Dialectic (, dialektikḗ; ), also known as the dialectical method, refers originally to dialogue between people holding different points of view about a subject but wishing to arrive at the truth through reasoned argumentation. Dialectic resembles debate, but the concept excludes subjective elements such as emotional appeal and rhetoric. It has its origins in ancient philosophy and continued to be developed in the Middle Ages.

In the modern period, Hegelianism refigured "dialectic" to no longer refer to a literal dialogue. Instead, the term takes on the specialized meaning of development by way of overcoming internal contradictions. Dialectical materialism, a theory advanced by Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels, adapted the Hegelian dialectic into a materialist theory of history. The legacy of Hegelian and Marxian dialectics has been criticized by philosophers such as Karl Popper and Mario Bunge, who considered it unscientific.

Dialectic implies a developmental process and so does not naturally fit within classical logic. Nevertheless, some twentieth-century logicians have attempted to formalize it.

History
There is a variety of meanings of dialectic or dialectics within Western philosophy.

Classical philosophy
In classical philosophy, dialectic () is a form of reasoning based upon dialogue of arguments and counter-arguments, advocating propositions (theses) and counter-propositions (antitheses). The outcome of such a dialectic might be the refutation of a relevant proposition, or of a synthesis, or a combination of the opposing assertions, or a qualitative improvement of the dialogue.

The term "dialectic" owes much of its prestige to its role in the philosophies of Socrates and Plato, in the Greek Classical period (5th to 4th centuries BC). Aristotle said that it was the pre-Socratic philosopher Zeno of Elea who invented dialectic, of which the dialogues of Plato are examples of the Socratic dialectical method.

Socratic method

The Socratic dialogues are a particular form of dialectic known as the method of elenchus (literally, "refutation, scrutiny") whereby a series of questions clarifies a more precise statement of a vague belief, logical consequences of that statement are explored, and a contradiction is discovered. The method is largely destructive, in that false belief is exposed and only constructive in that this exposure may lead to further search for truth. The detection of error does not amount to a proof of the antithesis. For example, a contradiction in the consequences of a definition of piety does not provide a correct definition. The principal aim of Socratic activity may be to improve the soul of the interlocutors, by freeing them from unrecognized errors, or indeed, by teaching them the spirit of inquiry.

In common cases, Socrates uses enthymemes as the foundation of his argument.

For example, in the Euthyphro, Socrates asks Euthyphro to provide a definition of piety. Euthyphro replies that the pious is that which is loved by the gods. But, Socrates also has Euthyphro agreeing that the gods are quarrelsome and their quarrels, like human quarrels, concern objects of love or hatred. Therefore, Socrates reasons, at least one thing exists that certain gods love but other gods hate. Again, Euthyphro agrees. Socrates concludes that if Euthyphro's definition of piety is acceptable, then there must exist at least one thing that is both pious and impious (as it is both loved and hated by the gods)—which Euthyphro admits is absurd. Thus, Euthyphro is brought to a realization by this dialectical method that his definition of piety is not sufficiently meaningful.

In another example, in Plato's Gorgias, dialectic occurs between Socrates, the Sophist Gorgias, and two men, Polus and Callicles. Because Socrates' ultimate goal was to reach true knowledge, he was even willing to change his own views in order to arrive at the truth. The fundamental goal of dialectic, in this instance, was to establish a precise definition of the subject (in this case, rhetoric) and with the use of argumentation and questioning, make the subject even more precise. In the Gorgias, Socrates reaches the truth by asking a series of questions and in return, receiving short, clear answers.

Plato

In Platonism and Neoplatonism, dialectic assumed an ontological and metaphysical role in that it became the process whereby the intellect passes from sensibles to intelligibles, rising from idea to idea until it finally grasps the supreme idea, the first principle which is the origin of all. The philosopher is consequently a "dialectician". In this sense, dialectic is a process of inquiry that does away with hypotheses up to the first principle. It slowly embraces multiplicity in unity. The philosopher Simon Blackburn wrote that the dialectic in this sense is used to understand "the total process of enlightenment, whereby the philosopher is educated so as to achieve knowledge of the supreme good, the Form of the Good".

Aristotle
Aristotle stressed that rhetoric is closely related to dialectic. He offered several formulas to describe this affinity between the two disciplines: first of all, rhetoric is said to be a "counterpart" (antistrophos) to dialectic; (ii) it is also called an "outgrowth" (paraphues ti) of dialectic and the study of character; finally, Aristotle says that rhetoric is part of dialectic and resembles it. In saying that rhetoric is a counterpart to dialectic, Aristotle alludes to Plato's Gorgias, where rhetoric is ironically defined as a counterpart to cookery in the soul. Since, in this passage, Plato uses the word antistrophos to designate an analogy, it is likely that Aristotle wants to express a kind of analogy too: what dialectic is for the (private or academic) practice of attacking and maintaining an argument, rhetoric is for the (public) practice of defending oneself or accusing an opponent. The analogy to dialectic has important implications for the status of rhetoric. Plato argued in his Gorgias that rhetoric cannot be an art (technê), since it is not related to a definite subject, while real arts are defined by their specific subjects, such as, for instance, medicine or shoe-making are defined by the products of health and shoes.

Medieval philosophy
Logic, which could be considered to include dialectic, was one of the three liberal arts taught in medieval universities as part of the trivium; the other elements were rhetoric and grammar.

Based mainly on Aristotle, the first medieval philosopher to work on dialectics was Boethius (480–524). After him, many scholastic philosophers also made use of dialectics in their works, such as Abelard, William of Sherwood, Garlandus Compotista, Walter Burley, Roger Swyneshed, William of Ockham, and Thomas Aquinas.

This dialectic (a quaestio disputata) was formed as follows:
 The question to be determined ("It is asked whether...");
 A provisory answer to the question ("And it seems that...");
 The principal arguments in favor of the provisory answer;
 An argument against the provisory answer, traditionally a single argument from authority ("On the contrary...");
 The determination of the question after weighing the evidence ("I answer that...");
 The replies to each of the initial objections. ("To the first, to the second etc., I answer that...")

Modern philosophy
The concept of dialectics was given new life at the start of the 19th century by Georg Wilhelm Friedrich Hegel, whose dialectical model of nature and of history made dialectics a fundamental aspect of reality, instead of regarding the contradictions into which dialectics leads as evidence of the limits of pure reason, as Immanuel Kant had argued. Hegel was influenced by Johann Gottlieb Fichte's conception of synthesis, although Hegel didn't adopt Fichte's "thesis–antithesis–synthesis" language except to describe Kant's philosophy: rather, Hegel argued that such language was "a lifeless schema" imposed on various contents, whereas he saw his own dialectic as flowing out of "the inner life and self-movement" of the content itself.

In the mid-19th century, Hegelian dialectic was appropriated by Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels and retooled in what they considered to be a nonidealistic manner. It would also become a crucial part of later representations of Marxism as a philosophy of dialectical materialism. These representations often contrasted dramatically and led to vigorous debate among different Marxist groups.

Hegelian dialectic

The Hegelian dialectic describes changes in the forms of thought through their own internal contradictions into concrete forms that overcome previous oppositions.

This dialectic is sometimes presented in a threefold manner, as first stated by Heinrich Moritz Chalybäus, as comprising three dialectical stages of development: a thesis, giving rise to its reaction; an antithesis, which contradicts or negates the thesis; and the tension between the two being resolved by means of a synthesis.

By contrast, the terms abstract, negative, and concrete suggest a flaw or an incompleteness in any initial thesis. For Hegel, the concrete must always pass through the phase of the negative, that is, mediation. This is the essence of what is popularly called Hegelian dialectics.

To describe the activity of overcoming the negative, Hegel often used the term Aufhebung, variously translated into English as "sublation" or "overcoming", to conceive of the working of the dialectic. Roughly, the term indicates preserving the true portion of an idea, thing, society, and so forth, while moving beyond its limitations. What is sublated, on the one hand, is overcome, but, on the other hand, is preserved and maintained.

As in the Socratic dialectic, Hegel claimed to proceed by making implicit contradictions explicit: each stage of the process is the product of contradictions inherent or implicit in the preceding stage. On his view, the purpose of dialectics is "to study things in their own being and movement and thus to demonstrate the finitude of the partial categories of understanding".

For Hegel, even history can be reconstructed as a unified dialectic, the major stages of which chart a progression from self-alienation as servitude to self-unification and realization as the rational constitutional state of free and equal citizens.

Marxist dialectic

Marxist dialectic is a form of Hegelian dialectic which applies to the study of historical materialism. It purports to be a reflection of the real world created by humans. Marxist dialectic is thus a method by which one can examine social and economic behaviors. It is the foundation of the philosophy of dialectical materialism, which forms the basis of historical materialism.

Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels, writing several decades after Hegel's death, proposed that Hegel's dialectic is too abstract. Against this, Marx presented his own dialectic method, which he claimed to be "direct opposite" of Hegel's method.

Marxist dialectics is exemplified in Das Kapital. As Marx explained dialectical materialism,

Class struggle is the primary contradiction to be resolved by Marxist dialectics because of its central role in the social and political lives of a society. Nonetheless, Marx and Marxists developed the concept of class struggle to comprehend the dialectical contradictions between mental and manual labor and between town and country. Hence, philosophic contradiction is central to the development of dialectics: the progress from quantity to quality, the acceleration of gradual social change; the negation of the initial development of the status quo; the negation of that negation; and the high-level recurrence of features of the original status quo.

Friedrich Engels further proposed that nature itself is dialectical, and that this is "a very simple process, which is taking place everywhere and every day".

In Marxism, the dialectical method of historical study is intertwined with historical materialism, the school of thought exemplified by the works of Marx, Engels, and Vladimir Lenin.

For Lenin, the primary feature of Marx's "dialectical materialism" (Lenin's term) is its application of materialist philosophy to history and social sciences. Lenin's main contribution to the philosophy of dialectical materialism is his theory of reflection, which presents human consciousness as a dynamic reflection of the objective material world that fully shapes its contents and structure.

Later, Stalin's works on the subject established a rigid and formalistic division of Marxist–Leninist theory into dialectical materialism and historical materialism. While the first was supposed to be the key method and theory of the philosophy of nature, the second was the Soviet version of the philosophy of history.

Dialectical naturalism
Dialectical naturalism is a term coined by American philosopher Murray Bookchin to describe the philosophical underpinnings of the political program of social ecology. Dialectical naturalism explores the complex interrelationship between social problems, and the direct consequences they have on the ecological impact of human society. Bookchin offered dialectical naturalism as a contrast to what he saw as the "empyrean, basically antinaturalistic dialectical idealism" of Hegel, and "the wooden, often scientistic dialectical materialism of orthodox Marxists".

Theological dialectics

Neo-orthodoxy, in Europe also known as theology of crisis and dialectical theology, is an approach to theology in Protestantism that was developed in the aftermath of the First World War (1914–1918). It is characterized as a reaction against doctrines of 19th-century liberal theology and a more positive reevaluation of the teachings of the Reformation, much of which had been in decline (especially in western Europe) since the late 18th century. It is primarily associated with two Swiss professors and pastors, Karl Barth (1886–1968) and Emil Brunner (1899–1966), even though Barth himself expressed his unease in the use of the term.

In dialectical theology the difference and opposition between God and human beings is stressed in such a way that all human attempts at overcoming this opposition through moral, religious or philosophical idealism must be characterized as 'sin'. In the death of Christ humanity is negated and overcome, but this judgment also points forwards to the resurrection in which humanity is reestablished in Christ. For Barth this meant that only through God's 'no' to everything human can his 'yes' be perceived. Applied to traditional themes of Protestant theology, such as double predestination, this means that election and reprobation cannot be viewed as a quantitative limitation of God's action. Rather it must be seen as its "qualitative definition". As Christ bore the rejection as well as the election of God for all humanity, every person is subject to both aspects of God's double predestination.

Dialectic prominently figured in Bernard Lonergan's philosophy, in his books Insight and Method in Theology. Michael Shute wrote about Lonergan's use of dialectic in The Origins of Lonergan's Notion of the Dialectic of History. For Lonergan, dialectic is both individual and operative in community. Simply described, it is a dynamic process that results in something new:

Dialectic is one of the eight functional specialties Lonergan envisaged for theology to bring this discipline into the modern world. Lonergan believed that the lack of an agreed method among scholars had inhibited substantive agreement from being reached and progress from being made compared to the natural sciences. Karl Rahner, S.J., however, criticized Lonergan's theological method in a short article entitled "Some Critical Thoughts on 'Functional Specialties in Theology'" where he stated: "Lonergan's theological methodology seems to me to be so generic that it really fits every science, and hence is not the methodology of theology as such, but only a very general methodology of science."

Criticisms

Friedrich Nietzsche viewed dialectic as a method that imposes artificial boundaries and suppresses the richness and diversity of reality. He rejected the notion that truth can be fully grasped through dialectical reasoning and offered a critique of dialectic, challenging its traditional framework and emphasizing the limitations of its approach to understanding reality. He expressed skepticism towards its methodology and implications in his work Twilight of the Idols: "I mistrust all systematizers and I avoid them. The will to a system is a lack of integrity". In the same book, Nietzsche criticized Socrates' dialectics because he believed it prioritized reason over instinct, resulting in the suppression of individual passions and the imposition of an artificial morality.

Karl Popper attacked the dialectic repeatedly. In 1937, he wrote and delivered a paper entitled "What Is Dialectic?" in which he criticized the dialectics of Hegel, Marx, and Engels for their willingness "to put up with contradictions". Popper concluded the essay with these words: "The whole development of dialectic should be a warning against the dangers inherent in philosophical system-building. It should remind us that philosophy should not be made a basis for any sort of scientific system and that philosophers should be much more modest in their claims. One task which they can fulfill quite usefully is the study of the critical methods of science". Seventy years later, Nicholas Rescher responded that "Popper's critique touches only a hyperbolic version of dialectic", and he quipped: "Ironically, there is something decidedly dialectical about Popper's critique of dialectics."

The philosopher of science and physicist Mario Bunge repeatedly criticized Hegelian and Marxian dialectics, calling them "fuzzy and remote from science" and a "disastrous legacy". He concluded: "The so-called laws of dialectics, such as formulated by Engels (1940, 1954) and Lenin (1947, 1981), are false insofar as they are intelligible." Poe Yu-ze Wan, reviewing Bunge's criticisms of dialectics, found Bunge's arguments to be important and sensible, but he thought that dialectics could still serve some heuristic purposes for scientists.

Even some Marxists are critical of the term "dialectics". For instance, Michael Heinrich wrote, "More often than not, the grandiose rhetoric about dialectics is reducible to the simple fact that everything is dependent upon everything else and is in a state of interaction and that it's all rather complicated—which is true in most cases, but doesn't really say anything."

Formalization

Defeasibility

Dialog games

Mathematics
Mathematician William Lawvere interpreted dialectics in the setting of categorical logic in terms of adjunctions between idempotent monads. This perspective may be useful in the context of theoretical computer science where the duality between syntax and semantics can be interpreted as a dialectic in this sense. For example, the Curry-Howard equivalence is such an adjunction or more generally the duality between closed monoidal categories and their internal logic.

See also

References

External links

 v:Dialectic algorithm – An algorithm based on the principles of classical dialectics

 Studies in the Hegelian Dialectic by J. M. E. McTaggart (1896) at marxists.org

Rhetoric
Philosophical methodology
Concepts in ancient Greek metaphysics
Ancient Greek logic

Dialectic


Joscelin, Goslin, or Gauzlin (died 16 April 886), Bishop of Paris and defender of the city against the Northmen (885), was, according to some authorities, the son of Rorgon I, count of Maine, according to others the natural son of the emperor Louis I.

In 848 he became a monk, and entered a monastery at Reims, later he became abbot of Saint-Denis. Like most of the prelates of his time he took a prominent part in the struggle against the Northmen, by whom he and his brother Louis were taken prisoners (858), and he was released only after paying a heavy ransom (Prudentii Trecensis episcopi Annales, ann. 858). From 855 to 867 he held intermittently, and from 867 to 881 regularly, the office of chancellor to Charles the Bald and his successors.

In 883 or 884 he was elected bishop of Paris, and foreseeing the dangers to which the city was to be exposed from the attacks of the Northmen, he planned and directed the strengthening of the defences, though he also relied for security on the merits of the relics of St Germain and St Genevieve. When the attack finally came (885), the defence of the city was entrusted to him and to Odo, Count of Paris, and Hugh the Abbot.

The city was attacked on 26 November and the struggle for the possession of the bridge (now the Pont-au-Change) lasted for two days; but Joscelin repaired the destruction of the wooden tower overnight, and the Vikings were obliged to give up the attempt to take the city by storm. The Siege of Paris lasted for about a year longer, while the emperor Charles the Fat was in Italy. Joscelin died soon after the preliminaries of the peace had been agreed on, worn out by his exertions, or killed by a pestilence which raged in the city. He was succeeded by Askericus.

References

Sources
Duval, Amaury. L'Evéque Gozlin ou le siege de Paris par les Normands, chronique du IX siècle. Paris, 1832.
MacLean, Simon. Kingship and Politics in the Late Ninth Century: Charles the Fat and the end of the Carolingian Empire. Cambridge University Press: 2003.

886 deaths
Rorgonid dynasty
Bishops of Paris
9th-century French bishops
Year of birth unknown

Joscelin (bishop of Paris)


A metal detector is a tool a person can use to help find metal nearby. It is useful for finding metal within other objects, or for finding metal underground. Most metal detectors will make a sound or have a needle move on a sensor in order to show where objects are. This tells how close you are to an object - for example, by making a higher-pitched sound when you are closer to an object.

History of the metal detector
Alexander Graham Bell invented a kind of metal detector in 1881 when he was trying to find the bullet in President James Garfield's body after he had been shot. The metal detector worked but it was confused between the bullet and a coiled bed-spring on which the President lay.

Gerhard Fischer made a better version in the 1920s but the detector got confused when someone was approaching ore-bearing rocks. He was given a patent in 1925. A businessman named Shirl Herr had earlier tried to get a patent for a metal detector but was not given one until 1928.

Uses
A metal detector can be used by archaeologists for finding things like metallic coins, bullets, and jewellery underneath or inside a surface.

Archaeology
Measuring tools

Metal detector


In Finnish grammar, the momentane is a verb aspect indicating that an occurrence is sudden and short-lived.

Finnish has a number of momentane markers; they differ in the valency and voice of the verbs they produce, but all indicate sudden, short-lived occurrences; for example, the verb ammahtaa (to dash ahead suddenly; not said of a person) is an anticausative, momentane version of ampua (to shoot). Another example is the verb katsaista (to take a quick look), which is a momentane version of katsoa (to look). For semantic reasons, not all momentane markers can be used with all verbs; for example, an anticausative marker can only be used with verbs representing occurrences that can happen accidentally or on their own. Verbs with momentane markers are considered independent words, and native speakers rarely analyze them, but do synthesize them. Often the parent verb is not in use, leaving only the derived forms such as the momentane.

Often these are combined with a frequentative to indicate a series of short actions. For example, heilua "to swing"; heilahtaa "to swing once by itself"; heilahdella "to swing to and fro continuously". Another note is that the root may not be a fully formed verb, but mere onomatopoeia, e.g. pam+auttaa "to bang (something suddenly once)" or in frequentative form pam+autella "to bang (something suddenly multiple times)".

The markers are affected by consonant gradation, as illustrated by this pair of first infinitives vs. second-person indicatives: pamahtaa ~ pamahdat, pamauttaa ~ pamautat / pamautella ~ pamauttelet.

See also
Finnish grammar
Linguistics

External links
Morfofonologian harjoituksia (in Finnish)

Finnish language
Grammatical aspects
Verb types

Momentane


Bow Glacier is located in Banff National Park, Alberta, Canada, approximately  northwest of Lake Louise. It can be viewed from the Icefields Parkway. Bow Glacier is an outflow glacier from the Wapta Icefield, which rests along the Continental Divide, and runoff from the glacier supplies water to Bow Lake and the Bow River. The glacier is credited for creating the Bow Valley before retreating at the end of the last glacial maximum.

Since the end of the Little ice age in 1850, Bow Glacier has been in a state of steady retreat overall. Between 1850 and 1953, the glacier retreated an estimated , and since that period, there has been further retreat which has left a newly formed lake at the terminal moraine at the glacial snout. Sedimentation has also increased in Bow Lake due to increased erosion of soil that had been protected by the glacier, creating a small sediment delta at the western end of the lake.

See also
List of glaciers in Canada

References

Bow River
Banff National Park
Glaciers of Alberta

Bow Glacier


Ralph Burns Kellogg (August 2, 1946 – June 19, 2003), also known as Ethan James, was a musician, record producer, and recording engineer best known for his work on Minutemen's seminal album Double Nickels on the Dime. He also produced and engineered albums for Black Flag, The Bangles, Rain Parade, Dos, Psychobud and many others. Many of these recordings were undertaken at Radio Tokyo Studio, the recording facility he founded in the early 1980s.

Under his real name, he was a member of the heavy metal band Blue Cheer from 1969 to 1972.  He was considered a master of the hurdy-gurdy, a medieval instrument, and was also noted for playing the symphonium.  James returned to performing in 1989 and performed with the San Francisco Mozart Festival Orchestra, among others.

James died of complications from liver cancer in San Francisco at the age of 56.

Selected discography
 Shaking Hands With Kafka (Moll Tonträger, 1993)
 What Rough Beast (Moll Tonträger, 1995)
 The Ancient Music Of Christmas (Hannibal Records, 1996)
 A Garden Of Hurdy-Gurdy Delights (Taqsim Records, 1997)
 Learning Chinese The Hard Way (Stonegarden Records, 2002)

References

1946 births
2003 deaths
American heavy metal musicians
Deaths from liver cancer
American audio engineers
Deaths from cancer in California
Blue Cheer members
20th-century American musicians
20th-century American engineers

Ethan James (producer)


Thomas C. Fairbairn (usually credited as T. C. Fairbairn) was a theatre impresario, particularly known for his productions of Samuel Coleridge-Taylor's Hiawatha.

Fairbairn first produced his dramatised, costumed version of Scenes from the Song of Hiawatha in 1924. Held at the Royal Albert Hall, and featuring the Royal Choral Society, it raised funds for the Royal National Institute for the Blind. The eight performances were so successful that he rebooked the hall and choir for the following year. He repeated the show every year until 1939, apart from 1926, the year of the General Strike. All but the first show featured 1,000 performers, 200 of whom were dancers. The production also toured other venues in the greater London area.

Fairbairn appeared as a castaway on the BBC Radio programme Desert Island Discs on 18 May 1974.

References

Year of birth missing
Place of birth missing
Year of death missing
Place of death missing
British theatre managers and producers
Impresarios

T. C. Fairbairn


In demonology, Ronove is a Marquis and Great Earl of Hell, commanding twenty legions of demons. He teaches art, rhetoric, languages, and gives good and loyal servants the favour of friends and foes.

He is depicted as a monster holding a staff, without detailing his appearance. He is also described as taker of old souls; often coming to earth to harvest souls of decrepit humans and animals near death.

It is also spelled Ronové and Ronwe.

See also

The Lesser Key of Solomon

Sources
S. L. MacGregor Mathers, A. Crowley, The Goetia: The Lesser Key of Solomon the King (1904). 1995 reprint: .

Goetic demons
Rhetoric

Ronove


Street style is fashion that is considered to have emerged not from studios, but from the grassroots. Street fashion is generally associated with youth culture, and is most often seen in major urban centers. Magazines and newspapers commonly feature candid photographs of individuals wearing urban, stylish clothing. Mainstream fashion often appropriates street fashion trends as influences. Most major youth subcultures have had an associated street fashion. Street style is different all around the globe.

Description
The "street" approach to style and fashion is often based on individualism, rather than focusing solely on current fashion trends. Using street style methods, individuals demonstrate their multiple, negotiated identities, in addition to utilizing subcultural and intersecting styles or trends. This, in itself, is a performance, as it creates a space where identities can be explored through the act(ion) of dress.

Bill Cunningham for The New York Times pointed street style out as a keen catalogue of ordinary people's clothing. Also, he mentioned that streets tell a great deal about fashion and people, if one listens. According to him the best fashion show is coming to life every day on the streets.

Street style is a viral, instant, addictive facet of fashion that has changed many of the ways in which fashion is made and consumed. Its fast characteristic links it also to the term consumerism. Given how styles change over time, it also challenges the use of fast fashion in relation to the purchasing and wearing of clothing, as this conceals the complexities of practice.

Development
Street style has always existed but it has become a phenomenon of 20th century. The increase in the standardization of life after World War II (suburbanization, mass marketing, the spread of television) may be linked to the appeal of "alternative" lifestyles for individuals in search of  "identity". Industrial production, particularly in the sphere of fashion, was  not only the popularization of stylists' tastes that move from high fashion, through prêt-à-porter, to the peripheries of the system. These were also tastes that originated among economically disfavored, marginal groups, the whole range of metropolitan tribes, that are able to trigger new fashion production and diffusion processes.

Phenomena of this kind have been studied for a long time in England and have revealed the importance of young people's street styles during the post-war period, which may be linked to the generation of baby boomers, who came to represent a new sociocultural category—the "teenager"—who has money to spend and be an important motivation on economic and cultural world.

The history of identity and the history of clothing run on two parallel rails. In this connection, street style works as a facilitator of group identity and subcultural cohesion. Since the close of World War II, Western culture has seen a dramatic decline in the significance of the traditional sociocultural divisions such as race, religion, ethnicity, regionalism, nationalism, in defining and limiting personal identity. The tribe groupings, such as bikers, beats, and teddy boys in the 1950s; mods, hippies, and skinheads in the 1960s; headbangers, punks, and b-boys in the 1970s; and goths, new age travelers and ravers in the 1980s got dressed and unusual body decoration as an expression to create a sense of identity.

In the first half of the twentieth century, although the unaccompanied figure of the woman in the street was seen increasingly in fashion photographs, she often remained bound by the pursuits of a bourgeois existence, with the reality of the street beautified as a fantasy prop for high-end fashion. As an object of gaze, her position contrasted with that of the flâneur and the male privileged code of visual spectatorship. It was not until the post-war period, with the emergence of style-conscious magazines aimed at men, that the image of the flaneur, somewhat melded with the more modern notion of the "man about town", began to be visualized in fashion photography. Masculinity was shown to be influenced by the industrial atmosphere of the metropolis. This is illustrated by Terence Donovan's grainy black-and-white photographs of sharply suited men in "Spy Drama" for the October 1962 issue of Town which became famous as the visual influence for the filmic interpretation of James Bond. In this period, the representation of the woman in the street was radicalized by the emergence of youth as a social category and its claiming of street culture as its primary context.

Influence of sportswear

Street style includes ordinary people who regularly wear sportswear. However, it is influenced by supermodels who work for various sportswear brands. Therefore, it gets easier to influence ordinary people with the sense of sportive clothing.

Skateboarding particularly influenced the forming of certain street styles. The image of the street style follower often corresponds with skateboarding. Skate shoes that keep the feet from slipping on the board have been adopted by people who do not skateboard.

Key sites
Designers, street style activists, trendsetters, bloggers, fashion retailers and models influence a city's representation. These trends can mark shopping areas and entertainment locations. From the interdisciplinary perspective of consumption and consumer practices, city tourism is connected to city branding, through which a city's representation is aimed at attracting visitors and consumers.

Milan
Milan has several important fashion institutions, agencies and events, including Milan Fashion Week. The expression 'capitale della moda' (the capital of fashion) refers to Milan when describing styles, urban life, fashion collections, and designers, motivating other cities to compete for this fashion, branded city status.

Paris
Paris's look can be considered through frameworks of fashion fads, designers, a chic and luxury capital, artists and a bohemian lifestyle. Paris is an example of creating  the 'city look', a collective image – certain fashion garments, specifics and lifestyles embody definite urbanity in a city's context. For instance, an image of 'La Parisienne', – the typical Parisian woman – consists not only of clothing but of certain manners, values and behavioural patterns associated with the country and its citizens. One of the most typical associations with Paris is that it is the city of love and fashion, a romantic city full of chic and luxury. The fashion phenomenon can provide strong associations and a clear understanding of Paris as a centre of fashion, love and dreams.

Japan
Japanese fashion has inspired many fashion professionals in the West, starting with Kenzō Takada's appearance in Paris in 1970 followed by Issey Miyake in 1973, Hanae Mori in 1977, Yohji Yamamoto and Rei Kawakubo of Comme des Garçons in 1981. Japan is gradually becoming a country that is a genuine force in the field of fashion. Today's Japanese fashion contributes both to the aesthetics of fashion as well as to how business is made in this industry.

Japanese street fashion sustains multiple simultaneous highly diverse fashion movements at any given time. It does not come from the famous professional Japanese designers, but is led by high school girls who have become extremely influential in controlling fashion trends. These fashion-conscious, or fashion-obsessed, youngsters indirectly and directly dictate this type of Japanese fashion. It is not an exaggeration to say that they are the agents of fashion, who take part in the production and dissemination of fashion. Japanese street fashion emerges from the social networks among different institutions of fashion as well as various street subcultures, each of which is identified with a unique and original look. These teens rely on a distinctive appearance to proclaim their symbolic, subcultural identity. This identity is not political or ideological; it is simply innovative fashion that determines their group affiliation.

London
London is considered one of the most important fashion capitals but in contrast to Milan and Paris, London's look is closer to the fashion sense of royalty, traditions and strong street style culture.

Just as cities mentioned above, London is a place where respected brands are to be found, such as Stella McCartney, Burberry, Alexander McQueen, etc., which can be a direct consequence of people's growing interest and involvement into fashion itself . London. on the other hand, was a pioneer in the development and promotion of second- hand markets which speaks about other underground tendencies in street style. Being a multinational city with an immense concentration of the whole range of cultures and traditions they carry, London is identified as a space where street style embodies not only the general popular fashion concepts, but also works as a tool to express social and cultural identity.

Other important aspect of London's peculiar image is a recent collaboration between the Duchess of Cambridge and Alexander McQueen fashion brand. Clothes produced for the Duchess can be called revolutionary in a certain sense, as they are woman-friendly, less pretentious and dramatic. This speaks about a certain democratization of the brand, that becomes more affordable for common consumers and perceived as a street style item rather than high fashion royal attribute.

One of the major reasons London has proved itself as a street style centre in Europe is  that British fashion players are seen as more open and flexible in terms of innovative approaches to fashion and cooperation with young promising talents. This attitude creates more open-mindedness and affability with regard to street style and promotion of sustainable fashion practices.

New York
The practice of photo shooting models, still in runway makeup, in front of open warehouse spaces and garages or just on the street came from the fashion capital of the United States. Starting with the Gibson Girl of the 1890s, the free-spirited Flapper fashions of the 1920s, and the rugged, masculine work-wear of the 1930s and 40s, American culture has been especially influential in the creation of street style, with music movements like jazz, rock, disco, and hip hop, American sports and recreational pursuits like basketball, baseball, motorcycle riding, surfing and skateboarding, countercultural movements like the hippy movement, punk, grunge and associated "anti-fashion", and image-based cultural industries like Hollywood all having exerted a significant amount of influence on New York's fashion and design.

New York Fashion Week was the world's first fashion week. Historic fashion magazines like Vogue, Harper's Bazaar, and Cosmopolitan have been the world's pre-eminent fashion publications for over a century. Neighborhoods like the East Village, Greenwich Village, and Williamsburg, Brooklyn have been hot spots for street style, the latter having helped give rise to the hipster revival of the 2000s and 2010s.

India

Street style in India is getting on its way by copying this style generally from Hindi cinema. As Indians are always fascinated by fashion, in India, different religions help in achieving this street style.

Effects of social media

Fashion bloggers
Social media channels have become an efficient way in fashion practices to keep in touch with the consumer base as well as increase it through brand exposure. It allows for immediate feedback from users, which makes it possible to stay up-to-date with the latest changes and trends in street fashion. Blogs that focus on fashion brands and  products, street style and personal style in particular are the largest categories of the blogs. Fashion blogs, or style blogs, are blogs that focus on fashion and beauty and are produced by bloggers who self-identify as stylists, creating their own authentic looks and exposing them in urban spaces.

As the result of the immense outspread of fashion blogs, the level of engagement between the individual and fashion industry has risen dramatically, the gap between fashion houses, publications, and individuals is narrowing. Within the everyday people can communicate via the blogosphere, sharing their personal, individualized expressions of self.

By utilizing texts, including images and narratives, from fashion blogs, individuals can view, and thus, approach dress from an innovative, individualized perspective. Fashion choices are more visible, accessible, and relatable through the fashion blog space due to these sites' availability, user-friendliness, and constant change (i.e., uploading of new images and narratives). Blogs, in contrast to traditional fashion practices, represent varied images and bodies. However, it has been found that fashion blog imagery is not that different from those bodies featured in fashion editorials: there is often an emphasis on thinness, height, and whiteness. Yet these sites also include images of women that are raced or gendered, which does present an alternative view, as well as male bodies (not common in mainstream fashion editorials for the female subscriber).

Instagram
Instagram, a leading mobile application for stylizing and sharing photos on the web, has proved popular among street style amateurs and professional street style photographers with large followings.

Instagram is viewed as a relatively cheap, quick, flexible, and widely available platform.   It gave life to a specific instagram-based community of street style photographers and models, who also work as an additional channel of communication from fashion providers and consumers. Consequently, many well-followed photographers started including more street style photography in their portfolios.

Examples
Examples from the 1950s, 1970s, 1980s, 1990s, 2000s, and 2010s include:

 Hippies (denim, bohemian style, long hair, flower power and psychedelic imagery, flared trousers)
 Teddy Boys (drape jackets, drainpipe trousers, crepe shoes)
 Punk fashion (ripped clothing, safety pins, bondage, provocative T-shirt slogans, Mohican hairstyle)
 Skinheads (short-cropped hair, fitted jeans, Ben Sherman button-up shirts, Fred Perry polo shirts, Harrington jackets, Dr. Martens boots)
 Gothic fashion (black clothing, heavy coats, poet shirts, big boots, makeup)
 Preppy (argyle sweaters, chinos, madras, Nantucket Reds, button down Oxford cloth shirts, and boat shoes).
See also ghetto prep for a 21st-century variant influenced by hip-hop fashion.
 Hip hop fashion (ultra-baggy pants, ECKO, Tribal Gear, South Pole, Avirex, FUBU, Sean Jean, NIKE)
 Hipster or indie (glasses, jeans, beanies, sneakers, ties, suspenders, checked shirts, beards)
 Trendies (androgynous big hair, bright neon colors, skinny jeans, printed hoodies, keffiyehs)
 Rasta (African-inspired clothing, rastacap, dreadlocks)
 Greaser (Levis 501 jeans, T-shirts, leather jackets, sunglasses, Cowboy boots or motorcycle boots, hair gel)
 Urban (colorful apparel, large accent jewelry, skinny jeans, jackets, T-shirts)
 Feminine (dresses, hats, sunglasses, hand bags, floral prints)
 Kawaii (tutu skirts, pastel and pink colors, anime, childish and Gothic Lolita inspired accessories such as wild hair clips or bows)

See also
 Bread and Butter tradeshow
 Consumer Behaviour
 Counterculture
 Cultural appropriation
 Fashion Design
 Haute Couture
 Purple Mark
 Streetwear
 Subculture

References

External links
"Why Fashion Photographers Are Flocking to Instagram"
"New Zealand Street Style"
"When Politics Became a Fashion Statement"
"Why London Deserves to be the Fashion Capital of the World"
"Street Unicorns: Bold Expressionists of Style" by Robbie Quinn

Street fashion

Street style


Cyrillus Kreek (born Karl Ustav Kreek;   in Võnnu, Lääne county – 26 March 1962 in Haapsalu) was an Estonian composer.

Kreek studied trombone and composition at the Saint Petersburg Conservatory from 1908 to 1916 in the years immediately prior to the Russian Revolution, then worked as music teacher first in his native Haapsalu (in western Estonia), at the Tartu Music College and later at the Tallinn Conservatory.

Kreek started collecting religious folksongs in 1911 in the Haapsalu region. He systematically collected the folk music of his native country, and many of his folk melody arrangements have since become part of the permanent repertoire of Estonian choral societies. He was the first Estonian collector to use the phonograph for this purpose and the harmonisations he made became a lifelong preoccupation. His beautiful psalm settings have an unmistakable folk tinge, and yet they are much more than simple folksong arrangements, with their carefully graded choral colouring and passing use of imitation. Kreek's magnum opus was his Requiem, using an Estonian translation of the text of Mozart's Requiem, but his essence is perfectly expressed in these choral miniatures. Cyrillus Kreek also achieved renown as an instrumental composer with his Musica sacra, a Humoreske for orchestra, and a Suite for zithers and orchestra.

Compositions
Reekviem (1927)
Musica sacra (for orchestra, 1943)
Armastuslaul 13. sajandist (for orchestra, 1943)
Kalevipoeg nõiakoopas (cantata, 1953)
Setu sümfoonia (for orchestra, 1953)

References

1889 births
1962 deaths
People from Haapsalu
People from the Governorate of Estonia
Estonian folklorists
Male classical composers
20th-century classical composers
Estonian folk-song collectors
Saint Petersburg Conservatory alumni
20th-century Estonian composers
20th-century male musicians

Cyrillus Kreek


Sherman's March to the Sea is the name given to the military Savannah Campaign in the American Civil War.  This was a march of troops through Georgia that lasted from November 15 to December 21, 1864. It was led by Maj. Gen. William Tecumseh Sherman of the Union Army.

The campaign began with Sherman's troops leaving the captured city of Atlanta, Georgia, on November 15.  It ended with the capture of the port of Savannah on December 21. His army burned military targets along with stores, other businesses, and the homes of the people who lived in their path. This ruined the Confederacy's economy and its means of travelling.

Sherman's plan of action of fighting deep inside enemy territory without any extra supplies changed American war strategy.

References

American Civil War battles
1864 in Georgia (U.S. state)

Sherman's March to the Sea


Sara Simonsdotter, called Tjocka Sara (Fat Sara) (floruit 1619), was a Swedish brothel owner and procurer in 17th-century Stockholm. Her brothel had clientele among the royal court and became the centre of a scandal when it was revealed in 1618.

On 4 November 1618, a married woman, Margareta Henriksdotter, was arrested in Stockholm for prostitution. Among her clients were people in high positions, such as Adam Richard de la Chapelle, a captain in the royal guard. Her arrest led to the discovery of a brothel at the ill-reputed street Kindstugatan, as well as the arrest of Simonsdotter and her employees.

The brothel, which also functioned as a place to sell stolen goods, was managed by Sara Simonsdotter, while the town executioner, Master Håkan, acted as a pimp. Her prostitutes worked at the brothel but also visited clients in their homes and at other locations. Among her employees were several women who were not career prostitutes but rather married women who earned money without the knowledge of their spouses. The mistress of John, Duke of Östergötland was also seen there, though it was unknown in what capacity. The clients were often deprived of their clothing to prevent them from leaving before payment. Among the clients of her brothel were the Dutch ambassador and a courtier. While in prison, several of the women escaped in a prison break with a group of male prisoners, assisted by three soldiers, who helped them dig a tunnel under the wall.

Several of the former prostitutes seem to have been banished from town, a sentence carried out by Master Håkan, who does not seem to have been punished for his part in the affair. The clients were all fined, with a higher fine for the married clients than for the unmarried. Sara Simsondotter herself was sentenced to time in the pillory and to be whipped, a sentence which was carried out on 19 May 1619. She was afterward deported to her home parish Kimito in Finland, with the warning that she was to be executed if she ever returned.

References

17th-century Swedish businesspeople
Swedish brothel owners and madams
17th century in Stockholm
17th-century criminals

Sara Simonsdotter


The Beam Farm Woodland Archaeological District is a group of archaeological sites in the southwestern part of the U.S. state of Ohio.  Located at 3983 Stone Road near the village of Sabina in Clinton County, the district is composed of one Native American mound and two other archaeological sites spread out over an area of .  Known as the Beam Farm Mound and the Beam Sites 9 and 12 (designated 33-CN-194, 33-CN-195, and 33-CN-208 respectively), the sites that compose the district have yielded artifacts from the Adena culture and the Hopewell tradition, both of which inhabited southwestern Ohio during the Woodland period.  Because both the Adena and the Hopewell lived around the mound, and because both cultures built mounds, the identity of the people who constructed the Beam Farm Mound cannot be established; all that can be known with reasonable certainty is that it was raised during the early or middle portion of the Woodland period, or between 800 BC and AD 500.

Although small, the Beam Farm Mound is significant as a well-preserved relic of Native American prehistory.  The Beam family, which owns the property on which the district is located, has never permitted any excavation of the mound; while this has prevented conclusive identification of its builders, they have ensured that the mound remains undisturbed and pristine in the fields above the Anderson Fork.  The owners and the Ohio Historical Society cooperated to place a historical marker at the site in 2001.  Because of the archaeological value of the mound and the other sites, they were declared a historic district and listed on the National Register of Historic Places in 2006.  It joined four other Clinton County sites that were already on the Register: the Cowan Creek Circular Enclosure and the Keiter, Hurley, and Hillside Haven Mounds.

References

National Register of Historic Places in Clinton County, Ohio
Adena culture
Ohio Hopewell
Archaeological sites on the National Register of Historic Places in Ohio
Geography of Clinton County, Ohio
Mounds in Ohio
Historic districts on the National Register of Historic Places in Ohio


A posture collar is a rigid collar used in BDSM and fetish play that is wide enough to restrict movement of the neck. Posture collars help in maintaining posture, keeping the chin high and the neck extended. Posture collars typically flare widely at the front to reach from the chin to the collarbone, preventing the wearer from hanging their head or looking downward.

Such collars are typically made from leather, but may also be made from metal, rubber or plastics such as PVC. Posture collars may be decorated, and may include other bondage elements such as locking closures, decorative spikes or D-rings for attaching other restraints.

A special type of posture collar is a neck corset.

See also
 BDSM

References

BDSM equipment
Necklaces
Physical restraint

Posture collar


Kvinnliga arbetarklubben or Malmö kvinnliga arbetareförbund (literary:'Women's Worker's Club' or 'Malmö Women's Worker's Association') was a pioneer worker's association for women in Malmö in Sweden, founded 17 October 1888 and dissolved in 1892.  It was the first organisation for women in the Swedish labour movement.  It was also one of the first organisations of the Swedish labour movements, founded one year prior to the Swedish Social Democratic Party.

Foundation
The 1880s was a period of great activity and organisation of the new labour movement in Sweden, as well as the introduction of Socialism within it.  While women came to be included in the labour movement, there where discrimination as well as a principal dislike within it to organise any sort of separate women's organisations, because according to the dominant belief within the movement, women's concerns were to be dealt with in parallel to men's, not separately, which could sometime result in women workers needs being neglected.   The Kvinnliga arbetarklubben was founded by a group of politically engaged women within the labor movement.  While women's organizations and even trade unions had existed before, this was the first socialist women's club and the first club exclusively for women within the labor movement, and thus played a pioneering role.

Function
The stated purpose of the club was not, officially, to work with "women's issues", but to work to recruit more women to become involved within the labour movement and interested in becoming politically involved.   In reality however they did become active within women's issues because that was issues that concerned women they recruited and was included within the labour movement.  Their main activity was to improve the rights and conditions for women within the workforce by helping them to organise within working unions.  They also debated other issues which affected gender equality and gender roles and held debates about current questions, such as one literary debate, in which a work by August Strindberg was judged to be influenced by misogyny.  The chairperson was Elma Danielsson in 1888–90, and Maria Osberg-Wessel in 1890–92.

Dissolution and aftermath
In 1892, the club was officially dissolved.   The example of this pioneer club was followed all over the nation, and several similar local women worker's clubs was founded in Sweden, though they were all to be temporary until the foundation of the Stockholms allmänna kvinnoklubb, which was founded in 1892 with Kvinnliga arbetarklubben as its role model, and became the first women's club to be formally included in the Swedish Social Democratic Party.

In 1900, a new women workers club was founded in Malmö by the members of the former Kvinnliga arbetarklubben, called Malmö Kvinnliga Diskussionsklubb (literary: 'Malmö Women's Discussion Club') which could be seen as the re-founding of the old Kvinnliga arbetarklubben under a new name.

References

Swedish Social Democratic Party

Politics of Sweden
1888 establishments in Sweden
Organizations established in 1888
19th century in Malmö

Kvinnliga arbetarklubben


The Ramadan Revolution, also referred to as the 8 February Revolution and the February 1963 coup d'état in Iraq, was a military coup by the Ba'ath Party's Iraqi-wing which overthrew the Prime Minister of Iraq, Abd al-Karim Qasim in 1963. It took place between 8 and 10 February 1963. Qasim's former deputy, Abdul Salam Arif, who was not a Ba'athist, was given the largely ceremonial title of President, while prominent Ba'athist general Ahmed Hassan al-Bakr was named Prime Minister. The most powerful leader of the new government was the secretary general of the Iraqi Ba'ath Party, Ali Salih al-Sa'di, who controlled the National Guard militia and organized a massacre of hundreds—if not thousands—of suspected communists and other dissidents following the coup.

The government lasted approximately nine months, until Arif disarmed the National Guard in the November 1963 Iraqi coup d'état, which was followed by a purge of Ba'ath Party members.

Background
Some time after the Homeland Officers' Organization, or "Al-Ahrar" ("The Free") succeeded in toppling the monarchy and transforming the Iraqi government into a republic in 1958, signs of differences between political parties and forces and the Homeland Officers' Organization began when Pan-Arab nationalist forces led by Abdul Salam Arif and the Ba'ath Party called for immediate unification with the United Arab Republic (UAR). In an attempt to create a state of political equilibrium, the Iraqi Communist Party (ICP), which opposed unity, tried to discount cooperation with the UAR in economics, culture, and science rather than political and military agreements.

Gradually, Abd al-Karim Qasim's relations with some of his fellow members of Al-Ahrar worsened, and his relationship with the unionist and nationalist currents, which had played an active role in supporting the 1958 movement, became strained. As for conflicting currents in the ICP, they were aspiring for a coalition with General Qasim and had long been extending their relationship with him. Qasim thought that some of his allies in the Communist party were coming close to leapfrogging the proposition, especially after the increasing influence of the Communist party in the use of the slogan, proclaimed by many Communists and government supporters during marches: "Long live leader Abd al-Karim and the Communist Party in governing great demand!" Qasim began to minimize the Communist movement, which was poised to overthrow the government. He ordered the party to be disarmed and most of the party leaders to be arrested. However, the party retained Air Commander Jalal al-Awqati and Lt. Col. Fadhil Abbas Mahdawi, Qasim's cousin.

Coup

Qasim's removal took place on 8 February 1963, the fourteenth day of Ramadan, and so the coup was called the 14 Ramadan Coup. It had been in its planning stages since 1962, and several attempts had been planned, only to be abandoned for fear of discovery. The coup had been initially planned for January 18, but was moved to 25 January and then 8 February after Qasim gained knowledge of the proposed attempt and arrested some of the plotters.

The coup began in the early morning of 8 February 1963, when the communist air force chief, Jalal al-Awqati, was assassinated, and tank units occupied the Abu Ghraib radio station. A bitter two-day struggle unfolded with heavy fighting between the Ba'athist conspirators and pro-Qasim forces. Qasim took refuge in the Ministry of Defence, where fighting became particularly heavy. Communist sympathisers took to the streets to resist the coup, which added to the high casualties: "An estimated eighty Ba'thists and between 300 and 5,000 communist sympathizers were killed in the two days of fighting to control Baghdad's streets," as recounted by Ariel Ira Ahram.

On 9 February, Qasim eventually offered his surrender in return for safe passage out of the country. His request was refused, and in the afternoon, he was executed on the orders of the newly formed National Council of the Revolutionary Command (NCRC). Qasim was given a mock trial over Baghdad radio and then killed. Many of his Shi'ite supporters believed that he had merely gone into hiding and would appear like the Mahdi to lead a rebellion against the new government. To counter that sentiment and to terrorize his supporters, Qasim's dead body was displayed on television in a five-minute propaganda video, The End of the Criminals, which included close-up views of his bullet wounds amid disrespectful treatment of his corpse, which is spat on in the final scene.

Qasim's former deputy, Abdul Salam Arif, who was not a Ba'athist, was given the largely-ceremonial title of President, and the prominent Ba'athist General Ahmed Hassan al-Bakr was named Prime Minister. However, the secretary general of the Ba'ath Party, Ali Salih al-Sa'di, used his control of the National Guard militia, commanded by Mundhir al-Wanadawi, to establish himself as the de facto new leader of Iraq and had more authority in reality than al-Bakr or Arif. The nine-month rule of al-Sa'di and his civilian branch of the Ba'ath Party has been described as "a reign of terror" as the National Guard, under orders from the Revolutionary Command Council (RCC) "to annihilate anyone who disturbs the peace," detained, tortured, or executed thousands of suspected Qasim loyalists. Furthermore, the National Guard, which developed from a core group of perhaps 5,000 civilian Ba'athist partisans but increased to 34,000 members by August 1963, who were identified by their green armbands, was poorly-disciplined, as militiamen engaged in extensive infighting and created a widespread perception of chaos and disorder.

U.S. involvement

It has long been suspected that the Ba'ath Party collaborated with the CIA in planning and carrying out the coup. Pertinent contemporary documents relating to the CIA's operations in Iraq have remained classified and as of 2021, "[s]cholars are only beginning to uncover the extent to which the United States was involved in organizing the coup," but are "divided in their interpretations of American foreign policy." Bryan R. Gibson, writes that although "[i]t is accepted among scholars that the CIA ... assisted the Ba'th Party in its overthrow of [Qasim's] regime," that "barring the release of new information, the preponderance of evidence substantiates the conclusion that the CIA was not behind the February 1963 Ba'thist coup." Peter Hahn argues that "[d]eclassified U.S. government documents offer no evidence to support" suggestions of direct U.S. involvement. On the other hand, Brandon Wolfe-Hunnicutt cites "compelling evidence of an American role," and that publicly declassified documents "largely substantiate the plausibility" of CIA involvement in the coup. Eric Jacobsen, citing the testimony of contemporary prominent Ba'athists and U.S. government officials, states that "[t]here is ample evidence that the CIA not only had contacts with the Iraqi Ba'th in the early sixties, but also assisted in the planning of the coup." Nathan J. Citino writes that "Washington backed the movement by military officers linked to the pan-Arab Ba'th Party that overthrew Qasim," but that "the extent of U.S. responsibility cannot be fully established on the basis of available documents," and that "[a]lthough the United States did not initiate the 14 Ramadan coup, at best it condoned and at worst it contributed to the violence that followed."

Ba'athist leaders maintained supportive relationships with U.S. officials before, during, and after the coup. According to Wolfe-Hunnicutt, declassified documents at the Kennedy Library suggest that the Kennedy administration viewed two prominent Ba'athist officials—Ba'ath Party Army Bureau head, Lt. Col. Salih Mahdi Ammash, whose arrest on February 4 served as the coup's catalyst, and Hazim Jawad, "responsible for [the Ba'ath Party's] clandestine printing and propaganda distribution operations"—as "assets." Ammash was described as "Western-oriented, anti-British, and anti-Communist," and known to be "friendly to the service attaches of the US Embassy in Baghdad," while future U.S. Ambassador to Iraq, Robert C. Strong, would refer to Jawad as "one of our boys." According to a March 1964 State Department memorandum, U.S. "officers assiduously cultivated" a "Baathi student organization, which triggered the revolution of February 8, 1963 by sponsoring a successful student strike at the University of Baghdad." Jamal al-Atassi—a cabinet member of the Ba'athist regime that took power in Syria that same year—would tell Malik Mufti that the Iraqi Ba'athists, in conversations with their Syrian counterparts, argued "that their cooperation with the CIA and the US to overthrow Abd al-Karim Qasim and take over power" was comparable "to how Lenin arrived in a German train to carry out his revolution, saying they had arrived in an American train." Similarly, then secretary general of the Iraqi Ba'ath Party, Ali Salih al-Sa'di, is quoted as saying that the Iraqi Ba'athists "came to power on a CIA train." Former U.S. Ambassador to Saudi Arabia, James E. Akins, who worked in the Baghdad Embassy's political section from 1961 to 1964, would state that he personally witnessed contacts between Ba'ath Party members and CIA officials, and that:The [1963 Ba'athist] revolution was of course supported by the U.S. in money and equipment as well. I don't think the equipment was terribly important, but the money was to the Ba'ath Party leaders who took over the revolution. It wasn't talked about openly—that we were behind it—but an awful lot of people knew.Conversely, according to Gibson, the CIA official working to instigate a military coup against Qasim, and who later became the head of the CIA's operations in Iraq and Syria, has "denied any involvement in the Ba'ath Party's actions," stating instead that the CIA's efforts against Qasim were still in the planning stages at the time: "I was still engaged in contacting people who could play a role in a coup attempt against [him]."

U.S. officials were undoubtedly pleased with the coup's outcome, ultimately approving a $55 million arms deal with Iraq and urging America's Arab allies to oppose a Soviet-sponsored diplomatic offensive accusing Iraq of genocide against its Kurdish minority at the United Nations (UN) General Assembly. In its ascension to power, the Ba'athists "methodically hunted down Communists" thanks to "mimeographed lists [...] complete with home addresses and auto license plate numbers." While it is unlikely that the Ba'athists would've needed assistance in identifying Iraqi communists, it is widely believed that the CIA provided the National Guard with lists of communists and other leftists, who were then arrested or killed under al-Wanadawi's and al-Sa'di's direction. This claim first originated in a September 27, 1963 Al-Ahram interview with King Hussein of Jordan, who declared:

You tell me that American Intelligence was behind the 1957 events in Jordan. Permit me to tell you that I know for a certainty that what happened in Iraq on 8 February had the support of American Intelligence. Some of those who now rule in Baghdad do not know of this thing but I am aware of the truth. Numerous meetings were held between the Ba'ath party and American Intelligence, the more important in Kuwait. Do you know that ... on 8 February a secret radio beamed to Iraq was supplying the men who pulled the coup with the names and addresses of the Communists there so that they could be arrested and executed? ... Yet I am the one accused of being an agent of America and imperialism!

Similarly, Qasim's former foreign minister, Hashim Jawad, would state that "the Iraqi Foreign Ministry had information of complicity between the Ba'ath and the CIA. In many cases the CIA supplied the Ba'ath with the names of individual communists, some of whom were taken from their homes and murdered." Gibson emphasizes that the Ba'athists compiled their own lists, citing Bureau of Intelligence and Research reports stating that "[Communist] party members [are being] rounded up on the basis of lists prepared by the now-dominant Ba'th Party" and that the ICP had "exposed virtually all its assets" whom the Ba'athists had "carefully spotted and listed." On the other hand, Wolfe-Hunnicutt, citing contemporary U.S. counterinsurgency doctrine, notes that assertions of CIA involvement in the Ba'athist purge campaign "would be consistent with American special warfare doctrine" regarding U.S. covert support to anti-communist "Hunter-Killer" teams "seeking the violent overthrow of a communist dominated and supported government", and "speaks to a larger pattern in American foreign policy," drawing parallels to other instances where the CIA compiled lists of suspected communists targeted for execution, such as Guatemala in 1954 and Indonesia in 1965-66. Also, Citino and Wolfe-Hunnicutt note that two officials in the U.S. embassy in Baghdad—William Lakeland and James E. Akins—"used coverage of the July 1962 Moscow Conference for Disarmament and Peace in Iraq's leftist press to compile lists of Iraqi communists and their supporters ... Those listed included merchants, students, members of professional societies, and journalists, although university professors constituted the largest single group." Wolfe-Hunnicutt comments that "it's not unreasonable to suspect [such a] list – or ones like it – would have been shared with the Ba'ath." Lakeland, a former SCI participant, "personally maintained contact following the coup with a National Guard interrogator," and may have been influenced by his prior interaction with then-Major Hasan Mustafa al-Naqib, the Iraqi military attaché in the U.S. who defected to the Ba'ath Party after Qasim "upheld Mahdawi's death sentences" against nationalists involved in the 1959 Mosul uprising. Furthermore, "Weldon C. Mathews has meticulously established that National Guard leaders who participated in human rights abuses had been trained in the United States as part of a police program run by the International Cooperation Administration and Agency for International Development."

 The U.S. provided $120,000 in "police assistance" to Iraq during 1963–1965, considerably less than the $832,000 in assistance that it provided to Iran during those years.

Soviet tank "scandal"
The Kennedy administration officially advocated a diplomatic settlement to the First Iraqi–Kurdish War, but its provision of military aid to the Ba'athist government emboldened Iraqi hardliners to resume hostilities against Kurdish rebels on June 10, after which Iraq requested additional emergency U.S. assistance including napalm weapons. President Kennedy approved the arms sale in part on the recommendation of senior adviser Robert Komer and the weapons were provided, but an offer by Iraqi general Hasan Sabri al-Bayati to reciprocate this gesture by sending a Soviet T-54 tank in Iraq's possession to the U.S. embassy in Baghdad for inspection became something of a "scandal" as Bayati's offer had not been approved by al-Bakr, Foreign Minister Talib El-Shibib, or other senior Iraqi officials. Ultimately, the Ba'ath Party leadership reneged on that part of the agreement, fearing that handing over the tank to the U.S. would irrevocably harm Iraq's reputation. Shibib subsequently recounted that the incident damaged Iraq's relations with both the U.S. and the Soviet Union: "On the one side Iraq would lose the Soviets as a source of intelligence. On the other the United States would see us as a bunch of kid swindlers."

Soviet reaction

Throughout 1963, the Soviet Union actively worked to undermine the Ba'athist government, supporting Kurdish rebels under the leadership of Mustafa Barzani with propaganda and a "small monthly stipend for Barzani," suspending military shipments to Iraq in May, convincing its ally Mongolia to make charges of genocide against Iraq at the UN General Assembly from July to September, and sponsoring a failed communist coup attempt on July 3.

Influence on Syria

The same year, the party's military committee in Syria succeeded in persuading Nasserist and independent officers to make common cause with it and successfully carried out a military coup on 8 March. A National Revolutionary Command Council took control, assigned itself legislative power, and appointed Salah al-Din al-Bitar as head of a "national front" government. The Ba'ath participated in the government, along with the Arab Nationalist Movement, the United Arab Front, and the Socialist Unity Movement.

As Hanna Batatu notes, that took place without the fundamental disagreement over immediate or "considered" reunification having been resolved. The Ba'ath moved to consolidate its power within the new government by purging Nasserist officers in April. Subsequent disturbances led to the fall of the al-Bitar government, and in the aftermath of Jasim Alwan's failed Nasserist coup in July, the Ba'ath monopolized power.

Aftermath

The Ba'athist government collapsed in November 1963 over the question of unification with Syria and the extremist and uncontrollable behavior of al-Sa'di's National Guard. President Arif, with the overwhelming support of the Iraqi military, purged Ba'athists from the government and ordered the National Guard to stand down and disarm. Although al-Bakr had conspired with Arif to remove al-Sa'di, on 5 January 1964, Arif removed al-Bakr from his new position as Vice President for fear of allowing the Ba'ath Party to retain a foothold inside his government.

After the November coup, mounting evidence of Ba'athist atrocities emerged, which Lakeland predicted "will have a more or less permanent effect on the political developments in the country—particularly on the prospects of a Ba'athi revival." Marion Farouk-Sluglett and Peter Sluglett describe the Ba'athists as having cultivated a "profoundly unsavory image" by "acts of wanton brutality" on a scale without prior precedent in Iraq, including "some of the most terrible scenes of violence hitherto experienced in the postwar Middle East." "As almost every family in Baghdad was affected—and both men and women were equally maltreated—the Ba'athists' activities aroused a degree of intense loathing for them that has persisted to this day among many Iraqis of that generation." More broadly, the Slugletts state, "Qasim's failings, serious as they were, can scarcely be discussed in the same terms as the venality, savagery and wanton brutality characteristic of the regimes which followed his own." Batatu recounts:
In the cellars of al-Nihayyah Palace, which the [National Guard's] Bureau [of Special Investigation] used as its headquarters, were found all sorts of loathsome instruments of torture, including electric wires with pincers, pointed iron stakes on which prisoners were made to sit, and a machine which still bore traces of chopped-off fingers. Small heaps of blooded clothing were scattered about, and there were pools on the floor and stains over the walls.

See also
1959 Mosul uprising
17 July Revolution

Bibliography

Further reading

References

20th-century revolutions
Arab nationalist rebellions
Arab rebellions in Iraq
Rebellions in Iraq
Conflicts in 1963
Military coups in Iraq
1963 in Iraq
Iraq
Ba'athism
History of the Ba'ath Party
Arab nationalism in Iraq
February 1963 events in Asia
Revolutions in Iraq
1960s in Islam
Ramadan

Ramadan Revolution


William Keith (January 20, 1929 – September 1, 2004) was an American artist who began his artistic life as a painter, but moved into photography and visual poetry. His visual poetry ran a full gamut from calligrams inspired by Apollinaire and other early 20th Century French poets to Lettrisme to the Minimalism and Op Art of the 1960s.

As his work developed, Keith concentrated increasingly on African and African-American themes and sources. This development toward African roots and branches led away from the Roman alphabet and more toward the store of iconography and symbolism from Egypt to South Africa to the American diaspora. Consequently, Keith developed graphic techniques suggested by textiles, wood carvings, bronze casts, ceramics, and other indigenous arts.

An example of Keith's recreation of the substance of his visual style and the very nature of his own particular artistic interventions would now be traced in his use of rhythmic patterns through repetitions of graphic elements from sources as diverse as road signs and zebra stripes. Keith's work as a whole became a celebration of the adventures of African sources as they moved and interacted with the rest of the world. Individual works may initially seem merely decorative, but familiarity reveals a call to the kinetics and dynamics of celebration.

Upon his death, Keith was survived by his sons, Antar and Tarik, to whom he dedicated his book, "Pictographs."

Bibliography

Sphinx (Xerolage, 1992)
Wisdom (Runaway Spoon, 1993)
Pictographs (Left Hand Books, 1996)
Stalking the Minotaur (Koja Press, 2003)

External links
Selected Openings of Pictographs
 Tributes and Appreciations at Black Box magazine. Scroll about half way down the long page and click each individual entry you'd like to read.
 Stalking the Minotaur (Koja Press)

American male poets
African-American artists
American artists
1929 births
2004 deaths
20th-century American poets
20th-century American male writers
20th-century African-American writers
21st-century African-American people
African-American male writers
Visual poets

Bill Keith (artist)


Vladislaus II of Opole (, , , ; ca. 1332 – 18 May 1401), nicknamed Naderspan, was Duke of Opole from 1356, Count palatine of Hungary (1367–1372), Duke of Wieluń (1370–1392), Governor of Ruthenia (1372–1378), Count palatine of Poland (1378) as well as Duke of Dobrzyń, Inowrocław (1378–1392), Krnov and Kuyavia (1385–1392).

Vladislaus was the eldest son of Duke Bolko II of Opole by his wife Elisabeth, daughter of Duke Bernard of Świdnica.

Life

Early years
Vladislaus was a descendant of the House of Piast. Little is known about his youth. As a young prince, in order to gain more political experience, he went to Hungary around 1353, where he probably remained until the death of his father (1356). There he also got married.

Duke of Opole
After Duke Bolko II's death, Vladislaus and his brothers Bolko III and Henry inherited Duchy of Opole (then fiefdom of the Bohemian Crown) as co-rulers; however, the strong personality of Vladislaus soon dominated the whole government and made his brothers to accept a modest part of their inheritance. Bolko III and Henry remained co-Dukes of Opole, but only formally.

Cooperation with King Louis I the Great of Hungary
The political career of Vladislaus began in the mid 1360s in the Hungarian court of King Louis I. Already in 1364 he took part in the famous Congress of Cracow as part of the Hungarian suite. However, the most important mission of Vladislaus on behalf of King Louis took place two years later (in 1366), when he negotiated conditions of the planned marriage between a niece of the Hungarian ruler and Wenceslaus, son of Emperor Charles IV.

The faithful service to the Hungarian House of Anjou resulted in the appointment of Vladislaus as Count palatine, which made him the most important man in the country after the King. The functions of this post were primarily broad judicial powers, comparable only to those of the King. In this office, Vladislaus showed great commitment and capability; he created the rule of four Congregatio generalis, which handled court cases. However, despite his huge income, the new post in Hungary affected Vladislaus' personal finances.

Death of Casimir III the Great. Homage to the Kingdom of Poland
During his time as count palatine, Vladislaus did not ceased to participate in foreign politics; for example, in 1368 he travelled to Bulgaria. In 1370, after the death of Casimir III the Great, the Duke of Opole actively participated in preparing the succession of King Louis I of Hungary to the Polish throne. As a reward, King Louis gave him the towns of Wieluń and Częstochowa.

By that time, Vladislaus' brother Bolko III had inherited Strzelce Opolskie from their uncle Albert and with this, the Duke of Opole could maintain the sole government over his domains (the youngest brother, Henry, died in 1365 without issue).

In 1371 Vladislaus led an armed expedition against the Crown of Bohemia (causing terrible devastation of Moravia); however, the following year Vladislaus headed a mediation mission to resolve the dispute between Emperor (also Bohemian King) Charles IV and King Louis I.

Lord of Galicia-Volhynia

In October 1372 Vladislaus was unexpectedly dismissed from the office of Count palatine. Although he retained most of his castles and possessions in Hungary, his political influence was significantly curtailed. As a compensation, he was made Governor of the Hungarian-ruled part of the Kingdom of Galicia–Volhynia. In this new position, the Duke of Opole successfully contributed to the economic development of the territories entrusted to him. Vladislaus  resided mainly in Lviv, but at the end of his rule, he spent more time in Halych. The only serious conflict during his time was related to his positive attitude to the Eastern Orthodox Church, which caused anger of the local boyars, who were fiercely Catholic.

Probably following Vladislaus's advice, in 1374 King Louis I published a provincial privilege for the Polish nobility (szlachta) in Košice, which ensured the succession of the King's daughters to the Polish throne after his death.

Count palatine of Poland and ruler of Kuyavia
In 1378 the departure of Queen Elisabeth from Poland to Hungary, forced King Louis to release Vladislaus from his post of Governor and appoint him to the vacant position of Polish Count palatine. But almost immediately Vladislaus had to face the strong resistance from the Polish nobility, dissatisfied with the decision of King Louis to name his daughters as his heirs, and soon was forced to resign.

The Hungarian and Polish ruler compensated Vladislaus with the towns of Dobrzyń Land and a part of Kuyavia (with towns Bydgoszcz, Inowrocław and Gniewkowo). These territories were on the border with the domain of the Teutonic Order, with which Vladislaus established close relations. For example, he allowed the Teutonic knights to prosecute of criminals in his domains.

In Kuyavia, Vladislaus entered in a dispute over finances with the Bishop of Płock, Dobiesław Sówka, resulting in the Duke's excommunication, which, however, was voided a year later by the Archbishop of Gniezno. As a gesture of reconciliation with the Church, Vladislaus founded the Pauline monastery of Our Lady at Jasna Góra in Częstochowa; also, the Duke brought the famous icon of the Black Madonna of Częstochowa, which, according to some old reports, originated in Jerusalem, and travelled via Constantinople and Bełz, to finally reach Częstochowa in August 1382.

The deaths of his brother Bolko III (21 October 1382), who left four minor sons, and one month later (14 September) of Duke Henry of Niemodlin without issue, made it possible to Vladislaus extend his influence to Upper Silesia, as a ruler of Strzelce and Niemodlin (although only as a regent of his nephews) and Głogówek (granted to him one year later, in 1383). The Duke of Opole also supported the Church career of the eldest son of Bolko III, Jan Kropidło, by trying to obtain for him, despite of his young age, the position of the Bishop of Poznań.

Death of Louis I and relations with Vladislaus II Jagiełło

On 10 September 1382 King Louis I of Hungary, Vladislaus' protector, died. Despite his earlier support for late King's daughters to inherit the Polish and Hungarian crowns, Vladislaus put his own nomination to the royal crown. However, he wasn't popular among the Polish nobility, and after the engagement between Louis I's daughter Hedwig and William of Habsburg was broken, he supported the candidacy of Duke Siemowit IV of Płock.

Contrary to the old historiography, the Duke of Opole supported the new Polish King Władysław II Jagiełło during the first period of his reign. Some historians accept the fact that in 1386 Vladislaus stood as the King's godfather when he converted to the Catholic faith. However, the cooperation between the Duke of Opole and the King was short-lived: in 1388, after the King dispossessed him of Bydgoszcz, the Duke lead a coup to capture the King and the Wawel Castle. Defeated and captured by Starosta (provincial governor) Sędziwój Pałuka, Vladislaus was forced to give up his claim to the Polish throne. King Władysław II Jagiełło also blocked the nomination of Jan Kropidło for the position of Archbishop of Gniezno.

Cooperation with the Teutonic Order. Vladislaus' ambitions and war with Poland. Death
Further frictions with the King of Poland took place in May 1391, when Vladislaus pledged the land of Złotów to the Teutonic Order. Aware of the danger that the Teutonic Order to close to his bordes, the King ordained the deprivation of Vladislaus from his fiefs in Polish territory. Against the Royal power, the Duke of Opole capitulated, and in 1392 transferred the disputed territories to Poland (with the exception of Bolesławiec, which, completely loyal to Władysław, only accepted the annexation to the Polish Kingdom after the death of the Duke of Opole).

However, the attitude of Vladislaus was not changed and in 1393 he sold his rights over Dobrzyń to the Teutonic Order. Has also tried to encourage the Great master of the Teutonic Order, Konrad von Wallenrode, to attack the Kingdom with the combination of the troops of Teutonic knights in Poland, Hungary and Bohemia, but the conflict ended unexpectedly. The war, which began successfully (for example, with the siege to Nowy Korczyn on 26 July 1393), finally ended in 1396, when the royal army decided to attack the Silesian lands of Vladislaus. After the Polish troops took control over Strzelce, on 6 August of that year, Vladislaus' nephews decided to make peace with the King of Poland. Since then, the government of the Duchy of Opole was virtually taken over by the sons of Bolko III, and Vladislaus was relegated to a second status.

Disappointed because of his ambitions failed disastrously, Vladislaus died on 18 May 1401 in Opole, and was buried in the local Franciscan monastery.

Marriages and issue
Around 1355 and during his stay in Hungary, Vladislaus married firstly Elisabeth Basarab (b. 1340 – d. c. 1369), daughter of Nicolae Alexandru Basarab, Voivode of Wallachia. They had three daughters:
Kinga (b. 1355/57 – d. after 1369), a nun at Alt-Buda.
Elisabeth [Agnes] (b. 1360 – d. by 9 September 1411), married in 1372 to Margrave Jobst of Moravia, King of the Romans.
Katharina (b. c. 26 March 1367 – d. 6 June 1420), married in 1382 to Duke Henry VIII of Żagań-Głogów-Ścinawa.

By 1369, Vladislaus married secondly Euphemia of Masovia (b. c. 1352 – d. by 9 December 1424), daughter of Duke Siemowit III of Masovia. They had two daughters:
Hedwig (b. 1376/78 – d. after 13 May 1390), married before 25 January 1390 to Duke Vygantas-Alexander of Kernavė.
Euphemia (d. young, before 30 March 1408).

Because he died without male heirs, Vladislaus' nephews Bolko IV and Bernard inherited the whole Duchy except Głogówek, who was given by the Duke to his wife, Euphemia, as her dower.

References

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Dukes of Opole
Palatines of Hungary
Hungarian people of Polish descent
1332 births
1401 deaths
14th-century Polish people
14th-century Hungarian people
Dukes of Prudnik
Duchy of Wieluń

Vladislaus II of Opole


Prostanthera stenophylla  is a species of flowering plant in the family Lamiaceae and is endemic to Wollemi National Park in New South Wales. It is an erect, slender, aromatic shrub with hairy, oblong leaves and small groups of pale bluish mauve to violet flowers.

Description
Prostanthera stenophylla is an erect, slender shrub that typically grows to a height of  and has leaves that are covered with a dense mat of hairs and give off a strong aroma when crushed. The leaves are narrow egg-shaped to narrow elliptic but appear oblong due to the edge being curved downwards or rolled under. They are dull green above, paler below,  long and  wide on a very short petiole. The flowers are arranged in groups of four to six on short side shoots in leaf axils, with bracteoles  long at the base of the sepals. The sepals are  long forming a tube  long with two lobes, the upper lobe  long. The petals are pale bluish mauve to violet,  long, the lower middle lobe  long and wide, the lower lobes  long and wide and the upper lobe about  long and  wide with a central notch  deep. Flowering occurs in most months with a peak flowering in spring.

Taxonomy
Prostanthera stenophylla was first formally described by Barry Conn of the National Herbarium of New South Wales in the journal Telopea in 2006 from specimens collected near Dunns Swamp in 1996. He held it to be allied to the granite mintbush (Prostanthera granitica). The latter species is similar in appearance but has stiffer, rougher hairs and broader leaves.

The first recorded collection of plant material from the type locality was by nurseryman George Althofer in 1952. A 1937 collection by Lindsay Pryor is recognised as this species, but the given locality of "Canberra district" is believed to be incorrect. The specific epithet (stenophylla) refers to the narrow leaves of this shrub species.

Distribution and habitat
This mintbush is only known from the Wollemi National Park where it is found in sclerophyll forest dominated by black cypress pine (Callitris endlicheri), snappy gum (Eucalyptus rossii) and Sydney peppermint (E. piperita), growing in sandstone outcrops that are colloquially known as 'pagodas'.

Use in horticulture
This species has been in limited cultivation for some years. The unofficial name of Prostanthera rylstonii has been used by plant nurseries since at least 2005.

References

stenophylla
Flora of New South Wales
Lamiales of Australia
Plants described in 2006
Taxa named by Barry John Conn

Prostanthera stenophylla