Rabbi Shmuel Yitzchak Hillman (2 July 1868 – 1 June 1953) was a renowned Orthodox Jewish Talmudic scholar, posek and rabbi and served as a dayan of the London Beth Din.

Life and work
Shmuel Yitzchak (English: Samuel Isaac) Hillman was born in Kovno, Lithuania, the son of Paya Rivka and Avraham Chaim Hillman. In his youth, he studied Torah under his uncles, Rabbi Mordechai Hillman, av beth din of Pasvatin, and Rabbi Noach Yaakov Hillman of Pasval. After his marriage, he studied intensively by himself in the house of his father-in-law, Rabbi Yitzchak Hirsch in the town of Franks in Kurland.

Rabbi Hillman received semicha from the famous Rabbis Eliyahu Dovid Teumim (who was the chief rabbi in Ponevezh and afterwards served in Jerusalem), Refael Shapiro of Volozhin, Meir Simcha HaKohen of Dvinsk and the Ridvaz of Slutsk.

In 1897, when Rabbi Hillman was 29 years old, he became rabbi and head of the Beth Din of Berazino in the Minsk Region of then-Russia, an old and distinguished community that had been graced with many great rabbis in the past. In 1908, he was appointed rabbi in Glasgow, serving and founding the Beth Din there until 1914, when he was appointed a dayan of the London Beth Din.

After retiring from the London Beth Din in 1934, Dayan Hillman settled in Jerusalem, devoting himself to study and writing. He co-founded the Jerusalem yeshiva Ohel Torah together with his son-in-law Chief Rabbi of Israel Yitzhak HaLevi Herzog, and served as its rosh yeshiva.

His grandson Chaim Herzog, and great-grandson Isaac Herzog both served as Presidents of the State of Israel.

Lineage
Rabbi Hillman was a descendant of his namesake Rabbi Shmuel Hillman (Helman), the Av Beth Din of Metz, who is mentioned in the introduction to the responsa Noda Bihudah. On his mother's side, he was a descendant of Rabbi Michal Datnover, who was known in his time as an exceptional scholar and Kabbalist. His mother, Faya Hillman, moved to Hebron after the death of her husband. She survived the 1929 Hebron massacre by laying still amid the bodies of victims. A photograph of her laying wounded in a hospital bed appears in the book TARPAT Hebron with the caption "Faya Hillman, mother of the rabbi from London." Both she and her son were mentioned by descendant President Isaac Herzog during a Hanukkah candle lighting ceremony.

In addition, Rabbi Hillman was a direct sixth-generation descendant of the author of Knesses Yechezkel, who was the Av Beth Din of Altona, Hamburg and Wandsbek. He also descended from the Katzenellenbogen family, and could trace his lineage back to the Maharam (Rabbi Meir ben Isaac) of Padua and Rabbi Yehuda Mintz.

Death
Rabbi Hillman died in Jerusalem in 1953. Thousands of people followed his funeral through the streets of Jerusalem, among them Cabinet ministers, Members of the Knesset, and leading rabbis and rosh yeshivas. Dayan Hillman's death caused deep sorrow in Jerusalem, where he was greatly beloved.

Eulogies were delivered by the deceased's son-in-law Chief Rabbi Herzog, Rabbi Isser Zalman Meltzer (with whom Dayan Hillman learned with in the Volozhin yeshiva), the Minister of Religious Affairs Mr Moshe Shapira, and others. He was survived by his wife; his daughter Sarah, the wife of Rabbi Yitzhak HaLevi Herzog; and his son David Hillman, a London artist.

Soon after Dayan Hillman died, a memorial service was held in London, where Chief Rabbi Israel Brodie and Dayan Yehezkel Abramsky spoke, full of praise, respect and admiration for the deceased. Dayan Lazarus, Dayan Grunfeld, Dayan Grossnass and Rabbi Isidore Epstein were among those in attendance.

Works
Dayan Hillman authored many scholarly works, including a 20-volume commentary on every tractate of the Babylonian and Jerusalem Talmuds, as well as on the Mishnaic Orders Zeraim and Taharos and on the Rambam and Sifra, entitled Or Hayashar (London, Jerusalem). He also published novellae on the Tanakh and a book of his sermons and orations.

Among the other writings of this outstanding figure were manuscripts on the Talmudic tractates Zevachim, Arakhin and Temura—all in the Order of Kodshim—and responsa on all four sections of the Shulchan Aruch.

References

Sources
Jewish Chronicle archives
Otzar HaPerushim (page 14)

1868 births
1953 deaths
Haredi rabbis in Europe
British Orthodox rabbis
Lithuanian emigrants to the United Kingdom
Scottish Orthodox rabbis
20th-century British rabbis
Rabbis from London
Clergy from Kaunas
English Orthodox Jews

Shmuel Yitzchak Hillman


"It Snows in Hell" is a song from Finnish rock band Lordi's album The Arockalypse. The single was released in a standard jewel case and in a digipack by the Finnish Posti-company. For the single release, Lordi produced a new version which contains softer vocals which would ultimately replace the original on the special edition of The Arockalypse. The song charted at number 2 in Finland.

Track listing
 "It Snows in Hell"
 "Evilove"

Music video

Even though Bruce Kulick did the guitar solo, he didn't star in the music video. The video was sponsored by the Finnish Posti-company. It begins with a young woman writing a letter to Mr Lordi, begging him to save her as men in hoods (likely witch-hunters) break into her house.  The girl escapes through the window just before they seize her. She runs barefoot into the forest to a statue, likely the gravesite of Mr Lordi, as referenced in the song. The witch-hunters catch up to her and rip the letter for help from her hand, letting it scatter into the wind. They drag her away to burn her at the stake. At this point, the clips of the band playing in a snowy forest interlace with the story of the girl as the pages of the letter flutter to Mr Lordi. The letter catches Mr Lordi's attention. The girl is bound to the stake and just as the head witch-hunter is about to light the fire, a shadow looms over the other hunters. All are frightened away except the head witch-hunter. He turns to find Mr Lordi behind him, who makes the terrified man vanish as steam rises from the man's cloak in a heap on the ground. Mr Lordi and the girl exchange glances, and as the lyrics in the song go; this hints that they have some kind of relation to one another and that he will see her again in hell. The ropes around her vanish and the girl finds herself in a cheerful meadow smiling as the video ends.

DVD release
The Finnish Posti-company released the music video in a DVD format featuring the song only.

References

2006 singles
Hard rock ballads
Lordi songs
2006 songs
Sony BMG singles

It Snows in Hell


David Ernest Duke (born July 1, 1950) is an American politician, white supremacist, antisemitic conspiracy theorist, and former grand wizard of the Knights of the Ku Klux Klan. From 1989 to 1992, he was a member of the Louisiana House of Representatives for the Republican Party. His politics and writings are largely devoted to promoting conspiracy theories about Jews, such as Holocaust denial and Jewish control of academia, the press, and the financial system. In 2013, the Anti-Defamation League called Duke "perhaps America's most well-known racist and anti-Semite".

Duke unsuccessfully ran as a Democratic candidate for state legislature during the 1970s and 1980s, culminating in his campaign for the 1988 Democratic presidential nomination. After failing to gain any traction within the Democratic Party, he gained the presidential nomination of the minor Populist Party. In December 1988, he became a Republican and claimed to have become a born-again Christian, nominally renouncing antisemitism and racism. He soon won his only elected office, a seat in the Louisiana House of Representatives. He then ran unsuccessful but competitive campaigns for several more offices, including United States Senate in 1990 and governor of Louisiana in 1991. His campaigns were denounced by national and state Republican leaders, including President George H. W. Bush. He mounted a minor challenge to President Bush in 1992.

By the late 1990s, Duke had abandoned his pretense of rejecting racism and antisemitism, and began to openly promote racist and neo-Nazi viewpoints. He then began to devote himself to writing about his political views, both in newsletters and later on the Internet. In his writings, he denigrates African Americans and other ethnic minorities, and promotes conspiracy theories about a Jewish plot to control America and the world. He continued to run for public office through 2016, but after his reversion to open neo-Nazism, his candidacies were not competitive.

During the 1990s, Duke defrauded his political supporters by pretending to be in dire financial straits and soliciting money for basic necessities. At the time, he was in fact financially secure and used the money for recreational gambling. In December 2002, Duke pleaded guilty to felony fraud and subsequently served a 15-month sentence at Federal Correctional Institution, Big Spring in Texas.

Early life

Duke was born on July 1, 1950, in Tulsa, Oklahoma, to Maxine (née Crick) and David Hedger Duke, the younger of two children. As the son of an engineer for Shell Oil Company, Duke frequently moved with his family around the world. During 1954, they lived a short time in the Netherlands before settling in an all-white area of New Orleans, Louisiana, in 1955. His mother was an alcoholic; his father permanently left in 1966 for Laos taking a job with United States Agency for International Development (USAID). While in New Orleans, Duke attended the Clifton L. Ganus School, a conservative Church of Christ-sponsored school. He said his segregationist awakening started during his research for an eighth-grade project at this school. After his freshman year, Duke transferred to Warren Easton Senior High in New Orleans. For his junior year, he attended Riverside Military Academy in Gainesville, Georgia. His senior year, he attended the integrated John F. Kennedy High School, and by the time he graduated was already a member of the Klan.

In 1964, Duke began his involvement in radical right politics after attending a Citizens' Councils (CCA) meeting and reading Carleton Putnam's pro-segregation books, later citing Race and Reason: A Yankee View as responsible for his "enlightenment". Putnam's book asserted the genetic superiority of whites. Also during his adolescence, Duke began to read books about Nazism and the Third Reich, and his speeches at CCA meetings became more explicitly pro-Nazi. This was enough to gain him disapproval from some members, who were more anti-black racists than antisemitic. While attending Riverside Military Academy, his class was disciplined after Duke was found to be in possession of a Nazi flag and, in public school, he vociferously protested the lowering of the flag after the assassination of Martin Luther King Jr. In the late 1960s, Duke met William Luther Pierce, the leader of the neo-Nazi and white nationalist National Alliance, who was a lifelong influence on him. Duke joined the Ku Klux Klan (KKK) in 1967.

In 1968, Duke enrolled at Louisiana State University (LSU) in Baton Rouge. In 1970, he formed a white student group called the White Youth Alliance that was affiliated with the National Socialist White People's Party. He appeared at a demonstration in Nazi uniform carrying a sign reading "Gas the Chicago 7" (a group of left-wing anti-war activists William Kunstler had defended) and "Kunstler is a Communist Jew" to protest Kunstler's appearance at Tulane University in New Orleans. Picketing and holding parties on the anniversary of Adolf Hitler's birth, he became known on the LSU campus for wearing a Nazi uniform. While a student at LSU, Duke took a road trip to an American Nazi Party conference in Virginia with white supremacists Joseph Paul Franklin (later convicted of multiple acts of racial and antisemitic terrorism and executed for serial murder) and Don Black.

Duke says that he spent nine months in Laos, calling it a "normal tour of duty". He joined his father, who remained working there, and had asked his son to visit during the summer of 1971. His father helped him gain a job teaching English to Laotian military officers, from which he was dismissed after six weeks when he drew a Molotov cocktail on the blackboard. He also claimed to have gone behind enemy lines 20 times at night to drop rice to anti-communist insurgents in planes flying  off the ground, narrowly avoiding a shrapnel wound. Two Air America pilots who were in Laos at that time said that the planes flew only during the day and no less than  from the ground. One pilot suggested that it might have been possible for Duke to have gone on a safe "milk run" once or twice but no more than that. Duke was unable to recall the name of the airfield he had used.

1972 arrest in New Orleans
In January 1972, Duke was arrested in New Orleans for inciting a riot. Several racial confrontations broke out that month in the city, including one at the Robert E. Lee Monument involving Duke, Addison Roswell Thompson—a perennial segregationist candidate for governor of Louisiana and mayor of New Orleans—and his 89-year-old friend and mentor, Rene LaCoste. Thompson and LaCoste dressed in Klan robes for the occasion and placed a Confederate flag at the monument. The Black Panthers began throwing bricks at the two men, but police arrived in time to prevent serious injury.

In 1972, Duke was charged with soliciting campaign funds for presidential candidate George Wallace and keeping the proceeds. He was also charged with filling glass containers with a flammable liquid, banned under a New Orleans ordinance. Both charges were eventually dropped.

Knights of the Ku Klux Klan

In 1974, Duke founded the Louisiana-based Knights of the Ku Klux Klan (KKKK), shortly after graduating from LSU. He became the KKKK's youngest ever grand wizard in 1976. Duke first received broad public attention during this time, as he endeavored to market himself in the mid-1970s as a new brand of Klansman: well-groomed, engaged, and professional. He also reformed the organization, promoting nonviolence and legality; also, for the first time in the Klan's history, women were accepted as equal members and Catholics were encouraged to apply for membership. Duke repeatedly insisted that the Klan was "not anti-black" but rather "pro-white" and "pro-Christian". He told the Daily Telegraph newspaper that he left the Klan in 1980 because he disliked its associations with violence and could not stop members of other Klan chapters from doing "stupid or violent things". In April 1992, Julia Reed wrote in The New York Review of Books that Duke was forced to leave the Klan after selling a copy of its membership records to a rival Klan leader who was a Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) informer.

Political and ideological activities

Early campaigns

Duke first ran for a seat in the Louisiana State Senate as a Democrat from a Baton Rouge district in 1975. During his campaign, he was allowed to speak on the college campuses of Vanderbilt University, Indiana University, the University of Southern California, Stanford University, and Tulane University. He received 11,079 votes, one-third of those cast.

Duke ran for a seat in the state senate again in 1979, losing to the incumbent, Joe Tiemann.

In the late 1970s, several Klan officials accused Duke of stealing the organization's money. "Duke is nothing but a con artist", Jack Gregory, Duke's Florida state leader, told the Clearwater Sun after Duke allegedly refused to turn over proceeds from a series of 1979 Klan rallies to the Knights. Another Klan official under Duke, Jerry Dutton, told reporters that Duke had used Klan funds to purchase and refurbish his home in Metairie. Duke later justified the repairs by saying most of his home was used by the Klan.

He ran for the Democratic presidential nomination during the 1980 presidential election. Despite being six years too young to be president, Duke attempted to place his name on the ballot in 12 states, saying he wanted to be a power broker who could "select issues and form a platform representing the majority of this country" at the Democratic National Convention. In 1979, he pleaded guilty to disturbing the peace when he led 70 to 100 Klansmen to surround police vehicles in a Metairie hotel parking lot in September 1976, and was fined $100 and given a three-month suspended sentence. Duke and James K. Warner had originally been convicted on that charge in 1977, but the Louisiana Supreme Court had reversed the ruling because the state had introduced inadmissible evidence. Duke was arrested for illegally entering Canada in order to discuss third-world immigration into Canada on a talk show.

He left the Ku Klux Klan in 1980, after he was accused of trying to sell the organization's mailing list for $35,000. He founded the National Association for the Advancement of White People and served as its president after leaving the Klan. Using the group's newsletter, he promoted Holocaust denial literature for sale such as The Hoax of the Twentieth Century and Did Six Million Really Die?

Duke allegedly conducted a direct-mail appeal in 1987, using the identity and mailing-list of the Georgia Forsyth County Defense League without permission. League officials described it as a fundraising scam.

1988 presidential campaign

In 1988, Duke ran initially in the Democratic presidential primaries. His campaign had limited impact, with one minor exception — as the only candidate on the ballot, he won the little-known New Hampshire vice presidential primary. Duke, having failed to gain much traction as a Democrat, then sought and gained the presidential nomination of the Populist Party, an organization founded by Willis Carto. He appeared on the ballot for president in 11 states and was a write-in candidate in some other states, some with Trenton Stokes of Arkansas for vice president, and on other state ballots with Floyd Parker, a physician from New Mexico, for vice president. He received just 47,047 votes, for 0.04% of the national popular vote.

1989: Successful run in special election for Louisiana House seat
In December 1988, Duke changed his political affiliation from the Democratic Party to the Republican Party.

In 1988, Republican state representative Charles Cusimano of Metairie resigned his District 81 seat to become a 24th Judicial District Court judge, and a special election was called early in 1989 to select a successor. Duke entered the race to succeed Cusimano and faced several opponents, including fellow Republicans John Spier Treen, a brother of former governor David C. Treen; Delton Charles, a school board member; and Roger F. Villere Jr., who operates Villere's Florist in Metairie. Duke finished first in the primary with 3,995 votes (33.1%). As no one received a majority of the vote in the first round, a runoff election was required between Duke and Treen, who polled 2,277 votes (18.9%) in the first round of balloting. Treen's candidacy was endorsed by U.S. president George H. W. Bush, former president Ronald Reagan, and other prominent Republicans, as well as Democrats Victor Bussie (president of the Louisiana AFL–CIO) and Edward J. Steimel (president of the Louisiana Association of Business and Industry and former director of the "good government" think tank, the Public Affairs Research Council). Duke criticized Treen for a statement he had made indicating willingness to entertain higher property taxes, anathema in that suburban district. With 8,459 votes (50.7%), Duke defeated Treen, who polled 8,232 votes (49.3%). He served in the House from 1989 until 1992.

Freshman legislator Odon Bacqué of Lafayette, a No Party member of the House, stood alone in 1989 when he attempted to deny seating to Duke on the grounds that the incoming representative had resided outside his district at the time of his election. When Treen failed in a court challenge in regard to Duke's residency, the latter was seated. Lawmakers who opposed Duke said that they had to defer to his constituents, who narrowly chose him as representative.

As state representative
Duke took his seat on the same day as Jerry Luke LeBlanc of Lafayette Parish (who won another special election, held on the same day as the Duke-Treen runoff, to choose a successor to Kathleen Blanco), the future governor who was elected to the Louisiana Public Service Commission. Duke and LeBlanc were sworn in separately.

Colleague Ron Gomez of Lafayette stated that Duke, as a short-term legislator, was "so single minded, he never really became involved in the nuts and bolts of House rules and parliamentary procedure. It was just that shortcoming that led to the demise of most of his attempts at lawmaking."

One legislative issue pushed by Duke was the requirement that welfare recipients be tested for the use of narcotics. The recipients had to show themselves to be drug-free to receive state and federal benefits under his proposal. Gomez, in his 2000 autobiography, said that he recalls Duke obtaining the passage of only a single bill, legislation which prohibited movie producers or book publishers from compensating jurors for accounts of their court experiences.

Duke launched unsuccessful campaigns for the U.S. Senate in 1990 and governor in 1991.

1990 campaign for U.S. Senate

Though Duke had first hesitated about entering the Senate race, he made his announcement of candidacy for the nonpartisan blanket primary held on October 6, 1990. Duke was the only Republican in competition against three Democrats, including incumbent U.S. senator J. Bennett Johnston, Jr., of Shreveport, whom Duke derided as "J. Benedict Johnston".

Former governor David Treen, whose brother, John Treen, Duke had defeated for state representative in 1989, called Duke's senatorial platform "garbage. ... I think he is bad for our party because of his espousal of Nazism and racial superiority."

The Republican Party officially endorsed state senator Ben Bagert of New Orleans in a state convention on January 13, 1990, but national GOP officials in October, just days before the primary election, concluded that Bagert could not win. To avoid a runoff between Duke and Johnston, the GOP decided to surrender the primary to Johnston. Funding for Bagert's campaign was halted, and after initial protest, Bagert dropped out two days before the election. With such a late withdrawal, Bagert's name remained on the ballot, but his votes, most of them presumably cast as absentee ballots, were not counted. Duke received 43.51% (607,391 votes) of the primary vote to Johnston's 53.93% (752,902 votes).

Duke's views prompted some of his critics, including Republicans such as journalist Quin Hillyer, to form the Louisiana Coalition Against Racism and Nazism, which directed media attention to Duke's statements of hostility to blacks and Jews.

In a 2006 Financial Times editorial, Gideon Rachman recalled interviewing Duke's 1990 campaign manager, who said, "The Jews just aren't a big issue in Louisiana. We keep telling David, stick to attacking the blacks. There's no point in going after the Jews, you just piss them off and nobody here cares about them anyway."

1991 campaign for governor of Louisiana

Despite repudiation by the Republican Party, Duke ran for governor of Louisiana in 1991. In the primary, he finished second to former governor Edwin W. Edwards; thus, he faced Edwards in a runoff. In the initial round, Duke received 32% of the vote. Incumbent governor Buddy Roemer, who had switched from the Democratic to the Republican Party during his term, came in third with 27% of the vote. Although Duke had a sizable core constituency of devoted supporters, many voted for him as a "protest vote" to register dissatisfaction with Louisiana's establishment politicians. In response to criticism for his past white supremacist activities, Duke's stock response was to apologize for his past and declare that he was a born-again Christian. During the campaign, he said he was the spokesman for the "white majority" and, according to The New York Times, "equated the extermination of Jews in Nazi Germany with affirmative action programs in the United States".

The Christian Coalition of America, which exerted considerable impact on the Republican State Central Committee, was led in Louisiana by its national director and vice president, Billy McCormack, then the pastor of University Worship Center in Shreveport. The coalition was accused of having failed to investigate Duke in the early part of his political resurgence. But by the 1991 gubernatorial election, its leadership had withdrawn support for Duke. Despite Duke's status as the only Republican in the runoff, incumbent president George H. W. Bush opposed his candidacy and denounced him as a charlatan and a racist. White House chief of staff John H. Sununu said, "The president is absolutely opposed to the kind of racist statements that have come out of David Duke now and in the past."

The Louisiana Coalition Against Racism and Nazism rallied against Duke's gubernatorial campaign. Elizabeth Rickey, a moderate member of the Louisiana Republican State Central Committee and niece of Branch Rickey, began to follow Duke to record his speeches and expose what she saw as instances of racist and neo-Nazi remarks. For a time, Duke took Rickey to lunch, introduced her to his daughters, telephoned her late at night, and tried to convince her of his beliefs, including that the Holocaust was a myth, Auschwitz physician Josef Mengele was a medical genius, and that blacks and Jews were responsible for various social ills. Rickey released transcripts of their conversations to the press and also provided evidence establishing that Duke sold Nazi literature (such as Mein Kampf) from his legislative office and attended neo-Nazi political gatherings while he held elective office.

Between the primary and the runoff, called the "general election" under Louisiana election rules (in which all candidates run on one ballot, regardless of party), white supremacist organizations from around the country contributed to Duke's campaign fund.

Duke's rise garnered national media attention. While he gained the backing of former Alexandria mayor John K. Snyder, Duke won few serious endorsements in Louisiana. Celebrities and organizations donated thousands of dollars to former Governor Edwin Edwards' campaign. Referencing Edwards' long-standing problem with accusations of corruption, popular bumper stickers read: "Vote for the Crook. It's Important", and "Vote for the Lizard, not the Wizard." When a reporter asked Edwards what he needed to do to triumph over Duke, Edwards replied with a smile: "Stay alive."

The runoff debate, held on November 6, 1991, received significant attention when journalist Norman Robinson questioned Duke. Robinson, who is African American, told Duke that he was "scared" by the prospect of Duke winning the election because of his history of "diabolical, evil, vile" racist and antisemitic comments, some of which he read to Duke. He then pressed Duke for an apology and when Duke protested that Robinson was not being fair to him, Robinson replied that he did not think Duke was being honest. Jason Berry of the Los Angeles Times called it "startling TV" and the "catalyst" for the "overwhelming" turnout of black voters who helped Edwards defeat Duke.

Edwards received 1,057,031 votes (61.2%), while Duke's 671,009 votes represented 38.8% of the total. Duke nevertheless claimed victory, saying, "I won my constituency. I won 55% of the white vote", a statistic confirmed by exit polls. Duke, rather than Edwards, was on network television the following day; his rival refused to appear with him.

1992 Republican Party presidential candidate

Duke ran as a Republican in the 1992 presidential primaries, although Republican Party officials tried to block his participation. He received 119,115 (0.94%) votes in the primaries, but no delegates to the 1992 Republican National Convention.

A 1992 documentary film, Backlash: Race and the American Dream, investigates Duke's appeal among some white voters. It explores the demagogic issues of Duke's platform, examining his use of black crime, welfare, affirmative action and white supremacy, and tying Duke to a legacy of other white backlash politicians, such as Lester G. Maddox and George Wallace, and the use in the successful 1988 presidential campaign of George H. W. Bush of these same racially themed hot buttons.

1996 campaign for U.S. Senate

When Johnston announced his retirement in 1996, Duke ran again for the U.S. Senate. He polled 141,489 votes (11.5%). Former Republican state representative Woody Jenkins of Baton Rouge and Democrat Mary Landrieu of New Orleans, the former state treasurer, went into the general election contest. Duke was fourth in the nine-person, jungle primary race.

1999 campaign for U.S. House
A special election was held in Louisiana's First Congressional District following the sudden resignation of Republican incumbent Bob Livingston in 1999. Duke sought the seat as a Republican and received 19% of the vote. He finished a close third, thus failing to make the runoff. His candidacy was repudiated by the Republicans. Republican Party chairman Jim Nicholson remarked: "There is no room in the party of Lincoln for a Klansman like David Duke." Republican state representative David Vitter (later a U.S. senator) defeated former governor Treen. Also in the race was the New Orleans Republican leader Rob Couhig.

New Orleans Protocol
Duke organized a weekend gathering of "European Nationalists" in Kenner, Louisiana. In an attempt to overcome the splintering and division in the white nationalist movement that had followed the 2002 death of leader William Luther Pierce, Duke presented a unity proposal for peace within the movement and a better image for outsiders. His proposal was accepted and is now known as the New Orleans Protocol (NOP). It pledges adherents to a pan-European outlook, recognizing national and ethnic allegiance, but stressing the value of all European peoples. Signed by and sponsored by a number of white supremacist leaders and organizations, it has three provisions:
 Zero tolerance for violence.
 Honorable and ethical behavior in relations with other signatory groups. This includes not denouncing others who have signed this protocol. In other words, no enemies on the right.
 Maintaining a high tone in our arguments and public presentations.

Those who signed the pact on May 29, 2004, include Duke, Don Black, Paul Fromm, Willis Carto (whose Holocaust-denying The Barnes Review helped sponsor the event), Kevin Alfred Strom, and John Tyndall (signing as an individual, not on behalf of the British National Party).

The Southern Poverty Law Center (SPLC) said that the NOP's "high tone" contrasts with statements at the event where the pact was signed, such as Paul Fromm's calling a Muslim woman "a hag in a bag" and Sam Dickson (from the Council of Conservative Citizens, another sponsor) speaking about the "very, very destructive" effect of opposing the Nazis in World War II—opposition that caused people to view Hitler's "normal, healthy racial values" as evil. The SPLC called the NOP a "smokescreen", saying that "most of the conference participants' ire was directed at what they consider to be a worldwide Jewish conspiracy to destroy the white race through immigration and miscegenation".

Political activity (1999–2012)
Duke joined the Reform Party in 1999. He left the party after the election.

In 2004, Duke's bodyguard, roommate, and longtime associate Roy Armstrong ran for the U.S. House of Representatives as a Democrat, to serve Louisiana's First Congressional District. In the open primary, Armstrong finished second in the six-candidate field with 6.69% of the vote to Republican Bobby Jindal's 78.40%. Duke was the head advisor of Armstrong's campaign.

Duke claimed that thousands of Tea Party movement activists had urged him to run for president in 2012, and that he was seriously considering entering the Republican Party primaries. But he did not contest the primaries, which Mitt Romney won.

Donald Trump advocacy
In 2015, it was reported by the media that Duke endorsed then presidential nominee Donald Trump. Duke later clarified in an interview with The Daily Beast in August 2015 that while he viewed Trump as "the best of the lot", due to his stance on immigration, Trump's support for Israel was a deal-breaker for him, saying, "Trump has made it very clear that he's 1,000 percent dedicated to Israel, so how much is left over for America?" In December 2015, Duke said Trump speaks more radically than he does, advising that Trump's radical speech is both a positive and a negative.

In February 2016, Duke urged his listeners to vote for Trump, saying that voting for anyone but Trump "is really treason to your heritage". Trump, Duke believed, was "by far the best candidate". When asked whether he renounced Duke's support, Trump responded: "I don't know anything about David Duke. Okay?...I know nothing about white supremacists. And so you're asking me a question that I'm supposed to be talking about people that I know nothing about." In March 2016, Trump disavowed Duke and the Klan, saying, "David Duke is a bad person" and "I disavowed him in the past. I disavow him now."

For the 2020 presidential election, Duke again expressed his preference for Donald Trump over Joe Biden, which was widely interpreted as an endorsement. Duke urged President Trump to replace his vice president, Mike Pence, with talk show host Tucker Carlson, asserting that such a ticket was the only way to "stop the commie Bolsheviks".

2016 campaign for U.S. Senate

On July 22, 2016, Duke announced that he was planning to run for the Republican nomination for the United States Senate seat in Louisiana being vacated by Republican David Vitter. He said he was running "to defend the rights of European Americans". He claimed that his platform had become the Republican mainstream, adding, "I'm overjoyed to see Donald Trump and most Americans embrace most of the issues that I've championed for years." But Trump's campaign reaffirmed that Trump disavows Duke's support, and Republican organizations said they will not support him "under any circumstances". On August 5, 2016, National Public Radio (NPR) aired an interview of Duke by Steve Inskeep in which Duke claimed that there is widespread racism against European Americans, that they have been subject to vicious attacks in the media, and that Trump's voters were also his voters.

A Mason-Dixon poll released on October 20, 2016, showed Duke receiving support from 5.1% of voters in the state, barely clearing the 5% requirement for a candidate to be allowed to participate in a November 2 debate.

Duke received 3% of the vote on Election Day, with a total of 58,581 votes out of nearly 2 million cast. He came in 7th place in Louisiana's open primary.

Those who made donations to the campaign were publicly outed in several states in 2017, leading to boycotts, lost business, and one restaurant to close entirely.

2020 United States presidential election endorsement
In February 2019, the media reported Duke had endorsed Tulsi Gabbard for the Democratic nomination for president and changed his Twitter banner to a picture of Gabbard. He tweeted: "Tulsi Gabbard for President. Finally a candidate who will actually put America First rather than Israel First!" Gabbard refused Duke's support: "I have strongly denounced David Duke's hateful views and his so-called 'support' multiple times in the past, and reject his support." After Gabbard's defeat, Duke endorsed Trump for reelection.

Antisemitism

Racial theories
In 1998, Duke self-published the autobiographical My Awakening: A Path to Racial Understanding. The book details Duke's social philosophies, including his advocacy of racial separation:

We [Whites] desire to live in our own neighborhoods, go to our own schools, work in our own cities and towns, and ultimately live as one extended family in our own nation. We shall end the racial genocide of integration. We shall work for the eventual establishment of a separate homeland for African Americans, so each race will be free to pursue its own destiny without racial conflicts and ill will.

A book review by Abraham Foxman, then the National Director of the Anti-Defamation League (ADL), describes My Awakening as containing racist, antisemitic, sexist, and homophobic opinions.

Duke promotes the white genocide conspiracy theory and claims that Jews are "organizing white genocide". In 2017, he accused Anthony Bourdain of promoting white genocide; in response, Bourdain offered to "rearrange" Duke's kneecaps.

An ADL profile of Duke states: "Although Duke denies that he is a white supremacist and avoids the term in public speeches and writings, the policies and positions he advocates state clearly that white people are the only ones morally qualified to determine the rights that should apply to other ethnic groups."

Claims of "Jewish supremacy"

In 2001, Duke promoted his book Jewish Supremacism: My Awakening to the Jewish Question in Russia. In it, he purports to "examine and document elements of ethnic supremacism that have existed in the Jewish community from historical to modern times". The book is dedicated to Israel Shahak, a critical author of what Shahak saw as supremacist religious teachings in Jewish culture. Former Boris Yeltsin press minister Boris Mironov wrote an introduction to the Russian edition, printed under the title The Jewish Question Through the Eyes of an American. The work draws on the writings of Kevin B. MacDonald, including multiple uses of the same sources and citations.

The Anti-Defamation League office in Moscow urged the Moscow prosecutor to open an investigation into Mironov. The ADL office initiated a letter from Alexander Fedulov, a prominent member of the Duma, to Prosecutor General Vladimir Ustinov, urging a criminal case be opened against the author and the Russian publisher of Duke's book. In his letter, Fedulov described the book as antisemitic and a violation of Russian anti-hate crime laws. Around December 2001, the prosecutor's office closed the investigation of Boris Mironov and Jewish Supremacism. In a public letter, Yury Biryukov, First Deputy of the Prosecutor General of the Russian Federation, stated that a psychological examination, which was conducted as a part of the investigation, concluded that the book and the actions of Boris Mironov did not break Russian hate-crime laws.

The ADL has described the book as antisemitic. At one time, the book was sold in the main lobby of the building of the Russian State Duma (lower house of parliament).

After the March 2006 publication of a paper on the Israel lobby by John Mearsheimer and Stephen Walt, Duke praised the paper in a number of articles on his website, in his broadcasts, and on MSNBC's March 21 Scarborough Country program. According to The New York Sun, Duke wrote in an email that he was "surprised how excellent [the paper] is. It is quite satisfying to see a body in the premier American university essentially come out and validate every major point I have been making since even before the war [in Iraq] even started. ...The task before us is to wrest control of America's foreign policy and critical junctures of media from the Jewish extremist Neocons that seek to lead us into what they expectantly call World War IV." Walt said: "I have always found Mr. Duke's views reprehensible, and I am sorry he sees this article as consistent with his view of the world".

In 2015, after 47 Senate Republicans warned Iran that agreements made with the U.S. that were not ratified by the Senate were liable to be repudiated by a future president, Duke told Fox News' Alan Colmes that the signatories "should become a Jew, put on a yarmulke, because they are not Americans. They have sold their soul to the Jewish power in this country and the Jewish power overseas". His website has hosted articles by authors claiming that Jewish loan sharks own the Federal Reserve Bank and that Jews own Hollywood and the U.S. media.

Supposed "Zionist control"
In the post-9/11 issue of his newsletter, Duke wrote that "reason should tell us that even if Israeli agents were not the actual provocateurs behind the operation [on 9/11], at the very least they had prior knowledge. ...Zionists caused the attack America endured just as surely as if they themselves had piloted those planes. It was caused by the Jewish control of the American media and Congress."

In an interview for the Iranian Press TV on September 11, 2012, Duke said: "There are Israeli fingerprints all over the whole 9/11 aspect. ...Israel has a long record of terrorism against America... there are a lot of reasons that Israel wanted 9/11 to happen. Of the Iraq War, Duke said, "The Zionists orchestrated and created this war in the media, the government, and international finance." In another appearance on Press TV the next year, Duke said Congress "is totally in the hands of the Zionists. The Zionists control the American government, lock, stock, and barrel." According to him, Jews' supposed control of the U.S. is "the world's greatest single problem".

Holocaust denier Ernst Zündel
Duke has made a number of statements supporting Holocaust denier Ernst Zündel, a German emigrant in Canada. Zündel was deported from Canada to Germany and imprisoned in Germany on charges of inciting the masses to ethnic hatred. After Zündel died in August 2017, Duke called him a "very heroic and courageous European preservationist".

Activities in Ukraine and Russia (2005–2006)
In the 1990s, Duke traveled to Russia several times, meeting antisemitic Russian politicians such as Vladimir Zhirinovsky and Albert Makashov.

In September 2005, the Ukrainian private university Interregional Academy of Personnel Management (MAUP), described by the Anti-Defamation League (ADL) as a "University of Hate", gave Duke a non-accredited PhD in history. His doctoral thesis was titled "Zionism as a Form of Ethnic Supremacism". MAUP's PhD program was not accredited by Ukraine's Higher Attestation Commission or its successor, the Ministry of Education and Science of Ukraine, so the Ukrainian state does not recognize its PhD diplomas as real academic degrees. The ADL has said that MAUP is the main source of antisemitic activity and publishing in Ukraine, and its "anti-Semitic actions" were condemned by Foreign Minister Borys Tarasyuk and various organizations. Duke has taught an international relations course and a history course at MAUP. On June 3, 2005, he co-chaired a conference named "Zionism As the Biggest Threat to Modern Civilization" sponsored by MAUP and attended by several Ukrainian public figures and politicians and Israel Shamir, described by the ADL as an anti-Semitic writer.

On the weekend of June 8–10, 2006, Duke attended and spoke at the international "White World's Future" conference in Moscow, which was coordinated and hosted by Pavel Tulayev.

Iranian Holocaust conference
On December 11–13, 2006, at the invitation of then Iranian president Mahmoud Ahmadinejad, Duke took part in the International Conference to Review the Global Vision of the Holocaust, an event held in Tehran questioning the Holocaust. "The Zionists have used the Holocaust as a weapon to deny the rights of the Palestinians and cover up the crimes of Israel", Duke told a gathering of nearly 70 participants. "This conference has an incredible impact on Holocaust studies all over the world", said Duke, adding, "The Holocaust is the device used as the pillar of Zionist imperialism, Zionist aggression, Zionist terror and Zionist murder."

Other affiliations and associations

Stormfront
In 1995, Don Black and Chloê Hardin, Duke's ex-wife, began a bulletin board system (BBS) called Stormfront. The website has become a prominent online forum for white nationalism, white separatism, Holocaust denial, neo-Nazism, hate speech, and racism. Duke is an active user of Stormfront, where he posts articles from his website and polls forum members for opinions and questions. He has worked with Black on numerous occasions, including on Operation Red Dog (the attempted overthrowing of Dominica's government) in 1980. Duke continued to be involved with the website's radio station in 2019.

British National Party
In 2000, Nick Griffin (then leader of the British National Party in the United Kingdom) met with Duke at a seminar with the American Friends of the British National Party. Griffin said:

This was widely reported in the media of the United Kingdom, as was the meeting between Duke and Griffin, following the party's electoral successes in 2009.

Alt-right
Duke has written in praise of the alt-right, calling one broadcast "fun and interesting" and another a "great show". People for the American Way reported Duke championing the alt-right. Duke described them as "our people" when describing their role in Donald Trump's election as president.

There are also claims that while he is not an active member of the alt-right, Duke is an inspiration for the movement. The International Business Times wrote that he had "'Zieg-heiling acolytes in the so-called 'alt-right'". The Forward has said that Duke "paved the way" for the alt-right movement.

Legal difficulties and felony conviction

Tax fraud conviction and defrauding followers
On December 12, 2002, Duke pleaded guilty to the felony charge of filing a false tax return under  and mail fraud under  According to The New York Times: "Mr. Duke was accused of telling supporters that he was in financial straits, then misusing the money they sent him from 1993 to 1999. He was also accused of filing a false 1998 tax return... Mr. Duke used the money for personal investments and gambling trips... [T]he [supporter] contributions were as small as $5 and [according to the United States attorney, Jim Letten] there were so many that returning the money would be 'unwieldy.'"

Four months later, Duke was sentenced to 15 months in prison. He served the time in Big Spring, Texas. He was also fined $10,000 and ordered to cooperate with the Internal Revenue Service and pay money still owed for his 1998 taxes. After his release in May 2004, Duke said his decision to take the plea bargain was motivated by bias he perceived in the United States federal court system, not his guilt. He said he felt the charges were contrived to derail his political career and discredit him to his followers, and that he took the safe route by pleading guilty and receiving a mitigated sentence rather than pleading not guilty and potentially receiving the full sentence.

The mail fraud charges stemmed from what prosecutors described as a six-year scheme to dupe thousands of his followers by asking for donations. Using the postal service, Duke appealed to his supporters for funds by falsely saying he was about to lose his house and life savings. Prosecutors alleged that Duke raised hundreds of thousands of dollars this way. Prosecutors also stipulated that in contrast to what he wrote in the mailings, he sold his home at a hefty profit, had multiple investment accounts, and spent much of his money gambling at casinos.

2009 arrest in the Czech Republic

In April 2009, Duke traveled to the Czech Republic on an invitation from a Czech neo-Nazi group, Národní Odpor ("National Resistance") to deliver three lectures in Prague and Brno promoting the Czech translation of his book My Awakening.

He was arrested on April 23 on suspicion of "denying or approving of the Nazi genocide and other Nazi crimes" and "promotion of movements seeking suppression of human rights", which are crimes in the Czech Republic punishable by up to three years' imprisonment. At the time of his arrest, Duke was reportedly guarded by members of the Národní Odpor. The police released him early on April 25 on condition that he leave the country by midnight that day.

Duke's first lecture had been scheduled at Charles University in Prague, but it was canceled after university officials learned that neo-Nazis were planning to attend. Some Czech politicians, including Interior Minister Ivan Langer and Human Rights and Minorities Minister Michael Kocáb, had previously expressed opposition to allowing Duke into the Czech Republic.

In September 2009, the office of the District Prosecutor for Prague dropped all charges, explaining that there was no evidence that Duke had committed any crime.

2013 expulsion from Italy; Schengen Area ban
In 2013, an Italian court ruled in favor of expelling Duke from Italy. Then 63, Duke was living in the mountain village Valle di Cadore in northern Italy. Although he had been issued a visa to live there by the Italian embassy in Malta, Italian police later found that Switzerland had issued a residence ban against Duke that applied throughout Europe's Schengen Area.

Other publications
To raise money in 1976, Duke (using the double pseudonym James Konrad and Dorothy Vanderbilt) wrote a self-help book for women, Finders-Keepers: Finding and Keeping the Man You Want. The book contains sexual, diet, fashion, cosmetic and relationship advice, and was published by Arlington Place Books, an offshoot of the National Socialist White People's Party. Tulane University history professor Lawrence N. Powell, who read a rare copy of the book given to him by journalist Patsy Sims, wrote that it includes advice on vaginal exercises and oral and anal sex and advocates adultery. The Klan was shocked by Duke's writing. According to journalist Tyler Bridges, The Times-Picayune obtained a copy and traced it to Duke, who compiled the content from women's self-help magazines. Duke has admitted using the pseudonym Konrad.

In the 1970s, under the pseudonym Mohammed X, Duke wrote African Atto, a martial arts guide for black militants; he claimed it was a means of developing a mailing list to keep watch over such activists.

Personal life
While working in the White Youth Alliance, Duke met Chloê Eleanor Hardin, who was also active in the group. They remained companions throughout college and married in 1974. Hardin is the mother of Duke's two daughters, Erika and Kristin. The Dukes divorced in 1984, and Chloe moved to West Palm Beach, Florida, in order to be near her parents. There, she became involved with Duke's Klan friend Don Black, whom she later married, and they began a small bulletin board system (BBS) called Stormfront, which has become a prominent online forum for white nationalism, Neo-Nazism, hate speech, racism, and antisemitism in the early 21st century.

Duke rented an apartment in Moscow beginning around 1999. He lived in Russia for five years. Duke now resides in Mandeville, Louisiana.

In the media
Topher Grace portrays Duke in Spike Lee's 2018 film BlacKkKlansman. Duke was banned from Facebook in 2018, over a year after his participation in the Unite the Right rally. Duke was banned from YouTube in 2020 for repeatedly violating its policies against hate speech, along with Richard Spencer and Stefan Molyneux. Duke's Twitter account was permanently suspended in 2020 for violating the company's rules on hateful conduct.

Self-published books
 Duke, David. Jewish Supremacism (Free Speech Press, 2003; 350 pages)
 Duke, David. My Awakening (Free Speech Books, 1998; 736 pages)

See also

References
Notes

Bibliography
 Bridges, Tyler (1995) The Rise of David Duke. Mississippi University Press.
 Rose, Douglas D. (1992) The Emergence of David Duke and the Politics of Race. University of North Carolina Press.
 McQuaid, John (April 13, 2003) "Ex-Klan Leader Is Popular in Europe, Mideast, Even as He Heads to Jail Here", New Orleans Times-Picayune
 Vierling, Alfred: Interview, Interview
 Zatarain, Michael (1990) David Duke: Evolution of a Klansman. Gretna, Louisiana: Pelican Publishing, 1990.

Further reading

External links

Filmography

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David Duke


Ahmed Demir Dogan (; born 29 March 1954) is a Bulgarian politician. He was chairman of the Movement for Rights and Freedoms (DPS) from 4 January 1990 to 19 January 2013.

Dogan was born on 29 March 1954 in Pchelarovo, Dobrich Province. He is of Turkish ancestry.

On 19 January 2013, a man tried to assault Dogan with a gun during a political meeting. While Dogan was talking to a large group of people from a podium, a man ran onto the stage and pointed a pistol within a foot of Dogan's head. The man used a gas pistol filled with pepper spray, but the gun did not fire. According to Bulgaria's deputy chief prosecutor,  even if the gun had fired, pepper spray is not deadly.  The man was tackled and wrestled to the ground by security guards and delegates. He was severely beaten for several minutes before being arrested. The entire event was captured on video. The man was identified as Oktai Enimehmedov, a Bulgarian national of Turkish descent.

References

1954 births
Living people
Bulgarian politicians

Ahmed Dogan


The Joint Declaration of Pope Francis and Patriarch Kirill, also known as the Havana Declaration, was issued following the first meeting in February 2016 between Pope Francis, who, as the Bishop of Rome, is the pontiff of the Catholic Church, and Patriarch Kirill of Moscow, Patriarch of Moscow and all Rus', Patriarch of the Russian Orthodox Church (ROC), the largest of the Eastern Orthodox churches. This was the first time leaders of the Catholic Church and the Moscow Patriarchate had met. While the meeting was also seen as a symbolic moment in the history of relations between the Catholic Church and the Orthodox churches as a community, which had split in the Great Schism of 1054, centuries before the Moscow Patriarchate was constituted, it was not expected to lead to any immediate rapprochement between them.

The 30-point declaration contains a joint call by the two church primates to end the persecution of Christians in the Middle East and wars in the region, expressing their hope that the meeting might contribute to the re-establishment of Christian unity between the two churches. A range of other issues are mentioned in the declaration, including atheism, secularism, capitalism, consumerism, economic and social inequality, migrants and refugees, the importance of heterosexual marriage and the family, and concerns relating to abortion and euthanasia.

According to the ROC leadership's public statements made before and after the Havana meeting, while the document stresses that both churches share the tradition of the first millennium of Christianity, the discussion during the meeting did not attempt to mend any of the persisting doctrinal and ecclesiastical differences between the two churches. The Declaration however includes statements about Eastern Catholic Churches in line with the Balamand declaration as well as the conflict in Ukraine. The Ukrainian Greek Catholic Church expressed disappointment, and Ukrainian Orthodox Church of the Kyivan Patriarchate criticised the latter.

Background

The Great Schism of 1054 split Christianity between Greek East and Latin West. Attempts were made over the subsequent centuries to heal the rift, such as the 1274 Second Council of Lyon and the 1439 Council of Florence, but these failed. More recent attempts to foster closer relations between the churches included the Catholic–Orthodox Joint Declaration of 1965 following the 1964 meeting between Pope Paul VI and the Ecumenical Patriarch Athenagoras I of Constantinople in Jerusalem. Following that meeting and declaration, a number of meetings, visits and symbolic events had taken place involving Catholic and Orthodox leaders (including visits by Pope John Paul II, and especially between several popes and Bartholomew I of Constantinople), but never a meeting between a Pope and a leader of the Russian Orthodox Church. The first time a Pope visited a predominantly Eastern Orthodox country was in 1999 when Pope John Paul II visited Romania. Since 1980, regular plenary sessions of the Joint International Commission for Theological Dialogue Between the Catholic Church and the Orthodox Church, the latter being led by the Church of Constantinople, had been held.

Within the communion of the autocephalous (administratively independent) local (national) churches of Orthodoxy, the Ecumenical Patriarch of Constantinople – based in what is now Turkey's Istanbul – is recognized as the bishop who enjoys primus inter pares status, albeit having no direct administrative powers over the other Orthodox churches. The Russian Orthodox Church (Moscow Patriarchate) which became autocephalous near the end of the 16th century is considered the largest denomination of the local Orthodox churches; it has close ties with the Russian state, thus according a geopolitical significance to a meeting of its Patriarch with a pope. The decentralised nature of Orthodoxy meant that such meetings could not have direct significance for pan-Orthodox issues. Two weeks earlier, the leaders of the Orthodox churches, including Kirill, met in Chambésy, Switzerland, to make final preparations for a historic Great and Holy Council of the Orthodox Church, rescheduled for June 2016.

According to the ROC, it began a bilateral dialogue with the Catholic Church in 1967, and the ROC began a theological dialogue with the Catholic Church in 1979.
Attempts had previously been made to arrange a meeting between a pope and a Russian patriarch, but these attempts had failed. Tensions had risen between the churches after the fall of Communism as the Churches "moved to pick up the pieces". Negotiations had been held in the 1990s for a possible meeting between Patriarch Alexy II of Moscow and Pope John Paul II. According to the United States Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor, the two churches established a joint working group, which met in May and September 2004, to discuss specific concerns. Representatives of both churches reported that the working group contributed to an improved atmosphere. In an August 2004 gesture of reconciliation, John Paul II presented an 18th-century copy of the icon of Our Lady of Kazan to Alexy II.
In April 2005, John Paul II died, and Cardinal Joseph Ratzinger was elected as Pope Benedict XVI.
In April 2005, ROC Bishop Hilarion Alfeyev, as chairman of the Representation of the Russian Orthodox Church to the European Institutions, proposed "a European Catholic–Orthodox Alliance".
In May 2005, Cardinal Walter Kasper proposed convoking "a synod of reconciliation" on the 1,000th anniversary of the Council of Bari in 2098, and proposed an alliance with Orthodox and Protestants against secularism. This alliance would "help one another mutually in favor of common values, of a culture of life, of the dignity of the person, of solidarity and social justice, of peace and the safeguarding of creation," according to Kasper.
In May, then-Metropolitan Kirill met with Benedict XVI in the Vatican, and they highlighted their commitment to working cooperatively. The possibility of a meeting of Kirill (elected Patriarch in 2009) with Benedict XVI had been explored prior to Benedict's retirement in March 2013, and Benedict met the future Patriarch Kirill in Rome in 2006 when Kirill was chairman of the Department of External Church Relations for the Moscow Patriarchate.

Meeting in Havana

Two years of secretive planning and months of detailed negotiation were necessary to arrange the meeting between Francis and Kirill. Francis was willing to meet Kirill, having said in November 2014: "I'll go wherever you want. You call me and I'll go." Agreement from the Russian Orthodox side was complicated by the church's close ties to the Russian state, which had recently annexed Crimea and invaded Donbas, both part of Ukraine. The pre-meeting announcement from the Moscow Patriarchate stated that they had agreed to "put aside internal disagreements" to focus on the plight of Christians being persecuted. Cuba, a significant location to both sides, provided the requirements for a neutral meeting place as neither Rome nor Moscow would have been suitable. The meeting, made possible by the timing of both leaders' visits to the region, was announced a week in advance on 5 February 2016.

The meeting took place on 12 February 2016 in a VIP room at José Martí International Airport near Havana, Cuba. Francis arrived at 2 pm local time, and the two leaders embraced and kissed. A 2-hour private meeting was followed by the signing of their joint declaration, which had been prepared in advance. Kirill was in Havana on an official visit as part of a regional tour, including visits to Brazil and Paraguay. Francis' airplane arrived at the airport on his way to his tour of Mexico.

Cuban dignitaries attending the occasion included President Raúl Castro, Cardinal Jaime Lucas Ortega y Alamino (Archbishop of the Roman Catholic Archdiocese of San Cristóbal de la Habana) and Archbishop  (of the Roman Catholic Archdiocese of Santiago de Cuba). The meeting itself was held in a private room and attended by translators and by the aides of the two leaders, in addition to Cardinal Kurt Koch, president of the Pontifical Council for Promoting Christian Unity, and Metropolitan Hilarion Alfeyev, chairman of the Department of External Church Relations for the Moscow Patriarchate.

At the end of the meeting, there was an exchange of gifts. Francis gave Kirill a chalice as well as a reliquary of the 9th-century Saint Cyril (buried in Rome). Kirill gave Francis a copy of the icon of the Our Lady of Kazan. Other presents exchanged were a Spanish-language translation of Kirill's book Freedom and Responsibility (2011) and a Russian-language translation of Francis's encyclical Laudato si' (2015).

Speaking to news media several days after the meeting, Patriarch Kirill said, citing as the reason "powerful forces" opposing such meeting (apart from the fearful Orthodox faithful), that the meeting had had to be prepared in strict secrecy; he also stressed that not a single theological issue had been discussed.

Joint declaration
The joint declaration was published by the Holy See in Italian, Russian, English, German, French, Spanish, Portuguese, and Arabic. The Russian Orthodox Church published it in Russian, English, Italian, French, Spanish, and Ukrainian. It consisted of 30 numbered sections on a range of topics.

The first section of the declaration gives thanks for this meeting, "the first in history", and refers to the leaders as "brothers in the Christian faith". Sections 2 and 3 refer to their meeting place of Cuba as "the crossroads of North and South, East and West", and expressed joy at the growth of Christianity in Latin America. Sections 4–6 expresses their views on their shared spiritual tradition ("the first millennium of Christianity") and their hopes that their meeting "may contribute to the re-establishment of this unity willed by God".

Sections 7–21 refer to "the challenges of the contemporary world". Issues raised include the persecution of Christians in the Middle East and North Africa; the impact of civil war, chaos, and terrorist violence; the exodus of Christians from Syria and Iraq; and the suffering experienced by the faithful of other religious traditions. The declaration refers to the renewal of the Christian faith in Russia and Eastern Europe and the "breaking of the chains of militant atheism", the rise of secularism, capitalism, consumerism, economic and social inequality, migrants and refugees, and the place of Christianity in the process of European integration. Further sections emphasize the importance of the family and marriage between one man and one woman, and their concerns relating to abortion, euthanasia, and "biomedical reproduction technology".

The issues of the schism within the Orthodox community in Ukraine, the conflict between Ukraine's Catholic and Orthodox Christians, and the political situation in Ukraine are raised in sections 25–27.

The closing sections call on Catholics and Orthodox to "work together fraternally in proclaiming the Good News of salvation" and to "give shared witness to the Spirit of truth in these difficult times".

The declaration concludes with a prayer to Mary, who is invoked by the names of the "Blessed Virgin Mary" as well as "Holy Mother of God".

Commentary and reactions
The meeting was characterised by news media commentators, who were largely uninformed of the pivotal facts concerning the history of Christianity in Russia and tending toward sensationalism, as being "historic", "richly symbolic", and as the "meeting of the millennium". Analysts also opine that the meeting had a geopolitical dimension, being about rivalries among Orthodox leaders, long-standing tensions within Ukrainian Orthodoxy, and about Russian President Vladimir Putin asserting Russia's influence on the world stage, motivated by his actions in Syria and Ukraine. Overall, the meeting was "not expected to lead to any immediate rapprochement between the Eastern and Western Churches".

Kirill has faced criticism over his policies that have brought the Russian Orthodox Church closer to the Russian state. In the 2012 Russian presidential election he supported Vladimir Putin, likening Putin's presidency to "a miracle from God". Yury Avvakumov, assistant professor of theology at the University of Notre Dame, describes the Moscow Patriarchate as "an instrument of Russian international policy  an effective transmitter worldwide of the political interests of the Russian rulers." The view that the meeting was motivated by internal Orthodox politics was expressed by George Demacopoulos, Greek-Orthodox chairman of Orthodox Christian studies at Fordham University in New York: "This isn't benevolence. It's not a newfound desire for Christian unity. ...It is almost entirely about (Kirill) posturing and trying to present himself as the leader of Orthodoxy."

Similar views are expressed by Borys Gudziak (Ukrainian Catholic Eparchial Bishop of Paris), who states that "the two protagonists in this drama come to it bearing different legacies. Francis is the leader of a billion Catholics and is the single most respected moral authority in the world. Kirill is the head of the Russian Orthodox Church, which is still limping from a century of persecution and still looking for its moral voice in post-Soviet Russian society." Gudziak also highlighted the internal tensions in Orthodoxy, and that an independent Ukrainian Orthodox Church would greatly reduce the power of the Russian Orthodox Church. He pointed out the tensions arising from the impending Pan-Orthodox council in June, the first to be held in centuries. In addition to this, Patriarch Kirill may face opposition from conservative groups in Russian Orthodoxy opposed to closer ties with the Catholic Church.

US Jesuit priest Robert F. Taft credits the new approach by Francis for creating the conditions needed for the meeting, opining that "Russia is coming to understand that the Catholic Church sees them as a sister church, not as someone who separated from the only real Church." The New York Times states that for Francis, "the meeting was an ecumenical and diplomatic coup that eluded his predecessors", but that he could face criticism for indirectly providing support for the Russian military intervention in Syria and Ukraine. The Associated Press report states that the meeting "cemented Francis' reputation as a risk-taking statesman who values dialogue, bridge-building and rapprochement at almost any cost" but adds that he "has also come under criticism for essentially allowing himself to be used by a Russia eager to assert itself". When asked about the possibility of being the first pope to visit Russia and China, Francis pointed to his heart and said: "China and Russia, I have them here. Pray."

According to The Economist, the meeting was a diplomatic victory for Russia's government: "The [pope's] meeting with his Russian counterpart drew Francis deep into geopolitics, and led him to condone Russia's foreign policy and critique the West's in ways that infuriated some of the Catholic church's supporters".

Major Archbishop Sviatoslav Shevchuk, of the Ukrainian Greek Catholic Church, says he was disappointed and his church members felt "betrayed by the Vatican" over the declaration's stance regarding Ukraine. Nonetheless, Shevchuk asks, "all not to rush in judging , not to remain on the reality level of those who expect only politics from this meeting and want to exploit a humble pope for their human plans at all costs. If we don't enter into the spiritual reality of the Holy Father and do not discern together with him the action of the Holy Spirit, we shall remain imprisoned by the prince of this world and his followers." The nuncio to Ukraine, Claudio Gugerotti, called for patience and indicated that the declaration was a compromise statement.

The Ukrainian Orthodox Church of the Kyivan Patriarchate also criticised the declaration; it states that the declaration ignores the opinion and position of the Ukrainian Greek Catholic Church. It also protests that the declaration had not stated that the War in Donbass was a Russian military intervention in Ukraine. In a press conference on 18 February 2016, Francis explained that questions like who started the "state of war in Ukraine" was a "historical problem".

Reactions inside the ROC
According to ROC official documents, the most important goal of the Orthodox Church concerning non-Orthodox confessions is the restoration of the God-commanded Christian unity. Indifference to this task or its rejection is a sin against Jesus' command of unity. Among the duties of the Holy Synod are to: "evaluate major events in the inter-church, inter-confessional and interreligious relations," "maintain inter-confessional and interreligious relations," "coordinate the actions of" the ROC "in its efforts to reach peace and justice," and "express pastoral concern for social problems."

Nevertheless, some ROC members have questioned the orthodoxy of the Francis–Kirill meeting and ROC preparations for the 2016 Pan-Orthodox Council. There are "some religious nationalists" in Belarus, Moldova, and the Russian Federation who have been "stirred into action" by the Francis–Kirill meeting and "some conservative clerics and monasteries have reacted to the" meeting and joint declaration "by ceasing their public prayers for Kirill." Kirill had reformed the administration of the ROC and consolidated authority in the ROC patriarch.
According to , Kirill "has no obvious enemies in the episcopate" but some "marginal figures" in the clergy are enemies.
Some ROC priests have criticized Kirill and called his acts heretical. For example, Archpriest Vladislav Emelyanov said that the Francis–Kirill meeting "evokes a feeling of betrayal" and that Kirill was destroying conciliarity in the ROC by first replacing local synod bishops and then not consulting fellow bishops in such a serious matter. This was, in Emelyanov's opinion, "clear Papism." The  has called Emelyanov's statement "harmful and unreasonable." Priest Alexei Morozov said that the ROC was on the verge of a split, and he encouraged ROC members to dissent in two ways: by attending "temples, where priests strictly adhere to the tenets of Christianity and do not accept heresy papacy and ecumenism" and by asking the Moscow Patriarchate to convene the Local Council of the Russian Orthodox Church to condemn what Morozov believes are heresies.
According to newsru.com, the sentiments expressed by Emelyanov and Morozov are not sensationalism but exist among some members of the ROC. Chapnin points out that "there exist fundamentalist groups, radically Orthodox in disposition, who condemn any rapprochement" between the ROC and the Catholic Church.
Chapnin thinks fundamentalist rhetoric is "very emotional and of little substance."

The Holy Synod of the Moldovan Orthodox Church published an appeal addressed to those who omit Kirill from their public prayers.

Kirill's spokesman, Priest , said these reactions stemmed from the fact that "people have not fully understood what occurred."
The deputy chairman of the Department for External Church Relations of the Moscow Patriarchate (DECR), Archimandrite , noted "that the vast majority" of ROC members accepted the meeting and the results positively. Bulekov said that the ROC did not disregard the criticisms of the Francis–Kirill meeting by some Orthodox and answered most questions about what happened. Bulekov commented that in most cases the same people made critical remarks and "if not for this meeting, there would be other reasons for such statements."

Metropolitan Hilarion Alfeyev told Russian News Agency TASS that critics of dialogue who consider Christian disunity to be normal hold a fallacious position against Jesus' command, in , that they all may be one. Alfeyev pointed out that this command had been broken and this condition was wrong and sinful. The purpose of the dialogue is reflected in the joint statement and is not intended to overcome division and differences, according to Alfayev.

Metropolitan  pointed out that the declaration does not contain any doctrinal agreements or concessions from Orthodoxy to Catholicism. The presence of Western saints in the Eastern Orthodox liturgical calendar, Viktorin points out, is evidence of a millennium of common doctrine. It declares a "common Christian understanding of values" together with a "desire to follow them," according to Metropolitan , and "does not concern dogmatic matters". "It would be a great mistake," Mercurius said, "to stop conversing with each other and to throw stones at one another."

2019 meeting with the Ukrainian Greek Catholic Church and renewed tensions
At the beginning of a two-day Vatican meeting with Ukrainian Greek-Catholic leaders on 5 July 2019, Pope Francis hinted that he supported the Church's concerns in Ukraine and called for greater humanitarian aid to Ukraine. The Pope previously expressed dismay over the Russian Orthodox Church's role in the conflict in Ukraine in early 2019 as well. On 4 July 2019, Pope Francis also declared that he will not meet with leaders of the Russian Orthodox Church if he were to accept an invitation to Russia. Despite having a history of good relations with Russian President Vladimir Putin, Putin, who held a "cordial" meeting with Pope Francis when this was brought up, also stated to the Pope that he would not invite the Pope to Russia without this condition. During the 5 July meeting, Pope Francis also criticized the Russian Orthodox church's attempts to manipulate "other religions" in Ukraine as well.

Notes and further reading

References

2016 in Christianity
2016 in Cuba
2016 in international relations
2016 documents
Catholic–Eastern Orthodox ecumenism
Documents of Pope Francis
21st-century Catholicism
21st-century Eastern Orthodoxy
Holy See–Russia relations
Cuba–Holy See relations
Cuba–Russia relations


Silvia Quintela (27 November 1948 –  1977) was an Argentine doctor who became one of the best-known victims among "the disappeared" during the 1976–83 military dictatorship. Her case has gained recognition for the fact that at the time of her detention by the military junta, she and her husband Abel Madariaga, an agronomist, were expecting their first child. It is thought that Quintela was secretly allowed to give birth in custody and that the child was adopted while she was subsequently killed.

Life and "disappearance"

Silvia Quintela and Abel Madariaga met as students at the Universidad de Buenos Aires School of Medicine. As active members of the Peronist Youth, both were followers of Juan Perón who, more than three decades after his first presidency, had returned to become, once again, the President of Argentina.  After Perón's death in 1974, his wife Isabel succeeded him in the presidency, only to be overthrown by the Argentine military in a 1976 coup d'état.

Silvia Quintela spent the brief number of years that she served as a physician tending to the indigent of Buenos Aires. Because of that service, she was one of the earliest of those singled out as leftist sympathizers. She was 28 years old and four months pregnant when, on 17 January 1977, she was detained while walking down a road.  The same men who seized her later broke into her mother's house, rummaged through her belongings, and told her mother that Quintela had been arrested.  With help from Quintela's mother, Abel Madariaga tried to find her, but he soon had to flee the country, ultimately becoming a political refugee in Sweden.

According to witnesses, Silvia Quintela was kept at a military base where she eventually gave birth to a baby boy.  The newborn was taken away from her, and she was reportedly transported to a military airfield.  Her fate has remained unknown, but detainees sent there were often stripped naked, blindfolded, chained together, and put onboard cargo planes, known as "death flights".  The planes would fly out over the Atlantic Ocean at night and groups of prisoners would be pushed out to their deaths.

Argentine transition to democracy

In 1983, after the junta relinquished control of the government, Abel Madariaga returned to Argentina and tried to find out what had happened to Silvia and their child.  He began to suspect that Major Norberto Atilio Bianco, a military doctor linked by witnesses to pregnant detainees, had in fact taken Quintela's son himself.  Babies delivered at the base were either given up for adoption or given to soldiers' families, and Bianco had an adopted son, Pablo, whose age fit into the timeline. Furthermore, Pablo's birthday, 1 September 1977, matches the reported date Silvia Quintela gave birth.

In 1986, the Abuelas de la Plaza de Mayo went to the school of Bianco's children in order to request a DNA paternity test. However, Bianco immediately escaped to Paraguay. Bianco and his wife Susana Wehrli were extradited to Argentina in 1998, while their children continued to live in Paraguay and refused to recognize any other person as biological parents. Madariaga endeavored to resolve Pablo's paternity through DNA testing, but Pablo has, as of 1998, declined to cooperate.

The Argentine magistrate Roberto Marquevich has indicted the former dictator Jorge Videla on charges of kidnapping concerning this and other cases of "stolen babies". Videla was transferred to the Caseros Prison, where Bianco himself was also detained on charges of kidnapping and forgery of official documents (his wife was also detained in the Ezeiza Prison). In 1999, Bianco was released and succeeded in joining the private clinic Buen Ayre and in being re-admitted by the Buenos Aires Medical Board.

Apart from Silvia Quintela, Pablo may also be the son of Beatriz Recchia, a friend of Silvia Quintana who was detained in the same period, while four months pregnant. Since no DNA tests have been made, the case has not been cleared yet.

According to the Abuelas de Plaza de Mayo on 6 May 2008 Atilio Norberto Bianco was detained. He was denounced by the association in December 2006 as the head of the clandestine maternity unit that functioned in the Military Hospital of Campo de Mayo during the last military dictatorship in Argentina.

Bianco was summoned for questioning scheduled for 1 April 2008 by the judge Martner Suares Alberto Araujo, owner of the Federal Court No. 2 San Martner, in Buenos Aires province.

In February 2010 a 32-year-old man was recognized, by DNA testing, as Silvia's son and became the 101st recovered grandson by the Abuelas de Plaza de Mayo. The young man was appropriated and raised by Víctor Alejandro Gallo, an Argentine Army officier who has previous records of crimes against humanity.

See also
The Official Story (La historia oficial), a 1986 film

References

1948 births
1977 deaths
Argentine women physicians
People killed in the Dirty War
Date of death unknown
Place of death unknown
People killed in Operation Condor
Women in war in South America
Women in war 1945–1999

Silvia Quintela


An eyeglass prescription or glasses prescription is a prescription for corrective glasses lenses. It specifies what strength of lenses the patient needs to see clearly. These prescriptions use dioptres as the measure. They usually have four sections.

The first one is the base power (also called sphere power) measured in diopters (dioptres). Prescriptions for hyperopia have a + sign in front of the number, while prescriptions for myopia have a - sign.

The second is the cylinder power, which is particularly for people with astigmatism. The cylinder refers to the type of corrective lens that treats astigmatism, called a cylindrical lens.

The third is the axis component, which measures the position of both the sphere and cylinder powers.

See also: Corrective lens

Eyeglasses
Ophthalmology

Eyeglass prescription


Cozia Monastery, erected close to Călimănești by Mircea the Elder in 1388 and housing his tomb, is one of the most valuable monuments of national medieval art and architecture in Romania.

History
The name of the monastery is of Cuman origin and it means "walnut grove", from Turkic word koz, meaning walnut. The original name of the place was the Romanian equivalent, Nucetul, but already in 1387, a document of Mircea cel Bătrân uses the current name.

The fortified cloister dates from the foundation (1388) and is the only in Byzantine style preserved in Romania. Two chapels are incorporated in the side toward the Olt River and their Byzantine cupolas are reflected in the water, creating one of the most iconic cultural - natural landmarks in Romania.

The church façades' decorations with stone rosettes, horizontal Byzantine-style rows of brick and stone and vertical frames are unprecedented in Wallachian architecture and are typical from the Serbian Morava School, which flourished in central Serbia between the 14th century and the 15th century. In fact, the strong resemblance with the Lazarica church indicates that  Mircea cel Bătrân employed Serbian craftsmen.

The appearance of the church was modified under Neagoe Basarab (1517), Şerban Cantacuzino and Constantin Brâncoveanu (1707), who added a veranda, a new fountain, a chapel and a watch tower, adding to its architecture the 'brâncovenesc style'.

Of great value is the hospital church, 'bolnița' (1543), with original well-preserved indoor frescoes like the votive portrait of ruler Mircea cel Bătrân and his sons.

Cozia was painted between 1390 and 1391. Some of the original frescoes (1390) are still well preserved.

The church of the monastery was put on a Romanian stamp in 1968.

Museum

Cozia features a museum of exhibiting old art: old manuscripts and prints, embroideries and objects of worship.

Burials
 Mircea I of Wallachia
 Carol Hohenzollern

References

External links

 The Cozia Monastery, official site, but currently (3 sept 2015) hacked by some malware system.
  Mănăstirea Cozia, at Episcopia Râmnicului
 Virtual Tour of Cozia Monastery

Romanian Orthodox monasteries of Vâlcea County
Historic monuments in Vâlcea County
Museums in Vâlcea County
Religious museums in Romania
1388 establishments in Europe
Christian monasteries established in the 14th century
Place names of Turkish origin in Romania
Burial sites of the House of Basarab
14th-century establishments in Romania

Cozia Monastery


Odia Muslims are a community of people hailing from the Indian state of Odisha who follow Islam. They mostly descend from indigenous converts to Islam along with a small proportion that migrated from northern India.

History
It is impossible to state with any certainty when Islam first arrived in Odisha. It is believed that the first significant Islamic presence dates from the invasion of the Bengal general, Kalapahad. Commanding the army of Sultan Sulaiman Khan Karrani, the Sultan of Bengal, Kalapahad defeated Raja Mukund Deva of Cuttack in 1568 CE.

Karrani brought with him Muslim soldiers who settled down in Odisha, however their number was very few. Later migration continued under Mughal as well as the Nawab of Bengal's rule. The majority of these were traders or clergy, sent to preside over the courts, both secular and Islamic.

Demographics
Islam has had a very slow rate of growth in Odisha even during the Muslim rule as there had never been any major Muslim missionary work. The current population of Muslims in Odisha is 911,670 (2011 census), roughly 2.2% of the total population. The city of Bhadrak has the maximum number of Muslims as a percentage of the total population (about 35%).

Education
Markazul Uloom, Sungra, a centre of Deobandi Islamic study in Odisha, was founded in 1946 by Muhammad Ismail Katki, the third president of Jamiat Ulema Odisha. Important Barelvi Madrasa are located at Bhadrak.

References

Islam in India by location
Muslim communities of India
Social groups of Odisha
Social groups of Pakistan

Odia Muslims


In linguistics, metapragmatics is the study of how the effects and conditions of language use themselves become objects of discourse. The term is commonly associated with the semiotically-informed linguistic anthropology of Michael Silverstein.

Overview
Metapragmatic signalling allows participants to construe what is going on in an interaction. Examples include:
 Describing the "correct way" of using language ("I before E except after C."),
 Specifying under which conditions a specific kind of communication are, or should be, used ("You should never tell a dirty joke at a funeral."),
 Signalling, explicitly or implicitly, the type of social event occurring (explicit: "I promise to be there at 3:00 p.m." implicit: "I will be there at 3:00 p.m.")
 Linking speech to another event outside the moment of speaking ("Every day she goes jogging." ).

Discussions of linguistic pragmatics—that is, discussions of what speech does in a particular context—are meta-pragmatic, because they describe the meaning of speech as action. Although it is useful to distinguish semantic (i.e. denotative or referential) meaning (dictionary meaning) from pragmatic meaning, and thus metasemantic discourse (for example, "Mesa means 'table' in Spanish") from metapragmatic utterances (e.g. "Say 'thank you' to your grandmother," or "It is impolite to swear in mixed company"), meta-semantic characterizations of speech are a type of metapragmatic speech. This follows from the assertion that metapragmatic speech characterizes speech function, and denotation or reference are among the many functions of speech. Because metapragmatics describes relations between different discourses it relates crucially to the concepts of intertextuality or interdiscursivity.

In anthropology, describing the rules of use for metapragmatic speech (in the same way that a grammar would describe the rules of use for 'ordinary' or semantic speech) is important because it can aid the understanding and analysis of a culture's language ideology. Silverstein has also described universal limits on metapragmatic awareness that help explain why some linguistic forms seem to be available to their users for conscious comment, while other forms seem to escape awareness despite efforts by a researcher to ask native speakers to repeat them or characterize their use.

Self-referential, or reflexive, metapragmatic statements are indexical. That is, their meaning comes from their temporal contiguity with their referent: themselves. Example: "This is an example sentence."

The anthropologist Aomar Boum uses a related concept of "ethnometapragmatics" to explain the Moroccan concept of showing the "plastic eye" ('ayn mika), which refers to the practice of ignoring something while pretending it is not there.

See also
 Metasemantics
 Metasyntax

References

 Lucy, John A. Reflexive Language: Reported Speech and Metapragmatics. Cambridge: Cambridge University 2004.
 Silverstein, Michael. "Shifters, Linguistic Categories, and Cultural Description." Meaning in Anthropology, ed. Keith Basso and Henry A. Selby. Albuquerque: UNM Press, 1976.
 Silverstein, Michael. "The Limits of Awareness," in Linguistic Anthropology: A Reader. Edited by A. Duranti, pp. 382–401. Malden: Blackwell, 2001.
 Verschueren, Jef. "Notes on the Role of Metapragmatic Awareness in Language Use." Pragmatics 10(4): 439–456.

Semantics
Pragmatics
Semiotics
Anthropology

Metapragmatics


Brandeis Marshall is an American data scientist, CEO of DataedX, and Full Professor of Computer Science at Spelman College, where she is the former Chair of the Department of Computer and Information Sciences. Starting in September 2019, Marshall is a faculty associate at Berkman Klein Center for Internet & Society at Harvard University. She has also worked to broaden participation in the field of data science to increase representation of underrepresented minorities, including her effort 'Black Women in Data'.

Education
Marshall received her bachelor's degree in Science in computer science with a minor in mathematics from the University of Rochester in 2000. She then received her master's degree and Ph.D. from Rensselaer Polytechnic Institute in Computer Science in 2007.

Research and career
In 2008, Marshall became an assistant professor of computer and information technology in data management at Purdue University's College of Technology. She joined the faculty at Spelman College in 2014 as an associate professor of Computer Science in the Division of Natural Sciences and Mathematics and became Chair of the Computer and Information Sciences department in 2016. At Spelman, she is the Director of the Data Analytics and Exploration (da+e) Laboratory, which centers on more effectively characterizing complex networks of data to generate useful knowledge. Her research focuses on business intelligence and data analytics, social media, and cybersecurity.

#BlackTwitter Project
One of Marshall's research projects centers on the use of social media, and Twitter in particular, for advancing social movements across the black community through the use of the hashtag #BlackTwitter. Her team works with Twitter's application programming interface (API) to gather, analyze, and visualize trends in Twitter data to answer questions like who makes up Black Twitter, who are the influencers within the community, and what issues and topics are they responding to as a community. The project also took the form of a course for Spelman College's Interdisciplinary Big Questions Colloquia, exposing students to principles of data science through by collecting, storing, and analyzing social media data related to the #BlackGirlMagic hashtag. Analysis of the efficacy of the course itself was presented at the Institute of Electrical and Electronics Engineers' Frontiers in Education Conference as a way to teach data science concepts in a culturally relevant framework, since the course also wove in themes of black girlhood alongside computational approaches to data analysis.

Business Intelligence
Marshall has also contributed research to business intelligence, working to organize, integrate, represent, and analyze a diverse array of data to enable businesses to glean more knowledge and keep pace with the increasing rate of data generation. She has worked on a broad range of problems—from recommending more refined algorithms for music recommendations to designing cost-effective cybersecurity security measures to harnessing the power of eye tracking to better design products for consumers.

Broadening participation in data science
In addition to her research interests, Marshall is involved in a number of efforts to increase representation of underrepresented groups in data science and increase data readiness across the workforce. She is the Principal Investigator (PI) of the Data Science eXtension (DSX) program, which is funded by a National Science Foundation grant. The program is an effort to train faculty at Spelman College and Morehouse College—both historically black colleges and universities (HBCUs) in Atlanta—on how they can infuse data science and analytics into their curricula. DSX seeks to highlight how data science connects to multiple disciplines, while increasing awareness of opportunities in data science to a student body that is currently underrepresented in the field. The project was informed by a 2016 NSF-funded workshop on "Planning a Dual Institution Research Center in Socially Relevant Computing."

Prior to the launch of DSX, Marshall was involved in similar programs geared at broadening participation of underrepresented groups. She was the co-PI of the Broadening Participation in Data Mining Workshop, which was first run in conjunction with the 2012 Society for Industrial and Applied Mathematics International Conference on Data Mining. She also served as the PI for the Computer Science for All Workshop in Atlanta, which was part of a larger national effort orchestrated by the Office of Science and Technology Policy—and led by the NSF and United States Department of Education—under President Barack Obama to build capacity in computer science across the country.

Marshall has also lent her expertise to furthering data science training at the undergraduate level, serving on the National Academy of Sciences' 2018 Roundtable on Data Science Postsecondary Education.

References

External links

 Dataedx.com
 Black Women in Data

Year of birth missing (living people)
Living people
American women computer scientists
Data scientists
University of Rochester alumni
Rensselaer Polytechnic Institute alumni
American computer scientists
Spelman College faculty
21st-century African-American scientists
21st-century African-American academics
21st-century American academics

Brandeis Marshall


The Matthew Fontaine Maury School (also known as Maury School), in Fredericksburg, Virginia, is an historic school building noted for its Colonial Revival architecture and design as well as its significance in the entertainment and cultural life of Fredericksburg. The architect of the building was Philip Stern. Built in 1919-1920, the school was used from then until 1952 for both elementary and high-school students. After the construction of James Monroe High School, the building was used as an elementary- and middle-school. The school was closed in 1980. Maury School was added to the National Register of Historic Places in March 2007.

History
The school is located on in an area of Fredericksburg bounded by George, Kenmore, William and Barton streets.  The site had been previously used as a potter's field and an African-American cemetery. Prior to construction, the graves were relocated to Shiloh Cemetery in Fredericksburg.  The original school building was Fredericksburg High School. It consisted of one building facing George Street. An auditorium was added to the school in 1930.

In 1937, the school was enlarged with the addition of James Monroe Elementary School, a separate building connected by a covered walk, and the name was changed to James Monroe High School. In 1952, when the city built a new high school, the building was renamed Matthew Fontaine Maury School and served as the city's middle school until it was closed in 1980. After the school was closed, it was used for several years by the Fredericksburg Police Academy and, later, as a homeless shelter. In 2007, the Maury School building was converted into condominia.

Maury stadium
Included in the Historic Places designation is the school's stadium. This stadium was built in 1935 and, despite the construction of two different high schools to replace it, James Monroe High School sports teams continue to use it for home games. On the slope between the school and the field, bleachers of stepped-concrete bleachers were built. A brick balustrade forms the edge of the spectators' area.

The stadium has been called "the City Stadium". It is the largest public gathering place in Fredericksburg. It is the venue for concerts and other community events. The stadium was also home to the Fredericksburg Dog Mart. The Dog Mart began with a 1698 agreement between the village that was to become Fredericksburg and the Manahoac Indian tribe. Held each year, this event brought as many as 15,000 people to the school.

Matthew Fontaine Maury
The school is named for Matthew Fontaine Maury (1806–1873), a Spotsylvania County, Virginia native who was known as the "Pathfinder of the Seas". Maury studied ocean currents and published the first reliable oceanographic charts. Maury was involved in the founding of the United States Naval Academy at Annapolis, Maryland and taught at the Virginia Military Institute.

Design and construction
Maury School reflects a Colonial Revival-style architecture. The school is made up of three matching buildings with 65,000 square feet of space.  The first building opened in 1920 and was called Fredericksburg High School. The school was designed to serve white students in grades 7 - 12.  In 1930 an auditorium and gym were added. An identical building was built in 1937 to house elementary school students and is connected by a covered walkway. The architect of the buildings was Philip Nathaniel Stern (1878–1960) of Fredericksburg, who was also architect for many of the buildings at what is now the University of Mary Washington.  Historian and writer Jack D. Warren Jr. called Maury School "the best example of institutional Colonial Revival architecture in Fredericksburg".

References

School buildings on the National Register of Historic Places in Virginia
Colonial Revival architecture in Virginia
School
School buildings completed in 1920
Schools in Fredericksburg, Virginia
National Register of Historic Places in Fredericksburg, Virginia
1920 establishments in Virginia

Matthew Fontaine Maury School