La Création du monde, Op. 81a, is a 15-minute-long ballet composed by Darius Milhaud in 1922–23 to a libretto by Blaise Cendrars, which outlines the creation of the world based on African folk mythology. The premiere took place on 25 October 1923 at Théâtre des Champs-Élysées in Paris.

Background
It was in London in 1920 that Milhaud discovered jazz. On a trip to the United States in 1922, Darius Milhaud heard "authentic" jazz on the streets of Harlem, which left a great impact on his musical outlook. It was like nothing he had heard before. He wrote "against the beat of the drums, the melodic lines crisscrossed in a breathless pattern of broken and twisted rhythms." Using jazz elements, the following year he finished composing La Création du monde, which was cast as a ballet in six continuous parts. The work was commissioned by the Ballets suédois, a ballet company which was contemporary to Diaghilev's Ballets Russes. The company was very influential in the early 1920s, staging five seasons in Paris and touring continually.

The ballet reflects both the ideal of the aesthetic of Les six to combine popular forms of art and a centuries-old French penchant for exotica. Milhaud was very susceptible to all kinds of influences, but it was a different type of exotica that drew him. He was in the Paris of Le jazz hot, singer Josephine Baker, Pablo Picasso's paintings, and the sculptures inspired by African masks.  During the early '20s, African (and Afro-American) fashion was sweeping Paris, and this ballet may have been Ballets suédois' attempt to follow the trend. Les Six frequently socialized at the Gaya Bar, where Milhaud liked to hear Jean Wiener play "negro music" in a popular style. During the jazz age in Paris this music was often labeled "le tumulte noir (the black noise)."

When Milhaud first heard an American jazz band in London (1920), he was reportedly so captivated that he took off to New York City to spend time in clubs and bars, visit Harlem and mingle with jazz musicians. After returning to France, Milhaud began to write in what he called a jazz idiom. He chose to color his music with bluesy turns of harmony and melody, swinging climaxes, and stomping rhythms. Jazz influences appear in many of his compositions, but this ballet was the first opportunity to express his new passion; even the instrumental grouping draws on his memories of New York City. "In some of the shows," Milhaud noted, "the singers were accompanied by flute, clarinet, trumpets, trombone, a complicated percussion section played by just one man, piano and string quartet."

Leonard Bernstein summarized the piece best: "The Creation of the World emerges not as a flirtation but as a real love affair with jazz."

Reception
At the time, La Création du monde was more a succès de scandale than a true success.  The ballet costumes designed by Fernand Léger (who also created the stage sets) worked well visually, but were difficult to dance in; the costumes were heavy and too inflexible to allow the dancers to move freely.

The costumes and sets from the original performance of La Création du monde still survive in museums and galleries, while the music has taken its place in the concert repertoire. The choreography is revived occasionally out of curiosity.

Instrumentation
The score is written for a small orchestra of eighteen instrumentalists: 2 flutes, (1 also plays piccolo), oboe, 2 clarinets, bassoon, alto saxophone, french horn, 2 trumpets, trombone, piano, 3 timpani + 2 small timpani, 1 percussionist (snare drum, tenor drum, tambourin, pedal bass drum + cymbal attachment, cymbals, tambourine, wood-block and cowbell), 2 violins, violoncello, double bass. The alto saxophone part appears in the score where a viola part would generally be. Milhaud also made a version for piano and string quartet (Op. 81b).

Notable recordings

 Darius Milhaud/orchestra of 19 soloists (EMI, 1932)
 Leonard Bernstein/Victor Chamber Orchestra (RCA, 1945)
 Leonard Bernstein/Columbia Chamber Orchestra, including Benny Goodman (Sony, 1951)
 Darius Milhaud/Orchestre de théâtre des Champs Elysées (Disques André Charlin, 1958)
 John Carewe/members of the London Symphony Orchestra (Everest, 1959)
 Charles Munch/Boston Symphony Orchestra (RCA, 1961)
 Georges Prêtre/The Paris Conservatoire Orchestra (EMI, 1961)
 Bernard Herrmann/London Festival Recording Ensemble (Decca, 1971)
 Arthur Weisberg/Contemporary Chamber Ensemble (Nonesuch, 1973)
 Leonard Bernstein/Orchestre National de France (EMI, 1976)
 Simon Rattle/London Sinfonietta (EMI, 1986)
 André Previn with string quartet (chamber version, RCA, 1993)
 Michael Tilson Thomas/New World Symphony (RCA, 1997)
 Orpheus Chamber Orchestra with Branford Marsalis (Sony, 2000)

References

External links

 Video (22:17) – Darius Milhaud – La création du monde (Ballet).
 Video (18:05) – Darius Milhaud – La création du monde (Orchestra).

Ballets by Darius Milhaud
Ballets designed by Fernand Léger
1923 ballet premieres
1923 compositions
Jazz compositions

La création du monde


Panzerfaust Records  was a Minnesota-based white power record label founded in September 1998. Named after a German anti-tank weapon, the record label distributed the music of white power bands and organized concerts across the United States. At the label's peak around 2000, it was the main competitor of Resistance Records, and they had grown close to the neo-Nazi group White Revolution.

History
Panzerfaust Records was founded in 1998 by Anthony Pierpont, Ed Wolbank and Eric Davidson. The organization had ties to a number of other groups, including Hammerskin Nation, the "largest [US] skinhead group", Volksfront and White Revolution. In 2003 Bryant Cecchini, aka Byron Calvert, joined the company.

In 2004, the label launched Project Schoolyard, a United States-wide campaign to distribute free Panzerfaust sampler CDs to middle school and high school students. In response, schools were notified and in some districts CDs were confiscated or voluntarily turned over by students, and the anti-fascist record label Insurgence Records responded by offering a free downloadable compilation called Project Boneyard.

Panzerfaust Records shut down in early 2005 after the arrest of Pierpont for drug possession upon returning from a sex tourism trip to Thailand, and the emergence of evidence that Pierpont was of Hispanic descent and had dated transgender individuals and women outside the White race. The company was reorganized without Pierpont to become "Free Your Mind Productions" but disbanded for good shortly after. Pierpont has since supposedly moved away from racism and the white power movement.

As of January 27, 2005, the Panzerfaust Web site was no longer operating.

See also
 List of record labels

References

External links
 The Well-Tanned Skinhead - SPLC Intel Report
 Panzerfaust collapses amid Aryan purity debate
 Panzerfaust Misfires

American record labels
Record labels established in 1998
Record labels disestablished in 2005
Neo-Nazi record labels
Neo-Nazism in the United States
Independent record labels based in Minnesota
1998 establishments in Minnesota

Panzerfaust Records


Prince Georg Friedrich of Waldeck (31 January 1620 – 19 November 1692) was a German and Dutch Field Marshal and, for the last three years of his life, Grand Master of the Order of Saint John (Bailiwick of Brandenburg).

In 1641, Waldeck entered the service of the States-General of the Netherlands; later in 1651, in the service of Brandenburg, he reached the highest rank as minister. He changed the foreign policy completely by abandoning the alliance with the Emperor and trying to forge a coalition with the Protestant princes.

In 1656 he arranged a coalition with Sweden, and commanded the cavalry in the Battle of Warsaw (1656) against Poland. He was dismissed in 1658 when Frederick William, Elector of Brandenburg made peace with Poland.

After that he fought under Charles X Gustav of Sweden against Denmark, as German Reichsfeldmarschall in 1664 near Sankt Gotthard. In 1683 he commanded Bavarian troops during the Battle of Vienna. In 1685 he fought as a free-lancer for the Duke of Lorraine and the Elector of Bavaria.

After William III left for England in 1688 to claim the English throne, Waldeck was appointed  Field Marshal of William's forces during the War of the Grand Alliance in the Spanish Netherlands. Although he was victorious at the Battle of Walcourt in 1689, the following year he suffered a heavy defeat at the hands of Marshal Luxembourg at the Battle of Fleurus.

In 1691, he was again outmanoeuvred by Luxembourg and defeated at the Battle of Leuze.
After this defeat Waldeck was appointed chief-of-staff of the Dutch States Army. He died on 19 November 1692 in Arolsen.

Family

He was the son of Count Wolrad IV of Waldeck-Eisenberg and his wife Anna of Baden-Durlach, heir to the Lordship of Culemborg in today's Netherlands.

In Culemborg on 29 November 1643 Georg Friedrick married Elisabeth Charlotte (11 March 1626 16 November 1694), a daughter of Count William of Nassau-Siegen and his wife Countess Christiane of Erbach. They had nine children:

 Wolrad Christian (4 April 1645 – 1650).
 Friedrich Wilhelm (1649 – 15 March 1651).
 Karl Wilhelm (21 June 1650 – 1653).
 Louise Anna (18 April 1653 – 30 June 1714), married 22 August 1671 George IV, Count of Erbach-Fürstenau.
 Charlotte Amalie (20 October 1654 – June 1657).
 Friedrich Wilhelm (3 November 1657 – 21 November 1670).
 Karl Gustav (28 February 1659 – 24 June 1678).
 Sophie Henriette (3 August 1662 – 15 October 1702), married 30 November 1680 Ernest, Duke of Saxe-Hildburghausen.
 Albertine Elisabeth (9 February 1664 – 1 November 1727; married 16 January 1706 Philipp Louis, Count of Erbach-Erbach.

After his death without surviving sons, Georg Friedrich's lands in Waldeck-Eisenberg fell to the Waldeck-Wildungen line; the Lordship of Culemborg in the Netherlands was inherited by Sophia Henriette's older sister Louisa Anna (by marriage Countess of Erbach-Fürstenau), and after Louise's death in 1714 without surviving issue, by Sophia Henriette's son Ernest Frederick I, who sold it to the Dutch province of Gelderland in 1748.

References
 Theodor Heuss: Georg Friedrich von Waldeck. In: Theodor Heuss: Schattenbeschwörung. Randfiguren der Geschichte. Wunderlich, Stuttgart u. a. 1947 (Too: Klöpfer und Meyer, Tübingen 1999,  (Promenade 13)).
 Thomas Klein: Georg Friedrich. En: Neue Deutsche Biographie (NDB). Band 6, Duncker & Humblot, Berlin 1964, , S. 230 f.
 Gerhard Menk: Georg Friedrich von Waldeck (1620–1692). Eine biographische Skizze. Waldeckischer Geschichtsverein, Arolsen 1992,  (Waldeckische historische Hefte 3).
 Gerhard Menk: Absolutismus und Regierungsform in Waldeck. Der Zugriff Graf Georg Friedrichs und seines Kanzlers Johann Viëtor auf Staat und Stände, in: Hessisches Jahrbuch für Landesgeschichte 35 (1985), S. 69–135.
 Gerhard Menk: Der frühneuzeitliche Beamte und die Staatsräson. Georg Friedrich von Waldeck und die Nachlaßregelung des Kanzlers Johann Viëtor, in: Geschichtsblätter für Waldeck 81 (1993), S. 35–75.
 Pieter Lodewijk Muller: Georg Friedrich, Fürst von Waldeck, Graf von Pyrmont und Culemborg. In: Allgemeine Deutsche Biographie (ADB). Band 8, Duncker & Humblot, Leipzig 1878, S. 701–709.

External links

Biography on Georg Friedrich zu Waldeck
 Waldeckischer Geschichtsverein - Bad Arolsen

1620 births
1692 deaths
People from Bad Arolsen
Princes in Germany
Field marshals of Germany
Princes of Waldeck and Pyrmont
Dutch military personnel of the Nine Years' War
House of Waldeck
People of the Austro-Turkish War (1663–64)
Generals of the Holy Roman Empire
17th-century Dutch military personnel
Military personnel from Hesse

Prince Georg Friedrich of Waldeck


is one of the Dōzen Islands in the Oki archipelago in the Sea of Japan. It is the second largest island of the Oki Islands.

The island, 55.97 km² in area, has a population of approximately 3,400 persons. The island is administered by the town of Nishinoshima in Shimane Prefecture. Much of the island is within the borders of Daisen-Oki National Park.

Geography
Nishinoshima is located approximately  northeast of the Honshu coast. The island is of volcanic origin, with a deeply indented coastline of , and with its highest point at the peak of Takuhiyama  above sea level. The Matengai cliffs on the west coast of the island are the highest in Japan, at .

The climate of Nishinoshima is classified as a humid subtropical climate (Köppen climate classification Cfa) with very warm summers and cool winters. Precipitation is abundant throughout the year.

History
The Oki Islands have been inhabited since the Japanese Paleolithic era, and numerous artifacts from the Jōmon, Yayoi and Kofun periods have been found by archaeologists.

Nishinoshima was used as a place of exile from the Nara period, but is well known as a place of exile for Emperor Godaigo and a possible place of exile for ex-Emperor Go-Toba (a distinction which it shares with neighboring Nakanoshima.)  The island became part of the holdings under the control of Matsue Domain under the Tokugawa shogunate in the Edo period.

After the Meiji restoration, the Oki Islands became part of Tottori Prefecture in 1871, but were transferred to Shimane Prefecture in 1881.

The island was divided between Urago Village in the west and Kuroki Village in the east in 1904. The two municipalities were divided by a canal in 1915, which cut the island into two parts. Urago became a town in November 1946 and merged with Kuroki in 1957 to form Nishinoshima Town. The two portions of the island were joined together by a bridge in 2005.

Transportation
Nishinoshima is connected by regular ferry service from Saigo Port on Dōgo Island, as well to Nakanoshima. There is no direct ferry service to mainland Japan.

Economy
The economy of the island is based on agriculture and commercial fishing. Seasonal tourism also plays a role in the local economy.

References

External links

Oki Islands

Nishinoshima (Shimane)


The Communist Party of Italy (Marxist–Leninist) (Partito Comunista d'Italia (marxista-leninista), PCd'I (m-l)) was a political party in Italy. It was at one time Italy's largest Maoist group, until it changed affiliation and sided with Albania.

History
The party was founded in 1963 as the Italian Marxist–Leninist Movement. It was renamed Communist Party of Italy (Marxist–Leninist) in 1966. Its founders were from a group of Marxist–Leninist communists, who abandoned the Italian Communist Party led by Luigi Longo for its "revisionist" political line. The founders of the Communist Party of Italy (Marxist–Leninist) criticized and accused the PCI of "revisionism" (because the executives of Italian Communist Party accepted the thesis of Khrushchev that denigrated Stalin in the 20th Congress of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union) and to follow a parliamentarist and reformist political line. The secretary of the Communist Party of Italy (Marxist–Leninist) was Fosco Dinucci. Only persons who showed they knew the thought of  Marx, Engels, Lenin, Stalin and Mao and who actively devoted themselves to the cause of the Proletarian Revolution, could join the party.

The Communist Party of Italy (Marxist–Leninist) declared its opposition to the parliamentary bourgeois democracy. For the revolutionary activists of the PCd'I (m-l), the only way was the revolution, the dictatorship of the proletariat, and to realize communism in Italy through the nationalization of the means of production and of exchange, and a planned economy.

In 1968, when the ideological clash between the Communist Party of the Soviet Union and the Communist Party of China (CPC) peaked, the PCd'I (m-l) was recognized as the representative of communism in Italy by the CPC and by the Party of Labour of Albania. Such recognition became official in August 1968. Osvaldo Pesce and Dino Dini made a delegation to Peking and met Mao and other important Chinese leaders. The meeting was immortalized in a photo published by the newspaper Nuova Unità, in which the two Italian representatives were seen together with the Chinese leaders.

In 1969 a radical faction (led by Giovanni Scuderi) broke away from the party and founded the Italian Marxist-Leninist Party.

In 1977, after the Sino-Albanian split, the party sided with Albania.

The party published a daily newspaper called Nuova Unità (New Unity) and a weekly called Vocce della Cella (Voice from the Cell).

In 1991, the PCd'I (m-l) joined the Communist Refoundation Party.

References

1963 establishments in Italy
1991 disestablishments in Italy
Defunct communist parties in Italy
History of the Communist Refoundation Party
Political parties disestablished in 1991
Political parties established in 1963
Defunct political parties in Italy
Hoxhaist parties


Kiss of Death may refer to:

 Kiss of Judas, Judas's betrayal of Jesus with a kiss identifying him to his executioners
 Kiss of death (mafia), a Mafia signal that someone has been marked for execution

Film and television
 Kiss of Death (1916 movie), a Swedish silent movie
 Kiss of Death (1947 movie), a movie starring Richard Widmark
 Kiss of Death (1977 movie), a made-for-TV movie directed by Mike Leigh
 Kiss of Death (1995 movie), a remake of the 1947 movie, starring David Caruso, Nicolas Cage, and Samuel L. Jackson
 Kiss of Death (TV drama), a 2008 UK crime drama
 "Kiss of Death" (Get Smart), an episode of Get Smart
 "Kiss of Death" (That '70s Show), an episode of That '70s Show

Literature
 The Kiss of Death, a 2008 novel by Marcus Sedgwick
 Kiss of Death, a young-adult novel by Malcolm Rose
 Kiss of Death, the eighth novel in The Morganville Vampires series by Rachel Caine

Music
 Kiss of Death (Jadakiss album), 2004
 Kiss of Death (Motörhead album), 2006
 Kiss of Death (Untoten album), an album by Untoten, 1997
 "Kiss of Death", a song by Anvil from Strength of Steel
 "Kiss of Death", a song by Alec Empire from Futurist
 "Kiss of Death", a song by Black Sabbath from Forbidden
 "Kiss of Death", a song by Dokken from Back for the Attack
 "Kiss of Death", a song by Glamour of the Kill from Glamour of the Kill
 "Kiss of Death", a song by New Order, the B-side of the single "The Perfect Kiss"
 "Kiss of Death", a song by Split Lip Rayfield from Never Make It Home
 "Da Last Don", the first track off Master P's 7th Album "MP Da Last Don", which was released on June 2, 1998.

Technology
 Kiss of death (firearm), a handgun hidden in lipstick, used by the KGB
 Kiss-o'-Death, a network packet used to counteract NTP server misuse and abuse

Kiss of Death


Cynosaurus is an extinct genus of cynodonts. Remains have been found from the Dicynodon Assemblage Zone in South Africa. Cynosaurus was first described by Richard Owen in 1876 as Cynosuchus suppostus. Cynosaurus has been found in the late Permian period. Cyno- is derived from the Greek word kyon for dog and –sauros in Greek meaning lizard.

Paleoenvironment

Fossils of Cynosaurus have been found in the Cistecephalus and Daptocephalus Assemblage Zones, in the Balfour Formation of the Beaufort Group, pertaining to the Karoo Supergroup of South Africa. In the Karoo Basin of South Africa riverbanks would be over flooded creating floodplains that could hold all that water to start soil accumulation. In the lower Balfour Formation, the soil deposits suggest a lacustrine environment with abundant leaf impressions (Viglietti et al., 2018). This suggests that there was coastal marshes and swamps. There was also trace fossils found in the formation from aquatic organisms.

History and discovery
Cynosaurus was first described by Richard Owen in 1876. Owen wrote and journal titled "Descriptive and illustrated catalog of the fossil reptilia of South Africa in the collection of the British Museum" in 1876. Owen named the fossil Cynosuchus suppostus Owen, 1876 which later gets renamed as Cynosaurus by K. Schmidt in 1927. Owen described Cynosuchus suppostus as similar to Cynochampea in where the incisors and canines are located. The difference is that Cynosuchus suppostus had smaller and more upward location of nostril. The external nostril of Cynosuchus suppostus along with the forends of the upper and lower jaws were close in location with the nostril nearly horizontal. Owen described the molar teeth as relatively larger in size. Owen also noted the constriction of the upper jaw as it recedes and is combined with large molar teeth that shows Cynosuchus suppostus to have a broader and shorter skull. The nasal bones are broad and thick and overlapped by the maxillaries (Owen, 1876).

Description
Derived traits for Cynosaurus are: subvertical mentum on anterior lower jaw, robust mandible with relative high horizontal ramus, broad snout up to 32% of skull length and adult Cynosaurus lacking pineal foramen (Van den Brandt et al., 2018). In early Cynodonts the parietal bone extends ventrally to the sidewall of the braincase (Rubidge et al., 2001). The epipterygoid is also expanded to make new contact with the frontal as well as the parietal crest is elongated to incorporate the pineal foramen (Rubidge et al., 2001).

Cranium
The septomaxilla is the flat bridge that divides the nasal into upper and lower (Van den Brandt et al., 2018). The nasal is broader posteriorly than anteriorly (Van den Brandt et al., 2018). On the surface of the maxilla there are many small nutritive foramina forming two horizontal parallel lines (Van den Brandt et al., 2018). For the premaxilla there is a gap along the midline between the premaxilla and the palatal processes (Van den Brandt et al., 2018). The vomer is unpaired and tapers and reaches a point sharp (Van den Brandt et al., 2018). The vomer also doesn't reach the pterygoid posteriorly (Van den Brandt et al., 2018). Micro-CT scans allows internal structures of fossil skulls to be observed (Benoit et al., 2017). From micro-CT scans, a pair of ossification orbitosphenoid were observed in four specimens of Cynosaurus (Benoit et al., 2017). In orbitosphenoid consisted of two thin plate-like structures appear to articulate ventromedially and in cross section, it appears to be in an U-shape (Benoit et al., 2017).

The rapid evolution of the masseter insertion area is able to show early diversification of early Cynodonts (Botha et al., 2007). In Procynosuchus and Dvinia the location of masseteric fossa high on the coronoid process is seen as an initial stage of differentiation of masseter (Botha et al., 2007). In Cynosaurus and Nanictosaurus the extension of masseteric fossa is to the base of the dentary (Botha et al., 2007).

Parietal foramen
On Cynosaurus there is a sharp sagittal crest that is flattened near the location of the parietal foramen (Benoit et al., 2015). In a CT scan of a Cynosaurus skull, no parietal tube was present but instead the endocranial cavity is pushed upward (Benoit et al., 2015). In Cynosaurus whaitsi, a specimen, was shown with the absence of parietal foramen (Benoit et al., 2015). In another Cynosaurus skull specimen, the absence of the parietal foramen was due to an ontogenetic change as in Massetognathus the parietal foramen closes in adults (Benoit et al., 2015). In the extant lizard Anolis carolinensis the size of the pineal opening decreases but doesn't disappear (Benoit et al., 2015). Another specimen showed evidence of a parietal tube, but the absence wasn't due to ontogeny but from intraspecific variability (Benoit et al., 2015).

Many lizards have a parietal eye on top of their head (Ralph, 1975). In extant ectotherms living near the equator are less frequent to have a pineal opening due to the stability of the environment that makes the third eye not useful (Benoit et al., 2015). There is a definite relationship between latitudinal distribution of lizards and parietal eye occurrence (Ralph, 1975). Parietal-eyeless lizards are to low latitudes which suggests an equatorial trait (Ralph, 1975).

Tooth
Cynosaurus has simple canines with an ovoid shape that lack cingulum (Botha-Brink et al., 2007). The post canines are posterior accessory cusp and Cynosaurus have a second posterior accessory cusp in the posterior-most teeth (Botha-Brink et al., 2007). The anterior accessory cusps on Cynosaurus are not visible (Botha-Brink et al., 2007). Most early Cynodonts show triconodont postcanines in labial view (Botha-Brink et al., 2007).

Procynosuchus delaharpeae and Dvinia prima are more basal to Cynosaurus and have 5 or more upper and 4 or more lower incisors while most Cynodonts have 4 upper and 3 lower incisors (Botha-Brink et al., 2007). Progalesaurus is also basal to Cynosaurus and they have a strong longitudinal grooves or striations on their canines (Van den Brandt et al., 2018). Galesaurus who are more derived than Cynosaurus have an incomplete bony second palatine processes posteriorly (Van den Brandt et al., 2018).

See also

 List of therapsids

References

Bibliography
 Benoit, J., Abdala, F., Van den Brandt, M.J., Manger, P.R., Rubidge, B.S. 2015. Physiological implications of the abnormal absence of the parietal foramen in a late Permian cynodont (Therapsida). The Science of Nature. 102:69-72.
 Benoit, J., Jasinoski, S.C., Fernandez, V., Adbala, F. 2017. The mystery of a missing bone: revealing the orbitosphenoid in basal Epicynodontia (Cynodontia, Therapsida) through computed tomography. The Science of Nature. 104:66-75.
 Ralph, C.L. 1975. The pineal gland and geographical distribution of animals. International Journal of Biometeorology. 19(4):289-303.
 Owen, R. 1876. Descriptive and illustrated catalog of the fossil reptilia of South Africa in the collection of the British Museum.
 Rubidge, B.S., Sidor, C.A. 2001. Evolutionary patterns among Permo-Triassic therapsids. The Annual Review of Ecology, Evolution, and Systematics. 32: 449-480
 Van den Brandt, M.J., Adbala, F. 2018. Cranial morphology and phylogenetic analyses of Cynosaurus suppostus (Therapsida, Cynodontia) from the upper Permian of the Karoo Basin, South Africa. Palaeontologia africana. 52:201-221
 Botha-Brink, J., Adbala, F. 2007. A new cynodont record from the Tropidostoma Assemblage Zone of the Beaufort Group: implications for the early evolution of cynodonts in South Africa. Palaeontologia africana. 43: 1-6
 Botha, J., Adbala, F., Smith, R. 2007. The oldest cynodont: new clues on the origin and early diversification of the Cynodontia. Zoological Journal of the Linnean Society. 149: 477-492
 Viglietti, P.A., Smith, R.M.H., Rubidge, B.S. 2018. Changing palaeoenvironments and tetrapod populations in the Daptocephalus Assemblage Zone (Karoo Basin, South Africa) indicate early onset of the Permo-Triassic mass extinction. Journal of African Earth Sciences. 138: 102-111

Further reading

External links
 The main groups of non-mammalian synapsids at Mikko's Phylogeny Archive

Prehistoric cynodont genera
Permian synapsids of Africa
Permian South Africa
Fossils of South Africa
Beaufort Group
Trace fossils
Fossil taxa described in 1927

Cynosaurus


The Live Adventures of Mike Bloomfield and Al Kooper is a double album recorded at the Fillmore West venue; the album is a successor to the studio album Super Session, which included Stephen Stills in addition to Bloomfield and Kooper, and had achieved commercial and critical success earlier in 1968.

The performances, recordings and production cannot be described as flawless; in his sleeve notes, Kooper describes the difficulties of finding rehearsal space, Bloomfield's insomnia, and the failure of a vocal microphone during "Dear Mr Fantasy"; the track  "I Wonder Who" is faded during a Bloomfield solo for no apparent reason.

Nevertheless, the album remains an important, if raw, document of a live blues-rock performance of the period and, apart from its intrinsic qualities, is notable not only for one of the earliest live recordings by Carlos Santana but also for Bloomfield's debut as a vocalist. Whilst he is not historically noted in this role, in "Don't Throw Your Love on Me So Strong", according to Kooper, "he displays consummate homage to the traditional guitar-voice trade-offs; a lesson in phrasing and understanding."

Live Adventures has since been re-released on CD but without any additional material beyond its initial release; the concerts took place over three nights, and according to Kooper, for two sets a night; this should have yielded several hours of recordings, of which the album provides just short of ninety minutes.

Track listing

Side One
"Opening Speech" (Mike Bloomfield) – 1:30
"One-two..Uh, listen here now, here's what...here's where it's at, this is the thing of this gig and here's...I'll tell ya 'bout it now. Uh, awhile ago my friend Alan Kooper called me on the phone and said "Let's make this gig, an LP in Los Angeles, and we'll jam together and we'll see what will happen. . ."
"The 59th Street Bridge Song (Feelin' Groovy)" (Paul Simon) – 5:38
"I Wonder Who" (Ray Charles) – 6:04
"Her Holy Modal Highness" (Al Kooper, Mike Bloomfield) – 9:08

Side Two
"The Weight" (Robbie Robertson) – 4:00
"Mary Ann" (Ray Charles) – 5:19
"Together 'Til the End of Time" (Frank Wilson) – 4:15
"That's All Right" (Arthur Crudup) – 3:28
"Green Onions" (Booker T. Jones, Steve Cropper, Al Jackson Jr., Lewie Steinberg) – 5:26

Side Three
"Opening Speech" (Al Kooper) – 1:28
"Sonny Boy Williamson" (Jack Bruce, Paul Jones) – 6:04
"No More Lonely Nights" (Sonny Boy Williamson I) – 12:27

Side Four
"Dear Mr. Fantasy" (Jim Capaldi, Stevie Winwood, Chris Wood) – 8:04
"Don't Throw Your Love on Me So Strong" (Albert King) – 10:56
"Finale-Refugee" (Al Kooper, Mike Bloomfield) – 2:04

Album cover
The gatefold sleeve features
on the front cover, a painting of Bloomfield and Kooper by Norman Rockwell.
on the rear cover, against a background of a montage of crowd scenes (not necessarily from the concert audience), superimposed photographs of the core band and a track listing.
on the interior, a more detailed track listing, text of Bloomfield's opening speech, and notes by  Kooper, as well as other album credits.
According to Kooper, Rockwell's original artwork ended up on the wall of CBS Art Director, John Berg, who later sold it despite Kooper having expressed an interest in having the painting.

Personnel
Al Kooper – organ, ondioline, piano (overdub as Roosevelt Gook on "Together 'Til the End of Time") and lead vocals
Mike Bloomfield – guitar and vocals
John Kahn – bass
Skip Prokop – drums
Carlos Santana – guitar on "Sonny Boy Williamson"
Elvin Bishop – guitar and lead vocal on "No More Lonely Nights"
Steve Miller and Dave Brown had also volunteered their services. Kooper says (in his book Backstage Passes & Backstabbing Bastards) that Santana, Bishop and Miller performed on three or four songs each. He says Miller "played great", but does not appear on the album because Capitol Records would not give permission.

References

Al Kooper albums
Mike Bloomfield albums
Albums recorded at the Fillmore
1968 live albums
Columbia Records live albums
CBS Records live albums
Sony Records live albums
Albums with cover art by Norman Rockwell
Collaborative albums


A tower house is a tower that has been built for two purposes: First, it has been built so that it is easy to defend, and secondly, it serves as living quarters. Tower houses first appeared in the Middle Ages, in mountainous or limited access areas. They were built there to both command and defend strategic points with a small force. At the same time, they were also used as an aristocrat's residence. Very often, a castle town was constructed around these houses.
Houses
Towers

Tower house


Amleto is an Italian opera in four acts, music by Franco Faccio and libretto by Arrigo Boito, after William Shakespeare's play Hamlet. It was first performed in Genoa, on May 30, 1865, and a revised was performed in Milan, on February 12, 1871. It was revived in 2014 in Baltimore (Maryland) and also performed in 2016 at the Bregenzer Festspiele.

Principal characters

 Amleto - tenor
 Ofelia - soprano
 Geltrude - mezzo-soprano
 Claudio - baritone
 Lo Spettro - bass
 Orazio - bass

Discography

 2014: Alex Richardson (Amleto), Abla Lynn Hamza (Ofelia), Shannon DeVine (Geltrude), Caroline Worra (Claudio), Jeffrey Beruan (Spettro), Joseph Hubbard (Orazio); Opera Southwest Chorus and Orchestra, Anthony Barrese - (Opera Southwest)
 2016: Pavel Černoch (Amleto), Iulia Maria Dan (Ofelia), Dshamilja Kaiser (Geltrude), Claudio Sgura (Claudio), Gianluca Buratto (Spettro), Sébastien Soulès (Orazio); Prager Philharmonischer Chor, Wiener Symphoniker, Paolo Carignani - (Deutsche Grammophon)

Sources

 The Complete Dictionary of Opera & Operetta, James Anderson, Wings Books, 1993.

1870s operas

Amleto


Joseph Thomas Newsome (1869–1942) was the first African-American lawyer in post-Civil War Newport News, Virginia, to practice before the Virginia Supreme Court.  Newsome was a respected lawyer, newspaper editor, State Senator and civic leader who hosted many up and coming African-Americans in his historic Queen Anne home including, Booker T. Washington.

Newsome was the editor of the Newport News Star, a weekly African-American publication.

The J. Thomas Newsome House was listed on the National Register of Historic Places in 1990, and is open to the public.

References

External links
Newsome House
Historic Marker

Virginia lawyers
1869 births
1942 deaths

J. Thomas Newsome


The Catholic Church and politics concerns the interplay of Catholicism with religious, and later secular, politics. The Catholic Church's views and teachings have evolved over its history and have at times been significant political influences within nations.

Overview
Historically, the Church followed the policy of strict neutrality, with Catholic thinkers such as Eusebius of Caesarea believing that the Church should not concern itself with political matters. However, Saint Augustine, one of the Doctors of the Church, influenced the Church with his theory of minimal involvement in politics, according to which the Church "accepted the legitimacy of even pagan governments that maintained a social order useful to Christians as well, and to the extent that the freedom of the Church to carry out its evangelical task was allowed." In the 13th century, Thomas Aquinas discussed the concept of political legitimacy and the moral issues of using political power, concluding that explicit limitations to governmental power are necessary. Later Thomists such as Saint Cajetan, Francisco Suárez and Robert Bellarmine introduced the idea of early Christian democracy, according to which political power was granted by God to each community, and every political official was to obey the community's determination in his political decisions; according to this concept, the community could transfer the authority from one official to another as well.

In the early Church, the biblical passage Matthew 22:21 ("Render to Ceasar, the things that are Ceasar's, and to God, the things that are God's") was a source of discussion regarding the role of the Church and its relations with secular governments, defining the dualism of Catholic political thinking - unlike earlier religions, the Catholic Church became a separate, independent institution that was not a part of any ethnic or political structures of already existing communities. The Church's doctrine considered Christian communities to be the "recipients of divine grace and inspiration", along with the clergy. Paul E. Sigmund argues that democratic thinking was already present in the early Church, as early Catholics "acted as communities to make decisions about common affairs, becoming almost independent self-governing entities in periods of persecution".

The High Middle Ages was the heyday of monarchism. In the Church, this meant the rise of papal authority under popes such as Gregory VIII and Innocent III, who exerted wide influence over the Christian states of Europe and claimed supremacy over all of Europe's kings, engaging in major political battles such as the Investiture Controversy. However, medieval Catholic thinkers also pioneered ideas of democracy: John of Salisbury spoke of a conceptual democracy based on the ideals of Christian corporatism, comparing the organisation of society to the structure of the human body, with each social class having its role in the society and democratic right to participate in politics. The Church's tradition taught that government and laws originally emerged from the people, and were justified with their consent (consensus). Catholic thinkers believed that government authority was to be limited by natural and customary laws, as well as independent institutions such as the Church. Even papal authority should be balanced by the secular nobility (episcopalism) and the Church hierarchy (election of the Pope by the conclave, and the conciliar movement). According to Walter Ullmann, medieval Catholic scholars came close to envisioning and endorsing democracy in its modern form, with Saint Thomas writing that the law should be formulated by "the whole community or the person who represents it" and describing a regime in which "all participate in the election of those who rule" as the best form of governance, formulating the concept of universal suffrage. He also recognised limits to papal authority, writing that the pope can only intervene in affairs "in which the temporal power is subject to him".

In the modern era, which saw the rise of electoral democracy and secularism, the Church strongly rejected and clashed with regimes of anti-clerical and anti-Catholic nature. This included Revolutionary France, where the Church was the target of harsh persecution; hundreds of Catholic priests were murdered in the September Massacres, and the Reign of Terror that followed partly targeted the Church as well. Although the Church's resistance to French, German and Italian regimes is seen as an example of the Church's opposition to democracy, Bradley Lewis argues that these regimes were not democratic at all, and Carolyn M. Warner states that the Church "adapted to democratic context" and supported democracy as long as it respected clerical interests.

Despite its struggle against democratic and liberal anti-clericalism, the Church's committment to a communitarian and Christian type of democracy was officially established by Pope Leo XIII in his encyclicals Au Milieu des Sollicitudes and Graves de communi re. There, Pope Leo XIII endorsed democracy as the most Catholic type of governance, but warned that a Catholic democracy must "benefit the lower classes of society", work for the common good and reject individualism in favor of communitarianism, thus reaffirming the Church's rejection of "individualistic liberal" capitalism. These declarations laid the foundation of Catholic social teaching, which rejected both capitalism and communism. In terms of political development, Catholic social teaching endorsed democracy on the condition that it constitutes a protection of human dignity and the moral law, and valued common good over individualism.

Prior to World War II, numerous Catholic thinkers advanced the idea of a Catholic political regime; Jacques Maritain argued that democracy was a "fruit of the Gospel itself and its unfolding in history", writing that political Catholicism in its essence promotes democracy based on "justice, charity, and the realization of a fraternal community". More conservative Catholic thinkers such as Yves Simon also fully endorsed democracy, but saw it as a way to prevent the exploitation of the poor and abuse of the Church by the ruling class; in that sense, the conservative Catholic view of democracy was one that supported democracy as an "institutionalization of the people's right of resistance against tyranny." The concept of Catholic democracy was further established by Pope Pius XII in his 1944 Christmas Message, in which he stressed that a "true democracy" must see the people as a "body of citizens" rather than "simply a mass", as the former will make the citizens aware of their fellow rights and duties, while the latter is "an undifferentiated multitude open to manipulation by demagogues". He also affirmed the need for an "authentic democracy" to follow communitarian and Catholic values:

In the 1960s, the Second Vatican Council and Pope Paul VI endorsed the notion that the Church must fight not only for democracy itself but also for human rights, and it was concluded that participation in public affairs, to the degree that the country's level of development allowed, was a human right; the council also confirmed the Church's duty to promote democracy as a system that best ensured the protection of the common good. According to the teachings of Pope John Paul II, any political regime must be measured by its ability to protect human dignity, which is "rooted in man's living in both freedom and truth". Pope John Paul II describes democracy as having three dimensions:
 the participation of citizens in political decision-making;
 elections and the consequent accountability to the voters of political officials;
 and the notion that democracy is more likely to pursue the common good as distinct from the good of the rulers only.

However, John Paul II also highlighted that a democracy cannot be individualist, as a free civil society is one that provides "a widespread opportunity for participation in the goods only available to persons through cooperation". John Paul II also stressed the need for subsidiarity and the need for local self-government that would preserve regional cultures, and remarked that a "high degree of moral achievement" and adherence to Catholic virtues as well as "courage, moderation, justice, and prudence" are needed for democracy to succeed. Pope Benedict XVI defined democracy as protector of human dignity, and stressed that abandoning "moral reasoning" in favor of purely technical reasoning promoted by total understanding of "modern science and technology" can lead to a "dictatorship of relativism", which would lack universal moral values. Benedict XVI warned that "without a consciousness of the moral law, democracy cannot be sustained and degenerates into the dictatorship of relativism or what Tocqueville famously called the "tyranny of the majority."

19th century
As a program and a movement, political Catholicism – a political and cultural conception which promotes the ideas and social teaching of the Catholic Church in public life through government action – was started by Prussian Catholics in the second half of the 19th century.

Germany
German Catholics opposed the German Unification, as they wished to preserve the independence of German nations as well as the old German Confederation, which guaranteed Catholics religious freedom. When Catholic activists requested North German parliament to enact similar protections, "Protestant liberals in the North German parliament vetoed this request and pointed to it as an act of Catholic disloyalty". Under the Kulturkampf policy, Otto von Bismarck "associated the meaning of being German with Protestantism". Germany was proclaimed as a "distinctively Protestant empire". Catholic minorities such as Poles and the French were persecuted, and "German Catholics were imagined as Germany's internal foreigners and increasingly marginalized from German society and politics as enemies of the new Reich". German authorities considered German Catholics foreign and saw them as a threat to creation of a homogenous German identity. Kulturkampf aimed to eliminate Catholicism from the cultural and public sphere completely — Catholic seminaries and schools were closed, church property was confiscated, and thousands of Catholic clergy were arrested or exiled. According to a German historian Herbert Lepper, the Kulturkampf was a "war of annihilation waged by the Prussian state against the Catholic Church as a spiritual-religious and political power".

According to Hajo Holborn, German liberals were ready to give up their liberal principles and support Kulturkampf out of anti-Catholic sentiment. Holborn notes that the measures against the Catholic Church "constituted shocking violations of liberal principles" and that "German liberalism showed no loyalty to the ideas of lawful procedure or of political and cultural freedom which had formerly been its lifeblood". Gordon A. Craig points out that German liberals were not coerced by the Prussian state into supporting the Kulturkampf legislation in any way, but willingly backed it despite the fact that it betrayed their principles and included provisions that enabled ethnic cleansing in Poland. Polish Catholics were forcibly removed from their houses, which were then given to the Prussian Settlement Commission. The Kulturkampf laws had a double purpose: they were directed against German Catholics, who were considered opponents of a unified German state and harboured pro-French sympathies, and against Poles, against whom the German state was conducting an ethnic cleansing campaign. Bismarck accused the Catholic Church of harbouring "Polish tendencies" and of actively "polonizing" German Catholics; Bismarck also saw the Church as a major obstacle to his Germanisation policies against Poles in Germany. Both the Catholic clergy and German Catholics were accused of aiding the Polish national movement, with Bismarck contending that Catholics in Germany "were actively supporting Polish candidates to the Reichstag". West Prussian officials would describe a "suspiciously agitated mood" amongst German Catholics, and a Danzig report from 1871 claimed that the Polish and German Catholic population "persists in its cool, suspicious attitude; even now hopes for the success of French arms are audible from these circles". The Kulturkampf did unite German Catholics and Poles as both were harshly affected by the anti-Catholic policies, and Catholics of Germany were supportive of the Polish national movement. As to counteract this, German settlers to Polish territories were exclusively Protestant, as the Prussian authorities believed that "the true German is a Protestant".

In reaction to the Kulturkampf legislation, Catholic distrust of the German state grew and German Catholics retreated into confessionally separate milieus - social organisations, devotional associations, the Catholic press and the political Catholicism of the Centre Party. These institutions became main vehicles of Catholic difference by promoting common Catholic values and worldviews. This led German Catholics to isolate themselves from German nationalism - German Catholics were opposed to a unified German state, and overwhelmingly rejected National Socialism. According to Jürgen W. Falter, 83% of recruits to the NSDAP were Protestant, while the Nazi Party failed to make any inroads among Catholics. Richard Steigmann-Gall observed that electorally, Catholic areas "saw near total opposition to the Nazis" and concluded that "Nazi party's share of a region's vote was inversely proportional to the Catholic percentage of its population".

Austria
From Germany, political Catholic social movements spread in Austria-Hungary, especially in today's Austria, Ukraine, Slovenia and Croatia. Catholic Action was the name of many groups of lay Catholics attempting to encourage Catholic influence on political society. Many Catholic movements were born in 19th-century Austria, such as the Progressive Catholic movement promoted by thinkers such as Wilfried Daim and Ernst Karl Winter. Once strongly opposed by the Church because of its anti-clerical tendencies, liberalism started to be reapproached by Catholics, giving birth to a Catholic liberal movement in Austria. As Austria was an overwhelmingly agrarian country until the 1930s, the Catholic social movement was mostly represented by agrarian leagues as well as rural trade unions. Catholic leaders had their roots in farming and artisan environments, and the social thought promoted by political Catholicism was communitarian and distributist, reflecting "the social model of the village". Anton Burghardt observes that Social Catholicism in Austria "was never friendly to capitalism; on the contrary, there was always a strong aversion to industrial capitalism in the Catholic camp". This allowed left-wing Catholic organisations to enter dialogue with socialist and social-democrat activists.

Spain
Political changes in Spain during the second half of the nineteenth century led to the development of Catholic Integrism and Carlism struggling against a separation of Church and State. The clearest expression of this struggle arose around the 1884 publication of the book Liberalism is a Sin by Roman Catholic priest Félix Sardà y Salvany. The book was rapidly referred to Rome, where it received a positive, albeit cautious welcome.

Italy
The Church opposed the Unification of Italy, put in motion by anti-clerical nationalism and resulting in the abolition of the Papal States.
Italian Catholics were divorced from Italian nationalism as well as the government itself because of its anti-clericalism. In late 19th century, Social Catholicism based on Catholic social teaching became a prevalent force amongst Italian Catholics, who started to organize themselves into labor federations and labour unions, promoting Catholic socialism as an alternative to the nationalist, anti-clerical socialism. These political developments led to the creation of Italian People's Party as well as the Confederazione Italiana dei Lavoratori, a Catholic socialist confederation of trade unions. Catholic trade union membership was particularly high among rural workers, small landowners and sharecroppers, as well as peasants. The Catholic ideal appealed to marginalised and impoverished groups, and proved itself a formidable alternative to socialist unions.

Rerum novarum
Pope Leo XIII's 1891 encyclical Rerum novarum (Of New Things) gave political Catholic movements an impulse to develop and to spread the area of their involvement. With this encyclical, the Catholic Church expanded its interest in social, economic, political and cultural issues, and it called for a drastic conversion of Western society in the 19th century in the face of capitalist influences. Following the release of the document, the labour movement which had previously floundered began to flourish in Europe, and later in North America. Mary Harris Jones ("Mother Jones") and the National Catholic Welfare Council were central in the campaign to end child labour in the United States during the early 20th century.

Catholic movements in the 20th century

In the 20th century, Catholic political movements became very strong in Spain, Italy, Germany, Austria, Ireland, France and Latin America. What these movements had in common was a defense of the acquired rights of the Catholic Church (attacked by anticlerical politicians) and a defense of Christian faith and moral values (threatened by increasing secularization). Opponents called such efforts clericalism.

These Catholic movements developed various forms of Christian democratic ideology, generally promoting socially and morally conservative ideas such as traditional family values and a culture of life while supporting alternatives such as distributism to both unrestrained capitalism and state socialism. Freemasons were seen mainly as enemies and vehement opponents of political Catholicism. In Mexico, the atheist President Plutarco Elías Calles repressed the Church and Catholics, leading to the Cristero War that lasted from 1926 to 1929.

By the 20th century, the Church's writings on democracy were "directly read, read and commented upon" by Christian politicians, inspiring Christian democratic parties and movements in Europe and South America. A visit by Jacques Maritain in Chile provoked a split within the Conservative Party in 1938, with a progressive Catholic faction abandoning the party to found the National Falange. According to Paul E. Sigmund, Catholic social and political thought "became a major source of democratic theory" in Latin America as well as Europe.

Some of the earliest important political parties were:

Conservative Catholic Party of Switzerland – 1848
Catholic Party (Belgium) – 1869
Centre Party (Germany) – with origins in 1870
Christian Social Party (Austria) – 1893
Popular Liberal Action in France – 1901
General League of Roman Catholic Caucuses (Netherlands) – 1904, reorganized as the Roman Catholic State Party in 1926
Slovak People's Party – 1918
Croatian Popular Party – 1919
Italian People's Party – 1919
Polish Christian Democratic Party – 1919
Bavarian People's Party – 1919
National League for the Defense of Religious Liberty in Mexico – 1924
Democratic Labour Party (Australia) - 1955

Most of these parties in Europe joined together in the White International (1922), in opposition to the Communist International. Franco's mixture of Catholicism and nationalism received its own brand of National Catholicism and it inspired similar movements throughout Europe.

In addition to political parties, Catholic/Christian trade unions were created, which fought for worker's rights: the earliest include:

Typographic Workers Trade Union in Spain (1897);
Solidarity in South Africa (1902);
Confederation of Christian Trade Unions in Belgium (1904);
Catholic Workers Union in  Mexico (1908);
International Federation of Christian Trade Unions (IFCTO), in The Hague in 1920 (which was preceded by the International Secretariat of Christian Trade Unions founded in Zürich in 1908, led through the World Confederation of Labour (WCL) to today's International Trade Union Confederation (ITUC));
French Confederation of Christian Workers (1919);
Luxembourg Confederation of Christian Trade Unions (1921);
Canadian Catholic Federation of Labour (1921)
Young Christian Workers in Belgium (1924);
Catholic Worker Movement in the US (from 1933).

After World War II, more such unions were formed, including:

Italian Confederation of Workers' Trade Unions (from 1950);
Christian Trade Union Federation of Germany (from 1959);
Christian Workers' Union in Belize (from 1963);
Solidarity in Poland (from 1980).

In the 20th century, and especially after the Second Vatican Council, the church came to be associated with moderately social-democratic and economically left-wing causes - after the encyclicals Rerum Novarum of 1891 and Quadragesimo Anno of 1931, the church firmly established its Christian Democrat outlook which supported "pluralistic democracy, human rights, and a mixed economy".  Paul E. Sigmund describes the church's philosophy at that time as one that promoted "free institutions, the welfare state, and political democracy". According to G. Michael McCarthy, anti-Catholicism in the United States had xenophobic and racial, but also political, overtones - Southern Protestants "strongly opposed the church's liberal policies - particularly its uncompromising position against social and political segregation." According to John Hellman, "Not long before he died, Lenin told a French Catholic visitor that "only Communism and Catholicism offered two diverse, complete and inconfusible conceptions of human life". This led Maurice Thorez of the French Communist Party to offer "an outstretched hand" to French Catholics in 1936, wishing "to achieve a tactical alliance to head off fascism in France and Europe and to promote social progress". A large amount of French Catholics did enter a dialogue with the party, but to Thorez's surprise, "these Catholics were not, for the most part, the Catholic workers, clerks, artisans, peasants to whom Maurice Thorez had addressed his appeal, but rather Catholic philosophers, "social priests," journalists, and cardinals". While Catholics were wary of the socialist concept of the revolution, and strongly opposed to the atheism of most socialist movements, "strong criticism of capitalism and economic liberalism was a persistent theme in episcopal pronouncements and Catholic literature". The attempt of a Communist-Catholic unity in France is considered successful, as most French Catholics were opposed to fascism and when offered an alliance on grounds of anti-fascist unity, "saw the Communist offer as a religious and moral rather than political issue".

Similar alliance took place in Italy. According to a historian Elisa Carrillo, the Vatican was sceptical of "condemning any variety of communism", and Italian Catholics cooperated with Communists in the anti-fascist resistance. After WWII, members of the Italian Catholic Action "saw no essential incompatibility between Marxism and Catholicism" and established close ties with Communists such as Mario Alicata and Pietro Ingrao. Catholic Communists in Italy also had contacts with the clergy, such as with the priest Giuseppe De Luca. The church made "no attempt to suppress or condemn the efforts of these young people to reconcile Catholicism with Marxism", and in 1943, Cardinal Luigi Maglione intervened on behalf of 400 Communist Catholics who were arrested for anti-government demonstrations.

Following the council, the Catholic Church became linked to democratization movements in both developed and developing countries, opposing authoritarianism and advocating for human rights. However, this was not universal, and the extent of church involvement in politics varied greatly between countries. The church started actively opposing authoritarian regimes; in Chile, the church was opposed to the Pinochet Regime and helped rescue "thousands of foreigners and leftist activists that were fleeing the country or taking refuge in foreign embassies". The 1974 Bishops Conference in Chile harshly criticized the regime and urged for a return to democracy, and in 1975 the clergy started actively partaking in anti-government demonstrations. The church also opposed the Franco Regime. While the church in Spain was devastated after the Spanish Civil War and signed a concordat with the regime to ensure that it would avoid further persecution, it soon emerged as an opponent of the regime in the 1950s. The growing opposition to the dictatorship forced the regime to start "fining priests for their sermons, jailing members of the clergy, and considering the expulsion of a bishop, thereby risking the excommunication of the government".

Nicola Rooney argues that although Spanish clergy was accused of collaborating with Francoist forces during the Spanish Civil War, "the regime had managed to exile a significant number of its opponents, thereby giving the illusion of unanimous support from the Church." In Francoist Spain, the "members of clergy were to play a leading role in the opposition to the dictatorship". This was particularly true for the Catholic clergy in "Basque Country and Catalonia, where the clergy were actively involved in regional nationalism, and also for those priests from Catholic worker organisations who took up the defence of striking workers". As the opposition from the Catholic Church intensified, the Franco regime soon started acting against the clergy, and a prison for Catholic priests called Concordat Prison was created. Hank Johnston and Jozef Figa also argue that in Spain, "the church was crucial in the nationalist and working-class wings of the anti-Francoist movement"; with help of the local clergy, Catholic churches served as shelters for illegal trade unions and anti-Francoist parties, as "the sanctity of the church, codified in Franco's 1953 Vatican Concordat, assured that the meeting would not be interrupted by the police".

Likewise, the church often founded and engaged in human rights groups in the 20th century - Committee of Cooperation for Peace in Chile was an anti-Pinochet group that was crucial in rescuing the victims of the regime, with its membership mostly including priests, nuns and middle-class Catholics. Similar Catholic groups were also organised in Brazil and Bolivia under authoritarian regimes there, where they endured police harassment. According to Józef Figa, the involvement of the Church in oppositionist groups was often very important for mobilising and uniting the opposition to authoritarian regimes. In Catalonia, opposition to the Franco regime "brought together members of the church and several illegal parties, including the Communists", while in Poland, Catholic opposition to the Communist regime was crucial in bridging a gap between intelligentsia oppositionist and worker and peasant organisations. Syzmon Chodak wrote: "The role of Catholic Clubs in unifying the opposition forces in Poland was spectacular. These legally independent Catholic organizations provided shop-windows for ideas and ideals of non-Catholics, left-wing socialists, humanists, and others as well as the church." Left-wing Catholic organisations that were common in Latin America and Europe, such as the Movement of Priests for the Third World, French worker-priests or Christians for Socialism not only provided aid to and organised working-class and urban poor Catholis, but also "provided a forum for contact between the middle class and the working class", especially in the context of opposing authoritarian regimes.

Concordats

In dealing with hostile regimes, the Church has sometimes signed concordats, formal treaties which limit persecution of Catholic practices in return for concessions to the state. The Concordat of 1801, signed with Napoleon, reduced the persecution endured under the French Revolution in return for Church cooperation with Napoleon's rule. The Lateran Treaty of 1929 settled long-running disputes with Italy by recognising the independence of the Vatican City. The 1933 Reichskonkordat with the emergent Nazi Germany required clergy non-involvement in politics while allowing public practice of the Catholic faith. Similar purposes were served by the 2018 Holy See-China agreement which allowed Chinese government recommendation of bishops' appointments while permitting some practice of the faith.

United States
During the 1930s in America, Father Coughlin, initially a left-wing radical supporter of FDR's New Deal, Catholic priest and radio firebrand, expounded an anti-communist, social justice platform influenced by the Catholic faith. Coughlin later excoriated the Democratic Party, taking on an increasingly illiberal and anti-Semitic stance. The Catholic Church denounced Couglin's rhetoric for its anti-Semitism and hostility towards trade unions.  The Archbishop of Detroit, Edward Aloysius Mooney, demanded Coughlin to cease his attacks on industrial unions such as the Congress of Industrial Organizations.

The Catholic Church encouraged Catholic workers to join the CIO "to improve their economic status and to act as a moderating force in the new labor movement". Catholic clergy promoted and founded moderate trade unions, such as the Association of Catholic Trade Unionists and the Archdiocesan Labor Institute in 1939. American Catholics of that era were generally New Deal liberals who actively supported the CIO, viewed government as a positive force for social reform and often participated in non-communist trade unions, becoming a prominent group of the United Auto Workers. According to Colleen Doody, Catholics were the "backbone and the bane of New Deal liberalism".

Catholics are instructed to participate in the political process, be informed voters, and to encourage elected officials to act on behalf of the common good. There are, however, limits to official Church political activity. The Church engages in issue-related activity, but avoids partisan political candidate activities since it might make them vulnerable to losing their tax-exempt status. An example of an issue-related activity the Catholic Church is legally able to support is the August, 2022 proposed amendment for an abortion ban in Kansas city. Of the $1.2 million raised in 2021 by the anti-abortion "Value Them Both Coalition," $500,000 was given by the Archdiocese of Kansas City and $250,000 was donated by the Catholic Diocese of Wichita, far higher amounts than other individual donations. This restriction does not apply to individuals or group provided they do not represent themselves as acting in an official Church capacity.

Every four years, the USCCB produces "Forming Consciences for Faithful Citizenship" (formerly "Faithful Citizenship") guides, to provide guidelines and explanations of Catholic teaching to Catholic voters. According to the United States Conference of Catholic Bishops, "the separation of church and state does not require division between belief and public action, between moral principles and political choices, but protects the right of believers and religious groups to practice their faith and act on their values in public life."

See also

Notes

References

Catholic social teaching
Catholic theology and doctrine
Christianity and political ideologies

Catholic Church and politics