Subjective well-being (SWB) is a self-reported measure of well-being, typically obtained by questionnaire.

Ed Diener developed a tripartite model of SWB in 1984, which describes how people experience the quality of their lives and includes both emotional reactions and cognitive judgments. It posits "three distinct but often related components of wellbeing: frequent positive affect, infrequent negative affect, and cognitive evaluations such as life satisfaction." SWB is an overarching ideology that encompasses such things as "high levels of pleasant emotions and moods, low levels of negative emotions and moods, and high life-satisfaction."

SWB therefore encompasses moods and emotions as well as evaluations of one's satisfaction with general and specific areas of one's life. SWB is one definition of happiness.

Although SWB tends to be stable over the time and is strongly related to personality traits, the emotional component of SWB can be impacted by situations; for example, the onset of the COVID-19 pandemic, lowered emotional well-being by 74%. There is evidence that health and SWB may mutually influence each other, as good health tends to be associated with greater happiness, and a number of studies have found that positive emotions and optimism can have a beneficial influence on health.

Construction of SWB
Diener argued that the various components of SWB represent distinct constructs that need to be understood separately, even though they are closely related. Hence, SWB may be considered "a general area of scientific interest rather than a single specific construct". Due to the specific focus on the subjective aspects of well-being, definitions of SWB typically exclude objective conditions such as material conditions or health, although these can influence ratings of SWB. Definitions of SWB therefore focus on how a person evaluates his/her own life, including emotional experiences of pleasure versus pain in response to specific events and cognitive evaluations of what a person considers a good life. Components of SWB relating to affect include positive affect (experiencing pleasant emotions and moods) and low negative affect (experiencing unpleasant, distressing emotions and moods), as well as "overall affect" or "hedonic balance", defined as the overall equilibrium between positive and negative affect, and usually measured as the difference between the two. High positive affect and low negative affect are often highly correlated, but not always.

Components of SWB
There are three components of SWB: affect (hedonic measures), life satisfaction (cognitive measures), and eudaimonia (a sense of meaning and purpose). Current research recognizes the importance of accurately assessing SWB within a society by focusing on how each component of SWB impacts the individual.

Affect
Affect refers to the emotions, moods, and feelings a person has. These can be all positive, all negative, or a combination of both positive and negative. Some research shows also that feelings of reward are separate from positive and negative affect. Research also recognizes that when evaluating subjective well-being, approaches to affect can be interchangeable between children and adults.

Life satisfaction
Life satisfaction (global judgments of one's life) and satisfaction with specific life domains (e.g. work satisfaction) are considered cognitive components of SWB. The term "happiness" is sometimes used in regards to SWB and has been defined variously as "satisfaction of desires and goals" (therefore related to life satisfaction), as a "preponderance of positive over negative affect" (therefore related to emotional components of SWB), as "contentment", and as a "consistent, optimistic mood state" and may imply an affective evaluation of one's life as a whole. Life satisfaction can also be known as the "stable" component in one's life. Affective concepts of SWB can be considered in terms of momentary emotional states as well as in terms of longer-term moods and tendencies (i.e. how much positive and/or negative affect a person generally experiences over any given period of time). Life satisfaction and in some research happiness are typically considered over long durations, up to one's lifetime. "Quality of life" has also been studied as a conceptualization of SWB. Although its exact definition varies, it is usually measured as an aggregation of well-being across several life domains and may include both subjective and objective components.

Eudaimonia
Eudaimonic measures seek to quantify traits like virtue and wisdom as well as concepts related to fulfilling our potential such as meaning, purpose, and flourishing. Eudaimonic measures are often regarded as a core component of SWB, particularly in the field of positive psychology. However, it is unclear whether measures of meaning are really measures of wellbeing and little data has been collected on them. It is difficult to prove that eudaimonic measures of SWB are reliable, and more research is needed to increase the reliability of research methods which utilize this component of subjective well-being. As interdisciplinary research becomes more commonplace, a stronger understanding of previously overlooked eudaimonic experiences may arise from more reliable research methods. The importance of assessing an individual's eudaimonia in understanding their subjective well-being can be seen as early as in research with elementary school students.

Measurement
Life satisfaction and Affect balance are generally measured separately and independently.
 Life satisfaction is generally measured using a self-report method. A common measurement for life satisfaction is questionnaires. In SWB research, evaluating life satisfaction is the most common practice.
 Affective balance is also generally measured using a self-report method. An example of a measurement of affective balance is the PANAS (Positive Affect Negative Affect Schedule).
Sometimes a single SWB question attempts to capture an overall picture. For example, the World Happiness Report uses a Cantril ladder survey, in which respondents are asked to think of a ladder, with the best possible life for them being a 10, and the worst possible life being a 0, and are then asked to rate their own current lives on that 0 to 10 scale.

The issue with such measurements of life satisfaction and affective balance is that they are self-reports. The problem with self-reports is that the participants may be lying or at least not telling the whole truth on the questionnaires. Participants may be lying or holding back from revealing certain things because they are either embarrassed or they may be filling in what they believe the researcher wants to see in the results. To gain more accurate results, other methods of measurement have been used to determine one's SWB.

Another way to corroborate or confirm that the self-report results are accurate is through informant reports. Informant reports are given to the participant's closest friends and family and they are asked to fill out either a survey or a form asking about the participants mood, emotions, and overall lifestyle. The participant may write in the self-report that they are very happy, however that participant's friends and family record that he/she is always depressed. This would obviously be a contradiction in results which would ultimately lead to inaccurate results. Informant reports are found to be ineffective to determine the subjective well-being of children.

Another method of gaining a better understanding of the true results is through ESM, or the Experience Sampling Method. In this measure, participants are given a beeper/pager that will randomly ring throughout the day. Whenever the beeper/pager sounds, the participant will stop what he/she is doing and record the activity they are currently engaged in and their current mood and feelings. Tracking this over a period of a week or a month will give researchers a better understanding of the true emotions, moods, and feelings the participant is experiencing, and how these factors interact with other thoughts and behaviors. Measuring an individual's mood over time may also be a reliable indicator of how their SWB is influenced on a day-to-day basis. A third measurement to ensure validity is the Day Reconstruction Method. In this measure, participants fill out a diary of the previous days' activities. The participant is then asked to describe each activity and provide a report of how they were feeling, what mood they were experiencing, and any emotions that surfaced. Thus to ensure valid results, a researcher may tend to use self-reports along with another form of measurement mentioned above. Someone with a high level of life satisfaction and a positive affective balance is said to have a high level of SWB.

The research into the SWB of blue-collar immigrant employees offers an alternative to the self-report method by instead measuring resource loss and gain. In research showing how cognitive, affective, or eudemonic components of SWB relate to consumption, it becomes clear that eudemonia needs to be measured differently than affect or cognition when evaluating an individual's subjective happiness. This research also highlights that an individual's affect can be used to measure SWB in the short-term, while SWB in the long-term can be measured through the Cantril ladder, life satisfaction, or eudemonia. Research into the relationship between the components of SWB and consumption highlights the positive impact relational and experiential consumption have on an individual's SWB, while clarifying how materialistic consumption prevents an individual from experiencing those positive effects. Research limitations that arise when measuring a person's affect include a narrow focus only on the short term, while limitations from measuring life satisfaction can be overly broad in the scope of the results.

Theories
Theories of the causes of SWB tend to emphasize either top-down or bottom-up influences.

Top-down perspective

In the top-down view, global features of personality influence the way a person perceives events. Individuals may therefore have a global tendency to perceive life in a consistently positive or negative manner, depending on their stable personality traits. Top-down theories of SWB suggest that people have a genetic predisposition to be happy or unhappy and this predisposition determines their SWB "setpoint". Set Point theory implies that a person's baseline or equilibrium level of SWB is a consequence of hereditary characteristics and therefore, almost entirely predetermined at birth. Evidence for this genetic predisposition derives from behavior-genetic studies that have found that positive and negative affectivity each have high heritability (40% and 55% respectively in one study). Numerous twin studies confirm the notion of set point theory, however, they do not rule out the possibility that is it possible for individuals to experience long term changes in SWB.

Diener et al. note that heritability studies are limited in that they describe long-term SWB in a sample of people in a modern western society but may not be applicable to more extreme environments that might influence SWB and do not provide absolute indicators of genetic effects. Additionally, heritability estimates are inconsistent across studies.

Further evidence for a genetically influenced predisposition to SWB comes from findings that personality has a large influence on long-term SWB. This has led to the dynamic equilibrium model of SWB. This model proposes that personality provides a baseline for emotional responses. External events may move people away from the baseline, sometimes dramatically, but these movements tend to be of limited duration, with most people returning to their baseline eventually.

Of the conclusions that can be drawn from assessing the development of subjective well-being across one's life span includes the extent to which the set point of SWB can be considered hereditary, which supports the top-down perspective.

Bottom-up perspective

From a bottom-up perspective, happiness is created from happy experiences. Bottom-up influences include external events, and broad situational and demographic factors, including health and marital status. Bottom-up approaches are based on the idea that there are universal basic human needs and that happiness results from their fulfilment. In support of this view, there is evidence that daily pleasurable events are associated with increased positive affect, and daily unpleasant events or hassles are associated with increased negative affect.

However, research suggests that external events account for a much smaller proportion of the variance in self-reports of SWB than top-down factors, such as personality. A theory proposed to explain the limited impact of external events on SWB is hedonic adaptation. Based originally on the concept of a "hedonic treadmill", this theory proposes that positive or negative external events temporarily increase or decrease feelings of SWB, but as time passes people tend to become habituated to their circumstances and have a tendency to return to a personal SWB "setpoint" or baseline level.

The hedonic treadmill theory originally proposed that most people return to a neutral level of SWB (i.e. neither happy nor unhappy) as they habituate to events. However, subsequent research has shown that for most people, the baseline level of SWB is at least mildly positive, as most people tend to report being at least somewhat happy in general and tend to experience positive mood when no adverse events are occurring. Additional refinements to this theory have shown that people do not adapt to all life events equally, as people tend to adapt rapidly to some events (e.g. imprisonment), slowly to others (e.g. the death of a loved one), and not at all to others (e.g. noise and sex).

The research behind the development of SWB across one's life span concludes that despite the impact certain experiences may have on an individual's subjective well-being their subjective well-being will eventually return to its set point over time, which supports the bottom-up perspective. Research describes homeostatically protected mood as the numeric set point where an individual's SWB will consistently return, supporting the ideas presented by the bottom-up perspective.

Factors

Personality and genetics
A number of studies have found that SWB constructs are strongly associated with a range of personality traits, including those in the five factor model. Findings from numerous personality studies show that genetics account for 20–48% of the variance in the Five-Factor Model and the variance in subjective well-being is also heritable. Specifically, neuroticism predicts poorer subjective well-being whilst extraversion, agreeableness, conscientiousness and openness to experience tend to predict higher subjective well-being. A Meta-analyses found that neuroticism, extraversion, agreeableness, and conscientiousness were significantly related to all facets of SWB examined (positive, negative, and overall affect; happiness; life satisfaction; and quality of life). Meta-analytic research shows that neuroticism is the strongest predictor of overall SWB and is the strongest predictor of negative affect.

A large number of personality traits are related to SWB constructs, although intelligence has negligible relationships. Positive affect is most strongly predicted by extraversion, to a lesser extent agreeableness, and more weakly by openness to experience. Happiness was most strongly predicted by extraversion, and also strongly predicted by neuroticism, and to a lesser extent by the other three factors. Life satisfaction was significantly predicted by neuroticism, extraversion, agreeableness, and conscientiousness. Quality of life was very strongly predicted by neuroticism, and also strongly predicted by extraversion and conscientiousness, and to a modest extent by agreeableness and openness to experience. One study found that subjective well-being was genetically indistinct from personality traits, especially those that reflected emotional stability (low Neuroticism), and social and physical activity (high Extraversion), and constraint (high Conscientiousness).

DeNeve (1999) argued that there are three trends in the relationship between personality and SWB. Firstly, SWB is closely tied to traits associated with emotional tendencies (emotional stability, positive affectivity, and tension). Secondly, relationship enhancing traits (e.g. trust, affiliation) are important for subjective well-being. Happy people tend to have strong relationships and be good at fostering them. Thirdly, the way people think about and explain events is important for subjective well-being. Appraising events in an optimistic fashion, having a sense of control, and making active coping efforts facilitates subjective well-being. Trust, a trait substantially related to SWB, as opposed to cynicism involves making positive rather than negative attributions about others. Making positive, optimistic attributions rather than negative pessimistic ones facilitates subjective well-being.

The related trait of eudaimonia or psychological well-being, is also heritable. Evidence from one study supports 5 independent genetic mechanisms underlying the Ryff facets of psychological well-being, leading to a genetic construct of eudaimonia in terms of general self-control, and four subsidiary biological mechanisms enabling the psychological capabilities of purpose, agency, growth, and positive social relations. In research assessing the relationship between health and SWB, psychological well-being emerges as the most inclusive terminology despite the determination of eudaimonia to be outside its scope. Autonomy is identified as one of the six factors that determine an individual's psychological well-being. Research shows the close relationship that autonomy and eudaimonia have with self-determination theory, which identifies autonomy as a basic human need.

Social influences

A person's level of subjective well-being is determined by many different factors and social influences prove to be a strong one. Results from the famous Framingham Heart Study indicate that friends three degrees of separation away (that is, friends of friends of friends) can affect a person's happiness. From abstract: "A friend who lives within a mile (about 1.6 km) and who becomes happy increases the probability that a person is happy by 25%."

Quality of social connections has a much stronger affect on SWB than the quantity of those connections. Those with fewer but more intimate social contacts report higher levels of SWB than those who have many contacts but lower quality of connections.

One's level of perceived support plays a role in predicting SWB. Those who believe to have a strong support group tend to have higher levels of SWB than those who do not. High levels of negative affect has also been correlated with low perceived social support. Frequent, high quality social interactions coupled with perceived social support will contribute greatly to the SWB a person experiences. Research has consistently shown that social influences are a key mechanism in supporting the homeostasis of one's SWB, as these influences provide the individual with an immediate positive response to whatever situation they may be facing.

By evaluating the research behind the experiences of blue-collar immigrant employees, it becomes clear that social influences have a direct impact on a person's SWB. When looking beyond the aesthetic aspect of relational consumption, the strong relationship that social influence has with SWB also becomes clear.

Research into the effect of social support on SWB shows that the social influence of family strongly impacts an individual's SWB, while the social influence of a friend has little to no impact on their SWB. Other research has concluded that SWB is directly related to social influence but does not reliably measure the cause-and-effect relationship between the two, creating the need for future research.

Social Media
Social media often leads to comparison. When people compare their life experiences with those seen on social media (which are primarily good, happy, or exciting experiences), those people experience a decrease in their quality of life. Fan Xiaojun et al. point out that, because self-presentation on social media is very common, viewers of those pages can experience chronic pressure, leading to overall lower SWB. Social media increases the effects that relational and experiential consumption have on an individual's overall SWB.

The digital footprint left by an individual's social media use can be exploited to assess the SWB of an entire population. Because of the challenges associated with assessing a self-reporting questionnaire from everyone in a population, an opportunity for Twitter to satisfy this need was created by providing a method of collecting large-scale public data that reflects everyone's reaction to their experiences within a population. Research highlights that the challenges associated with using word-level methods to assess subjective well-being can be overcome by utilizing data-driven methods to evaluate Twitter data and proves that the utilization of these methods can reliably predict future health and economic results.

Family

Research has not demonstrated that there are significant differences in subjective well-being between childless couples and couples with children. A research study by Pollmann-Schult (2014) found that when holding finances and time costs constant, parents are happier and show increased life satisfaction than non-parents.

Well-being within a family is determined by the relationship between their available resources and the family's demands. The research behind the relationship SWB has with family dynamics shows that future research needs to incorporate the baseline level at which family dynamics positively influence the SWB and development of adolescents as they prepare to enter society as adults. A positive correlation between an adolescent's SWB and the dynamics within their family is also reflected in research, supporting the idea that an adolescent's SWB depends on their experience with family dynamics. Through examining research highlighting the complexity of gender experiences between countries, it becomes clear that almost all societies on the planet are constructed in a way that favors boys over girls. Girls are more concerned by their satisfaction with self, their satisfaction with peers, and their satisfaction with family, while boys are more concerned by their satisfaction with their performance in school or other objective measures.

Wealth
Research indicates that wealth is related to many positive outcomes in life. Such outcomes include: improved health and mental health, greater longevity, lower rates of infant mortality, experience fewer stressful life events, and less frequently the victims of violent crimes However, research suggests that wealth has a smaller impact on SWB than people generally think, even though higher incomes do correlate substantially with life satisfaction reports.

The relative influence of wealth together with other material components on overall subjective well-being of a person is being studied through new research. The Well-being Project at Human Science Lab investigates how material well-being and perceptual well-being works as relative determinants in conditioning our mind for positive emotions.

In a study done by Aknin, Norton, & Dunn (2009), researchers asked participants from across the income spectrum to report their own happiness and to predict the happiness of others and themselves at different income levels. In study 1, predicted happiness ranged between 2.4 and 7.9, and actual happiness ranged between 5.2 and 7.7. In study 2, predicted happiness ranged between 15-80 and actual happiness ranged between 50 and 80. These findings show that people believe that money does more for happiness than it really does. However, some research indicates that while socioeconomic measures of status do not correspond to greater happiness, measures of sociometric status (status compared to people encountered face-to-face on a daily basis) do correlate to increased subjective well-being, above and beyond the effects of extroversion and other factors.

The Easterlin Paradox also suggests that there is no connection between a society's economic development and its average level of happiness. Through time, the Easterlin has looked at the relationship between happiness and gross domestic product (GDP) across countries and within countries. There are three different phenomena to look at when examining the connection between money and Subjective well-being; rising GDP within a country, relative income within a country, and differences in GDP between countries.

More specifically, when making comparisons between countries, a principle called the Diminishing Marginal Utility of Income (DMUI) stands strong. Veenhoven (1991) said, "[W]e not only see a clear positive relationship [between happiness and GNP per capita], but also a curvilinear pattern; which suggest that wealth is subject to a law of diminishing happiness returns." Meaning a $1,000 increase in real income, becomes progressively smaller the higher the initial level of income, having less of an impact on subjective well-being. Easterlin (1995) proved that the DMUI is true when comparing countries, but not when looking at rising gross domestic product within countries.

Health
There are substantial positive associations between health and SWB so that people who rate their general health as "good" or "excellent" tend to experience better SWB compared to those who rate their health as "fair" or "poor". A meta-analysis found that self-ratings of general health were more strongly related to SWB than physician ratings of health. The relationship between health and SWB may be bidirectional. There is evidence that good subjective well-being contributes to better health.
A review of longitudinal studies found that measures of baseline subjective well-being constructs such as optimism and positive affect predicted longer-term health status and mortality. Conversely, a number of studies found that baseline depression predicted poorer longer-term health status and mortality. Baseline health may well have a causal influence on subjective well-being so causality is difficult to establish.
A number of studies found that positive emotions and optimism had a beneficial impact on cardiovascular health and on immune functioning. Changes in mood are also known to be associated with changes in immune and cardiovascular response.
There is evidence that interventions that are successful in improving subjective well-being can have beneficial effects on aspects of health. For example, meditation and relaxation training have been found to increase positive affect and to reduce blood pressure. The effect of specific types of subjective well-being is not entirely clear. For example, how durable the effects of mood and emotions on health are remains unclear. Whether some types of subjective well-being predict health independently of others is also unclear. Meditation has the power to increase happiness because it can improve self-confidence and reduces anxiety, which increases your well-being. Cultivating personal strengths and resources, like humour, social/animal company, and daily occupations, also appears to help people preserve acceptable levels of SWB despite the presence of symptoms of depression, anxiety, and stress.

Research suggests that probing a patient's happiness is one of the most important things a doctor can do to predict that patient's health and longevity. In health-conscious modern societies, most people overlook the emotions as a vital component of one's health, while over focusing on diet and exercise. According to Diener & Biswas-Diener, people who are happy become less sick than people who are unhappy. There are three types of health: morbidity, survival, and longevity. Evidence suggests that all three can be improved through happiness:

 Morbidity, simply put, is whether or not someone develops a serious illness, such as the flu or cancer. In a 30-year longitudinal study, participants who were high in positive emotions were found to have lower rates of many health problems. Some of these illnesses/problems include lower death rates from heart disease, suicide, accidents, homicides, mental illnesses, drug dependency, and liver disease related to alcoholism. Additionally, results showed that depressed participants were more likely to have heart attacks and recurrences of heart attacks when compared to happy people.
 Survival is the term used for what happens to a person after he/she has already developed or contracted a serious illness. Although happiness has been shown to increase health, with survival, this may not be the case. Survival may be the only area of health that evidence suggests happiness may actually be sometimes detrimental. It is unclear why exactly research results suggest this is the case, however Diener & Biswas-Diener offer an explanation. It is possible that happy people fail to report symptoms of the illness, which can ultimately lead to no treatment or inadequate treatment. Another possible reason may be that happy people tend to be optimistic, leading them to take their symptoms too lightly, seek treatment too late, and/or follow the doctor's instructions half-heartedly. And lastly, Diener & Biswas-Diener suggest that people with serious illnesses may be more likely to choose to live out the rest of their days without painful or invasive treatments.
 Longevity, the third area of health, is measured by an individual's age of death. Head researcher Deborah Danner of the University of Kentucky researched links between an individual's happiness and that individual's longevity. Danner recruited 180 Catholic nuns from a nearby convent as the participants of her study. She chose nuns because they live very similar lives. This eliminates many confounding variables that might be present in other samples, which can lead to inaccurate results. Such confounding variables could include substance use, diet, and sexual risk-taking. Since there are few differences among the nuns as far as the confounding variables, this sample offered the best option to match a controlled laboratory setting. Results showed that nuns who were considered happy or positive in their manner and language on average lived 10 years longer than the nuns who were considered unhappy or negative in their manner and language. A follow-up study by health researcher Sarah Pressman examined 96 famous psychologists to determine if similar results from the nun research would be seen as well. Pressman's results showed that the positive or happy psychologists lived, on average, 6 years longer. The psychologists who were considered negative or unhappy lived, on average, 5 years less. The positive emotions produced by SWB are shown through research to increase longevity over a 28-year period, while also providing a reliable measure of how SWB impacts an individual's longevity by excluding aging populations that would not have provided an accurate measure of mortality, and by using a more comprehensive view of an individual's SWB to determine the effect on longevity. The research behind how SWB impacts longevity also establishes a baseline for health within the population and supports other research conclusions which state that an individual's social network creates a similar relationship with longevity to SWB.

Physical characteristics
A positive relationship has been found between the volume of gray matter in the right precuneus area of the brain, and the subject's subjective happiness score. A six-week mindfulness based intervention was found to correlate with a significant gray matter increase within the precuneus.

Research that examines the relationship between age and subjective well-being shows that peak psychological well-being can be found in an individual's old age, which also reflects the time in their life when self-discrepancy is least available and accessible to an individual. By understanding what maximizes the utility of an individual's experiences, an individual can gain the ability to ensure that they age positively. Since this research shows the significant impact goal discrepancies have on an individual's subjective well-being, it is also implied that managing an individual's goal discrepancies serves as a tool to maintain positive subjective well-being. The research behind the effect of leisure activities on SWB comes to the conclusion that SWB decreases in old age, adding that quality of life also begins to decrease for this demographic.

Leisure
There are a number of domains that are thought to contribute to subjective well-being. In a study by Hribernik and Mussap (2010), leisure satisfaction was found to predict unique variance in life satisfaction, supporting its inclusion as a distinct life domain contributing to subjective well-being. Additionally, relationship status interacted with age group and gender on differences in leisure satisfaction. The relationship between leisure satisfaction and life satisfaction, however, was reduced when considering the impact of core affect (underlying mood state). This suggests that leisure satisfaction may primarily be influenced by an individual's SWB level as represented by core affect. This has implications for possible limitations in the extent to which leisure satisfaction may be improved beyond pre-existing levels of well-being and mood in individuals. Multiple sources have examined the way that leisure activities can positively impact an individual's SWB through assessing relational consumption. Research shows that regular leisure activities are positively correlated with SWB while the individual's preferred activity itself may vary between gender and age groups, thus indicating the need for further study around SWB benefits provided by leisure activities in relation to gender and age. One leisure activity that research has shown to benefit both genders and all age groups is leisure activities involving family. Going forward, research examining the effects of adolescent's engagement in leisure activities over a long period of time may show their long-term effects on an individual's SWB throughout their life.

Cultural variations

Although all cultures seem to value happiness, cultures vary in how they define happiness. There is also evidence that people in more individualistic cultures tend to rate themselves as higher in subjective well-being compared to people in more collectivistic cultures.

In Western cultures, predictors of happiness include elements that support personal independence, a sense of personal agency, and self-expression. In Eastern cultures, predictors of happiness focus on an interdependent self that is inseparable from significant others. Compared to people in individualistic cultures, people in collectivistic cultures are more likely to base their judgments of life satisfaction on how significant others appraise their life than on the balance of inner emotions experienced as pleasant versus unpleasant. Pleasant emotional experiences have a stronger social component in East Asian cultures compared to Western ones. For example, people in Japan are more likely to associate happiness with interpersonally engaging emotions (such as friendly feelings), whereas people in the United States are more likely to associate happiness with interpersonally disengaging emotions (pride, for example). There are also cultural differences in motives and goals associated with happiness. For example, Asian Americans tend to experience greater happiness after achieving goals that are pleasing to or approved of by significant others compared to European Americans. There is also evidence that high self-esteem, a sense of personal control and a consistent sense of identity relate more strongly to SWB in Western cultures than they do in Eastern ones. However, this is not to say that these things are unimportant to SWB in Eastern cultures. Research has found that even within Eastern cultures, people with high self-esteem and a more consistent sense of identity are somewhat happier than those who are low in these characteristics. There is no evidence that low self-esteem and so on are actually beneficial to SWB in any known culture.

A large body of research evidence has confirmed that people in individualistic societies report higher levels of happiness than people in collectivistic ones and that socioeconomic factors alone are insufficient to explain this difference. In addition to political and economic differences, individualistic versus collectivistic nations reliably differ in a variety of psychological characteristics that are related to SWB, such as emotion norms and attitudes to the expression of individual needs. Collectivistic cultures are based around the belief that the individual exists for the benefit of the larger social unit, whereas more individualistic cultures assume the opposite. Collectivistic cultures emphasize maintaining social order and harmony and therefore expect members to suppress their personal desires when necessary in order to promote collective interests. Such cultures therefore consider self-regulation more important than self-expression or than individual rights. Individualistic cultures by contrast emphasize the inalienable value of each person and expect individuals to become self-directive and self-sufficient. Although people in collectivistic cultures may gain happiness from the social approval they receive from suppressing self-interest, research seems to suggest that self-expression produces a greater happiness "payoff" compared to seeking approval outside oneself.

Despite westerners reporting higher levels of subjective well-being than easterners, they also have more frequent reports of depression. The differing beliefs on self-expression help explain what may at first seem paradoxical. Westerners tend to encourage individual expression, which leads to a greater focus on one's own emotions. This increased self-awareness combines with the normative belief that joy should be more common than sadness. People living under these conditions can catastrophize their own negative emotions; feeling increased sadness over the fact that they are either not currently happy or frequently happy. Easterners tend to be more concerned about their collective's feelings over their own individual feelings. They do not typically catastrophize their sadness but instead learn to brush it off.

Blue-collar immigrant workers fill a significant gap in the world economy, yet their experiences are often either overlooked or overly generalized, such as research that measures all immigrant's experiences as a single group. Research has shown that the country which a person immigrates to has a significant influence on their experience with SWB. The nature of immigration also leads to immediate resource loss when a person leaves their family and community of origin. An individual's cultural values may ultimately prevent them from seeking a psychological need if it is not supported by those values, highlighting that determining the uniform psychological needs of a population from research requires careful consideration of the population's cultural variations.

One conclusion that can be drawn from the research behind the advantages of data-driven methods over word-level methods in assessing SWB of a population is that cultural variations may be overlooked or biases may arise unconsciously from word-level methods, while data-driven methods can accurately account for the socioeconomic implications of language beyond the positive or negative influence of the word.

Positive psychology
Positive psychology is particularly concerned with the study of SWB. Positive psychology was founded by Seligman and Csikszentmihalyi (2000) who identified that psychology is not just the study of pathology, weakness, and damage; but it is also the study of strength and virtue. Researchers in positive psychology have pointed out that in almost every culture studied the pursuit of happiness is regarded as one of the most valued goals in life. Understanding individual differences in SWB is of key interest in positive psychology, particularly the issue of why some people are happier than others. Some people continue to be happy in the face of adversity whereas others are chronically unhappy at the best of times.

Positive psychology has investigated how people might improve their level of SWB and maintain these improvements over the longer term, rather than returning to baseline. Lyubomirsky (2001) argued that SWB is influenced by a combination of personality/genetics (studies have found that genetic influences usually account for 35-50% of the variance in happiness measures), external circumstances, and activities that affect SWB. She argued that changing one's external circumstances tends to have only a temporary effect on SWB, whereas engaging in activities (mental and/or physical) that enhance SWB can lead to more lasting improvements in SWB. Research shows that positive psychology can be used to determine the point at which an individual's SWB is in homeostasis, meaning a reliable baseline can be provided to assess and maintain the SWB of a population. By defining a normative range from which to measure SWB, positive psychology is able to identify individuals and groups that may benefit the most from interventions. Research also tells us that when the SWB of a group is initially very low, any intervention will likely be sufficient in providing the resources needed to support the return of their SWB to homeostatic levels.

Nature
The recent interest in subjective well-being components described in literature has led to research into value of urban green spaces. If we continue to include SWB measurements when creating urban spaces, then we will continue to gain a better understanding of how urban planning influences an individual's experience. A better understanding of psychological and medical topics will lead us to seek the benefits that come from improving our relationship with nature as humans. As we deepen our understanding of ourselves and our experience, we must also recognize the value that the environment provides to humans and the value that humans provide to the environment. Research reviews around the SWB benefits associated with cultural economic systems show the need for established universal terminology to allow for the ease of interdisciplinary collaboration. Because a person's relationship with nature can be assessed both objectively and subjectively, it is difficult to measure all of the benefits UGS's provide to the SWB of society.

Research shows that nature relatedness directly impacts an individual's SWB. Nature relatedness is defined as our connection as humans to the rest of the universe. Greater nature relatedness in people reflects greater affect and life satisfaction when evaluating the impact of nature relatedness on the components of subjective well-being, and also reflects a strong correlation between nature relatedness and eudaimonic perspectives when environmental attitudes are part of the control group.

Use in happiness economics

SWB is often used in appraising the wellbeing of populations.

Economic factors
Economic systems theory offers a baseline for various disciplines to determine value.

Macroeconomics infers a positive correlation between gross domestic product and national income with citizen's individual welfare. Current research into objective macroeconomic influences can be used to evaluate society and inform public policy by inferring SWB expectations for the future. Even when focusing on the internal components of an individual's happiness, it is still clear that macroeconomic factors positively influence SWB while providing a reliable source of measurement to determine an individual's experience in society. Shared Socioeconomic Pathways have emerged from the research behind the relationship between SWB and the macroeconomic factors which coincide with an individual's life-satisfaction. The SSP's developed by this research have pushed the interdisciplinary boundaries by using data from both past experiences and future expectations to address climate change issues. The discipline may also continue to grow through the development of scenarios which measure both social support and freedom of choice, and by using Sustainable Development Goals to implement another long-term scenario supported by the concept that SWB is a static factor. The goal of welfare research is to quantify the social welfare function, a process that has been propelled forward by the increased accessibility of SWB data. Early welfare literature highlights social choice theory as the methodology behind collectively conveying the experience of the individual to express the social welfare function. Despite the many variables accounted for in this research, the conclusion that socio-economic development will strongly influence the SWB of the population remains constant and clear.

Microeconomics infers that an individual maximizes the utility of their resources through consumption. Microeconomic theory overlooks the value saving can have on an individual's experience, and also directly influenced the thinking behind researching the relationship between SWB and consumption.

Workplace
SWB in the workplace increases productivity and the meaning people make through their work. Many factors can affect SWB in the workplace. One of the bigger factors is negative gossip. A study from Xiamen University found that negative gossip is highly correlated with low levels of SWB. To combat this issue, Cheng et al. suggest offering support to employees who feel psychological distress and help the staff increase their emotional intelligence.

When a person has high levels of SWB in the workplace, that person is often more productive. SWB helps employees to feel less burned out, leading to higher productivity and more desire or willingness to work extra hours. Many people consider SWB, in the workplace specifically, as a necessary condition for happiness. In other words, these people are saying that, if they do not feel SWB in the workplace, they will not feel happiness in life.

Employee's SWB has not only lead to higher profits, but also higher customer loyalty and lower turnover. Prioritizing the SWB of the employees benefits all aspects of an organization.

See also
 Canadian Index of Wellbeing
 Personality psychology
 Flow
 Religion and happiness
 Reasonable person model (RPM)

References

External links
 World Values Survey web site
 The happiness show
 Martin Seligman's Authentic Happiness site

Positive psychology
Emotions
Personal life
Happiness
Suffering
Quality of life
Mental health
Subjective experience
Well-being

Subjective well-being


In Boolean algebra,  a parity function is a Boolean function whose value is one if and only if the input vector has an odd number of ones. The parity function of two inputs is also known as the XOR function.

The parity function is notable for its role in theoretical investigation of circuit complexity of Boolean functions.

The output of the parity function is the parity bit.

Definition
The -variable parity function is the Boolean function  with the property that  if and only if the number of ones in the vector  is odd.
In other words,  is defined as follows:

where  denotes exclusive or.

Properties
Parity only depends on the number of ones and is therefore a symmetric Boolean function.

The n-variable parity function and its negation are the only Boolean functions for which all disjunctive normal forms have the maximal number of 2 n − 1 monomials of length n and all conjunctive normal forms have  the maximal number of 2 n − 1 clauses of length n.

Computational complexity
Some of the earliest work in computational complexity was 1961 bound of Bella Subbotovskaya showing the size of a Boolean formula computing parity must be at least . This work uses the method of random restrictions. This exponent of  has been increased through careful analysis to  by Paterson and Zwick (1993) and then to  by Håstad (1998).

In the early 1980s, Merrick Furst, James Saxe and Michael Sipser  and independently Miklós Ajtai established super-polynomial lower bounds on the size of constant-depth Boolean circuits for the parity function, i.e., they showed that polynomial-size constant-depth circuits cannot compute the parity function. Similar results were also established for the majority, multiplication and transitive closure functions, by reduction from the parity function.

 established tight exponential lower bounds on the size of constant-depth Boolean circuits for the parity function. Håstad's Switching Lemma is the key technical tool used for these lower bounds and Johan Håstad was awarded the Gödel Prize for this work in 1994.
The precise result is that depth- circuits with AND, OR, and NOT gates require size  to compute the parity function.
This is asymptotically almost optimal as there are depth- circuits computing parity which have size .

Infinite version
An infinite parity function is a function  mapping every infinite binary string to 0 or 1, having the following property: if  and  are infinite binary strings differing only on finite number of coordinates then  if and only if  and  differ on even number of coordinates.

Assuming axiom of choice it can be easily proved that parity functions exist and there are  many of them - as many as the number of all functions from  to . It is enough to take one representative per equivalence class of relation  defined as follows:  if  and  differ at finite number of coordinates. Having such representatives, we can map all of them to 0; the rest of  values are deducted unambiguously.

Infinite parity functions are often used in theoretical Computer Science and Set Theory because of their simple definition and - on the other hand - their descriptive complexity. For example, it can be shown that an inverse image  is a non-Borel set.

See also
Walsh function, a continuous equivalent
Parity bit, the output of the function
Piling-up lemma, a statistical property for independent inputs
Multiway switching, a physical implementation often used to control lighting

Related topics:
Error Correction
Error Detection

References

Boolean algebra
Circuit complexity
Functions and mappings

Parity function


Cottonwood may refer to:

Plants
 Celtis conferta subsp. amblyphylla, a tree in the hemp and hackberry family
 Hibiscus tiliaceus,  a flowering shrub or tree in the mallow family
 In the genus Populus, a number of difficult-to-distinguish trees:
 Populus angustifolia (narrowleaf cottonwood), in the Great Basin
 Populus balsamifera (balsam cottonwood), in Canada and parts of northern United States
 Populus heterophylla (swamp cottonwood), in the eastern United States
 Populus trichocarpa (black cottonwood), in the Pacific Northwest of North America
 Populus x jackii (balm-of-Gilead)
 Populus × acuminata, lanceleaf cottonwood,
Populus sect. Aigeiros, a section of three species
 Populus deltoides (eastern cottonwood), in eastern, central, and southwestern United States, and parts of Canada and Mexico
 Populus fremontii (Fremont cottonwood), in the southwestern United States and Mexico
 Populus nigra (black poplar), in Europe, Asia, and Africa

Places
 Cottonwoods, Manitoba, an unincorporated community in Manitoba, Canada

United States
 Cottonwood, Alabama, a town
 Cottonwood, Arizona, a city
 Cottonwood, California, a census-designated place in Shasta County
 Cottonwood, Yolo County, California, a ghost town
 Cottonwood, Colorado, a neighborhood in the town of Parker
 Cottonwood, Georgia, an unincorporated community in the City of Fayetteville, Georgia
 Cottonwood, Idaho, a city
 Cottonwood Falls, Kansas, a city
 Cottonwood, Minnesota, a city
 Cottonwood, Coal County, Oklahoma, an unincorporated community
 Cottonwood, Sequoyah County, Oklahoma, an unincorporated community
 Cottonwood, South Dakota, a town
 Cottonwood, Callahan County, Texas, an unincorporated community
 Cottonwood, Kaufman County, Texas, a city
 Cottonwood West, Utah, an unincorporated area in Salt Lake County that has since become part of the cities of Holladay and Murray
 Cottonwood Heights, Utah, a city south of Cottonwood West
 Alamo, Texas, a city in Texas, US, the name of which means "Cottonwood tree" in Spanish/Mexican

People
 Eli Cottonwood, ring name of professional wrestler Kipp Christianson formerly from WWE's NXT
 Joe Cottonwood (born 1947), American author of fiction and poetry

Other uses
 Cottonwood Limestone, a geologic member of limestone in Nebraska, Kansas, and Oklahoma
 Cottonwood (EP), a 2019 EP by NLE Choppa

See also
 Cottonwood Island (disambiguation)
 Cottonwood Lake (disambiguation)
 Cottonwood River (disambiguation)
 Cottonwood Township (disambiguation)
 Cotton tree (disambiguation)

Cottonwood


Jonathan Bigelow "John" Hornsby (born June 13, 1956, Williamsburg, Virginia) is an American composer, musician and actor. He is the brother of musician and composer Bruce Hornsby, and the two have collaborated often.

Hornsby co-wrote seven of nine songs on the multi-platinum album The Way It Is, including the top-five hit "Mandolin Rain". Other tracks on the album helped establish what some labeled the "Virginia sound", a mixture of rock, jazz, and bluegrass, with an observational Southern feel. Bruce Hornsby's group, Bruce Hornsby and the Range, would go on to win the Grammy Award for Best New Artist in 1986. The Hornsby brothers co-wrote "Jacob's Ladder", which became a #1 hit for Huey Lewis and the News in 1987, and "The Valley Road", for the group's 1988 follow-up album Scenes from the Southside.

Hornsby contributed to six film soundtracks and was an actor in A Place to Grow in 1998, playing one of the "Centennial Singers."

He is a graduate of the University of Virginia Law School, class of 1987.

He lives in Charlottesville, Virginia, with his wife, Paige, and daughters Charlotte, Emily, Jane and son Nathan.

References

1956 births
Living people
American male composers
21st-century American composers
University of Virginia School of Law alumni
Songwriters from Virginia
People from Williamsburg, Virginia

John Hornsby


Village of the Damned is a 1960 British science fiction horror film by Anglo-German director Wolf Rilla. The film is adapted from the novel The Midwich Cuckoos (1957) by John Wyndham. The lead role of Professor Gordon Zellaby was played by George Sanders.

A sequel, Children of the Damned (1964), followed, as did a remake, also called Village of the Damned (1995).

Plot
The inhabitants of the British village of Midwich suddenly fall unconscious, as does anyone entering the village. The military establishes a cordon around Midwich and sends in a man wearing a gas mask, but he, too, falls unconscious and is pulled back with rope. The man awakens and reports experiencing a cold sensation just before passing out. The pilot of a military reconnaissance plane is contacted and asked to investigate. When he flies below 5,000 feet, he loses consciousness and the plane crashes. A five-mile exclusion zone around the village is established for all aircraft. After approximately four hours, the villagers regain consciousness, and all are apparently unaffected.

Two months later, all women and girls of child-bearing age in the affected area are discovered to be pregnant, sparking many accusations of both infidelity and extramarital sex. The accusations fade as the extraordinary nature of the pregnancies is discovered, with seven-month fetuses appearing after only five months. All the women give birth on the same day. Their children have an unusual appearance, including "arresting" eyes, odd scalp hair construction and colour (platinum blond), and unusually narrow fingernails. As the children grow and develop at a rapid rate, it becomes clear they also have a powerful telepathic bond with one another. They can communicate with each other over great distances, and as one learns something, so do the others.

Three years later, Professor Gordon Zellaby (Sanders), whose wife Anthea (Shelley) gave birth to one of the children, attends a meeting with British Intelligence to discuss the children. There he learns Midwich was not the only place affected; follow-up investigations have revealed similar phenomena in other areas of the world.

At age three, the children are precocious, physically and mentally the equivalent of children four times their age. Their behaviour has become even more unusual and striking. They dress impeccably, always walk as a group, speak in an adult manner, and behave maturely, but they show no conscience or love, and demonstrate a coldness to others, causing the villagers to fear and shun them.

The children begin to exhibit the power to read minds and to force people to do things against their will. There have been a number of villagers' deaths since the children were born, many of which are considered unusual, and some citizens believe the children are responsible. This is confirmed when the children are seen killing a man by making him crash his car into a wall, and again when they force his suspicious brother to shoot himself.

Zellaby, whose "son" David is one of the children, is at first eager to work with them, trying to teach them while hoping to learn more about them. The children are placed in a separate building where they will learn and live. While the children continue to exert their will, Zellaby is informed that the Soviet government has fired a nuclear shell and destroyed the Russian village that was the only other place on Earth where such children still lived.

Zellaby compares the children's resistance to reasoning with a brick wall and uses this motif as self-protection against their mind-reading after the children's inhuman nature becomes clear to him. He takes a hidden time-bomb to a session with the children and tries to block their awareness of the bomb by visualizing a brick wall. David scans his mind, showing an emotion (astonishment) for the first time. The children eventually manage to break down Zellaby's mental wall and discover the truth just a moment before the bomb detonates, consuming the building in flames and killing everyone in the house, including Zellaby. While Zellaby had sent Anthea away with her military major brother, Alan Bernard (Gwynn), they, upon Anthea realizing that Zellaby was planning something drastic, return, and a distance away, watch the building explode.

Cast

Production

Development

Film rights to the novel were bought by MGM in June 1957, prior to the book's publication. Milo Frank was assigned to produce. John Lupton was announced as a possible star.

By December, the title had been changed to Village of the Damned and Russ Tamblyn, who appeared as the lead in MGM's Tom Thumb (1958), was named as a possible star. In January 1958, MGM president Joseph R. Vogel announced the film would be among the movies made by the studio that year. Robert Stevens signed to direct.

The film was originally intended as an American picture, to be filmed at the Metro-Goldwyn-Mayer studios in Culver City. Stirling Silliphant wrote a script with Ronald Colman in mind as the lead. Colman died in May 1958. (His widow, actress Benita Hume, married actor George Sanders in 1959, and Sanders took the role meant for Colman.)

In September 1958, Michael Rennie said he was being considered for the lead. In October, Mel Dinelli was reportedly working on a script. In January 1959, Julia Meade signed to play a lead role.

Move to UK
The film was transferred to the MGM-British Studios. In November 1959, George Sanders was cast in the lead role.

Six weeks before filming was to begin, the project was passed to television director Wolf Rilla. He thought the script by Stirling Silliphant "needed a lot of work to make it realistic. It was written by an American who had not gained a great deal of knowledge concerning English life; it just rang false." Rilla was told he had a weekend to make changes so he and Ronald Kinnoch, now the producer, collaborated. "I still don't think the script was as good as it could have been but there simply wasn't time," said Rilla.

The film had a shooting schedule of six weeks and a budget of £82,000. Most filming took place at MGM's Borehamwood Studio but it was also shot on location in the village of Letchmore Heath, near Watford, approximately  north of London. Local buildings such as The Three Horseshoes Pub and Aldenham School were used during filming.

Rilla used a "very low-key documentary manner. It made, I think, the strange happenings even stranger... the horrors were so much more horrible because they were so much more normal.".

The glowing-eye effect, when the children used their mental powers, was achieved by creating animated overlays of a bright white iris; this created a bright glowing iris with a black pupil when optically printed into the film. This technique was used mostly on freeze-frame shot to create the required effect; the only sequence of live motion processed in this way was the scene in which David tells Alan Bernard to "leave us alone" where the eye effect appears as David speaks. The other time David's eyes go from normal to glowing on screen (after one of the girl children is nearly run down by a car), a two shot of the girl and David, is a composite shot split by a slightly jagged black line; the half with the girl is live motion, and you can see her hair moving in the breeze, whereas the half with David is a freeze frame with the eye effect added.

A similar split screen effect is used during the first scene of a boy and girl using their powers to stop their 'brother' stealing a puzzle box; the close ups of the mother holding the boy as his eyes begin to glow and she turns to look at him are achieved as above this time without a black line separating the freeze frames of the boy from the live motion of the mother. The final effect of the children's eyes zooming out of the flames of their burning school house utilized multiple exposures of a model head with glowing eyes which the camera zoomed in on.

For the original release of the film in Britain, censors required the glowing eye effects not be used in the British version of the film to get an 'A' certificate rather than an 'X'- so . a UK version without the glowing eyes was produced, in which effects show that during the final sequence, in the close-ups, the kids widen their eyes as they attack Zellaby's mind, unlike the freeze frames with added glowing eyes used in the American prints. Another example is a slight smile that David makes after setting one of the villagers on fire in the UK print; the freeze frames of the American print do not contain such subtle detail. This print also has a credit for being filmed at MGM's British studios that is not on the American prints.

Release

Theatrical release
Given an 'A' certificate by the British censors, the film opened in June 1960 at The Ritz cinema in Leicester Square, London. According to director Wolf Rilla, it soon attracted audiences, and cinema goers queued round the block to see it. In December of the same year it was released New York and Los Angeles; it became a sleeper hit for MGM in the US.

Home media
MGM first released the VHS format on April 27, 1995. The film was also released on DVD by Warner Home Video on August 10, 2004, and on Blu-ray by Warner Archive Collection on July 21, 2018.

Box office
According to MGM records the film earned $1.4 million in the US and Canada and $775,000 elsewhere, resulting in a profit of $860,000. Kine Weekly called it a "money maker" at the British box office in 1960.

Critical reception
The 18 June 1960 edition of The Guardian praised the story as "most ingenious" and Rilla as applying "the right laconic touch." Positive reviews also appeared in The Observer (by C.A. Lejeune): "The further you have moved away from fantasy, the more you will understand its chill"; and The People (by Ernest Betts), "As a horror film with a difference, it'll give you the creeps for 77 minutes." Dilys Powell in The Sunday Times stated on 20 June 1960: "Well made British film: the effective timing, the frightening matter-of-factness of the village setting, most of the acting, and especially the acting of the handsome flaxen-haired children (headed by Martin Stevens) who are the cold villains of the piece."

American critics were also in favour of the film. The Time reviewer called it "one of the neatest little horror pictures produced since Peter Lorre went straight" and questioned the wisdom of MGM's low-profile release strategy. While not willing to call it a horror classic, Howard Thompson of The New York Times wrote, "as a quietly civilized exercise in the fear and power of the unknown this picture is one of the trimmest, most original and serenely unnerving little chillers in a long time." The film received a small but positive mention in the Saturday Review which called it "an absorbing little picture that you may yet be able to find on some double-feature bill." Author and film critic Leonard Maltin gave the film three out of a possible four stars, calling it "[an] eerie, well-made chiller." On Rotten Tomatoes, the film has an approval rating of 93%, based on 40 reviews, with an average rating of 7.6/10. The website's critical consensus reads, "Chilling performances and a restrained, eerie atmosphere make this British horror both an unnerving parable of its era and a timeless classic." The climactic scene in which the children break down Zellaby's mental brick wall is #92 on the Bravo miniseries 100 Scariest Movie Moments.

Sequel and remake
An MGM-British sequel, Children of the Damned, directed by Anton M. Leader, was released in 1964 with a smaller group of six children (each one from a different nation: China, India, Nigeria, the Soviet Union, the United States and the UK). Although their powers are similar, the theme and tone are nearly opposite, with the children in the sequel being portrayed as sympathetic characters.

A US-produced remake was released in 1995 by Universal. Also titled Village of the Damned, the film was directed by John Carpenter and moved to a contemporary time period and an American setting. It was not well received by critics.

See also

 Stepford Cuckoos

References

Notes

Additional sources

 'Beware the Stare' (2003) BBC Radio 4 Documentary (11/12/03) (Wolf Rilla interview).
 Skyrack Newsletter No. 20 (20 June 1960), at the bottom of page this note: *** Ritz, Leicester Sq. showing VILLAGE OF THE DAMNED (Midwich Cuckoos). Also, No. 10 (1 December 1959), this note: # MGM-British are to make the Midwich Cuckoos with George Sanders. And a short positive review of the film by George Locke in No. 21 (25 July 1960).
  Off air VHS of BBC2 1992 screening without glowing eyes.
  Off air recording of TCM 2009 screening (in 4:3 ratio) with glowing eyes.

External links

1960 films
1960 horror films
1960s science fiction horror films
British black-and-white films
British science fiction horror films
Films scored by Ron Goodwin
Films based on science fiction novels
Films based on British novels
Films directed by Wolf Rilla
Metro-Goldwyn-Mayer films
Films with screenplays by Stirling Silliphant
Village of the Damned films
Films shot at MGM-British Studios
1960s English-language films
Films about children
1960s British films

Village of the Damned (1960 film)


Joel Jalmari Ruokokoski, known as Jali (1886-1936) was a Finnish Expressionist painter. Although most of his works were landscapes and still-lifes, he is probably best known for a series of portraits (including numerous self-portraits) painted mostly during the 1910s. Although Ruokokoski never officially joined the November Group, (Marraskuun ryhmä), he participated in the galleries set up by the group.

Biography
His father was a shoemaker from Savonia. The family returned to Finland when he was thirteen and settled in Helsinki. He studied at the "Central School of Art and Design" from 1902 to 1904 and at the "Art Society Drawing School" from 1903 to 1906. There he met Tyko Sallinen. His first public showing came in 1905. Until his first artistic breakthrough came four years later, he earned extra money by drawing advertisements and cartoons. In 1907 he was engaged with a girl named Olga, whom he had encountered in a cafe that he frequently visited. The engagement was broken after a short while the same year.

He was very fond of public festivities; especially the circus. In 1909 he married a Swedish-Italian tightrope walker named Elvira Bono. In 1910, they were able to take a trip to Paris, courtesy of a scholarship, and he was introduced to the work of the Impressionists.

In 1912, he spent some time in Helsingør, Denmark, with the family of Niels-Peder Rydeng (1880-1949), a tailor and art collector who had once employed Tyko Sallinen. Word had gotten about that Rydeng was a generous man who would offer free room and board in return for paintings. He stayed for several weeks, producing sixty paintings, including portraits of Rydeng's family. They developed a lasting friendship and Ruokokoski returned there many times for brief visits.

Back in Helsinki, he was able to sell all the paintings he had brought with him at an exhibition in the Ateneum, but spent most of the money on a drinking and partying binge. This (and a possible flirtation while he was in Helsingør) created a rift between him and his wife, which widened, so they separated. He attempted to emigrate to America in 1914, but the police removed him from the ship due to unpaid debts.

Second marriage and more difficulties
In 1915, he settled in Hyvinkää, where he and Sallinen opened adjacent studios called "Humala ja Krapula" (Drunk and Hungover). Ruokokoski lived in "Drunk", painting what he saw from his windows, with an occasional trip to do landscapes. He stayed there until 1918, when he divorced Elvira and married Saima Forsström, a model, despite his studio's financial failure. They stayed together for ten years, then separated, although they never divorced and he continued to visit their five children.

He was always successful as an artist, exhibiting throughout Scandinavia as well as Rome and Milan, but continued to squander most of his money and was never far from financial ruin. He began producing quickly sketched pictures of simple things such as leaves, food and sunsets to earn extra income. An antique shop that he opened in 1924 failed after only a year. By 1931, he was barely eking out a living from a small tenement apartment.

His last exhibition was in 1935. Toward the end of that year, he was hospitalized for alcohol abuse, which had damaged his liver and given him throat cancer. He died the following Spring.

Works

See also
 Finnish art

References

Further reading
Leonard Bäcksbacka, "J. Ruokokoski - Ungdomsverk", Konstsalongens förlag, 1943
Leonard Bäcksbacka, "J. Ruokokoski - Bohemen - Bravurkonstnären", Konstsalongens förlag, 1944
Lea Bergström, Pirjo Hämäläinen-Forslund and Raisa Laurila-Hakulinen, Minä, Jalmari Ruokokoski, Hyvinkään taidemuseo, 1997
Marina Catani and Anja Luther, Jalmari Ruokokoski 1886-1936: teoksia yksityiskokoelmista (works from private collections),  Didrichsenin taidemuseo, 1996

External links

More works by Ruokokoski @ the Kansalisgalleria
Arcadja Auctions: More works by Ruokokoski.

1886 births
1936 deaths
Painters from Saint Petersburg
People from Sankt-Peterburgsky Uyezd
19th-century Finnish painters
20th-century Finnish painters
Portrait painters
Expressionist painters
Landscape painters
Alcohol-related deaths in Finland
Finnish male painters
19th-century Finnish male artists
20th-century Finnish male artists
Painters from the Russian Empire

Jalmari Ruokokoski


Bishop Philippe Rukamba was born on 26 May 1948 in Rwinkwavu, Zaza parish, Diocese of KIBUNGO, baptized on May 29, 1948 and ordained a priest on June 2, 1974. He was named 2nd Bishop of the Episcopal See of Roman-Catholic-Diocese-of-Butare.

Bishop Philippe Rukamba was appointed on 02/18/1997 by Pope John – Paul II to succeed Bishop Jean – Baptiste GAHAMANYI at the episcopal see of Butare. He was born on May 26, 1948 from a Christian family in Rwinkwavu, in the current Kayonza District, in the east of Rwanda (former Kibungo Prefecture) and was baptized on May 29, 1948.

He did his primary education successively in Rwinkwavu, Rulindo, Rwamagana and Zaza. In 1961, he was admitted to the Minor Seminary of Kabgayi. In 1965, he entered the Saint Paul Seminary in Kigali to complete his Greco-Latin humanities. On September 14, 1968, he entered the Major Seminary of Nyakibanda to follow philosophical and theological training.

Bishop
Appointed Bishop on January 18, 1997, he was ordained bishop on April 12, 1997 by Bishop Joseph SIBOMANA in the Our Lady of Wisdom Cathedral, Butare. He was assisted by Bishop Jean – Baptiste GAHAMANYI and Bishop Frédéric RUBWEJANGA.

His episcopal motto is "Considerate Iesum". He worked particularly hard to rebuild the Diocese, which had been greatly shaken by the dramatic events caused by the war and especially the 1994 genocide perpetrated against the Tutsi. He collaborated with two Vicars General: Msgr. Félicien MUBILIGI until 2002, and Msgr Jean Marie Vianney GAHIZI still in office. As we celebrate his Silver Jubilee, he founded seven (7) parishes: Busoro in 1998, Byiza in 2002, Gikore and Magi in 2004, Mbazi in 2008, Kibilizi in 2010 and Kirarambogo in July 2012. The Catholic Diocese of Butare has already gone from 19 to 26 parishes.

Msgr. Philippe Rukamba, at the 71, has been at the helm of the episcopal conference since 2015, when he took over from Monsignor Smaragde Mbonyintege, the Bishop of Kabgayi Diocese in central Rwanda. Kabgayi is essentially the seat of the Church.

Huye, November 12, 2022- On behalf of President Paul Kagame, Prime Minister Dr. Edouard Ngirente attended the silver jubilee of episcopal ordination of Monsignor Philippe Rukamba, Bishop of Butare Catholic Diocese. This ceremony took place at Butare Cathedral in Huye District.

References

External links
Roman-Catholic-Diocese-of-Butare
Catholic-Hierarchy

Philippe Rukamba


Eziama Obiato is a town in Mbaitoli Local Government Area of Imo State, southeastern Nigeria. It is about 18 kilometers to the city of Owerri. The town is strategically located as it shares common boundaries with four other Local Government Areas in Imo State. It is bordered by Awo-Omamma (Oru East), Umu-ofor/Akabo (Oguta LGA), Amazano/Umuaka (Njaba LGA), Afara and Umunoha (both in Mbaitoli LGA). Eziama Obiato is home to the popular "Ukwuorji" Bus Stop on the Owerri/Onitsha Road.

The town is home to the mysterious palm tree with three stems/branches. Many indigenes of the town share the belief that the Palm Tree is a symbol of unity and progress, and thus each branch represents the three villages  (Obi-ato) of the town.  The villages are in this order of seniority: Ezioha (formerly known as Otura) comprising Ezioha-Ukwu, Ezioha-Amaibo, Umuele and Ogwa. Umuagha consists of Umudim-Emeroha, Obo'kika and Umu-ekpu. Nkwokwu is made of Umuduruafor, Umufere and Obabor.

Towns in Imo State

Eziama Obiato


Made-to-measure (MTM) typically refers to custom clothing that is cut and sewn using a standard-sized base pattern. Suits and sport coats are the most common garments made-to-measure. The fit of a made-to-measure garment is expected to be superior to that of a ready-to-wear garment because  made-to-measure garments are constructed to fit each customer individually based on a few body measurements to customize the pre-existing pattern.
Made-to-measure garments always involve some form of standardization in the pattern and manufacturing, whereas bespoke tailoring is  entirely made from scratch based on a customer's specifications with far more attention to minute fit details and using multiple fittings during the construction process.
All else being equal, a made-to-measure garment will be more expensive than a ready-to-wear garment but cheaper than a bespoke one. "Custom made" most often refers to MTM.

Overview
The made-to-measure process is simple considering that its purpose is to make an existing garment fit a person better. The very first step is for the tailor to take precise measurements of both the customer and the garment itself. Basic measurements taken include measurements of the chest, waist, seat etc., and most importantly, these measurements are taken as the tailor studies the posture of the person to make sure the garment won't be uncomfortable for the customer to wear. Then, the tailor will proceed to either cut the fabric of the original garment to make it fight tighter/smaller or will select the fabric that closest resembles the original garment's fabric to make it looser/bigger. A base pattern is similarly selected which most closely corresponds with the customer's measurements and is further altered to match the customer's measurements on the original garment. Lastly, the garment is given to the customer to try it on. Although the process is simple, it is however lengthy because tailors measure and remeasure the garment on the person to make sure it fits exactly how it's wanted.

The primary benefits to the customer of made-to-measure clothing are that the garments will be well-fitted to the customer's body and the customer may have the opportunity to customize the fabric and detailing. The primary disadvantage of made-to-measure is that the customer must wait up to several weeks for the garment to be sewn and delivered. A typical price markup for a made-to-measure item is 15% over the price of its ready-to-wear counterpart.

Made-to-measure retailers often travel internationally meeting clients in cities, providing samples of the latest materials and styles.

Unlike bespoke garments, which traditionally involves hand sewing, made-to-measure manufacturers use both machine- and hand-sewing. Made-to-measure also requires fewer fittings than bespoke, resulting in a shorter wait between customer measurement and garment delivery.

Made-to-measure is sometimes also referred to as personal tailoring.

Advertising Standards Authority ruling
In the United Kingdom, the legal definition of "made-to-measure" has been conflated with bespoke tailoring by a ruling of the  Advertising Standards Authority. The ruling is based on the Oxford English Dictionary definition of bespoke as "made to order". While this ruling clarified the difference between bespoke and ready-to-wear, it had the effect of blurring the line between bespoke and made-to-measure.

The ruling established that a "made-to-measure suit would be cut, usually by machine, from an existing pattern, and adjusted according to the customer's measurements," while "a bespoke suit would be fully hand-made and the pattern cut from scratch, with an intermediary baste stage which involved a first fitting so that adjustments could be made to a half-made suit." The ruling concluded, however, that a "majority of people... would not expect that bespoke suit to be fully hand-made with the pattern cut from scratch," effectively equalizing the terms bespoke and made-to-measure.

While etymologist Michael Quinion observed that by definition "it was legitimate for a tailor offering clothes cut and sewn by machine to refer to them as bespoke, provided that they were made to the customer's measurements", since the traditional use of bespoke inside the tailoring community has been more nuanced than the Oxford definition, others concluded that the ASA "took a rather ignorant decision to declare that there is no difference between bespoke and made-to-measure."

Comparison
In essence, MTM (made-to-measure) is a step up from pret-a-porter. It's affordable for most people and solves some of the common fit issues that shoppers may have with ready-to-wear garments.
The main advantage of MTM is that the clothes will be adapted to the customer's physique and the customer can have the option of choosing fabric, details, sleeve length, pose adjustment, shirt length, jacket length, etc. The main disadvantage is that customers have to wait up to several weeks for the clothes to be ready and delivered. A typical price increase for a bespoke fashion item is 15% higher than the price of a ready-made garment. [7]
Making bespoke MTM garments takes longer than ready-to-wear (RTW), but not as long as making bespoke garments. Unlike Bespoke, which is traditionally sewn by hand, makers or tailors use MTM for both machine and hand sewing. MTM production also requires fewer accessories than bespoke production, resulting in shorter waiting times between customers and delivery.

Advantages:
 Better body fit than RTW
 Customers choose fabrics and aesthetic details
 Faster production time than Bespoke
 Cheaper than Bespoke, slightly more expensive than RTW
 More precise and dedication
Disadvantages:
 More time than ready-made clothes
 Does not offer as many quality options as Bespoke
 Costs more than RTW; quality not necessarily better

See also
Ready-to-wear
Mass Customization
Bespoke tailoring

References

Sizes in clothing
Fashion design

Made-to-measure


Steven Kenneth Galson (born 1956) is an American public health physician. He is currently Senior Vice President for Global Regulatory Affairs & Strategy at Amgen, the California-based biopharmaceutical company. He is also Professor-at-Large at the Keck Graduate Institute for Applied Life Sciences in Claremont, California. He is a retired rear admiral in the United States Public Health Service Commissioned Corps and public health administrator who served as the acting Surgeon General of the United States from October 1, 2007 – October 1, 2009. He served concurrently as acting Assistant Secretary for Health from January 22, 2009 to June 25, 2009, and as the Deputy Director and Director of the Center for Drug Evaluation and Research (CDER) at the Food and Drug Administration from 2001 to 2007. As the Acting Surgeon General, he was the commander of the United States Public Health Service Commissioned Corps and, while serving as the Assistant Secretary for Health, was the operational head of the Public Health Service.

Biography

Early years
Galson received his Baccalaureate Degree from Stony Brook University in 1978, an MD from the Mount Sinai School of Medicine in 1983, and an MPH from the Harvard School of Public Health in 1990. In 2008 he received an Honorary Doctorate in Public Service from Drexel University School of Public Health. He is board certified in General Preventive Medicine and Public Health as well as in Occupational Medicine.

Career
From 1 October 2007 until 1 October 2009, Galson served as the Acting Surgeon General of the United States.  As the nation's top public health physician, the Surgeon General has two primary accountabilities:  timely and effective communication of the best health information to the American people; and operational command of the Commissioned Corps of the United States Public Health Service, whose uniformed force of 6,500 health professional officers serve in over 600 duty locations around the world to promote, protect, and advance the health and safety of the people of the United States.

Between January and June, 2009 Galson was also the Acting Assistant Secretary for Health and led a Department-wide effort to prepare a plan for the $650 million Prevention and Wellness section of the American Recovery and Reinvestment Act of 2009 and managed 12 core public health programs for HHS.

Galson launched the Healthy Youth for a Healthy Future Initiative in 2008, which brought national attention to the complex issue of childhood obesity prevention, and prompted hundreds of community-based actions visiting 38 states, and personally modeling healthy behaviors directly with children.  In 2008, RADM Galson established and assumed the role of Chair of the Department of Health and Human Services Childhood Overweight and Obesity Council to coordinate and leverage the impact of departmental programs.  Since its establishment, the Council has launched over 30 departmental partnerships and joint activities.  To further leverage collaboration, Galson created partnerships with national foundations, other federal departments including the US Department of Agriculture and the Department of Defense (DoD), the US Navy, faith-based groups, and corporate America.

Galson convened the Surgeon General's Workshop on pre-term birth in 2008, to jump-start national activities to reduce the incidence of these births. He published two Surgeon General's Calls to Action: on Deep Vein Thrombosis and Pulmonary Embolism, to bring renewed attention and prevention efforts to a health problem that kills more than 100,000 Americans every year; and on how to Promote Healthy Homes, to bring attention to the connection between housing and health and outline a blueprint for national action.

Upon announcement of the H1N1 influenza virus, he helped educate professionals and families on the status of the spread of the virus and how best to protect themselves through national public service announcements, satellite media interviews and briefing the foreign press in partnership with the State Department. And under his leadership, the Medical Reserve Corps continued its growth, reaching 786 units and 170,000 volunteers around the country.  More than 1000 active duty officers were deployed to confront the devastation of the 2008 hurricanes in the Gulf.

Galson furthered the nation's evolution toward personalized medicine by releasing a new My Family Health Portrait a web-based tool to enable individuals and families to create, store and share their family health histories.  He also highlighted the importance of preventing underage drinking, by visiting states to encourage local efforts on this persistent challenge.  He created the Surgeon General's Perspectives, a column in the journal Public Health Reports, and published eight columns on various prevention topics, bringing a leadership viewpoint to this widely read publication.  In addition, Galson started a regular column for dieticians in the Journal of the American Dietetics Association, and published six columns on topics of interest to this profession.

Prior to his appointment as Acting Surgeon General, he served as the Director of the Center for Drug Evaluation and Research (CDER) at the Food and Drug Administration (FDA). In this role,  RADM Galson oversaw CDER's broad national and international programs in pharmaceutical regulation during a period of unprecedented scrutiny by Congress and outside groups. To that end, he initiated a landmark Institute of Medicine assessment of the US drug safety system and launched a broad action plan to address work culture challenges at CDER. He provided leadership for 2300 physicians, statisticians, chemists, pharmacologists other scientists, and administrators whose work promotes and protects public health by ensuring that safe and effective drugs are available to the American people.

Prior to his arrival at FDA, RADM Galson was the Director of the Office of Science Coordination and Policy, Office of Prevention, Pesticides and Toxic Substances, at the EPA.  RADM Galson began his Public Health Service (PHS) career as an epidemiological investigator at the Centers for Disease Control after completing a residency in internal medicine at the Hospitals of the Medical College of Pennsylvania. He has held senior-level positions at the Environmental Protection Agency, the Department of Energy, where he was the Chief Medical Officer; and the Department of Health and Human Services.

Personal life
Galson currently lives in Agoura Hills, CA with his wife Dr. Jessie Galson. Their three children include Sophie, an Assistant Professor of Surgery in Emergency Medicine at Duke University, and Victor an emergency medicine resident in LA County.

Awards and decorations

Galson is the recipient of numerous PHS awards, including Surgeon General's Medallion, the Robert Brutsche Award from the Commissioned Officers Association of the USPHS and the Founders Award from the Association of Military Surgeons of the US. He is also the recipient of three James R. Schlesinger Awards. Galson is a member of the National Academy of Medicine Forum on Drug Discovery, Development, and Translation after serving two terms as co-chair and completed a term as member of the National Board of Medical Examiners in 2007. In 2009 Galson received a Distinguished Alumnus Award from Stony Brook University.
 In 2015, Galson received the Jacobi Medallion from the Mount Sinai School of Medicine. In 2018, Galson received the Health Leader of the Year award from the Commissioned Officer Association of the US Public Health Service,

References

Sources

1956 births
Living people
Nottingham High School (New York) alumni
American public health doctors
Harvard T.H. Chan School of Public Health alumni
Icahn School of Medicine at Mount Sinai alumni
Stony Brook University alumni
Surgeons General of the United States

Steven K. Galson


The Malachite Room of the Winter Palace, St Petersburg, was designed in the late 1830s by the architect Alexander Briullov for use as a formal reception room for the Empress Alexandra Fyodorovna, wife of Nicholas I. It replaced the Jasper Room, which was destroyed in the fire of 1837.

The room obtains its name from the use of malachite for its columns and fireplace. This large salon contains a large malachite urn as well as furniture from the workshops of Peter Gambs (1802-1871), son of the famous furniture maker Heinrich Gambs, which were rescued from the 1837 fire.

During the Tsarist era, the Malachite Room, which links the state rooms to the private rooms, served as not only a state drawing room of the Tsaritsa, but also as a gathering place for the Imperial family before and during official functions. It was here that Romanov brides were traditionally dressed by the Tsarina before proceeding from the adjoining Arabian Hall to their weddings in the Grand Church.

From June to October 1917 this room was the seat of the Russian Provisional Government. When the palace was stormed during the night of 7 November 1917, the members of the Government were arrested in the adjoining private dining room.

Today, as part of the State Hermitage Museum, this room retains its original decoration.

References
Citations

Bibliography

External links

 The Malachite Room today Flickr. Retrieved 13 November 2008.

Hermitage Museum
Russian Provisional Government
Individual rooms

Malachite Room of the Winter Palace


The Arado E.561 was a proposed Heavy fighter design by Arado Flugzeugwerke, designed in 1937 and 1938.

Design
The craft contained a cigar-shaped fuselage with low-mounted wings. Unusually, it contained two engines mounted in the junction of the wing and the fuselage, as opposed to on the wings, to allow it to continue running if one engine failed. This also would allow a sleeker and more aerodynamic design. Two annular radiators were present on front of the propellers. It had two landing wheels, both of which could retract. It was crewed by four people. It is likely that the complicated design of the engine was what caused the abandonment of the project.

References

Arado aircraft

Arado E.561


Giulia Boschi (born 17 December 1962) is an Italian film and television actress.

Life and career
Born in Rome, Boschi is the daughter of the television presenter Aba Cercato. She made her film debut in 1984, in Francesca Comencini's Pianoforte, and for this performance she was awarded as best actress at the Rio de Janeiro Film Festival. She was also awarded a Silver Ribbon for best new actress. In 1988 she won the Ciak d'oro for best supporting actress in Da grande.

Filmography

References

External links

Italian film actresses
1962 births
Actresses from Rome
Italian television actresses
Living people
Nastro d'Argento winners
Ciak d'oro winners
20th-century Italian actresses
21st-century Italian actresses

Giulia Boschi


Anna Prieto Sandoval (May 14, 1934 – October 28, 2010) was an American leader of the Sycuan Band of the Kumeyaay Nation of southern California and a Native American gaming enterprises pioneer. She is credited with lifting the Sycuan Band reservation, which was plagued by poverty and substandard housing, to self-sufficiency by pioneering casino gambling on the reservation.

Background
Sandoval was born on May 14, 1934, on the Sycuan Band of the Kumeyaay Nation reservation. She grew up speaking the Kumeyaay language as her first language. Her mother, Ada Prieto, was also born on the Sycuan reservation. Sandoval attended Dehesa Elementary and Grossmont High School in El Cajon, California.

Sandoval was married twice and raised five children. Her first marriage, which occurred in 1953, ended in divorce. She attended Grossmont College in El Cajon after raising her children. Sandoval later taught the Kumeyaay language at San Diego State University.

Leadership
Sandoval became the chairwoman of the Sycuan Band of the Kumeyaay Nation in 1972. In 1972, the year she took office, none of the eighty Sycuan members who resided on the reservation had full-time employment. The housing on the reservation lacked indoor plumbing, with a small meeting hall and a deteriorating one-hundred-year-old Catholic Church. Most structures were on the reservation were dilapidated.

After the state of California allowed Native American tribes to open gambling operations, Sandoval was approached by Pan American International, which operated a Seminole bingo hall in Florida at the time, with a proposal to open a bingo hall on Sycuan land. Sandoval then spearheaded the Sycuan Band's transition from poverty. She overcame initial resistance from the Sycuan tribal council regarding the idea of opening a bingo hall on reservation land. Members were concerned about potential pollution and large numbers of people swamping the small reservation.

Sandoval opened the Sycuan Bingo Palace in 1983 after several years of preparation and negotiations. The new operation quickly grossed higher revenues and profits than initially expected.

In 1987, Sandoval and the Sycuan Band broke away from Pan American International and began to run the Sycuan Bingo Palace independently. Under Sandoval, the tribe constructed a new  casino, which opened to the public in 1990. The Sycuan Band used the revenues from the casino to build new facilities on the reservation, including a new fire station, church and clinic. Unemployment, which had been rampant on the reservation before gaming, became nonexistent and the Sycuan Band of the Kumeyaay Nation became one of the wealthiest tribes in the United States. The Sycuan Band also became one of the largest employers in San Diego County. Likewise, Sandoval became one of the wealthiest Native Americans in California due to the windfall from the casino.

Controversy
Despite the new prosperity, Sandoval alienated some Sycuan Band members during her tenure as chairwoman.  In 1991, she lost her re-election by just three votes. She later expressed regret that the increased prosperity had come at the expense of traditional Kumeyaay values and culture.

Death and legacy
Anna Prieto Sandoval died of complications of diabetes at her home on the Sycuan band reservation on October 28, 2010, at the age of 76. Most of Sandoval's possessions and clothing were burned in accordance with Kumeyaay traditions.

She had three sons and two daughters.

Honor
Anna Prieto Sandoval was nominated and inducted into the San Diego Women's Hall Of Fame in 2010 hosted by Women's Museum of California, Commission on the Status of Women, University of California, San Diego Women's Center, and San Diego State University Women's Studies.

References

External links

1934 births
2010 deaths
Female Native American leaders
People of Kumeyaay descent
20th-century Native Americans
San Diego State University faculty
People from El Cajon, California
Deaths from diabetes
20th-century Native American women
Grossmont High School alumni

Anna Prieto Sandoval