Nativism is the political policy of promoting or protecting the interests of "native-born" or established inhabitants over those of immigrants, including the support of anti-immigration and immigration-restriction measures. Despite the name, and in the US in particular, this position is usually held by the descendants of immigrants themselves, and is not a movement led by Indigenous peoples. However, some anti-immigrants who hold this position maintain a different definition of "Indigenous".

Causes

According to Joel S. Fetzer, opposition to immigration commonly arises in many countries because of issues of national, cultural, and religious identity. The phenomenon has been studied especially in Australia, Canada, New Zealand, the United Kingdom, and the United States, as well as in continental Europe. Thus nativism has become a general term for opposition to immigration based on fears that immigrants will "distort or spoil" existing cultural values. In situations where immigrants greatly outnumber the original inhabitants, nativists seek to prevent cultural change.

Beliefs that contribute to anti-immigration sentiment include:

Economic
 Employment: The belief that immigrants acquire jobs that would have otherwise been available to native citizens, limiting native employment; they also create a surplus of labor that lowers wages.
 Government expense: The belief that immigrants do not pay enough taxes to cover the cost of the services they require.
 Welfare: The belief that immigrants make heavy use of the social welfare systems.
 Housing: The belief that immigrants reduce vacancies, causing rent increases.
Cultural
 Language: The belief that immigrants isolate themselves in their own communities and refuse to learn the local language.
 Culture: The belief that immigrants will outnumber the native population and replace its culture with theirs.
 Crime: The belief that immigrants are more prone to crime than the native population.
 Patriotism: The belief that immigrants damage a nation's sense of community based on ethnicity and nationality.
Environmental
 Environment: The belief that immigrants increase the consumption of limited resources.
 Overpopulation: The belief that immigration contributes to overpopulation.

Hans-Georg Betz examines three facets of nativism: economic, welfare, and symbolic. Economic nativism preaches that good jobs ought to be reserved for native citizens. Welfare nativism insists that native citizens should have absolute priority in access to governmental benefits. Symbolic nativism calls on the society and government to defend and promote the nation's cultural heritage. Betz argues that economic and welfare themes were historically dominant, but that since the 1990s symbolic nativism has become the focus of radical right-wing populist mobilization.

By country and region

Asia-Pacific

Australia

Many Australians opposed the influx of Chinese immigrants at time of the nineteenth-century gold rushes. When the separate Australian colonies formed the Commonwealth of Australia in 1901, the new nation adopted "White Australia" as one of its founding principles. Under the White Australia policy, entry of Chinese and other Asians remained controversial until well after World War II, although the country remained home to many long-established Chinese families dating from before the adoption of White Australia. By contrast, most Pacific Islanders were deported soon after the policy was adopted, while the remainder were forced out of the canefields where they had worked for decades.

Antipathy of native-born white Australians toward British and Irish immigrants in the late 19th century was manifested in a new party, the Australian Natives' Association.

Since early 2000, opposition has mounted to asylum seekers arriving in boats from Indonesia.

Pakistan

The Pakistani province of Sindh has seen nativist movements, promoting control for the Sindhi people over their homeland. After the 1947 Partition of India, large numbers of Muhajir people migrating from India entered the province, becoming a majority in the provincial capital city of Karachi, which formerly had an ethnically Sindhi majority. Sindhis have also voiced opposition to the promotion of Urdu, as opposed to their native tongue, Sindhi.

These nativist movements are expressed through Sindhi nationalism and the Sindhudesh separatist movement. Nativist and nationalist sentiments increased greatly after the independence of Bangladesh from Pakistan in 1971.

Taiwan

After the Chinese Civil War, Taiwan became a sanctuary for Chinese nationalists who fled from communists who followed a Western ideology. The new arrivals governed through the Chinese Nationalist Party (Kuomintang) until the 1970s. Taiwanese identity constructed through literature in the post-civil war period led to the gradual acceptance of Taiwan's unique political destiny. This led to a peaceful transition of power from the Kuomintang to the natives in the 21st century.

Americas

Brazil

The Brazilian elite desired the racial whitening of the country, similarly to Argentina and Uruguay. The country encouraged European immigration, but non-white immigration always faced considerable backlash. On July 28, 1921, representatives Andrade Bezerra and Cincinato Braga proposed a law whose Article 1 provided: "The immigration of individuals from the black race to Brazil is prohibited." On October 22, 1923, representative Fidélis Reis produced another bill on the entry of immigrants, whose fifth article was as follows: "The entry of settlers from the black race into Brazil is prohibited. For Asian [immigrants] there will be allowed each year a number equal to 5% of those residing in the country.(...)".

In the 19th and 20th centuries, there were negative feelings toward the communities of German, Italian, Japanese, and Jewish immigrants, who conserved their languages and cultures instead of adopting Portuguese and Brazilian habits (so that nowadays, Brazil has the most communities in the Americas of Venetian speakers, and the second-most of German), and were seen as particularly likely to form ghettos and to have high rates of endogamy (in Brazil, it is regarded as usual for people of different backgrounds to marry), among other concerns.

It affected the Japanese more harshly, because they were Asian, and thus seen as an obstacle to the whitening of Brazil. Oliveira Viana, a Brazilian jurist, historian and sociologist described the Japanese immigrants as follows: "They (Japanese) are like sulfur: insoluble". The Brazilian magazine "O Malho" in its edition of December 5, 1908 issued criticised the Japanese immigrants in the following quote: "The government of São Paulo is stubborn. After the failure of the first Japanese immigration, it contracted 3,000 yellow people. It insists on giving Brazil a race diametrically opposite to ours". In 1941 the Brazilian minister of justice, Francisco Campos, defended the ban on the admission of 400 Japanese immigrants into São Paulo writing: "their despicable standard of living is a brutal competition with the country's worker; their selfishness, their bad faith, their refractory character, make them a huge ethnic and cultural cyst located in the richest regions of Brazil".

Years before World War II, the government of President Getúlio Vargas initiated a process of forced assimilation of people of immigrant origin in Brazil. In 1933, a constitutional amendment was approved by a large majority and established immigration quotas without mentioning race or nationality and prohibited the population concentration of immigrants. According to the text, Brazil could not receive more than 2% of the total number of entrants of each nationality that had been received in the last 50 years. Only the Portuguese were excluded. The measures did not affect the immigration of Europeans such as Italians and Spaniards, who had already entered in large numbers and whose migratory flow was downward. However, immigration quotas, which remained in force until the 1980s, restricted Japanese immigration, as well as Korean and Chinese immigration.

During World War II they were seen as more loyal to their countries of origin than to Brazil. In fact, there were violent revolts in the Japanese community of the states of São Paulo and Paraná when Emperor Hirohito declared the Japanese surrender and stated that he was not really a deity, which news was seen as a conspiracy perpetrated in order to hurt Japanese honour and strength. Nevertheless, it followed hostility from the government. The Japanese Brazilian community was strongly marked by restrictive measures when Brazil declared war against Japan in August 1942. Japanese Brazilians could not travel the country without safe conduct issued by the police; over 200 Japanese schools were closed and radio equipment was seized to prevent transmissions on short wave from Japan. The goods of Japanese companies were confiscated and several companies of Japanese origin suffered restrictions, including the use of the newly founded Banco América do Sul. Japanese Brazilians were prohibited from driving motor vehicles (even if they were taxi drivers), buses or trucks on their property. The drivers employed by Japanese had to have permission from the police. Thousands of Japanese immigrants were arrested or expelled from Brazil on suspicion of espionage. There were many anonymous denunciations because of "activities against national security" arising from disagreements between neighbours, recovery of debts and even fights between children. Japanese Brazilians were arrested for "suspicious activity" when they were in artistic meetings or picnics. On July 10, 1943, approximately 10,000 Japanese and German immigrants who lived in Santos had 24 hours to close their homes and businesses and move away from the Brazilian coast. The police acted without any notice. About 90% of people displaced were Japanese. To reside in Baixada Santista, the Japanese had to have a safe conduct. In 1942, the Japanese community who introduced the cultivation of pepper in Tomé-Açu, in Pará, was virtually turned into a "concentration camp" (expression of the time) from which no Japanese could leave. This time, the Brazilian ambassador in Washington, D.C., Carlos Martins Pereira e Sousa, encouraged the government of Brazil to transfer all the Japanese Brazilians to "internment camps" without the need for legal support, in the same manner as was done with the Japanese residents in the United States. No single suspicion of activities of Japanese against "national security" was confirmed.

Nowadays, nativism in Brazil affects primarily migrants from elsewhere in the Third World, such as the new wave of Levantine Arabs (this time, mostly Muslims from Palestine instead of overwhelmingly Christian from Syria and Lebanon), South and East Asians (primarily Mainland Chinese), Spanish-speakers and Amerindians from neighbouring South American countries and, especially, West Africans and Haitians. Following the 2010 Haiti earthquake and considerable illegal immigration to northern Brazil and São Paulo, a subsequent debate in the population was concerned with the reasons why Brazil has such lax laws and enforcement concerning illegal immigration.

According to the 1988's Brazilian Constitution, it is an unbailable crime to address someone in an offensive racist way, and it is illegal to discriminate against someone on the basis of his or her race, skin colour, national or regional origin or nationality; thus, nativism and opposition to multiculturalism would be too much of a polemic and delicate topic to be openly discussed as a basic ideology for even the most right-leaning modern political parties.

Canada

Throughout the 19th century, well into the 20th, the Orange Order in Canada attacked and tried to politically defeat the Irish Catholics. In the British Empire, traditions of anti-Catholicism in Britain led to fears that Catholics were a threat to the national (British) values. In Canada, the Orange Order campaigned vigorously against the Catholics throughout the 19th century, often with violent confrontations. Both sides were immigrants from Ireland and neither side claimed loyalty to Canada.

The Ku Klux Klan spread in the mid-1920s from the U.S. to parts of Canada, especially Saskatchewan, where it helped topple the Liberal government. The Klan creed was, historian Martin Robin argues, in the mainstream of Protestant Canadian sentiment, for it was based on "Protestantism, separation of Church and State, pure patriotism, restrictive and selective immigration, one national public school, one flag and one language—English."

In World War I, Canadian naturalized citizens of German or Austrian origins were stripped of their right to vote, and tens of thousands of Ukrainians (who were born in the Austro-Hungarian Empire) were rounded up and put in internment camps.

Hostility to the Chinese and other Asians was intense, and involved provincial laws that hindered immigration of Chinese and Japanese and blocked their economic mobility. In 1942 Japanese Canadians were forced into detention camps in response to Japanese aggression in World War II.

Hostility of native-born Canadians to competition from English immigrants in the early 20th century was expressed in signs that read, "No English Need Apply!" The resentment came because the immigrants identified more with England than with Canada.

United States

According to the American historian John Higham, nativism is:an intense opposition to an internal minority on the grounds of its foreign (i.e., "un-American") connections. Specific nativist antagonisms may and do, vary widely in response to the changing character of minority irritants and the shifting conditions of the day; but through each separate hostility runs the connecting, energizing force of modern nationalism. While drawing on much broader cultural antipathies and ethnocentric judgments, nativism translates them into zeal to destroy the enemies of a distinctively American way of life.

Early republic
Nativism was a political factor in the 1790s and in the 1830s–1850s. There was little nativism in the colonial era. Nativism became a major issue in the late 1790s, when the Federalist Party expressed its strong opposition to the French Revolution by trying to strictly limit immigration, and stretching the time to 14 years for citizenship. At the time of the Quasi-War with the French First Republic in 1798, the Federalists and Congress passed the Alien and Sedition Acts, including the Alien Act, the Naturalization Act and the Sedition Act.  Thomas Jefferson and James Madison fought against the new laws by drafting the Virginia and Kentucky Resolutions. In 1800, Jefferson was elected president, and removed most of the anti-immigrant legislation.

1830–1860

The term "nativism" was first used by 1844: "Thousands were Naturalized expressly to oppose Nativism, and voted the Polk ticket mainly to that end." Nativism gained its name from the "Native American" parties of the 1840s and 1850s. In this context "Native" does not mean Indigenous Americans or American Indians but rather those descended from the inhabitants of the original Thirteen Colonies. It impacted politics in the mid-19th century because of the large inflows of immigrants after 1845 from cultures that were different from the existing American culture. Nativists objected primarily to Irish Roman Catholics because of their loyalty to the Pope and also because of their supposed rejection of republicanism as an American ideal.

Nativist movements included the Know Nothing or "American Party" of the 1850s, the Immigration Restriction League of the 1890s, the anti-Asian movements in the Western states, resulting in the Chinese Exclusion Act of 1882 and the "Gentlemen's Agreement of 1907", by which the government of Imperial Japan stopped emigration to the United States. Labor unions were strong supporters of Chinese exclusion and limits on immigration, because of fears that they would lower wages and make it harder for workers to organize unions.

Nativist outbursts occurred in the Northeast from the 1830s to the 1850s, primarily in response to a surge of Irish Catholic immigration. In 1836, Samuel Morse ran unsuccessfully for Mayor of New York City on a nativist ticket, receiving 1,496 votes. In New York City, an Order of United Americans was founded as a nativist fraternity, following the Philadelphia Nativist Riots of the preceding spring and summer, in December 1844. The American historian Eric Kaufmann has suggested that American nativism has been explained primarily in psychological and economic terms due to the neglect of a crucial cultural and ethnic dimension. Furthermore, Kauffman claims that American nativism cannot be understood without reference to an American ethnic group which took shape prior to the large-scale immigration of the mid-19th century.

The nativists went public in 1854 when they formed the "American Party", which was especially hostile to the immigration of Irish Catholics, and campaigned for laws to require longer wait time between immigration and naturalization; these laws never passed. It was at this time that the term "nativist" first appeared, as their opponents denounced them as "bigoted nativists". Former President Millard Fillmore ran on the American Party ticket for the Presidency in 1856.  Henry Winter Davis, an active Know-Nothing, was elected on the American Party ticket to Congress from Maryland. He told Congress the un-American Irish Catholic immigrants were to blame for the recent election of Democrat James Buchanan as president, stating: The recent election has developed in an aggravated form every evil against which the American party protested. Foreign allies have decided the government of the country -- men naturalized in thousands on the eve of the election. Again in the fierce struggle for supremacy, men have forgotten the ban which the Republic puts on the intrusion of religious influence on the political arena. These influences have brought vast multitudes of foreign-born citizens to the polls, ignorant of American interests, without American feelings, influenced by foreign sympathies, to vote on American affairs; and those votes have, in point of fact, accomplished the present result.

The American Party also included many former Whigs who ignored nativism, and included (in the South) a few Roman Catholics whose families had long lived in North America. Conversely, much of the opposition to Roman Catholics came from Protestant Irish immigrants and German Lutheran immigrants, who were not native at all and can hardly be called "nativists."

This form of American nationalism is often identified with xenophobia and anti-Catholic sentiment. In Charlestown, Massachusetts, a nativist mob attacked and burned down a Roman Catholic convent in 1834 (no one was injured). In the 1840s, small scale riots between Roman Catholics and nativists took place in several American cities. In Philadelphia, Pennsylvania in 1844, for example, a series of nativist assaults on Roman Catholic churches and community centers resulted in the loss of lives and the professionalization of the police force. In Louisville, Kentucky, election-day rioters killed at least 22 people in attacks on German and Irish Catholics on 6 August 1855, in what became known as "Bloody Monday."

The new Republican Party kept its nativist element quiet during the 1860s, since immigrants were urgently needed for the Union Army. European immigrants from England, Scotland, and Scandinavia favored the Republicans during the Third Party System (1854–1896), while others  especially Irish Catholics and Germans, were usually Democratic. Hostility toward Asians was very strong in the Western region from the 1860s to the 1940s. Anti-Catholicism experienced a revival in the 1890s in the American Protective Association. It was led by Protestant Irish immigrants hostile to the Irish Catholics.

Anti-German nativism

From the 1840s to the 1920s, German Americans were often distrusted because of their separatist social structure, their German-language schools, their attachment to their native tongue over English, and their neutrality during World War I.

The Bennett Law caused a political uproar in Wisconsin in 1890, as the state government passed a law that threatened to close down hundreds of German-language elementary schools. Catholic and Lutheran Germans rallied to defeat Governor William D. Hoard. Hoard attacked German American culture and religion:
"We must fight alienism and selfish ecclesiasticism.... The parents, the pastors and the church have entered into a conspiracy to darken the understanding of the children, who are denied by cupidity and bigotry the privilege of even the free schools of the state."
Hoard, a Republican, was defeated by the Democrats. A similar campaign in Illinois regarding the "Edwards Law" led to a Republican defeat there in 1890.

In 1917–1918, a wave of nativist sentiment due to American entry into World War I led to the suppression of German cultural activities in the United States, Canada, and Australia. There was little violence, but many places and streets had their names changed (The city of "Berlin" in Ontario was renamed "Kitchener" after a British hero), churches switched to English for their services, and German Americans were forced to buy war bonds to show their patriotism. In Australia thousands of Germans were put into internment camps.

Anti-Chinese nativism

In the 1870s and 1880s in the Western states, ethnic White immigrants, especially Irish Americans and German Americans, targeted violence against Chinese workers, driving them out of smaller towns. Denis Kearney, an immigrant from Ireland, led a mass movement in San Francisco in the 1870s that incited attacks on the Chinese there and threatened public officials and railroad owners. The Chinese Exclusion Act of 1882 was the first of many nativist acts of Congress which attempted to limit the flow of immigrants into the U.S.. The Chinese responded to it by filing false claims of American birth, enabling thousands of them to immigrate to California. The exclusion of the Chinese caused the western railroads to begin importing Mexican railroad workers in greater numbers ("traqueros").

20th century
In the 1890s–1920s era, nativists and labor unions campaigned for immigration restriction following the waves of workers and families from Southern and Eastern Europe, including the Kingdom of Italy, the Balkans, Congress Poland, Austria-Hungary, and the Russian Empire. A favorite plan was the literacy test to exclude workers who could not read or write their own foreign language. Congress passed literacy tests, but presidents—responding to business needs for workers—vetoed them. Senator Henry Cabot Lodge argued the need for literacy tests, and described its implication on the new immigrants:

Responding to these demands, opponents of the literacy test called for the establishment of an immigration commission to focus on immigration as a whole. The United States Immigration Commission, also known as the Dillingham Commission, was created and tasked with studying immigration and its effect on the United States. The findings of the commission further influenced immigration policy and upheld the concerns of the nativist movement. Following World War I, nativists in the 1920s focused their attention on Southern and Eastern Europeans due to their Roman Catholic and Jewish faith, and realigned their beliefs behind racial and religious nativism.

Between the 1920s and the 1930s, the Ku Klux Klan developed an explicitly nativist, pro-Anglo-Saxon Protestant, anti-Catholic, anti-Irish, anti-Italian, and anti-Jewish stance in relation to the growing political, economic, and social uncertainty related to the arrival of European immigrants on the American soil, predominantly composed of Irish people, Italians, and Eastern European Jews. The racial concern of the anti-immigration movement was linked closely to the eugenics movement that was sweeping in the United States during the same period. Led by Madison Grant's book, The Passing of the Great Race nativists grew more concerned with the racial purity of the United States. In his book, Grant argued that the American racial stock was being diluted by the influx of new immigrants from the Mediterranean, Ireland, the Balkans, and the ghettos. The Passing of the Great Race reached wide popularity among Americans and influenced immigration policy in the 1920s. In the 1920s, a wide national consensus sharply restricted the overall inflow of immigrants from southern and eastern Europe. The Second Ku Klux Klan, which flourished in the United States during the 1920s, used strong nativist, anti-Catholic, and anti-Jewish rhetoric, but the Catholics led a counterattack, such as in Chicago in 1921, where ethnic Irish residents hanged a Klan member in front of 3,000 people.

After intense lobbying from the nativist movement, the United States Congress passed the Emergency Quota Act in 1921. This bill was the first to place numerical quotas on immigration. It capped the inflow of immigrations to 357,803 for those arriving outside of the western hemisphere. However, this bill was only temporary, as Congress began debating a more permanent bill. The Emergency Quota Act was followed with the Immigration Act of 1924, a more permanent resolution. This law reduced the number of immigrants able to arrive from 357,803, the number established in the Emergency Quota Act, to 164,687. Though this bill did not fully restrict immigration, it considerably curbed the flow of immigration into the United States, especially from Southern and Eastern Europe. During the late 1920s, an average of 270,000 immigrants were allowed to arrive, mainly because of the exemption of Canada and Latin American countries. Fear of low-skilled Southern and Eastern European immigrants flooding the labor market was an issue in the 1920s, the 1930s, and the first decade of the 21st century (focused on immigrants from Mexico and Central America).

An immigration reductionism movement formed in the 1970s and continues to the present day. Prominent members often press for massive, sometimes total, reductions in immigration levels. American nativist sentiment experienced a resurgence in the late 20th century, this time directed at undocumented workers, largely Mexican, resulting in the passage of new penalties against illegal immigration in 1996. Most immigration reductionists see illegal immigration, principally from across the United States–Mexico border, as the more pressing concern. Authors such as Samuel Huntington have also seen recent Hispanic immigration as creating a national identity crisis and presenting insurmountable problems for US social institutions.

Noting the large-scale Mexican immigration in the Southwest, the Cold-War diplomat George F. Kennan in 2002 saw "unmistakable evidences of a growing differentiation between the cultures, respectively, of large southern and southwestern regions of this country, on the one hand", and those of "some northern regions". In the former, he warned:

David Mayers argues that Kennan represented the "tradition of militant nativism" that resembled or even exceeded the Know Nothings of the 1850s.

21st century

By late 2014, the "Tea Party movement" had turned its focus away from economic issues, spending, and Obamacare, and towards President Barack Obama's immigration policies, which it saw as a threat to transform American society. It planned to defeat leading Republicans who supported immigration programs, such as Senator John McCain.  A typical slogan appeared in the Tea Party Tribune: "Amnesty for Millions, Tyranny for All." The New York Times reported:
What started five years ago as a groundswell of conservatives committed to curtailing the reach of the federal government, cutting the deficit and countering the Wall Street wing of the Republican Party has become a movement largely against immigration overhaul. The politicians, intellectual leaders and activists who consider themselves part of the Tea Party have redirected their energy from fiscal austerity and small government to stopping any changes that would legitimize people who are here illegally, either through granting them citizenship or legal status.

Political scientist and pollster Darrell Bricker, CEO of Ipsos Public Affairs, argues nativism is the root cause of the early 21st century wave of populism.
[T]he jet fuel that's really feeding the populist firestorm is nativism, the strong belief among an electorally important segment of the population that governments and other institutions should honour and protect the interests of their native-born citizens against the cultural changes being brought about by immigration. This, according to the populists, is about protecting the "Real America" (or "Real Britain" or "Real Poland" or "Real France" or "Real Hungary") from imported influences that are destroying the values and cultures that have made their countries great.

Importantly, it's not just the nativists who are saying this is a battle over values and culture. Their strongest opponents believe this too, and they are not prepared to concede the high ground on what constitutes a "real citizen" to the populists. For them, this is a battle about the rule of law, inclusiveness, open borders, and global participation.

In his 2016 bid for the presidency, Republican presidential candidate Donald Trump was accused of introducing nativist themes via his controversial stances on temporarily banning foreign Muslims from six specific countries entering the United States, and erecting a substantial wall between the US-Mexico border to halt illegal immigration. Journalist John Cassidy wrote in The New Yorker that Trump was transforming the GOP into a populist, nativist party:
Trump has been drawing on a base of alienated white working-class and middle-class voters, seeking to remake the G.O.P. into a more populist, nativist, avowedly protectionist, and semi-isolationist party that is skeptical of immigration, free trade, and military interventionism.

Donald Brand, a professor of political science, argues:
Donald Trump's nativism is a fundamental corruption of the founding principles of the Republican Party. Nativists champion the purported interests of American citizens over those of immigrants, justifying their hostility to immigrants by the use of derogatory stereotypes: Mexicans are rapists; Muslims are terrorists.

Language

American nativists have promoted English and deprecated the use of German and Spanish. English Only proponents in the late 20th century proposed an English Language Amendment (ELA), a Constitutional Amendment making English the official language of the United States, but it received limited political support.

Europe
In recent decades distrust of immigrating populations and populism have become major themes in considering political tensions in Europe. Many observers see the post-1950s wave of immigration in Europe as fundamentally different to the pre-1914 patterns. They debate the role of cultural differences, ghettos, race, Muslim fundamentalism, poor education and poverty play in creating nativism among the hosts and a caste-type underclass, more similar to white-black tensions in the US.  Sociologists Josip Kešić and Jan Willem Duyvendak define nativism as an intense opposition to an internal minority that is  portrayed as a threat to the nation because of its different values and priorities. There are three subtypes: secularist nativism; racial nativism; and populist nativism that seeks to restore the historic power and prestige of indigenous elites.

France

Once Italian workers in France had understood the benefit of unionism, and French unions were willing to overcome their fear of Italians as strikebreakers, integration was open for most Italian immigrants. The French state, which was always more of an immigration state than other Western European nations, fostered and supported family-based immigration, and thus helped Italians on their immigration trajectory, with minimal nativism.
Algerian migration to France has generated nativism, characterized by the prominence of Jean-Marie Le Pen and his National Front.

Since the 1990s France experienced rising levels of Islamic antisemitism and acts. By 2006, rising levels of antisemitism were recorded in French schools. Reports related to the tensions between the children of North African Muslim immigrants and North African Jewish children.  In the first half of 2009, an estimated 631 recorded acts of antisemitism took place in France, more than the whole of 2008. Speaking to the World Jewish Congress in December 2009, the French Interior Minister Hortefeux described the acts of antisemitism as "a poison to our republic". He also announced that he would appoint a special coordinator for fighting racism and antisemitism.

Germany

For the Poles in the mining districts of western Germany before 1914, nationalism (on both the German and the Polish sides) kept Polish workers, who had established an associational structure approaching institutional completeness (churches, voluntary associations, press, even unions), separate from the host German society. Lucassen found that religiosity and nationalism were more fundamental in generating nativism and inter-group hostility than the labor antagonism.

Nativism grew rapidly in the 1990s and since.

United Kingdom

The city of London became notorious for the prevalence of nativist viewpoints in the 16th century, and conditions worsened in the 1580s. Many European immigrants became disillusioned by routine threats of assault, numerous attempts at passing legislation calling for the expulsion of foreigners, and the great difficulty in acquiring English citizenship. Cities in the Dutch Republic often proved more hospitable, and many immigrants left London permanently. Nativism emerged in opposition to Irish and Jewish arrivals in the early 20th century.   Irish immigrants in Great Britain during the 20th century became estranged from British society, something which Lucassen (2005) attributes to the deep religious divide between Irish Protestants and Catholics.

1930s

In 1933–1939, many people from Nazi Germany, particularly those belonging to minorities which were persecuted under Nazi rule, especially the Jews, sought to emigrate to the United Kingdom. As many as 50,000 may have been successful. There were immigration caps on the number who could enter and, subsequently, some applicants were turned away. When the UK declared war on Germany in 1939, however, migration between the countries ceased.

See also

References

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 Ward, W. Peter. White Canada Forever: Popular Attitudes and Public Policy toward Orientals in British Columbia (1978)

Europe

 Alexseev, Mikhail A. Immigration Phobia and the Security Dilemma: Russia, Europe, and the United States (Cambridge University Press, 2005). 294 pp.
 Art, David. Inside the Radical Right: The Development of Anti-Immigrant Parties in Western Europe (Cambridge University Press; 2011) 288 pp. – examines anti-immigration activists and political candidates in 11 countries.
 Betz, Hans-Georg. "Against the 'Green Totalitarianism': Anti-Islamic Nativism in Contemporary Radical Right-Wing Populism in Western Europe," in Christina Schori Liang, ed. Europe for the Europeans (2007)
 Betz, Hans-Georg. ""Facets of nativism: a heuristic exploration" Patterns of Prejudice (2019) 53#2 pp 111–135.
 Betz, Hans-Georg. Radical Right-Wing Populism in Western Europe (1994).
 Ceuppens, Bambi. "Allochthons, Colonizers, and Scroungers: Exclusionary Populism in Belgium," African Studies Review, Volume 49, Number 2, September 2006, pp. 147–86  "Allochthons" means giving welfare benefits only to those groups that are considered to "truly belong"
 Chapin, Wesley D. Germany for the Germans?: The Political Effects of International Migration (Greenwood, 1997).
 Chinn, Jeff, and Robert Kaiser, eds. Russians as the New Minority: Ethnicity and Nationalism in the Soviet Successor States (1996)
 Finzsch, Norbert, and Dietmar Schirmer, eds. Identity and Intolerance: Nationalism, Racism, and Xenophobia in Germany and the United States (2002)
 Lucassen, Leo. The Immigrant Threat: The Integration of Old and New Migrants in Western Europe since 1850. University of Illinois Press, 2005. 280 pp; . Examines Irish immigrants in Britain, Polish immigrants in Germany, Italian immigrants in France (before 1940), and (since 1950), Caribbeans in Britain, Turks in Germany, and Algerians in France
 Liang, Christina Schori, ed. Europe for the Europeans (2007)
 Rose, Richard. "The End of Consensus in Austria and Switzerland," Journal of Democracy, Volume 11, Number 2, April 2000, pp. 26–40
 Wertheimer, Jack. Unwelcome Strangers: East European Jews in Imperial Germany (1991)

External links
 Henry A. Rhodes, "Nativist and Racist Movements in the U.S. and their Aftermath"
 Dennis Kearney, President, and H. L. Knight, Secretary, "Appeal from California. The Chinese Invasion. Workingmen's Address," Indianapolis Times, 28 February 1878.
 "A Nation or Notion", by Patrick J. Buchanan, op-ed, Oct. 4, 2006. A conservative defense of nativism.
 PoliticosLatinos.com Videos of 2008 US Presidential Election Candidates' Positions regarding Immigration
 "Anti-Immigration Groups and the Masks of False Diversity". False Diversity in Anti-Immigration organizations.
 A Defense of Nativism, Conservative Heritage Times.

Anti-immigration politics
Nationalism
Far-right politics
Racially motivated violence
Racism
Xenophobia

Nativism (politics)


Vera Reitzer (born Schon; 1921–2006) was a Jewish holocaust survivor, who later moved to South Africa and supported the apartheid regime. She joined Malan's Nationalist Party in 1950.

Reitzer was born in Hungary and was sent to Auschwitz in 1944, with her mother (age 44 and a niece of Sigmund FREUD) and sister. After eight months they were sent to a factory in Germany (between Leipzig and Dresden), where they had to fill shells with gunpowder.

On 26 April 1945, they were rescued by US soldiers. Vera, fluent in five languages, acted as a translator between the Germans and Americans. In 1948 she moved to Israel, where she married Mirko Reitzer. They moved to South Africa in 1952. Her mother lived with her in Johannesburg until she died in 1995. Her sister Rosi died in Brazil in 2003. She was survived by two sons and six grandchildren.

References

Auschwitz concentration camp survivors
National Party (South Africa) politicians
1921 births
2006 deaths
Hungarian expatriates in Israel
Hungarian emigrants to South Africa

Vera Reitzer


Ravenna is name of
 John of Ravenna
 Pierfelice Ravenna, a botanist

Ravenna is the name of several places in the world:

Ravenna, a city in Italy and capital of the Province of Ravenna
Ravenna Calcio Italian football club based in Ravenna
In the United States:
Ravenna, Kentucky
Ravenna, Michigan
Ravenna, Nebraska
Ravena, New York, a village in Albany County
Ravenna, Ohio
Ravenna, Texas
Ravenna Creek, a stream in Seattle, Washington
Ravenna, a neighborhood in Seattle
Ravenna Township, Michigan
Ravenna Township, Minnesota
Ravenna Training and Logistics Site, a military base near Ravenna, Ohio commonly known as the Ravenna Arsenal.

Ravenna (butterfly) is a genus of butterflies

 Ravenna is also a poem by Oscar Wilde

The Ravenna Cosmography was a 7th century map of the known world.

"No Antenna In Ravenna" is also a song by Jason Trachtenburg of The Trachtenburg Family Slideshow Players.

Ravenna (disambiguation)


George Latham (died 1871) was an English architect and surveyor, who practised from an office in Nantwich, Cheshire.

Personal life
Latham married the daughter of the Wesleyan Methodist minister of Nantwich, the Reverend Thomas Gee. They had at least three sons; the second, Baldwin Latham (1836–1917) became a civil engineer and meteorologist; the youngest, Edwin Davenport Latham, also became a civil engineer. In 1850, Latham was living on Hospital Street in Nantwich.

Works
His works include the country houses, Arley Hall and Willington Hall, several churches, Northwich Union Workhouse, and the Savings Bank and market hall in Nantwich.  Hartwell et al. in the Buildings of England series consider Arley Hall to be his finest work.  He designed buildings in a variety of architectural styles, including Neoclassical, Jacobean, and Georgian.

Unsuccessful projects
Latham was approached by John Tollemache, 1st Baron Tollemache, with the prospect of becoming the architect for Peckforton Castle, but was not appointed to the position and received £2,000 in compensation.  The architect ultimately appointed was Anthony Salvin. Latham was also commissioned by Hungerford Crewe, 3rd Baron Crewe, to carry out alterations to Crewe Hall in 1836, but was replaced by Edward Blore.

See also

List of works by George Latham

References
Citations

Sources

19th-century English architects
People from Nantwich
1871 deaths
Date of birth unknown
Architects from Cheshire

George Latham (architect)


The People Trap (full title The People Trap and other Pitfalls, Snares, Devices and Delusions, as Well as Two Sniggles and a Contrivance) is a collection of science fiction short stories by American writer Robert Sheckley. It was first published in 1968 by Dell.

Stories
It includes the following stories (magazines in which the stories originally appeared given in parentheses):

 "The People Trap" (The Magazine of Fantasy & Science Fiction 1968/6)
 "The Victim from Space" (Galaxy 1957/4)
 "Shall We Have a Little Talk?" (Galaxy 1965/10)
 "Restricted Area" (Amazing Stories 1953/6&7)
 "The Odor of Thought" (Star Science Fiction Stories No.2, edited by Frederik Pohl, 1953)
 "The Necessary Thing" (Galaxy 1955/6)
 "Redfern's Labyrinth"
 "Proof of the Pudding" (Galaxy 1952/8)
 "The Laxian Key" (Galaxy 1954/11)
 "The Last Weapon" (Star Science Fiction Stories No.1, edited by Frederik Pohl, 1953)
 "Fishing Season" (Thrilling Wonder Stories 1953/8)
 "Dreamworld"
 "Diplomatic Immunity" (Galaxy 1953/8)
 "Ghost V" (Galaxy 1954/10)

External links

1968 short story collections
Short story collections by Robert Sheckley
American short story collections

The People Trap


The Dearborn River is a tributary of the Missouri River, approximately 70 mi (113 km) long, in central Montana in the United States. It rises in the Lewis and Clark National Forest, near Scapegoat Mountain in the Lewis and Clark Range of the Rocky Mountains at the continental divide, in western Lewis and Clark County. It flows generally southeast through secluded canyons, and joins the Missouri near Craig.

It is crossed by the Dearborn River High Bridge, which was constructed in 1897.

It is a popular destination for whitewater rafting and fly fishing. Whirling disease has become  a significant problem among trout in the river.

The Dearborn is a Class I river for stream access for recreational purposes from the highway 431 bridge to its confluence with the Missouri river.

See also

List of rivers of Montana
Montana Stream Access Law

Notes

Rivers of Montana
Tributaries of the Missouri River
Rivers of Cascade County, Montana
Rivers of Lewis and Clark County, Montana

Dearborn River


Still William is the fifth book in the Just William series by Richmal Crompton. It was first published in 1925.

The stories
The Bishop's Handkerchief – There is a craze for silk handkerchiefs in the village, and William will stop at nothing to get one.
Henri Learns the Language – A young Frenchman arrives in the village, intent upon learning colloquial English. William's attempts to teach him lead to chaos.
The Sweet Little Girl in White – William is forced to play at "fairies" with an odious and domineering little girl. Little does he know what effect this will have. (This was the first ever story to feature Violet Elizabeth Bott, who appears frequently in later tales.)
William Turns Over a New Leaf – William's attempts to aid his brother Robert's romantic activities are undermined by Robert's failure to include surnames in his love poetry.
A Bit of Blackmail – The Outlaws use underhand methods to force the stout Mr. Bott to change his mind about whether to fire Bob Andrews.
William the Money-Maker – William and his friends organize an exhibition, but Violet Elizabeth is determined to get in on the act.
The Haunted House – The Outlaws' midnight feast lead to rumors of the supernatural among the Society for the Encouragement of Higher Thought.
William the Match-Maker – William chooses village eccentric Mr. March as a potential suitor for his sister Ethel.
William's Truthful Christmas – Following the vicar's advice, William decides to "cast aside deceit and hypocrisy" and speak the truth. He soon finds that "the truth" is the last thing anyone wants to hear.
An Afternoon with William – William and Ginger believe they have found an undiscovered tribe of savages.
William Spoils the Party – The Outlaws kidnap a politician about whom William's father has been complaining.
The Cat and the Mouse – Having been victimized by the new chemistry master, William finds a way to get even.
William and Uncle George – William acquires a pair of horn-rim spectacles.
William and Saint Valentine – William falls for an "older woman".

References

1925 short story collections
Just William
Short story collections by Richmal Crompton
Children's short story collections
1925 children's books
British children's books
George Newnes Ltd books

Still William


Melamine resin or melamine formaldehyde (also shortened to melamine) is a resin with melamine rings terminated with multiple hydroxyl groups derived from formaldehyde.   This thermosetting plastic material is made from melamine and formaldehyde.  In its butylated form, it is dissolved in n-butanol and xylene. It is then used to cross-link with alkyd, epoxy, acrylic, and polyester resins, used in surface coatings. There are many types, varying from very slow to very fast curing.

Curing
Melamine-formaldehyde can be cured by heating, which induces dehydration and crosslinking. The crosslinking can be carried out to a limited degree to give resins. Either the melamine-formaldehyde resins or melamine-formaldehyde "monomer" can be cured by treatment with any of several polyols.

Applications

Construction material
The principal use of melamine resin is as the main constituent of high-pressure laminates, such as Formica and Arborite, and of laminate flooring. Melamine-resin tile wall panels can also be used as whiteboards. Melamine formaldehyde is used in plastic laminate and overlay materials. Formaldehyde is more tightly bound in melamine-formaldehyde than it is in urea-formaldehyde, reducing emissions.

Other

In the kitchen

Melamine resin is often used in kitchen utensils and plates (such as Melmac). Because of its high dielectric constant ranging from 7.2 to 8.4, melamine resin utensils and bowls are not microwave safe.

During the late 1950s and 1960s melamine tableware became fashionable. Aided by the stylish modern designs of A. H. Woodfull and the Product Design Unit of British Industrial Plastics, it was thought to threaten the dominant position of ceramics in the market. In the late 1960s the tendency of melamine cups and plates to become stained and scratched led to a decline in sales, and eventually the material became largely restricted to the camping and nursery markets, in which its light weight and resistance to breaking were valued.

Cabinet and furniture making
Melamine resin is often used to saturate decorative paper that is laminated under heat and pressure and then pasted onto particle board; the resulting panel, often called melamine, is commonly used in ready-to-assemble furniture and kitchen cabinets.

Melamine is available in diverse sizes and thicknesses, as well as a large number of colors and patterns. The sheets are heavy for their size, and the resin is prone to chipping when being cut with conventional table saws.

Carbon capture
Melamine, with the addition of formaldehyde, cyanuric acid, and DETA (diethylenetriamine) has been demonstrated to bind CO2 for purposes of carbon capture, according to researchers at Stanford, Berkeley, and Texas A&M.

Production and structure
Melamine-formaldehyde resin forms via the condensation of formaldehyde with melamine to give, under idealized conditions, the hexa-hydroxymethyl derivative.  Upon heating in the presence of acid, this or similar hydroxymethylated species undergoes further condensation and crosslinking.  Linkages between the heterocycles include mono-, di-, and polyethers.  The microstructure of the material can be analyzed by NMR spectroscopy.  The crosslinking density of melamine resins can be controlled by co-condensation with bifunctional analogues of melamine, benzoguanamine and acetoguanamine.

See also
 Melamine foam is a special form of melamine resin. It is used mainly as an insulating and soundproofing material and more recently as a cleaning abrasive.
 Formica is a brand of composite materials manufactured by the Formica Corporation. In common use, the term refers to the company's classic product, a heat-resistant, wipe-clean, plastic laminate of paper or fabric with melamine resin.

References

Kitchenware
Building materials
Organic polymers
Thermosetting plastics

Melamine resin


The Oka Crisis was a time in Canadian history when there was a disagreement between a group of Mohawk people and the town of Oka in Quebec, Canada over land. It lasted 78 days and led to the death of one person. The Oka Crisis is a well-known example of violent conflict between a First Nations group and the Canadian government.

Background

The Mohawk people were in the Montreal area starting from the 1700s. In 1717, some land in the Montreal region was given to the Roman Catholic Church to use as a seminary. Part of this land included a Mohawk burial site. In 1868, Joseph Onasakenrat, a leader of the Mohawk, wrote a letter to the seminary that said that part of the land was meant for the Mohawk people to use. A year later, he and some other Mohawk attacked the seminary but were unable to get the land in the end.

In 1936, the seminary sold off the land the Mohawk claimed was theirs.

In 1959, the town of Oka let a golf course be built on part of the disputed land. The Mohawk filed a lawsuit but it didn't go through.

In 1977, a group of Mohawk called the Kanehsatà:ke band filed a land claim with the Office of Native Claims. By filing a land claim, they wanted to be accepted as the owners of the land. They were unable to successfully file a claim.

In 1989, the golf club said they wanted to expand the golf course. The Mohawk people protested and took the club to court.

In 1990, the court approved of the expansion of the golf course.

Crisis

The Mohawk set up barricades so that no one could get to the golf course. The mayor of Oka, Jean Ouellette, told them to get off but they refused.

On July 11, Mayor Ouellette called the Quebec provincial police to the town.

End of Crisis

Although the Mohawk did not get the land, the golf course was not expanded.

1990
20th century in Canada
20th-century rebellions
History of Native Americans

Oka Crisis


The wedding between Crown Prince Gustav, later Gustav III of Sweden, and Princess Sophia Magdalena of Denmark took place on November 4, 1766 at The Royal Palace.

The arrangement
The bridal couple were twenty years old when they married, but they had been engaged since 1751, when they were only five years old. In April 1766 the agreement of the engagement was made public at the same time in both Sweden and Denmark. The annunciation was celebrated with festivities at both courts, and the public greeted the news with ovations. Behind the engagement were hopes of making the bonds between Sweden and Denmark stronger, and to put the disagreements to an end.

A first wedding ceremony
A first wedding ceremony had taken place between the princess and a deputy groom, according to tradition, in Christiansborg Palace church in the beginning of October. This was almost like a legal act, where the terms that had been agreed between the royal families were confirmed.

The wedding
When the wedding couple had been dressed the groom was escorted to the king's chamber and the bride to the queen's. The groom then walked in procession accompanied by his father and his brothers to escort the bride to The Royal Chapel where the ceremony took place. After the wedding ceremony, at ten at night, the newly weds had supper in the Hall of State, followed by dancing. When the dancing was over the princess was escorted to her chambers where she was denuded by the queen and the prince's sister. At the same time Gustav was dressed in his nights robes. He was then escorted to the princess by his father the king, his brothers, and his courtiers.

References

1766 in Denmark
1766 in Sweden
Swedish royal weddings
Sweden during the Age of Liberty
Gustav III
Royal weddings in the 18th century

Wedding of Gustav III and Sophia Magdalena


A pocket is a bag- or envelope-like receptacle, most commonly in clothing.

Pocket or The Pocket may also refer to:

Other common meanings
 Pocket, a feature of some types of billiards table
 Passing pocket, a playing area in American and Canadian football
 Pocket (military), a term for when military units are cut off and surrounded by the enemy

Places
 The Pocket, New South Wales, Australia, a village
 The Pocket, an area in the neighbourhood of Riverdale, Toronto, Canada
 Pocket, Virginia, an unincorporated community in the United States
 Pocket Creek, a stream in Georgia, United States
 The Pocket – Floyd County, Georgia, United States, a recreational area
 Pocket-Greenhaven, Sacramento, California, a neighborhood also called "The Pocket"

Businesses
 Pocket Bicycles, a manufacturer of portable bicycles located in Massachusetts in the 1970s
 Pocket Books, a publisher of small paperback books, a division of Simon & Schuster
 Pocket Communications, a former regional cellular phone company in South Texas

Music
 Pocket (musician) a remixer and producer
 Pockets, a soul group from Baltimore
 The Pockets, the original name for the band Saga
 Pockets (album) by Karate
 "Pocket" (Ai Otsuka song), 2007
 "Pocket" (Sam Sparro song), 2008

Video game consoles
 Bemani Pocket, a series of video game consoles from Konami
 Pelican VG Pocket, an early handheld video game console
 Analogue Pocket, a handheld game console

Other uses
 Pocket (service), management tool for keeping articles for reading later
 Herbert Pocket, a character in the novel Great Expectations by Charles Dickens
 Pocket Magazine, a defunct American literary magazine established in 1895
 Pocket Athletic Conference, a high school athletic conference in Indiana, United States
 Pocket pet, a small furry household pet

Pocket (disambiguation)


Icing is a paste that is usually made from sugar. It is also called "frosting".  It is put on cakes to add flavour. Many kinds of cake have icing, especially cakes made for special occasions like birthday cakes, wedding cakes and Christmas cake.

Food ingredients

Icing (food)


La bestia magnífica (Lucha libre) ("The Magnificent Beast (Wrestling)") is a 1953 Mexican film directed by Chano Urueta. It tells the story of two  good friends who become wrestlers to leave poverty behind, but the arrival of an ambitious woman will tragically change their destiny.

Director Urueta was so enthusiastic about the project that he filmed three fights in their entirety, and the final cut came to 128 minutes, which was very unusual in the Mexican film industry. The production is regarded as the film that started the genre of "wrestling movies", which became immensely popular in Mexico for many decades.

José Elías Moreno won the Ariel Award for Best Supporting Actor and Jorge Bustos for Best Film Editing.

Cast

Crox Alvarado: David
Wolf Ruvinskis: Carlos
José Elías Moreno:'Maravilla' López
Irma Dorantes: Teresita
Miguel Manzano: Benjamín Aguilar
José Luis Rojas: Luis Rojas
Ismael Pérez: Poncianito
Enrique Llanes: Wrestler
Rito Romero: Wrestler
Miroslava: Meche

External links

1953 films
1950s Spanish-language films
Films directed by Chano Urueta
Mexican black-and-white films
1950s Mexican films

The Magnificent Beast


The Florida Knowledge Network (FKN) was an educational television state network operated by the Florida Department of Education. The channel was seen statewide via the digital subchannels of most Florida Public Broadcasting Service (PBS) member stations and nationwide on the AMC 3 satellite FTA (Ku band, Transponder 18).

FKN was seen weekdays from 6AM to 6PM ET (sometimes to 7PM for special faculty programming), with no broadcasts on public holidays. On most stations, The Florida Channel was seen when FKN is not broadcast.

FKN broadcast instructional programming for use by grade school classes, produced by the Florida DOE, as well as programming contributed by PBS member stations, county school boards, the Annenberg Foundation and other outside sources. Programming could be seen live with the class, or taped for later viewing; block feeds of selected programs were regularly given during broadcast hours for the latter.

The channel is not to be confused with the Florida Education Channel, a similar statewide education channel produced by the Panhandle Area Educational Consortium. In 2018, installed by TBC Integration at WFSU-TV, the DVB-S2 uplink system was used to broadcast The Florida Channel, The Florida Knowledge Network and other television broadcast services. On July 1, 2011, the Florida Knowledge Network ceased operations, for reasons not given.

References

External links
 FKN website

Television stations in Tallahassee, Florida
Commercial-free television networks
Educational and instructional television channels
Educational organizations based in Florida
Television channels and stations disestablished in 2011
Defunct television networks in the United States
Television channels and stations established in 1988
1988 establishments in Florida
2011 disestablishments in Florida

Florida Knowledge Network


Oakland City Center is an office, shopping and hotel complex in Downtown Oakland, Oakland, California. The complex is the product of a redevelopment project begun in the late 1950s. It covers twelve city blocks between Broadway on the east, Martin Luther King Jr. Way on the west, Frank H. Ogawa Plaza on 14th Street on the north side of the complex and the Oakland Convention Center and Marriott Hotel extend south to 10th Street. An hourly parking garage is located beneath the complex's shopping mall. The mall features an upscale fitness and racquet club, in addition to numerous take-out restaurants and other stores. The complex is served by the 12th Street/Oakland City Center BART station.

History
Though not actually one of Oakland's neighborhoods, and with only newly established condominium residences, City Center in Oakland has a privately owned outdoor shopping mall at its core.  The mall is a textbook example of redevelopment urban land planning policies which started in the mid to late twentieth century and continue into the present. A large section of ornate Victorian and Italianate style apartment buildings, with ground-floor retail shops in the center of Downtown Oakland, was appropriated by the city through the force of eminent domain and demolished to make way for what was originally proposed to be an enclosed shopping mall, high-rise office buildings, a hotel, and an aboveground parking structure. In the draft Central District Plan, the Oakland Redevelopment Agency originally had an ambitious goal of razing 70 city blocks, but neighborhood residents and the Downtown Property Owner's Association objected, and the plan was scaled back to only 12 blocks between 10th and 14th Streets on the west side of Broadway. The redevelopment plan, by William Liskamm and Rai Okamoto, won a 1966 Design Award from Progressive Architecture. As reported in the archives of the Oakland Tribune, residents were evicted from several residential hotels for purported code enforcement reasons under an aggressive plan called "Operation Padlock." Several pawnshops and Oakland's Moulin Rouge Theatre were leveled. According to Dr. Richard A. Walker, professor of geography at the University of California, Berkeley, the much-beloved delicatessen, Ratto's, which had been in business since around the turn of the century,  was threatened by demolition before citizen protest saved it.

The first office building, at 14th and Broadway, opened on December 18, 1973. The first skyscraper, the Clorox Building, opened next door in 1976. However, construction stalled, and by the 1980s the mall still hadn't been built and most of the site was still vacant. The project was redesigned, with a smaller outdoor retail complex and new federal office building replacing the mall, and a partial restoration of the original street grid. Several new buildings were completed in 1990, including the retail complex, named City Square, and 1111 Broadway, the new headquarters of the global shipping company American President Lines (APL). Economic recovery of downtown Oakland was stalled by the 1989 Loma Prieta earthquake and a recession in the early 1990s, and private development at City Center stopped for the next few years. Government payrolls were not affected; the Ronald V. Dellums Federal Building complex was completed in 1994, bringing more pedestrian traffic to the struggling mall.

In December 1996, Oakland City Center, including the development rights to the remaining undeveloped parcels, was sold to Shorenstein Properties. The company planned to build four high-rise office buildings on the remaining four lots.  Only one was built, 555 City Center, which was completed in 2002. Shorenstein Properties sold the development rights for one of the lots back to the city, which in turn sold it to the Olson Company, which is building market-rate condominiums. Shorenstein Properties is now planning to build market-rate condominiums on one of the two remaining vacant parcels, and an office tower on the other.  The latter was approved for construction in late 2007; on October 1, 2008, a groundbreaking gathering occurred for the tower.

In June 2010 the majority of the City Center was sold to CB Richard Ellis Investors for $360 million.

See also

 Chinatown
 Downtown Oakland
 Jack London Square
 Lakeside Apartments District
 List of tallest buildings in Oakland, California
 Old Oakland
 Oaksterdam
 Uptown Oakland

References

Notes

 Dr. Richard A. Walker, U.C. Berkeley Department of Geography, "Oakland: Dark Star in an Expanding Universe"

External links
Oakland City Center – official commercial site for the property

César Pelli buildings
Neighborhoods in Oakland, California
Shopping malls in the San Francisco Bay Area
Shopping malls in Alameda County, California
Landmarks in the San Francisco Bay Area

Oakland City Center


The Carter Center is a nongovernmental, not-for-profit organization founded in 1982 by former U.S. President Jimmy Carter. He and his wife Rosalynn Carter partnered with Emory University just after his defeat in the 1980 United States presidential election. The center is located in a shared building adjacent to the Jimmy Carter Library and Museum on  of parkland, on the site of the razed neighborhood of Copenhill, two miles (3 km) from downtown Atlanta, Georgia. The library and museum are owned and operated by the United States National Archives and Records Administration, while the center is governed by a Board of Trustees, consisting of business leaders, educators, former government officials, and philanthropists.

The Carter Center's goal is to advance human rights and alleviate human suffering, including helping improve the quality of life for people in more than 80 countries. The center has many projects including election monitoring, supporting locally led state-building and democratic institution-building in various countries, mediating conflicts between warring states, and intervening with heads of states on behalf of victims of human rights abuses. It also leads disease eradication efforts, spearheading the campaign to eradicate Guinea worm disease, as well as controlling and treating onchocerciasis, trachoma, lymphatic filariasis, and malaria through awareness campaigns.

In 2002, President Carter received the Nobel Peace Prize for his work "to find peaceful solutions to international conflicts, to advance democracy and human rights, and to promote economic and social development" through the Carter Center. In 2007, he wrote an autobiography entitled Beyond the White House: Waging Peace, Fighting Disease, Building Hope, which chronicles the first 25 years of The Carter Center.

History
The center was founded in 1982 and dedicated in 1986 with William Foege as its executive director.

In 1993, John Hardman was appointed executive director, and during the 1990s the center received several multimillion-dollar donations to fight Guinea worm disease and to prevent blindness.

In 1994, the center launched an initiative called "Not Even One" to fight child death by firearm. They decided to expand the program on March 25, 1997, effective April 1 of the same year.

On October 2, 1995, The Rosalynn Carter Georgia Mental Health Forum was held at The Carter Center.

Governance
The center is governed by a board of trustees, which oversees the organization's assets and property and promotes its objectives and goals.

A community advisory group – the Board of Councilors – includes public and private-sector leaders who support The Carter Center and its activities in their communities and organizations. Members attend quarterly presentations on the center's work.

The CEO of The Carter Center is Paige Alexander, appointed on June 16, 2020. Her predecessor was (Ret.) Ambassador Mary Ann Peters who served in the position since 2014.

Center-based councils of eminent persons who offer guidance to or participate in center activities include: the Council of Presidents and Prime Ministers of the Americas, the International Task Force for Disease Eradication, and the Mental Health Task Force. The Carter Center also collaborates with other public and private organizations.

Peace programs

Observing elections
The Carter Center performs election observation, sending teams of observers to determine the legitimacy of 101 elections in 39 countries since 1989.

Carter Center observers analyze election laws, assess voter education and registration processes, and evaluate fairness in campaigns. The presence of impartial election observers deters interference or fraud in the voting process, and reassures voters that they can safely and secretly cast their ballots and that vote tabulation will be conducted without tampering.

Teams typically include 30-100 highly qualified impartial observers – regional leaders, political scientists, regional specialists, and election observation professionals.

The Carter Center sends observers only when invited by a country's electoral authorities and welcomed by the major political parties. Observers do not interfere in the electoral process and do not represent the U.S. government.

The center played a key role – with the U.N. Electoral Assistance Division and the National Democratic Institute – in building consensus on a common set of international principles for election observation. It is also leading the effort to develop effective methodologies for observing elections that employ new electronic voting technologies.

In the 2020 US election, the Carter Center observed parts of the process at home for the first time in the history of the United States. In this context, the center conducted information campaigns in advance to strengthen confidence in the election process. On November 13, 2020, the center announced that it would monitor the hand recount in Georgia to "help bolster transparency and confidence in election results.

Strengthening democracy beyond elections
The Carter Center supports the growth of democratic institutions to ensure that there is a respect for rule of law and human rights, that government decisions are open and transparent, and that everyone can have adequate resources to compete fairly for public office.

For example, the center is supporting the efforts of civic leaders in Ethiopia to convene discussions about the most pressing and contentious political and social issues facing the country, and in the Palestinian Territories, it maintains a small presence in Ramallah focused on the ongoing monitoring and analysis of critical issues of democratic development.

Democratic initiatives in Latin America include support for regional access-to-information programs, creation of an inter-American support network, and reform of political campaign financing. The center-based Council of Presidents and Prime Ministers of the Americas plays an important role in accomplishing these objectives.

The Carter Center also promotes the dissemination to emerging democracies and regional organizations of models, lessons, and best practices for democratic governance. The goal is to empower those in transitioning countries who are trying to build stronger democratic institutions and practices.

Advancing human rights
The Carter Center believes all people are entitled to basic human rights. These rights include political rights, such as peace, freedom, and self-governance, as well as the social rights of health care, food, shelter, and economic opportunity.

The center actively supports human rights defenders around the world. In partnership with Human Rights First and the U.N. High Commissioner for Human Rights, the Center holds an annual human rights defenders policy forum hosted by President Carter in Atlanta.

President and Mrs. Carter have intervened with heads of state on behalf of human rights defenders and victims for more than 20 years. They often take their human rights concerns to heads of state in personal meetings and through letters.

The center and President Carter are strong supporters of the U.N. Human Rights Council and the International Criminal Court. Both oppose the death penalty and urge its abolition in the U.S.

Mediating conflict
Recalling President Carter's success in the White House negotiating the long-lasting peace treaty between Israel and Egypt, groups in conflict turn to The Carter Center to help them prevent and resolve conflict. Lacking any official authority, the center has become a trusted broker for peace, serving as a channel for dialogue and negotiation.

Recent examples include:
 President Carter's mission to North Korea in 1994, which paved the way for a U.S.-North Korea pact on nuclear issues.
 Assisting unofficial Israeli and Palestinian negotiators in designing a model agreement for peace – called the Geneva Accord – in 2002 and 2003.
 Negotiation of the Nairobi Agreement in 1999 between Sudan and Uganda
 President Carter's mission to Haiti in 1994 with Senator Sam Nunn and the then former chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff General Colin Powell to avert a U.S.-led multinational invasion and restore to power Haiti's democratically elected president.
 President Carter's historic trip to Cuba in 2002 to seek improved U.S.-Cuban relations
 Negotiation of a cease-fire in 1995 in Sudan to allow humanitarian groups treat Guinea worm disease and river blindness and immunize children.
 Holding summits in Egypt and Tunisia in 1995 and 1996 to address violence in the Great Lakes region of Africa
 An agreement on the restoration of low-level diplomatic relations between Colombia and Ecuador under a deal brokered by the former president, as announced by the Carter Center on June 8, 2008.

Assisting China village elections
Since 1988, the Chinese government has authorized direct village elections to help maintain social and political order in the context of rapid economic reforms. At the invitation of China's Ministry of Foreign Affairs, The Carter Center initiated a joint project in 1998 to standardize Chinese village election procedures and assist in training of election officials and elected National People's Congress deputies. In 2011, the Carter Center decided to focus on advancing the US- China relationship, and since 2015 has been promoting greater Africa-U.S.-China cooperation.

Health programs
The center has prevented the suffering of millions of people around the world from illnesses often ignored by others. Health programs seek to provide people with the information and access to services they need to treat their illnesses and take steps to prevent future spread of disease. An emphasis is placed on building partnerships for change among international agencies, governments, nongovernmental organizations, and corporations and on working with ministries of health to strengthen or establish permanent health care delivery systems in the poorest nations.

During his acceptance speech for the Nobel Peace Prize in 2002, Carter commented on what he felt is the greatest challenge the world faces:

"Among all the possible choices, I decided that the most serious and universal problem is the growing chasm between the richest and poorest people on earth. Citizens of the ten wealthiest countries are now 75 times richer than those who live in the ten poorest ones, and the separation is increasing every year, not only between nations but also within them. The results of this disparity are root causes of most of the world's unresolved problems, including starvation, illiteracy, environmental degradation, violent conflict and unnecessary illnesses that range from Guinea worm to HIV/AIDS. Tragically, in the industrialized world there is a terrible absence of understanding or concern about those who are enduring lives of despair and hopelessness. We have not yet made the commitment to share with others an appreciable part of our excessive wealth. This is a necessary and potentially rewarding burden that we should all be willing to assume."<ref>{{cite web|url=http://www.abilitymagazine.com/CarterCenter.html|title=Ability Magazine: The Carter Center|access-date=2012-04-06}}</ref>

Disease eradication efforts
The Carter Center began spearheading the campaign to eradicate Guinea worm disease worldwide in 1986. At the time, there were about 3.5 million annual cases of the disease in 20 countries in Africa and Asia. In 2016, there were 25 reported cases in three countries: South Sudan, Chad, and Ethiopia. Guinea worm disease is poised to be the first parasitic disease to be eradicated and the only disease to be eradicated without the use of vaccines or drugs.

Within affected countries, the center reinforces existing disease eradication programs by providing technical and financial assistance, as well as logistics and tools, such as donated filter cloth material, larvicide, and medical kits.

The International Task Force for Disease Eradication has been based at The Carter Center since its formation in 1988. The group has reviewed more than 100 infectious diseases and identified six as potentially eradicable – dracunculiasis, poliomyelitis, mumps, rubella, lymphatic filariasis, and cysticercosis.

Implementing disease control and treatment measures
Since 1996, the center has been a leader in the fight against onchocerciasis, commonly known as river blindness – a parasitic disease transmitted by the bites of black flies.

The center has worked to stop the spread of the disease in 11 countries across Africa and the Americas by helping residents and local health workers institute and sustain drug treatment programs and health education activities. The international river blindness campaign seeks to eliminate the disease from the Western Hemisphere by 2015.

The center has distributed more than 125 million doses of Mectizan (ivermectin) – a drug donated by Merck & Co., Inc., that treats and prevents river blindness.

Center health workers also prevent transmission of trachoma – a bacterial infection that is the leading cause of preventable blindness worldwide. Trachoma is prevalent in places that lack the tools for basic hygiene, clean water, and adequate sanitation.

The Center follows the World Health Organization's four-pronged approach – called the SAFE strategy – to fight trachoma in six African countries. The Trachoma Control Program is working to improve sanitation in those communities by building latrines, providing corrective surgery, distributing antibiotics, and educating communities on basic hygiene.

, The Carter Center has helped to build more than one million latrines in its effort to fight trachoma.

The latrines contain human waste, preventing it from serving as a breeding ground for the disease-carrying flies, thereby reducing one way the disease is spread.

Lymphatic filariasis and malaria are mosquito-borne diseases also targeted by The Carter Center. The center has distributed four million long-lasting insecticidal bed nets. It has also established drug distribution systems in Nigeria to treat and stem the spread of lymphatic filariasis and schistosomiasis.

Training public health workers
The Carter Center believes in building networks of village-based health care workers to treat people for various diseases at the same time. Emphasis is on helping national and local governments establish programs that they can sustain into the future.

Since 1997, the center established with the Ethiopian ministries of health and education the Ethiopia Public Health Training Initiative to improve academic training for health care personnel in Ethiopia and increase access to health care in rural communities throughout the country.

Strengthening agricultural production
In partnership with the Sasakawa Africa Association, the center has worked since 1986 in 15 sub-Saharan African countries to teach 8-10 million small-scale farmers improved techniques that double or triple their crop yields.

The program promotes use of fertilizers and crop protection chemicals, soil fertility, and environmentally friendly agronomic methods of crop production. It also supports efforts to construct quality grain storage to sustain market prices for the farmer and ensure greater food security, establish farmers' associations, and use quality food crops such as high-protein maize.

Reducing stigma of mental illness
Rosalynn Carter leads the center's efforts to fight stigma associated with mental illness. The center works to improve U.S. public policies that can help prevent mental illnesses and increase equity in mental health care, holding an annual symposium with national leaders in mental health and other fields.

The center also seeks to raise public awareness of mental health issues globally through the Rosalynn Carter Fellowships for Mental Health Journalism, which enable journalists to explore mental health issues. To date, more than 100 journalists have participated in the program.

Accolades
Jimmy Carter received the Nobel Peace Prize in 2002 for his work through the Carter Center. The Carter Center received the inaugural Delta Prize for Global Understanding in 1999—an award administered by the University of Georgia.

In 2006, the Bill & Melinda Gates Foundation presented the Carter Center with the Gates Award for Global Health.

The center was awarded Hamdan Award for Volunteers in Humanitarian Medical Services for 2013–14.

Annual weekend
Since 1992, the Carter Center has organized an annual weekend. In 2019, for the first time, part of the event program was opened to the media, a discussion on human rights. An important part of the event is an auction that raised $1.6 million in 2013 and $4 million in 2018.

 Controversy

 Alleged funding-based bias
In 2007, Alan Dershowitz, an American attorney, alleged on a pro-Israel website that the center's focus "is away from significant Arab abuses and on Israel's far less serious ones" and that this is influenced by the center's receipt of donations from Arab sources. One of the initial contributors to the center was Bank of Commerce and Credit International founder Agha Hasan Abedi, who donated $500,000. Abedi and BCCI also donated $8 million to Carter's Global 2000 project.

According to the center, which discloses all donations over $1000, 2.5 percent of the total amount of contributions it has received since its founding in 1982 thru 2016 were from donors in Mideast Arab nations.

Of the donations from the Mideast, the center stated that:"83% of those funds have helped to support health programs in Africa, 9.8% have gone to the center's endowment, 2.7% were for original construction of buildings at our headquarters in Atlanta, Georgia, and 4.5% for projects to directly promote peace, such as specific election observations."

 Venezuelan election

Some individuals have disputed the center's endorsement of the electoral process in the Venezuelan recall referendum of 2004. Fox News' Doug Schoen told Michael Barone of U.S. News & World Report, "Our internal sourcing tells us that there was fraud in the Venezuelan central commission. There are widespread reports of irregularities and evidence of fraud, many of them ably recorded by Mary Anastasia O'Grady in The Wall Street Journal last week. Carter is untroubled by any of this, and declares that Chavez won 'fair and square.'" The Carter Center looked into the allegations and released a paper and statistical analysis reaffirming their original conclusions.

See also
 Palestine: Peace Not Apartheid''

Notes

External links
 The Carter Center's website
 The Jimmy Carter Library and Museum's website

Buildings and monuments honoring American presidents in the United States
Development charities based in the United States
International medical and health organizations
International human rights organizations
Jimmy Carter
Charities based in Georgia (U.S. state)
Public health organizations
Rosalynn Carter
1982 establishments in Georgia (U.S. state)
Organizations based in Atlanta

Carter Center


Kristin dos Santos (née Veitch; born February 24, 1975) is an American entertainment reporter, writer and host, specializing in the coverage of television, award shows and all things Hollywood. She is best known as E!'s resident TV (and award-show) expert on E! News, E! Online, Live From the Red Carpet, Live From E!, Daily Pop and various digital platforms.

Biography

Early life and career
Dos Santos was born in St. Louis, Missouri.  Her family moved to San Diego, California the same year she was born.  She graduated from Poway High School in Poway, California, then continued on to Loyola Marymount University in Los Angeles where she earned a Bachelor of Arts degree in communications. After college she went to work for Southern California newspapers as a reporter and an editor before moving on to E!.

Dos Santos started out as a writer for E! Online, penning the "Watch with Kristin" column (originally "Watch with Wanda," a nom de plum), which gave exclusive scoop on fan-favorite shows, including spoilers, castings, pickups, cancellations and more. It grew to become the most successful franchise on E! Online, including a digital show, "Watch With Kristin", which targeted TV fans.

Dos Santos has been a staple on E!'s award-show coverage and E! News, offering expert analysis, insight and insider info. She has appeared on CNN, MSNBC and other various radio and broadcast outlets, and has hosted digital series for NBC Universal, including the "Will and Grace After Party."

As Executive Editor, TV, Kristin oversees all television-related content for E! News, both digital and broadcast. She has moderated many panels for industry events, including PaleyFest, Comic Con, SAG and the TV Academy.

Dos Santos had a blog called on E!'s website where she talked about TV shows with the help of her reporters and interns. She used live interactive chat with fans where she took questions about their favorite shows, sometimes involving spoilers and "shipping" news for upcoming episodes. The chat transcripts were posted on the website. She also posted a weekly column on Fridays which was an often lengthy article about shows, sometimes containing interviews. Originally, she used the name "Wanda" as a nom de plume when she worked solely for E!Online on the web side for privacy reasons regarding the spoilers she reported, though she switched to using her real name once she began also working for the television side of E!.

While doing set visits as a journalist for E!, Dos Santos acted in a few small television roles. She has appeared in the television programs Summerland, Heroes, Tru Calling and Felicity.  She played a dead body for one episode of Six Feet Under.  Dos Santos played "The 30s Woman", a dead body that comes back to life in the third episode of Pushing Daisies.

Personal life
On July 14, 2007, she married João dos Santos, taking his surname as hers both personally and professionally two months later. The dos Santos family have two children, one born in 2009 and the other in 2011.

Filmography

References

External links

 Watch With Kristin

1975 births
Living people
American infotainers
American television actresses
Actresses from St. Louis
Actresses from San Diego
Loyola Marymount University alumni
People from Poway, California
Entertainment journalists
21st-century American women

Kristin dos Santos


Kral Kızı Monument or Kral Kızı Mausoleum (, , ) is a mausoleum dedicated to the Bosnian princess Catherine located in the city of Skopje, North Macedonia, near the Faculty of Natural Sciences and Mathematics of Ss. Cyril and Methodius University. The tomb was reconstructed in 2014 by the Ministry of Culture of Macedonia with financial contribution from the Ministry of Culture and Sports of Bosnia and Herzegovina, after having been destroyed in the 1963 earthquake.

There has been a dilemma among scientists and the local population if it is a cult place or a personal cult which has got several tombs at different locations. The mausoleum of the king's daughter (princess) takes place among Islamic-Oriental sacral objects, also among Ottoman-Bosniak, and broadly spoken, of Macedonian cultural heritage in the Balkan Peninsula.

History

Historical sources cannot give the information when was the mausoleum built. Although there is no scripture on the mausoleum or on its remnants, which could determine its age, it can surely be stated that it has been built at the end of the 15th and the beginning of the 16th century.

Some of the studies, especially the one issued by Vera Đorđević: The Grave Of The "Kings Daughter" in Skopje, cannot be taken into account because of its arbitrariness and inaccuracy regarding historical facts about this cultural and religious artifact belonging to the early ages of the Ottoman rule on the Balkan peninsula. It is important to emphasize that, a bit earlier, Smail Softić, at the time a student in the "King Alexander I" Madrasah in Skopje has shown interest about the history of the mausoleum.

We have no information about the date of her death, thus we cannot conclude that the wearing of black veils in that time is a sign for grievance. It is more logical that the black color was chosen because of the climate. "In memory of Katarina, the Bosnian queen and widow who distinguished herself in patience, hygiene, piety and humility." The portrait of the queen is placed in the Vatican, The Sistine Chapel, on the Roselli's diptych named "Speech at the hill" right next to the Pope Sixtus IV, in the company of the captains, the maids of honor and her son.

According to another version Sigismund and Katarina, as a prince and a princess of Bosnia, were heading towards Istanbul. Ishak Beg Ishaković, a famous border guard aristocrat, was responsible for the safety of their journey. The princess fell ill underway, in Skopje they tried to heal her, but she died there and Sigismund carried on heading towards Istanbul. After receiving the information about the death of the young princess, Ottoman sultan Mehmed II ordered the building of a mausoleum. This was a personal wish and command of the sultan. Sigismund and Katarina had converted to Islam while in Bosnia, so they were free people, not prisoners. Their acceptance of Islam was important for the sultan's decision to raise a mausoleum for Katarina as an aristocrat and Muslim. An acceptance of Muslim names was not a condition in their conversion.

Epilogue
The Muslims from Skopje visited her mausoleum and burnt candles there. The Sheiks of the Sersem Ali-Baba Tekke took care for the tomb. They believed that in the land of her ancestors was one of the seven graves ("Yedi tabut"), where the remnants of Sari Saltuk-Dede were buried.

Prince Sigismund reached the title Bey in Istanbul and Karahisar. Historical sources record him as Ishak-Bey Kraljević (Kraloğlu, literally son of the king), as he was the Sanjak Bey of the Karasi region. After a defeat at the Battle of Farsus (1488), he was captivated by Egyptians in the same time when Ahmed Pasha Hercegović was captured. He is not recorded in the historical sources after 1490, which is an indication that he has died shortly afterwards. He was buried in the Greek town of Sérres near the Halvetian Tekke.

Modern days
Before it has been demolished in the 1963 earthquake, the mausoleum, with its harmonious architectural solution, dimensions and its aesthetic appearance, has given the location a unique ambience. According to its structure, it belongs to an open type of mausoleum with a square foundation made up of stone blocks. Four heart-shaped vaulted pillars were covered with bricks at the top. The four sided cupola of the mausoleum was covered with tiles. On the basis of the pillars, capitals and at the ending wreath there was a molding. Today this location is left to negligence and oblivion. Only the princess grave and the fundaments of the mausoleum are distinguishable.

In these days, it has very few visitors and in recent times it has become a place where candles are burnt for the souls of the dead relatives and beloved ones. In the popular tradition, this place is considered to be cult. This asserts to the need of an urgent restoration of the ruins of the object, on which the new-old object shall be erected by using the stony remnants and other relatively preserved artifacts.

The "Princess mausoleum" or the " King's Daughter mausoleum", or the "mausoleum of Bosnian princess Catherine" is listed among the oldest Islamic and oriental sacral objects. It has been mentioned as an Ottoman-Bosniak monument too. However, it bears a certain significance in the culture of North Macedonia and its history.

Sources
Миљенко С. Филиповић, Краљ К'зи; in: Југословенски историјски часопис, год. V, св. 1–2.
В. Ђорђевић, Гроб "Краљеве кћери" у Скопљу (Краљ К'зи); in: Јужни преглед, бр. 11–12, Скопље, новембар-децембар 1934, 453–457.
С. Софтић, Муслиманске старине у Скопљу; in: Скопски гласник, бр. 294, Скопље 1934.
Крум Томовски, Преглед на позначајните турбиња во Македонија; u: Зборник на техничкиот факултет 1957/58, Скопје 1957/58, 95/111; also: L. Bogojević, Les turbés de Skopje; u: Estratto dagli alti sel secondo congresso internazionale di arti turca, Pls. XI-XIV, Napoli 1965, 31–39.
Реџеп Шкријељ (Redžep Škrijelj), Мухаџирската криза и населување на Бошњаците во Македонија (1875-1901), Bigoss, Скопје 2006, 225–227; Also, R. Şkriyel, Kral Kızı Türbesi  – Makedonya'daki Boşnakların en eski anıtı;in: 18 ULUSLARARASI HIDIRELLEZ BAHAR ŞENLIKLERİ FESTIVALİ (Zbornik radova), Valandova 2009.

References

Tourism in North Macedonia
Buildings and structures in Skopje
Mausoleums
Kotromanić dynasty

Kral Kızı Mausoleum


Tale of Cinema is the sixth film by critically acclaimed South Korean director Hong Sang-soo. It was entered into the 2005 Cannes Film Festival.

Plot
As the film begins, Sangwon, an aimless and indecisive college student on school holiday after final examinations, avoids walking together with his older brother by instead taking a side street, where he finds a former girlfriend, Yongsil, working at an optician's store. Unsure of his own emotional preparedness in rekindling the relationship, he decides to watch a play while waiting for her to complete her work shift, delaying the decision to meet her later in the evening. The final words of anguish in the play, uttered by a desperately ill child unable to be comforted by his mother, would later be echoed by Sangwon from the rooftop of his parents' apartment after his own failed act of despair. In the film's corollary chapter, Tongsu, a struggling, rootless, and inscrutable filmmaker who has become obsessed with a short film directed by his former classmate - and in particular, the devoted and obliging woman in the film - encounters the young actress in person and begins to ingratiate himself into her company, acting out his projected image of her by imitating gestures and revisiting locations from the film in an attempt to realize his own created image of her.

Cast
 Kim Sang-kyung as Kim Dong-soo
 Lee Ki-woo as Jeon Sang-won
 Uhm Ji-won as Choi Young-shil
 Lee Kyung-jin as Sang-won's mother

See also
List of Korean-language films

References

External links

2005 films
2005 drama films
Films directed by Hong Sang-soo
South Korean independent films
2000s Korean-language films
South Korean drama films
2000s South Korean films

Tale of Cinema


Radical.FM was a digital music streaming service available on iOS devices, Android devices, and desktop web browsers. The service allows users to create their own custom online radio stations based on musical genres. Unlike other streaming services like Spotify and Pandora Radio, Radical.FM is completely free and based on donations through a "pay-what-you-can" model. The mobile application does not show or have audio ads, or charge subscription fees.

Radical.FM was founded by Thomas McAlevey, who previously launched the radio station Bandit Rock and the website Tomsradio.com. Radical.FM is headquartered in Venice, California.

The service was released on iTunes in August, 2013, and on Android in June, 2014 with a catalog of over 25 million tracks.

Radical.FM claims the service relies on human curation for its genres that are used to build "the best personalized radio stations in the world."

The company launched a desktop service  in 2014.

In October, 2015, the company introduced RadCasting, personal broadcasting with synchronous music sharing and discovery, where users can broadcast and share their stations with any other user, on mobile or desktop.

As of 2018, this company has shut down.

See also
 List of Internet radio stations

References

External links

American music websites
Internet radio
Internet properties disestablished in 2018

Radical.fm