Yao Chang (; 331–394), courtesy name Jingmao (景茂), formally Emperor Wuzhao of (Later) Qin ((後)秦武昭帝), was the founding emperor of the Qiang-led Chinese Later Qin dynasty. His father Yao Yizhong (姚弋仲) had been a powerful general and Qiang chieftain under the Later Zhao emperor Shi Hu, but after Later Zhao's collapse after Shi Hu's death, Yao Chang's older brother Yao Xiang (姚襄) tried to start an independent state but was defeated and killed by Former Qin forces. Yao Chang became a Former Qin general, but after an incident in 384 after the Former Qin emperor Fu Jiān's defeat at the Battle of Fei River, Yao Chang feared that Fu Jiān would kill him and therefore rebelled. He subsequently captured and killed Fu Jiān, who had saved his life when Yao Xiang was defeated, causing many historians to view him as a traitor and murderer.

Early life
Yao Chang was born in 331, while his father Yao Yizhong (姚弋仲), a major Qiang chief, was a general under the Later Zhao emperor Shi Le. He was the 24th of Yao Yizhong's 42 sons. He was described as intelligent and deliberate, but uninterested in detail matters. After Later Zhao's collapse, Yao Yizhong submitted to Jin Dynasty (266–420) as a vassal, and, after he died in 351, his son Yao Xiang took over his troops and headed south to submit to Jin command. After realizing that the Jin general Yin Hao was greatly suspicious of him, however, Yao Xiang rebelled in 352 and ambushed Yin, and then occupied the cities in the Luoyang region (although not Luoyang itself), intending on establishing himself as the ruler of the region. During this time, Yao Chang served as one of his strategists. In a battle in 352, Yao Xiang's horse was killed, and Yao Chang yielded his horse to Yao Xiang—telling Yao Xiang that as long as he was still alive, the enemy would not dare to touch Yao Chang. However, as they were still discussing, they were rescued by their troops.

However, before Yao Xiang could strengthen his rule over the region, the Jin general Huan Wen attacked him in 356 and defeated him, capturing cities that he held and forcing him to abandon the plans to establish himself in the region. Instead, He was forced to advanced northwest and then west to face Former Qin, ruled by the ethnically-Di emperor Fu Sheng. In 357, Yao Xiang advanced into Former Qin territory, and a number of Qiang, Xiongnu, and Han submitted themselves to him. Fu Sheng sent a force commanded by Fu Huangmei (苻黃眉), Fu Dao (苻道), Fu Jiān, and Deng Qiang to resist him. Initially, Yao Xiang refused to engage them, but after Deng openly insulted him, Yao attacked and fell into a trap and was captured and killed. Yao Chang took over his troops but knew he could not resist, and so surrendered. Initially, Fu Huangmei wanted to execute Yao Chang, but at Fu Jiān's intercession, Yao Chang was spared.

In service of Fu Jiān
In 357, Fu Jiān overthrew the cruel and whimsical Fu Sheng (who had, in addition to many others, put Fu Huangmei to death even after his great victory) and took the throne himself. Sometime early in his reign, Fu Jiān made Yao Chang a general. The first campaign in which he was mentioned by name was in 366, when he assisted Wang Meng in an attack on Jin's Jing Province (荊州, modern Hunan and central and southern Hubei). In 367, he again assisted Wang Meng in attacking the rebels in modern eastern Gansu, who were led by the Qiang general Lian Qi (斂岐), whose subordinates were originally all Yao Yizhong's subordinates and therefore surrendered to him readily. Fu Jiān made him the governor of Longdong Commandery (隴東, roughly modern Baoji, Shaanxi). In 371, he was part of the campaign against Chouchi's ruler Yang Cuan (楊篡), and in 373, after Former Qin seized the modern Sichuan, Chongqing, and southern Shaanxi from Jin, Yao Chang was made the governor of Ning Province (寧州, modern southern Sichuan). In 376, Yao Chang also assisted Gou Chang (苟萇) in Former Qin's conquest of Former Liang, and in 378 involved in the sieged against the Jin city Xiangyang (襄陽, in modern Xiangfan, Hubei). Sometime during Fu Jiān's reign, he created Yao Chang the Marquess of Yidu.

In 383, Fu Jiān prepared a major attack on Jin, intending to destroy it and unite China. Yao Chang was one of the few generals who was in favor of the plan, as the vast majority of Fu Jiān's subordinates opposed, including his brother and prime minister Fu Rong—who specifically was suspicious of Yao Chang and Murong Chui (a general with Former Yan imperial ancestry), neither of whom was of Di ancestry and both of whom favored the attack on Jin. Fu Jiān proceeded with the plan despite Fu Rong's opposition, making Fu Rong the commander of the main invasion force. Yao Chang was put in charge of the armies of the southwest (on a separate front away from the main front), and as Fu Jiān was handing out the command assignments, he gave Yao Chang the title General Longxiang (龍驤將軍) -- a title that he himself carried previously when he overthrew Fu Sheng—and he commented, apparently in a jocular tone:

Before, I established my rule as the General Longxiang. I do not easily confer this title on others. You should take good care of the title.

Another general, Dou Chong, immediately objected, stating that it is a bad omen for the emperor to joke, and Fu Jiān grew briefly silent.

Later that year, against the much weaker Jin troops, Fu Rong's forces were nevertheless defeated at the Battle of Fei River—a battle that Yao Chang was not involved in—and Fu Rong was killed. In early 384, Murong Chui rebelled in the eastern empire, hoping to reestablish Yan, and upon hearing Murong Chui's rebellion, Murong Chui's nephew Murong Hong rebelled as well, near the Former Qin capital Chang'an. Fu Jiān sent his brother Fu Rui (苻叡) against Murong Hong, assisted by Yao Chang. Yao Chang advocated letting Murong Hong, who was intent on leaving the Guanzhong region to return to his homeland, leave, but the brash Fu Rui insisted on intercepting Murong Hong, and was defeated and killed by Murong Hong. Yao Chang sent messengers Zhao Du (趙都) and Jiang Xie (姜協) to report the bad news to Fu Jiān—and Fu Jiān, inexplicably, executed Zhao and Jiang in anger. Yao Chang became fearful and abandoned his troops, gathered the Qiang of the region, and rebelled himself, claiming the title of "King of Qin of 10,000 Years" (萬年秦王), thus establishing Later Qin.

As king
Yao Chang initially opted to keep his troops mobile, as he anticipated Murong Hong's Western Yan forces to siege Chang'an and destroy Former Qin and then depart for their homeland, so that he could take Chang'an without major engagements. In doing this, he hoped to conserve and increase his strength while his rivals battled. He therefore temporarily placed his capital at Beidi (北地, in modern Tongchuan, Shaanxi), seizing the cities of the modern northern Shaanxi. Despite this, he had periodic battles with Former Qin and Western Yan forces, as Former Qin and Western Yan also battled each other.

In 385, an incident involving the city of Xinping (新平, in modern Xianyang, Shaanxi) helped to further establish Yao Chang's reputation as wily and treacherous. The people of Xinping had fought extremely hard to preserve their city for Former Qin when Yao Chang first started sieging the city in late 384. Eventually, when Xinping ran out of food supplies and military equipment, Yao Chang assured the governor of Xinping commandery, Gou Fu (苟輔), that if he yielded the city, he would be allowed to safely lead the people of Xinping to Chang'an. Gou believed him, but as soon as he exited the city with the 5,000 remaining people, Yao Chang surrounded them with his troops and slaughtered them all, with only a single person who escaped.

In fall 385, Fu Jiān abandoned Chang'an, long under siege by Western Yan, and he sought to try to find food supplies. When he arrived at Wujiang Mountain (五將山, in modern Baoji, Shaanxi), Yao Chang sent his general Wu Zhong (吳忠) to surround Fu Jiān, eventually capturing him and delivering him to Xinping to be imprisoned there. Yao Chang tried to persuade him to ceremonially pass the throne to him, but Fu Jiān, angry at Yao's betrayal, refused. Later in 385, Yao sent his soldiers to strangle Fu Jiān. Even Later Qin soldiers mourned Fu Jiān, however, and Yao, in order to pretend as if he did not put Fu Jiān to death, posthumously honored him as Heavenly King Zhuanglie (壯烈天王).

Western Yan forces, under its now-emperor Murong Chong, occupied Chang'an, and Western Yan and Later Qin battled on-and-off. However, the Western Yan people were unhappy that Murong Chong was not leading them back to their homeland in the east, and, in 386, Murong Chong was assassinated in a coup and replaced with Duan Sui, who was then assassinated and replaced with Murong Yi, under whom the Western Yan people abandoned Chang'an and headed east. Briefly, Chang'an was held by the Xiongnu chief Hao Nu (郝奴), but Yao Chang then advanced on Chang'an, and Hao surrendered. Yao Chang made Chang'an his capital and claimed the title of emperor. He created his wife Lady She as empress and his son Yao Xing as crown prince.

As emperor
For the next few years, Yao Chang would not have complete control over the region, as many Di, Qiang, Xiongnu, and Han generals were still remaining semi-independent throughout the region. Further, in 386, a distant member of Former Qin's imperial Fu clan, Fu Deng, rose in modern eastern Gansu to oppose him, and after the death of Fu Jiān's son Fu Pi that year, claimed imperial title and became the main adversary for Yao Chang. Fu Deng used Yao Chang's killing of Fu Jiān to good propaganda effect, and for several years was quite successful in battles against Yao Chang, although the battles were generally inconclusive in their impact, with neither Fu Deng nor Yao Chang being able to decisively defeat the other. However, Yao Chang was able to gradually subdue the other Former Qin generals of the region, taking advantage of Fu Deng's cautiousness. In 387, for example, after the Former Qin general Fu Zuan (苻纂) was killed by his brother Fu Shinu (苻師奴), Yao Chang took the opportunity to quickly advance against Fu Shinu and defeat him, seizing his troops. He also, at the same time, seized the remaining cities held by Western Yan west of the Yellow River.

In 389, after losing several battles to Former Qin, Yao Chang desecrated Fu Jiān's tomb and whipped his body before reburying it. However, soon he became apprehensive and thought that Fu Jiān's spirit was aiding Former Qin, so he, following Fu Deng's lead, made an image of Fu Jiān and worshipped it, claiming to it that he had killed Fu Jiān only to avenge Yao Xiang and asking for forgiveness. The image did not help Yao Chang, and he eventually cut off its head and sent it to Fu Deng. Later that year, as Fu Deng was pressuring Yao Chang, however, Yao Chang made a surprise attack at night, around Fu Deng's army, against Fu Deng logistics base Dajie (大界, in modern Xianyang, Shaanxi), capturing it and Fu Deng's wife Empress Mao and killing his sons Fu Bian (苻弁) and Fu Shang (苻尚). He initially wanted to make Empress Mao his concubine, but after she cursed him, he executed her. While Former Qin and Later Qin would continue to stalemate for the next few years, Fu Deng was unable to again threaten Later Qin's existence from this point on.

In 392, Yao Chang grew ill, and Fu Deng, hearing this, made a major attack on the important Later Qin city Anding (安定, in modern Pingliang, Gansu), but Yao Chang, in his illness, nevertheless faced him in battle, forcing Fu Deng to withdraw—and then, in the engagement, made a clean evasive maneuver with his troops and disengaged, to Fu Deng's surprise, and Fu Deng commented:

What kind of a man is Yao Chang?  I could not tell when he would go and when he would come. Everyone thought that he is near death, but he lives to fight. It is unfortunate that I live at the same time as this old Qiang.

Around the new year 394, Yao Chang died. It is recorded in the Book of Jin that he was haunted by Fu Jiān's spirit in his dreams and became insane. A guard attempted to help him but accidentally injured him in the groin, causing him to die from blood loss. He continued to beg Fu Jiān for forgiveness before he died. Yao Xing succeeded him.

Personal information
 Father
 Yao Yizhong (d. 351), posthumously honored as Emperor Jingyuan
 Wife
 Empress She (created 386, d. 397)
 Major Concubines
 Consort Sun, posthumously honored as empress dowager, might be Crown Prince Xing's birth mother
 Children
 Yao Xing (姚興), the Crown Prince (created 386), later emperor
 Yao Song (姚嵩), the Marquess of Ancheng and Sikong (killed in battle 416)
 Yao Ping (姚平), the Duke of Yiyang (killed in battle 402)
 Yao Chóng (姚崇) (note tone difference), the Duke of Qi (created 395)
 Yao Xian (姚顯), the Duke of Changshan (created 395)
 Yao Yong (姚邕), the Duke of Jinan
 Yao Chōng (姚沖) (note tone difference) (forced to commit suicide 409)
 Princess Nan'an

References

Later Qin emperors
331 births
394 deaths
Later Zhao people
Jin dynasty (266–420) people
Former Qin generals
4th-century Chinese monarchs
Founding monarchs

Yao Chang


Henry Huggins is the first book in the Henry Huggins book series by author Beverly Cleary. It was published in 1950. The book follows the adventures of Henry Huggins, a third-grade boy who thinks nothing interesting ever happens to him until he meets his dog, Ribsy. There are six books in the Henry Huggins series. They are Henry Huggins, Henry and Beezus, Henry and Ribsy, Henry and the Paper Route, Henry and the Clubhouse, and Ribsy.

American children's books
1950 books

Henry Huggins (book)


Heistadmoen is a Norwegian military encampment in Kongsberg, in Viken county, Norway. Heistadmoen currently provides able quarters for the Telemark and Buskerud Home Guard District (Telemark og Buskerud Heimevernsdistrikt).  The camp is large and modern, most of the buildings have been recently refurbished. The camp is also used by other departments for training and shooting.

History
There were scattered activity on site dating from 1909 when the Telemark Infantry Regiment was based there. The earliest buildings were relocated  from the Gråtenmoen area in Skien. The principal function was to provide better protection for  the Kongsberg Weapons Factory.

During World War II, Telemark Infantry Regiment capitulated to the invading German Army without a fight on 13 April 1940 due to the threat of German bombing. A number of officers and crew took arms and continued the defense in Telemark.  During the occupation of Norway by Nazi Germany,  the German Military built up most of the camp with labor provided by Soviet prisoners of war. After the war ended in 1945, the camp housed German prisoners of war, guarded by U.S. and British soldiers.

From 1946 to 1952 continued training of infantry battalions of the Tysklandsbrigaden, the Norwegian army's contribution to the Allied occupation force in Germany. In 1994, the new Battalion Telemark created Heistadmoen. The Battalion was moved to Camp Rena during August 2001. It was next occupied by  His Majesty the King's Guard 6 Company, which later was also moved to Camp Rena.

Telemark Regiment  was laid down on 1 January 2003, and  Heistadmoen camp was transferred to the Telemark and Buskerud Home Guard District   The facilities are presently available for the use of all districts surrounding the Oslo Fjord. The Telemark Battalion, Krigsskolen Military Academy, National Guard and local police are the principal users. About half the camp is scheduled to be sold, when National Guard does not need buildings.

References

Kongsberg
Military installations in Viken

Heistadmoen


Karl Ernst Haushofer (27 August 1869 – 10 March 1946) was a German general, professor, geographer, and diplomat. Haushofer's concept of Geopolitik influenced the ideological development of Adolf Hitler. Rudolf Hess was also a student of Haushofer, and during Hess and Hitler's incarceration by the Weimar Republic after the Beer Hall Putsch, Haushofer visited Landsberg prison to teach and mentor both Hess and Hitler. Haushofer also coined the political use of the term Lebensraum, which Hitler also used to justify both crimes against peace and genocide. At the same time, however, Gen. Haushofer's half-Jewish wife and their children were categorized as Mischlinge under the Nuremberg Laws. Their son, Albrecht Haushofer, was issued a German Blood Certificate through the influence of Rudolf Hess, but was arrested in 1944 over his involvement with the July 20th plot to assassinate Adolf Hitler and overthrow the Nazi Party. During the war's last days, Albrecht Haushofer was summarily executed for his role in the German Resistance by the SS.

After being interrogated by Fr. Edmund A. Walsh, who recommended to Robert H. Jackson that Haushofer be prosecuted at the Nuremberg Trials for complicity in Nazi war crimes, Karl and Martha Haushofer died together in a suicide pact outside of their home in the American Zone of Occupied Germany.

Life and Early Career
Haushofer belonged to a family of artists and scholars. He was born in Munich to Max Haushofer, a well-known professor of economics, politician and author of both academic and literary works, and Adele Haushofer (née Fraas). On his graduation from the Munich Gymnasium (high school), in 1887, Haushofer entered the 1st Field Artillery regiment "Prinzregent Luitpold" of the Bavarian Army and completed Kriegsschule, Artillerieschule and War Academy (Kingdom of Bavaria). In 1896, he married Martha Mayer-Doss (1877–1946) whose father was Jewish. They had two sons, Albrecht Haushofer and Heinz Haushofer (1906–1988). In 1903, he accepted a teaching position at the Bavarian War Academy.

In November 1908, Haushofer was ordered to Tokyo as a military attaché to study the Imperial Japanese Army and as a military advisor in artillery instruction. He travelled with his wife via India and South East Asia and arrived in February 1909. He was received by Emperor Meiji and became acquainted with many important people in politics and the armed forces. In autumn 1909, he travelled with his wife for a month to Korea and Manchuria on the occasion of a railway construction. In June 1910, they returned to Germany via Russia and arrived one month later. However, shortly after returning to Bavaria, he began to suffer from a severe lung disease and was given a leave from the army for three years.

During his convalescence, from 1911 to 1913, Haushofer would work on his doctorate of philosophy from Munich University for a thesis on Japan titled Dai Nihon, Betrachtungen über Groß-Japans Wehrkraft, Weltstellung und Zukunft ("Reflections on Greater Japan's Military Strength, World Position, and Future"). He established himself as one of Germany's foremost experts regarding the Far East, and co-founded the geopolitical monthly Zeitschrift für Geopolitik (ZfG), which he would co-edit until it was suspended towards the end of World War II.

Haushofer continued his career as a professional soldier after the annexation of Bavaria by Germany, serving in the army of Imperial Germany and returning to teach War History at the Military Academy in Munich.

During World War I, he commanded a brigade on the Western Front.  But he was disillusioned with Germany's readiness for the tests of warfare.

When the United States entered the war, it cemented two especially bitter hatreds for Haushofer.  The first was for the U.S.  America was a "deceitful, ravenous, hypocritical, shameless beast of prey," he wrote.  "Americans are truly the only people on this world that I regard with a deep, instinctive hatred."

At the same time, Haushofer developed an especially virulent strain of anti-semitic feeling.  In letters to his wife Martha, whose own father was Jewish, Haushofer wrote of Jewish "treason against Volk, race and country." He repeated false but common slanders alleging that Jews declined to fight for their country of citizenship, and were guilty of war
profiteering.

The solution to these ills besetting Germany, he declared, would be a powerful and charismatic leader.  "A man! A kingdom, an imperial crown for a man worthy of the name!"  "You see how ready for a Caesar I am," he wrote in another letter to Martha, "and what kind of a good instrument I would be for a Caesar, if we had one and if he knew how to make use of me."

Haushofer would both find and influence Germany's next Caesar.  After retiring from the army with the rank of generalmajor (major general) in 1919, he forged a friendship with the young Rudolf Hess, who became his scientific assistant and later rose to be the deputy leader of the Nazi Party, second in authority only to Hitler.

In 1919, Haushofer successfully defended his second dissertation, and became Privatdozent for political geography at Ludwig Maximilian University of Munich, and was made a professor in 1933, although he declined a formal position and salary, because that would have affected his military pension.

Geopolitik and Relationship with Hitler
Haushofer entered academia with the aim of restoring and regenerating Germany. He believed the Germans' lack of geographical knowledge and geopolitical awareness to be a major cause of Germany's defeat in World War I, because Germany had found itself with a disadvantageous alignment of allies and enemies. His specialty was to combine the fields of geography, history, economics, demography, political science, and anthropology into a new discipline that came to be called Geopolitik.  Haushofer himself could not plainly describe this "new science," but its principal thrust was the view the state as a person or organism, shaped over time by its unique geography and history into a specific national character.  In this context he coined the term Lebensraum - "room to live" - to describe the territory that a healthy and expanding state needed to sustain its population.  This notion would be adopted by Hitler and the Nazi party in its most aggressive and militaristic interpretation.

In 1923, Hilter was jailed following his failed "Beer Hall Putsch," and Rudolf Hess surrendered to be imprisoned alongside his leader in Landsberg Prison.

Haushofer became a teacher of politics and philosophy to both Hess and Hitler.  According to scholar Holger Herwig, "Like a dry sponge, Hitler soaked up what Haushofer offered."

Haushofer's son Albrecht considered that his father's most powerful contribution to Hess and Hitler was his own substantial credibility as a soldier and scholar: "One has to imagine what it meant in the Bavaria of that time," he wrote, "when a man of my father's stature [general and professor] and popularity constantly traveled out to Landsberg."

From 1925 to 1931 and from 1933 to 1939, Haushofer broadcast monthly radio lectures on the international political situation. That Weltpolitischer Monatsbericht made him a household name in contemporary Germany, and he came to be known in circles far removed from academia. He was a founding member of the Deutsche Akademie, of which he served as president from 1934 to 1937. He was a prolific writer, publishing hundreds of articles, reviews, commentaries, obituaries and books, many of which were on Asian topics, and he arranged for many leaders in the Nazi party and in the German military to receive copies of his works.

After the establishment of the German Nazi government, Haushofer remained friendly with Hess, who protected Haushofer's wife from the racial laws of the Nazis, which deemed her a "half-Jew". During the prewar years, Haushofer was instrumental in linking Japan to the Axis powers, acting in accordance with the theories in his book Geopolitics of the Pacific Ocean.

Under Hitler's regime, Haushofer became both rich and immensely influential.  But his influence and his public profile shrank abruptly after his patron, Rudolf Hess, flew to Scotland in May 1941 in a doomed effort to make peace with the United Kingdom.  Hess was purged from the Nazi Party, and the Haushofer family, with its close relationship with Hess and its Jewish background, once again came under suspicion.

In 1944 Haushofer's son Albrecht was implicated in the July 20 Plot to assassinate Hitler.  Karl was arrested on July 28, 1944, and imprisoned for a month at Dachau before he was released.

Albrecht went into hiding but was arrested on 7 December 1944 and put into the Moabit prison in Berlin. Karl wrote a personal letter to Hitler pleading for mercy for his son, but never sent it.  During the night of 22–23 April 1945, with only days remaining in the war, he and other prisoners, among them Klaus Bonhoeffer, were walked out of the prison by an SS death squad and shot on the orders of Josef Goebbels.  When his brother Heinz found his body, Albrecht was still clutching a sheaf of papers on which he had written dozens of poems in his last days trying to make sense of his life, his father's work, and the war.  Those eighty poems were eventually published as The Moabit Sonnets.  In the thirty-eighth sonnet, titled "The Father," Albrecht indicts his father for helping to unleash the horrors of Nazi brutality:

Karl Haushofer was devastated by Albrecht's death.  And yet - even though the Nazis had murdered his beloved son, and their war had left Germany in ruins around him, Haushofer continued to blame "New York's finance Jews" for the destruction of his beloved Munich.

He was repeatedly arrested by the American forces he so detested.  Beginning on 24 September 1945, Karl Haushofer was informally interrogated by Fr. Edmund A. Walsh on behalf of Nuremberg Trials prosecutor Robert H. Jackson to determine whether Haushofer should also stand trial. Fr. Walsh ultimately reported to Jackson that Haushofer was both legally and morally guilty of complicity in Nazi war crimes. Citing, "the role of geopolitics in corrupting education into a preparation for war", Walsh accused Haushofer and his associates of being, "basically as guilty as the better-known war criminals." In his later memoir of the Nuremberg Trials, Walsh further alleged that, "The tragedy of Karl Haushofer", was his participation in the, "nationalizing", of academic scholarship and of turning Geopolitik into a weapon supplying, "an allegedly scientific basis and justification for international brigandage."

Death
On the night of 10–11 March 1946, Karl Haushofer and his wife committed suicide in a secluded hollow on their Hartschimmelhof estate at Pähl/Ammersee. Both drank arsenic and his wife then hanged herself from a tree branch.

Haushofer left a detailed map to help his son, Heinz, find the bodies.
In a suicide note, he declared that he wanted "no form of state or church
funeral, no obituary, epitaph, or identification of my grave... I want to be
forgotten and forgotten."

Fr. Walsh visited their graves and wrote in his diary, "I could not help but think of the deep tragedy of this death by night, alone, in a lonely gulley, of the last of the geopoliticians! What an inscrutable destiny, that after 19 [years of] teaching and warning [the] U.S.A. about the teachings of Haushofer, I should today be kneeling over his suicide's body in one of the loneliest spots in Bavaria!"

Geopolitics

Haushofer developed Geopolitik from widely varied sources, including the writings of Oswald Spengler, Alexander Humboldt, Karl Ritter, Friedrich Ratzel, Rudolf Kjellén, and Halford J. Mackinder.

Geopolitik contributed to Nazi foreign policy chiefly in the strategy and justifications for lebensraum. The theories contributed five ideas to German foreign policy in the interwar period:
 organic state
 lebensraum
 autarky
 pan-regions
 land power/sea power dichotomy.

Geostrategy as a political science is both descriptive and analytical like political geography but adds a normative element in its strategic prescriptions for national policy. While some of Haushofer's ideas stem from earlier American and British geostrategy, German geopolitik adopted an essentialist outlook toward the national interest, oversimplifying issues and representing itself as a panacea. As a new and essentialist ideology, geopolitik resonated with the post-World War I insecurity of the populace.

Haushofer's position in the University of Munich served as a platform for the spread of his geopolitical ideas, magazine articles, and books. In 1922, he founded the Institute of Geopolitics in Munich, from which he proceeded to publicize geopolitical ideas. By 1924, as the leader of the German geopolitik school of thought, Haushofer would establish the Zeitschrift für Geopolitik monthly devoted to geopolitik. His ideas would reach a wider audience with the publication of Volk ohne Raum by Hans Grimm in 1926, popularizing his concept of lebensraum. Haushofer exercised influence both through his academic teachings, urging his students to think in terms of continents and emphasizing motion in international politics, and through his political activities. While Hitler's speeches would attract the masses, Haushofer's works served to bring the remaining intellectuals into the fold.

Geopolitik was essentially a consolidation and codification of older ideas, given a scientific gloss:

Lebensraum was a revised colonial imperialism;
Autarky a new expression of tariff protectionism;
Strategic control of key geographic territories exhibiting the same thought behind earlier designs on the Suez and Panama Canals; a view of controlling the land in the same way as those choke points control the sea
Pan-regions (Panideen) based upon the British Empire, and the American Monroe Doctrine, Pan-American Union and hemispheric defense, whereby the world is divided into spheres of influence.
Frontiers – His view of barriers between peoples not being political (borders) or natural placements of races or ethnicities but as being fluid and determined by the will or needs of ethnic/racial groups.
The key reorientation in each dyad is that the focus is on land-based empire rather than naval imperialism.

Ostensibly based upon the geopolitical theory of American naval expert Alfred Thayer Mahan, and British geographer Halford J. Mackinder, German geopolitik adds older German ideas. Enunciated most forcefully by Friedrich Ratzel and his Swedish student Rudolf Kjellén, they include an organic or anthropomorphized conception of the state, and the need for self-sufficiency through the top-down organization of society. The root of uniquely German geopolitik rests in the writings of Karl Ritter who first developed the organic conception of the state that would later be elaborated upon by Ratzel and accepted by Hausfhofer. He justified lebensraum, even at the cost of other nations' existence because conquest was a biological necessity for a state's growth.

Ratzel's writings coincided with the growth of German industrialism after the Franco-Prussian war and the subsequent search for markets that brought it into competition with Britain. His writings served as welcome justification for imperial expansion. Influenced by Mahan, Ratzel wrote of aspirations for German naval reach, agreeing that sea power was self-sustaining, as the profit from trade would pay for the merchant marine, unlike land power. Haushofer was exposed to Ratzel, who was friends with Haushofer's father, a teacher of economic geography, and would integrate Ratzel's ideas on the division between sea and land powers into his theories, saying that only a country with both could overcome this conflict.

Haushofer's geopolitik expands upon that of Ratzel and Kjellén. While the latter two conceive of geopolitik as the state as an organism in space put to the service of a leader, Haushofer's Munich school specifically studies geography as it relates to war and designs for empire. The behavioral rules of previous geopoliticians were thus turned into dynamic normative doctrines for action on lebensraum and world power.

Haushofer defined geopolitik in 1935 as "the duty to safeguard the right to the soil, to the land in the widest sense, not only the land within the frontiers of the Reich, but the right to the more extensive Volk and cultural lands." Culture itself was seen as the most conducive element to dynamic special expansion. It provided a guide as to the best areas for expansion, and could make expansion safe, whereas projected military or commercial power could not. Haushofer even held that urbanization was a symptom of a nation's decline, evidencing a decreasing soil mastery, birthrate and effectiveness of centralized rule.

To Haushofer, the existence of a state depended on living space, the pursuit of which must serve as the basis for all policies. Germany had a high population density, but the old colonial powers had a much lower density, a virtual mandate for German expansion into resource-rich areas. Space was seen as military protection against initial assaults from hostile neighbors with long-range weaponry. A buffer zone of territories or insignificant states on one's borders would serve to protect Germany. Closely linked to that need was Haushofer's assertion that the existence of small states was evidence of political regression and disorder in the international system. The small states surrounding Germany ought to be brought into the vital German order. These states were seen as being too small to maintain practical autonomy even if they maintained large colonial possessions and would be better served by protection and organization within Germany. In Europe, he saw Belgium, the Netherlands, Portugal, Denmark, Switzerland, Greece and the "mutilated alliance" of Austro-Hungary as supporting his assertion.

Haushofer's version of autarky was based on the quasi-Malthusian idea that the earth would become saturated with people and no longer able to provide food for all. There would essentially be no increases in productivity.

Haushofer and the Munich school of geopolitik would eventually expand their conception of lebensraum and autarky well past the borders of 1914 and "a place in the sun" to a New European Order, then to a New Afro-European Order, and eventually to a Eurasian Order. That concept became known as a pan-region, taken from the American Monroe Doctrine, and the idea of national and continental self-sufficiency. That was a forward-looking refashioning of the drive for colonies, something that geopoliticians did not see as an economic necessity but more as a matter of prestige, putting pressure on older colonial powers. The fundamental motivating force would be not economic but cultural and spiritual. Haushofer was, what is called today, a proponent of "Eurasianism", advocating a policy of German–Russian hegemony and alliance to offset an Anglo-American power structure's potentially dominating influence in Europe.

Beyond being an economic concept, pan-regions were a strategic concept as well. Haushofer acknowledges the strategic concept of the Heartland Theory put forward by the British geopolitician Halford Mackinder. If Germany could control Eastern Europe and subsequently Russian territory, it could control a strategic area to which hostile seapower could be denied. Allying with Italy and Japan would further augment German strategic control of Eurasia, with those states becoming the naval arms protecting Germany's insular position.

Relationship with Nazi leaders

Biographers of both Haushofer and of Hitler disagree somewhat on the extent of Haushofer's influence on Hitler: Ian Kershaw writes that "[his] influence was probably greater than the Munich professor was later prepared to acknowledge," while Joachim C. Fest says that Haushofer's contributions to Hitler's ideation were important, but that "Hitler's version of [Haushofer's] ideas was distinctly his own." Haushofer told Walsh that he viewed Hitler as a half-educated man who never correctly understood the Geopolitik principles explained by Hess, and saw Foreign Minister Joachim von Ribbentrop (in office: 1938-1945) as the principal distorter of geopolitik in Hitler's mind.

Most writers on Haushofer agree that at the very least, through his teaching and his writing, he gave to Hitler and the Nazis intellectual legitimacy - providing Hitler and his cronies with a political and philosophical vocabulary that they would use to justify the goals that they pursued with war and terror.  After World War II, Haushofer would deny that he had taught Hitler, and claimed that the  National Socialist Party perverted Hess's study of geopolitik.

Although Haushofer accompanied Hess on numerous propaganda missions and participated in consultations between Nazis and Japanese leaders, he claimed that Hitler and the Nazis only seized upon half-developed ideas and catchwords. Furthermore, the Nazi party and government lacked any official organ that was receptive to geopolitik, leading to selective adoption and poor interpretation of Haushofer's theories. Ultimately, Hess and Konstantin von Neurath, the German Minister of Foreign Affairs (in office: 1932-1938), were the only officials Haushofer would admit had a proper understanding of geopolitik.

Father Edmund A. Walsh, professor of geopolitics and dean at Georgetown University, who interviewed Haushofer after  Allied victory in preparation for the Nuremberg trials, disagreed with Haushofer's assessment that Hitler and the Nazis terribly distorted geopolitik. He cites Hitler's speeches declaring that small states have no right to exist, and the Nazi use of Haushofer's maps, language and arguments. Even if distorted somewhat, Walsh felt that was enough to implicate Haushofer's geopolitik.

Various more damning allegations about Haushofer's involvement with political extremism have been presented over the years.  Louis Pauwels, in his book Monsieur Gurdjieff, describes Haushofer as a former student of the Greek-Russian mystic George Gurdjieff. Others, including Pauwels, claimed that Haushofer created a Vril society and that he was a secret member of the Thule Society.  It was theorized that Haushofer had co-written, or helped to write, Mein Kampf.  Rumors floated that Haushofer was Hess's father, or, conversely, that the two men were lovers.  Holger dismisses these unproven allegations as "mythmaking" and "rumors."

Aware of some of these accusations, after the war Haushofer denied assisting Hitler in writing Mein Kampf, saying that he only knew of it once it was in print, and that he never read it. But Walsh found, as scholars have since, that even if Haushofer did not directly assist Hitler, discernible new elements appeared in Mein Kampf, as compared to previous speeches made by Hitler. Geopolitical ideas of lebensraum, space for  depth of defense, appeals for natural frontiers, balancing land and seapower, and geographic analysis of military strategy entered Hitler's thought between his imprisonment and the publishing of Mein Kampf. Chapter XIV, on German policy in Eastern Europe, in particular displays the influence of the materials Haushofer brought Hitler and Hess while they were imprisoned.  Hans Frank, the governor general of wartime Poland, quoted Hitler as telling him, "Landsberg was my university education at state expense."

Haushofer was never a member of the Nazi Party, and did voice disagreements with the party. Haushofer came under suspicion because of his contacts with left-wing socialist figures within the Nazi movement (led by Gregor Strasser) and because of his advocacy of essentially a German–Russian alliance. The Nazi left-wing had some connections to the Communist Party of Germany and some of its leaders, especially those who were influenced by the National Bolshevist philosophy of a German–Russian revolutionary alliance, as advocated by Ernst Niekisch (1889-1967), Julius Evola (1898-1974), Ernst Jünger (1895-1998), Friedrich Hielscher (1902-1990) and other figures of the "conservative revolution". Haushofer did profess loyalty to the Führer and make anti-Semitic remarks. However, his emphasis was always on space over race; he believed in  environmental rather than racial determinism. In contrast to his personal hostility towards Jews, he declined to associate himself with anti-Semitism as a state policy, especially because his wife was half-Jewish. Haushofer claimed that after 1933 much of what he wrote was distorted under duress: his wife had to be protected by Hess's influence (who managed to have her awarded "honorary German" status).),
and his son and grandson were imprisoned for two and a half months.

Several authors have explored more obscure angles on the contact between Haushofer and the Nazi establishment. Suggestions such as Haushofer's connection to Gurdjieff's occultism, or that he had studied Zen Buddhism, or had been initiated at the hands of Tibetan lamas – are subject of debate.

The influence of Haushofer on Nazi ideology is dramatized in the 1943 short documentary propaganda film, Plan for Destruction, which was nominated for an  Academy Award.

Works
 Das Japanische Reich in seiner geographischen Entwicklung. Wien: L. W. Seidel & Sohn, 1921.
 Geopolitik des Pazifischen Ozeans: Studien über die Wechselbeziehungen zwischen Geographie und Geschichte. Heidelberg: Kurt Vowinckel Verlag, 1925; Bremen: Dogma, 2013.
 Bausteine zur Geopolitik. Heidelberg: Kurt Vowinckel Verlag, 1928.
 Weltpolitik von heute. Berlin: Zeitgeschichte-Verlag Wilhelm Undermann, 1934 (online).
 Napoleon I. Lübeck: Coleman, 1935.
 Kitchener. Lübeck: Coleman, 1935.
 Foch. Lübeck: Coleman, 1935
 Weltmeere und Weltmächte. Berlin: Zeitgeschichte-Verlag, 1937.
 Deutsche Kulturpolitik im indopazifischen Raum. Hamburg: Hoffmann und Campe, 1939.
 Geopolitische Grundlagen. Berlin and Wien: Industrieverlag Spaeth & Linde, 1939.
 Grenzen in ihrer geographischen und politischen Bedeutung. Heidelberg, Berlin and Magdeburg: Vowinckel, 1939.
 Wehr-Geopolitik: Geographische Grundlagen einer Wehrkunde. Berlin: Junker und Dünnhaupt, 1941.
 Japan baut sein Reich. Berlin: Zeitgeschichte-Verlag Wilhelm Undermann, 1941.
 Das Werden des deutschen Volkes: Von der Vielfalt der Stämme zur Einheit der Nation. Berlin: Propyläen-Verlag, 1941.
 Der Kontinentalblock : Mitteleuropa, Eurasien, Japan. Berlin: Eher, 1941.
 Das Reich: Großdeutsches Werden im Abendland. Berlin: Habel, 1943.
 De la géopolitique. Paris: Fayard, 1986.
 English Translation and Analysis of Major General Karl Ernst Haushofer's Geopolitics of the Pacific Ocean: Studies on the Relationship between Geography and History. Lewiston, New York and Lampeter, Wales: Edwin Mellen Press, 2002. .

See also
 Geojurisprudence
 Intermediate Region
 Alfred Pringsheim
 Nazi Ideologues, Philosophers, and Sociologists

References
Notes

Bibliography
Dorpalen, Andreas.The World of General Haushofer: Geopolitics in Action (New York: Farrar & Rinehart, 1942).
Jacobsen, Hans-Adolf. Karl Haushofer: Leben und Werk. 2 vols. (= Schriften des Bundesarchivs 24) Harald Boldt Verlag, Boppard 1979.
 Halford Mackinder. Democratic Ideals and Reality, Washington, DC: National Defence University Press, 1996.
Mattern, Johannes. Geopolitik: Doctrine of National Self-Sufficiency and Empire, The Johns Hopkins Press, Baltimore: 1942.
Ravenscroft, Trevor. The Spear of Destiny. Weiser Books, London: 1983.
Walsh, Edmund A. Total Power: A Footnote to History. Doubleday & Company, Inc., Garden City, New York: 1949.

Further reading
 Bassoni, N. (2019). "Karl Haushofer as a "Pioneer" of National Socialist Cultural Diplomacy in Fascist Italy." Central European History, 52(3), pp. 424-449.
 Coogan, Kevin, Dreamer of the Day: Francis Parker Yockey and the postwar fascist international (Brooklyn, NY: Autonomedia, 1998).
 Heske, Henning, "Karl Haushofer: his role in German politics and in Nazi politics," Political Geography 6 (1987), pp. 135–144.
Kaplan, Robert D. (2012) The Revenge of Geography: What the Maps Tell Us About the Coming Conflicts and the Battle Against Fate New York: Random House.
 Murphy, David Thomas, The Heroic Earth: Geopolitical Thought in Weimar Germany, 1918–1933 (Kent, Oh.: Kent State University Press, 1997)
 Rees, Philip (ed.), Biographical Dictionary of the Extreme Right Since 1890, 1991,
 Spang, Christian W., "Karl Haushofer Re-examined – Geopolitics as a Factor within Japanese-German Rapprochement in the Inter-War Years?" In C. W. Spang, R.-H. Wippich (eds.), Japanese-German Relations, 1895–1945. War, Diplomacy and Public Opinion. (Routledge, London/New York: 2006) pp. 139–157.
 Spang, Christian W., Karl Haushofer und Japan. Die Rezeption seiner geopolitischen Theorien in der deutschen und japanischen Politik, Munich: Iudicium, 2013. .

External links
 Deutsches Historisches Museum: Biography of Karl Haushofer (German)
 Encyclopædia Britannica entry
 The Columbia Encyclopedia, Sixth Edition entry on Karl Haushofer

 Geopolitics, the United States, the Eurasian Continental Bloc, and China by Bertil Haggman
 "The Last Days of World War II – Last Secrets of the Axis" – An online documentary by History Channel about Karl Haushofer and his role on Eurasia alliance
 Japan und die Japaner - eine Landes und Volkskunde (1933) at The Internet Archive

1869 births
1946 suicides
1946 deaths
Bavarian generals
Dachau concentration camp survivors
Geopoliticians
German geographers
German Army generals of World War I
People from Nazi Germany
Joint suicides
Ludwig Maximilian University of Munich alumni
Academic staff of the Ludwig Maximilian University of Munich
Military geographers
German occultists
Military personnel from Munich
People from the Kingdom of Bavaria
Suicides by poison
German military attachés
German expatriates in Japan
Writers from Munich
Suicides in Germany

Karl Haushofer


IT8 is a set of American National Standards Institute (ANSI) standards for color communications and control specifications.  Formerly governed by the IT8 Committee, IT8 activities were merged with those of the Committee for Graphics Arts Technologies Standards (CGATS) in 1994.

Standards list
The following is a list of the IT8 standards, according to the NPES Standards Blue Book:

IT8.6 - 2002 - Graphic technology - Prepress digital data exchange - Diecutting data (DDES3)
This standard establishes a data exchange format to
enable transfer of numerical control information between diecutting systems and electronic prepress systems.
The information will typically consist of numerical control information used in the manufacture of dies. 37 pp.

IT8.7/1 - 1993 (R2003) - Graphic technology - Color transmission target for input scanner calibration

This standard defines an input test target that will allow any
color input scanner to be calibrated with any film dye set used to create the target. It is intended to address the color transparency products that
are generally used for input to the preparatory process for printing and publishing. This standard defines the layout and colorimetric values of
a target that can be manufactured on any positive color transparency film and that is intended for use in the calibration of a photographic
film/scanner combination. 32 pp.

IT8.7/2 - 1993 (R2003) Graphic technology - Color reflection target for input scanner calibration

This standard defines an input test target that will allow any
color input scanner to be calibrated with any film dye set used to create the target. It is intended to address the color photographic paper
products that are generally used for input to the preparatory process for printing and publishing. It defines the layout and colorimetric values of
the target that can be manufactured on any color photographic paper and is intended for use in the calibration of a photographic paper/scanner
combination. 29 pp.

IT8.7/3 - 1993 (R2003) Graphic technology - Input data for characterization of 4-color process printing

The purpose of this standard is to specify an input data
file, a measurement procedure and an output data format to characterize any four-color printing process. The output data (characterization) file
should be transferred with any four-color (cyan, magenta, yellow and black) halftone image files to enable a color transformation to be
undertaken when required. 29 pp.

Targets

Calibrating all devices involved in the process chain (original, scanner/digital camera, monitor/printer) is required for an authentic color reproduction, because their actual color spaces differ device-specifically from the reference color spaces.

An IT8 calibration is done with what are called IT8 targets, which are defined by the IT8 standards.

Example
Special targets, implementing the IT8.7/1 (transparent target) or IT8.7/2 (reflective target) standards, are needed for calibrating scanners. These targets consists of 24 grey fields and 264 color fields in 22 columns:
 Column 01 to 12: HCL color model, which differ in Hue, Chroma, and Lightness
 Column 13 to 16: CMYK-Colors Cyan, Magenta, Yellow, and Key (black) in different steps of brightness
 Column 17 to 19: RGB-Colors Red, Green, and Blue in different steps of brightness
 Column 20 to 22: undefined, producers' choice

After scanning such a target, an ICC profile gets calculated on the basis of reference values. This profile is used for all subsequent scans and assures color fidelity.

See also
 List of colors
 Color chart
 Color calibration
 Color management
 Color mapping
 ICC profile

References
 Romano, Richard and Frank. (1998). The GATF encyclopedia of graphic communications. GATF Press.
 Digital Color Imaging Handbook; Gaurav Sharma; ; 2002.

External links
IT8 target sources
EGM Laboratoris Color
 Wolf Faust
 SilverFast

IT8-enabled software
 ExactScan Pro, Windows, Mac, Linux
 SilverFast, Windows, Mac
 VueScan, Windows, Mac, Linux
 CoCa, Color camera calibrator, Windows, Linux
 Rough Profiler, Mac

IT8 articles
 Importance of Calibration & Characterization
 Does Cost Really Make A Difference
 Profiling a Camera with an IT8 Target
 What is an IT8 color card? (In Spanish)

Computer graphics
American National Standards Institute standards
Printing terminology
Print production

IT8


The early written records of the history of Montenegro begin with Illyria and its various kingdoms until the Roman Republic incorporated the region into the province of Illyricum (later Dalmatia and Praevalitana) after the Illyro-Roman Wars.

In the Early Middle Ages, Slavic migration led to several Slavic states. In the 9th century, there were three principalities on the territory of Montenegro: Duklja, roughly corresponding to the southern half, Travunia, the west, and Rascia, the north. In 1042, Stefan Vojislav led a revolt that resulted in the independence of Duklja and the establishment of the Vojislavljević dynasty. Duklja reached its zenith under Vojislav's son, Mihailo (1046–81), and his grandson Bodin (1081–1101). By the 13th century, Zeta had replaced Duklja when referring to the realm. In the late 14th century, southern Montenegro (Zeta) came under the rule of the Balšić noble family, then the Crnojević noble family, and by the 15th century, Zeta was more often referred to as Crna Gora (Venetian: ).

Large portions fell under the control of the Ottoman Empire from 1496 to 1878. Parts were controlled by the Republic of Venice. From 1516 until 1852 the prince-bishops (vladikas) of Cetinje were the rulers. The House of Petrović-Njegoš ruled until 1918. From 1918, it was a part of Yugoslavia. On the basis of an independence referendum held on 21 May 2006, Montenegro declared independence on 3 June of that year.

Early history

Before the arrival of the Slavonic peoples in the Balkans during the 6th century AD, the area now known as Montenegro was inhabited principally by the Illyrians.
During the Bronze Age, the Illirii, probably the southernmost Illyrian tribe of that time, that gave their name to the entire group were living near Skadar lake on the border of Albania and Montenegro and neighboring with the Greek tribes south. Along the seaboard of the Adriatic, the movement of peoples that was typical of the ancient Mediterranean world ensured the settlement of a mixture of colonists, traders, and those in search of territorial conquest. Substantial Greek colonies were established on the 6th and 7th centuries BC and Celts are known to have settled there in the 4th century BC. During the 3rd century BC, an indigenous Illyrian kingdom emerged with its capital at Scutari. The Romans mounted several punitive expeditions against local pirates and finally conquered the Illyrian kingdom in the 2nd century BC, annexing it to the province of Illyricum.

The division of the Roman Empire between Roman and Byzantine rule – and subsequently between the Latin and Greek churches – was marked by a line that ran northward from Shkodra through modern Montenegro, symbolizing the status of this region as a perpetual marginal zone between the economic, cultural, and political worlds of the Mediterranean. As Roman power declined, this part of the Dalmatian coast suffered from intermittent ravages by various semi-nomadic invaders, especially the Goths in the late 5th century and the Avars during the 6th century. These soon were supplanted by the Slavs, who became widely established in Dalmatia by the middle of the 7th century. Because the terrain was extremely rugged and lacked any major sources of wealth such as mineral riches, the area that is now Montenegro became a haven for residual groups of earlier settlers, including some tribes who had escaped Romanisation.

Middle Ages

In the second half of the 6th century, Slavs migrated from the Bay of Kotor to the River of Bojana and the hinterland of it as well as surround the Skadar lake. They formed the Principality of Doclea. Under the following missions of Cyril and Methodius, the population was Christianised. The Slavic tribes organised into a semi-independent dukedom of Duklja (Doclea) by the 9th century.

After facing subsequent Bulgarian domination, the people were split as the Doclean brother-archonts split the lands among each other after 900. Prince Časlav Klonimirović of the Serbian Vlastimirović dynasty extended his influence over Doclea in the 10th century. After the fall of the Serbian Realm in 960, the Docleans faced a renewed Byzantine occupation through to the 11th century. The local ruler, Jovan Vladimir Dukljanski, whose cult still remains in the Orthodox Christian tradition, was at the time struggling to ensure independence.

Stefan Vojislav started an uprising against the Byzantine domination and gained a huge victory against the army of several Byzantine strategoi in Tudjemili (Bar) in 1042, which put to an end the Byzantine influence over the Doclea. In the 1054 Great Schism, the Doclea fell on the side of the Catholic Church. Bar became a Bishopric in 1067. In 1077, Pope Gregory VII recognised Duklja as an independent state, acknowledging its King Mihailo (Michael, of the Vojislavljević dynasty founded by nobleman Stefan Vojislav) as Rex Doclea (King of Duklja). Later on Mihailo sent his troops, led by his son Bodin, in 1072 to assist the uprising of Slavs in Macedonia. In 1082, after numerous pleas the Bar Bishopric of Bar was upgraded to an Archbishopric.

The expansions of the Kings of the Vojislavljević dynasty led to the control over the other Slavic lands, including Zahumlje, Bosnia and Rascia. The might of the Doclea declined and they generally became subjected to the Grand Princes of Rascia in the 12th century. Stefan Nemanja was born in 1117 in Ribnica (today Podgorica). In 1168, as the Serbian Grand Zhupan, Stefan Nemanja took Doclea. In charters of Vranjina Monastery during the 14th century the ethnic groups which are mentioned were Albanians (Arbanas), Vlahs, Latins (Catholic citizen) and Serbs.

Duklja (Zeta) within the Nemanjić State (1186–1360)

The region of Duklja (Zeta) was ruled by the Nemanjić dynasty from c. 1186 until c. 1360. In this period Zeta was administered by members of the Serbian royalty as a crown land.

Zeta under the Balšići (1360–1421)

The Principality of Zeta was ruled by the house of Balšić from c. 1356 until 1421.

Zeta within the Serbian Despotate (1421–1451)

After the death of Balša III, last representative of House of Balšić, Zeta joined the Serbian Despotate in 1421.

Zeta under the Crnojevići (1451–1496)

The Principality of Zeta was ruled by the house of Crnojević Dynasty from c. 1451 until 1496. It is believed that the name Crna Gora (Montenegro) originated during their rule. The Crnojevići were driven out from Zeta by the Ottomans and forced to retreat above the Gulf of Kotor where they built a monastery and a royal court in Cetinje, the future royal capital of Montenegro, before eventually fleeing to Venice. In 1496, Ottomans conquered Zeta and consolidated it into the newly established Sanjak of Montenegro, thereby ending its principality.

The Venetian coastal Montenegro

After the dramatic fall of the Western Roman Empire (476), the romanised Illyrians of the coast of Dalmatia survived the barbarian invasions of the Avars in the 6th century and were only nominally under the influence of the Slavs in the 7th and 8th centuries. In the last centuries of the first millennium, these Romanised Illyrians started to develop their own neo-Latin language, called Dalmatian language, around their small coastal villages that were growing with maritime commerce.

Venice started to take control of the southern Dalmatia around the 10th century, quickly assimilating the Dalmatian language with Venetian. By the 14th century the Republic of Venice was able to create a territorial continuity around the Bay of Kotor (Cattaro).

Early modern period

The Republic of Venice dominated the coasts of today's Montenegro from 1420 to 1797. In those four centuries the area around the Cattaro (Kotor) became part of Venetian Albania.

Struggle for maintaining independence (1496–1878)

Part of today's Montenegro, called Sandžak (which was not historically part of Montenegro until 1912), was under direct Ottoman control from 1498 to 1912, while westernmost part of coastal Montenegro was under Venetian control and the rest of Montenegro was autonomous from 1516, when Vladika Vavila was elected as ruler of Montenegro by its clans, and licensed by the Ottoman Empire it became a theocratic state and not secular. Only small town centers like Cetinje and Njegusi were controlled by Ottomans, but mountains and rural area were autonomous and controlled by several Montenegrin clans, which were warrior societies, but paying a special tax to the Ottoman Empire.

In 1514, the Ottoman territory of Montenegro was proclaimed as a separate Sanjak of Montenegro, by the order of Sultan Beyazid II. The first Sanjak-beg (governor) who was chosen was Ivan Crnojević's son Staniša (Skenderbeg Crnojević), who converted to Islam, and governed until his death in 1528. Despite Skenderbeg's emphasized cruelty, the Ottomans did not have effective power in Montenegro. Vladika Vavil was elected in 1516 as Montenegrin prince-bishop by the Montenegrin people and the patriarch of Belgrade.

Elective Vladikas (1516–1696)

For 180 years after their first appointment, the Vladikas were elected by the Serbian Patriarchate of Peć and the clans — an arrangement which was ultimately abandoned in favour of the hereditary system in 1696. For most of this period the Montenegrin people were in constant struggle for its autonomy inside of the Ottoman Empire .

A pretender to Montenegrin throne, one of the Crnojević family who had converted to Islam, invaded Montenegro just as Staniša, thirty years before, and with the same result. Vukotić, the civil governor, repulsed the attack of Turks. Montenegrins, encouraged by the victory, besieged Jajce in modern-day Bosnia and Herzegovina, where the Hungarian garrison was closely hemmed in by the Ottoman army. The Turks were too much occupied with the Hungarian war to take revenge. The next Ottoman invasion of Montenegro took place in 1570.

The national historians are silent upon the subject of the Haraç (tax in Ottoman Empire), which the invaders are said to have exacted from the inhabitants of the free mountains. The refusal of high-spirited Montenegrin clans to pay tax any longer was the cause of the Pasha's invasion during the reign of the Hadjuk Bishop Rufim, when the Turks were driven back with heavy loss in Battle of Lješkopolje in 1604. About 1500 Montenegrin warriors attacked the Turkish camp on Lješkopolje field during the night, which counted 10.000 Ottoman soldiers.

In 1613, Arslan Pasha gathered army of over 40,000 men to attack part of Old Montenegro. Ottoman soldiers were twice as numerous as whole population of Old Montenegro. On 10 September the Montenegrins met the Turkish army, on the same spot Skenderbeg Crnojević was defeated nearly a century ago . The Montenegrins, although assisted by some neighbouring tribes, counted 4000 and were completely outnumbered. However, the Montenegrins managed to defeat the Turks. Arslan Pasha was wounded, and the heads of his second-in-command and a hundred other Turkish officers were carried off and stuck on the ramparts of Cetinje. The Ottoman troops retreated in disorder; many were drowned in the waters of the Morača. Others were killed by Montenegrin pursuers.

Much light is thrown upon the condition of Montenegro at this period and the causes of its invariable success in war even against fearful odds are explained by the accounts of a contemporary writer, Mariano Bolizza. This author, a patrician of Venice, residing at Kotor in the early part of the seventeenth century, spent a considerable time in the Old Montenegro, and published in 1614 a description of Cetinje. At the time, the whole male population of Cetinje available for war consisted of 8,027 persons, distributed among ninety-three villages.

The condition of the country at this period was naturally unsettled. War was the chief occupation of its inhabitants from sheer necessity, and the arts of peace languished. The printing-press, so active a century earlier, had ceased to exist ; the control of the Prince-Bishop over the five nahije (, from the Turkish nahiyah, i.e. "district"), which then composed the principality, was weak; the capital itself consisted of only a few houses. Still, there was a system of local government. Each nahija was divided into tribes (), each presided over by a chief (), who acted as a judge in disputes between the tribesmen.

Modern history

Petar Petrović Njegoš, an influential vladika, reigned in the first half of the 19th century. In 1851 Danilo Petrović Njegoš became vladika, but in 1852 he married and renounced his ecclesiastical character, assuming the title of knjaz (Prince) Danilo I, and transformed his land into a secular principality.

Following the assassination of Danilo by Todor Kadić in Kotor, in 1860, the Montenegrins proclaimed Nicholas I as his successor on August 14 of that year. In 1861–1862, Nicholas engaged in an unsuccessful war against the Ottoman Empire.

Following the Herzegovinian Uprising, partly initiated by his clandestine activities, he yet again declared war on Turkey. The Serbia joined Montenegro, but it was defeated by Turkish forces that same year. Russia now joined in and decisively routed the Turks in 1877–78. The Treaty of San Stefano (March 1878) was highly advantageous to Montenegro, as well as Russia, Serbia, Romania and Bulgaria. However, the gains were somewhat  trimmed by the Treaty of Berlin (1878). In the end Montenegro was internationally recognized as an independent state, its territory was effectively doubled by the addition of , the port of Bar and all the waters of Montenegro were closed to warships of all nations; and the administration of the maritime and sanitary police on the coast was placed in the hands of Austria.

Under Nicholas I the country was also granted its first constitution (1905) and was elevated to the rank of kingdom in 1910.

In the Balkan Wars (1912–1913), Montenegro did make further territorial gains by splitting Sanjak with Serbia. However, the captured city of Skadar had to be given up to the new state of Albania at the insistence of the Great Powers despite the Montenegrins having invested 10,000 lives for the conquest of the town from the Ottoman-Albanian forces of Essad Pasha Toptani.

World War I
Montenegro suffered severely in World War I. Shortly after Austria-Hungary declared war on Serbia (28 July 1914), Montenegro lost little time in declaring war on the Central Powers – on Austria-Hungary in the first instance – on 6 August 1914, despite Austrian diplomacy promising to cede Shkoder to Montenegro if it remained neutral. For purposes of coordination in the fight against the enemy army, Serbian General Božidar Janković was named head of High Command of both Serbian and Montenegrin armies. Montenegro received 30 artillery pieces and financial help of 17 million dinars from Serbia. France contributed a colonial detachment of 200 men located in Cetinje at the beginning of war, as well as two radio-stations – located on top of Mount Lovćen and in Podgorica. Until 1915 France supplied Montenegro with necessary war material and food through the port of Bar, which was blockaded by Austrian battleships and submarines. In 1915 Italy took over this role, running supplies unsuccessfully and irregularly across the line Shengjin-Bojana-Lake Skadar, an unsecured route because of constant attacks by Albanian irregulars organised by Austrian agents. Lack of vital materials eventually led Montenegro to surrender.

Austria-Hungary dispatched a separate army to invade Montenegro and to prevent a junction of the Serbian and Montenegrin armies. This force, however, was repulsed, and from the top of the strongly fortified Lovćen, the Montenegrins carried on the bombardment of Kotor held by the enemy. The Austro-Hungarian army managed to capture the town of Pljevlja while on the other hand the Montenegrins took Budva, then under Austrian control. The Serbian victory at the Battle of Cer (15–24 August 1914) diverted enemy forces from Sandžak, and Pljevlja came into Montenegrin hands again. On August 10, 1914, the Montenegrin infantry delivered a strong attack against the Austrian garrisons, but they did not succeed in making good the advantage they first gained. They successfully resisted the Austrians in the second invasion of Serbia (September 1914) and almost succeeded in seizing Sarajevo. With the beginning of the third Austro-Hungarian invasion, however, the Montenegrin army had to retire before greatly superior numbers, and Austro-Hungarian, Bulgarian and German armies finally overran Serbia (December 1915). However, the Serbian army survived, and led by King Peter I of Serbia, started retreating across Albania. In order to support the Serbian retreat, the Montenegrin army, led by Janko Vukotić, engaged in the Battle of Mojkovac (6–7 January 1916). Montenegro also suffered a large scale invasion (January 1916) and for the remainder of the war remained in the possession of the Central Powers. See Serbian Campaign (World War I) for details. The Austrian officer Viktor Weber Edler von Webenau served as the military governor of Montenegro between 1916 and 1917. Afterwards Heinrich Clam-Martinic filled this position.

King Nicholas fled to Italy (January 1916) and then to Antibes, France; the government transferred its operations to Bordeaux. Eventually the Allies liberated Montenegro from the Austrians. A newly convened National Assembly of Podgorica (Podgorička skupština, Подгоричка скупштина), accused the King of seeking a separate peace with the enemy and consequently deposed him, banned his return and decided that Montenegro should join the Kingdom of Serbia on December 1, 1918. A part of the former Montenegrin military forces still loyal to the King started a rebellion against the amalgamation, the Christmas Uprising (7 January 1919).

Yugoslavia

In the period between the two World Wars, Nikola's grandson, King Alexander I dominated the Yugoslav government. In 1922 Montenegro became part of Zeta area and later Zeta Banate. The administrative seat of banate became former Montenegrin capital Cetinje. During this period, Montenegrin people were still divided between politics of Greens and Whites. The dominant political parties in Montenegro were Democratic Party, People's Radical Party, Communist Party of Yugoslavia, Alliance of Agrarians, Montenegrin Federalist Party and Yugoslav Republican Party. During this period, two main problems in Montenegro were lost sovereignty and bad economic situation. All of the parties except Federalists had the same attitude towards the first question, favouring centralism to federalism. The other question was more complex, but the fact on which all of the parties agreed is that the situation was far from good and that the government did nothing to improve the life in area. Devastated by war, Montenegro was never paid the reparations to which it had right as one of the Allies in the Great War. Most of the population lived in rural areas, but the smaller population of citizens had better standards of life. There was no infrastructure and industry was formed of few companies.

The puppet "Kingdom of Montenegro" and World War II

During World War II, Italy under Benito Mussolini occupied Montenegro in 1941 and annexed to the Kingdom of Italy the area of Kotor (Cattaro), where there was a small Venetian speaking population. (The Queen of Italy – Elena of Montenegro – was daughter of the former king of Montenegro and was born in Cetinje.)

The English historian Denis Mack Smith wrote that the Queen of Italy (considered the most influential Montenegrin woman in history) convinced her husband the King of Italy Victor Emmanuel III to impose on Mussolini the creation of an independent Montenegro, against the wishes of the fascist Croats and Albanians (who wanted to enlarge their countries with the Montenegrin territories). Her nephew Prince Michael of Montenegro never accepted the offered crown, pledging loyalty to his nephew King Peter II of Yugoslavia.

The puppet Kingdom of Montenegro was created under fascist control while Krsto Zrnov Popović returned from his exile in Rome in 1941 to attempt to lead the Zelenaši ("Green" party), who supported the reinstatement of the Montenegrin monarchy. This militia was called the Lovćen Brigade. Montenegro was ravaged by a terrible guerrilla war, mainly after Nazi Germany replaced the defeated Italians in September 1943.

During World War II, as was the case in many other parts of Yugoslavia, Montenegro was involved in some sort of civil war. Besides Montenegrin Greens, the two main factions were the Chetnik Yugoslav army, who swore allegiance to the government in exile and consisted mainly of Montenegrins who declared themselves as Serbs (many of its members were Montenegrin Whites) and Yugoslav Partisans, whose aim was the creation of a Socialist Yugoslavia after the war. Since both factions shared some similarities in their goals, particularly those relating to a unified Yugoslavia and anti-Axis resistance, the two sides joined hands and in 1941 started the 13th July uprising, the first organised uprising in occupied Europe. This occurred just two months after Yugoslavia capitulated, and liberated most of Montenegrin territory, but the rebels were unable to regain control of major towns and cities. After the failed attempts to liberate the towns of Pljevlja and Kolasin, the Italians, reinforced by Germans,  recaptured all insurgent territory. At the leadership level, disagreements regarding state policy (Centralist monarchy vs. Federal Socialist republic) eventually led to a split between the two sides; they then became enemies from thereon. Constantly, both factions were trying to gain support among the population. The monarchist Chetniks had influential scholars and revolutionaries among their supporters, such as Blažo Đukanović, Zaharije Ostojić, Radojica Perišić, Petar Baćović, Mirko Lalatovic, and Bajo Stanišić, the hero of the anti-fascist uprising. However, eventually the Chetniks in Montenegro lost support among the population, as did other Chetnik factions within Yugoslavia. The de facto leader of the Chetniks in Montenegro, Pavle Djurisic, along with other prominent figures of the movement like Dusan Arsovic and Đorđe Lašić, were held responsible for massacres of Muslim population in eastern Bosnia and Sandzak during 1944. Their ideology of a homogeneous Serbia within Yugoslavia proved to be a major obstacle in recruiting liberals, minorities, and Montenegrins who regarded Montenegro as a nation with its own identity. These factors, in addition to the fact that some Chetniks were negotiating with the Axis, led to the Chetnik Yugoslav army losing support among the Allies in 1943. In the same year, Italy, who was until then in charge of the occupied zone, capitulated and was replaced by Germany, and the fighting continued.

Podgorica was liberated by the socialist Partisans on 19 December 1944, and the war of liberation had been won. Josip Broz Tito acknowledged Montenegro's massive contribution to the war against the Axis powers by establishing it as one of the six republics of Yugoslavia.

Montenegro within Socialist Yugoslavia

From 1945 to 1992, Montenegro became a constituent republic of the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia; it was the smallest republic in the federation and had the lowest population. Montenegro became economically stronger than ever, since it gained help from federal funds as an under-developed Republic, and it became a tourist destination as well. After war years proved turbulent and were marked by political eliminations. Krsto Zrnov Popović, the leader of Greens was assassinated in 1947, and 10 years later, in 1957, the last Montenegrin Chetnik Vladimir Šipčić was also murdered. During this period Montenegrin Communists such as Veljko Vlahović, Svetozar Vukmanović-Tempo, Vladimir Popović and Jovo Kapicić held key positions in the federal government of Yugoslavia. In 1948 Yugoslavia faced the Tito–Stalin split, a period of high tensions between Yugoslavia and the USSR caused by disagreements about each country's influences on its neighbours, and the resolution of Informbiro. Political turmoil began within both the communist party and the nation. Pro-Soviet communists faced prosecution and imprisonment in various prisons across Yugoslavia, notably Goli Otok. Many Montenegrins, due to their traditional allegiance with Russia, declared themselves as Soviet-orientated. This political split in the communist party saw the downfall of many important communist leaders, including Montenegrins Arso Jovanović and Vlado Dapčević. Many of the people imprisoned during this period, regardless of nationality, were innocent – this was later recognised by the Yugoslav government. 1954 saw the expulsion of prominent Montenegrin politician Milovan Đilas from the communist party for criticising party leaders for forming a "new ruling class" within, Yugoslavia along with Peko Dapčević.

Through the second half of the 1940s and the whole of the 1950s, the country underwent infrastructural rejuvenation thanks to federal funding. Montenegro's historic capital Cetinje was replaced with Podgorica, which in the inter-war period became the biggest city in the Republic – although it was practically in ruins due to heavy bombing in the last stages of WW II. Podgorica had a more favorable geographical position within Montenegro, and in 1947 the seat of the Republic was moved to the city, now named Titograd in honor to Marshal Tito.  Cetinje received the title of 'hero city' within Yugoslavia. Youth work actions built a railway between the two biggest cities of Titograd and Nikšić, as well as an embankment over Skadar lake linking the capital with the major port of Bar. The port of Bar was also rebuilt after being mined during the German retreat in 1944. Other ports that faced infrastructural improvement were Kotor, Risan and Tivat. In 1947 Jugopetrol Kotor was founded. Montenegro's industrialisation was demonstrated through the founding of the electronic company Obod in Cetinje, a steel mill and Trebjesa brewery in Nikšić, and the Podgorica Aluminium Plant in 1969.

Breakup of Yugoslavia and Bosnian war
The breakup of communist Yugoslavia (1991–1992) and the introduction of a multi-party political system found Montenegro with a young leadership that had risen to office only a few years earlier in the late 1980s.

In effect, three men ran the republic: Milo Đukanović, Momir Bulatović and Svetozar Marović; all swept into power during the anti-bureaucratic revolution — an administrative coup of sorts within the Yugoslav Communist party, orchestrated by younger party members close to Slobodan Milošević.

All three appeared devout communists on the surface, but they also had sufficient skills and adaptability to understand the dangers of clinging to traditional rigid old-guard tactics in changing times. So when the old Yugoslavia effectively ceased to exist and the multi-party political system replaced it, they quickly repackaged the Montenegrin branch of the old Communist party and renamed it the Democratic Party of Socialists of Montenegro (DPS).

The inheritance of the entire infrastructure, resources and membership of the old Communist party gave the DPS a sizable head start on their opponents in the newly formed parties. It allowed them to win the first multi-party parliamentary election held on 9 and 16 December 1990, and presidential elections held on 9 and 23 December 1990. The party has ruled Montenegro  (either alone or as a leading member of different ruling coalitions).

During the early-to-mid-1990s Montenegro's leadership gave considerable support to Milošević's war-effort. Montenegrin reservists fought on the Dubrovnik front line, where Prime Minister Milo Đukanović visited them frequently.

In April 1992, following a referendum, Montenegro decided to join Serbia in forming the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (FRY), which officially put the Second Yugoslavia to rest.

During the 1991–1995 Bosnian War and Croatian War, Montenegro participated with its police and military forces in the attacks on Dubrovnik, Croatia and Bosnian towns along with Serbian troops, aggressive acts aimed at acquiring more territories by force,
characterized by a consistent pattern of gross and systematic violations of
human rights. Montenegrin General Pavle Strugar has since been convicted for his part in the bombing of Dubrovnik.
Bosnian refugees were arrested by Montenegrin police and transported to Serb camps in Foča, where they were subjected to systematic torture and executed.

In May 1992, the United Nations imposed an embargo on FRY: this affected many aspects of life in the country.

Due to its favourable geographical location (access to the Adriatic Sea and a water-link to Albania across Lake Skadar) Montenegro became a hub for smuggling activity. The entire Montenegrin industrial production had stopped, and the republic's main economic activity became the smuggling of user goods – especially those in short supply like petrol and cigarettes, both of which skyrocketed in price. It became a de facto legalized practice and it went on for years. At best, the Montenegrin government turned a blind eye to the illegal activity, but mostly it took an active part in it. Smuggling made millionaires out of all sorts of shady individuals, including senior government officials. Milo Đukanović continues to face actions in various Italian courts over his role in widespread smuggling during the 1990s and in providing safe haven in Montenegro for different Italian Mafia figures who also allegedly took part in the smuggling distribution chain.

Recent history (1996–present)

In 1997 a bitter dispute over presidential election results took place. It ended with Milo Đukanović winning over Momir Bulatović in a second-round run-off plagued with irregularities. Nonetheless, the authorities allowed the results to stand. Former close allies had by this time become bitter foes, which resulted in a near-warlike atmosphere in Montenegro for months during the autumn of 1997. It also split the Democratic Party of Socialists of Montenegro. Bulatović and his followers broke away to form the Socialist People's Party of Montenegro (SNP), staying loyal to Milošević, whereas Đukanović began to distance himself from Serbia. This distance from the policies of Milošević played a role in sparing Montenegro from the heavy bombing that Serbia endured in the spring of 1999 during the NATO air-campaign.

Đukanović came out a clear winner from this political fight, as he never lost power for even a day. Bulatović, on the other hand, never held office again in Montenegro after 1997 and eventually retired from politics in 2001.

During the Kosovo War, ethnic Albanians took refuge in Montenegro, but were still under threat by Serbian soldiers, who were able to take refugees back into Serbian controlled areas and imprison them.

In the spring of 1999, at the height of the NATO offensives, 21 Albanians died in several separate and unexplained incidents in Montenegro, according to the republic's prosecutor. Another group of around 60 Albanian refugees was fired upon in Kaludjerski Laz by Yugoslav Army members, leading to the death of six people, including a woman aged 80 and a child, killed in crossfire that allegedly came from three machine-gun posts of the then Yugoslav Army.
In all, 23 Albanians were killed in Kaludjerski Laz, and Montenegrin prosecutors have charged 8 soldiers, among which is Predrag Strugar, son of convicted Montenegrin war criminal General Pavle Strugar, with "inhuman treatment against civilians". During the war Montenegro was bombed as part of NATO operations against Yugoslavia, though not as heavily as Serbia. The targets were mostly military ones such as Golubovci Airbase.

In 2003, after years of wrangling and outside assistance, the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia renamed itself as  "Serbia and Montenegro" and officially reconstituted itself as a loose union. The State Union had a parliament and an army in common, and for three years (until 2006), neither Serbia nor Montenegro held a referendum on the break-up of the union. However, a referendum was announced in Montenegro to decide the future of the republic. The ballots cast in the controversial 2006 independence referendum resulted in a 55.5% victory for independence supporters, just above the 55% borderline mark set by the EU. Montenegro declared independence on 3 June 2006.

Independent Montenegro

On 28 June 2006, Montenegro joined the United Nations as its 192nd member state.

For 16 October 2016, the day of the parliamentary election, a coup d'état against the government of Milo Đukanović had been prepared, according to the Montenegrin Special Prosecutor. Fourteen people, including two Russian nationals and two Montenegrin opposition leaders, Andrija Mandić and Milan Knežević, were indicted for their alleged roles in the coup attempt on charges such as "preparing a conspiracy against the constitutional order and the security of Montenegro" and an "attempted terrorist act."

In June 2017, Montenegro formally became a member of NATO, an eventuality that had been rejected by about half of the country's population and had triggered a promise of retaliatory actions on the part of Russia's government.

In April 2018, Đukanović, the leader of the ruling Democratic Party of Socialists (DPS), won Montenegro's presidential election. The veteran politician had served as Prime Minister six times and as President once before. He had dominated Montenegrin politics since 1991.

In September 2020, Đukanović's pro-Western Democratic Party of Socialists (DPS) narrowly lost the parliamentary election after having led the country for 30 years. The opposition, For the Future of Montenegro (ZBCG) bloc, was composed mainly of Serb nationalist parties. The new pro-serbian government was formed by Prime Minister Zdravko Krivokapić. However, Prime Minister Zdravko Krivokapic's government was toppled in no-confidence vote after only 14 months in power. In April 2022, a new minority government, comprising moderate parties that are both pro-European and pro-Serb, was formed. The new government was led by Prime Minister Dritan Abazovic.

On 12 August 2022, a mass shooting occurred in Cetinje, which left ten people dead and six others injured. The gunman, identified as 34-year-old Vučko Borilović, was then shot and killed by an armed civilian after engaging in a gun battle with responding officers. It is the deadliest mass shooting in the history of Montenegro.

In March 2023, Jakov Milatović, a pro-western candidate of the Europe Now movement, won the presidential election run-off over incumbent Milo Đukanović to succeed him as the next President of Montenegro. On 20 May 2023, Milatović was sworn in as President of Montenegro. In June 2023, Europe Now movement won a snap parliamentary election. On 31 October 2023,  Milojko Spajic of the Europe Now Movement became Montenegro's new prime minister, leading a coalition of  both pro-European and pro-Serb parties.

See also
 Demographic history of Montenegro
 Tribes of Montenegro

References

Further reading
Secondary sources

 Hall, Richard C. ed. War in the Balkans: An Encyclopedic History from the Fall of the Ottoman Empire to the Breakup of Yugoslavia (2014)

 Rastoder, Šerbo. "A short review of the history of Montenegro." in Montenegro in Transition: Problems of Identity and Statehood (2003): 107–138. online

Primary sources

External links

 Serb Land of Montenegro: History of Montenegro as it is
King Nicholas of Montenegro and Essad Pasha of Albania: The Black Mountain Folk vs. the Sons of the Eagle
The Njegos Network
Montenegrin Government official History page
The national Museum of Montenegro
Jovan Stefanov Balević : Short historic-geographical description of Montenegro from 1757

Serbs

History of Montenegro


Joseph Shaw Wheat (March 31, 1803 – May 5, 1872) was an American farmer, surveyor and civil engineer, who became a politician, serving in the Recalled Session of West Virginia's Constitutional Convention, as well as in the initial and several later sessions of the West Virginia House of Delegates.

Early and family life

Joseph Wheat was born in Berkeley Springs on March 31, 1803, to Englishman and local hotel owner William Wheat and his wife, Virginia-born Elizabeth (Shaw) Wheat. He was educated and became a civil engineer, and Morgan County was created from the area around Berkeley Springs in 1820, as the developers started planning the Chesapeake and Ohio Canal to link the Potomac River watershed (flowing into the Atlantic Ocean) with the Ohio River watershed across the Appalachian Mountains and flowing into the Mississippi River.

He married Miranda Grove, the daughter of a Methodist minister in Frederick County, Virginia, on January 14, 1850. They raised seven children to adulthood: Harriet E. Wheat, Henry C. Wheat, Mary Wheat, James A. Wheat, John F. Wheat and Alfred A. Wheat.

Career
Joseph Wheat was a farmer, and did not own slaves. Although too old to serve as a soldier, his speech on behalf of the Union caused him to be taken as a prisoner to Richmond, Virginia, where he was exchanged after three months and returned home.

Morgan County voters elected him to represent them at the Virginia General Assembly at Wheeling for the session from December 4, 1862 – February 5, 1863 (the first session in which Morgan County had representation).

After West Virginia seceded from the Commonwealth in order to remain in the Union, Joseph Wheat would serve as a delegate to the West Virginia House of Delegates in 1864, 1867 and 1870. Wheat helped establish the state's first free school system (although Thomas Jefferson had advocated such, Virginia did not establish a free school system until after the Civil War, and then grossly underfunded it for decades).

Joseph S. Wheat, a farmer in 1860, would be listed as a surveyor in the 1879 census.

Later life and death
Wheat also served several years as justice of the peace before his death. Joseph S. Wheat died on May 6, 1872, and is buried at Greenway Cemetery in Berkeley Springs.

References

Members of the West Virginia House of Delegates
People of Virginia in the American Civil War
People from Bath (Berkeley Springs), West Virginia
1803 births
1872 deaths
19th-century American politicians

Joseph S. Wheat


The Ynares Center is an indoor arena located along the Circumferential Road in Antipolo, Rizal, Philippines. The facility, which has a  seating capacity of 7,400, is managed by the Provincial Government of Rizal. The arena is named after the Ynares family of Rizal, whose members had served as governors since 1992. It was also the site of the 100th Foundation Anniversary Celebration of the province.

The arena, built at a cost of ₱350 million, is situated in a  lot. The arena comes with an air conditioning system with 13 multi-purpose rooms, which includes the Offices of the Governor and Sangguniang Panlalawigan, Administration and Engineering and Equipment Room. Its also host a parking area with 440 slots.

It has hosted Philippine Basketball Association games since 2000, and serves as the home arena of the Rizal Golden Coolers of the Maharlika Pilipinas Basketball League and its volleyball counterpart in the Maharlika Pilipinas Volleyball Association.  It was also the home arena of the Pasig-Rizal Pirates of the now-defunct Metropolitan Basketball Association in 2000.

It has also hosted international events, such as the 2011 FIBA Asia Champions Cup. In late 2000, Manny Pacquiao won in 10 rounds against Nedal Hussein in an international title bout prior to his first match in the United States a few months later.

In June 2000, as part of the Jubilee Year celebration of the Catholic Church, the Diocese of Antipolo offered Mass at the center with Cardinal Jaime Sin, Archbishop of Manila, and Archbishop Antonio Franco, Apostolic Nuncio to the Philippines, who was then making a pastoral visit to the diocese. Mass was again offered at the center in 2005 to celebrate the National Eucharistic and Marian Year. The center was also the venue for a congress held in celebration of the same season. Former president Corazon Aquino and Bishop Teodoro Bacani were the main speakers. In 2007, the Diocese of Antipolo held a well-attended concert of its priests in the center. On December 5, 2008, the center was again the venue of a Mass and program celebrating the 25th anniversary of the canonical erection of the Diocese of Antipolo.

Ynares Center is also the home of school pageants and school celebrations. Every year, Our Lady of Fatima University holds its founding anniversary there. Every year, schools in Antipolo compete in the Drum and Lyre Competition held usually in December.

Aside from hosting basketball, boxing, volleyball and other indoor sports, the Ynares Center is also used for concerts and other crowd gatherings.

References

External links

 The Ynares Center

Basketball venues in the Philippines
Indoor arenas in the Philippines
Buildings and structures in Antipolo
Sports in Rizal

Ynares Center


The Joseph Willis House is a historic colonial house located at 28 Worcester Street in Taunton, Massachusetts. Built in 1688, it is the city's oldest surviving building, and one of the oldest in the state.

Description and history
The Joseph Willis House is located in a rural residential area of western Taunton, on the southwestern side of the junction of Worcester Street and Alfred Lord Boulevard. It is a -story, timber-framed structure, with a side gable roof that slopes down to the first floor in the rear, giving the house a saltbox profile. Its main facade is four bays wide, with somewhat even placement of sash windows on the second floor, and asymmetrical placement on the first. The entrance is in the second bay from the left, and is framed by pilasters and a transom window. A large chimney projects through the roof at a slightly off-center position that is roughly behind the entrance.

The house's first owner, Joseph Willis was a native of Bridgewater who was granted land in Taunton as a favor for his military service during King Philip's War. He moved to the area in 1670, and built this house in 1688. It was extended by two ells in the 19th century, and its interior was remodeled in the 20th century. It is believed to be the oldest building in Taunton at its original location.

It was listed on the National Register of Historic Places on July 5, 1984.

See also
National Register of Historic Places listings in Taunton, Massachusetts
List of the oldest buildings in Massachusetts

References

National Register of Historic Places in Taunton, Massachusetts
Houses completed in 1688
Houses in Taunton, Massachusetts
1688 establishments in the Dominion of New England
Houses on the National Register of Historic Places in Bristol County, Massachusetts

Joseph Willis House


Joanna Farrell (born September 1968) is a British police officer, and current Chief Constable of Police Scotland. On 14 June 2023, it was announced that she had been appointed as Police Scotland's first female Chief Constable. She replaced Sir Iain Livingstone, who retired in August 2023.

Life
Farrell was born in Wirral, Cheshire, and moved to Cambridge at the age of 15 when her father relocated there for work. After achieving a degree in Business Studies at Sheffield Polytechnic, she joined Cambridgeshire Police as a Police Constable in 1991, at the age of 22. She was promoted five years later, and in 2002, moved to Northumbria Police to take up the role of Chief Inspector, and was later promoted to Assistant Chief Constable. She joined Durham Constabulary in 2016, and was appointed as its first female Chief Constable in 2019. During her tenure as Chief Constable of Durham, the force introduced a new approach to dealing with rape suspects, and during the COVID-19 pandemic investigated Labour Party leader Sir Keir Starmer for a potential breach of COVID-19 regulations. Farrell's appointment as Chief Constable of Police Scotland was made by the Scottish Police Authority following the announcement that Iain Livingstone would retire from the role in August 2023. Her appointment was confirmed by Angela Constance, Scotland's Cabinet Secretary for Justice, on 14 June 2023.

She was the first women to lead the Scottish police force when she assumed that role in October 2023. Her police force was the second largest in the UK. Her previous force was one of the smallest.

Honours

References

1968 births
Living people
British women police officers
British Chief Constables
People from the Metropolitan Borough of Wirral
Alumni of Sheffield Hallam University

Jo Farrell


Leif Enger is an American author who wrote the novel Peace Like a River.

Enger was born in 1961 and was raised in Osakis, Minnesota. Since his teens, he wanted to write fiction.  He worked as a reporter and producer for Minnesota Public Radio from 1984 until the sale of Peace Like a River to publisher Grove/Atlantic allowed him to take time off to write.  In the early 1990s, he and his older brother, Lin, writing under the pen name L.L. Enger, produced a series of mystery novels featuring a retired baseball player.

Peace Like a River, published in 2001, has been described as "high-spirited and unflagging" and has received some notable acclaim in literary circles.

His second novel, So Brave, Young, and Handsome appeared in May 2008. It was called, "A superbly written, utterly compelling story of self-discovery and redemption disguised as a cracking good adventure tale . . . Enger has created a work of great humanity and huge heart, a riveting piece of fiction that while highly accessible is never shallow. This story of an ordinary man's discovery of who he is and his place in the world is exciting, admirable and ultimately very affecting. . ..After reading the final page, don't be surprised if you find yourself shaking your head and murmuring, Wow. What a good book.″—Peter Moore, Minneapolis Star Tribune

In October 2018, his third novel, Virgil Wander, was published by Grove Press.

He is married to his wife Robin, and lives with his wife and two sons.

References

External links
Official Leif Enger Website
Interview with Leif Enger
Info about Leif Enger

Writers from Minnesota
American male writers
Living people
1961 births
People from Douglas County, Minnesota

Leif Enger


A parallel universe is a universe that is different from the observable universe. This may be due to time travel or other things.

Parallel universe may also be:

Science, physics and philosophy
 Multiverse, the hypothetical set of multiple possible universes
 The many-worlds interpretation of quantum physics

Fiction
 Parallel universe (fiction), alternative universes, worlds, realities and dimensions in fiction
 Alternative universe (fan fiction), fiction by fan authors that deliberately change facts of the universe written about
 List of fiction employing parallel universes

Music
 Parallel Universe (4hero album)
 Parallel Universe (Garnet Crow album)
 "Parallel Universe" (song), a 2000 song by the Red Hot Chili Peppers
 Kalakala: Songs from a Parallel Universe (with a song cycle for solo cello by Serena Tideman)

Literature, movies, & television
 "Parallel Universe" (Red Dwarf), a 1988 episode of Red Dwarf
 Parallel Universes (documentary), a 2001 BBC/Horizon documentary movie
 Mirror Universe (Star Trek), a fictional parallel universe in which several Star Trek television episodes take place

Other
 Parallel Universe (company), a movie company

fi:Multiuniversumi

Parallel universe