Howard Wales (February 8, 1943 – December 7, 2020) was an American keyboardist who worked in a wide variety of styles. He was a collaborator with Jerry Garcia in the early 1970s.

Wales was a session player for many musical acts, including Ronnie Hawkins, Freddie King, James Brown, and the Four Tops.  Though he was adept at accompanying rock and R&B artists, he also played free-form jazz.  Later in his career he released several solo albums in this style.

For several months in 1970, Wales led Monday night jazz-rock jam sessions at the Matrix, a club in San Francisco.  Jerry Garcia usually played guitar at these free-form performances.  The two were often joined by John Kahn on bass and Bill Vitt on drums.  A studio album called Hooteroll?, with these musicians and others, and featuring music composed mostly by Wales, was released in 1971.  A live album recorded at the Matrix jam sessions, Side Trips, Volume One, was released in 1998.

Wales contributed to the 1970 Grateful Dead album American Beauty.  He played organ on the songs "Truckin' " and "Candyman", and piano on "Brokedown Palace".

Wales had a cerebral hemorrhage in November 2020 and died on December 7, 2020, at the age of 77.

Discography
Howard Wales
 Rendezvous with the Sun (1976)
 The Monk in the Mansion (1992)
 Complex Simplex (2001)
 Between Two Worlds (2006)
 Life Is a Trip (2009)
 Faces (2012)
 Overview (2014)
 Undisclosed Location (2018)
Howard Wales and Jerry Garcia
 Hooteroll? (1971)
 Side Trips, Volume One (1998)
With other artists
 A.B. Skhy – A.B. Skhy (1969)
 Music of El Topo – Shades of Joy (1970)
 American Beauty – Grateful Dead (1970)
 Baby Batter – Harvey Mandel (1971)
 Electronic Progress – Harvey Mandel (1971)
 The Runner – Jeff Jolly Band (1996)
 Planetary Warrior – Harvey Mandel (1997)
 Changer L'Horizon – Rod and the Shotgun Blues (1998)
 Berkeley Soul – Sy Klopps (2000)
 Raw Material – Jeff Jolly (2001)
 Mosaique – Rocío Guitard (2002)
 Harvey Mandel and the Snake Crew – Harvey Mandel (2006)
 The Wax Still Drips – Stackabones (2011)

References

External links
 Howard Wales on Bandcamp

American rock keyboardists
1943 births
2020 deaths

Howard Wales


Melin Tregwynt (Tregwynt Mill) is a woollen mill in the hamlet of Tregwynt in the parish of  Granston, Pembrokeshire, Wales.
A mill has stood on this site since 1819 taking fleeces from the sheep farms of the area, carding and spinning them into woollen yarn and then weaving the yarn into cloth and blankets.
Today, the mill makes a line of upmarket blankets, cushions, clothing, and accessories.

History

Tregwynt woollen mill (Melin Tregwynt) lies in an isolated valley on the coast of Pembrokeshire. It is about  from the Pembrokeshire Coast Path. The hipped and whitewashed rubble stone building has the date of July 1819 on a roof truss. It was originally a corn mill, and was converted to a woollen mill later in the 19th century. The mill was part of the Tregwynt estate. On the 1841 Tithe Map, it was called Dyffryn Bach, owned by G. J. Harries and occupied by David Evans.

The local farmers would sell their fleeces to the mill, which would wash, card, comb, and spin the wool into yarn and then weave it into blankets.
The mill was powered by water from the local stream.
In an unusual design, the water wheel is inside the building.
The large iron overshot wheel probably dates to the later part of the 19th century.
The water wheel drove hammers that beat the woven cloth to clean and soften it.
Later the water wheel drove leather belts that powered the carding engines and looms.
This equipment has been preserved in the old section of the mill.

The present owner's grandfather bought the mill for  £760 in May 1912 and operated it with his son.
During World War II the mill devoted most of its capacity to making knitting wool, which was not rationed. In the 1950s the owners opened a shop at the mill and in St Davids and Fishguard, and started to develop Melin Tregwynt as a brand. The business thrived in the 1960s and 1970s and survived the recession in the 1980s that forced many other Welsh mills to close. The founder's grandson entered the business and started to develop foreign markets.

Recent years

As of 1997 the mill was weaving  of cloth each month.
Melin Tregwynt now outsources some processes, including carding and spinning.
The mill's water wheel still functions but is no longer used to power the machinery. The 2008 Guinness Book of Records noted that the mill had woven the world's largest picnic blanket for Waitrose. In 2012, the mill celebrated 100 years as a family business, now weaving for a global market. The looms are still manually warped, the knots are tied by hand and the blankets are finished by hand.
Melin Tregwynt operates a cafe at the mill as well as the shop.

In September 2012, Melin Tregwynt was featured at Heal's in London during the London Design Festival. In 2012 the Welsh fashion designer Jayne Pierson created a line of bespoke women's wear for Melin Tregwynt. The mill featured in a BBC Two Wales Made in Wales episode in December 2012. The mill's products have been featured on various TV shows including Big Brother and Doctor Who. In 2013, the mill exhibited at the Milan Furniture Fair. In 2015, a design by Melin Tregwynt was used as the pattern for a dance choreographed by Angharad Harrop to be performed in the National Theatre Wales and Theatr Genedlaethol Cymru.

As of 2016, the mill employed about 30 people.
It is a Grade II listed building.

Notes

Sources

Textile mills in Wales
Grade II listed buildings in Pembrokeshire
Tourist attractions in Pembrokeshire
Watermills in Pembrokeshire
Grade II listed watermills

Melin Tregwynt


The Flight of Dragons is a 1982 animated fantasy film produced and directed by Jules Bass and Arthur Rankin Jr. loosely combining the speculative natural history book of the same name (1979) by Peter Dickinson with the novel The Dragon and the George (1976) by Gordon R. Dickson. It stars the voices of John Ritter, Victor Buono (in his final role before his death), James Gregory, James Earl Jones, and Harry Morgan. The film centers upon a quest undertaken to stop an evil wizard who plans to rule the world by dark magic. A major theme within the story is the question of whether science and magic can co-exist. This is told mostly through the experience of character Peter Dickinson, drawn from the 20th century into the magical realm.

Released direct to video in the United Kingdom on September 1983, it was aired as an ABC "Saturday Night Movie" on August 2, 1986, and released by Warner Brothers as a made-to-order DVD in the US on 17 November 2009 as part of the "Warner Archive Collection".

The opening song is sung by Don McLean.

Plot
In an age of medieval fantasy populated by fantastic creatures, the Green Wizard  Carolinus, who presides over nature, notices that magic is fading from the world as humanity embraces logic and science instead. Summoning his three magical brothers, he proposes combining their powers to create a "last realm of magic" hidden from the rest of the world. The Blue Wizard Solarius, who commands the heavens  and seas, and the Golden Wizard Lo Tae Zhao, whose realm is light and air, agree to the proposal. However, the Red Wizard Ommadon, master of black magic and the forces of evil, resolves instead to infect mankind with fear and greed, causing humans to use their science to destroy themselves.

Since the wizards are forbidden to fight among themselves, Carolinus proposes sending a group of heroes on a quest to steal Ommadon's crown, which is the source of his power. The party includes the knight Sir Orrin Neville-Smythe and Carolinus' young dragon companion Gorbash. Solarius gives them an enchanted shield which can deflect dark magic, and Lo Tae Zhao contributes a magic flute which lulls dragons to sleep. Requiring a leader, Carolinus consults the magical force of Antiquity, which directs him to look 1,000 years into the future to find a man of science descended from a legendary hero. In late 20th century Boston Carolinus locates Peter Dickinson, a former scientist turned board game designer who is obsessed with dragons. Carolinus brings Peter back through time and enlists him in the quest, and Peter becomes enamored of Carolinus' ward, Princess Melisande. Ommadon sends his dragon Bryagh to capture Peter, and an accident with one of Carolinus' spells while rescuing him causes Peter to merge with Gorbash, Peter's mind taking over the dragon's body.

Knowing nothing about being a dragon, Peter is mentored by Carolinus' elder dragon companion, Smrgol. The dichotomy of magic and science is explored when Smrgol teaches Peter how dragons fly and breathe fire, abilities which Peter is able to explain with scientific principles. As the quest progresses, the heroes survive an attack by the monstrous Sand Murks and are joined by the talking wolf Aragh, the archer Danielle, and the elf Giles. As the party nears Ommadon's realm, Danielle and Sir Orrin are captured by an ogre. Peter is nearly killed attempting to rescue them but is saved by Smrgol, who defeats the ogre at the cost of his own life. In the Red Wizard's realm the party faces the Worm of Sligoff, which Peter destroys by igniting the sulfuric acid it excretes. Ommadon casts a spell to induce hopelessness in the group, which Peter repels using Solarius' shield. Ommadon next sends numerous dragons to kill the heroes, but Giles plays Lo Tae Zhao's enchanted flute, lulling them and Peter to sleep. Bryagh remains awake and kills Giles, Aragh, and Danielle. Sir Orrin slays Bryagh, but dies from his wounds.

When Ommadon appears on the battlefield, Peter manages to separate himself from Gorbash by recalling the principle of impenetrability. He is able to defeat Ommadon by countering the wizard's declarations of magic with explanations of science and logic, and denying the existence of magic. This destroys Ommadon, restores the other heroes to life, and allows the magical realm to take shape. Peter, having denied all magic, is separated forever from this realm, but not before awakening Melisande with a kiss and leaving her Ommadon's crown. Having fallen in love with Peter, Melisande begs Carolinus to allow her to join him. Back in 20th century Boston, Peter is selling the magic flute and shield to a pawnbroker when Melisande enters the shop carrying the crown, and the two embrace.

Voice cast
 Victor Buono as Aragh
 James Gregory as Smrgol and Bryagh
 James Earl Jones as Ommadon
 Harry Morgan as Carolinus
 John Ritter as Peter Dickinson
 Larry Storch as the pawnbroker
 Don Messick as Lo Tae Zhao, Giles the Elf
 Bob McFadden as Gorbash and Sir Orrin Neville-Smythe
 Alexandra Stoddart as the Princess Melisande
 Nellie Bellflower as Danielle
 Paul Frees as Solarius the Blue Wizard, Antiquity (uncredited)

Additional character voices were provided by Ed Peck and Jack Lester.

Crew

Reception
Filmsy.com said of the film, "Animated fantasy films geared for family viewing just aren't made like this anymore... The voice acting in this movie is excellent, to say the least... Though the animation might seem a bit 'dated', it remains beautiful by 1982 standards". "The dialogue is surprisingly intelligent and may confuse some children but it is nice to see an animated film that will stimulate adult minds a little... The voice cast are all great and I can't find a single fault with any of them", said blogcritic.org. The Unknown Movies said "There may not be a strong constant thread in The Flight of Dragons, but all its moments of warmth, imagination, and interest combine to make magic."

Colin Greenland reviewed The Flight of Dragons for Imagine magazine, and stated that "The Flight of Dragons is unsophisticated to say the least, but the Japanese animation includes some nice shimmering effects; and if, like Dickinson's, your best character is a dragon, then this is for you."

Other reviews were less positive: "I'm sure fans of The Flight of Dragons, sick of looking at crappy downloads or worn VHS copies, will be satisfied with what's here, but if you didn't grow up with this one, it's best left alone."

Distribution
Various VHS editions of the film have been released since its debut in 1982. There was also a LaserDisc release from which some VHS copies were produced. The LaserDisc release was made by PolyGram Video in the United Kingdom, and there was also a Betamax release. In 1996, Warner Home Video released the film as part of the Warner Bros. Classic Tales VHS series, which is also available in Australia one year later. The Warner Archive Collection released the film on DVD on November 17, 2009. In December 2017, Warner Archive announced that they would be releasing the film on Blu-ray in 2018.

Soundtrack
The original score was composed by Maury Laws. The film's theme song, also entitled "The Flight of Dragons", was written and composed by Jules Bass and Maury Laws, and performed by Don McLean. An official soundtrack was never released. However, Disney multi Emmy Award-winning film and television composer Carl Johnson did recreate several tracks from the animation for the live-action adaptation. Though the film was put on hiatus, 3 of the completed tracks were released online.

See also
 List of animated feature films of 1982

References

External links

 The Wonderful World of Rankin-Bass

1982 animated films
1982 films
1982 direct-to-video films
1980s American animated films
1980s fantasy adventure films
Ogres in animated film
American animated fantasy films
American fantasy adventure films
Animated films based on American novels
Animated films about dragons
Animated films about wizards
Films based on fantasy novels
Animated films based on multiple works
Films directed by Jules Bass
Films directed by Arthur Rankin Jr.
Films directed by Katsuhisa Yamada
Films scored by Maury Laws
Japanese animated fantasy films
Japanese fantasy adventure films
Rankin/Bass Productions films
American sword and sorcery films
Topcraft
Films with screenplays by Romeo Muller
1980s children's animated films
1980s English-language films

The Flight of Dragons


On Thin Ice is a documentary following a team of three consisting of Ben Fogle, James Cracknell, and Ed Coats in their race across Antarctica to the South Pole. The series covers the whole experience, beginning with training efforts in Switzerland and vigorous exercises elsewhere. The team began their race to the South Pole shortly after New Year's Day 2009. The series also covers the various calamities experienced by Ben Fogle, who only a short while before the trip had contracted a highly dangerous tropical skin-eating disease (Cutaneous leishmaniasis).

The series was aired on BBC Two during the months of June and July 2009.

The series consists of five episodes. Episodes one to three focus on the team's preparations and training for the event, particularly the recruitment of the third team member (provisionally Jonny Lee Miller, whose work commitments led to his replacement by Ed Coats). Episodes four and five focus on the race itself and notably the physical and emotional strains put on the individual men, and team as a whole.

Internationally, the series premiered in Australia on 18 February 2017 on BBC Knowledge.

References

External links

BBC television documentaries
2009 British television series debuts
2009 British television series endings

On Thin Ice (TV series)


Emmanuel Leconte (born 11 October 1982; Paris, France) is a French actor best known for his role as King Francis I in the television hit series The Tudors. He has also starred in: Monsieur Max (2007), La Ravisseuse (2005), and À tout de suite (2004). Emmanuel is the son of French director and producer, Daniel Leconte.

In 2008, he appeared in BBC2 comedy series The Cup, as French football coach Raymond Mercier.

In 2015 he directed the documentary film Je suis Charlie.

References

External links

1982 births
Living people
French male television actors
Male actors from Paris

Emmanuel Leconte


Mathilde Carmen Hertz (14 January 1891 – 20 November 1975) was a biologist, and was one of the first influential women scientists in the field of biology and a pioneer in the field of comparative psychology.  Working in Germany, her career started to unravel in 1933 due to her Jewish ancestry.  She was the younger daughter of the famous physicist Heinrich Rudolf Hertz.

Biography
Mathilde Hertz was born on 14 January 1891 in Bonn, Germany.  Her father, Heinrich Hertz, died in 1894 when Mathilde Hertz was still very young. Hertz was born into a wealthy and well-educated family.  After finishing secondary schooling, she received training in fine arts and worked as a sculptor.  One of her first jobs involved reconstructing fossilized teeth at the German Museum.

Ludwig Doederlein noticed her work and encouraged her to enroll at the University of Munich for doctoral studies in 1921.  In 1925 she completed a doctoral degree based on the analysis of primitive mammalian teeth. Once finished with her dissertation, she focused her attention on a different area. Influenced by renowned animal psychologist Wolfgang Koehler, she moved into the area of animal psychology. She moved to the Kaiser Wilhelm Institute in Berlin, Germany, where she undertook much of her subsequent studies.

With the help of Richard Goldschmidt, she overcame gender barriers and started running her own laboratory in Berlin. Here, in 1929, she completed a post-doctoral degree studying the optical fields of honeybees. Wolfgang Koehler was one of her post-doctoral committee members. Hertz continued laboratory work and lecturing after her post-doc until her career began to unravel in 1933. Under the newly elected Nazi regime, she was forced to give up teaching due to her Jewish ancestry. Both Max Planck and Wolfgang Koehler spoke out for her and so she was allowed to continue laboratory work for a few years. After turning down an offer from Columbia University to come to the United States, she emigrated to the United Kingdom and continued her research at Cambridge University in 1935. In England, however, she was more known for her famous father and not so much for her own work. After only two years at Cambridge University she stopped publishing and disappeared from the public spotlight. Unwilling to accept charity based on her family ties, she died in poverty in 1975.

Work
Mathilde Hertz concentrated on primitive mammalian teeth for her doctoral thesis. Once she received her doctoral degree, however, Hertz moved away from studying teeth and focused on animal psychology. She initially concentrated on the behavior of ravens. She was specifically interested in the visual perception of these birds. Her findings are valued for many reasons.  Among others, she published important findings explaining problem-solving in animals. In the years following, she focused primarily on the visual perception of honeybees Other animals she studied include blue jays, hermit crabs, and flies.

Family legacy
Mathilde Hertz, who herself never had children, came from a well-known family of scientists. Her father Heinrich Rudolf Hertz is famous for proving the existence of electromagnetic radio waves.  Her cousin, Gustav Ludwig Hertz, studied under Max Planck among others and was awarded the Nobel Prize for his work in the field of nuclear physics in 1925. Gustav Ludwig Hertz's son Carl Hellmuth Hertz, in turn, developed medical ultrasonography at the University of Lund in Sweden.

References

Scientists from Bonn
1891 births
1975 deaths
20th-century German biologists
20th-century German women scientists
Jewish emigrants from Nazi Germany to the United Kingdom

Mathilde Carmen Hertz


A trunked radio system is a two-way radio system that uses a control channel to automatically assign frequency channels to groups of user radios. In a traditional half-duplex land mobile radio system a group of users (a talkgroup) with mobile and portable two-way radios communicate over a single shared radio channel, with one user at a time talking. These systems typically have access to multiple channels, up to 40-60, so multiple groups in the same area can communicate simultaneously. In a conventional (non-trunked) system, channel selection is done manually; before use, the group must decide which channel to use, and manually switch all the radios to that channel. This is an inefficient use of scarce radio channel resources because the user group must have exclusive use of their channel regardless of how much or how little they are transmitting. There is also nothing to prevent multiple groups in the same area from choosing the same channel, causing conflicts and 'cross-talk'. A trunked radio system is an advanced alternative in which the channel selection process is done automatically by a central controller (computer).

Trunking is a more automated and complex radio system, but provides the benefits of less user intervention to operate the radio and greater spectral efficiency with large numbers of users. Instead of assigning a radio channel to one particular user group at a time, users are instead assigned to a logical grouping, a talkgroup. When any user in that group wishes to communicate with another user in the talkgroup, an idle radio channel is found automatically by the system and the conversation takes place on that channel. Many unrelated conversations can occur on a channel, making use of the otherwise idle time between conversations. Each radio transceiver contains a microprocessor that handles the channel selection process. A control channel coordinates all the activity of the radios in the system. The control channel computer sends packets of data to enable one talkgroup to talk together, regardless of frequency.

The primary purpose of this type of system is efficiency; many people can carry many conversations over only a few distinct frequencies. Trunking is used by many government entities to provide two-way communication for fire departments, police and other municipal services, who all share spectrum allocated to a city, county, or other entity. A secondary benefit of a trunking radio system is the ease with which it can accommodate radio interoperability and with proper planning, add authorized user agencies to the system post-implementation.

Principles of operation

Control channels
In essence, a trunked radio system is a packet switching computer network. Users' radios send data packets to a computer, operating on a dedicated frequency — called a control channel — to request communication on a specific talkgroup. The controller sends a signal to all radios monitoring that talkgroup, instructing the radios to automatically switch to the frequency indicated by the system to monitor the transmission. After the user is done speaking, the users' radios return to monitoring the control channel for additional transmissions.

This arrangement allows multiple groups of users to share a small set of actual radio frequencies without hearing each other's conversations. Trunked systems primarily conserve limited radio frequencies and also provide other advanced features to users.

Talkgroups
A 'talkgroup' is an assigned logical group of users on a trunked radio system. Unlike a conventional radio which assigns users a certain frequency, a trunk system uses a number of frequencies allocated to the entire system. Then the control channel coordinates the system so talkgroups can share these frequencies seamlessly. The purpose is to dramatically increase system capacity with optimal use of frequencies.  Many radios today treat talkgroups as if they were frequencies, since they behave like such. For example, on a radio scanner it is very common to be able to assign talkgroups into banks or lock them out, exactly like that of conventional frequencies.

Fleet maps and IDs
Each system is built with a number of system talkgroups identified as required by the planned user agencies, to which new talkgroups can easily be added as the system matures and new agencies or new requirements are identified.  For each user agency, talkgroups are assigned in an agency 'fleetmap'. The fleetmap lays out the various talkgroups that the agency requires to successfully undertake its business.  For example, in an ambulance service fleetmap there will be a talkgroup created for each of the hospital ER's that the ambulances interact with; talkgroups for communications with dispatch(s), talkgroups for special events or disasters, a talkgroup for air medical transport, and a number of talkgroups that are shared (with appropriate controls) with other first response agencies such as police and fire services.  Each talkgroup is assigned a unique digital ID on the system so that the controller can direct transmissions to the radios which are intended to receive them.  Within the same shared system there can be a fleet of ambulances, a fleet of police users, and a fleet of firefighters. In most shared public safety/public service systems, whether city-wide, or state/province-wide, there are often additional users sharing the system at a pre-determined lower priority for service such as animal control, public works, highways maintenance, correctional services, natural resources, etc.  The system may also include talkgroups for federal agencies operating within the jurisdiction and in some cases commercial users which provide assistance to general public safety.  These fleetmaps are considered subfleets of the actual talkgroups. The subfleets are intuitively programmed into the users' radios so that the users can easily find a talkgroup when s/he is required to switch for a particular situation.  Alternatively, a trunking system dispatch console operator can actually 'patch' two talkgroups together making a new 'virtual' talkgroup to allow users from different agencies to communicate without having to switch channels.

Generally in planning a multi-agency trunking radio system, each agency is assigned a 'block' of talkgroup ID numbers based on the number of talkgroups they anticipate requiring, plus some excess for future expansion. Thus a police service block of talkgroup ID's might begin with 102100 up to 102199, and a fire service block on the same system might begin with 102200 up to 102299.  This identifies the system as 102XXX and provides one hundred talkgroup ID's for each agency.  Agency-shared talkgroups (sometimes referred to as Mutual Aid or Inter-agency) may be assigned a block starting at 102500 up to 102520, allowing for twenty shared talkgroups that can be offered for use by any authorized agency. In many province-wide systems, it is mandatory for participation in the system for user agencies to include all of the authorized shared talkgroups and/or shared simplex frequencies.

Scanning
Most scanners that can listen to trunked radio systems (called trunk tracking) are able to scan and store individual talkgroups just as if they were frequencies. The difference in this case is that the groups are assigned to a certain bank in which the trunked system is programmed. In other words, the talkgroups are stored on the trunked bank.

Comparison with telephone trunking
The concept of trunking (resource sharing) is actually quite old, and is taken from telephone company technology and practice. Consider two telco central office exchanges, one in town "A" and the other in adjacent town "B". Each of these central offices has the theoretical capacity to handle ten thousand individual telephone numbers. (Central office "A", with prefix "123", has available 10,000 numbers from 123-0000 to 123-9999; central office "B", with prefix "124", the same.)

If all 10,000 subscribers in "A" were to simultaneously call 10,000 subscribers in "B", then it would be necessary to have 10,000 lines to connect the two towns. However, the odds of that happening are remote, as the number of simultaneous phone calls is usually much lower. Erlang-B is a common formula that predicts the optimal number of trunk lines actually needed under normal conditions.

This concept has been simply applied to radio user groups, to determine the optimal number of channels needed, under normal conditions, to accommodate a given number of users. In the event of a widespread emergency such as a major earthquake, many more users than normal will attempt to access both the telephone and radio systems. In both cases once the trunking capacity of the systems is fully used, all subsequent users will receive a busy signal.  In such a case management of communications becomes critical with only very local communications sharing simplex (non-system) frequencies, and longer distance communications sharing pre-planned trunking talkgroups and governing use of the resources to essential communications.

In our example of police dispatch, different talkgroups are assigned different system priority levels, sometimes with 'preemption' capability, attempting to ensure that communication between critical units is maintained.

Differences from conventional two-way radio
'Trunked' radio systems differ from 'conventional' radio systems in that a conventional radio system uses a dedicated channel (frequency) for each individual group of users, while 'trunking' radio systems use a pool of channels which are available for a great many different groups of users.

For example, if police communications are configured in such a way that twelve conventional channels are required to permit citywide dispatch based upon geographical patrol areas, during periods of slow dispatch activity, much of that channel capacity is idle. In a trunked system, the police units in a given geographical area are not assigned a dedicated channel, but instead are members of a talk-group entitled to draw upon the common resources of a smaller pool of channels.

Advantages of Trunking
Trunked radio takes advantage of the probability that with any given number of users, not everyone will need channel access at the same time, therefore fewer discrete radio channels are required. From another perspective, with a given number of radio channels, a much greater number of user groups can be accommodated. In the example of the police department, this additional capacity could then be used to assign individual talkgroups to specialized investigative, traffic control, or special-events groups which might otherwise not have the benefit of individual private communications.

To the user, a trunking radio looks just like an 'ordinary' radio: there is a 'channel select switch' for the user to select the 'channel' that they want to use. In reality though, the 'channel switch' is not switching frequencies as in a conventional radio but when changed, it refers to an internal software program which causes a new talkgroup affiliation to be transmitted on the control channel.  This identifies the specific radio to the system controller as a member of a specific talkgroup, and that radio will then be included in any conversations involving that talkgroup.

This also allows great flexibility in radio usage – the same radio model can be used for many different types of system users (i.e. Police, Fire, Public Works, Animal Control, etc.) simply by changing the software programming in the radio itself.

Since the talkgroups are constantly transmitting on different frequencies, trunked radio systems makes it more difficult for a scanner listener without a programmed trunk tracking scanner to keep up with the conversation.

In 1997, radio scanners compatible with trunked systems appeared on the market. One of the first companies to bring these devices to market, Uniden, trademarked the term 'trunk tracking' on December 5, 1997.

Types of trunked radio systems
This is not designed to be a list of manufacturers' equipment types, it is intended as a list of air protocol types unless significant vendor specific modifications have been made which violate the published standard.

Trunked radio technologies today have generally diverged into three distinct types or 'tiers'. These are not 'official', but are clearly defined within protocol types:-

Entry-level
These systems are relatively simple in their operation and only meet the minimum requirements to be defined as a 'trunked' radio system. They generally do not have enhanced features such as data communications or registration awareness. They will provide simple trunking facilities for voice calls only.

SmarTrunk
Ericsson GE
EDACS Provoice
EDACS
GE Mark V
Logic Trunked Radio
LTR Standard
LTR Passport
LTR Standard and Passport
LTR MultiNet
LTR-Net
Motorola
Type I
Type II
Type IIi Hybrid
Type II SmartZone
Type II SmartZone OmniLink

Standard
These systems exhibit some of the characteristics of a high tier trunked radio system but not all features. Therefore, they are suitable for small deployments where users are expected to use the entire network available (such as a private system covering a campus or town). Because of their lack of advanced features they generally are not suited to mission critical deployments, public access mobile radio (PAMR) type operation or uncoordinated shared user types.

DMR/dPMR true Tier 3/Mode 3 protocols are intended eventually to migrate into the "Advanced Mature high end" list below but today (2015) cannot be classified as such due to major interoperability issues, lack of mature protocol and lack of clearly defined user interface protocol.

OpenSky System
APCO Project 16
dPMR Mode 3
DMR Tier III
 Kenwood NEXEDGE  Digital trunked radio
 Icom IDAS Digital trunked Land Mobile Radio
Hytera
Motorola, Motorola Capacity Plus, Motorola Connect Plus
iDEN (integrated Digital Enhanced Network)

Advanced  systems

Some trunked radio protocols provide additional reliability and security.

NXDN Common Air Interface (CAI) was accepted at the meeting of the ITU-R (International Telecommunication Union Radiocommunications Sector) held in November 2016 and it has been added to Report M.2014-3, published in February 2017. It is an open, multi-vendor protocol widely adopted in mission-critical applications in Japan, USA and mainland Europe.

Other protocols include:

MPT-1327
TETRA
APCO Project 25
TETRAPOL

Notes

Radio resource management
Radio networks

Trunked radio system


Delay is an audio signal processing technique that records an input signal to a storage medium and then plays it back after a period of time. When the delayed playback is mixed with the live audio, it creates an echo-like effect, whereby the original audio is heard followed by the delayed audio. The delayed signal may be played back multiple times, or fed back into the recording, to create the sound of a repeating, decaying echo.

Delay effects range from a subtle echo effect to a pronounced blending of previous sounds with new sounds. Delay effects can be created using tape loops, an approach developed in the 1940s and 1950s and used by artists including Elvis Presley and Buddy Holly.

Analog effects units were introduced in the 1970s; digital effects pedals in 1984; and audio plug-in software in the 2000s.

History
The first delay effects were achieved using tape loops improvised on reel-to-reel audio tape recording systems. By shortening or lengthening the loop of tape and adjusting the read-and-write heads, the nature of the delayed echo could be controlled. This technique was most common among early composers of musique concrète such as Pierre Schaeffer, and composers such as Karlheinz Stockhausen, who had sometimes devised elaborate systems involving long tapes and multiple recorders and playback systems, collectively processing the input of a live performer or ensemble.

American producer Sam Phillips created a slapback echo effect with two Ampex 350 tape recorders in 1954. The effect was used by artists including Elvis Presley (such as on his track "Blue Moon of Kentucky") and Buddy Holly, and became one of Phillips' signatures. Guitarist and instrument designer Les Paul was an early pioneer in delay devices. According to Sound on Sound, "The character and depth of sound that was produced from tape echo on these old records is extremely lush, warm and wide."

Tape echoes became commercially available in the 1950s. Tape echo machines contain loops of tape that pass over a record head and then a playback head. An echo machine is the early name for a sound processing device used with electronic instruments to repeat the sound and produce a simulated echo.  The time between echo repeats was adjusted by varying head position or tape speed. The length or intensity of the echo effect was adjusted by changing the amount of echo signal was fed back into the signal recorded to tape.

A landmark device was the EchoSonic made by American Ray Butts. It is a portable guitar amplifier with a built-in tape echo, which became used widely in country music (Chet Atkins) and especially in rock and roll (Scotty Moore).

Dedicated machines for creating tape loops were introduced One example is the Echoplex which uses a tape loop.  The length of delay is adjusted by changing the distance between the tape record and playback heads.  Another is the Ace Tone EC-1 Echo Chamber.

With the Roland RE-201, introduced in 1973, Japanese engineer Ikutaro Kakehashi refined the tape delay to make it more reliable and robust, with reduced tape wear and noise, wow, and flutter, additional controls, and additional tape heads. Different effects could be created by enabling different combinations of playback heads. By adjusting the controls and tape speed, musicians could create pitch-shifting and oscillated effects. The RE-201 was used by acts including Brian Setzer, Bob Marley, Portishead, and Radiohead.

In the 1970s, Jamaican dub reggae producers used delay effects extensively; Lee Scratch Perry created "lo-fi sci-fi" effects by using delay and reverb on a mixing console test tone and dub techno producers such as Basic Channel introduced delay to electronic music. Digital delay effects were developed with the arrival of digital recording.

Analog delay

Before the invention of audio delay technology, music employing an echo had to be recorded in a naturally reverberant space, often an inconvenience for musicians and engineers. The demand for an easy-to-use real-time echo effect led to the production of systems offering an all-in-one effects unit that could be adjusted to produce echoes of any interval or amplitude. The presence of multiple taps (playback heads) made it possible to have delays at varying rhythmic intervals; this allowed musicians an additional means of expression over natural periodic echoes.

Tape delay
Delay processors based on analog tape recording use magnetic tape as their recording and playback medium. Electric motors guide a tape loop through a device with a variety of mechanisms allowing modification of the effect's parameters. Popular models include Ray Butts' EchoSonic (1952), the Watkins Copicat (1958),  the Echoplex (1959) and the Roland Space Echo (1974).

In the Echoplex EP-2, the play head position was fixed, while a combination record and erase head was mounted on a slide, thus the delay time of the echo was adjusted by changing the distance between the record and play heads.

The Space Echo uses a free-running tape transport system to reduce tape wear, noise, and wow and flutter, and made the units more reliable and easy to transport. It was more reliable and sturdy than previous tape echo devices, making it easy to travel and perform with. It has been used by musicians in genres such as reggae, dub, trip hop, post-punk and experimental rock.

Thin magnetic tape was not entirely suited for continuous operation, however, so the tape loop has to be replaced from time to time to maintain the audio fidelity of the processed sounds. The Binson Echorec used a rotating magnetic drum or disc (not entirely unlike those used in modern hard-disk drives) as its storage medium. This provided an advantage over tape, as the durable drums were able to last for many years with little deterioration in the audio quality. In later years, tape delay effects remained popular for the way the tape compresses and distorts, "creating the impression that the echoes are receding rather than just getting quieter".

Oil can
An alternative echo system was the so-called oil-can delay method, which uses electrostatic rather than electromagnetic recording.

Invented by Ray Lubow, the oil-can method uses a rotating disc of anodized aluminium coated with a suspension of carbon particles. An AC signal to a conductive neoprene wiper transfers the charge to the high impedance disc. As the particles pass by the wiper, they act as thousands of tiny capacitors, holding a small part of the charge. A second wiper reads this representation of the signal, and sends it to a voltage amplifier that mixes it with the original source. To protect the charge held by the particles and to lubricate the entire assembly, the disc runs inside a sealed can with enough of a special insulating oil to assure that an even coating is applied as it spins.

The effect resembles an echo, but the whimsical nature of the storage medium causes variations in the sound that can be heard as a vibrato effect. Some early models featured control circuitry designed to feed the output of the read wiper to the write wiper, causing a reverberant effect as well.

Many different companies marketed these devices under various names. Fender sold the Dimension IV, the Variable Delay, the Echo-Reverb I, II, and III, and included an oil can in their Special Effects box. Gibson sold the GA-4RE from 1965–67. Ray Lubow himself sold many different versions under the Tel-Ray/Morley brand, starting out in the early sixties with the Ad-n-echo, and eventually producing the Echo-ver-brato, the Electrostatic Delay Line, and many others into the eighties.

Solid-state delay

The bucket-brigade devices (BBD) was developed at Philips in 1969. Delay effects utilizing this technology eventually became available. Notable examples include the Memory Man from Electro-Harmonix, released in 1976 and the Boss DM-2 released in 1981. BBD-based devices offered a convenient alternative to tape delays and leslie speakers but were eventually largely supplanted by digital delays.

Digital delay

Digital delay systems function by sampling the input signal using an analog-to-digital converter. The resulting digital audio is passed through a memory buffer and recalled from the buffer a short time later. Through feedback of some of the delayed audio back into the buffer, multiple repeats of the audio are created. The delayed (wet) output may be mixed with the unmodified (dry) signal after, or before, it is sent to a digital-to-analog converter for output.

Digital delay effects were initially available as expensive rack-mounted units intended for use in television and audio production studios. One of the first was the Eventide DDL 1745 from 1971. Another popular rack-mount digital delay was the AMS DMX 15-80 of 1978. As digital memory became cheaper in the 1980s, units like Lexicon PCM42, Roland SDE-3000, TC Electronic 2290 offered more than three seconds of delay time, enough to create background loops, rhythms, and phrases. The 2290 was upgradeable to 32 seconds and Electro-Harmonix offered a 16-second delay and looping machine. Eventually, as costs came down further and the electronics grew smaller, they became available in the form of foot pedals. The first digital delay offered in a pedal was the Boss DD-2 in 1984. Rack-mounted delay units evolved into digital reverb units and on to digital multi-effects units capable of more sophisticated effects than pure delay, such as reverb and audio time stretching and pitch scaling effects.

Digital delays present an extensive array of options, including control over the time before playback of the delayed signal. Most also allow the user to select the overall level of the processed signal in relation to the unmodified one, or the level at which the delayed signal is fed back into the memory, to be repeated again. Some systems allow more exotic controls, such as the ability to add an audio filter and modulate the playback rate.

Looping

While the early delay units with a long delay capacity could be used to record a riff or chord progression and then play over it, they were challenging to work with. The Paradis Loop Delay, created in 1992, was the first unit with dedicated looping functions such as record, overdub, multiply, insert, and replace, which made it more intuitive and user-friendly. Gibson manufactured a slightly improved version as the Echoplex Digital Pro until 2006.

Computer software

A natural development from digital delay-processing hardware was the appearance of software-based delay systems. In large part, this coincided with the popularity of audio editing software. Software delays, in many cases, offer much greater flexibility than even the most recent digital hardware delays. Software implementations may offer shifting or random delay times, or the insertion of other audio effects in the feedback path. Many software plugins have added functionality to emulate the sounds of the earlier analog units. Abundant main memory on modern personal computers offers ample delay time.

Artistic uses
In popular and electronic music, electric guitarists use delay to produce densely overlaid textures of notes with rhythms complementary to the music. U2 guitarist the Edge uses delay while he plays arpeggios on electric guitar, thus creating a sustained, synth pad-like background. Vocalists and instrumentalists use delay to add a dense or ethereal quality to their singing or playing. Extremely long delays of 10 seconds or more are often used to create loops of a whole musical phrase. Robert Fripp used two Revox reel-to-reel tape recorders to achieve very long delay times for solo guitar performance.  He dubbed this technology  "Frippertronics", and used it in a number of recordings.

John Martyn was a pioneer of the echoplex. Perhaps the earliest indication of his use can be heard on the songs "Would You Believe Me" and "The Ocean" on the album Stormbringer! released in February 1970.

Function

Delay effects add a time delay to an audio signal. Blending the delayed audio with the original audio creates an echo-like effect, whereby the original audio is heard followed by the delayed audio. The delayed signal may be treated separately from the input audio - for example, with an equalizer.

Most delay effects allow users to set the delay time, or the amount of time between each audio playback. The may be synchronized to a BPM, allowing users to set time values as beat divisions. Delay is used to create other effects, including reverb, chorus, and flanging.

Delay effects typically allow users to add and adjust feedback. By feeding some of the delayed audio back into the delay mechanism, multiple repeats of the audio are heard. At low feedback settings, each repeat fades in volume. High levels of feedback can cause the level of the output to rapidly increase, becoming louder and louder; this may be managed using a limiter.

Haas effect
Short delays (50 ms or less) create a sense of broadening the sound without creating a perceptible echo and can be used to add stereo width or simulate double-tracking (layering two performances). The effect is known as the precedence effect or Haas effect, after the German scientist Helmut Haas.

Ping-pong delay
In a ping-pong delay, the delayed signal alternates between the two channels of a stereo program.

Multi-tap
In a multi-tap delay, multiple taps (outputs) are taken from a delay buffer, each with independent times and levels, and summed with the original signal. Multi-tap delays can be used to create rhythmic patterns or dense, reverb-like effects.

Doubling echo
Doubling echo is produced by adding short delay to a recorded sound. Delays of thirty to fifty milliseconds are the most common; longer delay times become slapback echo. Mixing the original and delayed sounds creates an effect similar to doubletracking, or unison performance.

Slapback echo
Slapback echo uses a longer delay time (60 to 250 milliseconds), with little or no feedback. A slapback delay creates a thickening effect. The effect is characteristic of vocals on 1950s rock-n-roll records. In July 1954, Sam Phillips produced the first of five 78s and 45s that Elvis Presley would release on Sun over the next year and a half, all of which featured a novel production technique that Phillips termed slapback echo. The effect was produced by re-feeding the output signal from the playback head tape recorder to its record head. The physical space between heads, the speed of the tape, and the chosen volume being the main controlling factors. Analog and later digital delay machines also easily produced the effect. It is also sometimes used on instruments, particularly drums and percussion.

Flanging, chorus effect, and reverb

Flanging, chorus and reverb are all delay-based sound effects. With flanging and chorus, the delay time is very short and usually modulated. With reverberation there are multiple delays and feedback so that individual echoes are blurred together, recreating the sound of an acoustic space.

Straight delay

Straight delay is used in sound reinforcement systems; a straight delay is used to compensate for the propagation of sound through the air. Unlike audio delay effects devices, straight delay is not mixed back in with the original signal. The delayed signal alone is sent to loudspeakers so that the speakers distant from the stage, as in a large outdoor rock festival, will reinforce the stage sound at the same time or slightly later than the acoustic sound from the stage. The delayed signal uses approximately 1 millisecond of straight delay per foot of air or 3 milliseconds per meter, depending on the air temperature's effect on the speed of sound. Because of the Haas effect, this technique allows audio engineers to use additional speaker systems placed away from the stage and still give the illusion that all sound originates from the stage. The purpose is to deliver sufficient sound volume to the back of the venue without resorting to excessive sound volumes near the front.

Straight delay is also used in audio to video synchronization to align sound with visual media (e.g., on TV or web broadcasting), if the visual source is delayed. Visual media can become delayed by a number of mechanisms or reasons, in which case the associated audio must be delayed to match the visual content.

Samples

See also
 Analog delay line

 Digital delay line
 Send tape echo echo delay

Notes

References

External links

Audio effects
Broadcasting
Effects units
Music looping
Sound recording
Sound reinforcement system

Delay (audio effect)


Manuel Melitón Carvajal Ambulodegui (March 10, 1847 in Lima – September 19, 1935 in Lima), was a Peruvian naval commander and government official who was part of the crew of the ironclad Huáscar during the War of the Pacific. He was wounded and taken prisoner at the Battle of Angamos and became a national hero. He later held numerous government posts and supervised the buildup of the Peruvian Navy. Melitón Carvajal National College, located in Lince District, was named in his honor.

Early career
He was the son of a Colombian doctor, Manuel Ignacio Carvajal, and his wife María del Pilar Ambulodegui. He studied at the College of Our Lady of Guadalupe in Lima, and entered the Naval College in 1860, where he graduated as an Officer Cadet in 1863. He remained there as a professor of arithmetic and geography and, the following year, he was awarded the rank of Ensign. He joined Colonel Mariano Ignacio Prado's coup and fought at the Battle of Callao, after which he was promoted to First Lieutenant.

Beginning in 1867, he served as Captain of the Port in several locations and explored the Marañón and Huallaga rivers on board the gunboat Napo, conquering the treacherous Pongo de Manseriche. In 1872, he was one of the officers on board the frigate Apurímac, when the naval commanders signed a manifesto declaring their opposition to the coup led by Tomás Gutiérrez. During a term as Sub-director of the Naval College, he served on a commission to measure the depth of guano deposits along the coast (1875-1876).

War of the Pacific

At the outbreak of the War of the Pacific in 1879, he was a Frigate Captain. He embarked on the ironclad Huáscar as Chief-of-Staff for the First Naval Division. He was present at all the battles fought by that vessel, under the command of Admiral Grau, including the Battle of Angamos, where he was wounded by an exploding grenade in the control tower. Because of this, he was unable to take command of the Huáscar after the deaths of Admiral  Grau and his second-in-command, Captain Elias Aguirre Romero. Carvajal was taken prisoner and obtained his release through an exchange. He was hailed as a hero throughout Peru.

Later career
In 1880, he was commissioned to visit Europe to obtain arms and supervise the construction of the gunboats Lima and Callao in England and, in 1883, was elected for congress representing Andahuaylas, becoming part of the Congress that gathered in Arequipa, the seat of Admiral Lizardo Montero's government.

In 1890, he headed the mission that went to Valparaíso to repatriate the remains of the Peruvians who had died there during the war. Towards the end of the Remigio Morales Bermúdez administration, he was named Minister of Finance and Commerce, a position he held until Morales' death in 1894. Following the Pierolista coup he was placed on trial, but the case was dismissed.

He was Director of the Military Preparatory School (1897-1898), Prefect of Junín Province (1899), Director of the Military Academy (1900) and the Minister of War (1900). He was promoted to Admiral in 1901. Later, he was named President of the Navy's Board of Governors (1902). He made a trip to Europe (his fourth) to supervise construction of the cruisers  Almirante Grau and Coronel Bolognesi in the English shipyards, and personally commanded their maiden voyages to Peru in 1907.

In 1913, he was named Admiral of the Fleet and served another term as Minister of War (1913-1914). He became the Second Vice President of Peru during the second term of President José Pardo (1915-1919). He retired in 1927, after almost sixty years of public service.

References

 Basadre Grohmann, Jorge: Historia de la República del Perú (1822 - 1933), Tomo 8. Editada por la Empresa Editora El Comercio S. A. Lima, 2005.  (V.8)
 Ortiz Sotelo, Jorge - Castañeda Martos, Alicia: Diccionario Biográfico Marítimo Peruano. Asociación de Historia Marítima y Naval Iberoamericana, Lima, 2007. Impreso por Jhire Grafel  S.R.L.
 Tauro del Pino, Alberto: Enciclopedia Ilustrada del Perú. Tercera Edición. Tomo 4, CAN/CHO. Lima, PEISA, 2001.
 Various authors: Grandes Forjadores del Perú. Lima, Lexus Editores, 2000.

1847 births
1935 deaths
Military personnel from Lima
Vice presidents of Peru
Peruvian Ministers of Economy and Finance
Peruvian Navy personnel of the War of the Pacific
Peruvian Navy officers
Peruvian people of Spanish descent

Melitón Carvajal


Counterproductive work behavior (CWB) is employee's behavior that goes against the legitimate interests of an organization.                                        This behavior can harm the organization, other people within it, and other people and organizations outside it, including employers, other employees, suppliers, clients, patients and citizens. It has been proposed that a person-by-environment interaction                                          can be utilized to explain a variety of counterproductive behaviors.                                        For instance, an employee who is high on trait anger (tendency to experience anger) is more likely to respond to a stressful incident at work (e.g., being treated rudely by a supervisor) with CWB.

Some researchers use the CWB term to subsume related constructs that are distinct:
 Workplace deviance is behavior at work that violates norms for appropriate behavior.
 Retaliation consists of harmful behaviors done by employees to get back at someone who has treated them unfairly.
 Workplace revenge are behaviors by employees intended to hurt another person who has done something harmful to them.
 Workplace aggression consists of harmful acts that harm others in organizations.

Dimensional models
Several typologies of CWB exist.

Using the term deviance (behavior that violates accepted norms), Robinson and Bennett created a four-class typology of CWBs, dividing them into the following dimensions:
production deviance, involving behaviors like leaving early, intentionally working slowly, or taking long breaks;
property deviance, involving sabotage of equipment, theft of property, and taking kickbacks;
political deviance, involving showing favoritism, revenge, gossiping, or blaming others;
personal aggression, involving harassment, verbal abuse, and endangerment

A five dimension typology of CWB,.

abuse against others
production deviance
sabotage
theft
withdrawal

An 11-dimension typology of CWB
theft of property
destruction of property
misuse of information
misuse of time and resources
unsafe behavior
poor attendance
poor quality of work
alcohol use
drug use
inappropriate verbal action
inappropriate physical action

A two-dimensional model of CWBs distinguished by organizational versus person target has gained considerable acceptance. Additional dimensions have been proposed for research purposes, including a legal v. illegal dimension, a hostile v. instrumental aggression dimension, and a task-related v. a non-task-related dimension. CWBs that violate criminal law may have different antecedents than milder forms of CWBs.  Similarly, instrumental aggression (i.e., aggression with a deliberate goal in mind) may have different antecedents than those CWBs caused by anger.

Assessment
CWB is generally assessed with questionnaires completed by the target employee or by another source, such as coworker or supervisor. Several scales have been developed to assess overall CWB as well as subdimensions. The two most often used are the Bennett and Robinson deviance scale that assesses organization-directed and person-directed deviance and the Counterproductive Work Behavior Checklist, CWB-C that can assess the five dimensions noted above.

Dimensions

Absenteeism

Absenteeism is typically measured by time lost (number of days absent) measures and frequency (number of absence episodes) measures. It is weakly linked to affective predictors such as job satisfaction and commitment. Absences fit into two types of categories. Excused absences are those due to personal or family illness; unexcused absences include an employee who does not come to work in order to do another preferred activity or neglects to call in to a supervisor. Absence can be linked to job dissatisfaction. Major determinants of employee absence include employee affect, demographic characteristics, organizational absence culture, and organization absence policies. Absence due to non-work obligations is related to external features of a job with respect to dissatisfaction with role conflict, role ambiguity, and feelings of tension. Absences due to stress and illness are related to internal and external features of the job, fatigue and gender. Research has found that women are more likely to be absent than men, and that the absence-control policies and culture of an organization will predict absenteeism.

Abuse against others

Physical acts of aggression by members of an organization, committed in organizational settings are considered as workplace violence. While most researchers examine overall workplace aggression, there is a line of research that separates workplace aggression according to its targets, whether interpersonal or organizational. In this model of workplace aggression, trait anger and interpersonal conflict have been found to be significant predictors of interpersonal aggression, while interpersonal conflict, situational constraints, and organizational constraints have been found to be predictors of organizational aggression.  Other factors significantly linked to aggression are sex and trait anger, with men and individuals with higher levels of trait anger showing more aggressive behaviors.

Bullying

Workplace bullying consists of progressive and systematic mistreatment of one employee by another. It may include verbal abuse, gossiping, social exclusion, or the spreading of rumors. The terms "bullying" and "mobbing" are sometimes used interchangeably, but "bullying" is more often used to refer to lower levels of antisocial behavior that do not include workgroup participation. The costs of bullying include losses in productivity, higher absenteeism, higher turnover rates, and legal fees when the victims of bullying sue the organization. Reported incidence of bullying is ambiguous with rates being reported from under 3% to over 37% depending on the method used to gather incidence statistics. The strongest factor predicting bullying behavior seems to be exposure to incidents of bullying. This suggests that bullying is a cascading problem that needs to be curtailed in its earliest stages.  In addition to exposure to incidents of bullying, being male also seems to increase the likelihood that one will engage in bullying behavior. It is proposed that the human resources function can provide guidance in the mitigation of bullying behavior by taking an active role in identifying and stopping the behaviors.

Cyber loafing

Cyber loafing can be defined as surfing the web in any form of non-job- related tasks performed by the employee. Cyber loafing has emerged as more and more people use computers at work.  One survey showed that 64% of US workers use the internet for personal tasks at work. It has been suggested that cyber-loafing is responsible for a 30–40% decrease in employee productivity and was estimated to have cost US businesses $5.3 billion in 1999.

Incivility

Workplace incivility is disrespectful and rude behavior in violation of workplace norms for respect." The effects of incivility include increased competitiveness, increases in sadistic behavior, and inattentiveness. A study of cyber incivility showed that higher levels of incivility are associated with lower job satisfaction, lower organizational commitment, and higher turnover rates. Two factors that seem to be associated with becoming a victim of incivility are low levels of agreeableness and high levels of neuroticism. The affective events theory suggests that individuals who experience more incidents of incivility may be more sensitive to these behaviors and therefore more likely to report them.

Counterproductive Knowledge Behavior

Counterproductive knowledge behavior (CKB) refers to employees' actions impeding organizational knowledge flows.                               Seven categories of counterproductive knowledge behaviors have been recognized: disengagement from knowledge sharing, knowledge sharing ignorance, partial knowledge sharing, knowledge hoarding, counter-knowledge sharing, knowledge hiding and knowledge sabotage. Categories differ in terms of their negative impact on an organization.

Counter-knowledge sharing
Counter-knowledge sharing is employee behavior, where employees share disinformation and misconceptions  based on unverified information. Some examples of this unverified information include rumors, gossip, false beliefs, and unsupportable explanations and justifications. Employees may acquire counter-knowledge unwittingly.

Knowledge hoarding
Knowledge hoarding is the accumulation of knowledge by employees while concealing the fact that they possess this knowledge.

In other words, it means the accumulation of knowledge that may or may not be shared later, but usually is not. Knowledge hoarding can also happen when someone collects information for themselves but doesn't think that others could benefit from it. Thus, knowledge hoarding is not necessarily intentional, but it may cause the risk of counterproductive behaviour.

Knowledge hoarding is a problem when the transfer and integration of knowledge would create value for the organisation, but individuals prefer to pursue self-interested outcomes through hoarding. Even when the knowledge acquired during working belongs to the organisation rather than the worker, some individuals perceive it as their personal property. That usually takes place due to "knowledge is power" syndrome in organisations.

Knowledge hoarding reduces the worth of the knowledge asset by preventing its widest utilisation. Therefore, it is usually associated with negative organisational outcomes, such as weakened unit performance and work-related interactions. For example, when knowledge hoarding is perceived by colleagues as uncooperative, it may lead to difficult relationships in the workplace. It may also impair employees' equal access to that resource, which causes injustice.

On the other hand, knowledge hoarding may be due to that there is not proper platforms for information sharing. Therefore, the managerial level and knowledge management should attempt to break the hoarding cycle by creating new models for interaction and knowledge sharing. Also, a friendly and cooperative work environment could potentially reduce knowledge hoarding as counterproductive work behaviour and even contribute to knowledge sharing.

Knowledge hiding
Knowledge hiding is defined as the intentional attempts of employees to conceal their knowledge when their colleagues request it.  Knowledge hiding is a deliberate action to withhold or conceal information from other employees in the organization. Knowledge hiding might influence negatively into the organization's knowledge exchange, reduce efficiency and cause a lack of trust into the organization. Factors that might cause knowledge hiding are for example: leadership, workspace stressors, personality traits and psychological ownership.

There are three categories for knowledge hiding: evasive hiding, playing dumb and rationalized hiding. Rationalized hiding happens when an employee explains the reasons behind non-delivered knowledge. This involves a justification for missing knowledge. Playing dumb occurs when an employee pretends that they do not have the discussed knowledge or they ignore relevant information available for them. Evasive hiding occurs when an employee postpones knowledge delivery or when they deliver less information than discussed.

Knowledge hiding limits productive knowledge transfer in organizations, harms organizational functioning, limits the organization's performance, creativity, growth and effectiveness. At the individual level, knowledge hiding causes distrust and isolates employees from mutual idea exchange. In some cases, knowledge hiding might actually enhance the relationships between colleagues. Knowledge sharing is an important asset from an organizational perspective, but knowledge hiding might actually lead to positive outcomes. Rationalized and evasive knowledge hiding might cause short-term victories and enhance innovative job performance. Evasive hiding does have a negative outcome on in-role performance.

Organizational work culture has a large affect on knowledge hiding and sharing in organizations. Organizations that promote ethical work culture, employee trustworthiness and knowledge sharing reduce their knowledge hiding. Employees might feel psychological ownership over knowledge as they see the knowledge as their personal property. Therefore they want to defend their territory and hide the knowledge.

Knowledge hiding can be prevented with a supportive organizational work culture. Management can prevent knowledge hiding by giving active encouragement to the employees and by creating a collaborative, open and discussion-oriented workplace. New employees should be taught that knowledge hiding leads to negative outcomes and does not benefit the organization, nor the employee themselves. Knowledge sharing should be rewarded and supported in the organization by the management. Management can motivate employees by giving recognition to knowledge sharing employees, give them financial support and give credit to the employees for their ideas. Employees should also be encouraged to attend conferences, publish papers and submit their patentable ideas. Management should then take this into consideration when promoting employees into senior titles or other forms of career progression. Knowledge hiding can be prevented with a knowledge sharing supporting attitude from the management and by rewarding knowledge sharing employees.

Knowledge sabotage
Knowledge sabotage is considered the most extreme form of counterproductive knowledge behavior. It is an incident when an employee (i.e., the saboteur) intentionally provides wrong knowledge (information, advice, a document, or a recommendation) to another employee (the target). The saboteur can also hide it from another employee. Knowledge saboteur acts intentionally, is aware of the employee's need for knowledge, has the required knowledge, which is important for the employee and knows that the employee could productively apply the required knowledge to work-related tasks.

Knowledge sabotage instances can be categorized as reactive or proactive. This depends on the target's behavior and whether they ask for the required knowledge. The reactive form of knowledge sabotage occurs when the knowledge is asked for. The proactive action occurs when there is no request for the knowledge, but the saboteur is aware of the target's need for the certain knowledge. In both situations the saboteur decides to act counterproductively by lying or sharing incorrect knowledge or by concealing critical knowledge from the person who would benefit from the resource.

Knowledge saboteurs only rarely act against their organization on purpose; instead, they are driven by inter-employee conflict, personality traits, and personality disorders. Despite this, it has negative consequences on organizational level such as time waste, failed or delayed projects, lost clients, unnecessary expenses, hiring costs, understaffing or poor quality of products and services. Thus, these consequences are often unintentional when saboteurs are driven by other motivators than harming the organization. Many of the motivational drivers concerns people's urge to share critical information with their colleagues. Sharing information can be perceived as undermining one's own position or, for  example, people do not want to share information due to personal chemistry. Organizational culture also plays a big role in how much information sabotage occurs and how eager people are to help each other. For example, a work culture that puts employees in a competitive position against each other contributes to the occurrence of information sabotage.

Lateness

Lateness is described as arriving at work later or leaving earlier than required. Problems associated with lateness include compromised organizational efficiency. Tardy and late employees responsible for critical tasks can negatively affect organizational production. Other workers may experience psychological effects of the tardy employee including morale and motivational problems as they attempt to "pick up the slack."

Production deviance
Production deviance is ineffective job performance that is done on purpose, such as doing tasks incorrectly or withholding of effort. Such behaviors can be seen in disciplinary actions and safety violations.

Sabotage

Employee sabotage are behaviors that can "damage or disrupt the organization's production, damaging property, the destruction of relationships, or the harming of employees or customers." Research has shown that often acts of sabotage or acts of retaliation are motivated by perceptions of organizational injustice and performed with the intention of causing harm to the target.

Michael Crino was investigating the causes of sabotage as early as 1994. He found that the ways in which sabotage is carried out are extensive but they have the same elements. Sabotage has been intentionally caused and is intended to interfere with the normal operation of the company.

Service

Service sabotage originated from counter-productive behavior literature. Lloyd C. Harris and Emmanuel Ogbonna from Cardiff University drew from employee deviance and dysfunctional behaviors studies to conceptualize service sabotage as a disturbing phenomenon in the work place. Service sabotage refer to organizational member behaviors that are intentionally designed negatively to affect service. Empirical evidence suggested that more than 90% employees accept that service sabotage is an everyday occurrence in their organization.

Sexual harassment

Sexual harassment is defined as "unwelcome sexual advances, requests for sexual favors, and other verbal or physical contact when (a) submission to the conduct by the employee is either explicitly or implicitly a term or condition of an individual's employment, (b) submission to or rejection of such conduct by an individual is used as a basis for employment decisions affecting the individual and/or (c) such conduct [that] has the purpose or effect of unreasonably interfering with work performance, or creating an intimidating, hostile or offensive working environment."  (Equal Employment Opportunity Commission, 1980)

Substance abuse

Substance abuse by employees at work is a problem that can have an effect on work attendance, performance, and safety and can lead to other injuries outside of work and health problems.

Theft

Employee theft is defined as employees taking things not belonging to them from an organization.  Employee theft is estimated to account for billions of dollars of loss globally each year, with employees accounting for more theft than customers. This may include large embezzlements or the pilfering of pencils and paperclips, but the losses in the aggregate are substantial.   At least one study suggests that 45% of companies experience financial fraud, with average losses of $1.7 million. Factors such as conscientiousness have been shown to be negatively related to theft behaviors. Many organizations use integrity tests during the initial screening process for new employees in an effort to eliminate those considered most likely to commit theft. Causes of employee theft include characteristics of the individual and environmental conditions such as frustrating and unfair working conditions.

Turnover

Turnover is when employees leave the organization, either voluntarily (quitting) or involuntarily (being fired or laid off). Research on voluntary employee job turnover has attempted to understand the causes of individual decisions to leave an organization. It has been found that lower performance, lack of reward contingencies for performance, and better external job opportunities are the main causes. Other variables related to turnover are conditions in the external job market and the availability of other job opportunities, and length of employee tenure. Turnover can be optimal as when a poorly performing employee decides to leave an organization, or dysfunctional when the high turnover rates increase the costs associated with recruitment and training of new employees, or if good employees consistently decide to leave.  Avoidable turnover is when the organization could have prevented it and unavoidable turnover is when the employee's decision to leave could not be prevented.
The satisfaction–turnover relationship is affected by alternative job prospects. If an employee accepts an unsolicited job offer, job dissatisfaction was less predictive of turnover because the employee more likely left in response to "pull" (the lure of the other job) than "push" (the unattractiveness of the current job). Similarly, job dissatisfaction is more likely to translate into turnover when other employment opportunities are plentiful.

Withdrawal
Employee withdrawal consists of behaviors such as absence, lateness, and ultimately job turnover.  Absence and lateness has attracted research as they disrupt organizational production, deliveries and services.  Unsatisfied employees withdraw in order to avoid work tasks or pain, and remove themselves from their jobs. Withdrawal behavior may be explained as employee retaliation against inequity in the work setting. Withdrawal may also be part of a progressive model and relate to job dissatisfaction, job involvement, and organizational commitment.

Notable behavior exclusions
CWBs are "active and volitional acts engaged in by individuals, as opposed to accidental or unintentional actions." CWBs, therefore do not include acts that lack volition, such as the inability to successfully complete a task.  Nor do CWBs include involvement in an accident, although purposeful avoidance of the safety rules that may have led to the accident would represent a CWB.

The U.S. Department of Health and Human Services (2002) estimates the cost of accidents to organizations to be $145 million annually. Most research on this topic has attempted to evaluate characteristics of the workplace environment that lead to accidents and determination of ways to avoid accidents. There has also been some research on the characteristics of accident-prone employees that has found they are typically younger, more distractible, and less socially adjusted than other employees. Recent research has shown that an organization's safety climate has been associated with lower accident involvement, compliance with safety procedures, and increased proactive safety behaviors.

Another set of behaviors that do not fit easily into the accepted definition of CWBs, are those described as unethical pro-organizational behaviors (UPBs). UPBs represent illegitimate means intended to further the legitimate interests of an organization. UPBs are not necessarily intended to harm the organization, although the UPBs may result in adverse consequences to the organization, such as a loss of trust and goodwill, or in criminal charges against the organization. In law enforcement, UPBs are exhibited in a form of misconduct called noble cause corruption. Noble cause corruption occurs when a police officer violates the law or ethical rules in order to reduce crime or the fear of crime.  An example of this is testilying, in which a police officer commits perjury to obtain the conviction of a defendant.  UPBs have not received the same attention from researchers that CWBs have received.

Organizational citizenship behavior

Counterproductive work behavior and organizational citizenship behavior (OCB), which consists of behaviors that help organizations but go beyond required tasks, have been studied together and are generally found to be related in that individuals who do one are unlikely to do the other.

Current research topics and trends
By definition, counterproductive work behaviors are voluntary acts that are detrimental to an organization. They have important implications for the well-being of an organization. Theft alone is estimated to cause worldwide losses in the billions of dollars each year. These estimated losses do not include losses from other sources, nor do they consider the fact that many losses attributable to CWBs go undetected.

The consequences of CWBs and their persistence in the workplace have led to increased attention being given to the study of such behaviors. Current trends in industrial organizational psychology suggest a continuing increase in the study of CWBs. Research into CWBs appears to fall into three broad categories:  (1) classification of CWBs; (2) predicting counterproductive behaviors; and (3) furthering the theoretical framework of CWBs.

A review of peer reviewed journals following this article shows the broad interest in CWBs.  A brief list of noted journals includes The International Journal of Selection and Assessment, The Journal of Applied Psychology, Computers in Human Behavior, Personality and Individual Differences, Occupational Health Psychology, Human Resource Management Review, Military Justice, Criminal Justice Ethics, European Journal of Work and Organizational Psychology, and International Journal of Nursing Studies.  The variety of journals reporting in the area of CWBs reflects the breadth of the topic and the global interest in studying these behaviors.

Researchers use many sources in attempting to measure CWBs.  These include potentially subjective measures such as self-reports, peer reports, and supervisor reports. More objective methods for assessing CWBs include disciplinary records, absentee records, and job performance statistics. Each of these methods present potential problems in the measurement of CWBs.  For example, self-reports always have the potential for bias with individuals trying to cast themselves in a good light. Self-reports may also cause problems for researchers when they measure what an incumbent 'can-do' and what an incumbent 'will-do.' Peer and supervisor reports can suffer from personal bias, but they also suffer from lack of knowledge of the private behaviors of the job incumbent whose behavior is being studied. Archival records suffer from lack of information about the private behaviors of incumbents, providing instead information about instances where incumbents are caught engaging in CWBs.  Some researchers have proposed a differential detection hypothesis which predicts that there will be discrepancies between reports of detected CWBs and other reports of CWBs.

The lack of accurate measures for CWBs jeopardizes the ability of researchers to find the relationships between CWB and other factors they are evaluating. The primary criticism of research in CWBs has been that too much of the research relies on a single-source method of measurement relying primarily on self-reports of counterproductive work behavior. Several studies have therefore attempted to compare self-reports with other forms of evidence about CWBs.  These studies seek to determine whether different forms of evidence converge, or effectively measure the same behaviors. Convergence has been established between self-reports and peer and supervisor reports for interpersonal CWBs but not organizational CWBs. This finding is significant because it promotes the ability of researchers to use multiple sources of evidence in evaluating CWBs.

Correlates, predictors, moderators and mediators

Affect

Affect or emotion at work, especially the experience of negative emotions like anger or anxiety, predict the likelihood of counterproductive work behaviors occurring. Affective personality traits, the tendency for individuals to experience emotions, can also predict CWB. For example, employees with high negative affectivity, the tendency to experience negative emotions, typically display more counterproductive work behaviors than those with positive affectivity, the tendency to experience positive emotions.

Age
Age appears to be an important factor in predicting CWBs.  While age does not appear to be strongly related to core task performance, creativity, or performance in training, it does appear to be positively related to organizational citizenship behaviors and negatively related to CWBs. Older employees seem to exhibit less aggression, tardiness, substance abuse, and voluntary absenteeism (although sickness related absenteeism is somewhat higher than younger employees).  Some researchers argue that the lower rate of CWBs may be due to better self-regulation and self-control.

Cognitive ability
Research into the relationship between cognitive ability and CWBs is contradictory.  When CWBs are operationalized as disciplinary records of detected CWBs, a strong negative relationship between cognitive ability has been found. This relationship did not hold, however, when cognitive ability was operationalized as educational attainment. A longitudinal study of adolescents through young adulthood found that, among those individuals who exhibited conduct disorders as youths, high levels of cognitive ability were associated with higher levels of CWBs, a positive relationship. Other research has found that general mental ability is largely unrelated to self-reports of CWBs including theft (although a weak link to incidents of lateness was detected). In the same study, grade point average showed a stronger relationship to CWBs. Contradictions in the findings may be explained in the differential effects between measures of cognitive ability and self-reported versus detected incidents of CWBs.

Emotional intelligence

Emotional intelligence (EI) has been defined as the ability to identify and manage emotional information in oneself and others and focus energy on required behaviors. The factors making up EI include:
 appraisal and expression of emotion in self
 appraisal and recognition of emotions in others
 regulation of emotions, and
 use of emotions.
To the extent that EI includes the ability to manage emotions, it can be expected that it will have an influence on CWBs similar to that found for self-control.  Research in this area is limited, however, one study looking for the moderating effects of EI on the relationships between distributive justice, procedural justice, and interactional justice failed to find a significant moderating effect in any of these relationships.

Interpersonal conflict

Interpersonal conflict in the workplace can also lead to counterproductive work behaviors. Interpersonal conflict with the supervisor can lead to counterproductive work behaviors such as defiance, undermining, and colluding with coworkers to engage in deviant behavior. Interpersonal conflict with peers can lead to counterproductive work behaviors such as harassment, bullying, and physical altercations.

Organizational constraints
Organizational constraints, the extent to which conditions at work interfere with job tasks, has been shown to relate to CWB so that jobs with high constraints have employees who engage in CWB. Not only do constraints lead to CWB, but CWB can lead to constraints. Employees who engage in CWB can find that constraints increase over time.

Organizational justice

Organizational justice or fairness perceptions have been shown to influence the display of counterproductive work behaviors. Distributive justice, procedural justice, and interactional justice have all been shown to include both counterproductive work behaviors aimed at individuals, such as political deviance and personal aggression; and counterproductive work behaviors aimed at the organization, such as production slowdown and property deviance.

Overall perceptions of unfairness may particularly elicit interpersonal counterproductive work behaviors such as political deviance and personal aggressions.  Interpersonal justice and informational justice may also predict counterproductive work behaviors aimed at the supervisor, such as neglecting to follow supervisory instructions, acting rudely toward one's supervisor, spreading unconfirmed rumors about a supervisor, intentionally doing something to get one's supervisor in trouble, and encouraging coworkers to get back at one's supervisor.

Personality
Personality is a predictor of an employee's proclivity toward counterproductive work behaviors.  With regard to the Big Five personality traits: conscientiousness, agreeableness, extroversion and openness to experience all predict counterproductive behaviors.  When an employee is low in conscientiousness, counterproductive work behaviors related to the organization are more likely to occur. Employees who are low in agreeableness will exhibit counterproductive work behaviors related to interpersonal deviant behaviors. Furthermore, in terms of greater specificity, for employees low in conscientiousness, sabotage and withdrawal are more likely to occur. For employees low in extraversion, theft is likely to occur. Finally, for employees high in openness to experience, production deviance is likely to occur. Moreover, personality disorders - in particular, dependent, narcissistic, and sadistic personality disorders - lead to counterproductive work behavior, including knowledge hiding and sabotage.

Narcissism

Employees with narcissistic personalities tend to exhibit more counterproductive work behaviors, especially when the workplace is stressful.

Psychopathy

According to Boddy, because of abusive supervision by corporate psychopaths, large amounts of anti-corporate feeling will be generated among the employees of the organisations that corporate psychopaths work in. This should result in high levels of counterproductive behaviour as employees give vent to their anger with the corporation, which they perceive to be acting through its corporate psychopathic managers in a way that is eminently unfair to them.

Self-control

Self-control has been evaluated as a significant explanation of CWBs.  Like, conscientiousness, self-control, or internal control, is seen as a stable individual difference that tends to inhibit deviant behaviors. The identification of self-control as a factor in deviant behaviors flows from work in criminology, where self-control is seen as the strength of one's ability to avoid short-term gain for long-term costs. Using multiple regression analysis, one study compared the effects of 25 characteristics (including self-control, justicial factors, equity factors, positive affect, levels of autonomy, and a variety of other individual characteristics) on CWBs.  The study showed that self-control was the best predictor of CWBs and that most of the other factors had negligible predictive value. Cognitive ability and age were among the remaining factors that showed some effect.  These additional findings are consistent with research that tends to show older employees exercise a greater level of self-control.

Target personality

One line of research in CWBs looks not at the instigators of CWBs, but the victims' provocative target behavior, or the behaviors of the victims of CWBs, which are seen as potential mediating factors in the frequency and intensity of CWBs originated against them. This line of research suggests that low levels of agreeableness and conscientiousness, and high levels of neuroticism, in the victims of CWBs may lead to more incidents of CWBs, like incivility.  The affective events theory has been used to explain that some individuals report being the victim of incivility more often because they are more sensitive to it than other workers.

Peer reporting
Normative behavior within organizations tends to discourage workers from reporting the observed CWBs of their peers, although this tendency can be reduced when a group is punished for the CWBs of individual members. There are three factors that seem to be most influential on peer reporting of CWBs:  the emotional closeness between the person exhibiting the CWBs and the person observing the CWBs; the severity of the misconduct observed, and the presence of witness. Peers are more likely to report the CWBs of colleagues when the conduct is severe, or when there are other witnesses present, and less likely to report CWBs when they are emotionally close to the person committing the CWBs.   A key problem in the use of peer reports of CWBs instead of self-reports of CWBs is that peer reports only capture observed behaviors and are not able to identify CWBs committed secretly.

Managing strategies
A substantial body of research has demonstrated that stable characteristics of individuals are associated with the likelihood of CWBs.  Some examples of stable characteristics that have been demonstrated to have relationships with CWBs include conscientiousness and agreeableness, motivation avoidance, cognitive ability, and self-control. To the extent that these stable conditions predict CWBs, reduction of CWBs in an organization can begin at the recruitment and selection phase of new employees.

Integrity screening is one common form of screening used by organizations as is cognitive ability screening. Personality testing is also common in screening out individuals who may have a higher incidence of CWBs. Work samples have been found to be a more effective screening tool than integrity testing alone, but integrity testing and cognitive testing together are even better screening tools. While the use of screening instruments may be an imperfect decision-making tool, the question often facing the recruitment officer is not whether the instrument is perfect, but whether, relative to other available screening tools, the screening tool is functional.

However, organizations must do more than screen employees in order to successfully manage CWBs. Substantial research has demonstrated that CWBs arise out of situational factors that occur in the day-to-day operations of an organization, including organizational constraints, lack of rewards, illegitimate tasks, interpersonal conflicts, and lack of organizational justice. Research has shown that individuals who are treated unfairly are more likely to engage in CWBs. One major step that organizations can take to reduce the impetus for CWBs is therefore to enhance organizational justice. Maintaining communications and feedback, allowing participation of employees, and supervisory training are other suggestions for mitigating CWBs. Organizations must also pay close attention to employees for signs and sources of interpersonal conflicts so that they can be identified and tended to as necessary.

Combating CWBs comes with some costs, including the costs of selection, monitoring, and implementing preventive measures to reduce triggers for CWBs.  Before undertaking costly measures to reduce CWBs, it may be worthwhile for an organization to identify the costs of CWBs. If the cost-benefit analysis does not show a savings, then the organization must decide whether the battle against CWBs is worth fighting.  There is at least one set of researchers that suggest that production deviance (withholding effort) and withdrawal can be a benefit to employees by allowing them to relieve tension in certain circumstances.

See also

References

Further reading

Books

Academic papers

 Kessler, S. R.: The effects of organizational structure on faculty job performance, job satisfaction, and counterproductive work behavior – University of South Florida 2007
 Ling L, Han-Ying T, Hong-Yu MA The Psychological Mechanism of Counterproductive Work Behavior in the Workplace – Advances in Psychological Science 2010 18 (01) Pages 151-161

 Neff, N. L.: Peer reactions to counterproductive work behavior – Pennsylvania State University 2009
 O'Brien, K. E.: A stressor-strain model of organizational citizenship behavior and counterproductive work behavior – University of South Florida 2008
 Oppler ES, Lyons BD, Ricks DA, Oppler SH The relationship between financial history and counterproductive work behavior – International Journal of Selection and Assessment Volume 16 Number 4 December 2008

 Smithikrai C Collectivism as a Moderator of the Relationships among Work-Family Conflict, Perceived Job Stress and Counterproductive Work Behavior – The 6th International Postgraduate Research Colloquium IPRC Proceedings
 Spector, P. E., Fox, S., Domagalski, T. A.: Emotions, violence, and counterproductive work behavior – Handbook of workplace violence, 2006

 Tucker J. S, The multilevel effects of occupational stress on counterproductive work behavior: A longitudinal study in a military context – Portland State University 2005

External links
 A resume of psychological research about CPB and personality

Industrial and organizational psychology
Organizational behavior
Anti-social behaviour
Workplace

Counterproductive work behavior


Conrad Friedrich Hurlebusch (baptised 30 December 1691 – 17 December 1765) was a German/Dutch composer and organist.

Life
Hurlebusch was born in Braunschweig, Germany. He received his first education from his father Heinrich Lorenz Hurlebusch, an organist and composer. As a keyboard virtuoso, during his life, he devoted much time to tours through Europe and he visited, among others, Vienna, Munich, and Italy. From 1723 to 1725, he was a Kapellmeister in Stockholm. He held the same position in Bayreuth, Hamburg (from 1727), and Braunschweig. Reportedly, around 1735, he visited Johann Sebastian Bach in Leipzig. Bach promoted his compositions as the local bookseller of these works. Later, on 22 February 1743, he became organist at the Oude Kerk (Old Church) in Amsterdam and he retained this post until his death.

Works
His output consists of cantatas, operas (L'innocenza difesa, Flavio Cuniberto), psalms, odes, concertos and keyboard sonatas. However, many of his works were lost. His 150 psalms were published in Amsterdam in 1766.  Sammlung verschiedener und auserlesener Oden (1737-1743) by Johann Friedrich Gräfe contains 72 of his odes.

External links

Biography

Musicians from Braunschweig
People from Brunswick-Lüneburg
German classical organists
German male organists
Dutch male classical composers
Dutch classical composers
German classical composers
German male classical composers
Dutch classical organists
German Baroque composers
1691 births
1765 deaths
18th-century keyboardists
18th-century classical composers
18th-century German composers
18th-century German male musicians
Male classical organists

Conrad Friedrich Hurlebusch