A ghetto is a part of a city in which members of a minority group  live, especially as a result of political, social, legal, environmental or economic pressure. Ghettos are often known for being more impoverished than other areas of the city. Versions of such restricted areas have been found across the world, each with their own names, classifications, and groupings of people.

The term was originally used for the Venetian Ghetto in Venice, Italy, as early as 1516, to describe the part of the city where Jewish people were restricted to live and thus segregated from other people. However, other early societies may have formed their own versions of the same structure; words resembling ghetto in meaning appear in Hebrew, Yiddish, Italian, Germanic, Old French, and Latin. During the Holocaust, more than 1,000 Nazi ghettos were established to hold the Jewish populations of Europe, with the goal of exploiting and killing European Jews as part of the Final Solution of Nazi Germany.

The term ghetto acquired deep cultural meaning in the United States, especially in the context of segregation and civil rights. It has been widely used in the country since the 20th century to refer to poor neighborhoods of largely minority populations. It is also used in some European countries, such as Romania and Slovenia, to refer to poor neighborhoods.

Etymology
The word ghetto comes from the Jewish area of Venice, the Venetian Ghetto in Cannaregio (1516–1797). By 1899, the term had been extended to crowded urban quarters of other minority groups.

The etymology of the word is uncertain, as there is no agreement among etymologists about the origins of the Venetian language term as it pertains to a neighborhood. One theory of the word can be traced to a special use of the Venetian ghèto, meaning 'foundry' (there was one near the site of that city's ghetto when it was founded in 1516).

According to various other theories it comes from:
the Hebrew get or ghet ('divorce document', 'deed of separation')
the Yiddish gehektes ('enclosed')
the Late Latin Giudaicetum ('Jewish enclave')
the Italian borghetto ('little town, small section of a town'; diminutive of borgo, a word of Germanic origin; see borough)
the Old French  ('guard')
Another possibility is from the Italian Egitto ('Egypt', from Latin: Aegyptus), possibly in memory of the exile of the Israelites in Egypt.

Jewish ghettos

Europe

The character of ghettos has varied through times. The term was used for an area known as the Jewish quarter, which meant the area of a city traditionally inhabited by Jews in the diaspora. Jewish quarters, like the Jewish ghettos in Europe, were often the outgrowths of segregated ghettos instituted by the surrounding authorities. A Yiddish term for a Jewish quarter or neighborhood is Di yiddishe gas (), or 'The Jewish street'. Many European and Middle Eastern cities once had a historical Jewish quarter.

Jewish ghettos in Christian Europe existed because of majority discrimination against Jews on the basis of religion, language and dated views on race: They were considered outsiders. As a result, Jews were placed under strict regulations throughout many European cities.

In some cases, the ghetto was a Jewish quarter with a relatively affluent population (for instance the Jewish ghetto in Venice). In other cases, ghettos were places of terrible poverty. During periods of population growth, ghettos (as that of Rome) had narrow streets and tall, crowded houses. Residents generally were allowed to administer their own justice system based on Jewish traditions and elders.

Nazi-occupied Europe

During World War II, the Nazis established new ghettos in numerous cities of Eastern Europe as a form of concentration camp to confine Jews and Romani into limited areas. The Nazis most often referred to these areas in documents and signage at their entrances as "Jewish quarter." These Nazi camps sometimes coincided with traditional Jewish ghettos and Jewish quarters, but not always. On June 21, 1943, Heinrich Himmler issued a decree ordering the dissolution of all Jüdische Wohnbezirke/ghettos in the East and their transference to Nazi concentration camps or their extermination.

The Nazi Ghettos were an essentially different institution than the historical Ghettos of European society. The historical Ghettos were places where Jews lived for many generations and created their own culture even if they were under social and political conditions of segregation and discrimination. The Nazi Ghettos were part of The Final Solution, they were intended as a transitional stagefirst confine each city's Jews in one easily accessible and controlable location, then "liquidate" the Ghetto and send the Jews to an extermination camp. Most Nazi Ghettos were liquidated in 1943; some, such as that of Łódź, persisted until 1944; very few, e.g. the Budapest Ghetto and the Theresienstadt Ghetto, existed until the end of the war in 1945.

Morocco
A mellah (Arabic: ملاح; probably from Arabic ملح, 'salt') is a walled Jewish quarter of a city in Morocco, an analogue of the European ghetto. Jewish populations were confined to mellahs in Morocco beginning from the 15th century, after the expulsion of Jews and Muslims from Iberia, and especially since the early 19th century. In cities, a mellah was surrounded by a wall with a fortified gateway. Usually, the Jewish quarter was situated near the royal palace or the residence of the governor in order to protect its inhabitants from recurring riots. In contrast, rural mellahs were separate villages inhabited solely by the Jews.

Shanghai ghetto
Before and during World War II, many Jews fled from German-occupied Europe to Shanghai. After Japan invaded China, it established the Shanghai Ghetto,  an area of approximately one square mile (≈2.6km2) in the Hongkou District of Empire of Japan, to which it relocated about 20,000 Jewish refugees under its Proclamation Concerning Restriction of Residence and Business of Stateless Refugees.

United States

Early ghettos

The development of ghettos in the United States is closely associated with different waves of immigration and internal urban migration. The Irish and German immigrants of the mid-19th century were the first ethnic groups to form ethnic enclaves in United States cities. This was followed by large numbers of immigrants from Southern and Eastern Europe, including many Italians and Poles and Russians between 1880 and 1920. Jewish immigrants were part of the earliest German wave, as well as comprising numerous immigrants from Eastern Europe, the Russian Empire at the time. Most remained in their established immigrant communities, but by the second or third generation, many families were able to relocate to newer housing built in the suburbs after World War II.

These ethnic ghetto areas included the Lower East Side in Manhattan, New York, which later became notable as predominantly Jewish, and later still as Chinese and Latino. East Harlem was once predominantly Italian and in the 1950s became home to a large Puerto Rican community. Little Italys across the country were predominantly Italian ghettos. Many Polish immigrants settled in areas of other nationals, such as Pilsen of Chicago and Polish Hill of Pittsburgh. Since the late 20th century, Brighton Beach in Brooklyn has become the home of predominately Jewish Russian and Ukrainian immigrants, who left after the Soviet Union lifted some migration restrictions and later after its fall.

Black or African-American ghettos

A commonly used definition of a ghetto is a community distinguished by a homogeneous race or ethnicity. Additionally, a key feature that developed throughout the post-industrial era and continues to symbolize the demographics of American ghettos is the prevalence of poverty. Poverty constitutes the separation of ghettos from other, suburbanized or private neighborhoods. The high percentage of poverty partly justifies the difficulty of emigration, which tends to reproduce constraining social opportunities and inequalities in society.

The term ghettos has been commonly used for some time, but ghettos were around long before the term was coined. Urban areas in the U.S. can often be classified as "black" or "white", with the inhabitants primarily belonging to a homogenous racial grouping. This classification can be traced back as early as the year 1880 as African Americans were living in their own neighborhoods. Sixty years after the American civil rights movement of the 1950s and 1960s, most of the United States remains a residentially segregated society in which black people and white people inhabit different neighborhoods of significantly different quality.

Many of these neighborhoods are located in Northern and Western cities where African Americans moved during the Great Migration (1914–1970), a period when over a million African-Americans moved out of the rural southern United States to escape the widespread racism of the South; to seek out employment opportunities in industrial cities; and to pursue what was widely perceived to be a better quality of life in the North and West, such as New York City, Detroit, Cleveland, Chicago, Pittsburgh, Los Angeles, Oakland, Portland, and Seattle. African Americans found they had to struggle with white ethnic groups in Northern and Midwestern cities; many of them more recent European immigrants. Often they were restricted to areas of older and poor housing in the new cities where they settled.

The social disruption and economic competition following World War I, as veterans returned to the US, resulted in an outbreak of racial violence of whites against blacks in many of these Northern cities, such as Chicago, Omaha; Washington, DC, and others. Southern industrial cities were also affected. Such racist attacks were extremely violent, in some cases they included burning or bombing homes of African Americans; many innocent blacks were killed. African-American leaders described 1919 as the Red Summer because of the widespread racial outbreaks and white attacks on mainly African Americans.

Two main factors ensured further separation between races and classes, and ultimately the development of contemporary ghettos: the relocation of industrial enterprises, and the movement of middle to upper class residents into suburban neighborhoods. Between 1967 and 1987, economic restructuring resulted in a dramatic decline of manufacturing jobs, which had formerly provided good livings for unionized, working-class blacks and whites. The once thriving northern and western industrial cities survived by a gradual shift to service and financial occupations. Subsidized highways and suburban development in the postwar period had pulled many middle and upper-class families and related businesses to the suburbs. Those who could not afford to move were left with disrupted neighborhoods and economies in the inner cities. African Americans were disproportionately affected and became either unemployed or underemployed, with little wage and reduced benefits. A concentration of African Americans predominated in some inner city neighborhoods.

It is also significant to compare the demographic patterns between black people and European immigrants, according to the labor market. European immigrants and African Americans were both subject to an ethnic division of labor. Because of discrimination, African Americans were often restricted to the least secure division of the labor market. David Ward refers to this stagnant position in African-American or Black ghettos as the 'elevator' model, which implies that each group of immigrants or migrants takes turns in the processes of social mobility and suburbanization; and several groups did not start on the ground floor. The inability of black people to move from the ground floor, as Ward suggests, is dependent upon prejudice and segregationist patterns established in the South prior to World War I, where most African Americans were disenfranchised by the turn of the century and deprived of political power.

After the exodus of African Americans to the North during and after World War I, they had to compete with numerous European immigrants; thus, African-Americans were diminished to unskilled jobs. The slow rate of advancement in black communities outlines the rigidity of the labor market, competition and conflict, adding another dimension to the prevalence of poverty and social instability in African-American or Black ghettos.

Effect of World War II on development
In the years following World War II, many white Americans began to move away from inner cities to newer suburban communities, a process known as white flight. White flight occurred, in part, as a response to black people moving into white urban neighborhoods. Discriminatory practices, especially those intended to "preserve" emerging white suburbs, restricted the ability of black people to move from inner cities to the suburbs, even when they were economically able to afford it. In contrast to this, the same period in history marked a massive suburban expansion available primarily to whites of both wealthy and working-class backgrounds, facilitated through highway construction and the availability of federally subsidized home mortgages (VA, FHA, Home Owners' Loan Corporation). These made it easier for families to buy new houses in the suburbs, but not to rent apartments in cities.

The United States began restructuring its economy after World War II, fueled by new globalizing processes, and demonstrated through technological advances and improvements in efficiency. The structural shift of 1973, during the post-Fordist era, became a large component to the racial ghetto and its relationship with the labor market. Sharon Zukin declares the designated stratum of African-Americans in the labor force was placed even below the working class; low-skill urban jobs were now given to incoming immigrants from Mexico or the Caribbean. Additionally, Zukin notes, "Not only have social services been drastically reduced, punitive and other social controls over the poor have been increased," such as law enforcement and imprisonment. Described as the "urban crisis" during the 1970s and 1980s, the transition stressed regional divisions according to differences in income and racial lines—white "donuts" around black holes. Hardly coincidental, the steady separation occurred during the period of civil rights laws, urban riots and Black Power. In addition, the International Encyclopedia of Social Sciences stresses the various challenges developed by this "urban crisis", including:

The cumulative economic and social forces in ghettos give way to social, political and economic isolation and inequality, while indirectly defining a separation between superior and inferior status of groups.

In response to the influx of black people from the South, banks, insurance companies, and businesses began denying or increasing the cost of services, such as banking, insurance, access to jobs, access to health care, or even supermarkets to residents in certain, often racially determined, areas. The most devastating form of redlining, and the most common use of the term, refers to mortgage discrimination. Data on house prices and attitudes toward integration suggest that in the mid-twentieth century, segregation was a product of collective actions taken by non-black people to exclude black people from outside neighborhoods.

The "Racial" Provisions of the FHA Underwriting Manual of 1936 included the following guidelines which exacerbated the segregation issue:

This meant that ethnic minorities could secure mortgage loans only in certain areas, and it resulted in a large increase in the residential racial segregation and urban decay in the United States. The creation of new highways in some cases divided and isolated black neighborhoods from goods and services, many times within industrial corridors. For example, Birmingham, Alabama's interstate highway system attempted to maintain the racial boundaries that had been established by the city's 1926 racial zoning law. The construction of interstate highways through black neighborhoods in the city led to significant population loss in those neighborhoods and is associated with an increase in neighborhood racial segregation. Residential segregation was further perpetuated because whites were willing to pay more than black people to live in predominantly white areas. Some social scientists suggest that the historical processes of suburbanization and decentralization are instances of white privilege that have contributed to contemporary patterns of environmental racism.

Following the emergence of anti-discrimination policies in housing and labor sparked by the civil rights movement, members of the black middle class moved out of the ghetto. The Fair Housing Act was passed in 1968. This was the first federal law that outlawed discrimination in the sale and rental of housing on the basis of race, color, national origin, religion and later sex, familial status, and disability. The Office of Fair Housing and Equal Opportunity was charged with administering and enforcing the law. Since housing discrimination became illegal, new housing opportunities were made available to the black community and many left the ghetto. Urban sociologists frequently title this historical event as "black middle class exodus", or black flight. Elijah Anderson describes a process by which members of the black middle class begin to distance themselves socially and culturally from ghetto residents during the later half of the twentieth century, "eventually expressing this distance by literally moving away." This is followed by the exodus of black working-class families. As a result, the ghetto becomes primarily occupied by what sociologists and journalists of the 1980s and 1990s frequently title the "underclass." William Julius Wilson suggests this exodus worsened the isolation of the black underclass — not only were they socially and physically distanced from whites, they also became isolated from the black middle class.

Theories on the development of Black ghettos
Two dominant theories arise pertaining to the production and development of U.S. ghettos: race-based and class-based; as well as an alternative theory put forward by Thomas Sowell.

Race-based theories
First are the race-based theorists, who argue the importance of race in ghettos. Their analysis consists of the dominant racial group in the U.S. (White Anglo-Saxon Protestants) and their use of certain racist tactics in order to maintain their hegemony over black people and lengthen their spatial separation. Race-based theorists offset other arguments that focus on the influence of the economy on segregation. More contemporary research of race-based theorists is to frame a range of methods conducted by white Americans to "preserve race-based residential inequities" as a function of the dominantly white, state-run government. Involving uneven development, mortgage and business discrimination and disinvestment—U.S. ghettos then, as suggested by race-based theorists, are conserved by distinctly racial reasoning.

Class-based theories
The more dominant view, on the other hand, is represented by class-based theorists. Such theories confirm class to be more important than race in the structuring of U.S. ghettos. Although racial concentration is a key signifier for ghettos, class-based theorists emphasize the role and impact of broader societal structures in the creation of African-American or Black ghettos. Dynamics of low-wage service and unemployment triggered from deindustrialization, and the intergenerational diffusion of status within families and neighborhoods, for instance, prove the rise in socioeconomic polarization between classes to be the creator of American ghetto; not racism. Furthermore, the culture of poverty theory, first developed by Oscar Lewis, states that a prolonged history of poverty can itself become a cultural obstacle to socioeconomic success, and in turn can continue a pattern of socioeconomic polarization. Ghettos, in short, instill a cultural adaptation to social and class-based inequalities, reducing the ability of future generations to mobilize or migrate.

Alternative theory
An alternative theory put forward by Thomas Sowell in Black Rednecks and White Liberals asserts that modern urban black ghetto culture is rooted in the white Cracker culture of the North Britons and Scots-Irish who migrated from the generally lawless border regions of Britain to the American South, where they formed a redneck culture common to both black and white people in the antebellum South. Characteristics of this culture included lively music and dance, violence, unbridled emotions, flamboyant imagery, illegitimacy, religious oratory marked by strident rhetoric, and a lack of emphasis on education and intellectual interests. Because redneck culture proved counterproductive, "that culture long ago died out...among both white and black Southerners, while still surviving today in the poorest and worst of the urban black ghettos", which Sowell described as being characterized by "brawling, braggadocio, self-indulgence, [and] disregard of the future", and where "belligerence is considered being manly and crudity is considered cool, while being civilized is regarded as 'acting white'." Sowell blames liberal Americans who since the 1960s have embraced black ghetto culture as the only "'authentic' black culture and even glamorize it" while they "denounce any criticism of the ghetto lifestyle or any attempt to change it." Sowell asserts that white liberal Americans have perpetuated this "counterproductive and self-destructive lifestyle" among black Americans living in urban ghettos through "the welfare state, and look-the-other-way policing, and smiling at 'gangsta rap'."

U.S. characterizations of "ghetto"
Contemporary African-American or Black ghettos are characterized by an overrepresentation of a particular ethnicity or race, vulnerability to crime, social problems, governmental reliance and political disempowerment. Sharon Zukin explains that through these reasons, society rationalizes the term "bad neighborhoods." Zukin stresses that these circumstances are largely related to "racial concentration, residential abandonment, and de-constitution and reconstitution of communal institutions." Many scholars diagnose this poorly facilitated and fragmented view of the United States as the "age of extremes." This term argues that inequalities of wealth and power reinforce spatial separation; for example, the growth of gated communities can be interconnected with the continued "ghettoization" of the poor.

Another characteristic to African-American or Black ghettos and spatial separation is the dependence on the state, and lack of communal autonomy; Sharon Zukin refers to Brownsville, Brooklyn, as an example. This relationship between racial ghettos and the state is demonstrated through various push and pull features, implemented through government subsidized investments, which certainly assisted the movement of white Americans into the suburbs after World War II. Since the 1960s, after the de-constitution of the inner cities, African-American or Black ghettos have attempted to reorganize or reconstitute; in effect, they are increasingly regarded as public- and state-dependent communities. Brownsville, for instance, initiated the constitution of community-established public housing, anti-poverty organizations, and social service facilities—all, in their own way, depend on state resources. However, certain dependence contradicts society's desires to be autonomous actors in the market. Moreover, Zukin implies, "the less 'autonomous' the community—in its dependence on public schools, public housing and various subsidy programs—the greater the inequity between their organizations and the state, and the less willing residents are to organize." This should not, however, undermine local development corporations or social service agencies helping these neighborhoods. The lack of autonomy and growing dependence on the state, especially in a neoliberal economy, remains a key indicator to the production as well as the prevalence of African-American or Black ghettos, particularly due to the lack of opportunities to compete in the global market.

The concept of the ghetto and underclass has faced criticism both theoretically and empirically. Research has shown significant differences in resources for neighborhoods with similar populations both across cities and over time. This includes differences in the resources of neighborhoods with predominantly low income or racial minority populations. The cause of these differences in resources across similar neighborhoods has more to do with dynamics outside of the neighborhood. To a large extent the problem with the ghetto and underclass concepts stem from the reliance on case studies (in particular case studies from Chicago), which limit social scientist understandings of socially disadvantaged neighborhoods.

Internal characterizations
Despite mainstream America's use of the term ghetto to signify a poor, culturally or racially homogenous urban area, those living in the area often used it to signify something positive. The black ghettos did not always contain dilapidated houses and deteriorating projects, nor were all of its residents poverty-stricken. For many African-Americans, the ghetto was "home": a place representing authentic blackness and a feeling, passion, or emotion derived from rising above the struggle and suffering of being black in America.

Langston Hughes relays in his "Negro Ghetto" (1931) and "The Heart of Harlem" (1945)  poems:

Playwright August Wilson uses the term "ghetto" in Ma Rainey's Black Bottom (1984) and Fences (1985), both of which draw upon the author's experience growing up in the Hill District of Pittsburgh, a black ghetto.

Modern usage and reinterpretations of "ghetto"
Recently the word "ghetto" has been used in slang as an adjective rather than a noun. It is used to indicate an object's relation to the inner city and also more broadly to denote something that is shabby or of low quality. While "ghetto" as an adjective can be used derogatorily, the African-American or Black community, particularly the hip hop scene, has taken the word for themselves and begun using it in a more positive sense that transcends its derogatory origins.

In 1973, Geographical Review claimed "The degree of residential segregation of the black community is greater than for any other group in urban America, yet black people have not had the political power necessary to exercise any significant degree of control over the improvement of the basic services necessary for their health, education, and welfare." Scholars have been interested in the study of African-American or Black ghettos precisely for the concentration of disadvantaged residents and their vulnerability to social problems. American ghettos also bring attention to geographical and political barriers, and as Doreen Massey highlights, that racial segregation in African-American or Black ghettos challenge America's democratic foundations. However, it is still advocated that "One solution to these problems depends on our ability to use the political process in eliminating the inequities... geographical knowledge and theory to public-policy decisions about poor people and poor regions is a professional obligation."

European ghettos (Non-Jewish)

Roma ghettos

There are many Roma ghettos in the European Union. The Czech government estimates that there are approximately 830 Roma ghettos in the Czech Republic.

In the United Kingdom
The existence of ethnic enclaves in the United Kingdom is controversial. Southall Broadway, a predominantly Asian area in Greater London, where less than 12 percent of the population is white, has been cited as an example of a 'ghetto', but in reality the area is home to a number of different ethnic groups and religious groups.

Analysis of data from Census 2001 revealed that only two wards in England and Wales, both in Birmingham, had one dominant non-white ethnic group comprising more than two-thirds of the local population, but there were 20 wards where whites were a minority making up less than a third of the local population. By 2001, two London boroughs—Newham and Brent—had "minority majority" populations, and most parts of the city tend to have a diverse population.

Historically, some parts of London have long been noted for the prevalence of a particular ethnic or religious group (such as the Jewish communities of Golders Green and other parts of the London Borough of Barnet, and the West Indian community of Notting Hill), but in each case these populations have been part of a broader multicultural population. In the late 19th and early 20th century, the East End of London was also noted for its Jewish population, but now has a significant British Bangladeshi populace.

In Northern Ireland

In Northern Ireland, towns and cities have long been segregated along ethnic, religious and political lines. The two main communities of Northern Ireland are:

 the Irish nationalist-republican community, who mainly self-identify as Irish or Catholic; and
 the unionist-loyalist community, who mainly self-identify as British or Protestant.

Ghettos emerged in Belfast during the riots that accompanied the Irish War of Independence. For safety, people fled to areas where their community was the majority. Many more ghettos emerged after the 1969 riots and beginning of the "Troubles." In August 1969 the British Army was deployed to restore order and separate the two sides. The government built barriers called "peace lines." Many of the ghettos came under the control of paramilitaries such as the (republican terrorist organisation) Provisional Irish Republican Army and the (loyalist) Ulster Defence Association. One of the most notable ghettos was Free Derry.

In Denmark

During the period 2010-2021, the word ghetto was used officially by the Danish government to describe certain officially designated vulnerable social housing areas in the country. The designation was applied to areas based on the residents' income levels, employment status, education levels, criminal convictions and proportion of non-Western immigrants and their descendants. The term was controversial during its period of use and was finally removed in 2021.

In 2010, the Danish Ministry of Transport, Building and Housing introduced an official listing of vulnerable social housing districts where the inhabitants fulfilled certain criteria. The list has informally and at times formally been called Ghettolisten (the 'List of Ghettos'). Since 2010, the list has been updated annually, with changes in the definition and/or terminology in 2013, 2018 and 2021.

In 2018, the Danish government at the time, led by Prime Minister Lars Løkke Rasmussen, announced its intention to "end the existence of parallel societies and ghettos by 2030." A number of measures was introduced to solve the issue of integration, including policies like 25 hours of obligatory daycare or corresponding parent supervision per week for children in the appointed areas starting age 1, lowering social welfare for residents, incentives for reducing unemployment, demolition and rebuilding of certain tenements, rights for landlords to refuse housing to convicts, etc. The policies have been criticized for undercutting 'equality before law' and for portraying immigrants, especially Muslim immigrants, in a bad light.

The term "ghetto" was controversial during the period of its usage, inhabitants feeling stigmatized by the wording and researchers pointing out that the areas in question were typically inhabited by 20-40 different ethnic minorities, hence being diametrically opposed to the ethnic homogeneity of the original ghettos, so that multi-ethnic residential areas would be a more appropriate term.

In June 2019 a new social democratic government was formed in Denmark, with Kaare Dybvad becoming housing minister. He stated that the new government would stop using the word "ghetto" for vulnerable housing areas, as it was both imprecise and derogatory. In a 2021 reform, the name was finally removed in legal texts by Parliament. Instead, a new category called "parallel societies" was instituted.

In France
In France, a banlieue () is a suburb of a large city. Banlieues are divided into autonomous administrative entities and do not constitute part of the city proper. For instance, 80% of the inhabitants of the Paris area live outside the city of Paris. Like the city centre, suburbs may be rich, middle-class or poor — Versailles, Le Vésinet, Maisons-Laffitte and Neuilly-sur-Seine are affluent banlieues of Paris, while Clichy-sous-Bois, Bondy and Corbeil-Essonnes are less so. However, since the 1970s, banlieues increasingly means, in French of France, low-income housing projects (HLMs) in which mainly foreign immigrants and French of foreign descent reside, often in perceived poverty traps.

In popular culture
A number of songs and films have been written about/depicting the ghetto.

Film

 The Wall (1982), a TV Movie about the Warsaw ghetto uprising
 Boyz n the Hood (1991), a film about three young males living in Los Angeles' Crenshaw ghetto
 Menace II Society (1993), about a young street hustler who attempts to escape the ghetto in a quest for a better life
 Uprising (2001), a TV Movie in which Jews rise up in the Warsaw Ghetto against the Nazis in 1943.
 The Courageous Heart of Irena Sendler (2009), a TV movie about the titular Irena Sendler who saved the lives of hundreds of Jewish children by smuggling them out of the Warsaw ghetto in Poland
 Who Will Write Our History (2018), a film about Emanuel Ringelblum, and the secret archive that he created and led in the Warsaw Ghetto

Music
 "In the Ghetto" (originally titled "The Vicious Circle"), a 1969 song about birth and life in slum areas, written by Mac Davis and made famous by Elvis Presley
 "The Ghetto" (1970), soul song by Donny Hathaway
 "Ghetto Life " (1981), funk song by Rick James
 "The Ghetto" (1990), hip-hop song written by Too Short
 "Ghetto" (2001), a song by P.O.D. from Satellite
 "Ghetto" (2004) by Akon
 "Ghetto" (2007), R&B song written by American singer Kelly Rowland
 "Ghetto" (2011), a song by Junai Kaden featuring Mumzy Stranger from From Me to You.
 "Ghetto" (2014), an R&B song by August Alsina

See also

 Balkanization
 Bantustan
 Blockbusting
 Favela
 Gated community
 Ghetto fabulous
 Ghetto tax
 Indian reservation
 Islam in Europe
 Jewish quarter
 Poverty map
 Rural ghetto
 Shanty town
 Skid row
 Slum
 Township (South Africa)
 Trailer park
 Urbanization
 Urban vitality

References

External links

 Ghetto
Racial segregation
Urban decay
Italian inventions

Ghetto


From the first United States Congress in 1789 through the 116th Congress in 2020, 162 African Americans served in Congress. Meanwhile, the total number of all individuals who have served in Congress over that period is 12,348. Between 1789 and 2020, 152 have served in the House of Representatives, 9 have served in the Senate, and 1 has served in both chambers.  Voting members have totaled 156, with 6 serving as delegates.  Party membership has been 131 Democrats and 31 Republicans.  While 13 members founded the Congressional Black Caucus in 1971 during the 92nd Congress, in the 116th Congress (2019-2020), 56 served, with 54 Democrats and 2 Republicans (total seats are 535, plus 6 delegates).

By the time of the first edition of the House sponsored book, Black Americans in Congress, in the bicentennial year of 1976, 45 African Americans had served in Congress throughout history; that rose to 66 by the second edition in 1990, and there were further sustained increases in both the 2008 and 2018 editions.  The first African American to serve was Senator Hiram Revels in 1870.  The first African American to chair a congressional committee was Representative William L. Dawson in 1949.  The first African-American woman was Representative Shirley Chisholm in 1968, and the first African American to become Dean of the House was John Conyers in 2015.  The first African American to become party leader in either chamber of congress was Hakeem Jeffries in 2023. One member, then Senator Barack Obama, went from the Senate to President of the United States in 2009.

The first African Americans to serve in the Congress were Republicans elected during the Reconstruction Era. After the 13th and 14th Amendments granted freedom and citizenship to enslaved people, freedmen gained political representation in the Southern United States for the first time. In response to the growing numbers of black statesmen and politicians, white Democrats turned to violence and intimidation to regain their political power.

By the presidential election of 1876, only three state legislatures were not controlled by whites. The Compromise of 1877 completed the period of Redemption by white Southerners, with the withdrawal of federal troops from the South. State legislatures began to pass Jim Crow laws to establish racial segregation and restrict labor rights, movement, and organizing by black people. They passed some laws to restrict voter registration, aimed at suppressing the black vote.  From 1890 to 1908, state legislatures in the South essentially disfranchised most black people and many poor white people from voting by passing new constitutions or amendments or other laws related to more restrictive electoral and voter registration and electoral rules.  As a result of the Civil Rights Movement, the U.S. Congress passed laws in the mid-1960s to end segregation and enforce constitutional civil rights and voting rights.

As Republicans accommodated the end of Reconstruction becoming more ambiguous on civil rights and with the rise of the Republican lily-white movement, African Americans began shifting away from the Republican Party. During two waves of massive migration within the United States in the first half of the 20th century, more than six million African Americans moved from the South to Northeastern, Midwestern, and Western industrial cities, with five million migrating from 1940 to 1970. Some were elected to federal political office from these new locations, and most were elected as Democrats. During the Great Depression, many black voters switched allegiances from the Republican Party to the Democratic Party, in support of the New Deal economic, social network and work policies of Franklin D. Roosevelt's administration. This trend continued through the 1960s civil rights legislation, when voting rights returned to the South, to present.

History of black representation

Reconstruction and Redemption

The right of black people to vote and to serve in the United States Congress was established after the Civil War by amendments to the Constitution. The Thirteenth Amendment (ratified December 6, 1865), abolished slavery. The Fourteenth Amendment (ratified July 9, 1868) made all people born or naturalized in the United States citizens. The Fifteenth Amendment (ratified February 3, 1870) forbade the denial or abridgment of the right to vote on account of race, color or previous condition of servitude, and gave Congress the power to enforce the law by appropriate legislation.

The first black person to address Congress was Henry Highland Garnet, in 1865, on occasion of the passage of the Thirteenth Amendment.

In 1866, Congress passed the Civil Rights Act and the four Reconstruction Acts, which dissolved all governments in the former Confederate states with the exception of Tennessee. It divided the South into five military districts, where the military through the Freedmen's Bureau helped protect the rights and safety of newly freed black people. The act required that the former Confederate states ratify their constitutions conferring citizenship rights on black people or forfeit their representation in Congress.

As a result of these measures, black people acquired the right to vote across the Southern states. In several states (notably Mississippi and South Carolina), black people were the majority of the population. By forming coalitions with pro-Union white people, Republicans took control of the state legislatures. At the time, state legislatures elected the members of the U.S. Senate. During Reconstruction, only the state legislature of Mississippi elected any black senators. On February 25, 1870, Hiram Rhodes Revels was seated as the first black member of the Senate, while Blanche Bruce, also of Mississippi, seated in 1875, was the second. Revels was the first black member of the Congress overall.

Black people were a majority of the population in many congressional districts across the South. In 1870, Joseph Rainey of South Carolina was elected to the U.S. House of Representatives, becoming the first directly elected black member of Congress to be seated. Black people were elected to national office also from Alabama, Florida, Georgia, Louisiana, Mississippi, North Carolina, Texas and Virginia.

All of these Reconstruction era black senators and representatives were members of the Republican Party. The Republicans represented the party of Abraham Lincoln and of emancipation. The Democrats represented the party of planters, slavery and secession.

From 1868, Southern elections were accompanied by increasing violence, especially in Louisiana, Mississippi and the Carolinas, in an effort by Democrats to suppress black voting and regain power. In the mid-1870s, paramilitary groups such as the White League and Red Shirts worked openly to turn Republicans out of office and intimidate black people from voting. This followed the earlier years of secret vigilante action by the Ku Klux Klan against freedmen and allied white people.

After the disputed Presidential election of 1876 between Democratic Samuel J. Tilden, governor of New York, and Republican Rutherford B. Hayes, governor of Ohio, a national agreement between Democratic and Republican factions was negotiated, resulting in the Compromise of 1877. Under the compromise, Democrats conceded the election to Hayes and promised to acknowledge the political rights of black people; Republicans agreed to withdraw federal troops from the South and promised to appropriate a portion of federal monies toward Southern projects.

Disenfranchisement
With the Southern states "redeemed", Democrats gradually regained control of Southern legislatures. They proceeded to restrict the rights of the majority of black people and many poor white people to vote by imposing new requirements for poll taxes, subjective literacy tests, more strict residency requirements and other elements difficult for laborers to satisfy.

By the 1880s, legislators increased restrictions on black voters through voter registration and election rules. In 1888 John Mercer Langston, president of Virginia State University at Petersburg, was elected to the U.S. Congress as the first African American from Virginia. He would also be the last for nearly a century, as the state passed a disenfranchising constitution at the turn of the century that excluded black people from politics for decades.

Starting with the Florida Constitution of 1885, white Democrats passed new constitutions in ten Southern states with provisions that restricted voter registration and forced hundreds of thousands of people from registration rolls. These changes effectively prevented most black people and many poor white people from voting. Many white people who were also illiterate were exempted from such requirements as literacy tests by such strategies as the grandfather clause, basing eligibility on an ancestor's voting status as of 1866, for instance.

Southern state and local legislatures also passed Jim Crow laws that segregated transportation, public facilities, and daily life. Finally, racial violence in the form of lynchings and race riots increased in frequency, reaching a peak in the last decade of the 19th century.

The last black congressman elected from the South in the 19th century was George Henry White of North Carolina, elected in 1896 and re-elected in 1898. His term expired in 1901, the same year that William McKinley, who was the last president to have fought in the Civil War, died. No black people served in Congress for the next 28 years, and none represented any Southern state for the next 72 years.

The modern era

From 1910 to 1940, the Great Migration of black people from the rural South to Northern cities such as New York, Philadelphia, Chicago, Detroit and Cleveland began to produce black-majority Congressional districts in the North. In the North, black people could exercise their right to vote. In the two waves of the Great Migration through 1970, more than six and a half million black people moved north and west and became highly urbanized.

In 1928, Oscar De Priest won the 1st Congressional District of Illinois (the South Side of Chicago) as a Republican, becoming the first black congressman of the modern era. Arthur Wergs Mitchell became the first African-American Democrat elected to Congress, part of the New Deal Coalition, when he replaced De Priest in 1935 after having defeated him in the prior year's general election.  De Priest, Mitchell and their eventual successor, William Dawson, were the only African Americans in Congress up to the mid-1940s, when additional black Democrats began to be elected in Northern cities.  In 1949, Dawson became the first African American in history to chair a congressional committee. De Priest was the last African-American Republican elected to the House for 58 years, until Gary Franks was elected to represent Connecticut's 5th in 1990. Franks was joined by J.C. Watts in 1994 but lost his bid for reelection two years later. After Watts retired in 2003, the House had no black Republicans until 2011, with the 2010 elections of Allen West in Florida's 22nd and Tim Scott in South Carolina's 1st. West lost his reelection bid in 2012, while Scott resigned in January 2013 to accept appointment to the U.S. Senate. Two new black Republicans, Will Hurd of Texas's 23rd district and Mia Love of Utah's 4th district, were elected in 2014, with Love being the first ever black Republican woman to be elected to Congress. She lost reelection in 2018, leaving Hurd as the only black Republican member of the U.S. House.

The election of President Franklin D. Roosevelt in 1932 led to a shift of black voting loyalties from Republican to Democrat, as Roosevelt's New Deal programs offered economic relief to people suffering from the Great Depression. From 1940 to 1970, nearly five million black Americans moved north and also west, especially to California, in the second wave of the Great Migration. By the mid-1960s, an overwhelming majority of black voters were Democrats, and most were voting in states outside the former Confederacy.

It was not until after passage by Congress of the Voting Rights Act of 1965, the result of years of effort on the part of African Americans and allies in the Civil Rights Movement, that black people within the Southern states recovered their ability to exercise their rights to vote and to live with full civil rights. While legal segregation ended, accomplishing voter registration and redistricting to implement the sense of the law took more time.

On January 3, 1969, Shirley Chisholm was sworn as the nation's first African-American congresswoman. Two years later, she became one of the 13 founding members of the Congressional Black Caucus.

Until 1992, most black House members were elected from inner-city districts in the North and West: New York City, Newark, New Jersey, Philadelphia, Baltimore, Chicago, Cleveland, Detroit, St. Louis and Los Angeles all elected at least one black member. Following the 1990 census, Congressional districts needed to be redrawn due to the population shifts of the country. Various federal court decisions resulted in states' creating districts to provide for some where the majority of the population were African Americans, rather than gerrymandering to exclude black majorities.

Both parties have used gerrymandering to gain political advantage by drawing districts to favor their own party. Some districts were created to link widely separated black communities. As a result, several black Democratic members of the House were elected from new districts in Alabama, Florida, rural Georgia, rural Louisiana, North Carolina, South Carolina and Virginia for the first time since Reconstruction. Additional black-majority districts were also created in this way in California, Maryland and Texas, thus increasing the number of black-majority districts.

The creation of black-majority districts was a process supported by both parties. The Democrats saw it as a means of providing social justice, as well as connecting easily to black voters who had been voting Democratic for decades. The Republicans believed they gained by the change, as many of the Democratic voters were moved out of historically Republican-majority districts. By 2000, other demographic and cultural changes resulted in the Republican Party holding a majority of white-majority House districts.

Since the 1940s, when decades of the Great Migration resulted in millions of African Americans having migrated from the South, no state has had a majority of African-American residents. Nine African Americans have served in the Senate since the 1940s: Edward W. Brooke, a Republican from Massachusetts; Carol Moseley Braun, Barack Obama and Roland Burris (appointed to fill a vacancy), all Democrats from Illinois; Tim Scott (initially appointed to fill a vacancy, but later elected), a Republican from South Carolina; Mo Cowan (appointed to fill a vacancy), a Democrat from Massachusetts; Cory Booker, a Democrat from New Jersey; Kamala Harris, a Democrat from California; and Raphael Warnock, a Democrat from Georgia.

List of African Americans in the United States Congress

United States Senate

United States House of Representatives

See also

 African-American officeholders in the United States, 1789–1866
 Black suffrage in the United States
 African-American women's suffrage movement
 Civil rights movement (1865–1896)
 Congressional Black Caucus
 List of African-American United States Cabinet members
 List of African-American U.S. state firsts
 List of first African-American mayors
 Negro Republican Party
Politics of the United States

Notes

References

 Bailey, Richard. Black Officeholders During the Reconstruction of Alabama, 1867–1878. New South Books, 2006. . Available from author.
Brown, Canter Jr. Florida's Black Public Officials, 1867–1924. Tuscaloosa: University of Alabama Press, 1998.
 Clay, William L. Just Permanent Interests Black Americans in Congress, 1870–1991. Amistad Press, 1992.
 Dray, Philip. Capitol Men the Epic Story of Reconstruction Through the Lives of the First Black Congressmen. Houghton Mifflin Co, 2008.
 Foner, Eric. Freedom's Lawmakers: A Directory of Black Officeholders during Reconstruction. 1996. Revised. .
 Freedman, Eric. African Americans in Congress: A Documentary History. CQ Press, 2007.
 Gill, LaVerne McCain. African American Women in Congress Forming and Transforming History. Rutgers University Press, 1997.
 Hahn, Steven. A Nation Under Our Feet: Black Political Struggles in the Rural South From Slavery to the Great Migration. 2003.
Haskins, James. Distinguished African American Political and Governmental Leaders. Phoenix, Arizona: Oryx Press, 1999.
 Middleton, Stephen. Black Congressmen During Reconstruction : A Documentary Sourcebook. Westport, Conn.: Praeger, 2002.
 Rabinowitz, Howard N. Southern Black Leaders of the Reconstruction Era. University of Illinois Press, 1982.

External links
African American Members of the United States Congress: 1870-2012 A 66-page history produced by the Congressional Research Service.
Black Americans in Congress, Office of the Clerk, U.S. House of Representatives
Black Americans in Congress, 1870-2007 C-SPAN video with Matt Wasniewski as the presenter. He discusses the history of African Americans in Congress since 1870 (164 minute in length).

History of African-American civil rights
Reconstruction Era
Lists of members of the United States Congress
Congress


Mark Saxton (November 24, 1914 – January 7, 1988) was an American author and editor. He is chiefly remembered for helping edit for publication Austin Tappan Wright's Utopian novel Islandia, and for his own three sequels to Wright's work.

Life
Saxton was born November 28, 1914 in Mineola, Long Island, New York, the son of Eugene F. Saxton, vice president, secretary and head of the editorial department of Harper & Brothers, and Martha (Plaisted) Saxton, an editor and school teacher. He had one brother, Alexander Saxton, also a novelist and notable historian. Mark grew up in New York City, where his father worked, and later attended Harvard College, from which he graduated in 1936. As an adult he lived in both New York and Mill River, Massachusetts. He married Josephine Stocking; the couple had two children, Russell Steele Saxton and Martha Porter Saxton. Mark Saxton died at his home in New York City from an apparent heart attack at the age of 73 on Thursday, January 7, 1988. He was survived by his children Russell and Martha, his wife having predeceased him by many years.

Career
From the late 1930s to the early 1940s Saxton was a book editor and advertising manager in New York City for Farrar & Rinehart, which also published his first three novels. During this time he worked with Sylvia Wright to prepare her late father's novel Islandia for publication. The firm published the book in 1942, but Saxton's fascination with the work would be lifelong. Meanwhile, his editorial career was interrupted by service in the Navy during World War II. After his discharge in 1946 he worked as an editor at William Sloane Associates, McGraw-Hill's Whittlesey House division, and the Harvard University Press, which he left in 1969. Afterwards he was one of the founders of the Gambit, Inc. publishing firm in Boston. From 1980 onward he was a freelance editor in New York.

Works
Saxton's first novel was Danger Road (1939); it and the two that followed were written during his employment with Farrar & Rinehart, and were published by that firm. A fourth, Prepared for Rage (1947), was also issued by the publisher he worked for at the time, in this instance William Sloane Associates. A long interval passed before Saxton's next book, Paper Chase (1964), which has the distinction of  not being the work that served as the basis for the later movie and television series (that honor goes to John Jay Osborn, Jr.'s similarly titled The Paper Chase (1970).

In his later years Saxton returned to Wright's Islandia for his inspiration, and with the permission of the estate set his last three novels in that fictional Utopian realm. It is for these that he is chiefly remembered. The first, The Islar (1969), is a modern-day sequel to the original novel. The others, The Two Kingdoms (1979) and Havoc in Islandia (1982), take place much earlier in the kingdom's history. All three draw on Wright's extensive background notes. Houghton Mifflin was the publisher of Saxton's Islandian novels.

Bibliography

Islandian novels
The Islar, a Narrative of Lang III (1969)
The Two Kingdoms: a Novel of Islandia (1979)
Havoc in Islandia (1982)

Other novels
Danger Road (1939)
The Broken Circle (1941)
The Year of August, a Novel of Intrigue (1943)
Prepared for Rage (1947)
Paper Chase, a Novel (1964)

References
McDowell, Edwin. "Mark Saxton, A Book Editor, Is Dead at 73" (obituary). New York Times, Jan. 13, 1988.
"E. F. Saxton Dead; Harper Executive" (obituary). New York Times, Jun. 27, 1943.
"SAXTON—Josephine" (obituary). New York Times, Jun. 29, 1967.

External links

1914 births
1988 deaths
Harvard College alumni
American book editors
20th-century American writers
20th-century American male writers

Mark Saxton


Steve Schalchlin (born October 4, 1953) is an American songwriter, actor and musician. He is widely regarded as one of the first HIV/AIDS bloggers, beginning his in 1996 to keep family and friends updated on his failing health. When he responded well to a last-ditch effort in treatment by his doctor, he found out that his little "AIDS blog" had garnered a net following. A respected songwriter, Steve put his rebound into music that his partner, playwright Jim Brochu, turned into the critically acclaimed The Last Session.

In 2001, the New York Times profiled Schalchlin's groundbreaking diary. The Times has also raved about Schalchlin and Brochu's musicals,  The Last Session and The Big Voice: God or Merman?

Schalchlin is cited in Shawn Decker's 2006 Book My Pet Virus as an important historical AIDS blogger and an inspiration for Decker's own AIDS blogging efforts.

Schalchlin volunteers time as a board member of GLBT support organizations, Families United Against Hate and Youth Guardian Services. He marched with Soulforce on the historic first march to Jerry Falwell's church. He was a featured performer at the PFLAG national conference and speaker at the March on Washington.

George Michael allowed Schalchlin to play John Lennon's IMAGINE piano in the front yard of Gabi and Alec Clayton in memory of their son, Bill, who committed suicide after a gay bashing. Steve's personal video blogs of the event:

 ;
 ;

Steve's song "My Thanksgiving Prayer" was selected to honor the 30th Anniversary''  of the Beirut barracks bombing, honoring the 241 Marines, Sailors, and Soldiers who served as Peacekeepers in Beirut, Lebanon 1982–1984, killed on October 23, 1983.

Awards
Among his awards and nominations:

Best Musical Score, L.A. Drama Critics Circle, 1997 & 2003
Best L.A. Theatre Production, GLAAD Media Awards, 1997
Best Musical L.A. Ovation Awards (LA's equivalent of the Tony), 2005
Best Musical Nomination NY Drama League, 1997
Best Musical Nomination NY Outer Critics Circle, 1997
Best Theatrical Production nomination, Off-Broadway GLAAD Media Awards 2004
Best Theatrical Production nomination L.A. GLAAD Media Awards, 2004
Best Musical, ADA Awards, 2005
Best Musical Director, ADA Awards, 2005
Best Lead Actor in a Musical nomination, L.A. Ovation Awards, 2005
PFLAG-LA Oscar Wilde Award, 1997 & 2003
Best Concert of a Musical Desert Theatre League Awards 2005
Best Original Writing, Desert Theatre League Awards 2005

References

External links

 Living in the Bonus Round;
 Steve's Blog;
 The Last Session;
 The Big Voice: God or Merman?;
 New World Waking;

1953 births
American musical theatre composers
American gay actors
American gay musicians
American male songwriters
American LGBT songwriters
Living people
People with HIV/AIDS
Songwriters from Arkansas
Gay songwriters
20th-century American LGBT people
21st-century American LGBT people

Steve Schalchlin


Decap Attack is a 1991 platform side-scrolling game developed for the Sega Genesis.  It focuses upon the main protagonist Chuck D. Head who is a demented mummy. His mission is to defeat the evil demon named Max D. Cap who came from the underworld with his army to invade the world. The stages are set as body parts that make up a human skeleton from Abdomainland, El Beau Island, Tibuland, Armington, Pumpington, The Last Leg, and Eyeland. As soon as Chuck D. Head completes his mission he is congratulated by scientist Frank N. Stein and transformed Chuck into a human boy as a reward.

References

1991 video games
Platform games
Sega Genesis games
Video games developed in Japan

Decap Attack


MC4 connectors are single-contact electrical connectors commonly used for connecting solar panels. The MC in MC4 stands for the manufacturer Multi-Contact (now Stäubli Electrical Connectors) and the 4 for the 4 mm diameter contact pin. MC4s allow strings of panels to be easily constructed by pushing the compatible connectors from adjacent panels together by hand, but require a tool to disconnect them to ensure they do not accidentally disconnect when the cables are pulled. The National Electric Code (NEC) and the UL6703 standard for PV connectors specify that connectors have to be from the same type and brand to avoid the dangers of cross-mating. In addition, IEC 62548 'design requirements for PV Systems' require PV connectors to be of the same origin. Originally rated for 600V, newer versions of the MC4 connector are rated at 1500V, which allows longer series strings to be created.

Background
MC4 connectors are successors of the MC3 Connectors, which were developed by Multi-Contact in 1996. MC3 is the abbreviation of Multi-Contact and its size 3mm PV connector with 3 mm contact pin. MC3 had certification ratings of (1000VIEC/600V UL) and 30A (10AWG PV Cable). The MC3 connectors were discontinued in 2016. MC4 name stood for Multi-Contact and its size 4mm PV connectors, introduced by Multi-Contact in 2004.

While small solar panels used for battery charging and similar tasks may not require special connectors, larger systems normally connect the panels together in series to form strings. In the past, this was accomplished by opening a small electrical box on the back of the panel and connecting user-supplied wires to screw terminals within. However, in the USA, bare terminals of this sort are limited to 50V or less by the National Electrical Code (NEC). Above 50V only a licensed electrician can make the connections . Additionally, these sorts of connections were subject to problems caused by water leakage, electrical corrosion and mechanical stress on the wires.

Starting in the 2000s, a number of companies introduced products to address these issues. In these systems, the junction box was sealed and two wires were permanently attached using strain reliefs. The cables ended with PV connectors that met the definition of a convenience receptacle, meaning they could be (legally) connected together by anyone. Two connectors became somewhat common during this period, the Radox connector and MC3 connector, both of which essentially looked like weather-sealed phono jacks.

In 2008, the NEC banned the opening of PV connectors under load. PV connectors were required to contain positive locking mechanisms controlled by certified, product specific tools. Radox, a European manufacturer, did not respond to this specification and has since disappeared from the market. A US-based and a Swiss company, Tyco Electronics and Multi-Contact (purchased by Staubli in 2002), responded by introducing new connectors to meet this requirement. The MC3 PV connector lacked these requirements. Later, the MC4 PV connector,  launched in 2004, provided these positive locking mechanisms, leading to widespread market acceptance.

Tyco's Solarlok became a market leader for a period in the late 2000s, but a number of factors conspired to push it from the market. Among these was the fact that the system had two sets of cables and wires, which led to considerable annoyance in the field when equipment from different vendors could not be plugged together. By 2011, the MC4 was already in a strong leadership position, which led to the introduction of products from a variety of other connector vendors. As of 2022, Staubli Electrical Connectors possesses 50% of its global market shares.

Description
The MC4 system consists of a plug and socket design. The metal contacts of the plugs and sockets are inside plastic insulators; the plug's metal contact is inside a cylindrical insulator that looks like a socket, and the socket metal contact is inside a square probe that appears as a plug. The socket has two plastic locking tabs that have to be pressed toward the central probe slightly to insert into holes in the front of the plug connector. When the two are pushed together, the fingers slide down the holes until they reach a notch in the side of the plug connector, where they pop outward to lock the two together.

For a proper seal, MC4s must be used with cable of the correct diameter. The cable is normally double-insulated (insulation plus black sheath) and both UV and higher temperature resistant (most cables deteriorate if used outdoors without protection from sunlight). Connectors are typically attached by crimping, though soldering is also possible.

The MC4 connector is UL rated at 1500V DC and up to 95A with the 6AWG PV Cable. MC4-Evo 2 has both UL and IEC certification ratings of 1500V DC and up to 70A with 10mm² PV Cable, depending on the conductor size used in pairs.

Application and safety
Staubli's (formerly Multi-Contact) MULTILAM Technology claims that constant spring pressure provides reliable low contact resistance.[citation needed] However, it is very important to never connect or disconnect them under load, even on low-voltage (12–48V) systems. An electric arc may form which can melt and seriously damage contact materials, resulting in high resistance and subsequent overheating. This is partly because direct current (DC) continues to arc, whereas commonly used alternating current (AC) more readily self-extinguishes at the zero-crossing voltage point.

Large arrays of panels are commonly interconnected in series, made of strings of panels generating 17V to 50V each, with overall voltages up to 600V per string or 1500V in special large arrays with high voltage panels.

The installation manuals on MC4 connectors instruct to avoid using non-Staubli connectors with MC4 connectors. Product certifications and the manufacturer's warranty only apply if MC4 connectors are mated to connectors from the same type made by Staubli Electrical Connectors and the instructions in the manual were followed.

See also
Daisy chain (electrical engineering)
DC connector

References

External links

Solar panel connectors

MC4 connector


Hugo Avendaño Espinoza (8 March 1927 – 5 January 1998) was a Mexican singer and actor.

Career
He was a student of the Faculty of Medicine, UNAM, but abandoned his career of Medicine to studying singing in the position of baritone. He began his studies with lessons in vocal technique at the prestigious Academy of Singing. His teacher was Jose Pierson, who was also singing teacher to figures such as José Mojica, Alfonso Ortiz Tirado, Fanny Anitúa, Jorge Negrete, Pedro Vargas, Ramon Vinay, Francisco Avitia and José Sosa Esquivel. Later, he studied with private teachers like Rodriguez, Morelli, Rosette, then in New York at the Metropolitan Opera House with Dietch and Kimball and also with great baritone Leonard Warren.

In 1950 he debuted at the Palacio de Bellas Artes in Mexico, playing the role of Amonasro in the opera by Giuseppe Verdi, "Aida". He participated in several opera seasons in Mexico City, Guadalajara, Monterrey and Veracruz. His repertoire included operas such as Rigoletto, "Il trovatore" and "La traviata" by Verdi, Pagliacci "Faust", "Un Ballo In Maschera", "Tosca", Bizet's "Carmen" and Puccini's "Madama Butterfly", sharing the stage with eminent soprano Betty Fabila and presentations in concert with symphonic works by Darius Milhaud, "Carmina Burana", among others. He won the contest of the Gran Caruso and traveled to Brazil. He won the award for singing on the air at the Metropolitan Opera House in New York, in recognition of the great baritone Leonard Warren.

His romantic folk style and mastery of various musical genres led him to perform with great success in several countries in Latin America, Central America and United States in turn receiving several awards. He won several prizes and awards in Europe, Central and South America and the United States.

From 1955 he began to lean his professional singing in the genre of romantic popular Mexican music, performing and acting on radio in XEW and television with television Telesistema Mexicano programs "De visita a las 7" (1959) and "El Estudio de Pedro Vargas" (1959) and later in Televisa's on "Variedades de medianoche" in four episodes: "Vedettes y bohemia", "Presentando a los Randall", "Bohemia y una bella vedette" and "6 Invitados" (1977). He was one of the great stars of "La hora azul" by XEW radio station, and was also one of the best performers of the musician-poet and composer Agustín Lara, recording the album "Mis favoritas de Lara" under the record label RCA Records. As an example of Mexican folk music, he also played and recorded with the same label, songs from artists such as Manuel Ponce, Lorenzo Barcelata, Ignacio Fernandez Esperon "Tata Nacho" Alfonso Esparza Oteo, María Grever, Arturo Tolentino, Miguel Lerdo de Tejada and Francisco Gabilondo Soler "Cri-Cri".

Personal life
He was married many years with soprano Graziella Garza. Together they had 3 children: Hugo Avendaño, Rodrigo and Laura Graziella. He was afflicted for some years with pancreatic cancer and died on January 5, 1998.

Radio and television
 The Blue Hour
 De visita a las 7
 El estudio de Pedro Vargas
 Variedades de Medianoche
 Noches Tapatías

Filmography
 El Gallo Colorado (1957)
 Melodías inolvidables (1959)
 La Valentina (1966)

Romantic songs and popular hits
 Júrame
 Rayando el sol
 A la orilla de un palmar
 Ojos de juventud
 Perjura
 Errante
 Altiva
 Morenita mía
 Maria Elena
 La borrachita
 Granada
 Ojos españoles
 La casita
 Nunca digas
 Un viejo amor
 Amapola
 El organillero
 Dime que sí
 Tipitipitín
 Negra consentida
 Divina mujer
 Janitzio
 Noche azul
 Collar de perlas
 Morir soñando
 Donde estás corazón
 Secreto eterno
 Cuando escuches este vals
 Por tí aprendí a querer
 Mientes
 Hay unos ojos
 No vuelvo a amar
 La norteña
 Marchita el alma
 Martha
 Alejandra (vals)
 Tú, tu y tú
 El faisán (vals)
 Oración Caribe
 Amor, amor
 Adiós Mariquita linda
 Adiós mi chaparrita
 Intimo secreto
 Madrigal Mexicano

References

External links

1927 births
1998 deaths
20th-century Mexican male actors
20th-century Mexican male opera singers
Deaths from pancreatic cancer in Mexico
Male actors from Veracruz
Mexican baritones
Mexican male film actors
Mexican male television actors
People from Tuxpan, Veracruz
Singers from Veracruz

Hugo Avendaño


Iosif Iser (21 May 1881 – 25 April 1958; born and died in Bucharest) was a Romanian painter and graphic artist.

Born to a Jewish family, he was initially inspired by Expressionism, creating drawings with thick, unmodulated, lines and steep angles. After studies in Munich and Paris (with, among others, André Derain), Iser worked for the socialist press (Facla and the original version of Adevărul), publishing a large number of caricatures (most of them satirising the Romanian Monarchy). He also started his first series of paintings with Dobrujan themes, usually featuring local Tatar portraits.

Around 1920, Iosif Iser adopted a more luminous range of colours, while softening the textures. He continued his "Tatar" themes with his Tătăroaică în albastru ("Tatar Woman in Blue") and Famile de tătari ("Tatar Family"). He expanded on another series, one that depicted harlequins.

In 1955, he was elected a full member of the Romanian Academy.

Notes

Graphics

External links

 Biographical sketch at Judaica.ro
 Profile at artline.ro

Romanian painters
Romanian caricaturists
Romanian editorial cartoonists
Expressionist painters
Adevărul people
Artists from Bucharest
Romanian Jews
Jewish painters
Titular members of the Romanian Academy
1881 births
1958 deaths

Iosif Iser


An ochrea (Latin ocrea, greave or protective legging), also spelled ocrea, is a plant structure formed of stipules fused into a sheath surrounding the stem, and is typically found in the Polygonaceae.

In palms it denotes an extension of the leaf sheath beyond the petiole insertion.

References

Plant morphology

Ochrea


Big Ugly Creek is a major tributary of the Guyandotte River in the Harts Creek District of Lincoln County, West Virginia, United States. The naming of this creek was due to 1) an early settler at the mouth of the creek who was unpleasing to the eye; 2) the crooked shape of the creek itself. Big Ugly Creek is a meandering stream stretching nearly 20 miles from U.S. Route 119 northeast of Chapmanville in Boone County to where it meets the Guyandotte River at Gill, an extinct railroad town north of Harts in Lincoln County. Big Ugly Creek is also at the southern end of the state's largest mountaintop removal mine, Arch Coal's Hobet 21. The mine stretches nearly 15 miles from near Julian, north of Madison in Boone County to right above the end of Fawn Hollow, which joins Big Ugly, not far from the Big Ugly Community Center.

Big Ugly Creek has frequently been noted on lists of unusual place names.

See also
List of rivers of West Virginia

References

Rivers of Lincoln County, West Virginia
Charleston, West Virginia metropolitan area
Rivers of West Virginia

Big Ugly Creek


Bernard Cohn (November 7, 1835 – November 1, 1889) was a wool buyer and a capitalist in 19th-century Los Angeles, California, as well as a member of the Los Angeles Common Council, that city's legislative body. It was Cohn who provided former California Governor Pio Pico a sum of money in exchange for all of Pico's property, which eventually led to Pico's spending the rest of his days in poverty. He was also known for maintaining two families, one Jewish and one Catholic, at opposite ends of the town.

Personal

First family

Cohn, who had a brother, Kaspar and a sister, Mrs. Simon Cohn,  was born November 7, 1835, in Prussia and settled in Los Angeles in 1857. He was married to Hulda Myer in Los Angeles in 1858, and they had three children, Julius Bernard, Carrie Cahen and Kaspar Cohn. His wife died of apoplexy in June 1885.

Death

Cohn died on November 1, 1889, as he was visiting friends. Brief services were held on November 3 in his First Street house near Main Street, and then a funeral cortege, more than a mile in length, made its way to the Jewish cemetery. An organized contingent of police officers took part, and pallbearers included Mayor Henry T. Hazard, former mayors Edward F. Spence and William H. Workman and merchant S. Lazard.

Second family

Within two weeks after Cohn's death, no will could be produced, and the right to share in his estate of $67,762 was demanded by a woman named Delphina Varelas, who claimed that Cohn had fathered her seven children, four of whom were still living—Bernard M.J, Miguel Daniel, Marcus Cerracio and Edward Anastacio.  Verelas said she had met Cohn when she was 17 and he was about 30. They lived together on New High Street from 1872 to 1874, although Cohn had a wife who was still alive. Later Cohn provided houses for his second family on the Los Angeles Plaza, Sainsevin Street and Buena Vista Street. Cohn's estate included the Pico House, the St. Elmo Hotel and 1,100 acres of ranch land.

The trial was described as "one of the most sensational in the annals of the Probate Court," and more than three hundred witnesses were called, some of whom testified that Cohn and Varelas were considered husband and wife and some that she was "only Cohn's mistress." There was testimony that the couple had been married under a written contract, which Judge Clark nevertheless ruled to be invalid.  Therefore, he decided in his judgment, the right of inheritance was applicable only in the case of three of Varelas's children—those whom Cohn had acknowledged to be his—and not to the eldest child or to Varelas herself. Upon appeal, a settlement was reached in which the three "legitimate" children would receive "the sum of $7300, in full satisfaction of their claim against the estate."

Vocation
At the age of fourteen Cohn worked as a seaman on a vessel that sailed around Cape Horn and docked in San Francisco, where the boy left ship to head for the gold country. He worked on sheep ranches in Montana between 1851 and 1856, finally settling in Los Angeles in 1857. He set up as a wool buyer, with a loan and mortgage office, in a combined office-home at 182 Main Street. In 1871 he partnered with Herman Hellman, Abraham Haas, and Jacob Haas to open a grocery business on Los Angeles Street.

Pio Pico

In 1893, Cohn made an arrangement with Pio Pico, the last Mexican governor of California, whereby Cohn handed over some sixty thousand dollars in exchange for a deed to Pico's property in Los Angeles and elsewhere in  the county. Pico claimed the exchange amounted to a mortgage and when he offered to redeem the property, Cohn refused the offer, stating that the transaction had been a sale. Pico sued and lost in court and, on appeal, the California Supreme Court sided with Cohn in a decision that left Pico stripped of  his property and virtually a pauper. The decision, Pico v. Cohn (1891) 91 Cal. 129, 133-134,  is classically cited by California appellate courts in cases having to do with the setting-aside of a judgment in case of fraud.

Public service
A Democrat, Cohn was elected to the Los Angeles Common Council in December 1876 to represent the 2nd Ward and served two one-year terms. He returned to the council in 1880 from the 4th Ward, was defeated in a re-election bid but came back again to win in 1887 and in 1888. Cohn was acting mayor of Los Angeles between November 21 and December 5, 1878, having been appointed by the Common Council to the position after the death of Frederick A. MacDougal.  Cohn  later ran for the mayoralty, but lost to J. R. Toberman.

Cohn worked to help the Jewish population of Los Angeles, founding and financing a Cohn Memorial Clinic for indigent Jews on Whittier Boulevard.

Memberships

He was a member of what was said to be the city's first social club, called the Los Angeles Social Club, organized about 1869.

References
Access to the Los Angeles Times links may require the use of a library card.

Businesspeople from Los Angeles
Los Angeles Common Council (1850–1889) members
19th-century American politicians
1835 births
1889 deaths
Jews and Judaism in Los Angeles
Jewish mayors of places in the United States
American people of German-Jewish descent
Prussian emigrants to the United States
Jewish American people in California politics
19th-century American businesspeople
California Democrats

Bernard Cohn (politician)


Thomas Burke (Thomas De Burgo) (c. 1709 in Dublin, Ireland – 25 September 1776 in Kilkenny) was an Irish Dominican and Roman Catholic Bishop of Ossory.

Life
Burke travelled to Rome in 1723 and there was placed under the care of his namesake and kinsman, a Dominican, Father Thomas Burke, who prepared him for admission into the order. A dispensation was obtained from the Sacred Congregation, and on 14 June 1724, he was clothed with the Dominican habit before he had attained his fifteenth year.

Young Burke showed special aptitude for study and with the permission of the master general was allowed to begin his course during his novitiate. Two years were given to philosophy and five to theology. So marked was his progress in studies and letters that he was singled out, even though yet a novice, by special marks of affection from Pope Benedict XIII. During the reconstruction of St. Sixtus' in 1727 and 1728, the pontiff visited the Irish Dominicans once a week, taking part in their community exercises, becoming familiar with the friars and especially with Burke.

He was gradually promoted to the highest theological honours of the order, being charged successively with all the official duties in a regular Dominican studium. He held the office of regent of studies for six years. In 1742 the Master General, Thomas Ripoll, personally conferred on him the degree of Master of Theology.

The following year he returned to Dublin where he took up the work of the ministry. A general chapter of the order held at Bologna in 1748 passed an ordinance that in all the immediately following provincial chapters a historiographer should be appointed in every province. This order did not reach Ireland from Rome in time for the provincial chapter which was convened the following year at Dublin, and to which assembly Father Burke had been elected by his brethren as Definitor. At the subsequent chapter, however, of 1753 he was appointed historian of his province. The same honour of Definitor was conferred again in 1757.

Father Burke while in Rome was commissioned by the Irish clergy, through Bishop Michael MacDonagh OP of Kilmore, to obtain from the Holy See ten new offices of Irish saints. After his return to Ireland, he was entrusted with a similar commission by the Archbishop of Dublin, the Most Rev. John Linegar, and the Bishops of Ireland for fourteen other feasts of the Irish saints. The decrees were given respectively 8 July 1741 and 1 July 1747. Both original documents are preserved in the archives of St. Clement's, Rome.

Father Burke was promoted by Pope Clement XIII in 1759, to the See of Ossory, which he governed for seventeen years. An accurate portrait of Bishop Burke is possessed by the Dominican nuns of Drogheda, Ireland.

Works
He is known to posterity more on account of his learned work Hibernia Dominicana, than by any other claim. The work was nominally published at Cologne, but in reality it came from the press of Edmund Finn of Kilkenny, in 1762. The author gave to it four years of incessant labour, and in 1772 he added a "Supplementum" which was a vindication of Rinuccini, the nuncio of Pope Innocent X, of the charges brought against him by the supreme council of Confederate Catholics during his residence in Ireland. Question of the oath of allegiance and fear of subverting "that fidelity and submission which we acknowledge ourselves to owe from duty and from gratitude to his Majesty King George III" caused seven of the Irish Bishops to condemn the "Hibernia Dominicana" and "Supplementum". (For defense of Bishop Burke see Coleman, Ir. Eccl. Record.) "Promptuarium dogmatico canonico morale", a work of the celebrated Spanish Dominican Larrago, enlarged and accommodated to its day by Father Burke, was about to be published in 1753 when his appointment as historian interrupted it.

See also
 Dominicans in Ireland

External links
Source

1700s births
1776 deaths
Christian clergy from Dublin (city)
Irish Dominicans
18th-century Roman Catholic bishops in Ireland
18th-century Irish bishops
Roman Catholic bishops of Ossory

Thomas Burke (bishop)


Serua is a province in Fiji. It is on Viti Levu, the largest island of Fiji. It is part of the Central Division.

It has a land area of 830 square kilometers. About 15,400 people lived there in 2017. Serua includes Nuku District and Serua District.

Provinces of Fiji

Serua Province


Klisura (, , ) is a small town in the Karlovo Municipality of the Plovdiv Province in central Bulgaria. It is situated in a valley surrounded by the Balkan Mountain range and Sredna Gora. As of 2005, its population has numbered 1,478 people and it is located 105 km to the east of Sofia, 35 km west of Karlovo and 25 km northeast of Koprivshtitsa.

The name of Klisura has traditionally been associated with the heroism of its inhabitants during the April Uprising. The then-village was a centre of the revolution and Borimechkata ("the man who struggles a bear") who lived in the village was one of its leaders. Places of main interest are the Church of St Nicholas, the local Historical Museum, and historic homes such as Chervenakov's house, Pavurdzhiev's house, Kozinarov's house, etc. Klisura is the birthplace of Hristo G. Danov, the founder of the first Bulgarian printing house in Plovdiv.

One and a half kilometres away from Klisura is Zli dol ("Evil glen"), the motor tourism complex of the Union of the Bulgarian Drivers. The complex includes 15 small houses with around 60 beds, a restaurant, a bar, a playground, tennis, volleyball and basketball courts, an equestrian area, and a guarded car park.

Klisura is a starting point for many itineraries to the Central Balkan National Park and to two peaks — Vezhen in the Balkan Mountains and Bogdan in Sredna Gora. The town is only one kilometre away from the Sub-Balkan principal highway thoroughfare Sofia-Burgas and has two railway stations.

Honour
Klisura Peak on Livingston Island in the South Shetland Islands, Antarctica is named after Klisura.

References

Towns in Bulgaria
Populated places in Plovdiv Province

Klisura, Plovdiv Province


The Agen Warehouse, also known as the 1201 Western Building is an historic former warehouse building located at 1201 Western Avenue in Seattle, Washington. Originally constructed in 1910 by John B. Agen (1856–1920), widely considered the father of the dairy industry in the Northwest, for his wholesale dairy commission business, it was designed by the partnership of John Graham, Sr. and David J. Myers with later additions designed by Graham alone. After years of industrial use, the building was fully restored to its present appearance in 1986 for offices and retail with the addition of a penthouse and was added to the National Register of Historic Places on January 23, 1998.

History

John Agen's Dairy Empire
John Bernard Agen was born in 1856 and was raised on his family's large dairy farm near Arcade, New York, where he began working in the dairy industry professionally by age 15. In 1876, at age 20, he relocated to Osage, in Northern Iowa where he worked as a dairy farm-hand. The following year he became a full-time dealer and by the mid-1880s had built his own creamery and cold storage plant and had a network of farmers across several states. In June 1889, encouraged by a large sale to a friend in Seattle and seeking new markets, he decided to go west to take advantage of the clear demand for his products. By the time he reached Helena, Montana, news had broken that downtown Seattle had been destroyed by fire on June 6. Now torn on whether to take his chances in Seattle or Tacoma, he decided to stick with Seattle.

Upon arriving in Seattle, Agen opened his commission business in the city's burgeoning wholesale district on Western Avenue, only recently created over filled-in waterfront. Dealing primarily in dairy products shipped from his cold storage and creamery plant back in Osage, his business boomed because he could sell cheaper than local products. Agen soon began setting up local suppliers, establishing a branch creamery at Mount Vernon in 1890. Agen advanced startup money and credit to numerous farmers in the White River Valley and Skagit County, helping kickstart the dairy industry in areas that would later become famous for it and helping end the West's dependence on Eastern suppliers. Agen would build and operate creameries in Yakima, Centralia, Enumclaw, O'Brien, Burlington, Dungeness and Oak Harbor, eventually producing a quarter million pounds of milk per day by the 1910s. His own brand of Iowa fancy creamery butter soon became a household name throughout the Pacific Northwest. With the only cold storage locker in Seattle at the time, he was able to stockpile more product than anyone else and by 1891 was making $30,000 a month in profits and quickly became one of Seattle's business elite, gaining the moniker "Butter King of the Pacific Coast". The following year he and his wife had a mansion constructed on First Hill, but she would die of pneumonia only two years later.

In 1893 Agen planned to move his business into the newly constructed Union Trust Building in the Pioneer Square neighborhood but chose to stay on Western Avenue when property-owner James Colman decided to replace the building Agen occupied at Marion Street with a three-story fireproof warehouse, completed by 1897. In 1895 his business was nearly destroyed for the second time since the great fire when a corrugated iron building he was storing cheese in burned to the ground. Despite setbacks, he opened branch warehouses in Tacoma and Portland and his business continued to thrive through the Panic of 1893 and only became stronger when the Yukon Gold Rush brought thousands of prospectors to Seattle seeking provisions. It was said that every steamer heading to Alaska carried Agen's products. The demand led to Agen establishing stores in Dawson, Skagway, Valdez, and Nome, among other places along the prospector trail. With Agen's shrewd business sense his company became one of the foremost organizations of its kind in the country and his trade soon even extended across to the Pacific to China, Japan and throughout the south Pacific.

Agen's Warehouse

By the end of the 1900s, Agen was a millionaire and one of the most well known dairy merchants on the Pacific Coast, but his Seattle warehouse was still in rented space in the Colman Block Annex. In February 1910 he commissioned architects Graham & Myers to design an $94,000 three-story brick and timber-frame warehouse for his new property at the Northwest corner of Western Avenue and Seneca Street. Plans were completed on March 5 and the next day contracts were awarded to J.M. Bruce & Co. for driving the timber piles for the foundation, with prominent Seattle builder Matthew Dow receiving the general construction contract. By the end of the month the plans were revised with an additional story. Even this proved to be inadequate for Agen's increasing needs so he commissioned John Graham, now working alone, to design an additional two floors in January 1911, a mere two months after the original building was finished. This addition required the reinforcement and replacement of structural beams in the lower floors, the relocation of an elevator and other tweaks in the floor plan, reflecting the unexpected change of plans. Per the original plans, the ground floor fronting Western Avenue housed rental retail space, offices and service rooms for Agen employees as well as a mezzanine breaking up the 19'6" high ceilings, which contained offices toilets and lockers, greatly expanded during the 1911 renovations. The remainder of the floor housed candling rooms for inspecting eggs, a creamery, a testing room and a refrigerator room as well as the loading docks, facing what used to be the rail yards on Alaskan Way. Across from this was Agen's own shipping dock, Originally built by the Northern Pacific Railway as Pier 5, and now known as Pier 56. All the floors above the first were open warehouse space which were rented out to the Fischer Bros. wholesale grocery company, among others.

After Agen

In order to focus on the Mount Vernon-based milk business which had proven to be the most profitable, Agen sold the butter, egg and cheese business to C.G. Bradner in January 1914. Two years later, in October 1916, he sold all of his condenseries for $1,000,000 in cash to Charles E. Peabody who in turn sold them to Agen's only major competitor, the Carnation Company. After Agen and Carnation left, the Agen Building in Seattle continued to house wholesale grocery & coffee companies. In the late 1920s it was the distribution center for the Puget Sound Quality Stores chain and by the 1930s had been divided into smaller spaces with an even larger variety of wholesale and industrial tenants. In 1953 the building was converted to a modern cold storage facility. The interior was insulated and partitioned which necessitated all the windows being filled in and the skylights removed. The building underwent a $5.8 million restoration in 1986 as part of the Waterfront Place project which saw many buildings in the area restored into apartments and office space and listed on the National Register of Historic Places. All of the exterior windows of the Agen were reopened with designs echoing the originals, based on Graham's original drawings, and a penthouse was constructed over two-thirds of the building's roof. The upper floors were converted to class-A office space while the ground floor was returned to retail use, for years housing McKinnon furniture and later art galleries. Though now known as the 1201 Western Building, it was added to the National Register of Historic Places as the Agen Warehouse on January 23, 1998.

See also
 List of Seattle landmarks
 National Register of Historic Places listings in Seattle, Washington

References

External links

Commercial buildings completed in 1910
Commercial buildings on the National Register of Historic Places in Washington (state)
National Register of Historic Places in Seattle
Office buildings in Seattle
1910 establishments in Washington (state)

Agen Warehouse


In mathematics, a split exact sequence is a short exact sequence in which the middle term is built out of the two outer terms in the simplest possible way.

Equivalent characterizations

A short exact sequence of abelian groups or of modules over a fixed ring, or more generally of objects in an abelian category

is called split exact if it is isomorphic to the exact sequence where the middle term is the direct sum of the outer ones:

The requirement that the sequence is isomorphic means that there is an isomorphism  such that the composite  is the natural inclusion  and such that the composite  equals b. This can be summarized by a commutative diagram as:

The splitting lemma provides further equivalent characterizations of split exact sequences.

Examples
A trivial example of a split short exact sequence is

where  are R-modules,  is the canonical injection and  is the canonical projection.

Any short exact sequence of vector spaces is split exact. This is a rephrasing of the fact that any set of linearly independent vectors in a vector space can be extended to a basis.

The exact sequence  (where the first map is multiplication by 2) is not split exact.

Related notions

Pure exact sequences can be characterized as the filtered colimits of split exact sequences.

References

Sources

Abstract algebra

Split exact sequence


The Royal Swedish Academy of Sciences () is one of the royal academies of Sweden. Founded on 2 June 1739, it is an independent, non-governmental scientific organization that takes special responsibility for promoting natural sciences and mathematics and strengthening their influence in society, whilst endeavouring to promote the exchange of ideas between various disciplines.

The goals of the academy are:
 to be a forum where researchers meet across subject boundaries,
 to offer a unique environment for research,
 to provide support to younger researchers,
 to reward outstanding research efforts,
 to communicate internationally among scientists,
 to advance the case for science within society and to influence research policy priorities
 to stimulate interest in mathematics and science in school, and
 to disseminate and popularize scientific information in various forms.

Every year, the academy awards the Nobel Prizes in physics and chemistry, the Sveriges Riksbank Prize in Economic Sciences in Memory of Alfred Nobel, the Crafoord Prize, the Sjöberg Prize and several other awards. The academy maintains close relations with foreign academies, learned societies and international scientific organizations and also promotes international scientific cooperation. The Academy of Sciences is located within the Stockholm region's Royal National City Park.

Za̱nang mi̱ Sains Tung Zwá mi̱ di̱ Jhyung Alfred Nobel


Winning New Hampshire is a documentary film on the New Hampshire primary for President of the United States.  Traditionally, the state of New Hampshire holds the first primary election of the presidential nominating process, and the New Hampshire primary is famous for its strong influence over the selection process of each party's Presidential nominee. Produced during the beginning of the 2004 Presidential election, the film highlights the importance of this one small New England state in determining the eventual nominees, as exemplified by John Kerry's unexpected political comeback against then frontrunner Howard Dean in 2004. His victory in New Hampshire helped to secure his nomination and pitted him against incumbent President George W. Bush.

The film covers several topics, including the political youth movement, the media, third party candidates and the voter's decision-making. Known for their fiercely independent political spirit, New Hampshire voters appear throughout the film and present themselves as political aficionados, attuned to every candidate's position on every issue.

Filmmakers Aram Fischer, Mark Lynch and Will Rabbe tracked candidates Wesley Clark, Joseph Lieberman, John Edwards, Howard Dean and John Kerry as they campaigned vigorously throughout the state. At times, the film captures comedic moments and at times pokes fun at the carnivalesque nature of the grassroots campaigns. One such moment arises when third-party protest candidate Vermin Supreme arrives wearing flipper shoulder pads and a boot on his head. More discreet tongue-in-cheek humor is evident in the score and the dramatization of otherwise low-key and intimate gatherings.

Other appearances include Bill Gardner (the New Hampshire Secretary of State, U.S. Senator Ted Kennedy, Congressman Ed Markey, Vanessa Kerry and Martin Sheen.

External links
Official Site
IMDB Entry
Director's Website

Documentary films about elections in the United States
2004 United States presidential election in popular culture
Documentary films about New Hampshire

Winning New Hampshire


Jo Maso (born 27 December 1944) is a French former rugby league and rugby union footballer who played in the 1960s, 1970s and 1980s. He played centre and fly-half for the France national rugby union team, gaining 25 caps. He was inducted into the International Rugby Hall of Fame in 2003. He is now the manager for the France national team.

Maso was born in Toulouse, France. Maso started his rugby career as a professional rugby league footballer for XIII Catalan, being the son of the French rugby league internationalist Jep Maso. However, he switched to union. He played club rugby for Narbonne, Toulonnais and Perpignan. He debuted for France against Italy in Naples in 1966. He also toured Australia, New Zealand and South Africa with the national side, and played three times for the Barbarians.

References

External links

1944 births
Living people
Sportspeople from Perpignan
Rugby union players from Occitania (administrative region)
French rugby union players
Barbarian F.C. players
Rugby union centres
World Rugby Hall of Fame inductees
French rugby league players
France international rugby union players
XIII Catalan players

Jo Maso