Clothing fetishism or garment fetishism is a sexual fetish that revolves around a fixation upon a particular article or type of clothing, a particular fashion or uniform, or a person dressed in such a style.

The clinical definition of a sexual fetish would require that a person be fixated on a specific garment to the extent that it exists as a recurrent (or exclusive) stimulus for sexual gratification.

An individual with a clothing fetish may be aroused by the sight of a person wearing a particular garment, or by wearing the clothing themselves. The arousal may come from the look one achieves by wearing the clothes or the way it feels while it is being worn. In the latter case, arousal may originate from the way its fabric feels (see clothing fetish by fabric type) or from the way the garment feels and functions as a whole (restrictive clothing being an example).

Others may also derive pleasure from collecting the fetishised garments.

Relative prevalence of garment fetishism

In order to determine the relative prevalence of various clothing fetishes, the University of Bologna researchers obtained a sample of at least 5000 individuals worldwide from 381 Internet discussion groups. The prevalence was estimated based on (a) the number of groups devoted to a particular fetish, (b) the number of individuals participating in the groups and (c) the number of messages exchanged. The top garment fetish was clothes worn on the legs or buttocks of women (such as stockings or skirts), followed by footwear, underwear, whole-body wear (such as costumes and coats), and upper-body wear (such as jackets or waistcoats).

By garment type
Although almost any type of garment in theory can be the subject of a fetish, common clothing fetishes include footwear, female underwear and uniforms. A wide range of other garments have been the subject of less common fetishes.

Separate from fetishes as a paraphilia are garments worn to enhance appearance, such as tight jeans or other eye-catching clothing. The difference is whether, for the person concerned, the clothing is the focus of a sexual fetish, or is merely appreciated and found pleasing.

Restrictive clothing
Clothing that limits the wearer's movement is commonly used for this property, particularly among bondage enthusiasts and often appears in bondage-related fetish fashion. Such restrictive fashion includes corsets, collars, and hobble skirts.

Corsets

The training corset and bondage corset has also become a staple in fetish wear, particularly among professional dominants. A submissive or slave may also be forced to wear a tightly laced corset as a form of punishment or simply restriction. And the masochistic practice known as tightlacing creates a particular type of pleasure for the wearer. In the 1980s, pop music performers such as Madonna and Cyndi Lauper reintroduced and popularized the corset as a daring example of underwear as outerwear. This influence continues to the present day in both fetish and mainstream fashion.

Hobble skirts

A hobble skirt is a long, tight skirt, extending below the knees and often ankle length, which is so tight that it is difficult to walk in. When used as fetish clothing, it is often made of latex or PVC and sometimes corseted, to increase the restriction.

Such skirts were briefly a mainstream fashion in the 1910s; however, they were soon abandoned as impractical. They were revived in the 1950s by John Willie and others as a bondage/fetish style.

Stockings and socks
Stocking fetishists usually find sexual partners clothed in sheer nylon or silk stockings to be sexually stimulating, or find the act of a person donning or removing a pair of stockings arousing. Some men find it arousing to collect and wear stockings, sometimes hidden under a pair of trousers.

Like feet and shoes, sock fetishists often require some specific attraction in the object which may include particular styles or knit patterns. People with a fetish for socks may have no special attraction to feet or shoes. Some speculate that the strong attraction some men exhibit to the smell of socks worn by women may be an example of the existence of human pheromones – the hypothesis being that the sweat from women's feet may contain chemical attractants that arouse a male subject and that when a male subject is exposed to the smell of women's feet or footwear at a young age that young man may carry a strong psycho-chemical imprint which motivates his enthusiasm for worn socks or shoes later in life.

Many male sock fetishists are also highly specific regarding the nature of the socks that stimulate them, and this may be a product of exposure to particular types of clothing during the teenage years. This belief is supported by observations that the nature of sock fetishism appears to differentiate according to age brackets and periods of clothing trends. Among men who exhibit an interest in women's socks who were in their early pubescent period during the late 1980s/early 1990s when slouch socks were a popular clothing trend, there is a tendency to exhibit a strong interest in very heavy slouchy socks, whereas younger men with a sock fetish tend to show greater interest in the short ankle-style socks that became popular in later years.  There is also a regional trend in sock fetishes, with men who spent their teenage years living in northern climates exhibiting a strong interest in heavy wool socks.

Sneakers
Sneaker fetishism is another specific form of shoe fetishism. Like boot fetishism it can be accompanied by a fetish for the material from which it is made for example the rubber which the outsole and sidewall are made of can be a source of rubber fetishism. Sneakers and other types of athletic footwear (such as football boots) are popular items to be fetishized over within certain LGBT sub-cultures, sometimes due to their association with athletes, or particular models of sneaker (for instance certain models of Nike Air Max) are coveted among homosexual sneaker fetishists.

Swimwear

Swimwear fetishism is a sexual fetish relating to swimwear. It can also involve printed or electronic material with swimwear being worn.

Jackets and coats
Jacket fetishism is usually associated with the fixation or attraction to jackets – though it can also be associated with leather jackets, particularly in association with Bondage (BDSM). In a survey, researchers at the University of Bologna found that 9% of members of online fetish groups were in groups related to upper-body wear such as jackets.

Jeans

The style and cut of jeans can also enhance their sexual appeal to fetishists of either gender. Jeans without pockets on the back are sometimes viewed as showing off one's buttocks and therefore more flattering. Stretch jeans are often viewed as attractive because they have the appearance of being skin tight, while not binding like regular denim jeans would. An example of fetish denim would be "Zip Around Jeans", so called because their zipper unzips starting in the front and continues all the way to the back. Other popular styles include the lace up jean and multi button style jeans.

T-Shirts
A T-shirt fetish is often compared with Wet T-shirt fetishism seen at some public events (such as wet t-shirt contests) or on websites with wet t-shirt fetish videos, but there is debate about whether or not it should be included as a separate fetish or not.

Shorts
A shorts fetish refers to sexual arousal triggered by short shorts, hotpants, bike shorts, yoga shorts or other variations of athletic shorts such as basketball shorts or gym shorts. One with this fetish can experience arousal which may be triggered from youthful experiences of being attracted to their peers wearing shorts that they are attracted to.  Some cross dressers also experience excitement from wearing short shorts designed for opposing gender, finding the style, look and feel, and texture of the fabric stimulating. Others may enjoy relieving sexual pleasure while wearing them, or even fantasizing having intercourse while wearing shorts.

Diapers

People with a diaper fetish (colloquially dubbed "diaper lovers" or "DLs" for short) are attracted to idea of themselves or others wearing adult diapers.

Arousal can be derived from the idea of the diaper itself, the materials (plastic, cloth, SAP, etc.) that they are made from, the urolagnic or scatologic connection to using them, as well as how they potentially relate to fetishes like BDSM, ageplay, medical roleplay, etc. Though separate, diapers are also such a typical component of adult baby roleplay that an umbrella term, "adult baby/diaper lover" (or "AB/DL"), is commonly used to refer to a spectrum of fetish subcultures.

In 2013, the American Psychiatric Association (APA) published the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders, Fifth Edition (DSM-5) which, among other things, draws a clear distinction between "atypical sexual interests" (otherwise known as kinks, fetishes, or paraphilias) and "paraphilic disorders". The APA states that "most people with atypical sexual interests do not have a mental disorder" and as such, in the vast majority of cases, kinks like diaper fetishism can simply be considered valid and harmless forms of human sexual expression.

As of September 2015, Huffington Post Arts & Culture published an interview on diaper fetishes. While this clothing fetish is obscure, diaper fetishists engage in the behavior privately or with a partner who shares a mutual interest in the fetish (sexual acts).

The South Korean public often views diaper fetishism in a negative light. A Naver cafe (similar to the Yahoo! Groups service) that is devoted to diaper fetishism was closed around September 2010 as the South Korean media outlets portrayed it negatively to the general public. Another incident occurred when a South Korean girl group, Girl's Day, were accused of wearing costumes that looked like oversized diapers, dubbed diaper fashion.

Gender-related clothes

Fetishism may include various garments typically worn by or associated with a particular gender or gender expression. For example, this could describe an individual who is attracted to people wearing masculine-associated clothing items, like basketball shorts or a man's suit. Certain gender-related elements of clothes could be the source of a fetish, include lace, ruffles, floral print, embroidery, back closures, or various colors (such as mauve and pink).

Uniforms

Among the most common uniforms to fetish are those of a doctor, schoolgirl, police officer, military officer, nurse, French maid, sports player, waitress, cheerleader and Playboy Bunny. Some people also regard nuns' habits or even aprons as uniforms. Sometimes, a uniform may be used appropriate to what is being done. For example, someone may wear a nurse's uniform to administer an enema, a police uniform to handcuff and cage someone, or two equals dress as inmates for cell mate on cell mate activities in a prison setting or as submissive to a third (guard) player. This may add a sense of authenticity to the game play.

By fabric type

Fur

Fur fetishism refers to the sexual fetishism that revolves around people wearing fur, or in certain cases, to the garments themselves.

These materials may be fetishised because the garment acts as a fetishistic surrogate or second skin for the wearer's own skin. The material may be regarded as providing a superstimulus that is more intense than the normal response associated with real skin. This is heightened by the fact that the fur was originally an animal's skin and hair.

The most famous, and one of the earliest, depictions of the topic was the semi-autobiographical novel Venus in Furs (1870) by Leopold von Sacher-Masoch. After the novel's success, Sacher-Masoch apparently decided to take on a fetish sadomasochism-lifestyle.  In 1884, he had sent a copy of the novel to Richard von Krafft-Ebing, who gave Sacher-Masoch immortality when, in 1891, he coined the term masochism.

Wool, Cashmere, Angora

Sweater fetish is a common name for finding attraction to soft feminine garments such as cardigans, twinsets jumpers/sweaters, dresses, jumpsuits made of soft natural fibres in particular lambswool, mohair, angora, and cashmere.

Leather

Leather fetishism is the name popularly used to describe a sexual attraction to people wearing leather and or to the garments themselves. The smell and the sound of leather is often an erotic stimulus for people with a leather fetish. Leather uniforms may also become a fetish. Leather is occasionally finished with a glossy surface and produced in bright colors, providing visual stimuli for some leather fetishists.

The feel of tight leather garments worn may be experienced as a form of sexual bondage. Some bondage equipment is made from leather straps. The term "leather culture" was applied in the 1960s in the American gay sadomasochistic subculture as an umbrella term for alternative sexual practices. The pony fetish involves the use of equestrian like gear fitted to humans.

Latex/PVC

Latex fetish is the fetishistic attraction to latex clothing or garments and sometimes called rubber fetishism as latex is a type of rubber. Latex or rubber fetishists may refer to themselves as "Rubberists". Varieties of latex fetishism include body inflation and attraction to transparent rubber. Latex fetishism includes wearing clothing made from latex, observing it worn by others, and enjoyment of erotic fantasies featuring latex garments, catsuits, hoods, divers or industrial protective clothing. A common latex fetish icon is the dominatrix wearing a skin-tight glossy black latex or PVC catsuit.

PVC fetishism is often closely associated with latex fetishism even though the two materials are very different. PVC fetishism involves an erotic attraction to shiny plastic clothes made from polyvinyl chloride (PVC), polyurethane or similar man made materials. PVC may be mistaken for shiny patent leather. PVC fetishism also includes an erotic attraction to clothing such as clear plastic raincoats, slipcovers, custom clothing made out of clear PVC or inflatable items.

Nylon fetishism includes the wearing of shiny raincoats, jackets and trousers. In the case of heterosexuals, special preferences often include nylon clothing items designed for or belonging to the other sex.

Spandex

Spandex fetishism is a fetishistic attraction to people wearing stretch fabrics or, in certain cases, to the garments themselves, such as leotards. One reason why spandex and other tight fabrics may be fetishised is that the garment forms a "second skin," acting as a fetishistic surrogate for the wearer's own skin. Wearers of skin-tight nylon and cotton spandex garments can appear naked or coated in a shiny or matte substance like paint. The tightness of the garments may also be seen as sexual bondage. Another reason is that nylon-spandex fabric (preferred by many spandex fetishists) is often produced with a very smooth and silk-like finish, which lends a tactile dimension to the fetish – as well as a visual one. There is a sexual attraction to leotards and other dance related clothing. This also goes for gymnasts too.

In comic books, superheroes, superheroines, and supervillains are generally depicted as wearing costumes made of spandex or a similar material. The superheroines always wear skintight, very flashy and bright-coloured costumes that usually cover only just enough of the body to be presentable. Fantasies involving superheroes or the wearing of superhero costumes are commonly associated with spandex fetishism.

Full-body suits called zentai entirely immerse the wearer in skin tight fabric. The suits are essentially catsuits with gloves, feet, and a hood. The wearer experiences total enclosure and those who enjoy erotic objectification might make use of the garment's anonymizing aspect. The word zentai means whole body in Japanese.

Nylon athletic clothing (windpants/windsuits)

A fashion trend from the 1990s, these pants were famous for swishing when the person walked. By the early 2000s era, several internet groups had emerged dedicated to the topic of nylon windpants and athletic wear. School kids often wore them, either as sports uniforms, or merely as a fashion statement. The swishing sound and the look of the shiny nylon material arouses some people to the point of sexual pleasure. The now iconic Adidas 3 stripe look, that was available in a wide array of colors, was a popular trend with these pants.  Nike also had their own nylon windpants with the famous swoosh logo on the lower leg or hip pocket. Even today there are several websites dedicated to publishing photos of people in nylon and shinny athletic wear. Windpants and Windsuits continue to arouse people to this day.

See also
Black leather
Boot fetishism
Corset fetishism
Tightlacing fetishism
Cosplay
Fetish fashion
Fetish magazine
Glove fetishism
Pantyhose fetishism
Hentai
PVC clothing
Underwear fetishism

References

Sources

 Dr. Trimmer, Eric J. The Visual Dictionary of Sex, ; A & W Publishers, 1977
 Kunzle, David (2004). Fashion and Fetishism. Sutton.
 Mario Perniola (2004). The Sex Appeal of the Inorganic. Continuum, New York-London.

Paraphilias
Fashion-related fetishism
Sexual fetishism

Clothing fetish


The Heaven Sword and Dragon Saber, also known as The Legend of Dragon Slayer Sword, is a Taiwanese television series adapted from Louis Cha's novel of the same title. The series was first broadcast on TTV in Taiwan in 1994. In this adaptation, the plot of the story is procrastinating, but the overall story is more complete, and the feelings of the play is more delicate and touching than other versions. It also corrected many unreasonable parts of the original story, and the ending of the plot is more in line with the plot of the original serial story.

Cast
 Steve Ma as Zhang Wuji / Zhang Cuishan
 Yeh Ching as young Zhang Cuishan
 Cecilia Yip as Zhao Min / Yin Susu
 Kathy Chow as Zhou Zhiruo
 Chin Ming as young Zhou Zhiruo
 Lau Dan as Xie Xun
 Chang Feng as Zhang Sanfeng
 Chiang Ming as Song Yuanqiao
 Kang Kai as Yu Daiyan
 Hsiao Ta-lu as Yin Liting
 Joy Pan as Ji Xiaofu / Yang Buhui
 Huang Chung-yu as Cheng Kun
 Vicky Chen as Xiaozhao
 Yang Pao-wei as Yin Li
 Sun Xing as Yang Xiao
 Ku Pao-ming as Fan Yao
 Ku Feng as Yin Tianzheng
 Chang Chen-huan as Yin Yewang
 Chang Hai-lun as Golden Flower Granny
 Chang Ping-yu as Miejue
 Chang Kuang-hsi as Wei Yixiao
 Chao Shun as Zhou Dian
 Kuo Tzu-chien as Hu Qingniu
 Lang Tzu-yun as Wang Nangu
 Li Li-chun as Zhu Yuanzhang
 Chien Te-men as Ruyang Prince
 Cheng Ping-chun as Chen Youliang
 Hong Lin as Lu Zhangke
 Tsao Fu-kuo as He Biweng
 Li Li-ching as Ding Minjun
 Li Hsiao-chieh as Song Qingshu
 Chin Shih as Zhu Changling
 Kuang Ming-chieh as Zhu Jiuzhen
 Tan Hsiao-lan as Wu Qingying
 Feng Kuang-jung as Wei Bi
 Chu Pen-ke as Du Dajin

List of featured songs
 Suiyu Er'an (隨遇而安; Go With the Flow) performed by Wong Jim
 Daojian Rumeng (刀劍如夢;  A life of fighting is but a dream) performed by Wakin Chau
 Ai Jiangshan Geng Ai Meiren (愛江山更愛美人; I Love power , But I Love the Beauty Even More) performed by Lily Lee
 Shini Geiwo Yipian Tian (是你給我一片天; You Gave Me a Piece of Heaven) performed by Jackie Chan
 Liangliang Xiangwang (倆倆相忘; Forgetting Each Other) performed by Winnie Hsin

External links

1994 Taiwanese television series debuts
1994 Taiwanese television series endings
Taiwanese wuxia television series
Television shows based on The Heaven Sword and Dragon Saber
Television series set in the Yuan dynasty
Television series about orphans
1990s Taiwanese television series
Television shows about rebels
Television shows set on islands

The Heaven Sword and Dragon Saber (1994 TV series)


The 'Keitt' mango is a late-season mango cultivar which originated in south Florida.

History
Keitt was reportedly a seedling of the Mulgoba cultivar that was planted on the property of Mrs. J.N. Keitt in Homestead, Florida in 1939. However, recent genetic analysis suggests Keitt was actually a seedling of Brooks, which would help explain its late-season ripening and large fruit size. The cultivar was selected and named in 1945, after which it quickly gained commercial nursery acceptance for its flavor, productivity and lack of fiber. The fruit lacked color, however, and was much larger than most varieties, limiting it from becoming a widespread commercial staple. It did gain popularity among Florida home growers and remains one of the more widely planted trees in the state today.

Keitt trees are planted in the collections of the USDA's germplasm repository in Miami, Florida, the University of Florida's Tropical Research and Education Center in Homestead, and the Miami–Dade Fruit and Spice Park, also in Homestead.

Description
The trees are vigorous growers, but tend not to reach heights much over 20 feet. It has a low spreading habit that is not as compact as most other mango trees, and develops an open canopy. Fruit production is relatively heavy and consistent.

The fruit is comparatively large, some reaching up to several pounds in weight. They are of ovoid shape with a rounded apex lacking a beak. The skin color is typically green with some light red blush. The flesh has fibers, tangy and sweet, with a monoembryonic seed. The fruit generally has good disease resistance, and typically ripens from August until September in Florida, often into October as well, making it one of the more valued late-season varieties.

See also
List of mango cultivars

External links
  http://video.google.com/videoplay?docid=-7827883500929791807  - video description of 'Keitt' by Dr. Jonathan Crane of the University of Florida.

References

Mango cultivars
Flora of Florida
Agriculture in Florida

Keitt (mango)


The Hohenzollern Bridge () is a bridge crossing the river Rhine in the German city of Cologne (German: Köln). It crosses the Rhine at kilometre 688.5. Originally, the bridge was both a railway and road bridge. However, after its destruction in 1945 and its subsequent reconstruction, it was only accessible to rail and pedestrian traffic.

It is the most heavily used railway bridge in Germany with more than 1,200 trains daily, connecting the Köln Hauptbahnhof and Köln Messe/Deutz stations.

History
The bridge was constructed between 1907 and 1911 after the demolition of old bridge, the Cathedral Bridge (Dombrücke). The Cathedral Bridge was unable to handle the increasing traffic in Cologne. The new bridge was named after the House of Hohenzollern, the rulers of Prussia and German Emperors. (At the time, Cologne formed part of the Prussian Rhine Province.)

The president of the Railway Directorate Cologne, Paul von Breitenbach, started planning the construction and handed over this work to his successor Rudolf Schmidt in 1906. The railway engineer Fritz Beermann headed the project; under his direction Friedrich Dirksen worked out the designs. The construction of the Hohenzollern Bridge took place from 1907 to 1911; Kaiser Wilhelm II inaugurated it on 22 May 1911.

The bridge consisted of three adjacent bridge parts, each with three iron truss arches (passage openings) in the longitudinal direction to accommodate four railroad tracks and a road. Although the location of the bridge and of the railway station were already controversial in previous structures, the Hohenzollern Bridge adopted the orientation of the previous bridge on the central axis of the cathedral.

Four equestrian statues of Prussian kings and German emperors of the Hohenzollern family flank each ramp. The Cathedral Bridge was already adorned with the statues of Friedrich Wilhelm IV of Prussia by sculptor Gustav Blaeser and Kaiser Wilhelm I by Friedrich Drake, which now stand on the right (east) bank of the Rhine (see pictures above). In addition sculptor Louis Tuaillon made the equestrian statues of Friedrich III and, during his lifetime, of Wilhelm II, which were placed on the left (west) bank of the Rhine (see pictures below). The statues symbolize the era of Prussian rule in the Rhine Province.

The Hohenzollern Bridge functioned as one of the most important bridges in Germany during World War II (1939-1945); even consistent daily airstrikes did not badly damage it. On 6 March 1945 German military engineers blew up the bridge as Allied troops began their assault on Cologne.

After Germany surrendered on 8 May 1945, the bridge was initially made operational on a makeshift basis, but soon reconstruction began in earnest. By 8 May 1948 pedestrians could again use the Hohenzollern Bridge.

The (southern) road traffic decks were removed so that the bridge now only consisted of six individual bridge decks, built partly in their old form. The surviving portals and bridge towers were not repaired and were demolished in 1958. In 1959 reconstruction of the bridge was completed.

During the 1980s the bridge was renovated with two new tracks. A minimal portion of the old road ramp on the Deutz side was preserved, together with cobblestones and tram tracks. The rest was removed in connection with the construction of the Kölntriangle development and converted into a pedestrian- and bike-path.

The Hohenzollern Bridge now regularly has over 1,200 trains pass through daily. The total length of the Hohenzollern Bridge is .

Trivia

 Part of the Hohenzollern Bridge, which was blown up in 1945, was used to rebuild the last Ruhr Bridge, the Karl Lehr Bridge in Duisburg.
 For the Kirchentag 2007, the arches of the Hohenzollern Bridge were temporarily partially covered with red cloths, so that the bridge represented a stylized fish (the symbol of the Kirchentag).
 Since late summer 2008, the custom of love padlocks, which originated in Italy, has been placed on the bridge. The question of the weight and number of them, which occasionally arises in this context, was answered differently; estimates are said to range between two (April 2011) and 15 tons (September 2011) with a number of allegedly 40,000 love padlocks. The German Bahn saw no danger for the bridge statics with both weights. In June 2015, the number of locks was estimated at 500,000.
 At the eastern bridgehead on the Deutz side, the German Alpine Association has been maintaining a public climbing facility with a wall area of around 850 square metres since 1998.

See also
 List of bridges in Germany

References

Further reading

Arch bridges
Buildings and structures in Cologne
Buildings and structures demolished in 1945
Bridges completed in 1911
Bridges over the Rhine
Demolished bridges
History of Cologne
Innenstadt, Cologne
Railway bridges in Germany
Rebuilt buildings and structures in Germany
Steel bridges in Germany
1911 establishments in Germany
Bridges in North Rhine-Westphalia

Hohenzollern Bridge


Bengali poetry is a rich tradition of poetry in the Bengali language and has many different forms. Originating in the Bengal region of South Asia, the history of Bengali poetry underwent three successive stages of development: poetry of the early age (like Charyapad), the Medieval period and the age of modern poetry. All ages have seen different forms of poetry and poetical tradition. It reached the pinnacle during the Bengali Renaissance period although it has a rich tradition and has grown independent of the movement. Major Bengali Poets throughout the ages are Chandidas, Alaol, Ramprasad Sen, Michael Madhusudan Dutt, Nabinchandra Sen, Rabindranath Tagore, Dwijendralal Ray, Satyendranath Dutta, Kazi Nazrul Islam, Jibanananda Das, Jasimuddin, Sukanta Battacharya, Al Mahmud.

Introduction

Poetry in the colloquial dialect of Bengal first originated from Prakrit, and based upon local socio-cultural traditions. It was antagonistic towards Vedic rituals and laws as opposed to the sahajaya traditions of the poets themselves - who were mainly Buddhist sages.

The medieval period marked the introduction of , which played an important role in Muslim life and brought much Persian and Arabic influence to the poetic lexicon. Shah Gharibullah was said to have initiated this  trend with his epic "Amir Hamza". Many ,  based on battles, were written during this time. Jongonamas were generally elegiac in tone. Works relating to Karbala were called  (meaning 'grief' in Arabic) literature. Both janganama and marsiya literature first developed in Arabia and later Persia. Muslim Sufis and soldiers introduced this form of poetry in the Bengali language to the masses in Bengal and Arakan. Well-known poems of include Zainab's Chautisha by Sheikh Faizullah, Maqtul Husayn by Mohammad Khan and Qasim-er Lodai O Fatima-r Surotnama by Sherbaz. The works mixed Bengali folk poetry with Perso-Arabian stories and themes, and are considered an important part of the Muslim culture of Bengal.

Ancient and medieval eras

Charyapad is the oldest poetry and literary specimen of Bengali language. It is also the oldest work in the neo-Indian Aryan language. The composers of these hymns, composed between the tenth and twelfth centuries AD, were easily Buddhist Siddhacharyas. The 24 major Charyapadas were by Lui Pa, Kukkuripa, Biruapa, Gundaripa, Chatilpa, Bhusuk Pa, Kahnpa, Kambalambarpa, Dombipa, Shantipa, Mahittapa, Veenapa, Sarhapa, Shabar Pa, Azdebpa, Dhenpana, Dankapa, Darikpa Dhampa, Tantripa, Laridombipa.
1200-1350 AD of Bengali literature has been marked as the "dark age of Bengali Literature." During this time Srikrishnakirtan was composed by Baduchandidas.The other remarkable poets of Vaishnava literature of this era were Vidyapati, Jnandas, Govindadas, Yashoraj Khan, Chandkaji, Ramchandra Basu, Balram Das, Narhari Das, Vrindavan Das, Basudavas, Bansibad. Syed Sultan, Harhari Sarkar, Fateh Paramananda, Ghanshyam Das, Gayas Khan, Alaol, Deen Chandidas, Chandrashekhar, Haridas, Shivram, Karam Ali, Pir Muhammad, Hiramani, Bhavananda. Famous poets of Mangal Kavya are Kanahari Dutt, Narayan Dev, Vijaygupta, Bipradas Piplai, Madhav Acharya, Mukundaram Chakraborty, Ghanram Chakraborty, Srishyam Pandit, Bharat Chandra Roy Gunakar, Khemananda, Ketka Das Khemananda, Dwij Madhav, Adi Rupram, Manik Ram, Mayur Bhatt, Khelaram, Rupram, Sitaram Das, Shyamj.

The 18th-century two brilliant Shakta bhakti court poets were Bharatchandra Ray and Ramprasad Sen.

Modern poets (1800–present)
The poets who built the bridge between the Middle and Modern Ages is the poet of the Ages:Ishwar Chandra Gupta (1812–1859), he is also regarded as the Father of the Modern Bengali Language.  Michael Madhusudan Dutt (1824–1873) broke the medieval paradigm and Bengali poetry entered free verse - he is especially popular for his Bengali sonnets. Biharilal Chakraborty (1835–1894) who was a romantic and lyric poet of European style also contributed to the shift.

Kabiguru Rabindranath Tagore (1861–1941) was arguably the most revolutionary poets of Bengali Literature. He contributed to every branch of Bengali Literature including poetry. He broke down the old custom of writing in "Sadhu" language in poetry and introduced an aspect of poetry which had more freedom to the poet. He composed over two-thousand songs - which are known as "Rabindra Sangeet" and they are popular in West Bengal and Bangladesh even today. His songs "Jana Gana Mana" and "Amar Sonar Bangla" are the National Anthems of India and Bangladesh respectively. His impact on Bengali Literature is so immense that all Bengali Literature during his lifetime is known as the "Rabindric Era", after his name. The contemporary poets of the Rabindric era were Satyendranath Dutta, Kamini Ray, Updendrakishore Raychowdhury, Sukumar Ray, Jatindra Mohan Bagchi among others. The death of Rabindranath Tagore is often considered to be the end of Classical Poetry and the start of Modern Poetry.

At the beginning of the twentieth century, there was a new change in Bengali style of poetry, with poets adopting an even liberal style of poetry, bringing an end to Bengali Romanticism. Poets such as Mohitlal Majumder, Kazi Nazrul Islam and Jatindranath Sengupta beginning contributed to this period. "Bidrohi Kavi" Kazi Nazrul Islam is considered to be the bridge between the Anti-Romantic Period and the Modern Period of Poetry. He had composed a vast oeuvre of poetry and songs – the latter of which are known as "Nazrul Geeti" which are sung even today. Nazrul is also the National Poet of Bangladesh. His poem "Bidrohi" had a big impact on the Indian Freedom Movement.

The death of Tagore led to the beginning of the Golden Age of Modern Poetry, which lasted from the 1940s to the 60s. Numerous poets left their profound impact on poetry in this era, such as:Amiya Chakraborty (1901–1966), Jibanananda Das (1899–1954), Buddhadeb Basu (1906–1964), Bishnu Dey (1909–1962), Sudhindranath Dutta (1901–1960), Sablu Shahabuddin (1957–1999).They were followed by the generation of Shakti Chattopadhyay (1933–1995), Sankha Ghosh (1932–2021),Tarapada Ray (1936–2007) Sunil Gangopadhyay (1935–2012) – known as Krittibas group of poets.

Jasimuddin's work of Pastoral mood led him to be known as Palli Kabi. He was one of the major poets.

"Hungryalist movement" also emerged in Bengal that was consisted with new bunch of poets in Bengal, inducing Malay Roy Choudhury and Purusottam Kumar Debnath

Poets of West Bengal and Bangladesh
Following the Partition of India in 1947, Bengali poets were divided along nationalistic lines of India and Pakistan. West Bengal still had a great literary culture around it. Many Poets like Shakti Chattopadhyay, Binoy Majumdar, Samir Roychoudhury,  Malay Roy Choudhury, Subimal Basak, Pranabkumar Chattopadhyay,  Subodh Sarkar emerged.

The poets of East Bengal took different yet similar path, many taking inspiration from Kazi Nazrul Islam and other major poets. Some of the popular Bengali Muslim poets of this period included Farrukh Ahmad, Talim Hossain, Golam Mostofa and Raushan Yazdani. The Bangladesh Liberation War and struggle for freedom became a popular theme in the years that followed. Al Mahmud is considered one of the greatest Bengali poets to have emerged in the 20th century.

See also

 List of Bengali poets
 List of national poetries
 List of Bangladeshi poets

References

Bengali culture
Bengali poetry in English translation
+
Bangladeshi poetry
Poetry by language

Bengali poetry


Tāufaʻāhau, Fīnau's older (step)brother, was quite angry with his mother, Hoamofaleono and her then husband Moimoiʻangahā about her having this child. He ordered it to be abandoned on the reefs of Vainī, to put it in the strong currents, to die. This would have been at Mataʻaho, in the lagoon.

But that night Fīnau Alakihihifo, daughter of Kaufusituʻa Kumāikuvalu Maʻafu, (Hoamofaleono's brother?) took the child away and brought it in safety to Kolonga in the hands of Moimoiʻangahā. His brothers Langitoutai and Teʻehalakamu next brought it to Fakakakai on Haʻano. They themselves stayed and died there, but Fīnau Filimoeʻuli later returned to Vainī to become the next Maʻafu, the line since then known as Maʻafu-tuku-ʻi-ʻau-lahi.

Nevertheless, it is also claimed that Tāufaʻāhau knew and gave his blessing to the move to Fakakakai, so that he would have claims on the island; (Faka-kakai = make (more) people). Indeed still today the southern part of Haʻano is government estate rather than belonging to the original line of the Tuʻihaʻangana.

Fīnau Filimoeʻulie/en


The Treaty of Bergerac was signed at Bergerac on 14 September 1577 between Henry III of France and Huguenot princes, and later ratified by the Edict of Poitiers on 17 September. This accord was developed after the sixth phase of the French Wars of Religion. The treaty replaced the Edict of Beaulieu, which was deemed by the Catholic League as too favorable to Protestants. Based on the terms of the treaty, Huguenots were only allowed to practice their faith in the suburbs of one town in each judicial district. In Vivarais, the treaty was recognized in late October 1577.

See also
List of treaties

Notes

References
Salmon, J. H. M. Peasant Revolt in Vivarais, 1575–1580. French Historical Studies, Vol. 11, No. 1, (Spring 1979). Duke University Press.
Knecht, R. J. The French Civil Wars (2000) Pearson Education Limited.

External links
Encyclopædia Britannica – Bergerac
Third French War of Religion
The Columbia Encyclopedia: Poitiers

French Wars of Religion
1577 in France
Bergerac
1577 treaties

Treaty of Bergerac


St James' Church is an heritage-listed Anglican church located in Franz Josef on the West Coast of the South Island of New Zealand. Set in a garden setting, the church was built in 1931 in a Tudor Revival style and is notable for its use of clear glass windows and the view over Waiho Gorge from its altar. This view originally included Franz Josef Glacier, a famous scene recorded on a 1946 Peace Stamp, but the glacier has since receded.

Background
The Ross and South Westland parish was created in 1867, but a church at Franz Josef was not proposed until 1925. Reverend James R. Young, Vicar of the parish between 1923 and 1928, suggested a building of riverstone, and a site was donated by Peter and Alec Graham, notable climbing guides and operators of the Franz Josef Glacier Hotel. Plans were drawn up by Maurice Guthrie, but these were rejected as being too expensive for the nine Anglican families of the area. Archdeacon Julius visited Westland in February 1927, and afterwards suggested a wooden church with views of the Waiho River and Franz Josef Glacier. Plans were commissioned from James S. Turnbull and Percy Watts Rule of Timaru in 1928.

Construction
The site was cleared for building in March 1930, tenders were called in November of that year, and a contract for the construction was awarded to Bullock and Stewart in 1931. The foundation stone for the church was laid by the Governor-General, Lord Bledisloe, in early February 1931. The construction cost of the church was around £1000–1400.

The dedication ceremony was held on 26 April 1931 by Bishop West-Watson of Christchurch, assisted by Reverends James R. Young (then of Hāwera) and Alwyn Warren, vicar of Ross and South Westland, in front of a congregation of 150. The church was dedicated to St James, but named in part to honour James Young, who had proposed it be built, in recognition of his services to the community.

The church is described as of 'Selwynesque' or Tudor in style. The walls are constructed of board-and-batten, with a corrugated iron roof. There is castellated bell tower. The church is decorated with a highly distinctive style, with dark brown paint used to highlight the exterior battens and roof trusses. Rather than the more usual stained glass windows, the building features three clear plate glass apsidal windows, overlooking the Waiho River. When the church was built it also had a view of the Franz Josef Glacier, but by 1953 this had retreated out of view. From 1985 to 2006, the glacier generally advanced and thickened, and by 1997 it was once again visible through the altar window before retreating again.

History
The more famous Church of the Good Shepherd at Lake Tekapo also incorporates clear glass windows to allow for a view of the lake, a feature which was inspired by the prior use at St James.

The church achieved national recognition when the view across the altar to the mountains was featured on a 9d Peace stamp entitled A Spirit of Thankfulness, issued in 1946 to commemorate the end of World War Two.

On 28 June 1990, the building was registered by the New Zealand Historic Places Trust (now Heritage New Zealand) as a Category I structure, with register number 4994. The building is considered notable for the way in which it complements its bush surroundings, and the use of clear glass windows behind the altar.

In December 1995,  of rain fell over a three-day period, washing away the northern approach to the Waiho River bridge, and gouging out the river bank to within  of St James' Church. In September–October 1996, civil works costing $300,000, including a contribution of $50,000 from the Anglican Church Property Trust, were completed to protect both the bridge approaches and the church from future flood events.

Gallery

References

External links

 Image of 1946 9d Peace stamp featuring the view over the altar of St James
 View of St James as it appeared in its setting in 1936
 View through the altar window in April 1932. (Incorrect information in the caption was subsequently corrected.)

20th-century Anglican church buildings in New Zealand
Heritage New Zealand Category 1 historic places in the West Coast, New Zealand
Listed churches in New Zealand
Churches completed in 1931
1931 establishments in New Zealand
Wooden churches in New Zealand
Tudor Revival architecture

St James Church, Franz Josef


Publius Aelius Aelianus was a senior officer in the Imperial Roman army in the mid-3rd century AD who rose from lowly origins to become the prefect of a legion under Emperor Gallienus. He was one of the earliest beneficiaries of Gallienus's policy that effectively excluded senators from army commands in favour of career-soldiers of equestrian rank. His later life is obscure.

He was possibly procurator (i.e. Chief Financial Officer) of Epirus in the late-260s, but the foremost authorities query this identification. However, there are stronger grounds for believing that he was appointed a praeses (provincial governor of equestrian rank) in Africa, most likely under the Emperor Probus.

Sources

The sum total of our knowledge of this man derives from five epigraph inscriptions from:

(a) A fragment of an epigraphic inscription from Poetovio (now Ptuj in Slovenia) that indicates that one AEL...I (a Vir Egregius, presumed to be Aelianus) commanded vexillationes (detachments) of the four legions of Pannonia;

(b)	A sarcophagus dedicated by one Aelianus to the memory of his parents found at Obuda, a district of modern Budapest on the west bank of the River Danube which was the site of Aquincum Castrum, Pannonia Inferior, the base of Legio II Adiutrix;

(c)	An altar dedicated one Aelianus to Herculi Augusti - i.e. to the Majestic Hercules - from Szentendre, the site of Ulcisia Castra an auxiliary fortress 12 km north of Aquincum;

(d)	A stone from Photike in the Roman province of Epirus, nowadays a province of Greece; and

(e)   A stone from Zucchabar in Algeria, in the Roman province of Mauritania Caesaensis.

The last four of these inscriptions are analysed in great detail by T. Nagy. This article largely reflects Prof. Nagy's findings and conclusions.

Origins

It is likely that Aelianus was born at Aquincum in Pannonia Inferior which was the base of Legio II Adiutrix. His father was Martialis (P. Aelius) who had been a Custos Armorum (i.e. Warden of the Armoury) of Legio II (obviously he was described as ex custode armorum - i.e.'formerly Warden etc.' on his tomb) and his mother Fl. Agathe.

The gentilicum Aelius suggests that the family was either descended from one of the settlers who arrived in Pannonia in the century after the Roman conquest or from one of many native Pannonian clans that was given Roman citizenship when the future Emperor Hadrian was governor in the early years of the second century AD (around 106 AD).  If the Aelius ancestor was indeed enfranchised during the reign of Hadrian or his successeor, Antoninus Pius he would have taken the name of the imperial dynasty as his own nomen as was the custom of the day. Thus by this interpretation of the onomastics Aelianus's clan had been Roman citizens for well over 100 years by the time he dedicated his parents' sarcophagus and possibly more than 150 years and it is likely that the family had had connections with Legio II for generations.

Early career

It can be safely assumed that, as a castrensis (i.e. 'Son of the Camp' - born of a serving soldier), Aelianus would have enlisted at the earliest age – i.e. 18-20 – probably in his father's legion. It is likely that he would have risen ex caliga – i.e. 'from the ranks of those who wear hobnailed sandals' (the footwear of legionary rankers). However, given that patronage and influence were major determinants (often the major determinants) of advancement in the Roman Army, it is not unreasonable to suppose that, as the son of a principalis, Aelianus would have enjoyed some advantages vis-à-vis his fellow-recruits that would have helped promote his career.

Nevertheless, the inscriptions cited make it clear beyond all doubt that Aelianus showed himself a highly capable soldier and probably a lucky one as well who prospered in the conditions of crisis that prevailed on Rome's northern frontiers in the middle years of the Third Century AD.

Although he probably enlisted in Legio II and certainly commanded it at a high point of his career, he is unlikely to have served solely with that legion. Like many of the soldiers who rose to prominence in his era, it seems safer to postulate that he rose through the centurionate receiving progressively more senior postings in different legions before he achieved primipilaris status (i.e. had been promoted primus pilus of a legion and had served a year at that rank) and then continued his career as an equestrian officer. Presumably after achieving equestrian rank as a primipilaris he had gone on to command vexillationes as a praepositus and had then been promoted to the rank of Praefectus Legionis - formerly Praefectus Castrorum Legionis. There is no evidence that he ever served as tribunus of cohortes of the Rome garrison often a prelude to ducal commands and equestrian governorships.

Apogée in the Balkans

The first Aelianus inscription cited above is incomplete, but it mentions an AELI(us)... V(iri) E(gregii) DUCI(s) as the commander of detachments drawn from the four legions of the Pannonian provinces at Poetovio, a highly strategic fortress commanding the approaches to Italy through the Julian Alps. Whether or not this man is to be identified with P. Aelius Aelianus, the subject of this paper, is uncertain. Prof. Nagy and Jones et al. did not make the connection. However, Fitz believed that they were one and the same person). Fitz also suggests that the inscription should be dated to the period 262-4 AD - i.e. he was put in post in 262 after the expulsion of the Roxolani who had ravaged Illyricum after they had defeated and killed the usurper Regalianus and removed when he was made Praefectus legionis at Aquincum in 264.

Fitz's supposition that the Aelianus referred to was the P. Aelius Aelianus identified in the later inscriptions seems plausible, partly because: (i) it seems highly unlikely that there would have been two very senior officers of that name commissioning lapidary inscriptions in Pannonia within a very short period yet making no attempt to differentiate themselves from each other; and (ii) the Poetovio posting seems a highly probable career move for a man who was soon to be re-manifested as one of Gallienus's legionary prefects.

As the Praefectus Legionis II Adiutricis referred to on the Aquincum sarcophagus of Martialis and his wife Fl. Agathe(a), Aelianus is likely to have been one of the earliest beneficiaries of Gallienus's policy of excluding senators from army commands in favour of professional equestrian officers who would, more often than not, have risen from the ranks. Nagy argues that, as a non-senator, Aelianus would not have been given this posting prior to the Persian captivity in 260 AD of Gallienus's father and senior Augustus, the Emperor Valerian. The measures that opened the legionary commands to equestrian officers were taken by Gallienus during his sole reign - possibly in 261 AD. Nor could Aelianus have been given the command after 267 in which year Valerius Marcellinus was in command of Legio II. Nagy is inclined to ascribe Aelianus's promotion to the earlier part of this five year 'window'.

The Ulcisia altar describes the dedicator, P. Aelius Aelianus, as prefect of the Second legion, thus confirming that he was the same man as the one who had commissioned the sarcophagus of Martialis and Fl. Agathe. It adds the additional information that he was protector nostri augusti Gallieni – i.e. 'Protector of Our Majestic Lord Gallienus'. He was, thus, one of the earliest known recipients of that title. However, that the honorific should refer to 'Our Majestic Gallienus' rather than to 'Our Majestic Lords' (i.e. Valerian and Gallienus) as in the case of L. Petronius Taurus Volusianus shows that the inscription can be dated to the period of Gallienus's sole reign, but in the early part of that period when the honour was still awarded to senior officers rather than centurions as was later the case.(See Protectores Augusti Nostri. His membership of the Protectores nostril augusti Gallieni also suggests that when he commanded Leg. II Adjutrix that legion was brigaded with the Imperial field-army (comitatus) rather than serving with the provincial garrison of Pannonia Inferior - its usual station during High Empire period.

More important, perhaps, the inscription indicates that he was praefectus legionis agens vice legati – i.e. 'Prefect of the Legion acting on behalf of the (senatorial) legate' who we know was never to be appointed. However, the use of this terminology - presumably a formula to ensure that the prefect had the legal authority of a legate - seems to throw doubt on the proposition advanced by many historians that Gallienus had always intended the removal of senators from legionary commands as a permanent reform as opposed to an expedient resorted to in the crisis following the captivity of Valerian that was never reversed. In other words, it suggests Aurelius Victor was mistaken when he said that Gallienus had issued an edict incorporating the change in law. If such a law had been promulgated the formula agens vices legati would surely have been superfluous. Recent scholarship has suggested that the real purpose of Gallienus's Edict was not to exclude senators from army appointments - otherwise why did he continue to appoint senatorial provincial governors with supreme military authority within their provinciae(?) - but to make it possible for the Emperor to appoint equestrian officers to these positions thus broadening his powers choice at a time when the Empire was under particular pressure to find commanders with adequate military experience.

Later career

The Photike inscription is in Greek and it identifies an 'Aelius Aelianus' as the chief financial officer (Lat. Procurator) of the province of Epirus sometime in the period 275-80 AD who had previously taken part in the census of the frontier province of Noricum. It is unlikely that the Aelianus who was a legionary prefect before 266 could have held these offices at a later date as the posts were lower in the equestrian career structure. However, the work of Brunt has thrown doubt on the theory that the Roman principate ever had a highly structured equestrian administrative service such as that envisaged by Pflaum and others and, in the light of this, it is possible to propose that Aelianus might have gone on from the command of a legion to a ducenarian procuratorship in the later 260s.

Less controversially, Nagy considered that the 'Aelius Aelianus' who was identified as V(ir) P(erfectissimus), praeses provinciae Mauritaniae Caesarensis (i.e. 'Best of Men, Governor of the province of Mauritania Caesarensis) in around 276 could well have been the same man as the praefectus legionis II in Aquincum of a dozen years earlier. He had by then been elevated to the perfectissimate, the second rank of the equestrian order. Nagy believed that this appointment would have been a promotion quite compatible with theories then current as to the equestrian career structure. Furthermore, it would also fit in with the known tendency to appoint military men to governing posts in Africa from the later years of the Emperor Probus onwards to deal with increased restlessness on the part of the Berber tribes of the Mauretanian interior. As Nagy observes, the Aelianus whose early experience of independent command had been against Sarmatian steppe nomads in Illyricum would have been well qualified to deal with Berber razzias in Rome's west African provinces.

Rank and social status
As a Praefectus legionis vice legati Aelianus had been egregius - i.e. a member of the third grade of the equestrian order - but, as Praeses Mauritaniae, he was a perfectissimus. His promotion in rank had brought with it a promotion in his social status.

In addition it was not considered necessary to use the formula agens vice praesidis to emphasise that, as an equestrian, his rank as praeses was only 'acting'. This seems to have been a fairly recent development in the status of equestrian governors who were replacing senators in pro-praetorian provinces. For instance, not many years before in the 260s, as governor of the province of Pannonia Inferior, Lucius Flavius Aper had only had the status of vir egregius and the formula agens vice praesidis had been used to qualify his rank as though it was deemed necessary to emphasise that his governorship was only 'acting'.

References and notes

3rd-century Romans
Equestrian commanders of vexillationes
Year of birth unknown
Year of death unknown
Praefectus legionum
Aelianus, Publius

Publius Aelius Aelianus


The Doctrine of Cash Equivalence states that the U.S. Federal income tax law treats certain non-cash payment transactions like cash payment transactions for federal income tax purposes. The doctrine is used most often for deciding when cash method (as opposed to accrual method) taxpayers are to include certain non-cash income items.  Another doctrine often used when trying to determine the timing of the inclusion of income is the constructive receipt doctrine.

Most individuals begin as cash method taxpayers because their first form of bookkeeping is a checkbook. In contrast, some businesses start as accrual method taxpayers because businesses use different rules for recording income and expenditures. The Internal Revenue Code (IRC) § 446(a) states, however, that  "[t]axable income shall be computed under the method of accounting on the basis which the taxpayer regularly computes his income in keeping his books."

One of the major advantages to the cash method of accounting is the ability to defer taxation because the recognition of income applicable to amounts in accounts receivable can be deferred to a later year. The Doctrine of Cash Equivalence is important because many people are cash method taxpayers and would be subject to this rule.

Elements
Cash method taxpayers include income items (cash and cash equivalents) in the year the items are received. See also Treasury Regulations   Certain payment transactions involve cash equivalents, such as receipts of checks and credit card payments. The cash equivalence doctrine arose out of a need to determine whether certain items that were either actually or constructively received must be accrued as income. A dispute over timing of income recognition for tax purposes may arise when the thing received is really not much more than a promise of payment, such as a promissory note or a bond. If mere promises to pay were considered cash equivalents, then there would be little difference between the cash and accrual methods for tax purposes.

The United States Court of Appeals for the Fifth Circuit established the standard for applying the cash equivalence doctrine to promises of payment. The court first noted that the principle that "[a] promissory note, negotiable in form, is not necessarily the equivalent of cash" remains true. But that principle also has a true inverse—that a non-negotiable instrument can be a cash equivalent if the following factors are met. A promise to pay will be considered a cash equivalent for cash method taxpayers if:

 the promise to pay is unconditional;
 the promise is made by a solvent person;
 the promise is assignable;
 the promise is not subject to set-offs; and
 the promise is marketable.

Since taxpayers generally prefer to defer recognition of income to subsequent tax years (due to the time value of money), a finding of cash equivalence will typically be to the disadvantage of the individual taxpayer.

Mechanics
To use the doctrine of cash equivalence, a taxpayer must have either actually received an item, or constructively received an item. If either of these situations exist, a taxpayer must determine whether the item received is cash equivalence, using the six factors described in Cowden v. Commissioner. If the item is deemed cash equivalent, then the taxpayer has income. If it is not cash equivalent, the taxpayer does not have income.

References

Taxation in the United States
Legal doctrines and principles

Doctrine of cash equivalence


Dapdune Wharf is a former industrial wharf and boat yard on the Wey and Godalming Navigations in Guildford, England, UK, close to the Surrey County Cricket Club ground. It is now maintained by the National Trust.

Originally a goods transshipment point, before the construction of the Godalming Navigation the principal cargos  were timber from the Surrey forests and gunpowder from the works at Chilworth as the Guildford authorities refused to let it pass through the town centre for loading at the town wharf. For a period of time at the beginning of the 20th Century, Dapdune Wharf was the centre of barge building on the Wey Navigation.

Dapdune is now the starting point for boat trips, including boat hire. The Visitor Centre has interactive displays, a smithy, a stable, and two of the three remaining Wey barges in the world - the Reliance, permanently damaged and kept in a graving (dry) dock, and Perseverance IV, still floating but in need of repair and the subject of a 2010 National Trust restoration appeal.

Dapdune Wharf is now the head office of the Navigation.  As part of the continued preservation of British history the National Trust has a group of volunteers, the Wey Navigation Research Group, researching and publishing information about the Godalming and Wey Navigation.

Wharf buildings

Dapdune Wharf comprises a complex of a dozen buildings. Most are concerned with the construction and maintenance of the barges and stores for the various materials needed.  They include a smithy, a barge repair shed at the end of a short cut from the bend in the river, a carpenters shed, formerly the sail loft, and the barge building shed at the north end of the site.  There was also a graving dock with associated capstans for barges needing repairs below the water line. There were separate stores for gunpowder, part of the oldest building on the site, and for carbide, which was delivered from London for fuel for lamps. Two specialist buildings were the steam chest for bending wood to shape for boat ribs, and the tar chest for caulking. A cottage on the wharf, renovated in 1894 for the Edwards family, is a Grade II listed building.  The other cottage, Dapdune Lea, was built at the same time for William Stevens III's sister, Mary Jane Stevens.  Later their brother, John, added a first floor balcony in order to be able to watch the cricket in comfort. Dapdune Lea is now the National Trust's administrative offices for the navigations.

Barge Building at Dapdune

The Wey Navigation opened in 1653. Traffic on the Navigation grew very quickly. In its first year the owners took £800 in tolls on goods carried. This quickly grew to £15,000 per annum. One reason for this growth was the many mills that were built along the Wey plus the slow alternative means of transport. One of the largest remaining mills was built at Coxes Lock, near Addlestone.

In the early days the Navigation was owned by the local landowners and business people. It was Sir Richard Weston of Sutton Place, Guildford who first had the idea of making the Wey navigable. By 1723 the Navigation was in the hands of the Langton family and the Earl of Portmore from Weybridge.

Two families dominated the river and barge building on the Wey, the Stevens and the Edwards.

Stevens family
Over a period of 150 years the Stevens family played an important role in the development of the Wey Navigation. They started from being humble lock keepers to ownership and management of a substantial transport business along the Navigation and around the Guildford area. Four generations of the family were linked to the Navigation.

 William Stevens (1777–1856)

William was a trained carpenter and moved to the Wey in 1812 to take up the position of lock keeper at Trigg's Lock. In 1820 he and his family moved to Thames Lock. Thames Lock, being the entry and exit to the navigation, meant that William had wider duties than the other lock keepers. One of the duties was to calculate the tolls due from the barge owners. This is probably where William got his first taste of the business side of the Navigation.

 William Stevens II (1810–1890)

Born on the river, William followed his father into the business and it was under him that the family expanded into building and operating their own barges from 1840. William having learnt his trade by working in several yards as an apprentice. The family moved from Thames Lock and lived over the Navigation offices at 3 Friary Street, Guildford. One of their early barges, Perseverance was built at Guildford in 1840, though not at Dapdune. A number of barges carried the name but it was only the last, Perseverance IV, that was built at Dapdune.

 William Stevens III (1844–1936)

It was William III who brought the Edwards family to the Navigation and started to build the Wey barges at Dapdune. William also ran several steam tugs and a towage business on the river Thames.  In 1902 the Stevens brothers gained full financial control and ownership of the Navigation.

 Harry W. Stevens (1887–1970)

The last of the family to be involved with the Navigations, Harry bequeathed the Wey Navigation to the National Trust on his retirement in 1964.

Edwards family
In 1894 William Stevens persuaded Edwin Edwards, a barge builder, to move his family of wife and family (4 sons and several daughters) from the Kennet and Avon Canal to work at Dapdune. The Stevens provided a cottage for Edwin and his family on site. Prior to coming to Guildford, Edwin Edwards had been working for a well established manufacturing firm at Honey Street, Devizes, supplying wooden barges for customers in the South-West of England.

Edwin died in 1904 at the age of 46 and a further five years were to pass before William Stevens III could launch a newly built barge suitable for trade on the Wey Navigation. In October 1909 he launched his new barge Dapdune from the barge building shed at Dapdune. The barge had been built by Edwin's four sons in their spare time. The boys' main job was maintaining the Navigation, especially the locks. Dapdune remained in service until 1944.

After 1909 the Edwards continued to build barges for the Stevens as a part-time occupation and completed eleven barges over the next thirty years. As well as their duties along the Navigation the Edwards brothers also maintained the barges and carried out any necessary repairs.

Construction of a Wey barge

The Wey barge was built on the earlier western barge designs and the first barges built specifically for use on the Wey were probably built at Honey Street Wharf, Devizes. The earliest that this could be was 1810 as the Kennet and Avon Canal was opened through to the Thames that year.

The ribs of the hull were built from oak. There was a steam chest behind the shed (now the public toilet block) where the wood could be shaped. However the Edwards family preferred to find wood naturally shaped.

The hull was planked with pitch pine. Pitch pine was used because it was lightweight and came in long lengths so required less joints. Elm was tried, and although it was more water resistant, it was heavier and therefore the barge had a lower cargo capacity.

The barge was flat bottomed and straight sided, this meant that it could operate in shallow water with a reasonable cargo. Once the hull was complete it was covered in pitch to create a watertight finish. The barge was built on trestles to keep it off the ground and assist in launching.  Only the hull was built in the shed. On completion the water side of the shed was removed and the barge was launched sideways. The barge was then towed up to the area where the pleasure boats are moored today and it was here that fitting out was completed. This was also the area used to repair barges.

The Wey barge was  in length and the width was constrained by the narrowest lock to . A barge would have only centimetres to spare when going through the lock.

A Wey barge could carry 80 tonnes of cargo from the Thames to Coxes mill. From Coxes going upstream the capacity was reduced to 50 tonnes as far as Guildford and further reduced for the journey to Godalming owing to the decrease in the depth of water available.

Goods carried by the barges

A variety of goods were transported along the navigation, for example:
 Wheat grain or barley from Victoria Docks in London to Coxes mill.
 Gunpowder from Chilworth to Barking or Woolwich
 Wood pulp from London docks to Woking paper mill
 Timber from Guildford to London.

With no engines or sails the barges were towed by horses or people, and occasionally poled or rowed. Once a Wey barge reached the Thames it would be towed by tug boats. The horses were rested in stables along the Navigation. The Navigation owned three stables, at Thames lock, Coxes Mill and Friary Street. The bargemen would pay to use the stables. Local inns along the towpath also provided stabling facilities.

See also

Canals of the United Kingdom
History of the British canal system
Wey barge Perseverance IV

References

External links
River Wey and Godalming Navigations and Dapdune Wharf - National Trust
Guildford Borough Council web page on Dapdune Wharf

National Trust properties in Surrey
Buildings and structures in Guildford
Maritime museums in England
Museums in Surrey

Dapdune Wharf


Billwiseite is a very rare oxide mineral found at the pegmatite commonly referred to as "Stak Nala" located within a few hundred yards from the village of Toghla in the Stak Nala, Gilgit-Baltistan, Pakistan. It has only been found as a coating on a single crystal of lepidolite. The sole rock containing Billwiseite is kept at the Royal Ontario Museum, catalogue number M5595.

It contains four relatively uncommon elements: antimony, niobium, tantalum, and tungsten. It is named after William Wise, a mineralogist from the University of California, Santa Barbara.

It was discovered by an international group of geologists, and accepted by the IMA in 2010. Its discovery was announced in Mineralogical Magazine in 2011, and was described in detail in 2012 in The Canadian Mineralogist by Hawthrone et al.

References

Oxide minerals
Antimony minerals
Niobium minerals
Tantalum minerals
Tungsten minerals
Monoclinic minerals
Minerals in space group 15
Minerals described in 2012

Billwiseite


Posorja is a small village in Ecuador that lies about 120 km from the city Guayaquil at the delta of the Guayas River. Posorja lies in a very dry climate zone. Many years ago, the main occupation in Posorja was fishing. However, increasing pollution of the sea and new high-tech fishing methods have drastically lowered the income of the people of Posorja. Three fish processing factories give part-time work to some of the people. Of the 15,000 people in the area, 60% do not have regular employment.

Religion
93% Roman-Catholic.

Schools / education
There are 3 types of schools: public (financed by the government), private, and schools financed by charity.

Populated places in Guayas Province

Posorja


Pauline Krautz (born Pauline Rehnus; 18 December 1890 - 16 September 1941) was a Sorbian entrepreneur. Her active and public promotion of Sorbian culture was seen as part of a separatist threat at a time when the German government was pursuing the objective of moving Germany away from its traditional federalism, towards a more centralised structure. Krautz died in the women's prison in Cottbus, and has become celebrated as a victim of Nazi persecution.

Life
Pauline Rehnus (in Sorbian Pawlina Renusojc) was born, the eldest of her parents' five recorded children, in Dahlitz (now part of Kolkwitz), a village a short distance outside Cottbus on its western side. Christian Rehnus, her father was a carpenter.   She attended school in nearby Kolkwitz, which at this time still meant learning in both German and Sorbian. Her father had grown up as one of fourteen children of an farm worker and here parents were not wealthy, and after leaving school she remained with her family in order to help look after her younger siblings, while taking work in a Cottbus textile factory. In 1920 she married Reinhold Krautz who also worked in textiles.   The marriage opened the way for Pauline to embark on an apprenticeship in dressmaking, which she successfully concluded with a "Masters" qualification.

In 1926 Pauline Krautz (in Sorbian Pawlina Krawkowa) opened a shop in Cottbus specialising in Wendish folk costumes, arts and embroidery. However, public fashion and government views were aligned during this period in regarding traditional folk costume as "quirky" at best, and the young girls for whom the dresses were designed were reluctant to wear them. Demand was correspondingly weak and she therefore diversified, starting to produce and sell dolls in folk costume. These turned out to be extremely popular with customers, both locally and across the border in Czechoslovakia. From 1932 Krautz was displaying her dolls at a succession of exhibitions in places such as Bautzen, Dresden, Hirschberg, Saarbrücken, Prague and Frankfurt. In 1936, she was able to send a large consignment of her costume dolls to Berlin in connection with the Olympic Games. However, the Nazi government which had taken power in 1933 was far more determined than its predecessor to exterminate Sorbian separatism, and the authorities became progressively more active in their hostility to a small business that based its success on the celebration of Sorbian identity. The fact that the dolls were popular in Slavic countries outside Germany, and that Krautz regularly visited Czechoslovakia with two of her sisters in connections with the flourishing business, raised her profile in the eyes of the authorities. She was criticised in the local press and questioned by the local Nazi administrator, but she was disinclined to keep her head down in response to government pressure.

In April 1938, Krautz was stopped in the street by a Gestapo agent. The authorities were changing the names of the villages in the area from Sorbian to  German equivalents, raising indignation locally. Krautz's opinions on the matter may already have been widely known locally, and she now asked her Gestapo interlocutor how Hitler's supposed support for the people could be reconciled with changing the names of all their villages. She was arrested the next day and taken into investigative custody.

Krautz spent eleven months detained in the women's prison in Cottbus, during which time her interrogators accused her of "unpatriotic attacks on the state and on the party" ("heimtückischer Angriffe auf Staat und  Partei") while using all possible means to browbeat her and blackmail her into confessing that she was a spy working on behalf of the Czechoslovak intelligence services.   After eleven months they released her, citing lack of evidence and she returned to her parents' house to recuperate.   At the time of her release she was required to surrender, in writing, all her legal rights, to set aside any claims against the state. Manufacturing more costume dolls became impossible because no business in Cottbus would sell her the necessary raw materials and in any case no business in the Spreewald region would buy from her any more. Pauline Krautz died on 16 September 1941. With her last breath she asked that the sermon at her funeral should be delivered in the Wendish (i.e. Sorbian) language, but this wish could not be met: two Gestapo agents attended her funeral.

On the 120th anniversary of her birth, on 18 December 2010, a memorial tablet (Stolperstein) was unveiled to Pauline Krautz at Cottbus, outside the site of her shop in the Sandow Street ("Sandower Straße"). The event was followed by a celebration of her life at the city hall.

References

1890 births
1941 deaths
People from Spree-Neiße
People from the Province of Brandenburg
Sorbian people
German costume designers
Sorbian culture
Language activists
German people who died in prison custody
Lists of stolpersteine in Germany
Prisoners who died in German detention

Pauline Krautz


Deenbandhu, sometimes transliterated as Dinbandhu and spelled Din Bandhu, was a weekly Marathi-language newspaper first published in Pune, British India in January 1877. It was the first newspaper in India to cater explicitly to the labouring people. The weekly articulated the grievances of the peasants and workers.

Deenbandhu was founded by Krishnarao Pandurang Bhalekar (1850-1910) and served as an outlet for Jotirao Phule's Satyashodhak Samaj. Bhalekar was born in Bhamburde and came of a Mali family. Bhalekar ran Dinbandhu almost single-handedly till April 1880 after which the newspaper moved to Mumbai because of financial troubles. Narayan Meghaji Lokhande, who had already been writing for it, edited the newspaper from Mumbai  from 1880. Deenbandhu was selling 1650 copies per week in 1884, thus making it the second-highest circulation Marathi or Anglo-Marathi newspaper in Bombay Presidency, after Kesari. Vasudeo Birje became the editor of this iconic newspaper in 1903 after he left Baroda and moved to Mumbai. After Birje's untimely death due to cholera, his wife Tanubai Birje took the responsibility of running the newspaper on her own. She was 32. Tanubai Birje edited Dinbandhu from 1908 till she died in 1913. According to Shriram Gundekar, Tanubai Birje is the first woman editor in the history of non-Brahmin journalism. It's possible that she was the first woman editor in Marathi journalism itself.

While Lokhande published the Deenbandhu from Bombay, Vithhal Marutrao Nawle, an admirer of Phule, bought the rights to publish an edition in Pune. He imported a printing press from Ohio that continued to produce the newspaper until it ceased publication in the 1970s. That press still existed in Pune in 2013 and was still owned by the Nawle family. however, it was in a state of considerable disrepair and decay. The state government was considering whether it could be preserved.

References

1877 establishments in India
1970s disestablishments in India
Marathi-language newspapers
Newspapers published in Mumbai
Jyotirao Phule

Deenbandhu


Malabar is a town in Brevard County, Florida.  The population was 2,757 at the 2010 United States Census. It is part of the Palm Bay–Melbourne–Titusville Metropolitan Statistical Area.

Government

Malabar has a strong council form of government consisting of a five-seat Town Council (one from each of Malabar's five districts), and a mayor to serve as a figurehead and for ceremonial purposes.  The council members must reside in the district they represent; each district's registered voters vote for their respective district council seat.  Council members serve two year terms; district 1, 2, and 3 members are elected in even numbered years, and district 4 and 5 in odd numbered years.  The mayor serves a four-year term elected the same year as the US presidential election.  Town council members are subject to a three-term (six-year) limit, but may run again and serve up to another six years after sitting out one term.  The mayor has a two-term (eight-year) limit, and may also run again after sitting out one term.  Day-to-day operation of the Town and its finances is handled by a Town Administrator and a Town Clerk/Treasurer, both of whom report directly to the Town Council.  Public works, the fire department, (a hybrid volunteer/paid professional department) report to the Town Administrator, and the clerk's office reports to the Town Clerk/Treasurer.  There are several advisory boards authorized by the town charter who advise and report to the Town Council.
In 2007, the town had a taxable real estate base of $282.32 million.  Malabar currently and historically has the lowest property tax rates of any area of Brevard County, including unincorporated areas of the county. In early 2019, the Town Council voted unanimously to designate the Town as a sandhill crane sanctuary, affording the birds extra attention to protect them within the town borders.  It also designated the sandhill crane the official town bird (Town Resolution 08-2018, May 20, 2019).

Demographics

As of the census of 2000, there were 2,622 people, 1,033 households, and 757 families residing in the town. The population density was . There were 1,177 housing units at an average density of . The racial makeup of the town was 93.48% White, 2.78% African American, 0.53% Native American, 1.14% Asian, 0.11% Pacific Islander, 0.34% from other races, and 1.60% from two or more races. Hispanic or Latino of any race were 2.63% of the population.

There were 1,033 households, out of which 26.9% had children under the age of 18 living with them, 63.5% were married couples living together, 6.8% had a female householder with no husband present, and 26.7% were non-families. 21.3% of all households were made up of individuals, and 8.7% had someone living alone who was 65 years of age or older. The average household size was 2.53 and the average family size was 2.95.

In the town, the population was spread out, with 22.4% under the age of 18, 5.8% from 18 to 24, 25.3% from 25 to 44, 30.9% from 45 to 64, and 15.6% who were 65 years of age or older. The median age was 44 years. For every 100 females, there were 105.5 males. For every 100 females age 18 and over, there were 100.1 males.

The median income for a household in the town was $49,674, and the median income for a family was $62,321. Males had a median income of $37,050 versus $23,125 for females. The per capita income for the town was $22,502. About 7.5% of families and 10.7% of the population were below the poverty line, including 5.5% of those under age 18 and 4.2% of those age 65 or over.

Geography

Malabar is located at .

According to the United States Census Bureau, the town has a total area of .  of it is land and  of it (19.53%) is water.

Climate

Main roads

Malabar Road (Florida State Road 514)

This route is the way to go to Palm Bay and surrounding.

Weber Road

This route is the way to go to Grant-Valkaria, Florida.

Corey Road

This is another route to go to Grant-Valkaria, Florida.

Atz Road

This road connects from west of Weber Road through Corey Road and on to LaCourt Lane.

Hall Road

This road connects from west of Weber Road through Corey Road and on to Marie Street.

References

External links

Towns in Brevard County, Florida
Populated places established in 1962
Towns in Florida
Populated places on the Intracoastal Waterway in Florida

Malabar, Florida


The Sisters of Providence of Saint Mary-of-the-Woods are an apostolic congregation of Catholic women founded by Saint Theodora Guerin (known colloquially as Saint Mother Theodore) at Saint Mary-of-the-Woods, Indiana, in 1840. Mother Theodore and her companions left the Sisters of Providence of Ruillé-sur-Loir, France, at the invitation of the Bishop of Vincennes, Indiana, to found the Sisters of Providence in the United States. In 1843, the Indiana congregation became independent of the religious institute in Ruillé, and the Rules of the Congregation were approved by the Holy See in 1887.

More than 5,200 women have entered the Sisters of Providence since 1840. As of 2014, there were nearly 350 sisters in the institute, roughly 300 of whom live and minister from the motherhouse grounds in Saint Mary-of-the-Woods, Indiana. Other sisters minister in 17 U.S. states, the District of Columbia, and Asia.

Currently, foreign missions are in Asia. Former foreign missions were in Peru and Antigua.

Sisters of Providence are designated by the initials "SP" following their name in print. The congregation is a member of the Women of Providence in Collaboration.

Mother Theodore was canonized on October 15, 2006. The miraculous healing in 1908 of Mary Theodosia Mug, who was also her biographer, was finally accepted by the Holy See for her cause for canonization in 2006. Her remains are located in her official shrine near the Church of the Immaculate Conception at Saint Mary-of-the-Woods, Indiana, as well as a portion buried in the Sisters of Providence Convent Cemetery.

History
In 1840 at the invitation of Bishop Simon Bruté of the Diocese of Vincennes, Indiana, the Sisters of Providence of Ruillé-sur-Loir, France, sent Sister St. Theodore Guerin to open a school and minister to people in the Diocese of Vincennes. She was accompanied by five other sisters: Sister St. Vincent Ferrer (Victoire) Gagé, Sister Basilide (Josephine) Sénéschal, Sister Olympiade (Therese) Boyer, Sister Mary Xavier (Francis Louise) Lerée, and Sister Mary Liguori (Louise Frances) Tiercin.

After a rough journey across the Atlantic Ocean and the eastern United States, the sisters arrived in Saint Mary-of-the-Woods, Indiana, on October 22, 1840. They stayed with a local family, Joseph and Sarah Thralls. (This location is now honored with a historical marker from the Indiana Historical Bureau.)

The Sisters of Providence of Saint Mary-of-the Woods were established as a separate community than the founding congregation in Ruillé-sur-Loir. The rules and constitutions received final approval from the Holy See in 1887.

Educational ministry
Educators from the beginning, the sisters began building a school for girls called "The Academy" in 1840. The first student at the academy arrived for enrollment July 4, 1841. The Academy is now known as Saint Mary-of-the-Woods College and is the oldest Roman Catholic college for women in the United States. As early as 1846, a charter was granted by the State empowering the institution to confer academic honors and collegiate degrees.

The sisters soon found themselves in charge of or staffing several local schools, including St. Joseph's Parochial Catholic School, St. Benedict's German Catholic School, and St. Patrick's Day School, all in nearby Terre Haute. As their reputation grew, the Sisters of Providence would eventually staff schools across Indiana. They would also extend their ministry into Illinois, Massachusetts, California, Florida, Texas, Oklahoma, other states, and the District of Columbia. They have also staffed schools internationally in China, Taiwan, and at Colegio San José in Arequipa, Peru.

Civil War
In May 1861 the Sisters of Providence were asked to take over the administration of City Hospital in Indianapolis, when measles broke out in the nearby state encampment. The United States Government turned it into a military hospital for the duration of the war. In June 1864, seventy-five Hoosiers from Sherman's army were transferred from hospitals in Louisville and Jeffersonville. The hospital also cared for wounded Confederate soldiers. Under the direction of Mary Cecilia Bailly, the sisters took charge of washing, cooking, and cleaning; several Sisters served as nurses.  In a "Report of the Surgeons of the Military Hospital" to the Inspector General, Doctors John M Kitchen and P.H. Jameson wrote, "In conclusion we feel that ... whatever success may have attended the management of the Hospital is due in a great degree to the noble and self-sacrificing efforts of those meek and worthy women – the sisters of Providence."

A Confederate prison was also located in Indianapolis, which held at one time 7,000 prisoners. According to Colonel Oran Perry of the 69th Regiment of Indiana, "It is probable that all the Sisters in the Service in the city here were, at times, on duty in this prison. ... The Sisters were seen everywhere, on the boats, in the barracks, in the streets, always giving the most tender care to the soldiers."

After the Battle of Fort Donaldson, the Bishop of Vincennes offered the use of the seminary for the sick and wounded and the assistance of the sisters to care for them. Soldiers of the 19th Illinois Regiment were cared for at this emergency facility. The Sisters also staffed a contagion ward set up at the college at Vincennes.

At the end of the war the hospital was returned to the city and the Sisters opened St John's Infirmary for those soldiers with no place to go, but not yet strong enough to travel.

Mission in Asia
The Sisters of Providence of Saint Mary-of-the-Woods were the first congregation of American women religious to establish a mission in China.

Ministry in Kaifeng
In the summer of 1919, Bishop Joseph Tacconi of Kaifeng, China, met with Sisters of Providence general superior Mother Mary Cleophas Foley to request sisters for a school for young women in Kaifeng. Sister Marie Gratia Luking led this group of sisters to Kaifeng to open an elementary school and a junior middle school for girls. Luking and her companions arrived in Kaifeng on November 24, 1920. Soon after arriving, the sisters opened a medical dispensary and the Hua Mei School for Girls. The sisters ministered here until 1927 when the Communist army of Mao Zedong reached Kaifeng. The sisters were forced to leave, taking refuge with the Maryknoll Sisters in Korea.

In 1929 they returned to Kaifeng and opened an orphanage as well as a novitiate for women wanting to enter religious life. This native congregation, the Providence Sister-Catechists, received papal approval in 1932. Ching I Middle School was opened September 12, 1932.

World War II
Japan began threatening China by 1935, and air raids, bombings, and attacks by soldiers became commonplace. Kaifeng was bombed March 25, 1938. Soon the school and novitiate became a place of refuge for people seeking safe haven. Though Kaifeng fell to the Japanese June 6, 1938, and life became more difficult for the sisters, they remained in their compound.

On December 8, 1941, the sisters' compound in Kaifeng was attacked by Japanese soldiers. The sisters from the United States were forced to relocate to a Baptist mission compound and then a Benedictine Sisters' compound in Kaifeng. On March 22, 1943, the Sisters of Providence and all other U.S. missionaries were interned at the Weihsien Compound, a concentration camp in Shandong. Five months later U.S. internees were again relocated, this time to Peking where they were placed under house arrest with the Spanish Daughters of Jesus.

In September 1945 after the war had ended, the sisters returned to Kaifeng and repaired their compound, I Ching School, and the novitiate. However, China was soon politically plagued by internal strife between the Communists and the Nationalists. As the Communist armies advanced to Kaifeng, the United States Consulate General advised U.S. citizens to leave. The sisters spent some time with the Religious of the Sacred Heart in Shanghai.

Taiwan
As China fell under Communist rule, 23 Sisters of Providence and Providence Sister-Catechists moved to Taiwan, then known as Formosa, and settled in Taichung. Luking and the other sisters began building a new college. The school, now known as Providence University, opened in 1949 and moved to Shalu, Taichung, in 1987.

Currently, Sisters of Providence work in multiple ministries in Taiwan. In addition to Providence University, sisters staff multiple facilities for care of children and adults with mental and/or physical disabilities including St. Theresa Opportunity Center in Yucheng, Reed School in Hsinchu, St. Camillus de Lellis Center for the Mentally Challenged in Penghu, and Miracle Place in Taishan.

Spirituality
According to their mission statement, Sisters of Providence are "dedicated to the mission of being God's Providence in the world by committing ourselves to works of love, mercy and justice in service among God's people."

Individual sisters are free to worship in their own ways and places of ministry. On the motherhouse grounds of Saint Mary-of-the-Woods, the congregation has daily mass available in the Church of the Immaculate Conception. The grounds are also home to numerous shrines and sacred places, including the Blessed Sacrament Chapel, the Saint Anne Shell Chapel, the Grotto of Our Lady of Lourdes, the National Shrine of Our Lady of Providence, and a walking labyrinth. An outdoor set of the stations of the cross leads into the Sisters of Providence Convent Cemetery.

Current ministries
Sisters of Providence work in the areas of education, health care, peace and justice, social services, and spiritual development. In addition to the individual ministries of its sisters, the congregation funds multiple ministry organizations.

Providence Spirituality & Conference Center

Providence Spirituality & Conference Center is the welcoming center for pilgrims and visitors to the Sisters of Providence at Saint Mary-of-the-Woods. It offers retreats and other events. The facility serves as the entrance to the Shrine of Saint Mother Theodore Guerin. Also preserved at the Center is a set of twelve historical dioramas, begun by Henri Marchand and completed by Gregory Kamka.

There is also a gift shop, dining services in O'Shaughnessy Dining Hall, and the National Shrine of Our Lady of Providence.

White Violet Center for Eco-Justice

White Violet Center for Eco-Justice focuses on organic agriculture, eco-justice education, spiritual ecology and social advocacy. Founded in 1995, the center maintains a herd of alpacas,  of state-certified organic farmland, bees, a berry patch, a farmers' market, classified forest, and orchards. White Violet Center is considered an "engaged project" by the Yale Forum on Religion and Ecology.

Guerin Outreach Ministries

Guerin Outreach Ministries is made up of two ministries: Providence Family Services in West Humboldt Park, Chicago, and Providence in the Desert in southern California. These ministries provide adult literacy/GED instruction, tutoring for school-age children, English as a Second Language classes, citizenship classes, music classes, computer literacy classes, and bilingual counseling.

Activism in society

In the aftermath of the Second Vatican Council, the congregation has elected to focus on what is calls social justice issues: women in church/society, eco-justice, racism, nonviolent strategies for peace and disarmament, immigrant rights, and persons living in poverty.

Several ministries of the Sisters of Providence address these issues, including White Violet Center for Eco-Justice, Guerin Outreach Ministries, Providence Self Sufficiency Ministries.

The Sisters of Providence administer grants to not-for-profit systemic change groups with limited access to other funding through their Poverty and Justice Fund. They are also a founding congregation and sponsoring member of 8th Day Center for Justice, based out of Chicago.

Death penalty and prison reform

Numerous Sisters of Providence participate in prison ministry, visiting and writing to inmates. The General Council of the Sisters of Providence adopted a public stance against the death penalty in 1995 in collaboration with the Leadership Conference of Women Religious. Sisters of Providence plan prayer vigils, write letters to government leaders and provide media relations support for this cause.

The only federal execution chamber in the United States is located at the Federal Correctional Complex just south of Terre Haute, Indiana, only five miles away from the motherhouse of the Sisters of Providence in Saint Mary-of-the-Woods, Indiana.

Nonviolence

The Sisters of Providence Anti-Racism Team works to dismantle systemic racism within the Sisters of Providence, their sponsored institutions, places of ministry, and the larger society. The Sisters of Providence Litany of Non-violence reads, in part, "Deliver us from the silence that gives consent to abuse, war and evil. Grant us the desire, and the courage, to risk speaking and acting for the common good."

Prisoners of Conscience

Since 1990, numerous Sisters of Providence have been involved with School of the Americas Watch in protest of the training of mainly Latin American military officers by the United States Department of Defense, at the School of the Americas in Fort Benning, Georgia.

Several Sisters of Providence have chosen to take direct action in protest, facing legal repercussions for crossing onto federal property at Fort Benning. For action in November 2001, Sister Kathleen Desautels was convicted of federal trespassing and served a six-month sentence at the Federal Prison Camp in Greenville, Illinois. Other sisters have been arrested and sentenced to house arrest, community service, and probation.

Green projects

The Sisters of Providence maintain a significant recycling program and use a sustainable irrigation system for their organic gardens and orchards.

Sisters of Providence

General superiors
 Saint Mother Theodore Guerin, congregation foundress and Roman Catholic saint; general superior 1840–1856

 Mother Mary Cecilia Bailly, 1856–1868
 Mother Anastasie Brown, 1868–1874
 Sister Anne Doherty, 1981–1986
 Mother Mary Cleophas Foley, 1890–1926, inaugurated Saint Mary-of-the-Woods College and mission in China
 Mother Marie Helene Franey, 1948–1953
 Mother Mary Ephrem Glenn, 1874–1883
 Mother Euphrasie Hinkle, 1883–1889
 Mother Rose Angela Horan, 1960–1966
 Mother Mary Bernard Laughlin, 1938–1948
 Sister Nancy Nolan, 1986–1996
 Sister Ann Margaret O'Hara, 2001–2006
 Mother Gertrude Clare Owens, 1954–1960
 Mother Mary Pius Regnier, 1966–1976
 Sister Diane Ris, 1996–2001
 Sister Loretta Schafer, 1976–1981
 Mother Mary Raphael Slattery, 1926–1938
 Sister Dawn Tomaszewski, 2016-
 Sister Denise Wilkinson, 2006–2016

Other sisters
 Sister Judith Birgen, professor and Fulbright lecturer (Uganda, 2008)
 Sister Cecilia Clare Bocard, musician and composer for organ and piano
 Sister Irma Le Fer de la Motte (1816–1856), French-born sister, novice mistress
 Sister Barbara Doherty, educator and theologian, president of Saint Mary-of-the-Woods College 1984–1998
 Sister Jeanne Knoerle, author and educator, president of Saint Mary-of-the-Woods College 1968–1983
 Sister Ann Joseph Morris, keeper of the bees, 1871-1930
 Mary Theodosia Mug, 1860-1943
 Sister Esther Newport, painter, art educator and founder of the Catholic Art Association
 Sister Edith Pfau, painter, sculptor and art educator
 Sister Alexa Suelzer, theologian, author and educator known for Old Testament criticism

See also

St. Elizabeth Church and School

Footnotes

References

External links

Sisters of Providence of Saint Mary-of-the-Woods
Providence Center
White Violet Center for Eco-Justice
Constitutions of the Sisters of Providence of Saint Mary-of-the Woods, Diocese of Vincennes, 1897

Religious organizations established in 1840
Catholic female orders and societies
Catholic religious institutes established in the 19th century
Religious museums in the United States
Museums in Vigo County, Indiana
Biographical museums in Indiana
History of Catholicism in Indiana
Indiana educational history
1840 establishments in Indiana
Non-profit organizations based in Indiana
S
Saint Mary-of-the-Woods, Indiana
History of women in Indiana


EL Aquilae, also known as Nova Aquilae 1927 was a nova that appeared in 1927.   It was discovered by Max Wolf on photographic plates taken at Heidelberg Observatory on 30 and 31 July 1927 when it had a photographic magnitude of 9. Subsequent searches of plates taken at the Harvard College Observatory showed the nova was fainter than magnitude 11.1 on 8 June 1927 and had flared to magnitude 6.4 on 15 June 1927.   It declined from peak brightness at an average rate of 0.105 magnitudes per day, making it a fast nova, and ultimately dimmed to about magnitude 21.   The 14.5 magnitude change from peak brightness to quiescence was unusually large for a nova.

All novae are binary stars, with a "donor" star orbiting a white dwarf so closely that matter is transferred from the donor to the white dwarf.  Pagnotta & Schaefer argued that the donor star for the EL Aquilae system is a red giant, based on its position in an infrared color–color diagram.  Tappert et al. suggest that Pagnotta & Schaefer misidentified EL Aquilae, and claim that EL Aquilae is probably an intermediate polar, a nova with a main sequence donor star, based on its eruption amplitude and color.

Notes

References

Novae
Aquila (constellation)
Aquilae, EL

EL Aquilae