David Dean Rusk (February 9, 1909December 20, 1994) was the United States secretary of state from 1961 to 1969 under presidents John F. Kennedy and Lyndon B. Johnson, the second-longest serving Secretary of State after Cordell Hull from the Franklin Roosevelt administration. He had been a high government official in the 1940s and early 1950s, as well as the head of a leading foundation. He is cited as one of the two officers responsible for dividing the two Koreas at the 38th parallel.

Born to a poor farm family in Cherokee County, Georgia, Rusk graduated from Davidson College and was a Rhodes Scholar at the University of Oxford, where he immersed himself in English history and customs. After teaching at Mills College in California, he became an army officer in the war against Japan. He served as a staff officer in the China Burma India Theater, becoming a senior aide to Joseph Stilwell, the top American general. As a civilian he became a senior official in 1945 at the State Department, rising to the number three position under Dean Acheson. He became Assistant Secretary of State for Far Eastern Affairs in 1950. In 1952, Rusk left to become president of the Rockefeller Foundation.

After Kennedy won the 1960 presidential election, he asked Rusk to serve as secretary of state. Rusk was a quiet advisor to Kennedy, rarely making his own views known to other officials. He supported diplomatic efforts during the Cuban Missile Crisis, and, though he initially expressed doubts about the escalation of the U.S. role in the Vietnam War, he became known as one of its strongest supporters. Asked to stay on by President Lyndon Johnson after Kennedy's assassination in 1963, Rusk was known to be a favorite of Johnson's. He left the Secretary role in January 1969, and taught international relations at the University of Georgia School of Law.

Childhood and education
David Dean Rusk was born in rural Cherokee County, Georgia. The Rusk ancestors had emigrated from Northern Ireland around 1795. His father Robert Hugh Rusk (1868–1944) had attended Davidson College and Louisville Theological Seminary. He left the ministry to become a cotton farmer and school teacher. Rusk's mother Elizabeth Frances Clotfelter was of German and Irish extraction. She had graduated from public school, and was a school teacher. When Rusk was four years old, the family moved to Atlanta, where his father worked for the U.S. Post Office. Rusk came to embrace the stern Calvinist work ethic and morality.

Like most white Southerners, his family was Democratic; young Rusk's hero was President Woodrow Wilson, the first Southern president since the Civil War era. The experience of poverty made him sympathetic to black Americans.  As a 9 year old, Rusk attended a rally in Atlanta where President Wilson called on the United States to join the League of Nations. Rusk grew up on the mythology and legends of the "Lost Cause" so common to the South, and he came to embrace the militarism of Southern culture as he wrote in a high school essay that "young men should prepare themselves for service in case our country ever got into trouble." At the age of 12, Rusk had joined the ROTC, whose training duties he took very seriously. Rusk had an intense reverence for the military and throughout his later career, he was inclined to accept the advice of generals.

He was educated in Atlanta's public schools, and graduated from Boys High School in 1925, spending two years working for an Atlanta lawyer before working his way through Davidson College, a Presbyterian school in North Carolina. He was active in the national military honor society Scabbard and Blade, becoming a cadet lieutenant colonel commanding the Reserve Officers' Training Corps battalion. He graduated Phi Beta Kappa in 1931. While at Davidson, Rusk applied the Calvinist work ethic to his studies. He won a Rhodes Scholarship to Oxford University. He studied international relations, taking an MA in PPE (Politics, Philosophy and Economics). He immersed himself in English history, politics, and popular culture, making lifelong friends among the British elite. Rusk's rise from poverty made him a passionate believer in the "American Dream", and a recurring theme throughout his life was his oft-expressed patriotism, a place in which he believed that anyone, no matter how modest their circumstances, could rise up to live the "American Dream".

Rusk married Virginia Foisie (October 5, 1915 – February 24, 1996) on June 9, 1937. They had three children: David, Richard, and Peggy Rusk.

Rusk taught at Mills College in Oakland, California, from 1934 to 1949 (except during his military service), and he earned an LL.B. degree at the University of California, Berkeley School of Law in 1940.

Career prior to 1961
While studying in England as a Rhodes Scholar at St. John's College, Oxford, he received the Cecil Peace Prize in 1933. Rusk's experiences of the events of the early 1930s decisively shaped his later views, as he told Karnow in an interview: I was a senior in college the year that the Japanese seized Manchuria and I have the picture still etched in my mind from the newsreel of the Chinese ambassador standing before the League of Nations, pleading for help against the Japanese attack. I myself was present in the Oxford Union on that night in 1933, when they passed the motion that "this house will not fight for king and country" ...So one cannot have lived through those years and not have some pretty strong feelings ... that it was the failure of the governments of the world to prevent aggression that made the catastrophe of World War II inevitable.

Military in Southeast Asia
During the 1930s Rusk served in the Army reserves. He was called to active duty in December 1940 as a captain. He served as a staff officer in the China Burma India Theater. During the war, Rusk had authorized an air drop of arms to the Viet Minh guerrillas in Vietnam commanded by his future enemy Ho Chi Minh. At war's end he was a colonel, decorated with the Legion of Merit with Oak Leaf Cluster.

State Department 1945–1953

Rusk returned to America to work briefly for the War Department in Washington. He joined the Department of State in February 1945, and worked for the office of United Nations Affairs. In the same year, he suggested splitting Korea into spheres of U.S. and of Soviet influence at the 38th parallel north. After Alger Hiss left State in January 1947, Rusk succeeded him (as director of the Office of Special Political Affairs), according to Max Lowenthal.

Rusk was a supporter of the Marshall Plan and of the United Nations. In 1948, he supported the Secretary of State George Marshall in advising Truman against recognizing Israel, fearing it would damage relations with oil-rich Arab states like Saudi Arabia, but was overruled by Truman's legal counsel, Clark Clifford, who persuaded the president to recognize Israel. When Marshall was asked to explain why he did not resign over the recognition of Israel, he replied that the secretary of state did not resign over decisions made by the president who had the ultimate control of foreign policy. Rusk, who admired Marshall, supported his decision and always quoted the remark made by Truman: "The president makes the foreign policy". In 1949, he was made deputy Undersecretary of State under Dean Acheson, who had replaced Marshall as secretary of state.

Assistant secretary of state for Far Eastern affairs
In 1950, Rusk was made assistant secretary of state for Far Eastern affairs, at his own request, arguing that he knew Asia the best. He played an influential part in the US decision to become involved in the Korean War, and in Japan's postwar compensation for victorious countries, as shown in the Rusk documents. Rusk was a cautious diplomat and always sought international support. Rusk favored support for Asian nationalist movements, arguing that European imperialism was doomed in Asia, but the Atlanticist Acheson favored closer relations with the European powers, which precluded American support for Asian nationalism. Rusk dutifully declared it was his duty to support Acheson.

French Indochina
When question arose as to whether the United States should support France in maintaining control over Indochina against the Communist Viet Minh guerrillas, Rusk argued for support of the French government, stating that the Viet Minh were just the instruments of Soviet expansionism in Asia and to refuse to support the French would amount to appeasement. Under strong American pressure, the French granted nominal independence to the State of Vietnam in February 1950 under the Emperor Bao Dai, which the United States recognized within days. However, it was widely known that the State of Vietnam was still in effect a French colony as French officials controlled all of the important ministries and the Emperor bitterly remarked to the press: "What they call a Bao Dai solution turns out to be just a French solution." In June 1950, Rusk testified before the Senate Foreign Relations Committee: "This is a civil war that has been in effect captured by the [Soviet] Politburo and, besides, has been turned into a tool of the Politburo. So it isn't a civil war in the usual sense. It is part of the international war ... We have to look at in terms of which side we are on in this particular kind of struggle ... Because Ho Chi Minh is tied with the Politburo, our policy is to support Bao Dai and the French in Indochina until we have time to help them establish a going concern."

Korean War
In April 1951, Truman sacked General Douglas MacArthur as the commander of the American forces in Korea over the question about whether to carry the war into China. At the time, the chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, General Omar Bradley, called war with China "the wrong war, at the wrong place, at the wrong time, and with the wrong enemy". In May 1951, Rusk gave a speech at a dinner sponsored by the China Institute in Washington, which he had not submitted to the State Department in advance, where he implied the United States should unify Korea under Syngman Rhee and should overthrow Mao Zedong in China. Rusk's speech attracted more attention than he expected, as the columnist Walter Lippmann ran a column reading "Bradley vs. Rusk", accusing Rusk of advocating a policy of unconditional surrender in the Korean war. For embarrassing Acheson, Rusk was forced to resign and went into the private sector as the director of the Rockefeller Foundation.

Rockefeller Foundation
Rusk and his family moved to Scarsdale, New York, while he served as a Rockefeller Foundation trustee from 1950 to 1961. In 1952 he succeeded Chester L. Barnard as president of the foundation.

Secretary of State

Selection
On December 12, 1960, Democratic President-elect John F. Kennedy nominated Rusk to be Secretary of State.  Rusk was not Kennedy's first choice; his first choice, J. William Fulbright, proved too controversial. David Halberstam also described Rusk as "everybody's number two". Rusk had recently written an article titled "The President" in Foreign Affairs calling for the president to direct foreign policy with the secretary of state as a mere adviser, which had Kennedy's interest after it was pointed out to him.  After deciding that Fulbright's support for segregation disqualified him, Kennedy summoned Rusk for a meeting, where he himself endorsed Fulbright as the man best qualified to be Secretary of State. Rusk himself was not particularly interested in running the State Department as the annual pay for secretary of state was $25,000 while his job as director of the Rockefeller Foundation paid $60,000 per year. Rusk only agreed to take the position out of a sense of patriotism after Kennedy insisted that he take the job.

Kennedy biographer Robert Dallek explained Rusk's choice thus:

Kennedy tended to address Rusk as "Mr. Rusk" instead of Dean.

Rusk took charge of a department he knew well when it was half the size. It now employed 23,000 people including 6,000 Foreign Service officers and had diplomatic relations with 98 countries.  He had faith in the use of military action to combat communism. Despite private misgivings about the Bay of Pigs invasion, he remained noncommittal during the executive council meetings leading up to the attack and never opposed it outright. Early in his tenure, he had strong doubts about US intervention in Vietnam, but later his vigorous public defense of US actions in the Vietnam War made him a frequent target of anti-war protests. Just as had under the Truman administration, Rusk tended to favor hawkish line towards Vietnam and frequently allied himself in debates in the Cabinet and on the National Security Council with equally hawkish Defense Secretary Robert McNamara.

Vietnam and Laos
Against the criticism made by Edward Lansdale of the embassy in Saigon, Rusk defended the performance of the State Department, saying South Vietnam was a difficult assignment. On 9 March 1961, the communist Pathet Lao won a notable victory on the Plains of Jars, and for a moment the Pathet Lao seemed on the verge of seizing all of Laos. Rusk expressed considerable disgust when he learned that neither side in the Lao civil war fought very hard, citing a report that both sides had broken off combat to go celebrate a water festival for ten days before resuming their battle.  Rusk, who had much experience of Southeast Asia during World War Two, expressed much doubt if bombing alone would stop the Pathet Lao, saying it was his experience that bombing only worked with ground troops to hold the ground or advance.

Military plans
The Undersecretary of State, Chester Bowles, wrote to Rusk in late March 1961, saying he heard rumors that Cuban emigres were being trained by the CIA for an invasion of Cuba, which he asked Rusk to stop, saying it was against the rules of the Organization of American States. Rusk did not pass on the memo to Kennedy nor did he himself speak out against the Bay of Pigs invasion, even when his own military experience had convinced him that a single brigade "did not stand a snowball's chance in hell" of toppling's Cuba's government.

In April 1961, when a proposal to send 100 more American military advisers to South Vietnam to make a total of 800 appeared before Kennedy, Rusk argued for acceptance even as he noted that it violated the Geneva Accords of 1954 (which the United States had not signed, but promised to abide by), which limited the number of foreign military personnel in Vietnam to 700 at a time. Rusk stated that International Control Commission consisting of diplomats from India, Poland and Canada which was supposed to enforce the Geneva Accords should not be informed of the deployment and the advisers "be placed in varied locations to avoid attention". Rusk favored a hawkish line on Laos. Kennedy decided otherwise, on the grounds that Laos had no modern airfields and there was a risk of Chinese intervention.  Rusk opened the Geneva conference on neutralizing Laos and predicted to Kennedy that the negotiations would fail.

Rusk continued his Rockefeller Foundation interest in aiding developing nations and also supported low tariffs to encourage world trade.

USS Liberty incident
Rusk drew the ire of supporters of Israel after he let it be known that he believed the USS Liberty incident was a deliberate attack on the ship, rather than an accident. He was very outspoken about his views on the attack: "Accordingly, there is every reason to believe that the USS Liberty was or should have been identified, or at least her nationality determined, prior to the attack. In these circumstances, the later military attack by Israeli aircraft on the USS Liberty is quite literally incomprehensible. As a minimum, the attack must be condemned as an act of military irresponsibility reflecting reckless disregard for human life. The subsequent attack by Israeli torpedo boats, substantially after the vessel was or should have been identified by Israeli military forces, manifests the same reckless disregard for human life. At the time of the attack, the USS Liberty was flying the American flag and its identification was clearly indicated in large white letters and numerals on its hull. It was broad daylight and the weather conditions were excellent. Experience demonstrates that both the flag and the identification number of the vessel were readily visible from the air. At a minimum, the attack must be condemned as an act of military recklessness reflecting wanton disregard for human life. The silhouette and conduct of the USS Liberty readily distinguished it from any vessel that could have been considered as hostile. The USS Liberty was peacefully engaged, posed no threat whatsoever to the torpedo boats, and obviously carried no armament affording it a combat capability. It could and should have been scrutinized visually at close range before torpedoes were fired." In 1990 he wrote, "I was never satisfied with the Israeli explanation. Their sustained attack to disable and sink Liberty precluded an assault by accident or by some trigger-happy local commander. Through diplomatic channels we refused to accept their explanations. I didn't believe them then, and I don't believe them to this day. The attack was outrageous."

After an Israeli claim appeared in The Washington Post that they had inquired about the presence of U.S. ships in the area before the attack, Rusk telegrammed the U.S. embassy in Tel Aviv and demanded "urgent confirmation." U.S. Ambassador to Israel Walworth Barbour confirmed that Israel's story was bogus: "No request for info on U.S. ships operating off Sinai was made until after Liberty incident. Had Israelis made such an inquiry it would have been forwarded immediately to the chief of naval operations and other high naval commands and repeated to dept."

Asian affairs
On March 24, 1961, Rusk released a brief statement saying his delegation was to travel to Bangkok and the SEATO nations' responsibility should be considered if peace settlements were not realized. In 1961, Rusk disapproved of the Indian invasion of Goa, which he regarded as an act of aggression against NATO ally Portugal, but was overruled by Kennedy who wanted to improve relations with India and who also noted the Portuguese had no other option but to be allied to the United States. Earlier in 1961, a major rebellion had broken out in the Portuguese colony of Angola, which increased Portugal's reliance upon its largest supplier of arms, the United States. In regards to the West New Guinea dispute about the Netherlands New Guinea, Rusk favored supporting the NATO ally Netherlands against Indonesia as he saw Sukarno as pro-Chinese. Rusk accused Indonesia of aggression by attacking the Dutch forces in New Guinea in 1962 and believed that Sukarno had violated the United Nations charter, but was again overruled by Kennedy. In a case of realpolitik, Kennedy argued the Dutch had no choice, but to be allied with the United States, meaning they could be taken for granted whereas he was highly concerned that Indonesia, which he called "the most significant nation in Southeast Asia", might become communist. To improve relations with Sukarno, Kennedy decided to support the Indonesian claim to Dutch New Guinea; Rusk later wrote he felt "queasy" about the way that Kennedy sacrificed the Dutch to win over Indonesia and had strong doubts that the "consultation" scheduled to determine the future of the territory in 1969 would be a free and fair one.

Middle East
President Nasser of Egypt was regarded as a trouble-maker in Washington owing to Egypt's alliance with the Soviet Union and his plans for a pan-Arab state that would of necessity require overthrowing the governments of every Arab state, most notably American allies such as Saudi Arabia. In the Arab Cold War between Egypt and Saudi Arabia, Rusk favored the latter. However, at the same time, Rusk argued to Kennedy to Nasser was a spoiler who wanted to play off the Soviet Union against the United States to get the best possible bargain for Egypt, and if he leaned in a pro-Soviet direction, it was because the United States refused to sell Egypt arms out of the fear that they might be used against Israel whereas the Soviets by contrast were willing to sell Egyptians any arms they wanted short of nuclear weapons. Rusk noted the United States still had significant leverage over Egypt in the form of the PL 480 law that allowed the United States to sell surplus American agricultural production to any "friendly nation" in the local currency instead of U.S. dollars. In Egypt, the government subsidized the sale of staple foods like bread at cost or below cost prices, and Egypt's growing population, which outstripped the capacity of Egypt's agriculture, required Egypt to import food. Nasser had become very dependent upon the PL 480 food sales to provide food at cost to his people, and moreover the Soviet Union could not hope to match America's food sales to Egypt. Nasser argued in exchange for PL 480 food sales that he would not start a war with Israel, saying for that for all his fiery speeches he promised to keep the Arab-Israeli dispute "in the icebox". Rusk argued that to Kennedy and later Johnson that they should resist congressional pressure to end the PL 480 food sales to Egypt, stating that ending the PL 480 sales would only push Nasser closer to the Soviet Union and end the leverage that kept the peace between Egypt and Israel. When Nasser sent 70, 000 Egyptian troops into Yemen in September 1962 to support the republican government against the royalist guerrillas supported by Saudi Arabia, Rusk approved of increased arm sales to Saudi Arabia, which were an indirect way of supporting the Yemeni royalists. In common with decision-makers in Washington, Rusk felt that the United States had to support Saudi Arabia against Egypt, but he advised Kennedy against pushing Nasser too hard, saying that it would only drive him closer to the Soviet Union. On October 8, 1962, a "Food for Peace" deal was signed with Egypt under the United States committed itself to sell at cost $390 million worth of wheat to Egypt for the next three years. By 1962, Egypt imported 50% of its wheat consumed from the United States and owing to the PL 480 law was some $180 million per year at a time when Egypt's foreign reserves were almost deleted owing to a heavy level of military spending.
In May 1963, out of anger at being trapped in the quagmire of fighting a guerrilla war in Yemen, Nasser ordered Egyptian Air Force squadrons in Yemen to start bombing towns in Saudi Arabia. With Egypt and Saudi Arabia on the brink of war, Kennedy decided with the support of Rusk to throw America's weight on the side of Saudi Arabia. Kennedy quietly dispatched several U.S. Air Force squadrons to Saudi Arabia and warned Nasser that if he attacked Saudi Arabia, the United States would go to war with Egypt. The American warning had its effect and Nasser decided that discretion was the better part of valor. Despite all the tension in American-Egyptian relations, Rusk still argued that it was better to keep the PL 480 food sales to Egypt going than to end them, maintaining keeping the Arab-Israeli dispute "in the icebox" as Nasser phrased it depended upon the United States having leverage over Egypt.

Cuba
During the Cuban Missile Crisis he supported diplomatic efforts. A careful review by Sheldon Stern, Head of the JFK Library, of Kennedy's audio recordings of the EXCOMM meetings suggests that Rusk's contributions to the discussions probably averted a nuclear war.

Overthrow of Vietnam President Diem
In August 1963, a series of misunderstandings rocked the Kennedy administration when, in reaction to the Buddhist crisis, a policy proposal urging the overthrow of President Diem of South Vietnam was presented to Kennedy. He stated he would consider adopting it if Rusk gave his approval first. Rusk, who had gone to New York to attend a session of the United Nations, cautiously gave approval out of the impression that Kennedy had approved it first. When it emerged that was not the case, Kennedy assembled his foreign policy team for a stormy meeting at the White House, with several, such as McNamara, Vice President Lyndon Johnson, and CIA director John McCone, all speaking for standing with Diem, while others like the Undersecretary of State George Ball, W. Avrell Harriman and Roger Hilsman argued for deposing Diem. Much to Kennedy's annoyance, Rusk maintained a stony silence, refusing to take a side. At the end of the meeting, Kennedy exclaimed: "My God, my government is falling apart!" On August 31, 1963, the diplomat Paul Kattenburg reported from Saigon that public opinion in South Vietnam was overwhelmingly hostile to Diem, which led him to suggest it was time "for us to get out honorably". All of the assembled officials rejected Kattenburg's idea, with Rusk saying "we will not pull out ... until the war is won." Rusk reassigned Kattenburg from South Vietnam to Guyana.

Poor relationship with President Kennedy
As he recalled in his autobiography, As I Saw It, Rusk did not have a good relationship with President Kennedy. The president was often irritated by Rusk's reticence in advisory sessions and felt that the State Department was "like a bowl of jelly" and that it "never comes up with any new ideas". In 1963, Newsweek ran a cover story on the National Security Adviser McGeorge Bundy under the title "Cool Head for the Cold War". The author of the story wrote that Rusk "was not known for his force and decisiveness" and asserted that Bundy was "the real Secretary of State". Special counsel to the president Ted Sorensen believed that Kennedy, being well versed and practiced in foreign affairs, acted as his own secretary of state. Sorensen also said that the president often expressed impatience with Rusk and felt him under-prepared for emergency meetings and crises. As Rusk recounted in his autobiography, he repeatedly offered his resignation, but it was never accepted.  Rumors of Rusk's dismissal leading up to the 1964 election abounded prior to President Kennedy's trip to Dallas in 1963. Shortly after Kennedy was assassinated, Rusk offered his resignation to the new president, Lyndon B. Johnson.  However, Johnson liked Rusk and refused his resignation, He remained secretary throughout Johnson's administration.

Defending South Vietnam
In June 1964, Rusk met with Hervé Alphand, the French ambassador in Washington, to discuss a French plan for neutralization of both Vietnams, a plan which Rusk was skeptical about. Rusk told Alphand: "To us, the defense of South Vietnam has the same significance as the defense of Berlin." In response, Alphand stated: "The loss of Berlin would shake the foundations of Western security. On the other hand, if we were to lose South Vietnam, we would not be losing much." By contrast, Rusk argued that the Berlin issue and the Vietnam war were all part of the same struggle against the Soviet Union and the United States could not falter anywhere.

Distrusting Robert Kennedy
Rusk quickly became one of Johnson's favorite advisers, and just before the Democratic National Convention the two had a discussion about Attorney General Robert F. Kennedy, who was angling to be Johnson's running mate, much to the president's discomfort. Both Johnson and Rusk agreed that Kennedy was "freakishly ambitious" with an obsessive desire to one day be president. Rusk told Johnson: "Mr. President, I just can't wrap my mind around that kind of ambition. I don't know how to understand it."

Vietnam in 1964
Just after the Gulf of Tonkin incident, Rusk supported the Gulf of Tonkin resolution.
On August 29, 1964, amid the ongoing presidential election, Rusk called for bipartisan support to ensure that the US's foreign policy have both consistency and reliability and said Republican presidential nominee Barry Goldwater was creating "mischief". The following month, at a September 10 press conference in the main auditorium of the State Department, Rusk said that Senator Goldwater's critiques "reflect a basic lack of understanding" of a U.S. President's handling of conflict and peace.

On September 7, 1964, Johnson assembled his national security team to seek a consensus about what to do about Vietnam. Rusk advised caution, arguing that Johnson should embark on military measures only after diplomacy had been exhausted. In September 1964, Rusk grew frustrated with the endless infighting amongst South Vietnam's junta of generals and after a failed coup d'état against Nguyễn Khánh  sent a message to Maxwell Taylor, the ambassador in Saigon, on September 14, stating he was to "make it emphatically clear" to Khánh and the rest of the junta that Johnson was tired of the infighting. Rusk also instructed Taylor to say: "The United States has not provided massive assistance to South Vietnam, in military equipment, economic resources, and personnel in order to subsidize continuing quarrels among South Vietnamese leaders." Reflecting the general vexation with South Vietnam's chronic political instability in Washington, Rusk argued to Johnson: "Somehow we must change the pace at which these people move, and I suspect that this can only be done with a pervasive intrusion of Americans into their affairs." Increasingly, the feeling in Washington was if South Vietnam could not defeat the Viet Cong guerrillas on its own, the Americans would have to step in and win the war that the South Vietnamese had proved incapable of winning. On September 21, Rusk said the US would not be pushed out of the Gulf of Tonkin and that the prevention of it becoming a "communist lake" would be assured by the continued presence of American forces there.

In September 1964, a peace initiative was launched by the UN Secretary General U Thant who tried to set up secret peace talks in his native Burma, which were supported by the Soviet leader Nikita Khrushchev who pressured Ho Chi Minh to take part in the projected peace talks, saying he would only increase Soviet aid to North Vietnam if the North Vietnamese took part in a diplomatic effort to end the war first. U Thant reported to Rusk that the Soviet pressure seemed to be working as North Vietnam's other arms supplier, China, could not match the hi-tech weaponry that only the Soviet Union could supply. Rusk did not press on this information on Johnson, saying to take part in the planned talks in Burma would have signaled "the acceptance or the confirmation of aggression". In October, the peace initiative was ended by Khrushchev being ousted and his successor, Leonid Brezhnev, was not interested in U Thant's plan.

On 1 November 1964, the Viet Cong attacked the American airbase at Bien Hoa, killing 4 Americans. Rusk told Ambassador Taylor that with the elections occurring in less than 48 hours, Johnson did not want to act, but after the election there would be "a more systematic campaign of military pressure on the North with all implications we have always seen in their course of action".

Nasser
On December 23, 1964, Nasser decided to up the ante in his relations with the United States by delivering a violently anti-American speech in Port Said in which he called Iran "an American and Zionist colony" and claimed Johnson wanted to reduce Egypt to the status of Iran. Through Nasser was hoping that his speech might force the United States to reduce military aid to Saudi Arabia, it had the opposite effect. Johnson, who was more pro-Israeli than Kennedy had been, was furious with the speech. Rusk later recalled: "We didn't expect Nasser to bow, scrape, lick our boots, and say 'Thank you Uncle Sam', but we did expect to at least moderate his virulent criticism of the United States. Instead, he got up in front of those big crowds in Cairo and shouted such things as 'Throw your aid into the Red Sea!'" On January 5, 1965, Johnson suspended all PL 480 aid to Egypt, an action that immediately plunged the Egyptian economy into a crisis. Nasser realized what he had done and began to lobby for the resumption of PL 480 food sales, but got nowhere. Through Nasser knew the best way of ending the crisis was to pull out of Yemen and seek a rapprochement with Saudi Arabia and the United States, he instead turned towards the Soviet Union to seek support for the rapidly contracting Egyptian economy.

Robert Kennedy undercuts Rusk
In April 1965, Senator Robert Kennedy during a visit to the White House advised Johnson to sack Rusk and replace him with Bill Moyers. Johnson at first thought this was a joke, saying that Kennedy's brother had appointed him Secretary of State, and was astonished to learn that Kennedy was serious. The president replied: "I like Bill Moyers, but I'm not about to remove Rusk."

Vietnam in 1965
In May 1965, Rusk told Johnson that the "Four Points" presented by the North Vietnam premier Dong as peace terms were deceptive because "the third of those four points required the imposition of the National Liberation Front on all South Vietnam". In June 1965, when General William Westmoreland requested of Johnson 180, 000 troops to Vietnam, Rusk argued to Johnson that the United States had to fight in Vietnam to maintain "the integrity of the U.S. commitment" throughout the world, but also wondered aloud if Westermoreland was exaggerating the extent of the problems in South Vietnam in order to have more troops under his command. However, despite his doubts about Westmoreland Rusk in a rare memo to the president warned that if South Vietnam were lost "the Communist world would draw conclusions that would lead to our ruin and almost certainly to a catastrophic war". At another meeting, Rusk stated the United States should have committed itself to Vietnam more heavily in 1961, saying that if  U.S. troops had been sent to fight then, the present difficulties would not exist.

Rusk came into conflict with his Undersecretary of State, George Ball, about Vietnam. When Ball argued the governing duumvirate of Thieu and Ky in South Vietnam were "clowns" unworthy of American support, Rusk replied: "Don't give me that stuff. You don't understand that at the time of Korea we had to go out and dig up Syngman Rhee out of the bush where he was hiding. There was no government in Korea, either. We're going to get some breaks, and this thing is going to work." Rusk felt that Ball's memos arguing that American involvement in the war should be seen by as few as possible. At meetings of the National Security Council, Rusk consistently argued against Ball.

Britain will not send troops
In 1964 and again in 1965, Rusk approached the British Prime Minister Harold Wilson to ask for British troops to go to Vietnam, requests that were refused. The normally Anglophile Rusk saw the refusal as a "betrayal". Rusk told the Times of London: "All we needed was just one regiment. The Black Watch would have done it. Just one regiment, but you wouldn't. Well, don't expect us to save you again. They can invade Sussex and we won't do a damn thing about it."

Shortly before his death, Adlai Stevenson, the American ambassador to the UN, mentioned in an interview with the journalist Eric Severeid the aborted peace terms in Rangoon in 1964, saying the UN Secretary General U Thant was disappointed that Rusk had rejected the terms. When Johnson asked Rusk about the matter, the latter replied that in diplomacy "there is a difference between rejecting a proposal and not accepting it", a distinction that Rusk claimed that U Thant had missed.

Bombing pause discussed
In December 1965, when McNamara first told Johnson that the "military action approach is an unacceptable way to a successful conclusion" and urged him to pause the bombing of North Vietnam, Rusk advised the president that there was only a 1 in 20 chance that a bombing pause would lead to peace talks. However, Rusk argued for the bombing pause, saying "You must think about the morale of the American people if the other side keeps pushing. We must be able to say that all has been done." When Johnson announced the bombing pause on Christmas Day 1965, Rusk told the press "We have put everything into the basket of peace except the surrender of South Vietnam." Some of the language that Rusk included in his offer for peace talks seemed to calculate to inspire rejection such as the demand that Hanoi must publicly vow "to cease aggression" and the bombing pause was "a step toward peace, although there has not been the slightest hint or suggestion from the other side as to what they would do if the bombing stopped." On December 28, 1965, Rusk sent a cable to Henry Cabot Lodge Jr, the ambassador in Saigon, presenting the bombing pause as merely a cynical exercise in public relations as he wrote: "The prospect of large-scale reinforcements in men and defense budget increases for the next eighteen-month period requires solid preparation of the American public. A crucial element will be a clear demonstration that we have explored fully every alternative but the aggressors has left us no choice." Rusk ordered Henry A. Byroade, the ambassador in Rangoon, to make contact with the North Vietnamese ambassador to Burma with the offer that the bombing pause might be extended if North Vietnam made "a serious contribution to peace". The offer was rejected as the North Vietnamese refused to open peace talks until the bombing raids were stopped "unconditionally and for good". Like the other newly independent states in Africa and Asia, the North Vietnamese were extremely sensitive to any violation, real or perceived, of their newly achieved sovereignty, and the North Vietnamese Politburo regarded the bombing as a major violation of their nation's sovereignty. In a way that the Johnson administration had much trouble understanding, the North Vietnamese felt to negotiate with the Americans reserving the right to resume the bombing would be to accept a diminution of their country's independence, hence the demand for an unconditional bombing halt. In January 1966, Johnson ordered the Rolling Thunder bombing raids to resume.

France versus NATO
After President of France Charles de Gaulle withdrew France from the common NATO military command in February 1966 and ordered all American military forces to leave France, President Johnson asked Rusk to seek further clarification from President de Gaulle by asking whether the bodies of buried American soldiers must leave France as well.  Rusk recorded in his autobiography that de Gaulle did not respond when asked, "Does your order include the bodies of American soldiers in France's cemeteries?"

Fulbright hearings on Vietnam
In February 1966, the Senate Foreign Relations Committee chaired by Fulbright held hearings on the Vietnam War and Fulbright had called as expert witnesses George F. Kennan and General James Gavin, who were both critical of the Vietnam War. Rusk who served as Johnson's principal spokesman on Vietnam was sent by the president together with General Maxwell Taylor to serve as his rebuttal witnesses before the Foreign Relations Committee. Rusk testified that the war was a morally justified struggle to halt "the steady extension of Communist power through force and threat". Historian Stanley Karnow wrote the televised hearings were a compelling "political theater" as Fulbright and Rusk verbally dueled about the merits of the Vietnam war with both men pouncing on any weaknesses in the other's argument.

1966 hawks versus doves
By 1966, the Johnson administration had become divided between the "hawks" and the "doves", through the latter term was somewhat misleading as the "doves" within the administration merely favored opening peace talks to end the war as opposed to pulling out U.S. forces from Vietnam. Rusk together with the Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, General Earle "Bus" Wheeler and the National Security Adviser Walt Whitman Rostow were the leading "hawks" while the leading "doves" was Rusk's former ally McNamara together with Harriman. Rusk equated withdrawal from Vietnam as "appeasement", through at times he was willing to advise Johnson to open peace talks as a way to rebut domestic criticism that Johnson was unwilling to consider alternative ways to end the war.

1967 deescalation
On April 18, 1967, Rusk said the United States was prepared to "take steps to deescalate the conflict whenever we are assured that the north will take appropriate corresponding steps".

In 1967, Rusk was opposed to the Operation Pennsylvania peace plan flouted by Henry Kissinger, saying "Eight months pregnant with peace and all of them hoping to win the Nobel Peace Prize". When Kissinger reported that the North Vietnamese would not begin peace talks unless the bombing was stopped first, Rusk advocated continuing the bombing, telling Johnson: "If the bombing isn't having that much effect, why do they want to stop the bombing so much?"

Rusk family issues
Rusk's support for the Vietnam War caused considerable torment for his son Richard, who was opposed to the war but who enlisted in the Marine Corps and refused to attend anti-war demonstrations out of love for his father. The psychological strain caused the younger Rusk to suffer a nervous breakdown and led to a break between father and son.

Rusk considered resignation in the summer of 1967, because "his daughter planned to marry a black classmate at Stanford University, and he could not impose such a political burden on the president", after it became known that his daughter, Peggy, planned to marry Guy Smith, "a black Georgetown grad working at NASA". In response, the Richmond News Leader stated that it found the wedding offensive, further saying that "anything which diminishes [Rusk's] personal acceptability is an affair of state."  He decided not to resign after talking to McNamara and the president. A year after his daughter's wedding, Rusk was invited to join the faculty of the University of Georgia Law School, only to have his appointment denounced by Roy Harris, an ally of Alabama Governor George Wallace and a member of the university's board of regents, who stated that his opposition was because of Peggy Rusk's interracial marriage. The university nonetheless appointed Rusk to the position.

Rusk sees communists in peace movement
In October 1967, Rusk told Johnson that he believed the March on the Pentagon was the work of "the Communists", and pressed Johnson to order an investigation to prove it. The investigation was launched involving the Federal Bureau of Investigation, the Central Intelligence Agency, the National Security Agency and military intelligence, and found "no significant evidence that would prove Communist control or direction of the U.S. peace movement and its leaders." Rusk said that the report was "naive" and that the agents should had done a better investigation.

Vietnam and 1968 election
When Johnson first discussed dropping out of the 1968 election at a National Security Council meeting in September 1967, Rusk was opposed, saying: "You must not go down. You are the Commander-in-chief, and we are in war. This would have a very serious effect on the country." When McNamara advised Johnson in October 1967 to agree to North Vietnam's demand that the United States cease the bombing campaign as the precondition for opening peace talks, Rusk opposed the idea of a "bombing pause" as removing the "incentive for peace", and urged Johnson to continue Operation Rolling Thunder. By this time, many at the State Department were concerned by Rusk's drinking on the job with William Bundy later saying that Rusk was a like a "zombie" until he started to drink. McNamara was shocked when he visited him at Foggy Bottom in the afternoon and saw Rusk open his desk to pull out a bottle of scotch, which he proceeded to drink in its entirety. Unlike the abrasive McNamara, who was widely disliked at the Pentagon, Rusk was sufficiently liked by his colleagues in the State Department that none leaked their concerns about his drinking to the media.

On January 5, 1968, notes by Rusk were delivered to Ambassador of the Soviet Union to the United States Anatoly Dobrynin, pleading support from the US to "avoid recurrence of" claimed bombing of Russian cargo ships in the Haiphong North Vietnam port the day prior. On February 9, Rusk was asked by Senator William Fulbright over his possible information in regards to a US tactical nuclear weapons introduction in South Vietnam report.

Like other members of the Johnson administration, Rusk was shaken by the surprise of the Tet Offensive. During a news briefing at the height of the Tet Offensive, Rusk who was known for his courteous manner, was asked how the Johnson administration was taken by surprise, causing him to snap in fury: "Whose side are you on? Now, I'm the Secretary of State of the United States, and I'm on our side! None of your papers or your broadcasting apparatuses are worth a damn unless the United States succeeds. They are trivial compared to that question. So I don't know why people have to be probing for things that one can bitch about, when there are two thousand stories on the same day about things that are more constructive." However, despite his rage at the media who he felt were misrepresenting the war, he admitted to finding signs that public opinion was shifting against the war. He later recalled that during a visit to Cherokee County in February 1968 that people were telling him: "Dean if you can't tell us when this war is going to end, well then maybe we just ought to chuck it." Rusk added "The fact was that we could not, in any good faith, tell them." Shortly afterwards, in March 1968 Rusk appeared as a witness before the Senate Foreign Relations Committee chaired by Fulbright that was examining allegations that the Johnson administration had been dishonest about the Gulf of Tonkin incident in 1964. Fulbright made his sympathies clear by wearing a necktie decorated with doves and olive branches.  Through Rusk handled himself well  under the relentless questioning by Fulbright, the televised hearings were another blow to the prestige of the Johnson administration as it became very apparent to the viewers that a number of senators were now opposed to the war or were only lukewarm in their support. When Fulbright asked Rusk to promise Congress a greater say in the war, Rusk replied that Johnson would consult "appropriate members of Congress". When Senator Claiborne Pell asked if the war was worth all the suffering, Rusk charged that he was suffering from "moral myopia" about "the endless struggle for freedom".

On April 17, during an American Society of Newspaper Editors luncheon meeting, Rusk admitted that the United States has taken "some lumps" propaganda wise but the Johnson administration should persist in trying to find a location of neutrality for the peace talks to occur. The following day, Rusk added 10 sites to the 5 proposed initially, accusing Hanoi of having a propaganda battle over neutral areas for discussion during a press conference.

Just before the peace talks in Paris were due to open on 13 May 1968, Rusk advocated bombing North Vietnam north of the 20 parallel, a proposal strongly opposed by the Defense Secretary  Clark Clifford who stated it would wreck the peace talks. Clifford persuaded a reluctant Johnson to stick by his promise of 31 March 1968 of no bombing north of 20 parallel. Rusk continued his advocacy of bombing north of 20 parallel, telling Johnson on 21 May 1968 "We will not get a solution in Paris until we prove they can't win in the South". During a meeting on 26 July 1968, Johnson briefed all three presidential candidates about the state of the war and the peace talks. Rusk who attended the meeting agreed with Richard Nixon's statement that bombing provided leverage in the Paris peace talks, saying: "If the North Vietnamese were not being bombed, they would have no incentive to do anything". When Nixon asked "Where was the war lost?", Rusk replied: "In the editorial rooms of this country".

On June 26, Rusk assured Berlin citizens that the United States along with its North Atlantic Treaty partners were "determined" in securing Berlin's liberty and security, additionally criticizing the recent travel restrictions of East Germany as violating "long standing agreements and practice".

On September 30, Rusk met privately with Foreign Minister of Israel Abba Eban in New York City for discussion on peace plans from the Middle East.

In October 1968, when Johnson considered a complete bombing halt to North Vietnam, Rusk was opposed. On November 1, Rusk said long term allies of the North Vietnam bomb halt should pressure Hanoi to accelerate their involvement in the peace talks in Paris.

End of term
Nixon won the election and Rusk prepared to leave office January 20, 1969. On December 1, 1968, citing the halt of bombing in North Vietnam, Rusk said that the Soviet Union would need to come forward and do what it could to forward peace talks in southeast Asia. On December 22, Rusk appeared on television to officially confirm the 82 surviving crew members of the USS Pueblo intelligence ship, speaking on behalf of the hospitalized President Johnson.

In the last days of the Johnson administration, the president wanted to nominate Rusk to the Supreme Court. Although Rusk had studied the law, he did not have a law degree nor had he ever practiced law, but Johnson pointed out that the constitution did not require legal experience to serve on the Supreme Court and "I've already talked to Dick Russell and he said you'd be confirmed easily." However, Johnson failed to reckon with Senator James Eastland, the chairman of the Senate Judiciary Committee, who was also a white supremacist and a supporter of segregation. Through Eastland was a fellow Southerner, he had neither forgotten nor forgiven Rusk for allowing his daughter to marry a black man. Eastland announced he would not confirm Rusk if he were nominated to the Supreme Court.

On January 2, 1969, Rusk met with five Jewish American leaders in his office to assure them the US had not changed its policy in the Middle East of recognizing the sovereignty of Israel. One of the leaders, the American-Israeli Public Affairs committee's Irving Kane, said afterward that Rusk had successfully convinced him.

Retirement

January 20, 1969 marked Rusk's last day as Secretary of State, and upon leaving Foggy Bottom he delivered a brief valedictory: "Eight years ago, Mrs. Rusk and I came quietly. We wish now to leave quietly. Thank you very much". At a farewell dinner hosted by Dobrynin, the longest-serving ambassador in Washington, Rusk told his host: "What's done cannot be undone." After the dinner, Rusk drove away in a modest car that barely seemed to be working, which Dobrynin considered to an apt symbolic end to the Johnson administration. Upon his return to Georgia, Rusk suffered from a prolonged bout of depression and suffered from psychosomatic illnesses, visiting doctors with complaints of chest and stomach pains that appeared to have no physical basis. Unable to work, Rusk was supported throughout 1969 by the Rockefeller Foundation who paid him a salary as a "distinguished fellow".

On July 27, 1969, Rusk voiced his support for the Nixon administration's proposed anti-ballistic missile system, saying that he would vote for it, were he a senator, from an understanding that further proposals would be reviewed if any progress would be made in Soviet Union peace talks. The same year, Rusk received both the Sylvanus Thayer Award and the Presidential Medal of Freedom, with Distinction.

Following his retirement, he taught international law at the University of Georgia School of Law in Athens, Georgia (1970–1984). Rusk was emotionally exhausted after 8 years as Secretary of State and narrowly survived a nervous breakdown in 1969. Roy Harris, a university regent who served as the Georgia campaign manager for the presidential campaign of George Wallace in 1968, tried to block Rusk's appointment under the ostensible grounds "We don't want the university to be a haven for broken-down politicians", but in reality because he was opposed to a man who had allowed his daughter to marry a black man. However, Harris's vote was overruled.  Rusk found that the return to teaching in 1970 and the resumption of the academic career he had abandoned in 1940 was emotionally satisfying. The other professors remembered him as being like a "junior associate seeking tenure". Rusk told his son "the students I was privileged to teach helped rejuvenate my life and make a new start after those hard years in Washington."

In the 1970s, Rusk was a member of the Committee on Present Danger, a hawkish group opposed to détente with the Soviet Union and distrustful of treaties to control the nuclear arms race.

In 1973, Rusk eulogized Johnson when he lay in state.

In 1984, Rusk's son Richard, whom he had not spoken to since 1970 owing to the opposition of Rusk fils to the Vietnam War, surprised his father by returning to Georgia from Alaska to seek a reconciliation. As part of the reconciliation process, Rusk, who had gone blind by this point, agreed to dictate his memoirs to his son, who recorded what he said and wrote it down into what became the book As I Saw It.

Rusk's memoir
In a review of his memoir As I Saw It, the American historian Warren Cohen noted that little of the acrimony of Rusk's relations with McNamara, Bundy and Fulbright appeared, but that Rusk was unremittingly hostile in his picture of Kennedy's closest adviser and right-hand man, his younger brother Robert, together with the UN Secretary General U Thant. In As I Saw It, Rusk expressed considerable anger at the media's coverage of the Vietnam War, accusing anti-war journalists of "faking" stories and images that portrayed the war in an unflattering light. Rusk spoke about what he called the "so-called freedom of the press", as he maintained that journalists from The New York Times and The Washington Post only wrote what their editors told them to write, saying, if there were true freedom of the press, both newspapers would have portrayed the war more positively. Despite his hawkish views towards the Soviet Union, Rusk stated during his time as Secretary of State that he never saw any evidence that the Soviet Union planned to invade Western Europe and he "seriously doubted" that it ever would. Cohen noted that in contrast to his years with Kennedy, Rusk was warmer and more protective towards Johnson, whom he clearly got on better with than he ever did with Kennedy.

In a review of As I Saw It, the historian George C. Herring wrote that the book was mostly dull and uninformative when it came to Rusk's time as Secretary of State, telling little that historians did not already know, and the most interesting and passionate parts concerned his youth in the "Old South" and his conflict and reconciliation with his son Richard.

Rusk died of heart failure in Athens, Georgia, on December 20, 1994, at the age of 85. He and his wife are buried at the Oconee Hill Cemetery in Athens.

Rusk Eating House, the first women's eating house at Davidson College, was founded in 1977 and is named in his honor. The Dean Rusk International Studies Program at Davidson College is also named in his honor.

Dean Rusk Middle School, located in Canton, Georgia, was named in his honor, as was Dean Rusk Hall on the campus of the University of Georgia.

Legacy
The consensus of historians is that Rusk was a very intelligent man, but very shy and so deeply immersed in details and the complexities of each case that he was reluctant to make a decision and unable to clearly explain to the media what the government's policies were. Jonathan Coleman says that he was deeply involved in the Berlin Crisis, the Cuban Missile Crisis, NATO, and the Vietnam War. Typically he was highly cautious on most issues, except for Vietnam:

Regarding Vietnam, historians agree that President Johnson relied heavily on the advice of Rusk, Defense Secretary Robert McNamara, and national security adviser McGeorge Bundy to the effect that a communist takeover of all of Vietnam was unacceptable, and the only way to prevent it was to escalate America's commitment. Johnson took their conclusions and rejected dissenting views.

Rusk's son Rich wrote about his father's time as Secretary of State: "With this reticent, reserved, self-contained, emotionally bound-up father of mine from rural Georgia, how could the decision making have gone any differently? His taciturn qualities, which served him so well in negotiating with the Russians, ill-prepared him for the wrenching, introspective, soul-shattering journey that a true reappraisal of Vietnam policy would have involved. Although trained for high office, he was unprepared for such a journey, for admitting that thousands of American lives, and hundreds of thousands of Vietnamese, might have been lost in vain."

George Herring wrote about Rusk in 1992: "He is a man utterly without pretense, a thoroughly decent individual, a man of stern countenance and unbending principles. He is a man with a passion for secrecy. He is a shy and reticent man, who as Secretary of State sipped scotch to loosen his tongue for press conferences. Stolid and normally laconic, he also has a keen, dry wit. He has often been described as the 'perfect number two,' a loyal subordinate who had strong—if unexpressed—reservations about the Bay of Pigs operation, but after its failure could defend it as though he had planned it."

Summarizing the views of historians and political scientists, Smith Simpson states:
Here was a man who had much going for him but failed in crucial respects. A decent, intelligent, well-educated man of broad experience in world affairs who, early in life, evidenced qualities of leadership, seemed diffidently to hold back rather than to lead as secretary of state, seeming to behave, in important ways, like a sleeve-plucking follower of presidents rather than their wise and persuasive counselor.

Media
Appearances
 Cuban Missile Crisis Revisited. Produced for The Idea Channel by the Free to Choose Network, 1983.
Phase I (U1015) (January 22, 1983)
 Featuring Dean Rusk, McGeorge Bundy, Richard Neustadt, Edwin Martin & Donald Wilson in Atlanta, Georgia.

Portrayal in media
Secretary Rusk was portrayed by actor Larry Gates in the 1974 ABC television docudrama The Missiles of October, dramatizing the Cuban Missile Crisis of October, 1962.
Actor Henry Strozier played Secretary Rusk in another dramatization of the Cuban Missile Crisis Thirteen Days (2000), a theatrical film directed by Roger Donaldson.
Actor John Aylward played Secretary Rusk in the biographical television film Path to War (2002) directed by John Frankenheimer

Publications
 "U.S. Foreign Policy: A Discussion with Former Secretaries of State Dean Rusk, William P. Rogers, Cyrus R. Vance, and Alexander M. Haig, Jr.". International Studies Notes, Vol. 11, No. 1, Special Edition: The Secretaries of State, Fall 1984.  (pp. 10–20)

See also
Rusk documents

References

Further reading
 Cohen, Warren I. Dean Rusk (1980).
 Colman, Jonathan. "The 'Bowl of Jelly': The US Department of State during the Kennedy and Johnson Years, 1961–1968". The Hague Journal of Diplomacy 10.2 (2015): 172–196. online
 Harrington, Joseph F. "'I Like Your Guts, and I don't have many People around here with Guts' The Relationship Between President John F. Kennedy and Secretary of State David Dean Rusk and its Impact on American Foreign Policy". New England Journal of History(Spring/Fall 2019), Vol. 75/76 Issue 2/1, pp 129–159.
 Henry, John B., and William Espinosa. "The Tragedy of Dean Rusk". Foreign Policy 8 (1972): 166–189. in JSTOR
 Loewenheim, F. L. "Dean Rusk and the Diplomacy of Principle in The Diplomats, 1939–1979 (Princeton University Press, 1994).  pp. 499–536. online
 Nuenlist, Christian. "The quiet man: Dean Rusk and Western Europe". Journal of Transatlantic Studies 6.3 (2008): 263–278.
 Schoenbaum, Thomas J. Waging Peace and War: Dean Rusk in the Truman, Kennedy, and Johnson Years (1988).
 Snyder, William P. "Dean Rusk to John Foster Dulles, May–June 1953: The Office, the First 100 Days, and Red China". Diplomatic History 7.1 (1983): 79–86.
 Stupak, Ronald J. "Dean Rusk on international relations: An analysis of his philosophical perceptions". Australian Outlook 25.1 (1971): 13–28.
 Zeiler, Thomas W. Dean Rusk: Defending the American Mission Abroad (2000). online

Primary sources
 Dean Rusk, and Ernest K. Lindley. Winds of Freedom-Selections from the Speeches and Statements of Secretary of State Dean Rusk, January 1961 – August 1962 (1963). online
  Memoirs told to his son online review

External links

 "A conversation with Dean Rusk, former U.S. Secretary of State (1961–1969)" Part of the American Diplomacy and The Lessons of Crisis: Vietnam and the Cold War collections online at Duke University
 Dean Rusk Oral History Collection, from the Richard B. Russell Library
 Interview for WGBH series, War and Peace in the Nuclear Age

 Oral History Interviews with Dean Rusk, from the Lyndon Baines Johnson Library

 Sully, François, "Dean Rusk with General Khanh, Harkins and Wheeler and Lodge touring Vietnamese highlands." (photo/caption), April 1964; copyright Healey Library, UMass Boston; via openvault.wgbh.org.

1909 births
1994 deaths
People from Cherokee County, Georgia
Military personnel from Georgia (U.S. state)
American Presbyterians
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Georgia (U.S. state) lawyers
United States Secretaries of State
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Davidson Wildcats men's basketball players
UC Berkeley School of Law alumni
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Recipients of the Legion of Merit
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Dean Rusk


Max Herrmann (14 May 1865 – 17 November 1942) was a German literary historian and theorist of theatre studies. He is considered to be the founding father of theatre studies in Germany.

Born in Berlin into a Jewish family, Herrmann, having passed his A-levels, in 1884 began studying Germanic Philology and History at the Universities of Freiburg, Göttingen and Berlin. In 1891 he became Privatdozent for Germanic Philology at the University of Berlin and in 1898 he married Helene Schlesinger. In 1900 he gave his first lectures on theatre studies at the Department of Germanic Studies in Berlin. In his interpretation and analysis of Johann Wolfgang von Goethe's play Jahrmarktsfest in Plundersweilern he not only included results based on research of the original sources but also the stage history of the play. After having been appointed professor in 1903 he continued working as a free-lance lecturer and contributed to a number of literary societies, such as the Society for Theatre Studies. In 1914 he published his most renowned work "Research on the History of German Theatre in the Middle Ages and the Renaissance" (Forschungen zur deutschen Theatergeschichte des Mittelalters und der Renaissance) in which he further specified his approach. In 1916 he founded the "Library of German Private and Manuscript Prints" (Bibliothek Deutscher Privat- und Manuskriptdrucke) at Berlin State Library.

Herrmann advocated vehemently the emancipation of theatre studies from German Studies. In 1919 he was offered a chair at the University of Berlin. When, in 1923, the Institute of Theatre Studies at Berlin University, world-wide the first of its kind, was founded despite much resistance from the more established disciplines, Herrmann was appointed its head, a function he fulfilled alternately with Julius Petersen.

When the Law for the Restoration of the Professional Civil Service was passed in April 1933, Max Herrmann was deprived of his professorship by being forced to go into retirement. On 8 September 1942 he and his wife were deported to the concentration camp Theresienstadt where Max Herrmann died in November 1942.

Until his deportation Herrmann worked on "The Development of the Professional Art of Theatre in Antiquity and Modern Times" (Die Entstehung der berufsmässigen Schauspielkunst im Altertum und in der Neuzeit) irrespective of institutionlised harassment which meant, for example, that he was only allowed to read books while standing. The manuscript of the book was preserved by a student of Herrmann's, Ruth Mövius, and only published in 1962.

Berlin State Library awards every year on 10 May, the anniversary of the Nazi book burnings, the Max-Herrmann-Prize.

Works
 Forschungen zur deutschen Theatergeschichte des Mittelalters und der Renaissance. Berlin: Weidmannsche Buchhandlung, 1914.
 Die Bühne des Hans Sachs. Ein offener Brief an Albert Köster. Berlin: Weidmannsche Buchhandlung, 1928
 Die Entstehung der berufsmässigen Schauspielkunst im Altertum und in der Neuzeit. Ed. Ruth Mövius.  Berlin: Henschel,  1962.  online

References

Further reading
 Corssen, S. (1998). Max Herrmann und die Anfänge der Theaterwissenschaft. Tübingen: Niemeyer. .
 Satori-Neumann, B. T. (1935). Die theatergeschichtlichen und dramaturgischen Schriften aus der Berliner theaterwissenschaftlichen Schule Max Herrmanns (1898-1933). Eine Bibliographie. Berlin: self-published.

1865 births
1942 deaths
19th-century German Jews
Theatrologists
German people who died in the Theresienstadt Ghetto
People from the Province of Brandenburg
Writers from Berlin

Max Herrmann (theatrologist)


The Seventh Amendment (Amendment VII) to the United States Constitution is part of the Bill of Rights. This amendment codifies the right to a jury trial in certain civil cases. It also stops courts from overturning a jury's verdict. The Seventh Amendment's provision for jury trials in civil cases has never been incorporated (applied to the states). However, the rights to civil jury trials are found in nearly every state constitution.

The prohibition of overturning a jury's verdict applies to federal cases, state cases involving federal law, and to review of state cases by federal courts. United States v. Wonson (1812) established the "historical test", which interpreted the amendment as relying on English common law to determine whether a jury trial was necessary in a civil lawsuit. The amendment thus does not guarantee trial by jury in cases under maritime law, in lawsuits against the government itself, and for many parts of patent claims. In all other cases, the jury can be waived by consent of the parties. The amendment also guarantees a minimum of six members for a jury in a civil trial.

Text

Background
The 7th Amendment was ratified on December 15, 1791 as one of ten amendments in the Bill of Rights. But the background for its passing began in England during the 12th century. At the time juries were made up of 12 men who gave their opinions in a trial. The 12-man jury originally included the accusers against the defendant, a supposed enemy of the king. Eventually this led to a system where the jury made a verdict based on evidence. The practice followed English colonists to the American colonies. But juries became a tool used to express American discontent with British rule. A series of Navigation Acts prohibited the American colonies from trading directly with the Netherlands, Spain, France, and their colonies. As more and more trade restriction were imposed, the American colonists turned to smuggling. When smugglers were caught, they were brought before juries made up of other colonists. These sympathetic juries often acquitted their fellow colonists. The king, angered at these lawbreakers going free, created new courts that did not allow juries. This was a breach of common law practice and infringed on their rights as British citizens. After the American Revolutionary War, the Seventh Amendment was written to expressly limit the powers of the executive and the Judicial branches of the new federal government.

Notes

References

07

Seventh Amendment to the United States Constitution


Liemers or De Liemers (historically also known as Lijmers) is a region in the province of Gelderland, the Netherlands.

It lies in the very east of the country, near Germany. It is bordered by three rivers, namely southwest the Rhine, northwest the IJssel, northeast the Oude IJssel, and the German state of North Rhine-Westphalia in the southeast. The northern and especially the eastern boundaries are rather vague. There is a grey area with the Achterhoek region, which stretches itself from these borders of the Liemers region. The hills of Montferland or Bergherbos in the municipality of Montferland are also considered as the eastern border.

The local dialect is called Liemers, which belongs to the Low Franconian languages.

Municipalities
These ten municipalities lie more or less in the Liemers region:
 Bronckhorst (a small part in the southwest)
 Doesburg (the southern part)
 Doetinchem (the western part)
 Duiven
 Montferland
 Oude IJsselstreek (the western part)
 Westervoort
 Zevenaar

References
 Plaatsengids.nl

Regions of the Netherlands

Liemers


Dr.  Martha Jones is a fictional character who is played by Freema Agyeman in the television series Doctor Who and its spin-off series, Torchwood. She is a companion of the Tenth Doctor in Doctor Who, replacing Rose Tyler in the role of the main companion. She made her first appearance in Series 3's "Smith and Jones", broadcast in the UK on 31 March 2007.

Appearances

Television

Martha Jones is introduced in the 2007 series of Doctor Who, first appearing in the episode "Smith and Jones".  When the hospital she works at is moved to the Moon,  Martha helps save the day alongside an alien time traveller known only as the Doctor (David Tennant). To thank her for her help, the Doctor invites her to join him for one trip in his time machine the TARDIS, but he later accepts her as his full-time "companion", admitting that she was "never just a passenger", and he even gives her the key to the TARDIS. Nevertheless, she becomes frustrated because the Doctor does not realise her feelings for him, When the  Doctor falls in love(while believing himself to be a human) in the "Human Nature"/"The Family of Blood" two-parter, a pained Martha claims "You had to go and fall in love with a human... and it wasn't me". In the last episode of the series she spends a year travelling the world in a plan which saves the Doctor and reverses time, undoing the Master's actions.

The character reappears in the 2008 series of the Doctor Who spin-off Torchwood, which focuses on occasional Doctor Who companion Jack Harkness. She first appeared in the episode "Reset" as part of a three-episode story,
Later in the Fourth Series of Doctor Who, Martha returns for a three-episode arc beginning with "The Sontaran Stratagem" and ending with "The Doctor's Daughter", Agyeman appears in the role again for the final two episodes of the series, "The Stolen Earth"/"Journey's End",where she has been promoted to a US division of UNIT.

Other Appearances
Aside from television appearances, the character of Martha also appears in Doctor Who novels and comic books, some of which it is unknown if they are canon or not.

In books, Martha appears in the "New Series Adventures" series of Doctor Who novels, published by BBC Books. The first book published was a "Quick Reads" novel, Made of Steel by Terrance Dicks (published before  her first television appearance), and the character subsequently appeared in all novels in the series, starting with Sting of the Zygons by Stephen Cole and most recently in The Many Hands by Dale Smith. Freema Aygeman appears as the character on the cover of every novel. In late 2008 The Story of Martha, a collection of stories focusing on Martha's adventures between "The Sound of Drums" and "Last of the Time Lords", will be published.

In comic strip apperences,Martha has appeared in the Doctor Who Magazine strips from #381 onwards and the Doctor Who Adventures comics from #28 onwards. The character also appears in the Battles in Time series of comic books periodically. In 2007, American comic book publisher IDW Publishing announced their plans to do a series of Tenth Doctor and Martha comics for a America. When asked about canonicity, IDW executive editor Chris Ryall dodged the issue by saying all the comics are "blessed" by Russell T Davies but it is up to the individual how canonical each story is.

Martha also appears in a Radio 4 Torchwood drama, "Lost Souls" which aired in Summer 2008.

References

Other websites
 Martha Jones on the BBC's Doctor Who website
 Martha Jones on FreemaAgyeman.com
 Martha Jones' Myspace page

Doctor Who characters

he:דוקטור הו - דמויות#מרתה ג'ונס

Martha Jones (Doctor Who)


In gardening and farming, companion planting is the planting of different crops next to each other. It is done to help the crops grow and to use the space available as much as possible.

Depending on the crops chosen, companion planting may encourage processes that help the plants, such as pollination. Some companion plants may help stop pests, such as caterpillars or fungi, from damaging the crop. Some of these, called trap crops attract pests away from the crop. Other plants may serve as shelter for the crops.

Many of the basic principles of companion planting were used thousands of years ago in Mesoamerica. From about 8,000 years ago, Native American peoples grew squash, maize and common beans together. The stalk of the corn were there for the beans to climb, and the beans fixed nitrogen, helping the maize.

Related pages
 Intercropping
 Square foot gardening

References

Gardening
Agriculture
Sustainability

Companion planting


Duane Harlan Cassidy (November 24, 1933 – February 8, 2016) was a general in the United States Air Force and the former commander of the Military Airlift Command and United States Transportation Command.

Early life
Cassidy was born in Coraopolis, Pennsylvania, in 1933. He earned a Bachelor of Science degree from the University of Nebraska in 1968 and a Master of Science degree from Troy State University in 1975. He completed Squadron Officer School in 1961 at the Industrial College of the Armed Forces in 1973, the J.L. Kellogg Graduate School of Management at Northwestern University in 1979, and the program for senior executives in national and international security at the John F. Kennedy School of Government, Harvard University, in 1983.

Military career
Upon completion of aviation cadet training, Cassidy was commissioned as a second lieutenant in 1954. He then attended navigator training at Harlingen and James Connally Air Force Bases, Texas. His initial operational assignments in the Air Force were to the Military Air Transport Service: first to the Air Weather Service's 6th Weather Group, Wright-Patterson Air Force Base, Ohio, flying B-25 Mitchells, and then to Air Rescue Service's 49th Air Rescue Squadron, Selfridge Air Force Base, Michigan. During these assignments, he participated in numerous rescue and weather reconnaissance missions, including the hydrogen weapons test in 1956 at Eniwetok Atoll in the Marshall Islands. His navigator assignments ended after two years as a Military Air Transport Service C-121 Constellation line crew member at Charleston Air Force Base, South Carolina. He entered pilot training in December 1958.

Cassidy was assigned to Strategic Air Command after graduation from pilot training and flew B-47 Stratojets at McCoy Air Force Base, Florida, Little Rock Air Force Base, Arkansas, and Lincoln Air Force Base, Nebraska. In November 1965, he transferred to Minot Air Force Base, North Dakota, and served with the 810th Strategic Aerospace Division, whose mission included B-52 Stratofortress bomber and LGM-30 Minuteman missile operations. In September 1968, he was assigned to the Republic of Vietnam, serving first with 7th Air Force's Tactical Air Control Center and then with the Military Assistance Command's Vietnam Directorate of Public Affairs as an air briefer to the Saigon press corps.

Cassidy returned to the Air Force airlift mission in October 1969. He was assigned to Military Airlift Command headquarters as executive to the deputy chief of staff for operations, and later as executive aide and pilot for the Military Airlift Command commander. In August 1972, he assumed command of the 8th Airlift Squadron, McChord Air Force Base, Washington. He entered the Air War College in August 1974 and, upon graduation, again served at Military Airlift Command headquarters, as assistant chief of staff.

In August 1976, Cassidy was assigned as vice commander of the 63rd Airlift Wing at Norton Air Force Base, California. In February 1978, he became commander of the wing. He returned to Military Airlift Command headquarters in July 1980 and served initially as assistant deputy chief of staff for operations. In August 1981, he became the command's deputy chief of staff for operations.

From October 1983 to August 1984, Cassidy served as commander of Military Airlift Command's 21st Air Force at McGuire Air Force Base, New Jersey During this period, Military Airlift Command was heavily involved in support of United States' operations in Lebanon and Grenada. General Cassidy then transferred to Headquarters United States Air Force, Washington D.C., where he served as deputy chief of staff for manpower and personnel. He was promoted to general November 8, 1985, with same date of rank. The general assumed command of Military Airlift Command in September 1985 and of the United States Transportation Command upon its activation Oct. 1, 1987.

Cassidy died from cancer on February 8, 2016, and was buried at Arlington National Cemetery on November 18.

Awards
Awards earned during his career:

Command pilot and senior navigator with more than 8,000 flying hours.
In 2006 he was inducted into the Airlift/Tanker Association Hall of Fame.

References

External links

General Duane H. Cassidy (An oral history)

1933 births
2016 deaths
United States Air Force personnel of the Korean War
United States Air Force personnel of the Vietnam War
United States Air Force generals
American Cold War bomber pilots
Recipients of the Air Medal
Recipients of the Order of the Sword (United States)
Recipients of the Legion of Merit
People from Coraopolis, Pennsylvania
University of Nebraska alumni
Air Command and Staff College alumni
National War College alumni
Troy University alumni
Kellogg School of Management alumni
Harvard Kennedy School alumni
Military personnel from Pennsylvania

Duane H. Cassidy


Aloo Chaat is a 2009 Indian Hindi-language romantic comedy film starring Aftab Shivdasani, Aamna Sharif, Linda Arsenio, Kulbhushan Kharbanda, Sanjai Mishra, and Manoj Pahwa. The film is directed by Robbie Grewal, whose previous work includes films like Samay: When Time Strikes and MP3: Mera Pehla Pehla Pyaar. It was released in India in March 2009 and received mixed reviews at the box office.

Plot
Nikhil (Aftab Shivdasani) returns to his house in Lajpat Nagar after completing his education in the United States. His orthodox Punjabi family consisting of his father Purushottam (Kulbhushan Kharbanda), his grandmother Beeji (Dolly Ahluwalia), his confused mother Seeto (Meenakshi Sethi) and an always suspicious uncle Chhadami Mama (Sanjay Mishra) are keen to get him married and scout potential matches. Nikhil, however, does not show an interest in marriage which has the family worried about their son's orientation. Purushottam requests his family friend Hakim (Manoj Pahwa), a sexologist by profession, to try to get Nikhil to get open up about marriage.

Nikhil reveals to Hakim that he's already in love with a Muslim girl Aamna (Aamna Sharif) living in the U.S. Being rooted in old traditions, he fears his family will never accept a Muslim daughter-in-law and has hence kept the matter hidden. Having no qualms with the match himself, Hakim devices a strategy to get Nikhil's family to accept Aamna. The plan involves Nikhil professing to marry an American girl and introducing Aamna to his family as the girl's close friend. They would then portray the American girl in a bad light and Aamna in a good light to help sway his family's opinion. With help from Hakim's regular patient Sukha Paaji, they settle on Nikki (Linda Arsenio), an American girl with strong Indian values, who both Nikhil and Hakim train to come across as a bit spoiled. Nikhil also photoshops images for Nikki's childhood album and together with Hakim, comes up with a fake history for Nikki.

Although initially against it, Nikhil's family agrees to his choice after some convincing from Hakim. Nikhil brings Nikki and Aamna to his house, the former pretending to arrive from the airport, a ruse which is almost caught by Chhadami. As days progress, Nikki tries to come across as a poor choice for Nikhil by such acts as cooking American food, wearing skimpy western outfits and acting irresponsibly while Aamna remedies these by cooking Punjabi food (which the family relishes after initial hesitation), wearing Indian outfits and being responsible and caring. Nikki even gets herself a sunbath in a bikini at the house's rooftop, inviting several unwanted stares, and is admonished for this by Aamna in the presence of Nikhil's father. Gradually she starts winning over the family members although Chhadami stays suspicious of their motives.

Nikhil's plan hits a snag when the astrologer called to select an auspicious marriage date chooses one just four days ahead. In a last-ditch effort to throw the wedding off, the trio decide to hire a woman to play Nikki's mother, having her object to her "daughter's" marriage, but are apparently unsuccessful in their attempts.

While watching a cricket match with the family, Purushottam looks at cricketer Michael Clarke and recalls seeing his picture somewhere. Chhadami screams that the picture was on Nikki's childhood album. Immediately, Purushottam gets a cardiac arrest. He is examined by a doctor who advises against giving him any stress. Purushottam proposes getting Nikhil married the next day in court itself. Nikhil locks Chhadami in a room to stall him from making any reservations but Purushottam has already taken care of the marriage dates. Resigned to their fates, Nikhil, Nikki and Aamna head to court unable to find a way out.

Confusion abounds at the court as two women show up claiming to be Nikki's mother, objecting to the marriage. Chhadami, who has been able to free himself, rushes to the court to warn Purushottam of Nikhil's scheme. A smiling Purushottam is seen coming out of the court having wedded Nikhil and Aamna. He explains he had gotten wind of Nikhil's plan after seeing the cricketer's picture and was able to connect the dots. He then cooked up his own scheme to get Nikhil and Aamna married. The family welcomes Aamna with open arms and they all head to a food-stall near their house to have their regular snack: aloo chaat.

Cast

Soundtrack

Reception
The film received mixed reviews from critics. Writing for Bollywood Hungama, reviewer Taran Adarsh called the film "Below Average" stating "Aloo Chaat suffers due to one major reason: It just doesn't hold your attention. The screenplay [Divya Nidhi Sharma] relies on the same old tricks and the same old situations that we've watched over and over again. You do smile at times not because the scenes are funny, but because the dialogues are witty". He gave the film 1.5 stars out of 5. Elvis D'Silva from Rediff also gave the movie 1.5 stars out of 5 stating, "It would be interesting to see what these two rumoured real-life lovebirds would be able to do with a script that actually gave their characters a narrative arc and told a story through them. Aloo Chaat unfortunately is not that script, or film. Those venturing into a cinema to watch this, do so at their own peril."

On the other hand,  Nikhat Kazmi reviewing for The Times Of India gave the movie 3 stars out of 5, calling it fairly enjoyable. She added, "So what do we have here? A spoof on the East versus West debate along with an effortless plea for integration. Appetising fare."

References

External links

Hindi-language romantic comedy films
2009 films
2009 romantic comedy films
Indian romantic comedy films
2000s Hindi-language films

Aloo Chaat (film)


A ribbon cable is a cable with many conducting wires running parallel to each other on the same flat plane.  As a result, the cable is wide and flat. Its name comes from its resemblance to a piece of ribbon.

Ribbon cables are usually seen for internal peripherals in computers, such as hard drives, CD drives and floppy drives. On some older computer systems (such as the BBC Micro and Apple II series) they were used for external connections as well. The ribbon-like shape interferes with computer cooling by disrupting airflow within the case and also makes the cables awkward to handle, especially when there are a lot of them; as a result, round cables have almost entirely replaced ribbon cables for external connections and are increasingly being used internally as well.

History
The ribbon cable was invented in 1956 by Cicoil Corporation, a company based in Chatsworth, California. The company's engineers figured out how to use a new material, silicone rubber, to 'mold' a flat cable containing multiple conductors of the same size. Since the cable looked like a flat ribbon or duct tape, it was named a ribbon cable. The ribbon cable allowed companies like IBM and Sperry/Univac to replace bulky, stiff round cables with sleek, flexible ribbon cables.

The early ribbon cables were used in the mainframe computer industry, on card readers, card punching machines, and tape machines. Subsequently, ribbon cables were manufactured by a number of different companies, including 3M. Methods and materials were developed to simplify and reduce the cost of ribbon cables, by standardizing the design and spacing of the wires, and the thickness of the insulation, so that they could be easily terminated through the use of insulation-displacement connectors (IDC). The simplicity of the cables, their low profile (compared to contemporary alternatives), and low cost due to standardization, meant ribbon cables were long used in computers, printers, and many electronic devices.

Color-coding
To reduce the risk of reversed connections one edge of the cable is usually marked with a red stripe. By convention the edge with the stripe is connected to pin 1 on the connector. This method of identification is fine for cables that just consist of two or more IDC connectors with every connector connecting to every wire, but is somewhat less helpful when individual wires or small groups of wires must be terminated separately.

To make it easier to identify individual conductors in a cable; ribbon-cable manufacturers introduced rainbow ribbon cable, which uses a repeating pattern of colors borrowed from the standard resistor color code (Brown is pin 1 or pin 11 or pin 21, etc.  Red is pin 2 or pin 12 or pin 22, etc.). It is sometimes known affectionately to its users as hippie cable due to its distinct appearance.

Sizes

Ribbon cables are usually specified by two numbers: the spacing or pitch of the conductors, and the number of conductors or ways. A spacing of 0.05 inch (1.27 mm) is the most usual, allowing for a two-row connector with a pin spacing of 0.1 inch (2.54 mm). These types are used for many types of equipment, in particular for interconnections within an enclosure. For personal computers, this size was used in floppy-disk-drive cables and older or custom Parallel ATA cables.

Based on availability of standard connectors, the number of conductors is usually restricted to a few values,
These include 4, 6, 8, 9, 10, 14, 15, 16, 18, 20, 24, 25, 26, 34, 37, 40, 50, 60, 64 and 80. Sometimes a larger width is used & stripped back to what is needed e.g. a 26way IDC cable can have one wire easily removed to give a 25way (before adding the connectors). The wire is usually stranded copper wire, usually either 0.32, 0.20, or 0.13 mm2 (22, 24, or 26 AWG).

Finer and coarser pitch cables are also available. For instance, the high-speed ATA interface cable used for computer hard disk interfaces ULTRA-ATA has 0.025-inch (0.64-mm) pitch. Finer pitches, as small as 0.3 mm, are found in portable electronic equipment, such as laptops; however, portable electronic equipment usually uses flexible flat cables (FFC).

Connectors
The main point of ribbon cables is to allow mass termination to specially designed IDC connectors in which the ribbon cable is forced onto a row of sharp forked contacts. (The phrase IDC connector is widely used, even though it is redundant—an example of RAS syndrome.) Most commonly termination is done at both ends of the cable, although sometimes (for example, when making a lead that needs to change wiring between the two connectors) only one end will be IDC terminated, with the other end being terminated in a regular crimp or solder-bucket connection. Although it is sometimes possible to dismantle and re-use IDC connectors, they are not designed to allow this to be done easily.

Popular types of connectors available with IDC termination suitable for ribbon cable include
 BT224 connector – also defined by BS9525-F0023, DIN41651, MIL-C-83503 standards; these are the type used on ATA cables and are often simply called IDC connectors. They mate with either a purpose-made plug or a two-row grid of header pins with 0.1 inch (2.54 mm) spacing.
 D-subminiature connector – used for serial ports and printer ports (however IDC D connectors are far less common than crimp and solder bucket types).
 Micro ribbon connector - used for 36-pin printer ports (IEEE 1284 - Centronics) and 50-pin SCSI ports.
 DIN 41612 connector – used for Eurocard buses.
 PCB transition headers – has two rows of pins with the same spacings as BT244 connectors. Intended to be soldered directly into a PCB.
 DIL headers – Has pins with the same spacings as standard DIL ICs. Generally used where for some reason it is desired to replace an IC with a connection to an external device (e.g., in-circuit emulators). Can also be used like a PCB transition header, especially on stripboard. (Fitting a standard-spacing header to stripboard is tricky, because you have to cut the tracks between two holes rather than on a hole.)

When electronics hobbyists are working on their computers or digital musical keyboards to mod (modify) or hack them, they sometimes have to solder ribbon cables. Soldering ribbon cables can present a challenge to a hobbyist who has not been trained as an electronics technician. In some cases, hobbyists strip off the wire with a fine razor, and then separate the wires before soldering them. Some hobbyists use fine sandpaper to wear away the plastic insulation from the wires. The sanding also primes the copper tracks. Then when the tinned soldering iron is touched onto the bare wire, the solder is guided into the track.

Interference
From a digital point of view, ribbon cable was an ideal way to connect two devices. However, from an analog point of view, these cables are problematic. Around 1980, the U.S. Federal Communications Commission (FCC) discovered that ribbon cables were highly efficient antennas, broadcasting essentially random signals, or Electromagnetic interference, across a wide band of the electromagnetic spectrum. These unintended signals could interfere with domestic TV reception, putting snow on the screen. The FCC issued edicts and injunctions to the personal-computer industry, restricting the use of ribbon cables to connect devices together. Naked ribbon cable could be used inside the case of a computer or peripheral device, but any ribbon cable connecting two boxes together had to be grounded. This rule led to solutions such as ribbon cables covered by a copper-braid shield, which made it impossible to see or separate the individual connectors. On the Apple II, these cables passed through the holes on the back of the computer that were grounded to the power supply. Eventually, ribbon connectors were replaced, for interconnect purposes, by a wide profusion of custom-designed round cables with molded connectors.

Characteristic impedance
For a ribbon cable using  26AWG wire, 0.050" spacing and common PVC insulation the resultant characteristic impedance for any two adjacent wires within the cable is 110 to 130 ohms. The precise number will vary a few percent due to materials. Knowledge of the characteristic impedance is one step toward understanding and control of interference that may be caused by ribbon cables.

See also

 Flexible flat cable (FFC)

References

 Product Design for Manufacture and Assembly, Third Edition page 143-144 "4.4 Types of wires and cables"
 Digital Systems Engineering, William J. Dally, John W. Poulton, page 52 "184.108.40.206 Ribbon cable"

Signal cables

Ribbon cable


The American Academy of Forensic Sciences (AAFS) is a society for forensic science professionals, and was founded in 1948.

The society is based in Colorado Springs, Colorado, USA. The AAFS is a multi-disciplinary professional organization that provides leadership to advance science and its application to the legal system. Despite the name, the AAFS has members from over 70 countries, and the current president is from the Netherlands. The objectives of the AAFS are to promote professionalism, integrity, competency, education, foster research, improve practice, and encourage collaboration in the forensic sciences. The AAFS has established several other organizations to further professionalism within the forensic sciences, including the Forensic Science Education Programs Accreditation Commission (FEPAC) to accredit collegiate forensic science education programs, and the Academy Standards Board (ASB) to develop and promulgate standards for areas of the forensic sciences without a standards body.

The AAFS provided consultancy on the development of CSI: The Experience, a traveling exhibition about crime lab forensic science and technology inspired by the television series CSI: Crime Scene Investigation. The society consist of different sections in the branches of Anthropology, Criminalistics, Digital & Multimedia Sciences, General, Engineering & Applied Sciences, Jurisprudence, Odontology, Pathology/Biology, Psychiatry & Behavioral Science, Questioned Documents, and Toxicology.

The official journal of the AAFS is the Journal of Forensic Sciences is published by Wiley-Blackwell. The mission of the JFS is to advance forensic science research, education and practice by publishing peer-reviewed manuscripts of the highest quality. These publications will strengthen the scientific foundation of forensic science in legal and regulatory communities around the world.

Past Presidents (since 1980)
Laura C. Fulginiti, PhD (2022-23)
Carl R. McClary, MS (2021-22)
Jeri D. Ropero-Miller, PhD (2020-21)
Zeno J. Geradts, PhD (2019-20)
Susan M. Ballou, MS (2018-19)
Betty Layne DesPortes, JD, MS (2017-18)
John E. Gerns, MFS (2016-17)
Victor W. Weeden, MD (2015-16)
Daniel A. Martell, PhD (2014-15)
Barry K. Logan, PhD (2013-14)
Robert E. Barsley, DDS, JD (2012-13)
Douglas H. Ubelaker, PhD (2011-12)
Joseph P. Bono, MA (2010-11)
Thomas L. Bohan, PhD, JD (2009-10)
Carol E. Henderson, JD (2008-09)
Bruce A. Goldberger, PhD (2007-08)
James G. Young, MD (2006-07)
Edmund R. Donoghue, MD (2005-06)
Ronald L. Singer, MS (2004-05)
Kenneth E. Melson, JD AAFS CFSO Liaison (2003-04)
Graham R. Jones, PhD (2002-03)
Mary Fran Ernst, BLS (2001-02)
John D. McDowell, DDS, MS (2000-01)
Patricia J. McFeeley (1999-2000)
Barry A.J. Fisher, MS, MBA (1998-99)
Michael A. Peat, PhD (1997-98)
Richard Rosner, MD (1996-97)
Haskell M. Pitluck, JD (1995-96)
Steven C. Batterman, PhD (1994-95)
Enrico N. Togneri, BA (1993-94)
Marina Stajic, PhD (1992-93)
Homer R. Campbell, Jr., DDS (1991-92)
Ellis R. Kerley, PhD (1990-91)
Richard C. Froede, MD (1989-90)
Richard S. Frank, BS (1988-89)
Yale H. Caplan, PhD (1987-88)
Don Harper Mills, JD, MD (1986-87)
Arthur D. Goldman, DMD (1985-86)
Maureen Casey Owens, AB (1984-85)
George E. Gantner, MD (1983-84)
Anthony Longhetti, BA (1982-83)
Joseph H. Davis, MD (1981-82)
Lowell J. Levine, DDS (1980-81)
June K. Jones, MS (1979-80)

References

External links

Scientific societies based in the United States
Forensics organizations
Organizations established in 1948

American Academy of Forensic Sciences


A fish fry is a meal of battered or breaded fish, which is fried. With the fish, there are French fries, hot sauce, dessert, tartar sauce and/or hush puppies.

Fish is often served on Friday nights during Lent as a restaurant special or under church fundraisers.

Fish fries are very common in the Midwest and Northeastern United States.

Northeastern United States
Battered or breaded haddock and cod fish is one of the trademarks in Upstate New York and northwestern Pennsylvania. This is especially for Buffalo, Rochester, Utica, Syracuse and Albany, New York. The majority of eateries in these cities serve a fish fry on Fridays, even outside Lent. These meals are usually a piece of fish, French fries and a dinner roll.

Southern United States
In the Southern United States, a fish fry is a family or social gathering. Catfish, flounder and bass are the usual fish served at Southern fish fries. The fish are battered and deep fried in cooking oil. However, in Georgia and South Carolina, fish are dipped in milk, then into a mix of flour, cornmeal and seasoning before being served.

Midwestern United States
The modern fish fry is strong in Wisconsin. In the state, hundreds of eateries have a fish fry on Fridays and sometimes on Wednesdays. The Friday night fish fry is a popular tradition for religious and non-religious people alike. Fish fries in Wisconsin are usually offered at many non-chain restaurants, some chain restaurants and at Roman Catholic churches as fundraisers. A usual Wisconsin fish fry comes with beer batter fried cod, bluegill, perch and walleye. Sometimes, it comes with catfish along the Mississippi River. The meal usually comes with French fries, potato pancakes and/or coleslaw.

Seafood

Fish fry