The East German uprising of 1953 ( ) was an uprising that occurred in East Germany from 16 to 17 June 1953. It began with a strike action by construction workers in East Berlin on 16 June against work quotas during the Sovietization process in East Germany. Demonstrations in East Berlin turned into a widespread uprising against the Government of East Germany and the Socialist Unity Party the next day, involving over one million people in about 700 localities across the country. Protests against declining living standards and unpopular Sovietization policies led to a wave of strikes and protests that were not easily brought under control and threatened to overthrow the East German government. The uprising in East Berlin was violently suppressed by tanks of the Soviet forces in Germany and the Kasernierte Volkspolizei, while demonstrations continued in over 500 towns and villages for several more days before dying out.

The 1953 uprising was celebrated in West Germany as a public holiday on 17 June until German reunification in 1990, after which it was replaced by German Unity Day, celebrated annually on 3 October.

Background
In May 1952, the Federal Republic of Germany (West Germany or FRG) rejected the "Stalin Note", a proposal sent by Soviet leader Joseph Stalin offering reunification with the Soviet-backed German Democratic Republic (East Germany or GDR) as an independent and politically neutral Germany. With the heightened anxiety of the Cold War, Stalin's proposal was met with intense suspicion in the FRG, which instead signed the European Defence Community Treaty that month. After these developments, it became clear to both the Soviet Union and the GDR that Germany would remain divided indefinitely. In East Berlin, General Secretary Walter Ulbricht of the Socialist Unity Party of Germany (SED), the ruling party of the GDR, interpreted Stalin's failed attempt at German reunification as a "green light'" to proceed with the "accelerated construction of socialism in the GDR", which the party announced at its Second Party Conference in July 1952. This move to Sovietize the GDR consisted of a drastic increase in investment allocated to heavy industry, discriminatory taxation against the last private industrial enterprises, forced collectivization of agriculture and a concerted campaign against religious activity in East Germany.

The result of this change in the GDR's economic direction was the rapid deterioration of workers' living standards, which continued until the first half of 1953, and represented the first clear downward trend in the living standard of East Germans since the 1947 hunger crisis. Travel costs rose as generous state subsidies were cut, while many consumer goods began to disappear from store shelves. Factories were forced to clamp down on overtime: with restricted budgets, the wage bill was deemed excessively high. Meanwhile, food prices rose as a result of both the state's collectivization policy – 40% of the wealthier farmers in the GDR fled to the West, leaving over  of otherwise productive land lying fallow – and a poor harvest in 1952. Workers' cost of living therefore rose, while the take-home pay of large numbers of workers – many of whom depended on overtime pay to make ends meet – diminished. In the winter of 1952–53, there were also serious interruptions to the supply of heat and electricity to East Germany's cities. By November 1952, sporadic food riots and industrial unrest occurred in several major GDR industrial centres: Leipzig, Dresden, Halle and Suhl. Industrial unrest continued throughout the following spring, ranging from inflammatory speeches and anti-SED graffiti to alleged sabotage. To ease economic strain on the state caused by the "construction of socialism", the Politburo decided to increase work quotas on a compulsory basis by 10% across all state-owned factories: that is, workers now had to produce 10% more for the same wage. Additionally, there were increases in prices for food, health care, and public transportation. Taken together, the work quota and price increases amounted to a 33 per cent monthly wage cut. The work quota increase would take effect on 30 June, Ulbricht's 60th birthday.

While Ulbricht's response to the consequences of crash Sovietization was to tighten East Germans' belts, many East Germans' response was to simply leave the GDR, a phenomenon known as Republikflucht. In 1951, 160,000 people left; in 1952, 182,000; in the first four months of 1953, a further 122,000 East Germans left for the West, despite the now-mostly sealed border.

The new collective leadership in the Soviet Union, established following Stalin's death in March 1953, was shocked by these disconcerting statistics when it received in early April a report from the Soviet Control Commission in Germany which provided a detailed, devastating account of the East German economic situation. By 2 June, the Soviet Union leadership issued an order "On Measures to Improve the Health of the Political Situation in the GDR", in which the SED's policy of accelerated construction of socialism was roundly criticised. The huge flight of all professions and backgrounds from East Germany to the West had created "a serious threat to the political stability of the German Democratic Republic." To salvage the situation, it was now necessary to end forced collectivisation and the war on private enterprise. The Five-Year Plan now needed to be changed at the expense of heavy industry and in favour of consumer goods. Political-judicial controls and regimentation had to be relaxed, and coercive measures against the Protestant Church had to cease. In addition, Ulbricht's "cold exercise of power" was denounced. However, there was no explicit demand to reverse the highly unpopular increased work quotas. The Soviet decree was given to SED leaders Walter Ulbricht and Otto Grotewohl on 2 June, the day they landed in Moscow. Soviet Premier Georgy Malenkov warned them that changes were essential to avoid a catastrophe in East Germany.

On 9 June, the SED's Politburo met and determined how to respond to the Soviet leadership's instructions. Although most Politburo members felt the announcement of the "New Course" required careful preparation within the party and the population at large, Soviet High Commissioner for Germany Vladimir Semyonov insisted it be implemented right away. Thus, the SED fatefully published the New Course programme in Neues Deutschland, the official party newspaper of the SED, on 11 June. The communiqué dutifully criticised the mistakes made by the SED and announced that most of Ulbricht's Sovietization campaign would now be reversed, as instructed by Moscow. There was now going to be a shift towards investment in consumer goods; the pressures on small private enterprise would end; forced collectivisation would cease; and policies against religious activity would be discontinued. But, crucially, the work quota increase was not revoked, representing a threat to the legitimacy of a Marxist-Leninist state that claimed to represent its workers: the bourgeoisie and farmers stood to benefit far more from the New Course than the proletariat. The communiqué and its forthright admission of past mistakes shocked and confused many East Germans, both SED members and the wider populace. Disappointment, disbelief and confusion pervaded local party organisations, whose members felt panicked and betrayed. The wider populace viewed the New Course as a sign of weakness on the part of the East German regime.

On 12 June, the next day, 5,000 people participated in a demonstration in front of Brandenburg-Görden Prison in Brandenburg an der Havel.

On 14 June, more confusion followed as an editorial in Neues Deutschland condemned the new work quotas, yet news articles in the same issue praised workers who had exceeded them.

On 15 June, workers at the Stalinallee "Block 40" site in East Berlin, now with higher hopes about the cancellation of increased work quotas, dispatched a delegation to East German Prime Minister Otto Grotewohl to deliver a petition calling for their revocation. Grotewohl ignored the workers' demands.

Uprising

16 June

An article in the trade union paper Tribune restated the necessity of the 10% work quota increases; evidently, the government was unwilling to retreat on the issue, despite the new quotas' widespread unpopularity.

At 9:00 AM on the morning of 16 June, 300 workers from the construction sites at "Hospital Friedrichshain" and "Stalinallee Block 40" in East Berlin went on strike and marched on the Free German Trade Union Federation (FDGB) headquarters on Wallstrasse, then to the city centre, hoisting banners and demanding a reinstatement of the old work quotas. Demands from the striking workers broadened to encompass political matters beyond the quotas. Via Alexanderplatz and Unter den Linden, most of the demonstrators moved to the government seat on Leipziger Straße; others went to SED headquarters on Wilhelm-Pieck-Straße. En route, they took over two sound trucks and used them to spread their calls for a general strike and a demonstration, set for the Strausberger Platz at 7:00 AM the next day. In front of the GDR House of Ministries, the rapidly growing crowd demanded to speak to Ulbricht and Grotewohl. Only Heavy Industry Minister Fritz Selbmann and Professor Robert Havemann, president of the GDR Peace Council, emerged from the building. Their attempts to calm the workers were drowned out by the clamour of the crowd, which shouted the pair down.

Meanwhile, the Politburo deliberated, unable to decide what to do. Despite the urgency of the situation, it was only after hours of discussion – under the pressure of the demonstrators, and probably also from Semyonov – that the leadership decided to revoke the work quota increase. The Politburo members decreed that increases in productivity would now be voluntary, and blamed the strikes and demonstrations on how the increases had been implemented, but also on foreign provocateurs. However, by the time an SED functionary reached the House of Ministries to give the workers the news, the protestors' agenda had expanded well beyond the issue of work increases. Later that afternoon, the crowd dispersed and workers returned to their sites. Save for isolated clashes between the Volkspolizei and groups of demonstrators, the rest of the day was calm. The SED leadership was surprised by the depth of resentment and the extent of anti-regime actions. Indeed, the SED leadership was so out of touch that it expected a massive propaganda drive would be sufficient to cope with the emerging crisis. It would clearly not be enough, and Ulbricht probably realised this only a few hours after the suggestion was made. The Soviet authorities were likewise completely taken aback by the widespread protests that followed the demonstrations in East Berlin. Their response was improvised and uncoordinated. Later that evening, Semyonov met with the SED leadership and informed them of his decision to send Soviet troops to Berlin.

Throughout the night of 16 June and early morning of 17 June, news of events in East Berlin spread quickly throughout the GDR via word of mouth and Western radio broadcasts, particularly Radio in the American Sector (RIAS), which had been broadcasting throughout the day about the strikes staged against increased work quotas. In the afternoon, there were broadcasts about the change in demonstrator demands from the repeal of the higher work quotas and price cuts to shouts of "We want free elections". RIAS was later approached by East Berlin workers seeking its assistance in disseminating their call for a general strike the next day. RIAS's political director, Gordon Ewing, decided that the station could not directly lend itself to being a mouthpiece to the workers; in his view, such a move could start a war. The station would not actively incite rebellion but simply broadcast information about the demonstrations, factually and comprehensively. Nonetheless, at 7.30 PM, RIAS reported that a delegation of construction workers had submitted a resolution for publication, stating that the strikers, having proved by their actions that "they were able to force the government to accept their justified demands", would "make use of their power at any time" if their demands for lower work quotas, price cuts, free elections and amnesty for all demonstrators were not fulfilled. Later that night, the station all but provided active encouragement to demonstrate against the regime. RIAS Programme Director Eberhard Schutz called the regime's reversal on the work quotas question "a victory, which our Ostberliners share with the entire working population of the Soviet Zone." Schutz attributed the government's U-turn to the workers' actions. He said that listeners' demands – i.e., the resignation of the government, Western-style liberties, etc. – were justified, and encouraged them to support the demonstrators. Schutz said that RIAS and the East German people expected these demands to be met: it was the East German people's task to show the SED and the Soviet Communist Party that this was true.

Following West Germany's Federal Minister for All-German Questions Jakob Kaiser's admonition in a late night broadcast to East Germans to shy away from provocations, RIAS, starting with its 11 PM news broadcast, and from then on in hourly broadcasts, repeated the workers' demand to continue the strike the next day, calling specifically for all East Berliners to participate in a demonstration at 7:00 AM on the 17th at Strausberger Platz.

17 June

East Berlin
Following Semyonov's decision, Soviet troops entered the environs of East Berlin in the early morning of 17 June. Meanwhile, crowds of workers began to gather at Strausberger Platz and other public places, and began marching towards the city centre. En route, they encountered GDR security forces – regular and  ('Barracked People's Police', KVP) units – who, apparently lacking instructions, did not initially intervene. Along with SED and FDJ functionaries, police officials tried – and mostly failed – to convince the marchers to return to their homes and workplaces. Where police attempted to halt or disperse the crowds, they rapidly ended up on the defensive. As the demonstrators drew in ever-greater numbers, a feeling of solidarity swept over them. Loudspeaker cars and bicycles provided communications between the different columns of marchers from the outer districts as, all morning, they converged on the city centre. On improvised banners and posters, the demonstrators again demanded the reinstatement of the old work quotas, but also price decreases, the release of fellow protestors arrested the day before, even free and fair all-German elections. Slogans like "down with the government!" and "butter, not arms" were also visible. Party posters and statues – especially those depicting SED and Soviet leaders – were burned or defaced.

By 9:00 AM, 25,000 people had gathered in front of the House of Ministries, and tens of thousands more were en route to Leipziger Strasse or in Potsdamer Platz. Between 10:00 and 11:00 AM, 80 to 100 demonstrators apparently stormed the government seat, visibly demonstrating that the 500 Volkspolizei and Stasi members had been overpowered. Then, suddenly, Soviet military vehicles appeared, followed by tanks, to repel what appeared to be an immiment takeover. Within an hour, Soviet troops had cleared and isolated the area around the government headquarters. At noon, Soviet authorities terminated all tram and metro traffic into the Eastern sector and all but closed the sector borders to West Berlin to prevent more demonstrators from reaching the city centre. An hour later, they declared martial law in East Berlin. Outside East Berlin police headquarters, Soviet tanks opened fire on "the insurgents". Fighting between the Soviet Army (and later GDR police) and the demonstrators persisted into the afternoon and night – with, in some cases, tanks and troops firing directly into the crowds. Executions, most prominently of West Berlin worker Willi Gottling, and mass arrests followed.

Overnight, the Soviets and the Stasi started to arrest hundreds of people. Ultimately, up to 10,000 people were detained and at least 32, probably as many as 40, were executed, including Soviet Army soldiers who refused to obey orders. With the SED leadership effectively paralysed at the Soviet headquarters in Karlshorst, control of East Berlin passed to the Soviets there.

Outside of East Berlin
Each of East Germany's 24 cities with a population greater than 50,000 experienced upheavals, as did approximately 80% of the towns with populations between 10,000 and 50,000. Approximately 339,000 people participated in the 129 demonstrations that took place outside of Berlin; over 225,000 launched strikes in 332 factories. The main centres of protest included the industrial region around Halle, Merseburg, and Bitterfeld, as well as middle-size towns like Jena, Görlitz, and Brandenburg. No more than 25,000 people participated in strikes and demonstrations in Leipzig, but there were 32,000 in Magdeburg, 43,000 in Dresden, 53,000 in Potsdam – and in Halle, close to 100,000.

At first, such demonstrations were relatively peaceful, but as increasing numbers began to participate, they became more violent. Looting, particularly of SED-owned shops, became a regular occurrence; there was some arson, and many SED functionaries were beaten up later in the day. In some towns, the jails were seized by demonstrators, who demanded the release of certain political prisoners. In Görlitz a group of 30,000 people destroyed the communist party headquarters, the offices of the secret police and the prison, while in Magdeburg the party headquarters and prison were set on fire. When the Soviet Army intervened in these places outside of East Berlin, they seemed more restrained and more passive; some Soviet soldiers even displayed friendly attitudes towards demonstrators.

In the countryside, meanwhile, protests took place in over 200 villages. However, many East German farmers did not take collective action against the regime: the most common expression of protest in rural areas was for farmers to leave and/or dissolve recently formed collective farms and resume farming on their own.

Although the demands made by protesters could be political – e.g. the dissolution of the East German government and organisation of free elections – they were often simply of a local and economic character. They were about issues like bread shortages, unpopular night shifts, even the number of toilets in the workplace and the fact that tea was being served in rusty urns. Also expressed were widely held grievances against the intelligentsia, who were perceived to enjoy 'unfair privileges', such as special deliveries of basic foodstuffs and other commodities.

Others, particularly workers, demanded the restoration of the Social Democratic Party (SPD) in East Germany. Among former social democrats, there existed enormous bitterness against Prime Minister Otto Grotewohl, ex-leader of the East German SPD, whom they believed had "betrayed the SPD" by leading its merger with the rival German Communist Party to form the ruling SED in 1946. The Soviet Military Administration (SVAG) had pressured Grotewohl into the merger to protect communist rule in East Germany after the surprisingly poor performance of communist parties in elections in Hungary and Austria in November 1945. Grotewohl was "rewarded" with the post of Prime Minister, but within a few years the SED had significantly reduced his powers and turned the office into a mostly ceremonial role. Many East German social democrats viewed Grotewohl as a traitor who should now "have his neck wrung."

Aftermath
Protests and demonstrations continued for days after 17 June and, according to the GDR security service, the situation had only calmed down 24 June. Deutsche Welle claims a confirmed fatality figure of 55 civilians. A declassified report authored by Andrei Grechko, chief of Soviet Forces in East Germany, claimed a total casualty figure of 209 by the 18th of June, Newer estimates claim a death toll of at least 125 by the end of the uprising.

Many workers lost faith in East Germany's socialist state following the uprising, disgusted by the violent suppression of the strikes. The fact that the Volkspolizei had shot at workers – that workers had shot their own kind – led to the loss of large numbers of SED members. Throughout the bezirke of Leipzig and Karl-Marx-Stadt, hundreds of SED members, many of whom had spent decades in the labour movement, left the party. At the Textima plant in Altenberg, 450 SED members had left the party by 7 July – most of them workers, many of whom had much experience in the labour movement. There was also a widespread refusal by workers to pay their trade union dues: they ceased to financially support and confer legitimacy upon the party.

Ulbricht survives
By the time the Politburo met on 8 July, it seemed that Ulbricht's time as party leader was coming to an end. Minister of State Security Wilhelm Zaisser conceded that the entire Politburo was responsible for the 'accelerated construction of socialism' and its disastrous fallout, but added that leaving Ulbricht as leader "would be opposed [as] catastrophic for the New Course." By the end of the meeting, just two Politburo members supported Ulbricht's continued leadership: Free German Youth League chief Erich Honecker and Party Control Commission Chairman Hermann Matern. Ulbricht only managed to forestall a decision with a promise to make a statement at the forthcoming 15th SED CC Plenum, scheduled later that month.

The leading Soviet officials in East Berlin – Semyonov, Pavel Yudin and Vasily Sokolovsky – had reached the same conclusions in a report describing and analysing the events of 17–19 June, submitted to Moscow two weeks earlier on 24 June. In a self-serving report which sought to play down the culpability of the Soviet Commission in East Berlin and emphasise the responsibility of Ulbricht for the uprising, they concluded – inter alia – that Ulbricht's position as General Secretary of the SED should be terminated, and that the party would move towards collective leadership, in addition to other far-reaching structural political changes in East Berlin. However, the situation in Moscow dramatically changed just two days later, on 26 June, when Soviet Security Chief Lavrentiy Beria was arrested. On 2 July, when a commission met there to discuss proposals for reform in East Germany, the decision was made to shelve the far-reaching and political sensitive changes. The Soviet leadership, preoccupied with the Beria affair and its internal implications, became disinclined to rock the East German boat and more inclined to the status quo: maintaining power in East Germany by supporting an experienced, reliable, albeit Stalinist and unpopular, ruler.

In late July, Ulbricht, ever more certain of his continued backing in Moscow, expelled his main opponents, Zaisser, Hernstadt and Ackermann, from the Politburo, further strengthening his position.

By late August, Moscow had committed to shoring up the existing East German regime with Ulbricht in charge. By then, the situation in East Germany had stabilised thanks to new economic measures implemented by Moscow and East Berlin, and the dropping of major political changes in the GDR from the agenda. Substantial economic and financial aid was to flow into East Germany and reparation payments were to cease by the end of the year. Additional prisoners of war would be freed and Moscow's mission in East Berlin was elevated to the status of embassy. Ultimately, Ulbricht's position was firmly secured once more.

Impact on the long-term development of the GDR
According to historian Corey Ross, the SED party leadership derived two key lessons from 17 June.

The first was its increased concern over shop floor discontent and greater determination to preclude it from escalating into broader conflict. Factory surveillance was raised to better monitor the mood of the workforce, the Combat Groups of the Working Class was established as an on-the-spot force to prevent or quell any signs of unrest, and the Stasi was expanded and improved upon to swiftly deal with any signs of organised protest in the future.

The second was that a heavy-handed venture such as the "accelerated construction of socialism" could never again be embarked upon. Ulbricht was haunted throughout the 1950s by the specter of another uprising, and the government never again attempted to introduce arbitrary, blanket work quota increases like those of May and June 1953. The "New Course" policies – increased investment in consumer goods, housing and price and travel subventions – led to an improvement in living standards overall but failed to achieve an immediate end to the discontent that had been growing over the past year.

Protestors, meanwhile, learned that little could be gained from open confrontation – to act openly against the SED regime in large numbers was to be left to their own devices by the West against repression from the East German police and Soviet military.

Legacy

In memory of the 1953 East German uprising, West Germany established the Day of German Unity as an annual national holiday on 17 June. Upon German reunification in October 1990, the holiday was moved to 3 October, the date of formal reunification. The extension of the Unter den Linden boulevard to the west of the Brandenburg Gate, called Charlottenburger Chaussee, was renamed Straße des 17. Juni ("17 June Street") following the 1953 rebellion.

The uprising is commemorated in "Die Lösung", a poem by Bertolt Brecht. Other prominent GDR authors who dealt with the uprising include Stefan Heym (Fünf Tage im Juni / "Five Days in June", Munich 1974) and Heiner Müller (Wolokolamsker Chaussee III: Das Duell / "Volokolamsk Highway III: The Duel", 1985/86).

West German band Alphaville mention "the seventeenth of June", without referencing the year, in their 1984 song "Summer in Berlin", from their Forever Young album. When the compilation album Alphaville Amiga Compilation was assembled for release in East Germany in 1988, the song "Summer in Berlin" was submitted for inclusion, but rejected "for political reasons."

The 1966 Günter Grass play The Plebeians Rehearse the Uprising depicts Brecht preparing a production of Shakespeare's Coriolanus against the background of the events of 1953.

See also

 Poznań protests, June 1956
 Hungarian Revolution, October–November 1956
 Warsaw Pact invasion of Czechoslovakia, August 1968
 Tiananmen Square protests, April–June 1989
 Monday demonstrations in East Germany, September 1989–April 1991
 Romanian Revolution, December 1989

Notes

Bibliography
 Baring, Arnulf. Uprising in East Germany: June 17, 1953 (Cornell University Press, 1972)

 Harman, Chris, Class Struggles in Eastern Europe, 1945–1983 (London, 1988)

 Ostermann, Christian F. The United States, the East German Uprising of 1953, and the Limits of Rollback (Working Paper #11. Cold War International History Project, Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars, 1994) online
 Richie, Alexandra. Faust's Metropolis: a History of Berlin. New York: Carroll & Graf Publishers, 1998, ch 14

 Tusa, Ann . The Last Division: a History of Berlin, 1945–1989. Reading, Massachusetts: Addison-Wesley, 1997.
 Watry, David M. Diplomacy at the Brink: Eisenhower, Churchill, and Eden in the Cold War. Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 2014.
 Ilko-Sascha Kowalczuk: 17. Juni 1953. Geschichte eines Aufstands. Beck, München 2013.
 Ross, Corey, Constructing Socialism at the Grass-Roots: The Transformation of East Germany, 1945–65, London: Macmillan, 2000.

 Pritchard, Gareth, The Making of the GDR: From antifascism to Stalinism, Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2000

 Port, Andrew, "East German Workers and the 'Dark Side' of Eigensinn: Divisive Shop-Floor Practices and the Failed Revolution of June 17, 1953" in Falling Behind or Catching Up? The East German Economy, 1945–2010, ed. Hartmut Berghoff and Uta Balbier, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2013.

Further reading

External links

1950s in Berlin
1953 in East Germany
1953 in international relations
1953 protests
1953 riots
Anti-communism in Germany
Anti-communist resistance movements in Eastern Europe
Cold War rebellions
Conflicts in 1953
Eastern Bloc
Foreign relations of the Soviet Union
Wars involving the Soviet Union
Germany–Soviet Union relations
History of East Germany
June 1953 events in Europe
Military operations involving Germany
Protests in Germany
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Rebellions in Germany
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East German uprising of 1953


Hospital accreditation has been defined as "A self-assessment and external peer assessment process used by health care organizations to accurately assess their level of performance in relation to established standards and to implement ways to continuously improve". Critically, accreditation is not just about standard-setting: there are analytical, counseling and self-improvement dimensions to the process.  There are parallel issues in evidence-based medicine, quality assurance and medical ethics (see below), and the reduction of medical error is a key role of the accreditation process. Hospital accreditation is therefore one component in the maintenance of patient safety. However, there is limited and contested evidence supporting the effectiveness of accreditation programs.

Background
Hospitals and healthcare services are vital components of any well-ordered and humane society, and will indisputably be the recipients of societal resources.  That hospitals should be places of safety, not only for patients but also for the staff and for the general public, is of the greatest importance. Quality of hospitals and healthcare services is also of great interest to many other bodies, including governments, NGOs targeting healthcare and social welfare, professional organisations representing doctors, patient organisations, shareholders of companies providing healthcare services, etc.  However, accreditation schemes are not the same thing as government-controlled initiatives set up to assess healthcare providers with only governmental objectives in mind - ideally, the functioning and finance of hospital accreditation schemes should be independent of governmental control.

How quality is maintained and improved in hospitals and healthcare services is the subject of much debate.  Hospital surveying and accreditation is one recognised means by which this can be achieved.

It is not just an issue of hospital quality.  There are financial factors as well.  For example, in the USA, up until recently the Joint Commission exercised a de facto veto over whether or not US hospitals and other health providers were able to participate, and therefore earn from, the Medicare and Medicaid programs.  This situation has changed in recent years.

National schemes

Accreditation schemes recognised as providers of national healthcare accreditation services include:
 Accreditation Association for Ambulatory Health Care (AAAHC) - based in the United States
 American Accreditation Commission International (AACI) - based in the United States
 CHKS Ltd is a specialist provider of healthcare accreditation programmes to UK and international healthcare providers, based in the UK and accredited to ISQua and ISO 17021:2015 standards.
The Council  for Health Service Accreditation of Southern Africa
 Malaysian Society for Quality in Health, or MSQH - based in Malaysia
 QHA Trent Accreditation - based in the UK-Europe
 The National Safety and Quality Health Service Standards (NSQHS Standards) developed by the  Australian Commission on Safety and Quality in Health Car] (ACSQHC)
 Australian Council for Healthcare Standards International, or ACHSI  - based in Australia
 Accreditation Canada, formerly known as Canadian Council on Health Services Accreditation, or CCHSA  - based in Canada
 Healthcare Facilities Accreditation Program (HFAP)  -based in the United States
 The Joint Commission (TJC)  - based in the United States
 Community Health Accreditation Program (CHAP)  - based in the United States
 Accreditation Commission for Health Care Inc. (ACHC)  - based in the United States
 The Compliance Team: "Exemplary Provider Programs"  - based in the United States
 Healthcare Quality Association on Accreditation (HQAA)  - based in the United States
 DNV GL - based in Norway and the United States
 Thailand Hospital HA - based in Bangkok, Thailand
 Taiwan Joint Commission on Hospital Accreditation (財團法人醫院評鑑暨醫療品質策進會) - based in Taipei, Taiwan
 La Haute Autorité de Santé, French National Authority for Health, based in Paris, France
 A.N.M.C.S., National Authority of Quality Management in Health, based in Bucharest, Romania
 National Accreditation Board for Hospitals & Healthcare Providers (NABH) based in India
 Center for Improvement in Healthcare Quality (CIHQ) -based in the United States

The different accreditation schemes vary in quality, size, intent and the skill of their marketing. They also vary considerably in terms of the cost incurred by hospitals and healthcare institutions.  They have varying degrees of commitment to assessing medical ethical standards and clinical standards.

International schemes
Some accreditation schemes also undertake international healthcare accreditation work outside of their base country. One of the large number of accreditation schemes in the United States, the Joint Commission (TJC) currently being the best known, has created Joint Commission International, or JCI.  In recent years, DNV have been challenging TJC in the USA. Accreditation Canada accredited its first organization internationally in 1967 in Bermuda. In 2010, Accreditation Canada International (ACI) was created to provide accreditation to hospitals, clinics, primary care centers and health systems. Acreditas Global (formerly AAAHC International) has been present in Peru since 2012 and Costa Rica.

The former Trent Accreditation Scheme (TAS) from the UK was the first to accredit a hospital in Asia, in Hong Kong in 2000, and QHA Trent Accreditation from the UK have continue to work in the same field.  Since TAS started the process, others, such as JCI and ACI, have entered the market.

DNV Healthcare is a Norwegian-US health care accrediting organisation providing a quality management system constructed in accordance with ISO 9001 and approved by the U.S. Centers for Medicare and Medicaid Services (CMS).

ACSA International is a Spanish healthcare accreditation scheme implemented in Spain, Portugal and Brazil. ACSA INternational is Accredited by ISQua (International Socienty for Quality in Healthcare): Standards / Organisation / Surveyor Training Programme. An agreement between this entity and the Brazilian Institute for Excellence in Health (IBES) allows the Andalusian certification model for hospitals and clinical management units to be exported to Brazil.

CHKS Ltd is a specialist international provider of healthcare accreditation programmes based in the UK and accredited to ISQua and ISO 17021:2011 standards www.chks.co.uk

AACI is an international accreditation provider based in Hendersonville, NC, USA and accredited to ISQua, as well as ISO 17021:2015 standards

The OECI is an international organization of cancer centers with an accreditation and designation programme and accredited to ISQua.

The Council for Health Service Accreditation of Southern Africa (COHSASA) is the only internationally accredited quality improvement and accreditation body for healthcare facilities in Africa.

The IASIOS - International Accreditation System in Interventional Oncology Services is the world's only accreditation system for Interventional Oncology (IO). Operated by the Interventional Radiology Accreditation Service (IRAS) to   establish the highest quality standards in IO. It is supported by 40 interventional radiology societies worldwide. The IASIOS was launched in 2021 and has 14 accredited centres and 42 enrolled and incoming facilities from Europe, Australia, South America, Asia, The Middle East, New Zealand and North America. The Standards of Quality Assurance in Interventional Oncology are essential in achieving the main goal of IASIOS.

See also
 Health insurance
 List of healthcare accreditation organizations in the United States
 United Kingdom Accreditation Forum

References

External links
Role of WHO in hospital accreditation. © 2004 WHO Regional Office for the Eastern Mediterranean

Quality assurance
Accreditation
Accreditation in healthcare

Hospital accreditation


The rebab is a musical instrument from the Middle East. It is a very old instrument, and is probably the origin of the medieval rebec. It is a string instrument and is played by bowing or plucking the strings. It has a body made out of a solid piece of wood, with straight sides and a round back. The belly of the rebab is made of skin. The pegs used to tune the strings are like those on a violin, and are pushed into holes on the side of the peg box. The peg box is made from a separate piece of wood.

References

String instruments
Early musical instruments

Rebab


The Madisonian Economic Model was James Madison's plan for the repayment of domestic debts after the American Revolution.
It was referred to by Madison as "discrimination" and was proposed in opposition to Hamilton's First Report on the Public Credit.
Besides placing an unfair burden of taxation on southern states (who had paid off their state debt), Madison feared the assumption plan cheated domestic creditors. After the American Revolution, veterans were granted securities as a promise to repay debt that the nation owed them. The nation was now ready to pay off this debt, and was willing to pay at par. Many original security holders, however, had sold their securities to speculators at a fraction of their worth. Madison thus proposed a plan that would honor the original holders' justice and the speculators' contracts."One of three things must be done; either pay both (the original holders and the speculators), reject wholly one or the other, or make a composition between them on some principle of equity."

The Madisonian model favored this equity, but was rejected in favor of Hamilton's assumption plan.

References

Economic history of the United States
James Madison

Madisonian Economic Model


Heads or Tails () is a 1997 Quebec comedy film directed by Claude Fournier and starring Roy Dupuis and Patrick Huard

Synopsis
In order to make money fast to put his company back on track, Dominique (Roy Dupuis) encouraged by his business partner Pierre Sanchez (Patrick Huard) finds a job as an antique dealer for Victor (Normand Lévesque). But soon he realizes that the only way he will keep his job is by pretending he is gay, slowly breaking his marriage with his wife Maude (Charlotte Laurier) and stirring weird emotions from his mother Elisabeth (France Castel).

Cast
 Roy Dupuis (Dominique Samson)
 Patrick Huard (Pierre Sanchez)
 Charlotte Laurier (Maude)
 Albert Millaire (De Beauregard)
 Normand Lévesque (Victor)
 Guy Nadon (Dr. Lamoureux)
 France Castel (Elisabeth Ballester)
 Arielle Dombasle (Rose Petipas)
 Sophie Faucher (La Sodoma)
 Nanette Workman (Sandy Klein)
 Jacques Languirand (Igor de Lonsdale)
 Micheline Lanctôt (Huissier Saisibec)
 Jean-Guy Bouchard
 Dan Bigras
 Martin Thibodeau (Motard)
 Claude Rajotte
 Paul Buissonneau (Metteur en scène)
 Annie Dufresne (Sophie)
 Paul-Antoine Taillefer (Hugo)
 Louis Champagne (Minister of Culture)
 Marie-Anne Larochelle (Corinne)
 Xavier Dolan-Tadros (Edouard)
 Maude Guérin (Mimi)
 Jacynthe René (Solange)
 Julien Bessette (Monsieur Corbeil)
 Patrice Robergeau (Taxi driver)
 Martin David Peters (Sacha)
 Luc D'Arcy (Elektra)
 Jean Charest (Anatole Bouffant)
 Luc Charpentier (Andrew L.)
 Yanek Gadzala (De Gaulle)

External links

1997 films
1990s French-language films
Canadian LGBT-related films
Canadian comedy films
LGBT-related comedy films
1997 LGBT-related films
Films directed by Claude Fournier
French-language Canadian films
1990s Canadian films

Heads or Tails (1997 film)


The Lewisian complex or Lewisian gneiss is a suite o Precambrian metamorphic rocks that ootcrop in the northwastren pairt o Scotland, forming pairt o the Hebridean Terrane an the North Atlantic Craton. These rocks are o Archaean an Paleoproterozoic age, ranging frae 3.0–1.7 Ga. They form the basement on whit the Torridonian an Moine Supergroup sediments war deposited. The Lewisian consists mainly o granitic gneisses wi a minor amount o supracrustal rocks. Rocks o the Lewisian complex war caught up in the Caledonian orogeny, appearing in the hanging wa's o mony o the thrust faults formed during the late stages o this tectonic event.
Hebrides
Geology o Scotland

Lewisian complex


Cost efficiency (or cost optimality), in the context of parallel computer algorithms, refers to a measure of how effectively parallel computing can be used to solve a particular problem. A parallel algorithm is considered cost efficient if its asymptotic running time multiplied by the number of processing units involved in the computation is comparable to the running time of the best sequential algorithm.

For example, an algorithm that can be solved in  time using the best known sequential algorithm and  in a parallel computer with  processors will be considered cost efficient.

Cost efficiency also has applications to human services.

References
Advanced Computer Architectures: A Design Space Approach, D. Sima, T. Fountain and P. Kacsuk, Addison-Wesley, 1997.

Parallel computing

es:análisis de coste-beneficio
sv:Kostnads-effekt-analys

Cost efficiency


Traction, or tractive force, is the force used to generate motion between a body and a surface. This is usually due to friction, though the use of shear force of the surface is also commonly used.

Traction can also mean the maximum tractive force between a body and a surface, as limited by available friction. When this is the case, traction is often expressed as the ratio of the maximum tractive force to the normal force and is termed the coefficient of traction (similar to coefficient of friction).

Motor vehicles
Traction is an important force to motor vehicles. Tires, usually made of rubber, depend on traction to move a vehicle forward. In manual transmission cars and trucks, a clutch is a friction device that connects the engine to the drivetrain of the vehicle. To work properly, the clutch must have traction.

References

Mechanical engineering

Traction (engineering)


Narragansett Bay is a bay and estuary on the north side of Rhode Island Sound covering ,  of which is in Rhode Island. The bay forms New England's largest estuary, which functions as an expansive natural harbor and includes a small archipelago. Small parts of the bay extend into Massachusetts.

There are more than 30 islands in the bay; the three largest ones are Aquidneck Island, Conanicut Island, and Prudence Island. Bodies of water that are part of Narragansett Bay include the Sakonnet River, Mount Hope Bay, and the southern, tidal part of the Taunton River. The bay opens on Rhode Island Sound and the Atlantic Ocean; Block Island lies less than  southwest of its opening.

Etymology

"Narragansett" is derived from the southern New England Algonquian word  meaning "(people) of the small point of land".

Geography

The watershed of Narragansett Bay has seven river sub-drainage basins, including the Taunton, Pawtuxet, and Blackstone Rivers, and they provide freshwater input at approximately  per day. River water inflow has a seasonal variability, with the highest flow in the spring and the minimum flow in early fall.

The bay is a ria estuary (a drowned river valley) which is composed of the Sakonnet River valley, the East Passage river valley, and the West Passage river valley. The bathymetry varies greatly among the three passages, with the average depths of the East, West, and Sakonnet River passages being , , and  respectively. Narragansett Bay is a ria that consists of a series of flooded river valleys formed of dropped crustal blocks in a horst and graben system that is slowly subsiding between a shifting fault system.

Providence is Rhode Island's capital and largest city and sits at the northernmost arm of the bay. Many of Providence's suburbs are also on the bay, including East Providence, Warwick and Cranston. Newport is located at the south end of Aquidneck Island on the ocean, and is the home of the United States Naval War College, the Naval Undersea Warfare Center, and a major United States Navy training center. The city of Fall River, Massachusetts is located at the confluence of the Taunton River and Mount Hope Bay, which form the northeasternmost part of Narragansett Bay. The southwest side of the bay includes the seaside tourist towns of Narragansett and Wickford. Quonset Point, south of Warwick, gives its name to the Quonset hut.

Oceanography

Tidal patterns
Tides in the watershed are measured at Providence, Fall River, Quonset Point, Conimicut Light, Prudence Island, and Newport. In shallow water, sound waves are used to measure water height by precisely measuring their travel time. In deeper water, tides are measured with pressure-sensing tide gauges that are placed on the ocean floor to measure water height.

The bay's tides are semi-diurnal, meaning that the region experiences two high and low tides daily. The tides range in height from  at the bay's mouth and  at its head. Water depth varies about  between high and low tide. The lunar, semi-diurnal M2 tide occurs at a period of 12.42 hours, with two tides occurring in the watershed every 24 hours and 50 minutes. The watershed's neap and spring tides occur every 14.8 days. In Narragansett bay, the tides show a distinct double-peak flood during high tide and single peak ebb during low tide.

Water circulation patterns

The movement of water within a system is its circulation. Estuaries are given a classification depending on the pattern of their circulations. The circulation classification can be well-mixed, partially mixed, salt wedge, or Fjord-type. For Narragansett, the circulation is mostly well-mixed; however, the Providence River does show some vertical stratification.

Narragansett Bay circulation is made up of forces provided by the winds, tides, and changes in water density within the watershed. Its circulation is the result of the flow of fresh water at the head interacting with salt water at the point where the bay meets the open ocean. Residence time of water due to the circulation of Narragansett Bay is 10–40 days, with an average of 26 days. Tidal mixing is the dominant driver of circulation patterns in the bay, where currents can reach up to 2.5 feet per second. Non-tidal currents such as the flow of low salinity water at the surface out of the bay and high salinity deep water into the bay contribute to a current of about 0.33 feet per second.

Winds also drive circulation patterns in the bay. In the winter, winds come from the northwest, helping move water towards the bay's mouth; in the summer, they are out of the southwest and move water towards the head of the bay. Wind-driven waves of over  also help mix surface waters.

Density-driven forces are the third factor affecting circulation. Fresh water inflow comes from natural sources such as atmospheric precipitation and inflow from the many rivers that feed into the watershed, and human-made sources such as water treatment plants. Fresh and saltwater mixing results in a salinity range in the bay of 24 parts per thousand (ppt) in the upper Providence River area to 32 ppt at the mouth of the bay.

The bay's currents and circulation patterns greatly influence the sediment deposits within the region. The majority of the sediments within the bay are fine-grained material such as detritus, clay-silt, and sand-silt-clay. Scientists have been able to identify 11 types of sediment that range from coarse gravels to fine silts. the bay's currents deposit fine materials through the harbors of the lower and middle sections of the bay, and the coarse, heavy materials are deposited in the lower areas of the bay where the water velocities are higher.

Early history

The first visit by Europeans to the bay was probably in the early 16th century. At the time, the area surrounding the bay was inhabited by two different Indian tribes: the Narragansetts occupied the west side of the bay, and the Wampanoags lived on the east side, occupying the land east to Cape Cod.

It is accepted by most historians that first contact by Europeans was made by Giovanni da Verrazzano, an Italian explorer who entered the bay in his ship La Dauphine in 1524 after visiting New York Bay. Verrazzano called the bay Refugio, the "Refuge". It has several entrances, however, and historians can only speculate as to the exact route of his voyage and the location where he laid anchor, along with a corresponding uncertainty over which tribe made contact with him. Verrazzano reported that he found clearings and open forests suitable for travel "even by a large army". Dutch navigator Adriaen Block explored and mapped the bay in 1614, and nearby Block Island is named in his honor.

The first permanent Colonial settlement was established in 1636 by Roger Williams, a former member of the Massachusetts Bay Colony. He was friends with Narragansett sachem Canonicus, who provided him with land on which to build Providence Plantations. Around the same time, the Dutch established a trading post approximately 12 miles (20 km) to the southwest which was under the authority of New Amsterdam in New York Bay. In 1643, Williams traveled to England and was granted a charter for the Colony of Rhode Island and Providence Plantations.

The Gaspee Affair was an important naval event which moved the Thirteen Colonies toward the American Revolution. It occurred in Narragansett Bay in 1772 and involved the capture and burning of the British customs schooner Gaspee. The American victory contributed to the eventual start of the war at the Battles of Lexington and Concord in Massachusetts three years later. The event is celebrated in Pawtuxet Village as the Gaspee Days Celebration in June which includes burning the ship in effigy.

Roger Williams and other early colonists named the islands Prudence, Patience, Hope, Despair, and Hog. To remember the names, colonial school children often recited the poem: "Patience, Prudence, Hope, and Despair. And the little Hog over there."

Water properties and phytoplankton distribution
Narragansett Bay is divided by Conanicut Island into east and west passages. Its depth averages approximately 9.0 meters throughout the bay, but it is shallower in the west passage and deeper in the east. Narragansett Bay receives freshwater input from several sources, including rivers (approximately 80%), direct precipitation (13%), wastewater treatment facilities (9%), and unknown amounts from ground-water and combined sewer overflows (CSOs). The freshwater input varies greatly from season to season as it is highest in winter and lowest in summer, while CSOs increase dramatically following heavy rain. Water from these freshwater inputs mixes with sea water to form a salinity gradient ranging from 24 ppt at the mouth of the Providence River to 32 ppt at the mouth of the bay. Water temperatures range between -0.5 °C and 24 °C over the year. Salinity and temperature patterns measured throughout the bay indicate a range of mixed to stratified conditions  and the amount of time it takes for the total volume of fresh water in the bay to be equaled by the fresh water input (flushing time) varies from 40 days to 10 days, depending on freshwater input.

Dissolved oxygen levels in Narragansett Bay are seasonal with lower levels in the summer and higher levels in the winter. This is due to warmer temperatures and higher biological demand for oxygen in the summer and the opposite in the winter. Narragansett Bay is also subject to periodic summer hypoxic events in the Northern half of the bay, nearing anoxic conditions in some parts.

Phytoplankton forms the base of the food chain for many of the bay's marine animals. General trends in phytoplankton biomass across the bay are characterized by highest levels in the Providence River and lowest levels in Rhode Island Sound, correlating with the North to South nutrient concentration gradient in the bay (24). Near the Providence River, biomass levels are highest in the summer and lowest in the winter. In the east and west passages there are peaks in the spring and fall.

Annual blooms have shrunk over the last decade (2006 onward) as the amount of nitrogen (an important nutrient) supply to the bay has decreased by more than 50% due to wastewater treatment facilities switching to a new treatment that involves removal of nitrogen

Narragansett Bay is the site of one of the world's longest-running plankton surveys, extending from 1957 through the present. Researchers at the University of Rhode Island's Graduate School of Oceanography collect samples weekly and the dataset contains 246 different species.

Rivers

 Blackstone River, Woonsocket, Cumberland, Lincoln, Central Falls, and Pawtucket, RI
 Seekonk River, Pawtucket, East Providence, and Providence, RI
 Ten Mile River, Pawtucket and East Providence, RI
 Moshassuck River, Providence, RI
 Woonasquatucket River, Providence, RI
 Providence River, Providence, Cranston, Warwick, East Providence, and Barrington, RI
 Pawtuxet River, Cranston and Warwick, RI
 Potowomut River, also called Greene River, Warwick, and North Kingstown, RI
 Quequechan River, Fall River, MA
 Barrington River, Barrington, RI
 Palmer River, Barrington and Warren, RI
 Warren River, Warren and Barrington, RI
 Taunton River, Fall River, MA
 Sakonnet River, Tiverton, Little Compton, Portsmouth, and Middletown, RI
 Kickamuit River, Warren and Bristol, RI

Notes

External links

 Narragansett Bay Research Reserve on Prudence Island
 Narragansett Bay Shipping
 Narragansett Bay: A Friend's Perspective
 Narragansett Bay.Org
 Save the bay
 Narragansett Bay Estuary Program
 1777 Chart/Map of Narragansett Bay by Charles Blaskowitz and William Faden at DavidRumsey.com
Guide to the Rhode Island Leased Oyster Bed Grounds Indenture records from the Rhode Island State Archives
1983 Narragansett Bay Commission Annual Report from the Rhode Island State Archives

Bays of Rhode Island
Bays of Massachusetts
Estuaries of Rhode Island
Bodies of water of Bristol County, Rhode Island
Bodies of water of Kent County, Rhode Island
Bodies of water of Newport County, Rhode Island
Bodies of water of Providence County, Rhode Island
Bodies of water of Washington County, Rhode Island

Narragansett Bay


Bonnie Dennison (born February 15, 1989) is an American actress. She was born in New York City. From 2002 to 2005, she played Emily Yokas on the NBC television show Third Watch. In 2007, she joined the cast of the long-running CBS daytime drama Guiding Light in the role of Susan "Daisy" Lemay, a role she continued to portray until the end of Guiding Light's broadcast run in 2009.

In 2009, she made a guest appearance in the Ugly Betty episode "Backseat Betty", portraying Ava, a cheerleader at school with Justin. In 2010, she appeared in the movie Stake Land. She has also appeared in commercials for Dannon DanActive, Losethezits.com, and Verizon Wireless.

In 2014, she was cast as one of the leads in a Fox comedy pilot executive produced by Matt Hubbard and Tina Fey, portraying the role of Thena; but the series was later scrapped after a change in management at Fox.

In early 2019, Dennison was cast as Jenny Kenney, the protagonist's daughter in the pilot of the hit CBS series Carol's Second Act starring Patricia Heaton. Following the pilot, Ashley Tisdale replaced Dennison in the role of Jenny (aka she was recast).

Filmography

References

External links

1989 births
American child actresses
American film actresses
American television actresses
Living people
Actresses from New York City
21st-century American actresses

Bonnie Dennison


Ouagadougou (/ˌwɑːɡəˈduːɡuː/ WAH-gə-DOO-goo, Mossi: [ˈwɔɣədəɣʊ], French: [waɡaduɡu]) be de capital of Burkina Faso den de administrative, communications, cultural, den economic centre for de nation. It be  de country en largest city, with a population of 2,415,266 in 2019. De city's name is often shortened to Ouaga. De inhabitants are called ouagalais. The spelling for de name Ouagadougou de derived from de French orthography common in former French African colonies.

Ouagadougou


Melvin Brian Behney (born September 2, 1947) is an American former professional baseball player. Behney was a left-handed pitcher who had a five-game trial, one as a starting pitcher, with the 1970 Cincinnati Reds of Major League Baseball. He stood  tall and weighed .

Behney is a 1965 graduate of Verona High School in Verona, New Jersey, where he was a two-time all-state selection in baseball and also starred in basketball. He received a four-year baseball scholarship to Michigan State University, where he studied chemistry and business. He played on the Spartans' baseball teams in 1967 and 1968 and was named all-Big Ten during the latter season. He was later named one of the top 100 MSU athletes of the 20th century. He later earned a Bachelor of Arts degree in Economics.

Career
The Cincinnati Reds chose him with their first selection in the June secondary phase of the 1968 Major League Baseball draft, and Behney began his professional career at the Short Season-A level. In 1969, he won 14 games for the Asheville Tourists, to finish one game behind the Southern League's leader in victories, Bill Zepp.

The following season, 1970, Behney made his debut in the Major Leagues with the first incarnation of the Reds' "Big Red Machine" team that dominated the National League West Division race, winning by  games, then swept the Pittsburgh Pirates in the 1970 National League Championship Series. In his debut on August 14 at Riverfront Stadium against the Philadelphia Phillies, he relieved starter Wayne Simpson in the fourth inning of a scoreless contest, but gave up five hits and five runs (three of them earned), and was pinned with the defeat in a 5–4 Philadelphia win.

Four days later, in his only MLB starting assignment, at home against the Montreal Expos, Behney lasted  innings and gave up six hits and five runs — but only one run was earned as the Reds committed three errors behind him. The Reds could not overcome the five-run deficit, losing 7–4. Behney then appeared in three more MLB games that season in relief and surrendered only one more earned run in four innings. He did not appear in the postseason. In 10 innings for Cincinnati, Behney gave up 15 hits, five earned runs, and eight bases on balls and struck out two.

After spending the full seasons of 1971–1972 at the Triple-A level, Behney was traded to the Boston Red Sox during spring training in 1973 for pinch hitter and utility man Phil Gagliano and reserve outfielder Andy Kosco, who were role players on Cincinnati's 1973 NL West championship team. Behney played one more season of Triple-A before leaving the game.

Personal life
After his pro baseball career ended, he became a licensed real estate appraiser and from 1987 to 2000 he was Commercial Department Manager for the Tarrant County, Texas Appraisal District. He was the department's Litigation Specialist from 2000 to 2003. In 2005, he was elected to the Verona High School Alumni Association Hall of Fame.

He currently lives in Arlington, Texas and since 2007 has been a manager at First American Commercial Real Estate Services.

References

External links

1947 births
Living people
Asheville Tourists players
Baseball players from Newark, New Jersey
Cincinnati Reds players
Indianapolis Indians players
Major League Baseball pitchers
Michigan State Spartans baseball players
Pawtucket Red Sox players
People from Verona, New Jersey
Sioux Falls Packers players
Verona High School (New Jersey) alumni

Mel Behney


Pro-Line Racing is a manufacturer of wheels, tires, accessories, and bodies for 1/10-scale on- and off-road radio-controlled cars.

The company was founded in 1983 in Beaumont, California, United States, and is headquartered there. It quickly established a name for itself as a producer of quality products by capturing seven off-road national championships in 1992.

In 1993, tires swept both the 2WD and the 4WD classes at the IFMAR Offroad Championships, the company's second and third World Championship titles. 1995 saw Pro-Line win its fourth and fifth IFMAR World Championships at Japan's Yatabe Arena.

That same year, Pro-Line Racing purchased independent body manufacturer PROTOform Race Bodies, retaining founder Dale Epp to expand the company's market share. That partnership continues today and has placed Pro-Line Racing near the very top of the R/C body market.

Their marketing strategy has expanded in recent years to include PLUGZ, a series of custom Class II and Class III trailer hitch receiver covers for full-sized vehicles, as well as So Real 1/24-scale die-cast static car models.

External links
 Pro-Line Racing home page

Toy brands
Radio-controlled cars
Companies based in Riverside County, California
Beaumont, California
Tire manufacturers of the United States

Pro-Line Racing


Daoud Kuttab (), (born 1 April 1955) is a Palestinian-American journalist.

Journalism
In 1980, Kuttab began his career at Al-Fajr, an English-language weekly newspaper. Over the next seven years, he was promoted to features editor and then managing editor. In 1987, he left Al-Fajr for Al-Quds, an Arabic-language daily newspaper based in East Jerusalem. He also contributed to The Jerusalem Post. During this period, he became the first Palestinian to receive an exclusive interview with Yitzhak Rabin, as well as from Shimon Peres and several other Israeli leaders.

Kuttab was critical of press censorship by both the Israel government and the Palestinian Authority. On several occasions, he participated in rallies against Israeli censorship, resulting in his being arrested and searched. In 1994, Kuttab led journalists to rally in protest of the banning of the daily newspaper Al-Nahar by the Palestinian National Authority. Al-Quds subsequently fired Kuttab at the direct order of President Yasir Arafat. Kuttab continued to work as a journalist, however, writing for papers including The Daily Telegraph, Daily Yomuri, International Herald Tribune, Los Angeles Times, The New York Times, and The Washington Post. In April 1996, he also created the Arabic Media Internet Network, an online magazine for uncensored Palestinian journalism.

In May 1997, Kuttab was detained without charge by Arafat's government, reportedly for producing live broadcasts of Palestinian Legislative Council meetings. He was released one week later following local and international pressure.

Awards
He has won several international awards, including a 1996 International Press Freedom Award of the US-based Committee to Protect Journalists. The award was given on behalf of his struggles for press freedom in both Israel and the Palestinian Authority.

In 2000, the Austria-based International Press Institute named him one of its fifty World Press Freedom Heroes of the previous fifty years.

Kuttab sits on the board of the International Press Institute, which lists him as the "Director General, Community Media Network" and "Founder, AmmanNet, Jordan."

References

External links

 AmmanNet, Internet radio station
 The Arab Radio Internet Network

1955 births
American journalists of Arab descent
American writers of Palestinian descent
Palestinian journalists
Living people
Palestinian columnists
Palestinian emigrants to the United States
People from Bethlehem

Daoud Kuttab