute (PDI) is an association of American manufacturers of engineered plumbing drainage specialty products. Such products include floor drains, roof drains, sanitary floor drains, cleanouts, water hammer arresters, swimming pool drains, backwater valves, grease interceptors, fixture supports, and other drainage specialties. It is located in North Andover, Massachusetts.

Purpose
The Institute's objective is to promote the advancement of Engineered Plumbing Products through research and standardization of product requirements; to prepare, edit, and publish standards relating to plumbing products; and to provide certified testing, rating, and installation procedures for grease interceptors and water hammer arresters, in Standards PDI-G101 and PDI-WH201, respectively.

Activities
PDI maintains testing equipment in independent testing laboratories for the purpose of testing Water Hammer Arresters for compliance with Standard PDI-WH201 and Grease Interceptors for compliance with Standard PDI-G101. Certified Products carry the Seal of the Plumbing & Drainage Institute as evidence that the product has met the specified requirements of the Institute's Standards.

PDI assists with the development of National Standards through the ASME Committee of the American Society of Mechanical Engineers. This assistance is provided by members of the PDI Engineering Committee and by other PDI affiliates.  PDI has been active on Panels 6, 14, 21, and 26, of the A-112 Committee for a number of years and its Executive Director sits on the A-112 Main Committee. This is the consensus group for ANSI (American National Standards Institute).

See also
National Sanitary Foundation

References

External links
 Official PDI Website
 Member Website - Jay R. Smith

Plumbing
Professional associations based in the United States
Organizations based in Massachusetts

Plumbing & Drainage Institute


The Lo Nuestro Award for Tropical Salsa Female Artist of the Year (or Tropical Female Artist of the Year) is an honor presented annually by American network Univision. The Lo Nuestro Awards were first awarded in 1989 and has been given annually since to recognize the most talented performers of Latin music. The nominees and winners were originally selected by a voting poll conducted among program directors of Spanish-language radio stations in the United States and also based on chart performance on Billboard Latin music charts, with the results being tabulated and certified by the accounting firm Deloitte. At the present time, the winners are selected by the audience through an online survey. The trophy awarded is shaped in the form of a treble clef. This category originally was awarded as Tropical Salsa Artist of the Year (1989-1992), and from 1993 onwards was separated as Female Artist of the Year and Male Artist of the Year.

The award was first presented to Dominican singer Angela Carrasco in 1993. Puerto-Rican American performer Olga Tañón holds the record for the most awards with 13, out of seventeen nominations. Tañón also has become the most awarded in Lo Nuestro Awards history, with 25 accolades. Cuban singers Celia Cruz and Gloria Estefan, awarded three and two times, respectively, are the only multiple winners beside Tañón. Puerto-Rican singer India is the most nominated performer without a win, with 12 unsuccessful nominations.

Winners and nominees
Listed below are the winners of the award and the nominees for each year.

See also

 List of music awards honoring women

References

Tropical Female Artist of the Year
Music awards honoring women
Tropical musicians
Awards established in 1993

Lo Nuestro Award for Tropical Female Artist of the Year


Laboratorio Ñ was an initiative of the Spanish musicians Iván Ferreiro (ex member of Los Piratas), Quique González and Xoel López (Deluxe), that took part between 8th and 22 November 2005. These musicians met in the house-musical study El Cielito, 30 km from Buenos Aires, to compose music together. Some other musicians also took part: from Spain Amaral and Pereza, and from Argentina (Bersuit, which was only for the welcome, Súper Ratones and Lisandro Aristimuño), but nevertheless the initial plan the only musicians really involved were the promoters of the lab. The project was a collaboration with SGAE.

References
 # 74 of the magazine Efe Eme (December 2005)
 # 74 of the Rolling Stone, Spanish edition (December 2005)

External links
Laboratorio Ñ Blog

Spanish music
Argentine music

Laboratorio Ñ


Hillsborough Trinity Methodist Church is situated in the Hillsborough area of Sheffield in South Yorkshire, England. It stands  north-west of the city centre on Middlewood Road across from Hillsborough Park at grid reference .

History
The church was built at the beginning of the 20th century by John W. Firth to cater to the increasing population as it expanded into the countryside around Sheffield. The site was purchased from J. Willis Dixon of Hillsborough Hall (now Hillsborough library) in December 1898 for £547. An "Iron Church" was erected on nearby Leader road and was used for temporary worship while the church was being built.

Hillsborough Trinity was designed in the Gothic style and cost £5,500, opening on 1 September 1902. The church was originally designated as Methodist New Connexion, one of the many factions of the original Wesleyan Methodist church, it merged into the main Methodist Church of Great Britain in 1932. Methodism reached its peak at the beginning of the 20th century when there were eight Methodist churches in the Hillsborough area. However, Hillsborough Trinity is the only one remaining, as the other seven have been demolished or now being used for other purposes. The church has changed very little externally over the years, although a new church hall was added in 1963. The interior of the church has been modified to cater for the needs of modern worship, the original balcony is now not used because of safety concerns.

Present day and future
The church has extensive adjoining buildings (AD 1901 and 1963) which are still used for Sunday School as well as Brownies, Boys' Brigade as well as many other community events such as coffee mornings, Polly's Parlour (community cafe), toddler groups, craft group, lunch club and other community group meetings. The church is undergoing extensive structural work for the future to make the church a major community building. The plans, form three phases, with phase one having completed in 2014.  Phase two began in January 2015 to create a new entrance to church, the church office and improved toilet and shower facilities.

Previous refurbishments includes the hall's stage being removed to extend the space; the size of the kitchen was increased by moving the wall separating it from the beginners room. As well as a re-size, the kitchen had a full new fit out of equipment and work-surfaces. Two new rooms were added in the loft space above what was the stage. and the whole of the church was re-painted.

Youth Groups
The 20th Sheffield Company - Boys' Brigade is based at the church and runs the Anchor, Junior, Company and Senior Sections on Thursday evenings.

Scouts, Cubs and Beavers meet on a Monday evening and Guides, Brownies and Rainbows meet on a Tuesday evening.  In addition to this, regular church services for the Uniformed Groups (i.e. Boys Brigade, Guides, Scouts et al.) are held throughout the year.

References

External links

www.hillsboroughtrinity.org.uk

Churches in Sheffield
Hillsborough, South Yorkshire
History of Sheffield
Churches completed in 1902
20th-century Methodist church buildings
Gothic Revival church buildings in England
Gothic Revival architecture in South Yorkshire
Methodist churches in South Yorkshire

Hillsborough Trinity Methodist Church


Roy Arthur Ashburn (born March 21, 1954) is an American politician from Kern County, California. A Republican, he served as a California State Senator from 2002 to 2010 representing the 18th district. He previously served three terms in the California State Assembly, representing the 32nd district and 12 years on the Kern County Board of Supervisors. He served on the California Unemployment Insurance Appeals Board from 2011 until February 2015, after having been appointed by Governor Arnold Schwarzenegger.

Although he had maintained a firm voting record against gay rights legislation, Ashburn acknowledged that he is gay in March 2010, and after coming out he increasingly spoke out on gay rights.

Personal background
Born in Long Beach, California, Ashburn received a bachelor's degree in public administration from California State University, Bakersfield in 1983 and attended College of the Sequoias in Visalia.  His religion is Roman Catholic, listed in his biography printed by California State University, at Bakersfield (Cal State / CSU-Bakersfield). Ashburn is the divorced father of four daughters, Shelley, Shannon, Stacy and Suzana. He also has two grandchildren.

1972–2010: Political Career
Ashburn worked for Kern County Supervisor LeRoy Jackson from 1972 to 1977, for Congressman Bill Thomas from 1979 to 1983, as a Kern County Supervisor from 1984 to 1996, as a California State Assemblyman from 1996 to 2002, and as a California State Senator from 2002 to 2010. He attended the College of the Sequoias and in 1983 received his Bachelor of Arts degree in public administration from California State University, Bakersfield. The same year he graduated from college, Ashburn served as president of the Bakersfield Republican Assembly. In 1988, Ashburn chaired the Kern County chapter of the George H. W. Bush presidential campaign.

Two years into his first term in the State Senate, Ashburn was the Republican candidate in  in 2004. His home was located in the Bakersfield portion of the district. He was the strongest Republican to run in the 20th in more than a decade. He was a decided underdog against the Democratic nominee, former State Senator Jim Costa. The 20th is a strongly Democratic, Latino-majority district, and the district's previous incumbent, Democrat Cal Dooley, had held the seat without serious difficulty for 14 years. However, the Republicans poured more money into the race than was expected for such a heavily Democratic district. Ashburn claimed Costa would vote to raise taxes; in a play on Costa's name, he aired ads saying "Costa's gonna cost ya!"  He also compared Costa to former Governor Gray Davis, calling them the "two taxing twins."  In the end, Costa won by 54% to 46%.  Ashburn only kept the margin within single digits by winning heavily Republican Kings County.  He did, however, run ahead of the typical Republican showing in the district.

Political achievements/positions
Ashburn's work in the California Legislature has included:
Author of "Valley Fever Vaccine Legislation," which provides funding towards vaccine research on the disease.

One of four named authors of "Welfare-to-Work Act of 1997," which reformed California's welfare system.

According to Project Vote Smart, Ashburn  voted against every gay rights measure in the State Senate since taking office, all of which subsequently passed. However, he marked a political shift after his DUI arrest by carrying an amendment of a section of the 1950 Welfare and Institutions Code which would eliminate a requirement of the Department of Mental Health to carry out research on "sexual deviants" (language which was expressly used against homosexuals when the WIC was passed in 1950); the carriage of the bill by Ashburn to unanimous passing by the Senate is the first pro-gay act vetted by Ashburn in his career.

Ashburn came out as gay during a radio interview in California and stated that he did not plan to run for any public office again.

Ashburn was vice chair of the Legislative Audit and Public Employment and Retirement Committees in the Senate and was a member of the committees of Arts, Budget and Fiscal Review, Legislative Audit, Revenue and Taxation, Rules, and Transportation and Housing, and the subcommittees on California Ports and Goods Movement and Health and Human Services.

In 2010, Ashburn backed Proposition 13, which sought to prevent seismic retrofitting from triggering property tax reassessments.

Arrest, conviction and consequences
On March 3, 2010, Ashburn was arrested on suspicion of drunk driving while operating a State of California owned vehicle. The Senator was pulled over in Sacramento by the California Highway Patrol shortly before 2 a.m., with sources saying he was leaving a Sacramento gay nightclub, Faces, in the Lavender Hill neighborhood, with an unidentified male passenger in a state-owned Chevy Tahoe. Ashburn's blood alcohol content was measured at 0.14%. The arrest "launched nationwide speculation that the veteran lawmaker is gay and therefore a hypocrite for voting against gay-rights bills." In response to those accusations, during an interview on KERN radio, Ashburn stated that he is gay and that he believes "that my responsibility is to my constituents." When asked during the interview whether he personally agreed with votes he made on gay rights issues, Ashburn  didn't answer the question.

On April 14, 2010, Ashburn pleaded no contest to the charge of driving under the influence in Sacramento County Superior Court. He received a sentence of three years of informal probation and 48 hours in the county jail, though was given credit for one day for the night of his arrest, to serve the remaining day on a work project. Fines and other fees cost Ashburn $1,900 to $2,000.

2011–present: post-conviction life
Ashburn was appointed by Governor Arnold Schwarzenegger to a four-year term on the State of California Unemployment Insurance Appeals Board.

Ashburn ran for Kern County Supervisor in the June 2012 primary election and came in second place, allowing him to advance to the runoff. In the run-off election on November 6, 2012, Ashburn faced retired United States Navy Captain Mick Gleason, and lost by 20 points (40 to 60 percent).  Congressional Majority Whip Kevin McCarthy endorsed Gleason  while retired Representative Bill Thomas endorsed Ashburn.

In a 2013 radio interview on First Look with Scott Cox, Ashburn revealed that he had a gay brother, who died of AIDS-related illness 20 years prior. In the interview Ashburn also stated that he re-registered to vote as "no party preference" because of the Republican Party's opposition to gay rights and immigration.

As of 2020, Ashburn lived in San Luis Obispo.

References

External links
Project Vote Smart profile
Join California Roy Ashburn

1954 births
Living people
County supervisors in California
Republican Party California state senators
Gay politicians
LGBT Roman Catholics
LGBT state legislators in California
Republican Party members of the California State Assembly
Politicians from Bakersfield, California
Politicians from Long Beach, California
Radio personalities from California
American LGBT broadcasters
California politicians convicted of crimes
21st-century American politicians
20th-century American politicians

Roy Ashburn


Kora is a pan-African payment infrastructure company headquartered in Canada with offices in Nigeria and the United Kingdom. The fintech company enables local and global businesses to accept payins, make payouts, and get settled across popular payment channels across Africa.

History

Dickson Nsofor founded Kora in 2017. Later on, Gideon Orovwiroro and Bryan Uyanwune and Ayodeji Osisami joined him as the first employees.

At the time, the company focused on building financial tools for NGOs to disburse funds utilizing the blockchain technology. The idea for the company came from Dickson Nsofor, who was at the time working for a fintech in London, HumanIQ, providing a solution to the problem of 60% of the world's population lacking full access to financial services.

Growth

Kora started as a remittance business. In 2019, the decision was made to pivot, making Kora into a B2B business that now offers the services it does. That same year, the company attended Techstars Toronto.

In 2022, the company received a commercial PSSP license from the Central Bank of Nigeria. Later in the year, Kora expanded to the United Kingdom by partnering with the municipal government in Birmingham to open its first fully operational UK office. At the 2022 Commonwealth Games opening ceremony, Kora was announced as a new Commonwealth-sourced foreign direct investments (FDI) project for the West Midlands.

In July, the company was accused of fraud in Kenya, but the charges were dropped a few months later after investigations revealed no wrongdoing on the part of the company. Both Kenya Asset Recovery Agency and the Kenyan Department for Criminal Investigation found no evidence of fraud in the company's operations. In one court document drawn and filed on the 19th of October 2022 by state counsel Stephen Githinji on behalf of the ARA director, the agency said that it had withdrawn its entire lawsuit.

Services

Kora offers a payment application programming interface (API) to companies that give them access to a suit of products and services including, Checkout, Payout, Payment Links, Virtual Bank Account, Dynamic Virtual Bank Account, Fixed Bank Account, mobile money payments acquiring, card acquiring, bulk payout , etc.

References

Nigerian companies established in 2017
Headquarters in Canada
Payment service providers

Kora (Fintech company)


Ten Mile Rocks are a granite rock formation approximately  east of Norseman and approximately  west of Balladonia in the Goldfields-Esperance region of Western Australia.

The rocks are part of the Biranup Complex, a belt forming the north western portion of the Albany Fraser geological province on the southern edge of the Yilgarn craton. The rocks themselves are composed of Garnet-biotite monzogranite gneiss with an age of around 1670 million years.

A camping area is near the rocks, about  off Eyre Highway and on the eastern edge of the Fraser Range. The camp site has toilets, picnic table and barbeques with space for 30 vehicles.

The area is of significance to the Ngadjunmaia peoples. On the south side of the rock are Marlpa initiation grounds. The space has been cleared off  sticks and stones, and there are many old campfires around it.

See also
Granite outcrops of Western Australia

References

Goldfields-Esperance
Rock formations of Western Australia

Ten Mile Rocks


Klaus Woerner (1939–2005) was the founder and CEO of ATS Automation Tooling Systems.  Its main headquarters is located in Cambridge, Ontario, Canada and it is one of the world's foremost companies dealing with automated manufacturing equipment.

Woerner was born in Germany in 1939.  He completed his apprenticeship as a precision mechanic in Switzerland before moving to Montreal, Quebec, Canada in 1960.  Klaus worked for several companies in Montreal while taking night school classes to complete his high school diploma.  He studied engineering at Concordia University in Montreal for three years, and completed his degree in Industrial Engineering at Ryerson University after he and his wife moved to Toronto, Ontario.  He graduated in 1972 and began working for Ford, which introduced him to automated manufacturing technology.

Woerner was keen to start his own business and in 1978 he started the engineering company which grew into Automation Tooling Systems.  The company now has 26 worldwide divisions and over 4000 employees.

Woerner won many distinguished business awards, including the Ernst & Young Canadian Entrepreneur of the Year in 1997.  He was a great philanthropist, and donated 5 million dollars to the main theatre of Kitchener, Ontario, the Centre in the Square, as well as 2 million dollars to the engineering complex of the local community college, Conestoga College.

ATS is a world leader in the design of automated manufacturing equipment, and its systems are used by companies that produce auto parts, pharmaceuticals and computer/electronics equipment.

Woerner died of cancer in February 2005 at the age of 65.  Lawrence Tapp, chairman of ATS Board of Directors said in a statement: "Klaus was a gifted engineer, entrepreneur and business leader who made a significant and lasting contribution to the global automation industry, to the Region of Waterloo where he chose to found ATS more than 25 years ago and to thousands of young engineers and tradespeople around the world who benefited from his commitment to apprenticeship training.  His sharp intellect, dedication to adding value through innovation, global insight, and passion to succeed made him one of Canada's great entrepreneurs".

References

 Kitchener-Waterloo Record, Feb. 8 2005 (Obituary and Articles)

External links
ATS Automation Tooling Systems

1939 births
2005 deaths
Businesspeople from Ontario
Toronto Metropolitan University alumni

Klaus Woerner


Nikolai Vassilievich Ovchinnikov (October 14, 1918 in village of Mizhuli, Cheboksary Uezd – February 2004), was a Russian and Chuvash painter (historical and conversation pieces, landscapes), People's Artist of Russia and Chuvashia, Professor, Member of the National Academy of Sciences and Arts of the Chuvash Republic.

Biography
He was born in the village of Mizhuli in Mariinsko-Posadsky District of the Chuvash Republic in 1918.

Studied in Alatyr Art School (1937).

During 1939–1945, Ovchinnikov fought in the Soviet-Finnish War on the Karelian Isthmus and World War II.

Since 1944, a member of the USSR Union of Artists.

In 1951 he graduated the Ilya Repin Institute of Arts, Sculpture and Architecture of the USSR Academy of Arts in Leningrad (now St. Petersburg (workshop of Professor R.R. Frenz). A Candidate degree in Art Studies in 1954.

Since 1960, he was an associate professor of the Chair of Arts at the Fine and Graphic Arts Department of the Chuvash State Teacher's Institute named after I.Ya. Yakovlev.

Secretary of the Board of the RSFSR Union of Artists (1961–1983).

Chairman of the Board of the Union of Artists of the Chuvash ASSR (1963–1989).

People's Artist of the Chuvash ASSR (1968).

Professor of Fine Arts Chair (1973).

Full member of the National Academy of Sciences and Arts of the Chuvash Republic (1995).

RSFSR People's Artist (1984).

Exhibitions
He participated in regional, Ull-Union, All-Russian exhibitions and in exhibitions abroad.
Personal exhibitions in the US, Japan, France, UK, and Germany.

Gallery
Paintings by Nikolai Ovchinnikov are in 34 museums in Russia and abroad, and in private collections.

Awards
 He was awarded with the Order of the Patriotic War (2nd degree) and the Order of Friendship of Peoples (1978)
 He was awarded the State Prize of the Chuvash Republic named after K. V. Ivanov (1975)
 His name was entered into the Honorary Book of Labour Fame and Heroism of the Chuvash Autonomous Republic (1989)
 He was awarded a gold medal of the National Academy of Sciences and Arts of the Chuvash Republic (2002).

References
 Ovchinnikov's brief bio in English
 About Nikolai Ovchinnikov in Russian
 Ovchnnikov's paintings in the Chuvash State Museum of Fine Arts in Russian
 About Ovchinnikov's paintings in Russian

1918 births
2004 deaths
People from Mariinsko-Posadsky District
20th-century Russian painters
Russian male painters
21st-century Russian painters
Soviet painters
Repin Institute of Arts alumni
Chuvash people
20th-century Russian male artists
21st-century Russian male artists

Nikolai Ovchinnikov


APA style is a way of formatting scientific publications. The style is mostly about the way  citations are handled in such documents. It is commonly used in social sciences and relies on a style guide written by the American Psychological Association.

Science

APA style


Adam Lewis "A.L." Bingaman (February 11, 1793 - September 6, 1869) studied law in Massachusetts, graduating with a Bachelor of Arts, Harvard University Class of 1812. While in Boston he met and married Julia Maria Murray, daughter of Judith Sargent Murray, feminist, poet, and writer of the Universalist Church in America.

Plantation life
Murray and her daughter went to live at Fatherland, the Bingaman family plantation in Natchez, Mississippi. Life on the plantation was privileged. The noted race horse, Lexington was stabled at the Bingaman plantation while being trained by John Benjamin Pryor, the horse trainer at the top of his field. Bingaman was a slaveholder, holding 230 slaves in 1850 and 310 in 1860. Bingaman had a relationship with a free black woman, Mary E. Williams, and may have fathered as many as six children: Frances Ann, wife of Pryor; Cordelia, Emilie, Marie Sophie Charlotte, James and Henriette.

Orator and political life
As a member of the Mississippi House of Representatives in 1833, Bingaman headed a select committee during the Nullification Crisis that preceded the American Civil War.  He served as the president of the State Senate from 1838 to 1840. Bingaman was described by his peers as "a man of rare qualifications for a popular leader, being gifted by nature in mind and personal appearance (which was most dignified and commanding), with a polished education and fascinating manners; he was a natural orator." After Charles Lynch was elected governor of Mississippi, Bingaman read Lynch's inaugural speech to the Mississippi Assembly. Bingaman's reputation as an orator was heightened by his speech to General Andrew Jackson at Natchez in January 1840.

References

1790 births
1869 deaths
Harvard University alumni
Mississippi state senators
Members of the Mississippi House of Representatives
Speakers of the Mississippi House of Representatives
19th-century American politicians

Adam Lewis Bingaman