Ageing (or aging in American English) is the process of becoming older. The term refers mainly to humans, many other animals, and fungi, whereas for example, bacteria, perennial plants and some simple animals are potentially biologically immortal. In a broader sense, ageing can refer to single cells within an organism which have ceased dividing, or to the population of a species.

In humans, ageing represents the accumulation of changes in a human being over time and can encompass physical, psychological, and social changes. Reaction time, for example, may slow with age, while memories and general knowledge typically increase. Ageing increases the risk of human diseases such as cancer, Alzheimer's disease, diabetes, cardiovascular disease, stroke and many more. Of the roughly 150,000 people who die each day across the globe, about two-thirds die from age-related causes.

Current ageing theories are assigned to the damage concept, whereby the accumulation of damage (such as DNA oxidation) may cause biological systems to fail, or to the programmed ageing concept, whereby the internal processes (epigenetic maintenance such as DNA methylation) inherently may cause ageing. Programmed ageing should not be confused with programmed cell death (apoptosis).

Obesity has been proposed to accelerate ageing, whereas dietary calorie restriction in non-primate animals slows ageing while maintaining good health and body functions. In primates (including humans), such life-extending effects remain uncertain.

Ageing versus immortality

Human beings and members of other species, especially animals, age and die. Fungi, too, can age. In contrast, many species can be considered potentially immortal: for example, bacteria fission to produce daughter cells, strawberry plants grow runners to produce clones of themselves, and animals in the genus Hydra have a regenerative ability by which they avoid dying of old age.

Early life forms on Earth, starting at least 3.7 billion years ago, were single-celled organisms. Such organisms (Prokaryotes, Protozoans, algae) multiply by fission into daughter cells, thus do not age and are potentially immortal under favorable conditions.

Aging and mortality of the individual organism became possible with the evolution of sexual reproduction, which occurred with the emergence of the fungal/animal kingdoms approximately a billion years ago, and the evolution of seed-producing plants 320 million years ago. The sexual organism could henceforth pass on some of its genetic material to produce new individuals and could itself become disposable with respect to the survival of its species. This classic biological idea has however been perturbed recently by the discovery that the bacterium E. coli may split into distinguishable daughter cells, which opens the theoretical possibility of "age classes" among bacteria.

Even within humans and other mortal species, there are cells with the potential for immortality: cancer cells which have lost the ability to die when maintained in a cell culture such as the HeLa cell line, and specific stem cells such as germ cells (producing ova and spermatozoa). In artificial cloning, adult cells can be rejuvenated to embryonic status and then used to grow a new tissue or animal without ageing. Normal human cells however die after about 50 cell divisions in laboratory culture (the Hayflick Limit, discovered by Leonard Hayflick in 1961).

Symptoms

A number of characteristic ageing symptoms are experienced by a majority or by a significant proportion of humans during their lifetimes.
 Teenagers lose the young child's ability to hear high-frequency sounds above 20 kHz.
 Wrinkles develop mainly due to photoageing, particularly affecting sun-exposed areas (face).
 After peaking from the late teens to the late 20s, female fertility declines.
 After age 30 the mass of human body is decreased until 70 years and then shows damping oscillations.
 People over 35 years of age are at increasing risk for losing strength in the ciliary muscle of the eyes which leads to difficulty focusing on close objects, or presbyopia. Most people experience presbyopia by age 45–50. The cause is lens hardening by decreasing levels of alpha-crystallin, a process which may be sped up by higher temperatures.
 Around age 50, hair turns grey. Pattern hair loss by the age of 50 affects about 30–50% of males and a quarter of females.
 Menopause typically occurs between 44 and 58 years of age.
  In the 60–64 age cohort, the incidence of osteoarthritis rises to 53%. Only 20% however report disabling osteoarthritis at this age.
  Almost half of people older than 75 have hearing loss (presbycusis) inhibiting spoken communication. Many vertebrates such as fish, birds and amphibians do not develop presbycusis in old age as they are able to regenerate their cochlear sensory cells, whereas mammals including humans have genetically lost this ability.
  By age 80, more than half of all Americans either have a cataract or have had cataract surgery.
 Frailty, a syndrome of decreased strength, physical activity, physical performance and energy, affects 25% of those over 85. Muscles have a reduced capacity of responding to exercise or injury and loss of muscle mass and strength (sarcopenia) is common. Maximum oxygen use and maximum heart rate decline. Hand strength and mobility decrease.
 Atherosclerosis is classified as an ageing disease. It leads to cardiovascular disease (for example stroke and heart attack) which globally is the most common cause of death. Vessel ageing causes vascular remodeling and loss of arterial elasticity and as a result causes the stiffness of the vasculature.
 Recent evidence suggests that age-related risk of death plateaus after age 105. The maximum human lifespan is suggested to be 115 years. The oldest reliably recorded human was Jeanne Calment who died in 1997 at 122.

Dementia becomes more common with age. About 3% of people between the ages of 65 and 74, 19% between 75 and 84, and nearly half of those over 85 years of age have dementia. The spectrum ranges from mild cognitive impairment to the neurodegenerative diseases of Alzheimer's disease, cerebrovascular disease, Parkinson's disease and Lou Gehrig's disease. Furthermore, many types of memory decline with ageing, but not semantic memory or general knowledge such as vocabulary definitions, which typically increases or remains steady until late adulthood (see Ageing brain). Intelligence declines with age, though the rate varies depending on the type and may in fact remain steady throughout most of the lifespan, dropping suddenly only as people near the end of their lives. Individual variations in the rate of cognitive decline may therefore be explained in terms of people having different lengths of life. There are changes to the brain: after 20 years of age there is a 10% reduction each decade in the total length of the brain's myelinated axons.

Age can result in visual impairment, whereby non-verbal communication is reduced, which can lead to isolation and possible depression. Older adults, however, may not experience depression as much as younger adults, and were paradoxically found to have improved mood despite declining physical health. Macular degeneration causes vision loss and increases with age, affecting nearly 12% of those above the age of 80. This degeneration is caused by systemic changes in the circulation of waste products and by growth of abnormal vessels around the retina. Other visual diseases that often appear with age would be cataracts and glaucoma. A cataract occurs when the lens of the eye becomes cloudy making vision blurry and eventually causing blindness if untreated. They develop over time and are seen most often with those that are older. Cataracts can be treated through surgery. Glaucoma is another common visual disease that appears in older adults. Glaucoma is caused by damage to the optic nerve causing vision loss. Glaucoma usually develops over time but there are variations to glaucoma, and some have sudden onset. There are a few procedures for glaucoma but there is no cure or fix for the damage once it has happened. Prevention is the best measure in the case of glaucoma.

A distinction can be made between "proximal ageing" (age-based effects that come about because of factors in the recent past) and "distal ageing" (age-based differences that can be traced to a cause in a person's early life, such as childhood poliomyelitis).

Ageing is among the greatest known risk factors for most human diseases. Of the roughly 150,000 people who die each day across the globe, about two-thirds—100,000 per day—die from age-related causes. In industrialized nations, the proportion is higher, reaching 90%.

Biological basis

In the 21st century, researchers are only beginning to investigate the biological basis of ageing even in relatively simple and short-lived organisms, such as yeast. Little is known of mammalian ageing, in part due to the much longer lives of even small mammals, such as the mouse (around 3 years). A model organism for the study of ageing is the nematode C. elegans  having a short lifespan of 2–3 weeks  enabling genetic manipulations or suppression of gene activity with RNA interference, and other factors. Most known mutations and RNA interference targets that extend lifespan were first discovered in C. elegans.

The factors proposed to influence biological ageing fall into two main categories, programmed and error-related. Programmed factors follow a biological timetable that might be a continuation of inherent mechanisms that regulate childhood growth and development. This regulation would depend on changes in gene expression that affect the systems responsible for maintenance, repair and defense responses.
Factors causing errors or damage include internal and environmental events that induce cumulative deterioration in one or more organs.

Molecular and cellular hallmarks of ageing

One 2013 review assessed ageing through the lens of the damage theory, proposing nine metabolic "hallmarks" of ageing in various organisms but especially mammals:
 genomic instability (mutations accumulated in nuclear DNA, in mtDNA, and in the nuclear lamina)
 telomere attrition (the authors note that artificial telomerase confers non-cancerous immortality to otherwise mortal cells)
 epigenetic alterations (including DNA methylation patterns, post-translational modification of histones, and chromatin remodelling). Ageing and disease are related to a misregulation of gene expression through impaired methylation patterns, from hypomethylation to hypermethylation.
 loss of proteostasis (protein folding and proteolysis)
 deregulated nutrient sensing (relating to the Growth hormone/Insulin-like growth factor 1 signalling pathway, which is the most conserved ageing-controlling pathway in evolution and among its targets are the FOXO3/Sirtuin transcription factors and the mTOR complexes, probably responsive to caloric restriction)
 mitochondrial dysfunction (the authors point out however that a causal link between ageing and increased mitochondrial production of reactive oxygen species is no longer supported by recent research)
 cellular senescence (accumulation of no longer dividing cells in certain tissues, a process induced especially by p16INK4a/Rb and p19ARF/p53 to stop cancerous cells from proliferating)
 stem cell exhaustion (in the authors' view caused by damage factors such as those listed above)
 altered intercellular communication (encompassing especially inflammation but possibly also other intercellular interactions
inflammageing, a chronic inflammatory phenotype in the elderly in the absence of viral infection, due to over-activation and a decrease in the precision of the innate immune system
 dysbiosis of gut microbiome (e.g., loss of microbial diversity, expansion of enteropathogens, and altered vitamin B12 biosynthesis) is correlated with biological age rather than chronological age.

Metabolic pathways involved in ageing
There are three main metabolic pathways which can influence the rate of ageing, discussed below:
 the FOXO3/Sirtuin pathway, probably responsive to caloric restriction
 the Growth hormone/Insulin-like growth factor 1 signalling pathway
 the activity levels of the electron transport chain in mitochondria and (in plants) in chloroplasts.

It is likely that most of these pathways affect ageing separately, because targeting them simultaneously leads to additive increases in lifespan.

Programmed factors
The rate of ageing varies substantially across different species, and this, to a large extent, is genetically based. For example, numerous perennial plants ranging from strawberries and potatoes to willow trees typically produce clones of themselves by vegetative reproduction and are thus potentially immortal, while annual plants such as wheat and watermelons die each year and reproduce by sexual reproduction. In 2008 it was discovered that inactivation of only two genes in the annual plant Arabidopsis thaliana leads to its conversion into a potentially immortal perennial plant. The oldest animals known so far are 15,000-year-old Antarctic sponges, which can reproduce both sexually and clonally.

Clonal immortality apart, there are certain species whose individual lifespans stand out among Earth's life-forms, including the bristlecone pine at 5062 years or 5067 years, invertebrates like the hard clam (known as quahog in New England) at 508 years, the Greenland shark at 400 years, various deep-sea tube worms at over 300 years, fish like the sturgeon and the rockfish, and the sea anemone and lobster. Such organisms are sometimes said to exhibit negligible senescence. The genetic aspect has also been demonstrated in studies of human centenarians.

Evolution of ageing

Life span, like other phenotypes, is selected for in evolution. Traits that benefit early survival and reproduction will be selected for even if they contribute to an earlier death. Such a genetic effect is called the antagonistic pleiotropy effect when referring to a gene (pleiotropy signifying the gene has a double function – enabling reproduction at a young age but costing the organism life expectancy in old age) and is called the disposable soma effect when referring to an entire genetic programme (the organism diverting limited resources from maintenance to reproduction). The biological mechanisms which regulate lifespan probably evolved with the first multicellular organisms more than a billion years ago. However, even single-celled organisms such as yeast have been used as models in ageing, hence ageing has its biological roots much earlier than multi-cellularity.

Damage-related factors
 DNA damage theory of ageing: DNA damage is thought to be the common basis of both cancer and ageing, and it has been argued that intrinsic causes of DNA damage are the most important causes of ageing. Genetic damage (aberrant structural alterations of the DNA), mutations (changes in the DNA sequence), and epimutations (methylation of gene promoter regions or alterations of the DNA scaffolding which regulate gene expression), can cause abnormal gene expression. DNA damage causes the cells to stop dividing or induces apoptosis, often affecting stem cell pools and therefore hindering regeneration. However, lifelong studies of mice suggest that most mutations happen during embryonic and childhood development, when cells divide often, as each cell division is a chance for errors in DNA replication.
 Genetic instability: Dogs annually lose approximately 3.3% of the DNA in their heart muscle cells while humans lose approximately 0.6% of their heart muscle DNA each year.  These numbers are close to the ratio of the maximum longevities of the two species (120 years vs. 20 years, a 6/1 ratio).  The comparative percentage is also similar between the dog and human for yearly DNA loss in the brain and lymphocytes.  As stated by lead author, Bernard L. Strehler, "... genetic damage (particularly gene loss) is almost certainly (or probably the) central cause of ageing."
 Accumulation of waste:
 A buildup of waste products in cells presumably interferes with metabolism. For example, a waste product called lipofuscin is formed by a complex reaction in cells that binds fat to proteins. Lipofuscin may accumulate in the cells as small granules during ageing.
 The hallmark of ageing yeast cells appears to be overproduction of certain proteins.
 Autophagy induction can enhance clearance of toxic intracellular waste associated with neurodegenerative diseases and has been comprehensively demonstrated to improve lifespan in yeast, worms, flies, rodents and primates. The situation, however, has been complicated by the identification that autophagy up-regulation can also occur during ageing.
 Wear-and-tear theory: The general idea that changes associated with ageing are the result of chance damage that accumulates over time.
 Accumulation of errors: The idea that ageing results from chance events that escape proofreading mechanisms, which gradually damages the genetic code.
 Heterochromatin loss, model of ageing.
 Cross-linkage: The idea that ageing results from accumulation of cross-linked compounds that interfere with normal cell function.
 Studies of mtDNA mutator mice have shown that increased levels of somatic mtDNA mutations directly can cause a variety of ageing phenotypes. The authors propose that mtDNA mutations lead to respiratory-chain-deficient cells and thence to apoptosis and cell loss. They cast doubt experimentally however on the common assumption that mitochondrial mutations and dysfunction lead to increased generation of reactive oxygen species (ROS).
 Free-radical theory: Damage by free radicals, or more generally reactive oxygen species or oxidative stress, create damage that may give rise to the symptoms we recognise as ageing. The effect of calorie restriction may be due to increased formation of free radicals within the mitochondria, causing a secondary induction of increased antioxidant defence capacity.
Mitochondrial theory of ageing: free radicals produced by mitochondrial activity damage cellular components, leading to ageing.
 DNA oxidation and caloric restriction: Caloric restriction reduces 8-OH-dG DNA damage in organs of ageing rats and mice. Thus, reduction of oxidative DNA damage is associated with a slower rate of ageing and increased lifespan. In a 2021 review article, Vijg stated that "Based on an abundance of evidence, DNA damage is now considered as the single most important driver of the degenerative processes that collectively cause aging."

Research

Diet
The Mediterranean diet is credited with lowering the risk of heart disease and early death. The major contributors to mortality risk reduction appear to be a higher consumption of vegetables, fish, fruits, nuts and monounsaturated fatty acids, such as by consuming olive oil.

As of 2021, there is insufficient clinical evidence that calorie restriction or any dietary practice affects the process of aging.

Exercise
People who participate in moderate to high levels of physical exercise have a lower mortality rate compared to individuals who are not physically active. The majority of the benefits from exercise are achieved with around 3500 metabolic equivalent (MET) minutes per week. For example, climbing stairs 10 minutes, vacuuming 15 minutes, gardening 20 minutes, running 20 minutes, and walking or bicycling for 25 minutes on a daily basis would together achieve about 3000 MET minutes a week.

Social factors
A meta-analysis showed that loneliness carries a higher mortality risk than smoking.

Society and culture

Different cultures express age in different ways. The age of an adult human is commonly measured in whole years since the day of birth. (The most notable exceptionEast Asian age reckoningis becoming less common, particularly in official contexts.) Arbitrary divisions set to mark periods of life may include juvenile (from infancy through childhood, preadolescence, and adolescence), early adulthood, middle adulthood, and late adulthood. Informal terms include "tweens", "teenagers", "twentysomething", "thirtysomething", etc. as well as "denarian", "vicenarian", "tricenarian", "quadragenarian", etc.

Most legal systems define a specific age for when an individual is allowed or obliged to do particular activities. These age specifications include voting age, drinking age, age of consent, age of majority, age of criminal responsibility, marriageable age, age of candidacy, and mandatory retirement age. Admission to a movie, for instance, may depend on age according to a motion picture rating system. A bus fare might be discounted for the young or old. Each nation, government, and non-governmental organisation has different ways of classifying age. In other words, chronological ageing may be distinguished from "social ageing" (cultural age-expectations of how people should act as they grow older) and "biological ageing" (an organism's physical state as it ages).

Ageism cost the United States $63 billion in one year according to a Yale School of Public Health study. In a UNFPA report about ageing in the 21st century, it highlighted the need to "Develop a new rights-based culture of ageing and a change of mindset and societal attitudes towards ageing and older persons, from welfare recipients to active, contributing members of society". UNFPA said that this "requires, among others, working towards the development of international human rights instruments and their translation into national laws and regulations and affirmative measures that challenge age discrimination and recognise older people as autonomous subjects". Older people's music participation contributes to the maintenance of interpersonal relationships and promoting successful ageing. At the same time, older persons can make contributions to society including caregiving and volunteering. For example, "A study of Bolivian migrants who [had] moved to Spain found that 69% left their children at home, usually with grandparents. In rural China, grandparents care for 38% of children aged under five whose parents have gone to work in cities."

Economics

Population ageing is the increase in the number and proportion of older people in society. Population ageing has three possible causes: migration, longer life expectancy (decreased death rate) and decreased birth rate. Ageing has a significant impact on society. Young people tend to have fewer legal privileges (if they are below the age of majority), they are more likely to push for political and social change, to develop and adopt new technologies, and to need education. Older people have different requirements from society and government, and frequently have differing values as well, such as for property and pension rights.

In the 21st century, one of the most significant population trends is ageing. Currently, over 11% of the world's current population are people aged 60 and older and the United Nations Population Fund (UNFPA) estimates that by 2050 that number will rise to approximately 22%. Ageing has occurred due to development which has enabled better nutrition, sanitation, health care, education and economic well-being. Consequently, fertility rates have continued to decline and life expectancy has risen. Life expectancy at birth is over 80 now in 33 countries. Ageing is a "global phenomenon", that is occurring fastest in developing countries, including those with large youth populations, and poses social and economic challenges to the work which can be overcome with "the right set of policies to equip individuals, families and societies to address these challenges and to reap its benefits".

As life expectancy rises and birth rates decline in developed countries, the median age rises accordingly. According to the United Nations, this process is taking place in nearly every country in the world. A rising median age can have significant social and economic implications, as the workforce gets progressively older and the number of old workers and retirees grows relative to the number of young workers. Older people generally incur more health-related costs than do younger people in the workplace and can also cost more in worker's compensation and pension liabilities. In most developed countries an older workforce is somewhat inevitable. In the United States for instance, the Bureau of Labor Statistics estimates that one in four American workers will be 55 or older by 2020.

Among the most urgent concerns of older persons worldwide is income security. This poses challenges for governments with ageing populations to ensure investments in pension systems continues to provide economic independence and reduce poverty in old age. These challenges vary for developing and developed countries. UNFPA stated that, "Sustainability of these systems is of particular concern, particularly in developed countries, while social protection and old-age pension coverage remain a challenge for developing countries, where a large proportion of the labour force is found in the informal sector."

The global economic crisis has increased financial pressure to ensure economic security and access to health care in old age. To elevate this pressure "social protection floors must be implemented in order to guarantee income security and access to essential health and social services for all older persons and provide a safety net that contributes to the postponement of disability and prevention of impoverishment in old age".

It has been argued that population ageing has undermined economic development and can lead to lower inflation because elderly individuals care especially strongly about the value of their pensions and savings. Evidence suggests that pensions, while making a difference to the well-being of older persons, also benefit entire families especially in times of crisis when there may be a shortage or loss of employment within households. A study by the Australian Government in 2003 estimated that "women between the ages of 65 and 74 years contribute A$16 billion per year in unpaid caregiving and voluntary work. Similarly, men in the same age group contributed A$10 billion per year."

Due to increasing share of the elderly in the population, health care expenditures will continue to grow relative to the economy in coming decades. This has been considered as a negative phenomenon and effective strategies like labour productivity enhancement should be considered to deal with negative consequences of ageing.

Sociology

In the field of sociology and mental health, ageing is seen in five different views: ageing as maturity, ageing as decline, ageing as a life-cycle event, ageing as generation, and ageing as survival. Positive correlates with ageing often include economics, employment, marriage, children, education, and sense of control, as well as many others. The social science of ageing includes disengagement theory, activity theory, selectivity theory, and continuity theory. Retirement, a common transition faced by the elderly, may have both positive and negative consequences. As cyborgs currently are on the rise some theorists argue there is a need to develop new definitions of ageing and for instance a bio-techno-social definition of ageing has been suggested.

There is a current debate as to whether or not the pursuit of longevity and the postponement of senescence are cost-effective health care goals given finite health care resources. Because of the accumulated infirmities of old age, bioethicist Ezekiel Emanuel, opines that the pursuit of longevity via the compression of morbidity hypothesis is a "fantasy" and that human life is not worth living after age 75; longevity then should not be a goal of health care policy. This opinion has been contested by neurosurgeon and medical ethicist Miguel Faria, who states that life can be worthwhile during old age, and that longevity should be pursued in association with the attainment of quality of life. Faria claims that postponement of senescence as well as happiness and wisdom can be attained in old age in a large proportion of those who lead healthy lifestyles and remain intellectually active.

Health care demand

With age inevitable biological changes occur that increase the risk of illness and disability. UNFPA states that:

"A life-cycle approach to health care – one that starts early, continues through the reproductive years and lasts into old age – is essential for the physical and emotional well-being of older persons, and, indeed, all people. Public policies and programmes should additionally address the needs of older impoverished people who cannot afford health care."

Many societies in Western Europe and Japan have ageing populations. While the effects on society are complex, there is a concern about the impact on health care demand. The large number of suggestions in the literature for specific interventions to cope with the expected increase in demand for long-term care in ageing societies can be organised under four headings: improve system performance; redesign service delivery; support informal caregivers; and shift demographic parameters.

However, the annual growth in national health spending is not mainly due to increasing demand from ageing populations, but rather has been driven by rising incomes, costly new medical technology, a shortage of health care workers and informational asymmetries between providers and patients. A number of health problems become more prevalent as people get older. These include mental health problems as well as physical health problems, especially dementia.

It has been estimated that population ageing only explains 0.2 percentage points of the annual growth rate in medical spending of 4.3% since 1970. In addition, certain reforms to the Medicare system in the United States decreased elderly spending on home health care by 12.5% per year between 1996 and 2000.

Self-perception
Beauty standards have evolved over time, and as scientific research in cosmeceuticals, cosmetic products seen to have medicinal benefits like anti-aging creams, has increased, the industry has also expanded; the kinds of products they produce (such as serums and creams) have gradually gained popularity and become a part of many people's personal care routine.

The increase in demand for cosmeceuticals has led scientists to find ingredients for these products in unorthodox places. For example, the secretion of cryptomphalus aspersa (or brown garden snail) has been found to have antioxidant properties, increase skin cell proliferation, and increase extracellular proteins such as collagen and fibronectin (important proteins for cell proliferation). Another substance used to prevent the physical manifestations of ageing is onobotulinumtoxinA, the toxin injected for Botox.

In some cultures, old age is celebrated and honored. In Korea, for example, a special party called hwangap is held to celebrate and congratulate an individual for turning 60 years old. In China, respect for elderly is often the basis for how a community is organized and has been at the foundation of Chinese culture and morality for thousands of years. Older people are respected for their wisdom and most important decisions have traditionally not been made without consulting them. This is a similar case for most Asian countries such as the Philippines, Thailand, Vietnam, Singapore, etc.

Positive self-perceptions of ageing are associated with better mental and physical health and well-being. Positive self-perception of health has been correlated with higher well-being and reduced mortality among the elderly. Various reasons have been proposed for this association; people who are objectively healthy may naturally rate their health better as than that of their ill counterparts, though this link has been observed even in studies which have controlled for socioeconomic status, psychological functioning and health status. This finding is generally stronger for men than women, though this relationship is not universal across all studies and may only be true in some circumstances.

As people age, subjective health remains relatively stable, even though objective health worsens. In fact, perceived health improves with age when objective health is controlled in the equation. This phenomenon is known as the "paradox of ageing". This may be a result of social comparison; for instance, the older people get, the more they may consider themselves in better health than their same-aged peers. Elderly people often associate their functional and physical decline with the normal ageing process.

One way to help younger people experience what it feels like to be older is through an ageing suit. There are several different kinds of suits including the GERT (named as a reference to gerontology), the R70i exoskeleton, and the AGNES (Age Gain Now Empathy Suit) suits. These suits create the feelings of the effects of ageing by adding extra weight and increased pressure in certain points like the wrists, ankles and other joints. In addition, the various suits have different ways to impair vision and hearing to simulate the loss of these senses. To create the loss of feeling in hands that the elderly experience, special gloves are a part of the uniforms.

Use of these suits may help to increase the amount of empathy felt for the elderly and could be considered particularly useful for those who are either learning about ageing, or those who work with the elderly, such as nurses or care center staff.

Empathy is another field that could benefit from the empathy these suits may cause. When designers understand what it feels like to have the impairments of old age, they can better design buildings, packaging, or even tools to help with the simple day-to-day tasks that are more difficult with less dexterity. Designing with the elderly in mind may help to reduce the negative feelings that are associated with the loss of abilities that the elderly face.

Healthy ageing
The healthy ageing framework, proposed by the World Health Organization  operationalises health as functional ability, which results from the interactions of intrinsic capacity and the environments.

Intrinsic capacity
Intrinsic capacity is a construct encompassing people's physical and mental abilities which can be drawn upon during ageing.  Intrinsic capacity comprises the domains of: cognition, locomotion, vitality/nutrition, psychological and sensory (visual and hearing).

A recent study found four "profiles" or "statuses" of intrinsic capacity among older adults, namely high IC (43% at baseline), low deterioration with impaired locomotion (17%), high deterioration without cognitive impairment (22%) and high deterioration with cognitive impairment (18%). Over half of the study sample remained in the same status at baseline and follow-up (61%). Around one-fourth of participants transitioned from the high IC to the low deterioration status, and only 3% of the participants improved their status. Interestingly, the probability of improvement was observed in the status of high deterioration. Participants in the latent statuses of low and high levels of deterioration had a significantly higher risk of frailty, disability and dementia than their high IC counterparts.

Successful ageing
The concept of successful ageing can be traced back to the 1950s and was popularized in the 1980s. Traditional definitions of successful ageing have emphasized absence of physical and cognitive disabilities. In their 1987 article, Rowe and Kahn characterized successful ageing as involving three components: a) freedom from disease and disability, b) high cognitive and physical functioning, and c) social and productive engagement. The study cited previous was also done back in 1987 and therefore, these factors associated with successful aging have probably been changed. With the current knowledge, scientists started to focus on learning about the effect spirituality in successful aging. There are some differences in cultures which of these components are the most important. Most often across cultures social engagement was the most highly rated but depending on the culture the definition of successful ageing changes.

Cultural references
The ancient Greek dramatist Euripides (5th century BC) describes the multiple-headed mythological monster Hydra as having a regenerative capacity which makes it immortal, which is the historical background to the name of the biological genus Hydra. The Book of Job (c. 6th century BC) describes human lifespan as inherently limited and makes a comparison with the innate immortality that a felled tree may have when undergoing vegetative regeneration.

See also

 Ageing brain
 Ageing movement control
 Ageing of Europe
 Ageing studies
 Anti-ageing movement
 Biodemography of human longevity
 Biogerontology
 Biological immortality
 Biomarkers of ageing
 Clinical geropsychology
 Death
 DNA damage theory of aging
 Epigenetic clock
 Evolution of ageing
 Genetics of ageing
 Gerontechnology
 Gerontology
 Gerascophobia
 List of life extension-related topics
 Longevity
 Mitochondrial theory of ageing
 Neuroscience of ageing
 Old age
 Particulates
 Pollutants
 Population ageing
 Progeria
 Rejuvenation
 Stem cell theory of ageing
 Supercentenarian
 Thermoregulation in humans
 Transgenerational design

References

Gerontology
Old age

Ageing


Fort Banks was a U.S. Coast Artillery fort located in Winthrop, Massachusetts. It served to defend Boston Harbor from enemy attack from the sea and was built in the 1809 during what is known as the Endicott period, a time in which the coast defenses of the United States were seriously expanded and upgraded with new technology. Today, the fort's mortar battery is on the National Register of Historic Places.

The fort was active during World War II as the site of the Harbor Defense Command Post (HDCP) for the Harbor Defenses of Boston, and was greatly expanded with numerous temporary structures (see 1938 map at top left). Because of its campus-like appearance and the fact that it was located on land, close of Boston, the fort was known as "The Country Club" by Coast Artillery soldiers pleased to be posted there. Fort Banks was named for Nathaniel P. Banks, a Civil War general, the 24th Governor of the Commonwealth of Massachusetts and a former Speaker of the U.S. House of Representatives.

Construction
In 1891 construction began on the fort's four mortar pits, each of which was to hold four of the huge, new 12-inch coast defense mortars, each capable of firing a half-ton projectile over six miles out to sea, effectively commanding the northern approaches into Boston Harbor. Construction on the mortar emplacements was completed in 1896, making this the oldest Endicott period fort in Boston's harbor defenses (Battery Adams at Fort Warren was also built in 1891). The two eastern mortar pits were designated as Battery Sanford Kellogg and the two western ones as Battery Benjamin Lincoln, making these the first Endicott gun batteries to be completed in Boston and the first 12-inch coast defense mortar batteries to be completed anywhere in the U.S. The mortars were taken out of service in 1942, and in 2007 the fort was added to the National Register of Historic Places.

The four mortar pits were laid out in a design known as an "Abbot Quad," which contained the 16 mortars in a sort of "square-of squares." This arrangement was designed such that if all the tubes were aimed in parallel and fired at the same time, in a huge salvo, they would bracket an attacking ship with fire, somewhat like a huge shotgun blast. Since each shell could weigh over half a ton, a 16-mortar salvo of over 8 tons of steel and explosives was hoped to be a decisive deterrent to ships approaching the northern channels into Boston Harbor. In fact, the Army had planned to build two 16-gun Abbot Quad arrays at Fort Banks, but ran out of budget before being able to complete that project.

The Mortars

The M1890MI (Model 1890 Modification I) 12-inch mortars at Fort Banks were some of the most powerful coast artillery pieces of their era. The fort was built with generally similar M1886 mortars, but these were replaced with M1890MI mortars in 1911-1915. They were able to fire either high explosive or deck piercing shells. The former weighed 700 lbs each, and the latter weighed in at either 700 or 1,046 lbs. These mortars, firing the heavier shells at an elevation of 45 degrees, had a range of 12,019 yds. (about 7 miles).

Each M1890MI mortar on an M1896 carriage (as at Fort Banks) weighed a total of 78.5 tons and was intricately geared to enable it to be turned (in azimuth) and raised or lowered (in elevation). The shock wave from firing one of these weapons, echoing off the enclosed walls of the mortar pit, was often so strong that it destroyed sensitive equipment mounted near the pit, broke nearby windows, and knocked doors off of nearby structures.

When a mortar battery like those at Fort Banks was fully manned, guidelines called for two mortars in a pit to be manned by a pit commander, two mortar squads of 17 enlisted men each, and an ammunition squad of 16 enlisted men. One of the last versions of the manual for this mortar gives details on how it was crewed and fired.

The photo of Kellogg Pit B at top right clearly shows another unusual feature of the mortar pits—the data booth. This small concrete room, built into the western wall of the pit, with its tapered viewing slits, is visible just left of center in the photo. This booth received and passed to the mortar crews the data (azimuth, elevation, and powder charge) that had been calculated in the plotting room by the Range Unit as settings for the mortars in order for them to hit their targets.

Batteries
The batteries included surface pits, underground magazines, and connecting corridors of the Fort Banks mortar batteries. The mortar pits, flank magazines, and underground corridors are not open to the public.

Battery diagram
The battery diagram is displayed with east at the top. For an idea of scale, the measurement running west from the easternmost (outer) edge of the wall at the top, down the center of the central corridor to the westernmost (outer) edge of the wall at the bottom, is roughly 430 feet. To orient this diagram to the current (2010) surface geography, the point at which the central east-west and north-south galleries cross is approximately here: ().

Looking at the diagram, one can see that the original mortar pit walls, completed in 1896, were much narrower than those that can be seen today (and which were rebuilt in the period 1910-1914). This enlargement of the pits took place because it was found that the smaller design did not allow enough room for the mortars to be properly served.

Originally, the two central (east-west and north-south) corridors completed in 1896 were to have provided the only ammunition and powder storage for the batteries. Indeed, blueprints from 1896 show rows of stored shells drawn-in along these corridors and in some rooms (see 1896 blueprint detail in photo gallery below).  A total of some 1248 3-foot shells, 624 3.8-foot shells, and 208 5-foot "torpedoes" were indicated as planned to be stored in the corridors. An extensive system of shell trolleys ran through the magazine rooms and corridors, to transport the heavy shells out to the pits. The 1910-1914 modifications added a series of lever-operated switches to some of these shell trolleys (see two trolley/switch photos in gallery below), so that different stacks of shells could be accessed. The section view in the blueprint image below also illustrates how these shell trolleys were intended to work.

The 1910-1914 work (due to inferior concrete in the original construction) added flank shell and powder storage rooms to both batteries and also a central magazine to Battery Lincoln (see plan above-right, with dimensions). These additional rooms are at the surface on the Battery Lincoln (west) side, but underground for Battery Kellogg (on the east). Although on the Battery Lincoln side the roofs of these magazines are today on the surface, originally all of these magazines were covered with 10 to 20 ft. of earth, as protection against enemy shells and bombs. This new construction expanded the magazines' storage capacity by a tremendous amount. The old (1896) corridors offered about 3,500 sq. ft. of storage. The new work added almost 15,000 sq. ft. of new storage capacity. As part of this rework Battery Lincoln's M1886 mortars were replaced with M1890MI mortars; the same was done with Battery Kellogg's mortars in 1915. During World War I, two mortars each were removed from Pit B of Battery Lincoln and Pit B of Battery Kellogg. This was done to improve the rate of fire of the remaining mortars in the pit; in most cases this was done at all mortar pits, but not at Fort Banks. The removed mortars became potential railway artillery.

World War II
Fort Banks was the WWII location for an anti-aircraft defense command post, a meteorological station, and a bunker holding the "secure" central switchboard for the Harbor Command (see photo in gallery, below). At one time, the fort became the headquarters for the Army's 9th Coast Artillery Regiment, which garrisoned much of the Boston harbor defenses in the early part of WWII. The 241st Coast Artillery Regiment also used the fort as a headquarters. It also had a 250-bed hospital. After the fort was declared surplus by the Army in 1947, its land was purchased by the Town of Winthrop and by private developers for municipal facilities and apartment uses.

Cold War
In the 1950s Nike anti-aircraft missiles were based on the site and in 1959, the Martin AN/FSG-1 Antiaircraft Defense System for the Fort Heath radar station was partly set up at Fort Banks for a SAGE/Missile Master test by NORAD.

Historical marker
A plaque on the site, provided by the Fort Banks Preservation Association and located just outside the portal to Battery Kellogg Pit B, recounts a terrible accident that took place in one of the mortar pits on October 15, 1904, during a practice firing. The plaque indicates that a charge went off prematurely in one of the mortars without the breech of the mortar being closed and locked, killing four and injuring nine others.

Today, the flank magazines of Battery Kellogg are crowded with debris left over from former service as a Town-sponsored "haunted house" at Halloween, and have temporary plywood walls with doors and windows added here and there. Much of this space is occupied by left-over materials stored by the town. On the western (Battery Lincoln) end, the two mortar pits have been filled about halfway up and paved over, and are now used as parking lots (see photo above, at right). The central magazine casemate, which sticks out between the two pits, housed the Harbor Defense Command Headquarters during World War II. The rooms inside this casemate have suffered fire damage (likely from vandals), leaving them littered with charred wood and other debris (see photo below). The rooms of Battery Lincoln's flank magazines have been renovated and are now used by the maintenance department for the nearby condominiums (as shown below). The lower central corridors between the batteries are mostly clear of refuse.

Today, almost all traces of the fort except for the mortar pits and magazines have been destroyed. Of the four mortar pits that originally made up the armament of the fort, only one survives in close to original condition: Pit B of Battery Kellogg (the northeast pit of the quad). A good deal of the original floor of this pit is still visible (see photos in the gallery, below), due to excavations by the town in 1992. The western two pits have been partially filled and then paved over for parking, while the southeast pit (Battery Kellogg, Pit A) has been covered up by a new building. The Winthrop Dept. of Public Works (DPW) now occupies part Battery Kellogg and uses some of the former magazines for storage, while parts of Battery Lincoln are used for offices and storage by property managers for the nearby apartments.

Gallery of additional images

See also
 9th Coast Artillery (United States)
 241st Coast Artillery (United States)
 Seacoast defense in the United States
 United States Army Coast Artillery Corps
List of military installations in Massachusetts

References

External links
 CoastDefense.com provides an overview of the coast defenses of Boston Harbor.
 Fort Banks at FortWiki.com
 List of all US coastal forts and batteries at the Coast Defense Study Group, Inc. website
 FortWiki, lists most CONUS and Canadian forts
 Harbor Defenses of Boston at NorthAmericanForts.com

Winthrop, Massachusetts
Banks
Banks
Buildings and structures in Suffolk County, Massachusetts
National Register of Historic Places in Suffolk County, Massachusetts

Fort Banks (Massachusetts)


Ernest Greenwood (November 25, 1884 – June 15, 1955) was an American schoolteacher and principal.  He is most notable for his service as a United States representative from New York from 1951 to 1953.

Early life
Greenwood was born in Barnsley, Yorkshire, England on November 25, 1884.  He attended the public schools of Halifax and the Evening Technical Institute and College, and was employed with engineering firms in Sheffield from 1905 to 1906 and Halifax from 1907 to 1910.

Education career
He immigrated to the United States in 1910 and worked for the General Electric Co. in Schenectady from 1910 to 1914.  Deciding on a career in education, Greenwood attended City College of New York and Columbia University, and then taught in the Schenectady public schools from 1914 to 1916.  He later relocated to Islip, and he taught at Islip High School from 1916 to 1920.

During World War I, Greenwood was a member of committee on Census and Inventory of Military Resources and from 1920 to 1922 he was supervisor of the Federal Board of Vocational Education.  He was associate headmaster of the Dwight School for Boys and New York Preparatory School for Adults from 1922 to 1927, and headmaster from 1927 to 1946. He served as chairman of the board of trustees from 1946 until his death.  During World War II, Greenwood served on Islip's Rationing Board.  From 1947 to 1948, he was chairman of the planning commission for the Bay Shore Board of Education, and he was the board's treasurer from 1947 to 1950.  In 1949, he was an unsuccessful Republican candidate for the Suffolk County Board of Supervisors.

Congressman
In 1950, Greenwood was elected to the Eighty-second Congress as a Democrat, defeating Republican incumbent W. Kingsland Macy. He served in the House from January 3, 1951 to January 3, 1953, and was an unsuccessful candidate for reelection in 1952.  He ran unsuccessfully in 1954, after which he lived in retirement.

Death and burial
Greenwood died in Bay Shore on June 15, 1955.  He was buried at Oakwood Cemetery in Bay Shore.

References

1884 births
1955 deaths
People from Barnsley
Schoolteachers from New York (state)
American school principals
General Electric employees
English emigrants to the United States
Democratic Party members of the United States House of Representatives from New York (state)
People from Bay Shore, New York
People from Islip (town), New York
City College of New York alumni
Columbia University alumni
20th-century American politicians
20th-century American educators

Ernest Greenwood (politician)


West Cape is a cape and an unincorporated community located at the westernmost extremity of Prince Edward Island, Canada.

West Cape is the westernmost point of Prince Edward Island, as opposed to West Point, which lies several kilometres to the south and slightly east.

West Cape Wind Farm
The largest wind farm in Atlantic Canada is centered in West Cape, extending north to Point Wolfe and south to West Point, for a distance of approximately 10 kilometers. Encompassing an area of about 25 square kilometers, the wind farm consists of 55 turbines producing 99 megawatts of power, surpassing the Kent Hills Wind Farm in New Brunswick by 3 megawatts. While about 10% of the power is sold to the city of Summerside, the rest is exported through New Brunswick to New England markets. The wind farm was established in 2009 by GDF Suez of France (now Engie) on land leased from local owners. The project was valued at CDN$200 million when completed, and was the largest single project on the Island since construction of the Confederation Bridge (1990s).

References

Communities in Prince County, Prince Edward Island
Headlands of Prince Edward Island

West Cape, Prince Edward Island


In international relations, public diplomacy or people's diplomacy, broadly speaking, is any of the various government-sponsored efforts aimed at communicating directly with foreign publics to establish a dialogue designed to inform and influence with the aim of building support for the state's strategic objectives. These also include propaganda. As the international order has changed over the twentieth century, so has the practice of public diplomacy. Its practitioners use a variety of instruments and methods ranging from personal contact and media interviews to the Internet and educational exchanges.

Background and definitions

In his essay "'Public Diplomacy' Before Gullion: The Evolution of a Phrase", Nicholas J. Cull of the USC Center on Public Diplomacy writes, "The earliest use of the phrase 'public diplomacy' to surface is actually not American at all but in a leader piece from the London Times in January 1856. It is used merely as a synonym for civility in a piece criticizing the posturing of President Franklin Pierce." Cull writes that Edmund Gullion, dean of the Fletcher School of Law and Diplomacy at Tufts University and a distinguished retired foreign service officer, "was the first to use the phrase in its modern meaning." In 1965, Gullion founded the Edward R. Murrow Center of Public Diplomacy, and Cull writes "An early Murrow Center brochure provided a convenient summary of Gullion's concept":

Public diplomacy . . . deals with the influence of public attitudes on the formation and execution of foreign policies. It encompasses dimensions of international relations beyond traditional diplomacy; the cultivation by governments of public opinion in other countries; the interaction of private groups and interests in one country with another; the reporting of foreign affairs and its impact on policy; communication between those whose job is communication, as diplomats and foreign correspondents; and the process of intercultural communications.

Over time, the concept and definition of public diplomacy have evolved, as demonstrated by the following statements from various practitioners:

The most important roles public diplomacy will have to play for the United States in the current international environment will be less grand-strategic and more operational than during the Cold War. Support of national policy in military contingencies is one such role, and probably the most important.
– Carnes Lord (former deputy director of USIA), professor of statecraft and civilization, October 1998

Public diplomacy – effectively communicating with publics around the globe – to understand, value and even emulate America's vision and ideas; historically one of America's most effective weapons of outreach, persuasion and policy.
– Jill A. Schuker (former senior director for public affairs at the National Security Council), July 2004

Public diplomacy's 21st century trend is dominated by fractal globalization, preemptive military invasion, information and communication technologies that shrink time and distance, and the rise of global non-state actors (terror networks, bloggers) that challenge state-driven policy and discourse on the subject.– Nancy Snow, Routledge Handbook of Public Diplomacy,
Public diplomacy may be defined, simply, as the conduct of international relations by governments through public communications media and through dealings with a wide range of nongovernmental entities (political parties, corporations, trade associations, labor unions, educational institutions, religious organizations, ethnic groups, and so on including influential individuals) for the purpose of influencing the politics and actions of other governments.– Alan K. Henrikson, Professor of Diplomatic History, April 2005.

Public diplomacy that traditionally represents actions of governments to influence overseas publics within the foreign policy process has expanded today—by accident and design—beyond the realm of governments to include the media, multinational corporations, NGO's and faith-based organizations as active participants in the field.– Crocker Snow Jr., Acting Director Edward R. Murrow Center, May 2005.Public diplomacy refers to government-sponsored programs intended to inform or influence public opinion in other countries; its chief instruments are publications, motion pictures, cultural exchanges, radio and television.                                                                          – U.S. Department of State, Dictionary of International Relations Terms, 1987, p. 85The United States Information Agency (USIA), which was the main government agency in charge of public diplomacy until it merged with the Department of State in 1999, described it as "seek[ing] to promote the national interest and the national security of the United States through understanding, informing, and influencing foreign publics and broadening dialogue between American citizens and institutions and their counterparts abroad." For the Planning Group for Integration of USIA into the Department of State (June 20, 1997), public diplomacy meant "seek[ing] to promote the national interest of the United States through understanding, informing and influencing foreign audiences." According to Hans N. Tuch, author of Communicating With the World (St. Martin's Press, NY, 1990), public diplomacy is "official government efforts to shape the communications environment overseas in which American foreign policy is played out, in order to reduce the degree to which misperceptions and misunderstandings complicate relations between the U.S. and other nations."

Standard diplomacy might be described as the ways in which government leaders communicate with each other at the highest levels, the elite diplomacy we are all familiar with. Public diplomacy, by contrast focuses on the ways in which a country (or multilateral organization such as the United Nations) communicates with citizens in other societies. A country may be acting deliberately or inadvertently, and through both official and private individuals and institutions. Effective public diplomacy starts from the premise that dialogue, rather than a sales pitch, is often central to achieving the goals of foreign policy: public diplomacy must be seen as a two-way street. Furthermore, public diplomacy activities often present many differing views as represented by private American individuals and organizations in addition to official U.S. government views.

Traditional diplomacy actively engages one government with another government. In traditional diplomacy, U.S. Embassy officials represent the U.S. government in a host country primarily by maintaining relations and conducting official business with the officials of the host government whereas public diplomacy primarily engages many diverse non-government elements of a society.

Film, television, music, sports, video games and other social/cultural activities are seen by public diplomacy advocates as enormously important avenues for otherwise diverse citizens to understand each other and integral to the international cultural understanding, which they state is a key goal of modern public diplomacy strategy. It involves not only shaping the message(s) that a country wishes to present abroad, but also analyzing and understanding the ways that the message is interpreted by diverse societies and developing the tools of listening and conversation as well as the tools of persuasion.

One of the most successful initiatives which embodies the principles of effective public diplomacy is the creation by international treaty in the 1950s of the European Coal and Steel Community which later became the European Union. Its original purpose after World War II was to tie the economies of Europe together so much that war would be impossible. Supporters of European integration see it as having achieved both this goal and the extra benefit of catalysing greater international understanding as European countries did more business together and the ties among member states' citizens increased. Opponents of European integration are leery of a loss of national sovereignty and greater centralization of power.

Public diplomacy has been an essential element of American foreign policy for decades. It was an important tool in influencing public opinion during the Cold War with the former Soviet Union. Since the attacks of September 11, 2001, the term has come back into vogue as the United States government works to improve their reputation abroad, particularly in the Middle East and among those in the Islamic world. Numerous panels, including those sponsored by the Council on Foreign Relations, have evaluated American efforts in public diplomacy since 9/11 and have written reports recommending that the United States take various actions to improve the effectiveness of their public diplomacy.

The United States Advisory Commission on Public Diplomacy was established in the late 1940s to evaluate American public diplomacy effort. The commission is a seven-member bipartisan board whose members are nominated by the President and confirmed by the United States Senate. William Hybl is the current chair, and other members include former Ambassadors Lyndon Olson and Penne Percy Korth Peacock, as well as Jay Snyder, John E. Osborn and Lezlee Westine.

This traditional concept is expanded on with the idea of adopting what is called "population-centric foreign affairs" within which foreign populations assume a central component of foreign policy. Since people, not just states, are of global importance in a world where technology and migration increasingly face everyone, an entire new door of policy is opened.

Methods
There are many methods and instruments that are used in public diplomacy. Nicholas J. Cull divides the practice into five elements: listening, advocacy, cultural diplomacy, exchange diplomacy and international broadcasting (IB), while others include strategic communication.

International broadcasting remains a key element in public diplomacy in the 21st century, with traditionally weaker states having the opportunity to challenge the hegemony and monopoly of information provided by more powerful states.

Methods such as personal contact, broadcasters such as the Voice of America, Radio Free Europe and Radio Liberty exchange programs such as Fulbright and the International Visitor Leadership Program, American arts and performances in foreign countries, and the use of the Internet are all instruments used for practicing public diplomacy depending on the audience to be communicated with and the message to be conveyed.

Impact
According to a 2021 study, high-level visits by leaders increases public approval among foreign citizens.

See also

 British Council
 Citizen diplomacy
 Cultural diplomacy
 Digital diplomacy
 Diplomatic capital
 Goethe-Institut
 Music and political warfare
 Office of Public Diplomacy
 Political warfare
 Public diplomacy of the United States
 Public diplomacy of Israel
 Public diplomacy in the Islamic Republic of Iran
 Otto Reich
 Smith–Mundt Act
 Strategic communication
 USC Center on Public Diplomacy
 United States Information Agency

References

Fallows, James (2005) "Success without Victory", The Atlantic Monthly, 295:1 p. 80 (Evera quotation)

Further reading

 Justin Hart, Empire of Ideas: The Origins of Public Diplomacy and the Transformation of US Foreign Policy. New York: Oxford University Press, 2013.
 Helmer Helmers, "Public Diplomacy in Early Modern Europe. Towards a New History of News". Media History 22:3-4 (2016), 401-420. https://doi.org/10.1080/13688804.2016.1174570.
 Philip M. Taylor, "Public Diplomacy and Strategic Communications", in Nancy Snow and Philip M. Taylor (eds.), Routledge Handbook of Public Diplomacy. Routledge, 2009.
 Nancy Snow, "Rethinking Public Diplomacy", in Nancy Snow and Philip M. Taylor (eds.), Routledge Handbook of Public Diplomacy, Routledge, 2009.
Nesterovych, Volodymyr (2015). "Foreign Broadcasting of the USA in the System of American Public Diplomacy". Viche. 7–8: 32–36.

 B. Xharra and M. Wählisch, Beyond Remittances: Public Diplomacy and Kosovo's Diaspora, Foreign Policy Club, Pristina (2012). Abstract.

External links

 PUBLIC DIPLOMACY at Syracuse University
 Nancy Snow and Philip M. Taylor, Routledge Handbook on Public Diplomacy
 How the World Sees America - Amar Bakshi on Washington Post/Newsweek on Public Diplomacy
Example of term being used by President George W. Bush in relation to the Middle East - January 19, 2005 The Age
 Public Diplomacy Wiki maintained by the USC Center on Public Diplomacy
 Public Diplomacy (USIAAA)
 Journal of Place Branding and Public Diplomacy
 The Edward R. Murrow Center of Public Diplomacy at The Fletcher School
 Public Diplomacy Research Network
  The UK Foreign and Commonwealth Office collection of articles on Public Diplomacy
 Public Diplomacy Blog - India & SE Asia

Types of diplomacy
Propaganda
Diplomacy

Public diplomacy


Rede Tupi (; in English, Tupi Network) was a Brazilian commercial terrestrial television network. Its flagship station, located in the city of São Paulo, was the first TV station to operate in the country, being inaugurated on 18 September 1950 by journalist Assis Chateaubriand. It was owned by Diários Associados, one of the largest media conglomerates of the 20th century, owner of several newspapers, magazines, and radio stations.

Named after the Tupiniquim tribe in Brazil, Rede Tupi was a pioneer in television programming in South America, setting the tone for the best telenovelas, news programming, sports, and entertainment in the 1950s and 1960s, such as TV de Vanguarda (Vanguard TV), O Repórter Esso (The Esso Reporter), Alô Docura, Clube dos Artistas (1952–80), Beto Rockfeller, O Mundo é das Mulheres (The World is for Women) and many more. It led the way for the establishment of television stations throughout Brazil, and in 1960, beat other stations in broadcasting via satellite (the first Brazilian TV network to achieve such a feat) in honor of the formal opening of Brasilia.

Its success prompted other nations in the continent to have television stations. The network added new talent to Brazilian show business, which was then a thriving industry depending on films and radio. During the 1960s, its programs revolutionized television through animation, humor, comedy and children's shows plus the telenovelas that gave rise to the launch in 1965 of its rival network in Rio de Janeiro, Rede Globo.

The network was formed in the 1970s, with members as co-brothers of the Diários Associados and affiliates. Its flagships were TV Tupi São Paulo and TV Tupi Rio de Janeiro. Due to a history of management problems, which resulted in a financial crisis, Tupi had part of its licenses revoked by the Government of Brazil in July 1980, shutting down the network.

History

1930s and 40s: build-up
In 1938, RCA set up a stand at its headquarters in New York, featuring a complete system for television transmission and reception. The aim was to show interest in the new technology not only in the USA, but also abroad. One of the foreign invitees was Diários Associados. Who went to New York to represent the company was its director at the time, Dário de Almeida Magalhães. Upon returning, he wrote in an editorial at the group's main newspaper of the time, O Jornal do Rio de Janeiro, about the experiment. The first television demonstration was held on June 3, 1939 with the help of the German company Telefunken but without the direct involvement of Diários Associados.

In July 1944, Chateaubriand visited the United States, a country he hadn't visited until then. One of the aims of the trip was to talk with David Sarnoff, who had prepared a stand showing the advances in radio and television in the world, something that, especially for radio, would be beneficial in the post-war world, perfecting the existing technology. One of the people present was Vladimir Zworykin, who answered some of Chateaubriand's questions, and demanded Sarnoff to build licenses for the first television stations in the Americas outside of the USA. Chateaubriand's ambitions were to build two television stations, one in Rio de Janeiro and one in São Paulo. However, in order to gain the equipment, Chateaubriand had to wait for the end of the war, as the war had affected the production of television equipment.

Once the war was over, in 1946, Chateaubriand convinced Sarnoff and Zworykin to obtain financial means for the stations, in exchange for extensive advertising contracts, with a varying length between 12 and 18 months. The equipment bought weighed in at US$5 million. Such sponsors had to take part in a portion of the costs of building the station, whereas a long financing with suppliers was up to Diários Associados.

The following year, Chateaubriand returned to the USA to finish the ordering of the equipments he bought.

RCA and Emissoras Associadas signed a contract on May 2, 1949, in São Paulo, however, it took close to two years to receive the equipments in Brazil.

1948-1950: Obtaining the licenses
S/A Rádio Tupi, who had already owned namesake radio stations in São Paulo and Rio de Janeiro, formalized a requirement at the Federal Government on January 7, 1948, soliciting special authorization to operate two television channels. Television still demanded high investments, so the requirement had to be done in the name of another company of the group, with Rádio Difusora São Paulo S/A being selected. In October 1948, the buying of the RCA equipment was made official, which would later be used exclusively for the São Paulo station.

Twenty days after Rádio Tupi's request, on January 27, 1948, Diário da Noite reported about Chateaubriand's plans for the first time: at the top of its front page, the headline announced "Television for Rio and S. Paulo" and at the bottom of the page, a small report: after being in New York, Chateaubriand would travel to London and Paris. It was initially supposed that São Paulo would get television from November 1948 and Rio de Janeiro, from February 1949.

Diário da Noite's reports in 1948 informed that the equipment would arrive to Brazil in June 1949, with the transmitter to be installed at the Banco do Estado de São Paulo building, at the time the tallest in the continent, and with studios in the Sumaré neighborhood, where Diários Associados had built Cidade do Rádio (Radio City) for its radio studio compound in 1942. On May 3, 1949, the day following the signing of the contract and Diário da Noite's revealing reports about the station, other newspapers owned by the group put the then-upcoming TV Tupi, specifically the São Paulo station as "South America's vanguard in the field of television". From then to the end of August that year, phrases regarding the upcoming station were published, one of them being "Aguardem as instalações de televisão dos Associados" (Wait for Associados' television facilities).

On October 29, 1949, the equipment for the Rio station provided by General Electric had finally arrived, whereas for the São Paulo station, from RCA, had arrived in late January 1950. Rádio e Televisão do Brasil, which had vowed for the channel 2 frequency in Rio de Janeiro, revoked its contract with General Electric at a time the proposed station was facing financial uncertainties (the station's preliminary license was revoked by order of Decree nº 30583 on February 22, 1952).

In May 1950, 2,400 television sets were made available in Rio de Janeiro, mainly aimed at stores, some aimed at the company. The initial goal of starting the station in late June failed, numerous delays occurred, and with the first experimental broadcasts (weeks later converted to regular broadcasts) of XHTV in Mexico City, Rio de Janeiro no longer had the "primacy" of housing the first television station in Latin America.

In São Paulo, RCA-Victor engineers arrived in February 1949, with the aim of studying ideal locations for the building of the studios, the transmitter and the antenna. During the building in 1950, these engineers were joined by technicians from RCA and Mario Alderighi, who started supervising the project following the conclusion of Rádio Tupi's new technical park the previous year. The building was authorized on September 18, 1949 - exactly one year ahead of the start of the São Paulo station. The equipment left the USA on January 11, 1950, this time from Philadelphia, arriving in São Paulo from Santos on March 24.

Formation
The arrival of the equipment to Rio de Janeiro was reported by the American and Argentine press. The initial goal was to have the equipment ready in time for the 1950 FIFA World Cup, held in six Brazilian cities from June 24 to July 16, with the potential televised carriage of eight matches, including the inaugural match and the final, held at the Maracanã Stadium, built for the competition. The equipment came from New York on October 14, 1949, transported by cargo to Rio de Janeiro where it arrived on October 30, 90 days before the Tupi station in São Paulo got its equipment. The expectation for the Tupi station in Rio de Janeiro was to be on air in March or April 1950. Sugarloaf Mountain was selected as the site for the Rio transmitter and antenna. This selection came after a negative result from the Catholic Church to install it in Corcovado, which would have provided the station with better video and audio quality. The technical director of the station in Rio said that the potential location of the transmitter in Corcovado, which was ultimately rejected, gave proof that "science and the church have never maintained good relations". Transporting the equipment to Sugarloaf Mountain was a challenge in itself, and by then, projections for the Rio station's sign-on were aimed at June 1950. The World Cup would have been the first content seen on the station.

Camera tests were conducted in Rio de Janeiro during April 1950.

Tests in São Paulo
At the end of June 1950, RCA and Emissoras Associadas technicians were finishing the process of installation of the studios at the Sumaré and Banespa buildings. Finishing touches for equipment used for the station were also on the order. According to the Catholic Church's calendar, 1950 was considered to be a "holy year" and numerous activities were being held in that period. Aside from that, Insústrias Alimentícias Carlos de Britto S/A had just turned 50, and to coincide with these two special occasions, Chateaubriand brought Mexican religious singer Friar José Mojica to Brazil, to perform live on Rádio Tupi São Paulo, Rádio Tupi Rio de Janeiro and Rádio Farroupilha (Porto Alegre) - all of which were under Associadas' control. Mojica was subsequently invited to perform in the experimental broadcasts of TV Tupi in São Paulo, whose first test was conducted on July 4, 1950, with equipment brought in from the mobile unit and the Sumaré studio. The test broadcast with Mojica's performance was seen on two monitors totalling around 600 viewers.

Said experiment started at 10pm that evening starting with an RCA test pattern followed by a static ID of a native man, symbol of the station, with the inscription "PRF-3 - Tupi TV" and the start of formalities held by Homero Silva, Yara Lins and Walter Forster, who announced that this was the first broadcast, and the appearance of José Mujica. Television was already starting to become a reality, even though it was still in closed circuit mode. According to actor Lima Duarte, Mojica likely sang the song "Júrame", his greatest hit in his secular phase, however, said song wasn't listed in the repertory. It's unknown if Mojica sang the song live, creating an urban legend. The first test night in the closed-circuit system had great image quality, and had lived up to what Diário de São Paulo called "the greatest happening in bandeirante broadcasting". Mujica did further appearances in further test broadcasts during July.

The first broadcast of the terrestrial station, on channel 3, took place on July 24, 1950 - eight days after XHTV in Mexico City did the same. The first tests used had the RCA Indian-head test pattern, which would end up being used by other stations in Brazil, including those that didn't rely on RCA for its equipment. Said test pattern would be used during the entirety of the run of monochrome television in Brazil. This experiment lasted for 23 days. Another technical challenge was the possibility of having its signal received in Jundiaí and Campinas in inland São Paulo.

Experimental programming over the terrestrial signal started on August 16, 1950, airing from 5pm to 7pm. The line-up consisted of some filmed content produced by Diários Associados, including musical performances, with the length of about three to five minutes, documentaries on general topics, including football, and cartoons without subtitles in Portuguese.

1950s
On August 5, 1950, it was determined that the São Paulo station (PRF-3) would operate on VHF channel 3 under the revised callsign PRF3-TV. The number 3 had no relation to the channel's frequency and was already existent in the radio station's callsign by default. Regarding the name of the station, the name "Tupi" was secondary, as the preferred name was PRF-3 and sometimes TV-3. At a later stage the channel was also known as TV Tupi-Difusora, referring to the group's two radio stations. The name "Tupi" came from a desire Assis Cheateaubriand had for years, using native Brazilian names to represent the roots of Brazilian culture.

The station was set to be launched on September 5, but was later delayed to September 7 (Brazil's Independence Day), and subsequently the second half of September (starting from September 16). The official launch date was announced on September 13: September 18, 1950.

That day, the station went on the air at 5pm with solemn formalities. At 6pm, a private cocktail for invitees was held, without being broadcast. At 9pm, broadcasts resumed with the launch show TV na Taba, featuring a variety of talents that already worked for the group's radio stations, running for two hours. All the events were held at the studios in Sumaré, which had become the "cradle" of television.

The test pattern was switched on at 4pm. During the solemn ceremony, Assis Chateaubriand was in the studio alongside Catholic figure Paulo Rolim Loureiro; poet Rosalina Coelho Lisboa Larragoiti, chosen as the "godmother" of PRF3-TV; young actress Sônia Maria Dorce; presenter Homero Silva; and actresses Yara Lins and Lia de Aguiar. Numerous civil, military and religious figures also attended the event. Said event started thirty minutes later than planned (at 5:30pm) when the test pattern gave way to Sônia Maria Dorce, who became the first face seen on the regular service, saying "Boa tarde! Está no ar a televisão do Brasil!", dressed up in a Tupiniquim outfit, alluding to the channel's name. Yara Lins followed, mentioning the names and callsigns of all of the Associadas radio stations, more than twenty, and introduced "the first television program in Latin America". The first commercials were read out by Homero Silva and Lia Borges de Aguiar, with congratulatory messages from four brands that invested in its building: Guaraná Antarctica, Lãs Sams, Sul América and Prata Wolff.

The succession of speeches ended at 6pm, during which the station, covering the hours of the private cocktail, would put the test pattern back on the air, and would also promote the 9pm show. Over time, some of the visitors who attended the ceremony entered the sectors of the station to view its facilities.

TV na Taba was scheduled to at 9pm. Produced by Cassiano Gabus Mendes and Luiz Gallon, it was presented by Homero Silva, who did the same in the earlier formalities. Stars from the radio stations owned by Associadas were invited and presented in small sketches, but since they had no experience in television, they thought that the show wouldn't go as planned.

The first night had a stressful situation, of which several versions exist. Ahead of the start of TV na Taba, the RCA TK-30 camera at studio B wasn't working. The version that is most circulated was that Chateaubriand broke the camera with a champagne bottle. Contrary to popular belief, the camera was damaged after the priest who attended the blessing ceremony threw holy water to it. Due to the issue that damaged one of the three cameras, TV na Taba started 40 minutes later than scheduled. A two-minute film showing footage of São Paulo, troops (recorded on Independence Day less than two weeks earlier), the presses of the Associados' newspapers and people listening to radio, followed an initial slide. Homero Silva introduced the station as "something so exceptional, so revolutionary". As the camera aimed at one of the women in the studio asking about what would the station offer, Homero Silva said that music was one of the key elements of the new station, before starting a succession of performances. Near the end of the program, at 11:30pm, Lolita Rodrigues sang "Canção da TV", especially composed for the station, after Hebe Camargo declined. The show lasted until 12:20am. At closing time, during the performance of Dorval Caymmi's song Acalanto, Homero Silva gave one last message:

"A televisão é tudo isso, em espetáculos diários que irão ter no recesso do lar de um imenso público. A televisão é alegria, é cultura, é divertimento!"

In subsequent days, the station faced another problem: obtaining content to fill the schedule. Such need arose in the hours following the inaugural broadcast. From September 19, the schedule would be filled by educational films and documentaries, as well as cartoons without translation, and content prepared for the experimental phase. Cassiano Gabus Mendes invented the catchphrase "de noite tem" (there is [content] at night), representing that the content would be shown in the evening hours. Only from September 27 would Diário da Noite publish the schedules. From then on, programming produced by TV Tupi would gradually appear. Only the first program of the day had a fixed starting time (8pm). The remaining programs still had uncertain starting times, meaning that in such situations, either the test pattern or the filler films would take its place.

The first televised news program, Imagens do Dia, in newsreel format, aired on September 28, 1950. Early editions paid attention to the then-upcoming presidential elections, which were ultimately won by Getúlio Vargas, who returned to presidency. Often, after the news, they aired cartoons: Woody Woodpecker and Andy Panda, both creations by Walter Lantz. The first feature film broadcast by Tupi was the 1947 Italian production Tragic Hunt on September 24 - Sundays were dedicated to feature-length films and Mondays were rest days. Movies were either in their original language, yet few of them had subtitles. In rare cases, dubs coming from Portugal were ordered.

The first football match was televised on October 15, 1950 at 3:30pm. The match was for São Paulo's state championship in which Palmeiras defeated São Paulo 2-0 at the Pacaembu Stadium. Diário de São Paulo reported the good quality of the match and soon would also air horse racing from the São Paulo Jockey Club. A competing newspaper, however, noted that such broadcast had technical issues.

On November 29, the first televised stage play aired: A Vida por um Fio, adapted from the American movie Sorry, Wrong Number. The station managed to gain advertising revenue, although of an irregular nature, in 1950, in December that year, a regular advertising contract was signed for the first time, and regular television advertising started on January 1, 1951. Companies would also line up to sponsor entire shows. Initially commercials were read live from art cards in a wall of the studio, before changing to slides or live advertising.

The station awarded its definitive license on March 7, 1951.

The Rio station started its experimental broadcasts on October 5, 1950, callsign PRG-3. The station signed on for the first time on January 20, 1951, seven days before awarding its license.

Over time, outside broadcasts in the São Paulo station started to become more frequent, with football matches, Sunday services and turf, the latter of which had its first telecast on November 10, 1951 from the Cidade Jardim hippodrome. Out of all these broadcasts, football matches were the main source of attraction.

TV Tupi Rio de Janeiro broadcast the first televised kiss on Brazilian television in its first telenovela, Sua Vida Me Pertence (Your Life Belongs to Me), on February 8, 1952.

Facing competition not only in the city alone but also in the technological field, TV Tupi reacted to TV Record and, with its updated equipment, would carry a test from São Caetano do Sul, which consisted of a friendly match between São Bento and Palmeiras. The first experiment was satisfactory, mostly due to the proximity of the two municipalities, as well as the possibility of sending the signal direct to the São Paulo studios. A similar experiment was conducted in Santos for a live telecast of a match between Santos FC and Palmeiras on December 18, that same year. In July 1956, a relay station opened in Santos. From then on, TV Tupi started broadcasting live football matches from Santos in addition to those already played in São Paulo.

When TV Record linked up its stations between Rio de Janeiro and São Paulo in 1956, Tupi again lagged behind. The two Tupi stations decided to form a bespoke network in the same year, by means of a provisional (but fixed) network of 500km worth of microwave lines. The network would later extend to TV Itacolomi, in Belo Horizonte, founded in November 1955. With that, the two stations started interchanging programs. With the combined efforts of the two teams, the first experimental broadcast between Rio and São Paulo took place at 5pm on July 7, 1956, when Guilherme Figueiredo, artistic director of the Rio station, introduced viewers in São Paulo. On July 9, a live broadcast from the Senate was held.

1960s
Between April 20 and 23, 1960, 12 million viewers saw live broadcasts of Juscelino Kubitschek's historic trip to Brasília in alignment with its founding and that of TV Brasília, by means of an improvised microwave link to the southeastern stations.

The arrival and massification of videotapes have led to the increase in the quality of its telenovelas. In 1963, TV Excelsior produced its first daily novela, 2-5499 Ocupado. Facing the competition, in early 1964, Tupi received a proposal from Palmolive to create daily telenovelas in the 8pm slot, with a length of 40 minutes per episode. Festival de Novelas Palmolive started with Alma Cigana, broadcast between March 2 and May 8 that year. Later, O Direito de Nascer became its first hit in the genre, which was also seen as an affront to Excelsior's competing A Moça que Veio de Longe, which didn't attract enough ratings.

Tupi had its own mark in news: Rede Tupi de Noticias (Tupi News Network) became one of its successful programmes. The newscast was unique because it was broadcast three times each night. Ana Maria Braga was the main presenter. It had three sections: sports, local news and national/world news.

In 1964, it became Brazil's second television network to experiment with television programmes broadcasting in color following Rede Excelsior in 1962. After its founder's death in 1968, the network, due to a crisis with its owners, transitioned itself becoming the first national television network in 1970, composed of its two main stations, Channels 4 and 6, its 7 other stations and 17 affiliate stations nationwide.

1970s
In 1972, Tupi joined other Brazilian stations in the move to full color TV broadcasts. On March 31, that very year Tupi's special program, Mais Cor em Sua Vida (More Color in Your Life) officially kicked off its color transmissions, and debuted a new logo in celebration, replacing the old number 6 logo used in Rio during its monochrome days.

The network started to experience difficulties during the 1970s, including a huge debt, which resulted in a strike by the actors of their telenovelas. Things went from bad to worse after a fire broke out in 1978.

Closure
Rede Tupi was ordered by the federal government of Brazil (military dictatorship at the time) to cease its operations. This happened from the 16th to the 18th, in July 1980, when its two stations in São Paulo (Tupi Channel 4) and Rio de Janeiro (Tupi Channel 6) shut down, together with its 7 other stations nationwide. The Department of National Telecommunications did not approve the planned extension of Rede Tupi's television licenses. Following the closure of Rede Tupi's seven stations the previous day, The Rio station signed off for the last time on midday of the 18th. The final days of broadcasts at the network's Rio de Janeiro studios are the 18-hour long vigil. The network rebroadcast the mass attended by Pope John Paul II (during his visit to Brazil) at Rio de Janeiro. Its sounds was replaced by a voiceover appealing to president João Figueiredo, accompanied by emotional background music. Then, it switched to the staff of the station who they turned emotional. "Até breve, telespectadores amigos" (See you soon, viewers and friends) and its network's name under the words, was appeared on the screen in capital letters. This was switched to its logo in a black background, with the theme song of American documentary series "Victory at Sea", composed by Richard Rodgers, as its background music, then to static. Various networks in Brazil covered the closure of the station, including Rede Bandeirantes.

Tupi's São Paulo, Porto Alegre and Belém channels became the nuclei of SBT (Brazilian Television System, then TVS, TV Studios Channel 4) of the Grupo Silvio Santos (Silvio Santos Group) of Silvio Santos later in August 1981. Its Rio, Belo Horizonte, Recife and Fortaleza outlets became the nucleus of Rede Manchete (Manchete Network Channel 9), of the Bloch Editores (Bloch Editors) publishing group of Adolpho Bloch, in June 1983.

Branding

Logos
Initially the logo was an illustrated drawing of a Tupiniquim man with the callsign of the station (PRG-3) below. Since the station had excessive program breaks at the beginning, the station had to rely on a modified RCA monoscope and two intermission slides. The test pattern had, clockwise, the drawing of the Indian, the channel frequency (channel 3), the RCA logo and the callsign (PRF-3 TV). These slides and the test pattern led to the creation of the iconic phrase "mais chato que o índio da TV" (more boring than the TV indian, sometimes "mais chato que o índio da Tupi). Technicians working for the radio stations complained over the constant technical difficulties, as they were used to radio's punctuality. An RCA Gray-Telop machine was installed in March 1951, six months after the São Paulo station was founded.

Mario Fanucchi arrived at Tupi in December 1950, replacing other artists who made such slides. He then designed the iconic mascot, a child version of the extant logo, of which the head was used as a branding device on several of its stations starting in 1951, sparking interest not only in children but also among viewers who weren't comfortable with the long program breaks. Airton Rodrigues gave him the name Tupiniquim, which was approved by Cassiano Gabus Mendes. In Rio de Janeiro a different figure was used, a female character, inside a 6. Other secondary logos were used mainly in print ads in newspapers in the latter years of its monochrome operation.

With the start of color TV in Brazil, Fanucchi's logo was replaced by a new logo, which was the result of a competition. Said competition was announced in the group's newspapers and magazines and would spark the interest of college students in graphic and industrial design. The new logo had elements related to television transmission, two intermingling oscilloscope lines with three circles - each in red, green and blue. The winner went to Paris under a trip paid by Air France to visit one of the main industrial design schools of France. Not much information is known about the winner.

Briefly in 1976-1977, a six-pronged windmill was used in the São Paulo station, showing its integration to the network. The logo was massively rejected and the previous logo was resumed, with slight modifications.

The last logo of the network was introduced in 1979, and was designed by Cyro del Nero. It consisted of a T divided in three pieces, each of them with a curved edge, consisting of a small blue piece and two equal larger pieces, a horizontal one in red and a vertical one in green. Jokes had emerged within the network that, despite giving a sense of modernity, it was pejoratively nicknamed "tesão", referring to a possible double entendre in the design. For the thirtieth anniversary, which was aborted due to the shutdown of the network, del Nero made a second version with the logo inside a television screen.

Slogans
 1950—1952: A Primeira TV do Brasil, A Primeira da América Latina (The First TV Station of Brazil, the First of Latin America)
 1956-1963: Seus 500, Mais 500 (Your 500, More 500)
 1963-1972: Pioneira em Imagem-Som, Alcance e Cor (Pioneer in Picture-Sound, Reach and Color)
 1972: Sistema Tupicolor, vamos por mais cor na sua vida (The Tupicolor system, Let's Put More Color in Your Life)
 1973—1975: Tupi, uma estação de emoções (Tupi, An Emotional Station)
 1974—1979: Do tamanho do Brasil (As Big as Brazil)
 1974—1975: 22 emissoras cobrindo o céu do Brasil (22 stations covering the Brazilian sky)
 1975: A Primeira Imagem da TV (TV's First Picture)
 1979—1980: Tupi, mais calor humano (Tupi, more human warmth)

Idents

Network
Rede Tupi had a total of fifteen owned-and-operated stations during its 30 years of existence, and sold TV Coroados in 1973 and TV Paraná in 1974 to other owners, leaving it with thirteen stations. On July 16, 1980, the Federal Government revoked seven of these concessions and the following year, through public competition, transferred three of them to the Silvio Santos Group (which created SBT) and four to the Bloch Group (which created Rede Manchete , succeeded by the current RedeTV!). The other stations that were saved from revocation joined independent programming until the emergence of new networks or migrated to other existing networks.

Flagship stations

O&Os

Affiliates
 TV Sentinela (Óbidos, PA) — Channel 7 VHF (now a Rede Bandeirantes affiliate)
 TV Iguaçu (Curitiba, PR) — Channel 4 VHF (1978—1980) (now a SBT affiliate)
 TV Cultura (Florianópolis, SC) — Canal 6 VHF (now a Record News affiliate)
 TV Uberaba (Uberaba, MG) — Channel 7 VHF (now TV Bandeirantes Triângulo)
 TV Tibagi (Apucarana, PR) — Channel 11 VHF (now a part of Rede Massa (SBT))
 TV Coroados (Londrina, PR) — Channel 3 VHF (now a part of RPC (Rede Globo))
 TV Rio Preto (São José do Rio Preto, SP) — Channel 8 VHF (Now RecordTV Rio Preto)
 TV Esplanada (Ponta Grossa, PR) — Channel 7 VHF (now a part of RPC (Rede Globo))
 TV Coligadas (Blumenau, SC) — Channel 3 VHF (now a part of NSC TV (Rede Globo))
 TV Altamira (Altamira, PA) — Channel 6 VHF (now a TV Cultura affiliate)
 TV Sergipe (Aracaju, SE) (1971—1975) — Channel 4 VHF (now a Rede Globo affiliate)
 TV Atalaia (Aracaju, SE) (1975—1980) — Channel 8 VHF (now a RecordTV affiliate)

References

Television networks in Brazil
Defunct television networks
Portuguese-language television networks
Television channels and stations established in 1950
Television channels and stations disestablished in 1980
Diários Associados
Articles containing video clips
Defunct television channels in Brazil

Rede Tupi


The Chalk Bluffs is a barren chalk escarpment in the northeastern part of the U.S. state of Colorado, stretching from the Wyoming border east of I-25 to near the South Platte River in Logan County and Weld County.

Geology
The Chalk Bluffs exposes the Ogallala, Fox Hills and Arikaree Formations. Miocene, Eocene and Paleocene vertebrate fossils are found.

Ecology
Most of the escarpment lies within the Pawnee National Grasslands.

As the bluffs are primarily barren and protected from fire. However trees normally found in the foothills of the Rocky Mountains are found there, including: Ponderosa pine, Rocky Mountain juniper, limber pine, and mountain mahogany.

Numerous raptors nest on the cliffs including Swainson's hawks, ferruginous hawks, golden eagles, and prairie falcons. The bluffs are a favorite site for birdwatching. It has been recognized by the National Audubon Society as a site of "global importance".

Chalk Bluffs Natural Area
A  portion of the Chalk Bluffs in Weld County were set aside in September 2001 by the Colorado State Parks Natural Areas Program as the Chalk Bluffs Natural Area.

Wind farm
The bluffs are adjacent to the Cedar Creek Wind Farm.

References

Escarpments of the United States
Chalk
Landforms of Colorado
Nature reserves in Colorado
Landforms of Weld County, Colorado
Landforms of Logan County, Colorado
Protected areas of Logan County, Colorado
Protected areas of Weld County, Colorado
Neogene Colorado
Paleogene Colorado
Miocene United States
Eocene North America
Paleocene North America
Eocene paleontological sites of North America
Miocene paleontological sites of North America
Protected areas established in 2001
2001 establishments in Colorado

Chalk Bluffs Natural Area