The Northern Inuit Dog, along with its offshoot breed lines the Tamaskan dog, the British Timber dog and the Utonagan, is a breed of dog developed from a 1980s breeding project in the United Kingdom with the objective of producing a dog breed that resembles wolves.

History

Northern Inuit Dogs descend from dogs of unknown breed ancestry imported from North America in the 1980s that were crossed with Alaskan Malamutes, German Shepherds, Siberian Huskies and possibly Samoyeds. The intention of the breeding project was to create a dog of wolf-like appearance that could be kept as a companion dog and that could also be trained for other tasks.

The Northern Inuit Dog breeding project subsequently split into a number of breed lines, including the Tamaskan dog, the British Timber dog and the Utonagan.

Appearance

The Northern Inuit Dog is a medium to large breed of dog, with the males larger and heavier than the females. They have thick coats of varying color. The ears are upright, with the muzzle and skull usually the same length. They have straight, furry tails.

Character

Northern Inuit Dogs are often confident and friendly. Their good-tempered nature has led to them being used as therapy dogs. They enjoy human company and sometimes develop separation anxiety. They bond quickly. Their trusting nature is known to make them bad guard dogs. They are good with children, but they should be supervised while near kids, due to their strength and size. They are known to howl. They are very intelligent and bore quickly, leading to them being hard to train. They are also quite sensitive. The breed is known to chase small, swift animals, like squirrels.

Health

The breed is a very healthy breed, with dogs often living for twelve to fifteen years. However, Northern Inuit Dogs are known to develop elbow and hip dysplasia, a condition where their joints do not form properly, leading to pain and lameness later in life. They can also develop achondroplasia, cryptorchidism, and degenerative myelopathy.

Northern Inuit Society

The Northern Inuit Society, founded in the early 1990s, exists to govern the wellbeing of the Northern Inuit Dog, as well as its breeding. It is currently the Northern Inuit Dog's only governing body. It also holds the complete pedigree database for the breed. All Northern Inuit Dogs are tested before breeding. The Northern Inuit Society does not approve of mixing the breed with other dogs.

In popular culture
Northern Inuit dogs were used in the filming of the television series Game of Thrones to portray dire wolves.

A Tamaskan dog played a wolf in a 2016 Broadway production of The Crucible.

A Tamaskan has been the live mascot for the NC State Wolfpack since 2010, appearing on the sidelines of football games, bowl games, and other football and men's basketball events.

The Starz series Outlander uses Northern Inuit dogs to portray Young Ian's "wolfdog," Rollo. The first, Dui (pronounced "Dewey"), short for Mac Dugh, appeared in seasons 4-6. His replacement, Yogi, assumed the role in season 7.

See also
 Dogs portal
 List of dog breeds
 Siberian Husky

References

https://www.dogzone.com/breeds/northern-inuit-dog/

https://www.nisociety.net/

External links
 Northern Inuit Society - governing body of the Northern Inuit dog breed

Companion dogs
Dog breeds originating in England

Northern Inuit Dog


The Battle of Dutch Harbor took place on 3-4 June 1942, when the Imperial Japanese Navy launched two aircraft carrier raids on the Dutch Harbor Naval Operating Base and U.S. Army Fort Mears at Dutch Harbor on Amaknak Island, opening the Aleutian Islands campaign of World War II. The bombing marked the first aerial attack by an enemy on the continental United States and was the second time in history that the continental U.S. was bombed by someone working for a foreign power, the first being the accidental bombing of Naco, Arizona, in 1929.

Background

The Japanese planned to occupy islands in the Aleutians in order to extend their defensive perimeter in the North Pacific to make it more difficult for the U.S. to attack Japan from that area. The air raid on Dutch Harbor was conducted to support the invasions on Kiska Island and Attu Island by the Japanese military under Operation AL.

Dutch Harbor was ringed with anti-aircraft artillery batteries from the 206th Coast Artillery (Anti Aircraft) group of the Arkansas National Guard, and was one of the key targets protected by the Eleventh Air Force based out of mainland Alaska. The 206th CA (AA) was deployed to Dutch Harbor in the Aleutian Islands in August 1941 and had been on station for approximately four months when the Imperial Japanese Navy Air Service attacked Pearl Harbor on 7 December. The 206th CA was equipped with the 3-inch Gun M1918 (an older model with a vertical range of ), .50in (12.7mm) M2 Browning machine guns, and  Sperry searchlights. The 206th had one radar in position at Dutch Harbor at the time of the attack. In the harbor were two old destroyers, King and Talbot, destroyer-seaplane tender Gillis, submarine S-27, Coast Guard cutter Onondaga, and U.S. Army transports President Fillmore and Morlen.

Battle

On 3 June 1942 a Japanese carrier strike force, under the command of Rear Admiral Kakuji Kakuta, comprising the carriers  and  plus escort ships, sailed to  southwest of Dutch Harbor to launch air strikes at the United States Army and United States Navy facility to support a Japanese offensive in the Aleutians and in the central Pacific at Midway.

Shortly before dawn at 02:58, given the geographic latitude and longitude, Admiral Kakuta ordered his aircraft carriers to launch their strike which was made up of 12 A6M Zero fighters, 10 B5N Kate high-level bombers, and 12 D3A Val dive bombers which took off from the two small carriers in the freezing weather to strike at Dutch Harbor. One B5N was lost on takeoff from Ryujo.

The planes arrived over the harbor at 04:07 and attacked the town's radio station and oil storage tanks causing some damage. Many members of the 206th were awakened by the sound of bombs and gunfire. While the unit had been on alert for an attack for many days, there was no specific warning of the attack before the Japanese planes arrived over Dutch Harbor. With no clear direction from headquarters, gun crews from every battery quickly realized the danger, ran to their guns stationed around the harbor and began to return fire. In addition to their  guns,  guns and  machine guns, members of the unit fired their rifles, and one even claimed to have hurled a wrench at a low-flying enemy plane. Several members reported being able to clearly see the faces of the Japanese aviators as they made repeated runs over the island. The highest casualties on the first day occurred when bombs struck barracks 864 and 866 in Fort Mears, killing 17 servicemen of the 37th Infantry and eight from the 151st Engineers.

When all the Japanese planes were recovered, there were erroneous reports of enemy ships in the vicinity, but search planes found no ships within the area. During the search, four Nakajima E8N2 "Dave" two-seat reconnaissance planes—launched from the heavy cruisers  and —encountered U.S. fighters searching for the departing Japanese squadron.

The 206th CA spent much of the night of 3/4 June moving guns down off the mountain tops surrounding the harbor down into the city of Unalaska and into harbor facilities. This was partially as a deception and partially to defend against an expected land invasion. Civilian contractors filled sandbags to protect the new gun positions.

On 4 June the Japanese carriers steamed to less than  south of Dutch Harbor to launch a second attack. At 16:00, a second airstrike of nine fighters, 11 dive bombers, and six level bombers attacked less than an hour later. More targets were damaged including some grounded aircraft, an army barracks, oil storage tanks, aircraft hangar, and a few merchant ships in the port. The Zero fighters concentrated on strafing the gun positions, while the bombers destroyed the fuel tanks located at the harbor. One wing of the military hospital at the base was destroyed. After hitting the fuel tanks, the enemy dive-bombers and high-level bombers concentrated on the ships in the harbor, Fillmore and Gillis. Driven away from these two targets by intense anti-aircraft fire, they finally succeeded in destroying the station ship  which, because of its large size, they mistakenly believed was a warship. Northwestern was actually a transport ship which had been beached and used as a barracks for civilian workers. Although in flames and badly damaged, firefighters managed to save the hull. Its power plant was thereafter used to produce steam and electricity for the shore installations. An anti-aircraft gun was blown up, and four U.S. Navy servicemen were killed.

Two Japanese dive bombers and one fighter, damaged by anti-aircraft fire, failed to return to their carriers. On the way back, the Japanese planes encountered an air patrol of six Curtiss P-40 fighters over Otter Point. A short aerial battle ensued which resulted in the loss of one Japanese fighter and two more dive bombers. Two out of the six U.S. fighters were lost as well.

Aftermath

As a result of the enemy actions, the Eleventh Air Force lost four B-17s, two Martin B-26 Marauders, and two P-40s, while the Navy suffered six PBY Catalinas destroyed. 43 Americans were killed: 33 soldiers, eight sailors, a Marine, and a civilian. Another 50 were wounded in the attack.

None of the Japanese ships were harmed, but one Zero was damaged by ground fire and crash-landed on Akutan Island, about  northeast of Dutch Harbor. Although the pilot was killed, the plane was not seriously damaged. This Zero—known as the "Akutan Zero"—was recovered by American forces, inspected, and repaired. The recovery was an important technical intelligence gain for the U.S., as it showed the strengths and weaknesses of the Zero's design.

The following day, Admiral Kakuta received orders to break off further attacks and head for the central Pacific to support the Combined Fleet which was retreating after being defeated at Midway. Two days later, a small Japanese invasion force landed and occupied two of the Aleutian Islands, Attu and Kiska, without further incident. Aleuts on Kiska and Attu were imprisoned on the Japanese mainland.

The bombing of Dutch Harbor and the subsequent occupations of Kiska and Attu by the Japanese helped trigger an impression among Americans that they were going to launch a full-scale attack along the United States West Coast. As a result, military and commandeered civilian aircraft flew nearly 2,300 troops to Nome, along with artillery and antiaircraft guns and several tons of other equipment and supplies to deter a possible Japanese landing in mainland Alaska.

Fearing a Japanese attack on other Aleutian Islands and mainland Alaska, the U.S. government evacuated hundreds more Aleuts from the western chain and the Pribilofs, placing them in internment camps in southeast Alaska, where many died of measles, influenza and other infectious diseases which spread quickly in the overcrowded dormitories. In total, about 75 died in American internment and 19 as a result of Japanese occupation. The Aleut Restitution Act of 1988 was an attempt by the Congress to compensate the survivors. On 17 June 2017 the U.S. government formally apologized for the internment of the Unangan people and their treatment in the camps.

Notes

References

Further reading

 Symonds, Craig L. The Battle of Midway (Pivotal Moments in American History) Oxford University Press, US, 2011,  pp. 193–200.

External links
 Air Raid on Dutch Harbor & Fort Mears – photos & documents
 Logistics Problems on Attu by Robert E. Burks.
 Aleutian Islands Chronology
 Aleutian Islands War
 Red White Black & Blue – feature documentary about The Battle of Attu in the Aleutians during World War II

1942 in Alaska
Dutch Harbor
Aleutian Islands campaign
American Theater of World War II
Amaknak Island
Dutch Harbor
Dutch Harbor
Dutch Harbor
Pacific theatre of World War II
June 1942 events
Attacks on military installations in the 1940s

Battle of Dutch Harbor


Antonio Francesco Gori, on his titlepages Franciscus Gorius (9 December 1691 – 20 January 1757), was an Italian antiquarian, a priest in minor orders, provost of the Baptistery of San Giovanni from 1746, and a professor at the Liceo, whose numerous publications of ancient Roman sculpture and antiquities formed part of the repertory on which 18th-century scholarship as well as the artistic movement of neoclassicism were based. In 1735 he was a founding member of a circle of antiquaries and connoisseurs in Florence called the Società Colombaria, the predecessor of the Accademia Toscana di Scienze e Lettere la Colombaria, to foster "not only Tuscan Poetry and Eloquence, or one faculty only; but almost all the most distinguished and useful parts of human knowledge: in a word, it is what the Greeks called Encyclopedia".

Gori's early career
As a young man Gori studied with Anton Maria Salvini (1653–1729) and was inspired by the Etruscan studies of Filippo Buonarroti (1661–1733). He made a dramatic discovery in 1726 on the Via Appia near Rome. It was the columbarium of the household, both free and slaves, of Livia, the consort of Emperor Augustus. The following year he published it, with notes by Salvini, in a handsome folio with 21 engraved plates, under the title Monumentum sive columbarium libertorum et servorum Liviae Augustae et Caesarum, Romae detectum in Via Appia, anno MDCCXXVI (Florence, 1727). Each of the book's plates was dedicated to an influential patron of the arts or a well-known connoisseur of antiquities, among them the English merchant banker Joseph Smith of Venice, who, though not yet English consul, was already a promising collector and patron, and Sir Thomas Dereham (died 1738), an English bachelor who had been educated at the court of Cosimo III de' Medici and continued to reside in the city. Another publication of 1727 was Gori's repertory of classical inscriptions, Inscriptiones graecae et latinae.

No doubt on the strength of his publication the previous year, Gori was commissioned by the Salviati to produce descriptive text for a vanity publication that described the chapel of Saint Antonino, bishop of Florence, in the church of San Marco, a vehicle of Salviati patronage and of their public figura; the preface was signed by Alamanno Salviati.

Museum Florentinum
The major undertaking that gave Gori a European reputation was under way from the early 1730s, when Gori started work on the Museum Florentinum, a comprehensive visual record of the Medici and other collections in Florence of antiquities of all kinds; the project eventually extended to twelve folio volumes, published 1731–1766. Gori employed artists like Giovanni Domenico Campiglia, Giovanni Domenico Ferretti and Antonio Pazzi to draw copies of famous works of which he oversaw the engraving and publication. The first volume, in two parts, Gemmae antiquae ex Thesauro Mediceo et privatorum dactyliothecis florentiae ... Imagines virorum illustrium et deorum. (1731–32) covered antique cameos and portraits, with 200 plates. The second volume, Statuae antiquae deorum et virorum illustrium (1734) was on Roman statues and monuments, with 100 plates; it was dedicated to Gian Gastone de' Medici, Grand Duke of Tuscany, last of the Medici Grand Dukes, whose collection dominated the publication. The third volume, in three parts, Antiqua numismata aurea et argentea praestantiora et aerea maximi moduli (1740 [I and II] and 1742 [III], with 121 plates. A fourth volume, Serie di ritratti degli eccellenti pittori simply consists of fifty portraits of well-known artists, architects, sculptors and engravers. The Museum Florentinum described for the first time many of the sculptures and antiquities in the Medici collections.

Other publications

Gori also published ancient inscriptions found in Etruria, in a series of volumes, his Museum Etruscum, in three volumes published between 1736 and 1743. These are among the incunabula of Etruscan studies, and incurred the jealous criticism of his rival in incipient Etruscology, Francesco Scipione Maffei (1675–1755); the two engaged in running skirmishes in print.

He edited Giovanni Battista Doni's collected transcriptions of ancient inscriptions (1731), and issued a publication on Late Antique and Byzantine ivory diptychs. His Museum cortonense (Rome 1750) in co-operation with Ridolfino Venuti of Cortona and Francesco Valesi of Rome, described antiquities in Cortona, both in the academy and in noblemen's collections.

Gori catalogued the collection of antique carved gems assembled by the Venetian art dealer and connoisseur Antonio Maria Zanetti (1698–1767), so it was natural at the end of his career that he compile the catalogue of the engraved and carved gem and cameo collection assembled by Consul Smith in Venice, not only carefully describing the gems, illustrated in 100 engraved plates, but also included a detailed history of gem engraving and a discussion of gem engravers, though he concentrated on the iconography of the subjects represented and did not attempt to ascribe the gems to a period. After purchase of many of the gems for George III, the work was sumptuously printed by J.B. Pasquali in Venice, as Dactyliotheca Smithiana., 1767.

Gori's other notable works include the earliest widely read published description of the first discoveries at Herculaneum, 1748. Symbolae litterariae (Florence and Rome, 1748–51).

Gori was also an authority on the Greek vases being found in such quantities in Etruria that they were considered to be Etruscan.

In 1751, Gori published the Satire or Satires by Jacopo Soldani.

Others remember Gori because of Galileo Galilei's finger, allegedly stolen by Gori from Galileo's tomb at Santa Croce, when Galileo's remains were transferred on 12 March 1737; the finger was kept in a bottle in the Bibliotheca Medicea at San Lorenzo, and shown to visitors.

Gori is buried in the church of San Marco, Florence.

Notes

External links

 Portrait medallion of Gori

1691 births
1757 deaths
Clergy from Florence
Italian antiquarians
Linguists of Etruscan
Italian numismatists
Fellows of the Royal Society
18th-century Italian writers
Writers from Florence
18th-century Italian male writers

Antonio Francesco Gori


Feodor Vassilyev (; c. 1707 – 1782), was a Russian peasant from Shuya, Russia. Supposedly his first wife lived to be 76 years old, and between 1725 and 1766, he had 69 children (16 sets of twins, 7 sets of triplets, and 4 sets of quadruplets), 67 of them surviving with the loss of just one set of babies, and twins.

Vassilyev's first wife would thus mark the record for the largest number of children born to a single woman; even so, few details are known of her life, such as her name and date of birth or death. Vassilyev also allegedly fathered 18 children with his second wife, who had 6 sets of twins and 2 sets of triplets, making him the father of a total of 87 children. It is believed that of his 87 children, at least 82 survived infancy.

References

1707 births
1782 deaths

Feodor Vassilyev


Chloride channel protein ClC-Ka is a protein that in humans is encoded by the CLCNKA gene. Multiple transcript variants encoding different isoforms have been found for this gene.

Function

This gene is a member of the CLC family of voltage-gated chloride channels. The encoded protein is predicted to have 12 transmembrane domains, and requires a beta subunit called barttin to form a functional channel. It is thought to function in salt reabsorption in the kidney and potassium recycling in the inner ear. The gene is highly similar to CLCNKB, which is located 10 kb downstream from this gene.

Gene variants

CLCNKA encodes one of the two major chloride channels found in the kidney, the ClC-Ka channel (the other class being the ClC-Kb from CLCNKB). The CLCNKA gene is subject, like all genes, to variation due to single-nucleotide polymorphisms (SNPs), in which a single base (A, T, C, or G) is randomly replaced by another base. SNPs in the coding regions of CLCKNA may have consequent changes in the amino acid sequence of the ClC-Ka chloride channel leading to altered functional capacities and subsequent physiological alterations.

Four SNPs (rs848307, rs1739843, rs1010069, and rs1805152) have been associated with increased salt-sensitivity by displaying an irregularly large increase in blood pressure following modest salt (Na+) intake, despite regular heart rate, blood pressure, and plasma renin levels before the salt ingestion. Of particular interest is a common SNP leading to the amino acid Arginine at the 83rd position to be replaced by Glycine. This variant is found to exist in approximately half of all caucasians, while a quarter of caucasians are homozygous for the allele. Although mainly studied in the context of caucasians, the SNP actually exists with a greater frequency in people of African descent, where the gene frequency is 70%. This SNP (rs10927887) was originally implicated in congestive heart failure after investigations into the heat shock protein HSPB7 showed that the CLCNKA gene was in linkage disequilibrium, meaning that the two genes are often not separated during recombination. The CLCNKA variant was then shown to be the cause of the pathology.

Pathology

The four SNPs found to be associated with salt sensitivity consequently predispose such cardiovascular problems as left ventricular hypertrophy and dysfunction of the endothelium. The Arg83Gly SNP specifically results in a large reduction in the flow of chloride ions through the ClC-Ka channel in the thin and thick ascending limb of the nephrons. Experimentally, the membrane potential at which the channels show no net movement of ions at a given chloride concentration drops significantly with the mutation, indicating altered function in situ. This manifests as a chronic salt wasting disorder similar to Bartter syndrome, as sodium reabsorption is coupled with chloride reabsorption. The salt loss results in a decreased blood volume and consequently hyperreninemia leading (via the end product angiotensin II and aldosterone) to increased vascular tone, heart rate, water reabsorption, and blood pressure, collectively referred to as cardiorenal syndrome. Being heterozygous for this Arg83Gly variant increases the risk of heart failure by 27%, while homozygosity increases the risk by 54%. The additive stress on the heart from increased blood pressure and heart rate often only manifests as a pathology with an additional cardiovascular problem such as hypertension. Treatment for the SNP associated hyperreninemia involves drugs to block the Renin-Angiotensin-Aldosterone system to relieve the aforementioned stresses on the heart.

See also
 Chloride channel
 BSND,  barttin, accessory subunit beta for this channel

References

Further reading

External links

Ion channels

CLCNKA


The Onyx Club was a jazz club located on West 52nd Street in New York City.

History
 35 West 52nd Street (1927–1934)
 The Onyx Club opened in 1927 at 35 West 52nd Street as a speakeasy under bootlegger Joe Helbock (né Joseph Jerome Helbock; 1896–1973).
 72 West 52nd Street (1934–1937)
 In February of 1934, after the end of prohibition, the Onyx Club became an authorized club in a new location at 72 West 52nd Street. The Onyx featured musicians including the Spirits of Rhythm and Art Tatum, who then was the regular intermission pianist.  It burned down in 1935.  Helbock rebuilt it and reopened it July 13, 1935, and reopened with Red McKenzie, Stuff Smith, Jonah Jones, John Kirby, Maxine Sullivan, and others.
 62 West 52nd Street (1937–1939)
 It moved to 62 West 52nd Street and closed in 1939, due partly to a fallout with a silent partner, guitarist Carl Kress.
 57 West 52nd Street (1942–1949)
 In 1942, a new Onyx Club, unrelated to the original, opened at 57 West 52nd Street and flourished as a jazz venue featuring Art Tatum, Red Allen, Cozy Cole, Roy Eldridge, Ben Webster, Billie Holiday, Charlie Parker, Dizzy Gillespie, and Sarah Vaughan.  The owners included Irving Alexander (1908–1987), Jack A. Colt (1905–1970), Mac Rosen, Arthur Jarwood (1907–1998), and Chauncey Samuel Olman (1908–1965). The group, at varying degrees, was involved in the ownership of Kelly's Stable, Downbeat, Three Deuces, and the Door.  Olman, an attorney for musicians and composers, was the brother of band leader Val Olman (1913–2006).  The venue, under the same name, became a strip club in 1949.

References

Music venues in Manhattan
1927 establishments in New York City
Restaurants established in 1927
Defunct drinking establishments in Manhattan
Defunct jazz clubs in New York City
Nightlife in New York City
Defunct restaurants in Manhattan

Onyx Club


Crossplot is a 1969 British neo noir crime film starring Roger Moore. Belgian actress Claudie Lange was also featured in her largest English-speaking role.

Plot
Roger Moore is Gary Fenn, a talent scout for a London modelling agency who finds the perfect target and calculates the events which mean that only one girl will be good enough for his bosses, a Hungarian Marla Kugash (Lange). He finds her among the anti-war movement in the bohemian depths of swinging London. She is in the company of a young man, Tarquin, who is extremely protective of her and overtly aggressive to Fenn.

The young Hungarian, an illegal refugee from her native homeland, accompanies Fenn to a photoshoot. However, she admits she is in fear of her life, and seems disturbed by the presence of her aunt. When she is nearly killed, the girl drops out of sight and Fenn has to go on the run himself, suspected of a separate murder. He locates her to a country house, which turns out to be the home of Tarquin, an aristocrat in spite of his anti-war sentiments.

It is revealed that Marla's aunt is part of a shadowy organisation trying to destabilise the existing world order so they can take over themselves. They will go to any length to try and shut Fenn and Marla up, including sending a helicopter after them. Fenn and his friend manage to escape to London, where they realise that the shadowy movement are planning to assassinate a visiting African head of state in Hyde Park. They manage to foil the plot.

Cast
 Roger Moore as Gary Fenn
 Claudie Lange as Marla Kugash
 Martha Hyer as Jo Grinling
 Alexis Kanner as Tarquin
 Derek Francis as Sir Charles Moberley
 Ursula Howells as Maggi Thwaites
 Bernard Lee as Chilmore
 Francis Matthews as Ruddock
 Dudley Sutton as Warren
 Mona Bruce as Myrna
 Veronica Carlson as Dinah
 Michael Culver as Jim
 Gabrielle Drake as Celia
 Tim Preece as Sebastian
 Norman Eshley as Athol
 Michael Robbins as Garage Attendant
 John Barrard as Wedding Guest
 David Prowse as Best man
 Les Conrad as Tugboat Captain

Reception

The film is not particularly well regarded by critics. One suggested that the film quickly became "tedious" in spite of the numerous action sequences, and the plot was far too "convoluted" and "confusing".

References

External links

1969 films
British spy films
Films shot at Associated British Studios
1960s English-language films
Films directed by Alvin Rakoff
1960s British films

Crossplot (film)


José Gustavo Guerrero (26 June 1876 – 26 October 1958)  was a Salvadoran diplomat and jurist. He was President of the Assembly of the League of Nations from 1929 to 1930. He served as the last president of the Permanent Court of International Justice from  1937 to 1946; he was also the first president of the International Court of Justice ("World Court") from 1946 to 1949, and remained on the Court as a regular judge until his death in 1958.

World War II
Jose Gustavo Guerrero was a Salvadoran judge who challenged the Nazis during Hitler's invasion on Europe. The distinguished Salvadoran jurist lived in Europe for many years in his career as a diplomat and as presiding judge of the Permanent Court of Justice International, based in The Hague, The Netherlands.

In 1937, during the rise of Nazism in Europe, Doctor Guerrero took over as president, until he was forced to leave in 1940 by the Nazis. Precisely after the fall of Holland, on May 17, 1940, the Nazis tried to take the Palace of the Permanent Court of Justice in The Hague, but there they met the Salvadoran, the only judge who stayed with a group of Dutch officers. When a German general approached, the Presiding Judge told him: "The Court and its staff are inviolable. Only on my body can they enter the palace." For this and others before courage in defense of Universal Law, Dr. Guerrero was twice nominated for the Nobel Peace Prize.

Once established in Geneva, Dr. Guerrero was visited by the Consul General of El Salvador in Switzerland, Colonel José Castellanos Contreras, who had fled from Germany, where he served as Consul until El Salvador broke relations with Germany.

Colonel Castellanos had already granted several visas to people of Jewish origin who were persecuted by the Nazis. However, now it was part of a larger project: the handing over of false documents of Salvadoran nationality to people of Jewish origin Castellanos then consulted Dr. Guerrero, who immediately agreed to that plan that saved the lives of thousands of Jews. According to the investigations, Dr. Guerrero would have contributed to writing the text of the document that was then given to them to save their lives.

In 1945 San Francisco, California, a conference was held attended by more than 50 countries and on which the United Nations Organization (UN) was founded.

References

External links
Biography (in Spanish)

Guerrero, Jose Gustavo
Guerrero, Jose Gustavo
20th-century jurists
Permanent Court of International Justice judges
Guerrero, Jose Gustavo
Guerrero, Jose Gustavo
Salvadoran judges of international courts and tribunals
Salvadoran judges of United Nations courts and tribunals
Salvadoran Ministers of Foreign Affairs
International Court of Justice judges

José Gustavo Guerrero


Uta Zapf (born 14 August 1941 in Liegnitz, Province of Lower Silesia) is a German politician and member of the Bundestag (SPD).

Since 1998, she has been the chairperson of the subcommittee for "Disarmament, Arms Control, and Nonproliferation" of the Foreign Affairs Committee of the German Bundestag.

Life and career
After the completion of her Abitur in 1961, Zapf studied Germanistics, English studies, and literature at the Ludwig Maximilian University of Munich. Afterwards, she worked as a freelancer as an editor and translator for publishers. Later she also worked as an instructor in adult education

Zapf is married and has one child.

Party
Zapf joined the SPD in 1972, and since 1990 has been the chairperson of the commission of "International Politics and Peace" (Internationale Politik und Frieden) of the SPD executive committee for South Hesse (Hessen Süd).

She has belonged to the SPD executive committee of South Hesse since 1983 and has been acting chairperson since 1990. In 2003, she was one of the co-founders of the "One World" ("Eine World") Forum in the district. Since 2005, she has also led the migration working group for the district collective.

Member of the Bundestag
From 1985 to 1992, Zapf was part of the council government for the city of Dreieich.

Since 1990, she has been a member of the German Bundestag. Here, from 1995 to 1998, she was the speaker for the working group "Disarmament and Arms Control" and also chairperson for the discussion group on the Kurds for the SPD Parliamentary faction.

Since 1998, Uta Zapf has been chairperson of the subcommittee for "Disarmament, Arms Control, and Nonproliferation" of the Foreign Affairs Committee and also acting person for the faction working group on "Foreign Policy." From 1998 to 2005, she was part of the SPD faction executive committee.

Zapf was directly elected in the 1998 and 2002 federal elections as a member of the Bundestag for the constituency of Offenbach am Main.

External links
 Uta Zapf's Website
 Biography at the German Bundestag

1941 births
Living people
People from Legnica
People from the Province of Lower Silesia
Members of the Bundestag for Hesse
Female members of the Bundestag
Ludwig Maximilian University of Munich alumni
Officers Crosses of the Order of Merit of the Federal Republic of Germany
21st-century German women politicians
Members of the Bundestag 2009–2013
Members of the Bundestag 2005–2009
Members of the Bundestag 2002–2005
Members of the Bundestag 1998–2002
Members of the Bundestag 1994–1998
Members of the Bundestag 1990–1994
Members of the Bundestag for the Social Democratic Party of Germany
20th-century German women

Uta Zapf


Soluble low-density lipoprotein receptor-related protein (sLRP, LRP-515) is a biological substance naturally produced by the human body. This protein has been found to bind to and neutralize anywhere from 70 to 90 percent of the amyloid-beta peptide that also naturally circulates in healthy human or mouse plasma. Impairment of this function is strongly associated with, and may soon be shown definitively to be the principal cause of, Alzheimer's disease.

References

Alzheimer's disease
Low-density lipoprotein receptor gene family


William Robert Sutherland (May 10, 1936 – February 18, 2020) was an American computer scientist. He served as manager of three notable research laboratories: Sun Microsystems Laboratories (1992–1998), the Systems Science Laboratory at Xerox PARC (1975–1981) and the Computer Science Division of Bolt Beranek and Newman Inc. which helped develop the ARPANET. In these roles, Sutherland took part in the creation of the personal computer, the technology of advanced microprocessors, the Smalltalk programming language, the Java programming language and the Internet.

Sutherland was born in Hastings, Nebraska. His father was from New Zealand and his mother was Scottish. Sutherland served in the United States Navy. He was the older brother of Ivan Sutherland.

On February 18, 2020, Sutherland died in Mountain View, California at the age of 83.

References

1936 births
2020 deaths
American computer scientists
Scientists from Nebraska

Bert Sutherland


Svetlana Afanasyevna Svetlichnaya (; born 15 May 1940) is a Soviet and Russian actress most famous for her role in The Diamond Arm (1968).

Biography
She was born in the city of Leninakan (now Gyumri), Armenian SSR, Soviet Union on 15 May 1940 to Afanasy Mikhailovich Svetlichnyi and Maria Feodorovna Zolotareva. During World War II the family lived in the town of Kolomak in the Kharkiv Oblast, then moved to the city Okhtyrka in the Sumy Oblast. Her father was in the military, and the family followed her father to his place of service. They lived in Ukraine and Austria, and at the age of 10 Svetlana lived on the Baltic coast, in the city of Sovetsk, Kaliningrad Oblast. When Svetlana graduated from high school, her mother sent her to Moscow by a train. There Svetlana went to the Gerasimov Institute of Cinematography (VGIK).

At VGIK, she studied under Mikhail Romm, and his combined directing-acting course. Under this course, she studied Valery Spout, Zhanna Prokhorenko, Galina Polskikh, Andron Konchalovsky, and Andrei Smirnov. On stage, she played a student Elisabetta Procter in Salem's process, Katyusha Maslova in Resurrection, and Maryanka in Cossacks. After her role of Anna Sergeyevna in The Diamond Arm, her phrase It's not my fault! He came by himself! became one of the most popular in the Soviet Union.

Selected films
Thirty Three (1965)
The Cook (1965)
The Diamond Arm (1968)
The New Adventures of the Elusive Avengers (1968)
Seventeen Moments of Spring (1973) [Television series]
Father Sergius (1978)
Anna Pavlova (1983)
Day of Wrath (1985)
House on a Rock (1994)
Goddess: How I fell in Love (2004)
The Girl and Death (2012)

References

External links

1940 births
Living people
People from Gyumri
Soviet film actresses
Russian film actresses
A Just Russia politicians
21st-century Russian women politicians
Gerasimov Institute of Cinematography alumni

Svetlana Svetlichnaya


is a Japanese professional wrestler, currently signed to All Japan Pro Wrestling (AJPW), where he is a former Triple Crown Heavyweight Champion, World Tag Team Champion and the winner of the 2017 Champion Carnival.

Ishikawa is also known for his work in DDT Pro-Wrestling and Big Japan Pro Wrestling (BJW), as well as numerous other independent promotions. He is a former KO-D Openweight Champion, BJW Deathmatch Heavyweight Champion and BJW World Strong Heavyweight Champion.

Early life
Ishikawa was friends with fellow future professional wrestler Takashi Sasaki as a teenager, whom he met through judo.

Professional wrestling career

DDT Pro-Wrestling (2003–2018)

After meeting Sanshiro Takagi, Ishikawa was invited to a tryout for DDT Pro Wrestling in 2002. Despite failing the tryout, Ishikawa was invited to work for the company anyway and served as an accountant and receptionist for DDT between 2002 and 2003, while occasionally training as a wrestler. When DDT moved into JWP's dojo in 2003, Ishikawa began training more regularly. As the DDT roster was running short due to older wrestlers retiring and others sustaining injuries, Takagi bought Ishikawa up to the main roster with limited training in May 2003. He made his debut at the age of 27 in a loss to Seiya Morohashi. Early in his career and due to his size Ishikawa wore red trunks, red knee pads and black boots as an homage Giant Baba. In 2004, Ishikawa was paired up with Poison Sawada Julie, joining his Serpent Council stable. After achieving little success in his early career, Ishikawa began competing more sporadically in DDT, instead becoming a regular in DDT's sister promotion Union Pro Wrestling, where he gained considerable popularity due to his size. In 2007, Ishikawa officially became recognised as the ace of UPW after Poison Sawada Julie left the promotion. Ishikawa competed in high-profile feuds with Style-E's Kyosuke Sasaki and Pro Wrestling Zero1's Yoshihito Sasaki, as well as regularly competing in DDT once again under a mask as Koo in the Hawaii Army stable. On June 3, 2007, Ishikawa defeated Harashima to capture the KO-D Openweight Championship for the first time. He held on to the belt until October, where he was defeated by Harashima in a rematch. Ishikawa began his second reign in late 2009, defeating Kota Ibushi on November 29, holding it until February 2010, when he was defeated by Daisuke Sekimoto at a Union Pro event.

On March 27, 2011, at DDT's 14 Anniversary Show, Ishikawa won a battle royal, giving him the right to a KO-D Openweight Championship match in the future. Ishikawa captured the championship for a third time on May 4, 2011, defeating Dick Togo. Ishikawa held the championship until July, when he was defeated by Kudo at Ryogoku Peter Pan. In 2016, Ishikawa won the KO-D Tag Team Championship for the first time in his career, teaming with Daisuke Sasaki to defeat Konosuke Takeshita and Tetsuya Endo on March 21. On July 3, Ishikawa and Sasaki lost the title to Ken Ohka and Kai. In May 2016, Ishikawa formed the Damnation stable along with Sasaki, Mad Paulie and later Tetsuya Endo. Ishikawa captured the KO-D Openweight Championship for a fourth time in August 2016, defeating Konosuke Takeshita at Peter Pan. Ishikawa held on to the belt until December, when he was defeated by Harashima at Osaka Octopus. Beginning in 2017, Ishikawa's appearances in DDT began to decrease due to his commitments with All Japan Pro Wrestling (AJPW), however, he continues to make sporadic appearances.

Big Japan Pro Wrestling (2009–present)

Ishikawa competed in his first ever deathmatch on January 2, 2009, teaming with Ryuji Ito to take on childhood friend Takashi Sasaki and Yuko Miyamoto. Ishikawa would go on to become a mainstay in BJW, capturing his first championship in the company on May 4, 2012, teaming with Shigehiro Irie to defeat Shinobu and Yoshihito Sasaki to win the BJW World Tag Team Championship. Irie and Ishikawa held the title until July of that year, when they were defeated by Shinobu and Yuji Okabayashi. Ishikawa defeated longtime rival Abdullah Kobayashi to become the BJW Deathmatch Heavyweight Champion on January 2, 2013, four years after competing in his first ever deathmatch. Ishikawa would go on to hold the championship for 11 months, until he was defeated by Isami Kodaka. After the loss to Kodaka, Ishikawa announced that he would no longer be competing in deathmatches, and would instead be focusing on the strong division. In 2014, Ishikawa achieved his first major success in BJW's strong division, defeating Daisuke Sekimoto to win the Ikkitosen Strong Climb tournament. Later that year, Ishikawa began teaming with Kohei Sato as the "Twin Towers" with much success, defeating the team of Yuko Miyamoto and Isami Kodaka on May 31, 2014, to win the BJW Tag Team Championships. Ishikawa and Sato successfully retained the championships for 516 days, until they were defeated by Yuji Okabayashi and Daisuke Sekimoto on October 29, 2015. In 2016, Ishikawa won the Ikkitosen Strong Climb Tournament for a second time, defeating Daichi Hashimoto and Hideyoshi Kamitani in the semi-final and final respectively on the same night to win. Ishikawa and Sato once again captured the BJW World Tag Team Championships on May 30, 2016, defeating Hideyoshi Kamitani and Ryota Hama.

All Japan Pro Wrestling (2015–present)
Ishikawa debuted for All Japan Pro Wrestling (AJPW) in 2015, and in September of that year, took part in the Ōdō Tournament, making it to the semi-final where he was eliminated by Akebono. In December, he teamed with Hoshitango in the Real World Tag League, finishing with six points but failing to advance past the group stages. On March 27, 2016, Ishikawa and Hoshitango unsuccessfully challenged Zeus and The Bodyguard for the World Tag Team Championship. In April 2017, Ishikawa took part in his first Champion Carnival, finishing first in his block and highest of anybody in the tournament with 9 points. On April 30, 2017, he defeated Joe Doering to win the tournament. On May 21, he defeated Miyahara to win the Triple Crown Heavyweight Championship for the first time in his career. He lost the title back to Miyahara on August 27. He began to form an alliance with Suwama in late 2017. Calling themselves "Violence Giant", the two entered the World's Strongest Tag Determination League in December, where they defeated Daichi Hashimoto and Hideyoshi Kamitani in the finals to win the tournament. On January 3, they won the World Tag Team Championship by defeating Wild Burning (Takao Omori and Jun Akiyama). They dropped the belts to Kento Miyahara and Yoshi Tatsu on February 3. They won the belts back on June 30, beating Ryoji Sai and Dylan James. They once again entered the World Tag League in December 2018, making it to the final where they lost to Dylan James and Joe Doering, however, they managed to retain the championships in the rematch. They dropped the belts to Daisuke Sekimoto and Yuji Okabayashi at a BJW show on January 13, but regained them on March 19 in Korakuen Hall.

Championships and accomplishments

All Japan Pro Wrestling
 Gaora TV Championship (1 time)
Triple Crown Heavyweight Championship (1 time)
World Tag Team Championship (5 times) – with Suwama (4) and Kohei Sato (1)
Champion Carnival (2017)
 World's Strongest Tag Determination League (2017, 2019) – with Suwama
Big Japan Pro Wrestling
BJW Deathmatch Heavyweight Championship (1 time)
BJW World Strong Heavyweight Championship (1 time)
BJW Tag Team Championship (3 times) – with Shigehiro Irie (1) and Kohei Sato (2)
Ikkitousen Strong Climb (2014, 2016)
DDT Pro-Wrestling
KO-D Openweight Championship (4 times)
DDT Extreme Championship (1 time)
KO-D Tag Team Championship (1 time) – with Daisuke Sasaki
King of DDT Tournament (2016)
D-Oh Grand Prix (2018)
Japan Indie Awards
 Best Bout Award (2013) vs. Isami Kodaka on November 4
Best Unit Award (2016, 2017) Damnation with Daisuke Sasaki, Mad Paulie and Tetsuya Endo
MVP Award (2016)
Pro Wrestling Illustrated
 Ranked No. 106 of the top 500 singles wrestlers in the PWI 500 in 2019
Tokyo Sports
Best Tag Team Award (2017, 2018, 2019) with Suwama
Union Pro Wrestling
UWA World Tag Team Championship (1 time) - with Masato Shibata

References

External links

Japanese male professional wrestlers
1975 births
Living people
Sportspeople from Shizuoka Prefecture
World Tag Team Champions (AJPW)
Triple Crown Heavyweight Champions
Gaora TV Champions
UWA World Tag Team Champions
21st-century professional wrestlers
DDT Extreme Champions
KO-D Tag Team Champions
KO-D Openweight Champions
BJW Deathmatch Heavyweight Champions
BJW Tag Team Champions
BJW World Strong Heavyweight Champions

Shuji Ishikawa


The United States embargo against Cuba prevents US businesses, and businesses organized under US law or majority-owned by US citizens, from conducting trade with Cuban interests. It is the most enduring trade embargo in modern history. The US first imposed an embargo on the sale of arms to Cuba on March 14, 1958, during the Fulgencio Batista regime. Again on October 19, 1960, almost two years after the Cuban Revolution had led to the deposition of the Batista regime, the U.S. placed an embargo on exports to Cuba except for food and medicine after Cuba nationalized the US-owned Cuban oil refineries without compensation. On February 7, 1962, the embargo was extended to include almost all exports. The United Nations General Assembly has passed a resolution every year since 1992 demanding the end of the US economic embargo on Cuba, with the US and Israel being the only nations to consistently vote against the resolutions.

, the embargo is enforced mainly through the Trading with the Enemy Act of 1917, the Foreign Assistance Act of 1961, the Cuban Assets Control Regulations of 1963, the Cuban Democracy Act of 1992, the Helms–Burton Act of 1996, and the Trade Sanction Reform and Export Enhancement Act of 2000. The stated purpose of the Cuban Democracy Act of 1992 is to maintain sanctions on Cuba as long as the Cuban government refuses to move toward "democratization and greater respect for human rights." The Helms-Burton Act further restricted United States citizens from doing commerce in or with Cuba, and mandated restrictions on giving public or private assistance to any successor government in Havana unless and until certain claims against the Cuban government were met. In 1999, President Bill Clinton expanded the trade embargo by also disallowing foreign subsidiaries of US companies to trade with Cuba. In 2000, Clinton authorized the sale of food and humanitarian products to Cuba.

William M. LeoGrande summarized that the embargo against Cuba is "the oldest and most comprehensive US economic sanctions regime against any country in the world" imposed over half a century ago. According to LeoGrande, "the embargo has never been effective at achieving its principal purpose: forcing Cuba's revolutionary regime out of power or bending it to Washington's will."

In Cuba, the embargo is commonly called  (the blockade).. The United States has threatened to stop financial aid to other countries if they trade non-food items with Cuba. The US's attempts to do so have been vocally condemned by the United Nations General Assembly as an extraterritorial measure that contravenes "the sovereign equality of States, non-intervention in their internal affairs and freedom of trade and navigation as paramount to the conduct of international affairs". Academic Nigel White writes, "While the US measures against Cuba do not amount to a blockade in a technical or formal sense, their cumulative effect is to put an economic stranglehold on the island, which not only prevents the United States intercourse but also effectively blocks commerce with other states, their citizens and companies." Despite the existence of the embargo, Cuba can, and does, conduct international trade with many countries, including many US allies; however, US-based companies, and companies that do business with the US, which trade in Cuba do so at the risk of US sanctions. Cuba has been a member of the World Trade Organization since 1995. The European Union is Cuba's largest trading partner, and the United States is the fifth-largest exporter to Cuba (6.6% of Cuba's imports come from the US). The Cuban government must, however, pay cash for all food imports from the United States, as credit is not allowed.

Beyond criticisms of human rights in Cuba, the United States holds $6 billion worth of financial claims against the Cuban government. The pro-embargo position is that the U.S. embargo is, in part, an appropriate response to these unaddressed claims. The Latin America Working Group argues that pro-embargo Cuban-American exiles, whose votes are crucial in the US state of Florida, have swayed many politicians to adopt views similar to their own. Some business leaders, including James E. Perrella, Dwayne O. Andreas, and Peter Blyth, have opposed the Cuban-American views, arguing that trading freely would be good for Cuba and the United States.

Human-rights groups including Amnesty International, Human Rights Watch, and the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights have also been critical of the embargo. Critics of the embargo often refer to it as a "blockade" and say that the respective laws are too harsh, citing the fact that violations can result in up to 10 years in prison.

History

Eisenhower presidency

The United States imposed an arms embargo on Cuba on March 14, 1958, during the armed conflict of 1953-1958 between rebels led by Fidel Castro and the Fulgencio Batista régime. Arms sales violated US policy which had permitted the sale of weapons to Latin-American countries which had signed the 1947 Inter-American Treaty of Reciprocal Assistance (Rio Treaty) as long as the weapons were not used for hostile purposes. The arms embargo had more of an impact on Batista than on the rebels. After the Castro socialist government came to power on January 1, 1959, relations were initially friendly between Castro and the Dwight D. Eisenhower administration but became strained after the Agricultural Reform confiscated land owned by many American businesses and Cuba continued to sponsor revolutionary movements in other parts of the Caribbean. By March 1960 the US government began making plans to help overthrow the Castro administration. Congress did not want to lift the embargo.

In April 1960, the US Department of State issued a memorandum from Deputy Assistant Secretary of State for Inter-American Affairs Lester D. Mallory to his immediate superior, Roy Rubottom, acknowledging majority support within Cuba for the Castro administration, the fast spread of communism within the country, and the lack of an effective political opposition. The memorandum stated that the "only foreseeable means of alienating internal support is through disenchantment and disaffection based on economic dissatisfaction and hardship." It recommended a policy that would be "adroit and inconspicuous as possible" while aiming to deny "money and supplies to Cuba, to decrease monetary and real wages, to bring about hunger, desperation and overthrow of government."

In May 1960 the Cuban government began regularly and openly purchasing armaments from the Soviet Union, citing the US arms embargo. In July 1960 the United States reduced the import quota of brown sugar from Cuba to 700,000 tons under the Sugar Act of 1948; and the Soviet Union responded by agreeing to purchase the sugar instead.

In June 1960 a key incident occurred: Eisenhower's government refused to export oil to the island, leaving Cuba reliant on Soviet crude oil. Cuba and the Soviet Union signed a trade agreement according to which the Soviet Union would provide 900,000 tons of oil to Cuba. The United States viewed the agreement as a provocation, and successfully urged Esso, Texaco, and Shell to refuse to process Soviet crude in their Havana and Santiago de Cuba refineries. On June 29 and July 1, 1960, Cuba confiscated the refineries. The United States responded by canceling its quota of sugar purchases from Cuba. In turn, on August 30, 1960, the Cuban government nationalized the three American-owned oil refineries as well as Compañía Cubana de Electricidad, the Cuban Telephone Company, and 36 sugar mills. The refineries became part of the state-run company, Unión Cuba-Petróleo. This prompted the Eisenhower administration to launch the first trade embargo—a prohibition against selling all products to Cuba except food and medicine. In October 1960 the Cuban administration responded by nationalizing all American businesses and most American privately owned properties on the island. Castro promised to separate Americans in Cuba from all of their possessions "down to the nails in their shoes". Cuba's nationalization laws required the government to compensate the owners of seized property, but compensation was to be made in Cuban bonds, an offer which was not taken seriously by the United States. Payments pursuant to the Cuban bonds were to be paid from the sale of Cuban sugar to the United States, but the United States had just canceled its purchases of Cuban sugar. No compensation was paid. Other countries which had their assets nationalised, including Switzerland, Canada, Spain, and France, were more agreeable to Castro's terms, seemingly convinced that they would not be able to get a better deal.

The second wave of nationalizations prompted the Eisenhower administration, in one of its last actions, to sever all diplomatic relations with Cuba in January 1961. The US partial trade embargo with Cuba continued under the Trading with the Enemy Act 1917. According to 2009 article in the Inter-American Law Review, the Cuban government's nationalization of US owned property is the "largest uncompensated taking of American property by a foreign government in history." Assets seized, included vacation homes and bank accounts of wealthy individuals, but most seized property was owned by large American corporations, including sugar factories, mines and oil refineries.

Kennedy presidency

About the time of the Bay of Pigs Invasion of 17 to 20 April 1961 (which had been largely planned under the Eisenhower administration, but which President John F. Kennedy had been informed of and had approved during the months preceding his presidency and in his first few months (from January 20, 1961) as president), Castro on April 16, 1961 and on May 1, 1961 characterized the Cuban revolution and state as "socialist",
 and aligned with the Soviet Union. On September 4, 1961, partly in response, Congress passed the Foreign Assistance Act, a Cold War Act (among many other measures) that prohibited aid to Cuba and authorized the President to impose a complete trade-embargo against Cuba.

On January 21, 1962, Cuba was suspended by the Organization of American States (OAS), by a vote of 14 in favor, one (Cuba) against with six abstentions (see Cuba–OAS relations). Mexico and Ecuador, two abstaining members, argued that the OAS Charter did not authorize expulsion. Multilateral sanctions were imposed by OAS on July 26, 1964, but were later rescinded on July 29, 1975. Cuban relations with the OAS have since improved and the suspension of membership was lifted on June 3, 2009.

Kennedy extended measures by executive order, first widening the scope of the trade restrictions on February 8, 1962 (announced on February 3 and again on March 23, 1962). These measures expanded the embargo to include all imports of products containing Cuban goods, even if the final products had been made or assembled outside Cuba. On August 3, 1962, the Foreign Assistance Act was amended to prohibit aid to any country that provides assistance to Cuba. On September 7, 1962, Kennedy formally expanded the Cuban embargo to include all Cuban trade, except for the non-subsidized sale of food and medicines.

Following the Cuban Missile Crisis of October 1962, Kennedy imposed travel restrictions on February 8, 1963, and the Cuban Assets Control Regulations were issued on July 8, 1963, again under the Trading with the Enemy Act, in response to Cuba hosting Soviet nuclear weapons. These measures froze Cuban assets in the US and consolidated existing restrictions.

Rapprochement with Cuba

The restrictions on US citizens traveling to Cuba lapsed on March 19, 1977; the regulation was renewable every six months, but President Jimmy Carter did not renew it and the regulation on spending US dollars in Cuba was lifted shortly afterwards. President Ronald Reagan reinstated the trade embargo on April 19, 1982, though it was now only restricted to business and tourist travel and did not apply to travel by US government officials, employees of news or film making organizations, persons engaging in professional research, or persons visiting their close relatives.  This has been modified subsequently with the present regulation, effective June 30, 2004, being the Cuban Assets Control Regulations, 31 C.F.R. part 515.

The current regulation does not prohibit travel by US citizens to Cuba per se, but it makes it illegal for US citizens to have transactions (spend money or receive gifts) in Cuba under most circumstances without a US government Office of Foreign Assets Control issued license. Since even paying unavoidable airfare ticket taxes into a Cuban airport would violate this transaction law, it is effectively impossible for ordinary tourists to visit Cuba without breaking the monetary transaction rule.

Increasing legislation

The embargo was reinforced in October 1992 by the Cuban Democracy Act and in 1996 by the Cuban Liberty and Democracy Solidarity Act (known as the Helms–Burton Act) which penalizes foreign companies that do business in Cuba by preventing them from doing business in the US. The key sponsor of the Cuban Democracy Act, Democrat Robert Torricelli, stated that the legislation would "wreck havoc on that island." Justification provided for these restrictions was that these companies were trafficking in stolen US properties, and should, thus, be excluded from the United States. President Barack Obama tried to lift the embargo, but Congress did not allow it.

The European Union resented the Helms-Burton Act because it felt that the US was dictating how other nations ought to conduct their trade and challenged it on that basis. The EU eventually dropped its challenge in favor of negotiating a solution.

After Cuba shot down two Hermanos al Rescate (Brothers to the Rescue) planes in 1996, killing three Americans and a US resident, a bi-partisan coalition in the United States Congress approved the Helms-Burton Act. The Title III of this law also states that any non-US company that "knowingly trafficks in property in Cuba confiscated without compensation from a U.S. person" can be subjected to litigation and that company's leadership can be barred from entry into the United States. Sanctions may also be applied to non-US companies trading with Cuba. This restriction also applies to maritime shipping, as ships docking at Cuban ports are not allowed to dock at US ports for six months. This title includes waiver authority, so that the President might suspend its application. The waiver must be renewed every six months and traditionally was until US President Donald Trump in 2019.

In response to pressure from some American farmers and agribusiness, the embargo was relaxed by the Trade Sanctions Reform and Export Enhancement Act, which was passed by Congress in October 2000 and signed by President Bill Clinton. The relaxation allowed the sale of agricultural goods and medicine to Cuba for humanitarian reasons. Although Cuba initially declined to engage in such trade (having even refused US food aid in the past, seeing it as a half-measure serving US interests), the Cuban government began to allow the purchase of food from the US as a result of Hurricane Michelle in November 2001. These purchases have grown since then, even though all sales are made in cash. In 2007, the US was the largest food supplier of Cuba, and its fifth largest trading partner.

In some tourist spots across the island, American brands such as Coca-Cola can be purchased. Ford tankers refuel planes in airports and some computers use Microsoft software. The origin of the financing behind such goods is not always clear. The goods often come from third parties based in countries outside the US, even if the product being dealt originally has US shareholders or investors. This can be seen, for example, with Nestlé products (which have a 10% US ownership) that can be bought in Cuba with Cuban convertible pesos (CUCs). These CUC pesos are hard currency that are traded in foreign exchange against the US dollar, the Euro, and other currencies.

Cuban thaw

On April 13, 2009, President Barack Obama eased the travel ban, allowing Cuban-Americans to travel freely to Cuba; and on January 14, 2011, he further eased the ban, by allowing students and religious missionaries to travel to Cuba if they meet certain restrictions.

On July 16, 2012, the Ana Cecilia became the first officially sanctioned direct ship to sail from Miami to Cuba. It carried food, medicine and personal hygiene goods sent by Cuban-Americans to family members.

In 2014, the Obama administration announced its intention to re-establish relations with Cuba. In January 2015, the administration lightened restrictions on US citizen travel to Cuba. While restrictions on travel for missionary work and education have been loosened, visits for tourism remain banned. Obama and Cuban President Raúl Castro met on April 11, 2015, which was the first meeting between distinct leaders of the two countries in over fifty years. In May 2015, several US companies reported they had been granted licenses to establish ferry travel between Florida and Cuba, with a US Department of Treasury spokeswoman confirming they had begun issuing licenses. So far the general ban on travel to Cuba remains in effect for Americans, so the ferry service will not be accessible to Americans who have not received special approval for travel to Cuba.

On September 21, 2015, the Commerce and Treasury Departments took additional coordinated actions in support of the President's Cuba policy. These actions included a rule published by the Commerce Department's Bureau of Industry and Security (BIS) that amended the terms of existing license exceptions that are available for Cuba, increased the number of license exception provisions that are available for Cuba, created a new Cuba licensing policy to help ensure the safety of civil aviation and the safe operation of commercial passenger aircraft, and made the deemed export and deemed reexport license requirements for Cuba consistent with other sanctioned destinations.

In February 2016, the US government allowed two American men from Alabama to build a factory that will assemble as many as 1,000 small tractors a year for sale to private farmers in Cuba. The $5 million to $10 million plant would be the first significant US business investment on Cuban soil since 1959. The deal was not authorized by Cuban authorities later that year because one of the owners had recently obtained Cuban citizenship. Factory ownership is still illegal in Cuba.

In concert with a prisoner exchange with Cuba, Presidents Obama and Castro announced moves on December 17, 2014, to reestablish diplomatic relations and to loosen travel and economic policies. Cuba released Alan Gross, an American prisoner, on humanitarian grounds and exchanged an unnamed American spy for the three remaining members of the Cuban Five. Obama also announced a review of Cuba's status as a terrorist state and an intention to ask Congress to remove the embargo entirely. Cuba agreed to release 53 political prisoners and to allow Red Cross and UN human-rights investigators access. On May 29, 2015, according to the US State Department, "Cuba's designation as a state sponsor of terrorism was rescinded".

Under the announced changes by President Obama, there will be an increased ability to transact with Cuban nationals and businesses, including Cuban financial institutions. Additionally, permitted US banks will now be able to open accredited accounts in Cuban banks.

On January 12, 2017, Obama announced the immediate cessation of the wet feet, dry feet policy, eight days before his term ended. The Cuban government agreed to accept the return of Cuban nationals. Beginning in 2014, anticipation of the end of the policy had led to increased numbers of Cuban immigrants.

On November 8, 2017, it was announced that President Trump's administration had enacted new rules which would re-enforce the business and travel restrictions which were loosened by the Obama administration and would go into effect on November 9.

In July 2021, under President Joe Biden, the United States imposed sanctions on Cuba's police force and on two of Cuba's leaders in response to the 2021 Cuban protests.

Impact

Humanitarian and health impacts
The embargo has been criticized for its effects on food, clean water, medicine, and other economic needs of the Cuban population. Criticism has come from both Fidel Castro and Raúl Castro, citizens and groups from within Cuba, and international organizations and leaders.

US diplomat Lester D. Mallory wrote an internal memo on April 6, 1960, arguing in favor of an embargo to "(make) the greatest inroads in denying money and supplies to Cuba, to decrease monetary and real wages, to bring about hunger, desperation and overthrow of government".

Some medical scholars, outside Cuba, have linked the embargo to shortages of medical supplies and soap which have resulted in a series of medical crises and heightened levels of infectious diseases. Medical scholars have also linked the embargo to epidemics of specific diseases, including neurological disorders and blindness caused by poor nutrition. An article written in 1997 suggests malnutrition and disease resulting from increased food and medicine prices have affected men and the elderly in particular, due to Cuba's rationing system which gives preferential treatment to women and children. In 1997, the American Association for World Health stated that the embargo contributed to malnutrition, poor water access, lack of access to medicine and other medical supplies and concluded that "a humanitarian catastrophe has been averted only because the Cuban government has maintained a high level of budgetary support for a health care system designed to deliver primary and preventative medicine to all its citizens." The AAWH found that travel restrictions embedded in the embargo have limited the amount of medical information that flows into Cuba from the United States.

Since 2000, the embargo has explicitly excluded the acquisition of food and medicines.

Political impact
Writing in 2021, in the context of the 2021 Cuban protests, according to Pavel Vidal, a former Central Bank of Cuba economist who teaches at Javeriana University in Colombia, economic reforms in Cuba "do not depend on the embargo, and the embargo should be eliminated unilaterally, independently from reforms in Cuba. Both cause problems."

A 2009 report by Amnesty International argues that the Cuban embargo has had an adverse effect on human rights in Cuba, and that "states must take into account the effects that [imposed] sanctions may have on the enjoyment of economic, social and cultural rights in the country affected".

Economic effects
The US sanctions on Cuba and their economic impacts can be traced back to when they were first implemented in the 1960s. In its 2020 report to the United Nations, Cuba stated that the total cost to Cuba from the United States embargo is $144 billion since its inception.

Between 1954 and 1959, trade between Cuba and the United States was at a higher level than what it was in 2003, according to a BA dissertation submitted to the Teresa Lozano Long Institute of Latin American Studies, with 65% of Cuba's total exports sent to the United States while American imports totaled 74% percent of Cuba's international purchases. After the formal implementation of the embargo and the passage of Proclamation 3355, there was a 95% decrease in Cuba's sugar quota, which canceled roughly 700,000 tons of the 3,119,655 tons previously allotted to the United States. A year later, Cuba's sugar quota was reduced to zero when President Eisenhower issued Proclamation 3383. This substantially affected Cuba's total exports, as Cuba was one of the world's leading sugar exporters at the time.

In 1989, with the collapse of the Soviet bloc, Cuba witnessed its most devastating economic crises. Cuba's GDP plummeted 34% and trade between the nations apart from the Council of Mutual Economic Assistance (CMEA) declined by 56%. Between 1989 and 1992, the termination of traditional trade partnerships with the Soviet bloc caused the total value of Cuba's exports to fall by 61% and imports to drop by approximately 72%. This period is known as the Special Period. Supporters of the embargo and many international economists believed that the dissolution of the Soviet Union and the resultant economic crisis would lead to the downfall of Fidel Castro's government. However, Cuba's government instituted a campaign of macroeconomic adjustment and liberalization, which provided significant economic recovery.

In November 1991 speech to the UN General Assembly, Cuban ambassador Ricardo Alarcón cited 27 recent cases of trade contracts interrupted by US pressure. The British journal Cuba Business claimed that British Petroleum was seemingly dissuaded by US authorities from investing in offshore oil exploration in Cuba despite being initially keenly interested. The Petroleum economist claimed in September 1992 that the US State Department vigorously discouraged firms like Royal Dutch Shell and Clyde Petroleum from investing in Cuba; this pressure did not work in all cases. According to the Mexican newspaper El Financiero, the US ambassador to Mexico John Negroponte travelled to meet two Mexican business men who had signed a textile deal with Cuba on October 17, 1992.  Despite the representation, the deal went ahead and was eventually worth $500 million in foreign capital. All of this happened before the signing of the Cuban Democracy Act.

The 1998 US State Department report Zenith and Eclipse: A Comparative Look at Socio-Economic Conditions in Pre-Castro and Present Day Cuba attributed Cuba's economic penury not as a result of the embargo, but instead the lack of foreign currency due to the unwillingness of Cuba to liberalize its economy and diversify its export base during the years of abundant Soviet aid. Cuba also amassed substantial debts owed to its Japanese, European, and Latin American trading partners during the years of abundant Soviet aid.

According to a 2001 US International Trade Commission report in response to a request made by the US House of Representatives, the total value of U.S. exports of selected agricultural products, intermediate goods, and manufactured goods to Cuba in the absence of US sanctions was estimated to be at $146 and $658 million for US imports from Cuba between 1996 and 1998.

According to a 2000 research paper by Jorge Antonio, a professor of political economy, the economic effects of the embargo on the economic development of Cuba are likely negligible. The paper states that: "Under the real world of Castroism, however, the answer must be a terse one: none. The embargo has not harmed the Cuban economy. Cooperation between the United States and Cuba would have been impossible from the very beginning of the Revolution for legal, political, ideological, strategic, and economic reasons, not to mention others of a philosophical or moral character." The U.S. Embargo and the Failure of the Cuban Economy

In 2002, the Cuba Policy Foundation estimated that the embargo costs the US economy $3.6 billion per year in economic output.

In 2007, the US Commerce's Bureau of Industry and Security (BIS) has become more lenient with some of the sanctions imposed upon Cuba by introducing new streamlined procedures to expedite processing of license applications for exporting eligible agricultural commodities to Cuba. As a result, annual US exports to Cuba have risen from $6 million to about $350 million between 2000 and 2006. Over this period, US exports to Cuba have totaled more than $1.5 billion. As of 2006, agricultural products comprised 98% of total U.S. exports to Cuba.

In 2009, the US Chamber of Commerce estimated that the embargo costs the US economy $1.2 billion per year in lost sales and exports, while the Cuban government estimates that the embargo has cost the island itself $753.69 billion. The Cuba Policy Foundation (CPF) has provided more extreme data; its estimates put the cost of the embargo at $4.84 billion per year while costing Cuba $685 million per year.

According to critics of the embargo, one of the major problems with the embargo is that the United States is the only major country that has such an embargo against Cuba in place. Cuba still receives tourists and trade from other countries, making the embargo appear both illegitimate and pointless.

A 2015 report in Al Jazeera estimated that the embargo had cost the Cuban economy $1.1 trillion in the 55 years since its inception, once inflation is taken into account.

Tourist restrictions

Under the Cuban Assets Control Regulations persons subject to US jurisdiction must obtain a license to engage in any travel-related transactions pursuant to travel to, from, and within Cuba. Transactions related solely to tourist travel are not licensable.

Spurred by a burgeoning interest in the assumed untapped product demand in Cuba, a growing number of free-marketers in Congress, backed by Western and Great Plains lawmakers who represent agribusiness, have tried each year since 2000 to water down or lift regulations preventing Americans from traveling to Cuba. Four times over that time period the US House of Representatives has adopted language lifting the travel ban, and in 2003 the US Senate followed suit for the first time. Each time President George W. Bush threatened to veto the bill. Faced with a veto threat, each year Congress dropped its attempt to lift the travel ban before sending legislation to the president.

Some US nationals circumvent the ban by traveling to Cuba from a different country, such as Mexico, The Bahamas, Canada, or Costa Rica. Cuban immigration authorities do not routinely stamp passports, instead stamping a Cuban visa page which is provided, and not permanently affixed to the passport. However, the practice still opens U.S. citizens to a risk of prosecution and fines by the US government if discovered. Until July 20, 2015, there was no US Embassy or consulate in Cuba and United States representation was limited to a United States Interests Section.

The US Treasury Department's Office of Foreign Assets Control (OFAC) considers any visit of more than one day to be prima facie proof of violation. OFAC also holds that US citizens may not receive goods or services for free from any Cuban national, eliminating any attempts to circumvent the regulation based on that premise. On July 25, 2011, OFAC declared that the "people to people" relaxation of restrictions on travel conceded by the Obama administration should not be mistakenly interpreted as promoting tourism.

On October 10, 2006, the United States announced the creation of a task force that will more aggressively pursue violations of the U.S. trade embargo against Cuba, with severe penalties. The regulations are still in force and are administered by OFAC. Criminal penalties for violating the embargo range up to ten years in prison, $1 million in corporate fines, and $250,000 in individual fines; civil penalties up to $55,000 per violation.

In September 2016, Newsweek reported that then future President Donald Trump's hotel company violated the embargo, spending a minimum of $68,000 for its 1998 foray into Cuba without US government approval. With Trump's knowledge, executives funneled the cash for the Cuba trip through an American consulting firm called Seven Arrows Investment and Development Corp. Once the business consultants traveled to Cuba and incurred the expenses for the venture, Seven Arrows instructed senior officers with Trump's company—then called Trump Hotels & Casino Resorts—how to make it appear legal by linking it after the fact to a charitable effort.

Imports and exports to and from Cuba

United States
The embargo does not block food and medicine goods to Cuba from the United States. In 2020, $176.8 million worth of goods were exported to Cuba from the US and $14.9 million imported to the US from Cuba.

Reactions

Criticism of embargo laws and rules

United Nations
Since 1992, the UN General Assembly has passed a nonbinding resolution every year, except for 2020, condemning the ongoing impact of the embargo and declaring it in violation of the Charter of the United Nations and of international law. There was no voting on this issue in 2020 due to the COVID-19 pandemic. Israel is the only country that routinely joins the US in voting against the resolution as did Palau every year from 2004 to 2008. In 2010, the General Assembly condemned the embargo, 187 to 2 with 3 abstentions. Israel sided with the US, while the Marshall Islands, Palau, and Micronesia abstained. In 2014, out of the 193-nation assembly, 188 countries voted in favor of the resolution, the United States and Israel voted against, and the Pacific Island nations Palau, the Marshall Islands, and Micronesia abstained. The UN General Assembly voted in favor of a resolution demanding an end to the embargo in both 2021 and 2022. 184 countries voted in favor of the resolution in 2021, while 185 voted in favor in 2022. The US and Israel voted against in both years. Brazil and Ukraine abstained in both years, while Colombia abstained in 2021.

Response by governments
On May 1, 2009, Venezuelan President Hugo Chávez, while speaking about his meeting US President Barack Obama at a summit days earlier, stated "if President Obama does not dismantle this savage blockade of the Cuban people, then it is all a lie, it will all be a great farce and the U.S. empire will be alive and well, threatening us."

The Helms-Burton Act has been the target of criticism from Canadian and European governments in particular, who object to what they say is the extraterritorial pretensions of a piece of legislation aimed at punishing non-U.S. corporations and non-U.S. investors who have economic interests in Cuba. In the House of Commons of Canada, Helms-Burton was mocked by the introduction of the Godfrey-Milliken Bill, which called for the return of property of United Empire Loyalists seized by the American government as a result of the American Revolution (the bill never became law). The European Council has stated that it:

Other critics
Some critics of the embargo say that the embargo helps the Cuban government more than it hurts it, by providing it with a bogeyman for all of Cuba's misfortunes. Hillary Clinton publicly shared the view that the embargo helps the Castros, saying that "It is my personal belief that the Castros do not want to see an end to the embargo and do no want to see normalization with the United States, because they would lose all of their excuses for what hasn't happened in Cuba in the last 50 years." Clinton said in the same interview that "we're open to changing with them."

In a 2005 interview, George P. Shultz, who served as Secretary of State under Reagan, called the embargo "insane". Daniel Griswold, director of the Cato Institute's Center for Trade Policy Studies, criticized the embargo in a June 2009 article:

In June 2009, Venezuela commentator Moisés Naím wrote in Newsweek: "The embargo is the perfect example used by anti-Americans everywhere to expose the hypocrisy of a superpower that punishes a small island while cozying to dictators elsewhere." Commentators cite examples such as Saudi Arabia, Turkey, and China, as regimes that the United States has varying economic relations with.

Some US business leaders openly call for an end to the embargo. They argue, as long as the embargo continues, non-US foreign businesses in Cuba that violate the embargo, do not have to compete with US businesses, and thus, will have a head start when and if the embargo is lifted.

Some religious leaders oppose the embargo for a variety of reasons, including humanitarian and economic restrictions the embargo imposes on Cubans. Pope John Paul II called for the end to the embargo during his 1979 pastoral visit to Mexico. Patriarch Bartholomew I called the embargo a "historic mistake" while visiting the island on January 25, 2004. Rev. Jesse Jackson, Rev. Al Sharpton, and Minister Louis Farrakhan have also publicly opposed the embargo. On May 15, 2002, former President Carter spoke in Havana, calling for an end to the embargo, saying "Our two nations have been trapped in a destructive state of belligerence for 42 years, and it is time for us to change our relationship." The US bishops called for an end to the embargo on Cuba, after Pope Benedict XVI's 2012 visit to the island.

Film director Michael Moore challenged the embargo by bringing 9/11 rescue workers in need of health care to Cuba to obtain subsidized health care.

In June 2011, George McGovern, the Democratic nominee for president in 1972, blamed "embittered Cuban exiles in Miami" for keeping the embargo alive. Before visiting Cuba, he said:

Barack Obama discussed easing the embargo during his 2008 campaign for president of the US, though he promised to maintain it. In December 2014, he called the embargo a failure, asking Congress to enact legislation to lift it entirely.

Polling data and public opinion in the US
A 2008 USA Today/Gallup Poll indicated that Americans believed that diplomatic relations "should" be re-established with Cuba, with 61% in favor and 31% opposed.

In January 2012, an Angus Reid Public Opinion poll showed that 57% of Americans called for ending the travel ban that prevented most Americans from visiting Cuba, with 27% disagreeing and 16% not sure.

The Cuban Research Institute at Florida International University has conducted thirteen polls (from 1991 to 2020) of Cuban Americans in Dade County, Florida In 1991, support for the embargo was 67.9% (5.5% don't know) shortly after the end of the Cold War, bottoming out at 31.6% (9.4% don't know) in 2016 during the Cuban thaw, and back up to 54% (8% don't know) in 2020 after the Trump administration reversed the thaw.

In the US, lobbying groups such as Engage Cuba advocate for the end of the embargo.

See also

 ABCD line (sanctions against Japan)
 List of vetoed United Nations Security Council resolutions
 Sanctions against Iraq
 Sanctions against Iran
 Sanctions against Russia

References

1958 establishments in Cuba
1958 establishments in the United States
1958 in international relations
20th century in Cuba
21st century in Cuba
Aftermath of the Cuban Revolution
Anti-communism in the United States
Boycotts of Cuba
Cold War history of Cuba
Cold War history of the United States
Cuba and the United Nations
Cuba–United States relations
Economy of Cuba
Embargoes
History of the foreign relations of the United States
Opposition to Fidel Castro
Tourism in Cuba
Cuba

United States embargo against Cuba


The Roncesvalles Carhouse is a storage and maintenance facility for the streetcar network of the Toronto Transit Commission. Located at the northwest corner of the Queensway and Roncesvalles Avenue in Toronto, Ontario, west of its downtown core, it is the oldest of the TTC's three active carhouses. The carhouse serves vehicles on routes 501 Queen, 504 King, 505 Dundas, 506 Carlton, 511 Bathurst, and 512 St. Clair.

Description

The yard has 28 tracks numbered from east (track 1) to west (track 29). (One track was eliminated when the LFLRV repair bay was built at the location of tracks 16 and 17 in 2013.) Exterior tracks 1 to 15 and the LFLRV repair bay track all face north while the other tracks face south. The carhouse has four "barns" which are from east to west: the LFLRV repair bay, Inspection Bay 2 (tracks 18-20), Inspection Bay 1 (tracks 21-23), Repair Bay (tracks 24-25). Tracks 24 and 25 are the only stub-end tracks within the shop buildings. Track 20 has a carwash. A boiler room is near the south-west corner of the carhouse building. A sub-station is located near the north-east corner of the yard between track 1 and Roncesvalles Avenue. The traffic office is at the south-east corner beside track 5.

Yard entrances/exits are on the Queensway and Roncesvalles Avenue. The Roncesvalles Avenue entrance in conjunction with the special work at the intersection of Queen Street, King Street, the Queensway and Roncesvalles Avenue can serve streetcars from and to any street at that intersection. The Queensway entrance cannot serve streetcars to or from Humber Loop.

History

The Toronto Railway Company opened the Roncesvalles Carhouse on January 22, 1895. It was located facing Roncesvalles Avenue on the west side of the street just north of Queen Street. Like most other TRC facilities maintenance had been deferred as its contract with the city came up for renewal. When the City took over streetcar operations in 1921, its new transit agency, the Toronto Transportation Commission, determined the existing facilities should be torn down and replaced. The replacement carhouse opened in 1923, with the tracks realigned north-south.

In 1927, the TTC took over operation of the Port Credit radial line which at that time ran west from Humber Loop. After converting the line from standard gauge to the streetcar system's broader gauge, the TTC closed the old Toronto and York Radial Railway carhouse near Grenadier Pond, and housed the Port Credit radial cars at the Roncesvalles Carhouse. This arrangement continued until February 9, 1935 when the Port Credit radial (then running west from the Long Branch Loop) was permanently replaced by bus service.

By 2013,  of new maintenance capabilities were added to the carhouse to handle the new low floor Flexity streetcars introduced in 2014. Unlike the TTC's legacy streetcar fleet, where the vehicle's serviceable parts were under the floor, the low-floor vehicle house the serviceable parts above the ceiling.  This requires a different infrastructure for servicing and maintaining the vehicles. As an addition to the Roncesvalles structure, the TTC added a new one-track service bay capable of providing some maintenance for the new low-floor streetcar vehicles. This was the only facility built to service the first of the new vehicles in service, before the Leslie Carhouse opened, in 2016.

In February 2018, Roncesvalles Carhouse closed for major construction work with all streetcars operating from this carhouse being moved to Russell Carhouse and Leslie Barns. In January 2019, Roncesvalles Carhouse partially reopened to service some of the Flexity Outlook streetcars used on routes 501 Queen, 504 King and 512 St. Clair. The carhouse returned to full capacity after completion of all remaining work. The work included:
 Special work on the north side of the yard, which was at the end of its useful life and was replaced.
 Within inspection bay 1, interior tracks 21–23 were replaced, and interior obstructions removed in order to accommodate Flexity Outlook streetcars. Provision was made for a high level platform. Also, the north end of inspection bay 1 was extended.
 Track 6 (on the east side of the yard) was extended to allow for additional storage.
 Tracks 3 and 4 were reinstated to provide more space, and tracks 1 to 4 were all extended southward to join track 5.
 OCS poles supporting the overhead wires were replaced to allow for pantograph operation.

In separate instances in August 2019 and January 2020, a streetcar going along the S-curve at the middle of the north end of the yard hurled its trolley pole shoe through the window of a nearby building outside the yard. The TTC suspected the cause of the two incidents was speed and perhaps an improper attachment of the shoe to the trolley pole. The shoe is made of brass and weighs . To prevent further incidents, the TTC has since required drivers to go around the S-curve at  with the pantograph raised and the trolley pole lowered.

Sunnyside Loop

This is an anticlockwise streetcar loop, exterior to the southwest corner of the carhouse property. It is used to turn back westbound 501 Queen and 504 King streetcars, which can only enter the loop westbound from the Queensway and exit southbound on Sunnyside Avenue to return eastbound.

See also
 Sunnyside Bus Terminal, a Gray Coach facility that operated from 1936 to 1990 next to Roncesvalles Carhouse

References

External links
Plan of Roncesvalles Carhouse, November 1995

Toronto streetcar system
Tram depots

Roncesvalles Carhouse


The London Paper (stylised as thelondonpaper) was a free daily newspaper, published by NI Free Newspapers Ltd, a subsidiary of News International (who also own the companies that publish The Sun and The Times). It was available from Monday to Friday each week in Central London from 4 September 2006 until 18 September 2009 (its final print-run before closure).

Background
The paper was the first London newspaper to be published in direct competition with the Evening Standard since 1987 and Robert Maxwell's short-lived London Daily News. It was also the first newspaper to be launched by News International (the publisher's other titles were bought many years after initial publication).

The week before The London Paper was first published, Associated Newspapers, the publisher of the Evening Standard, re-branded their existing free lunchtime newspaper Standard Lite to London Lite and changed the publishing time to include the evening rush-hour, a move that was widely seen as a 'spoiler' to protect against the launch of the London paper.

Format
The paper, edited by Stefano Hatfield, was targeted towards young readers, with emphasis on celebrity and more light hearted news, there was little analysis of news stories and the paper used many images and much colour. As a consequence of the launch of The London Paper as well as Associated Newspaper's own London Lite, the Evening Standard attempted to go more upmarket, emphasising the difference between the free newspapers and itself by adding the tagline "The Quality Newspaper" across the top of the front page, this changed on 12 October 2009 when, after a long history of paid circulation, the Evening Standard became a free sheet, replacing the London Lite. The London Paper was also the home of Em, the popular cartoon strip later featured in The Sun, and the City Girl column, written by novelist Alexandra Brown.

Distribution

It held the contract for evening free distribution in London National Rail stations, meaning it could be picked up at the same locations as Metro in the mornings. It was also believed to be bidding for the larger contract to distribute free newspapers at London Underground stations on weekday afternoons. However Transport for London later announced that the contract had been withdrawn after no acceptable bids were received.

Criticism
The paper was criticised for containing too much pointless celebrity news in the guise of serious news articles, such as a new Murdoch-backed music website and The Simpsons Movie. Its television listings also included Sky One alongside the five terrestrial channels.

Like the other free London dailies, The London Paper was generally discarded by its readers as soon as they had finished. The use of resources to print something with such a short lifespan was criticised on environmental grounds. Westminster City Council estimated that free newspapers made up a quarter of all rubbish in the West End, much of which went un-recycled, although some stations have positioned recycling bins at entrances and exits specifically for the purpose of recycling free papers. The London Paper recycled many of their papers into wire bound A4 notepads

Closure

On 20 August 2009, it was announced that The London Paper would cease publication due to consistent losses.

On 18 September 2009, News International took the decision to cease publication of the newspaper, having its final print-run after it recorded pre-tax losses of £12.9m in its second year.

On 13 August 2010, Rupert Murdoch announced that News Corp would distribute a similar digital newspaper as paid content for the iPad, mobile phones, and other digital devices.

References

External links
 thelondonpaper.com Official website for The London Paper (now redirects to The Times website).
 London's free newspapers revealed This Is Local London
 The Guardian, 21 August 2009, The legacy of The London Paper

Defunct newspapers published in the United Kingdom
Free daily newspapers
London newspapers
News UK
Newspapers established in 2006
Publications disestablished in 2009
2006 establishments in England

The London Paper


Kamakura is a city in Kanagawa Prefecture, Japan.

Named after the city are:

Kamakura period (c.1192–1333), a period in the history of Japan
Kamakura shogunate (1192–1333), the shōgun government of the period
Kamakura (snow dome), festive Japanese snowdomes
Kamakura (G.I. Joe), a character in the G.I. Joe universe
Kamakura Corporation, a U.S. financial risk software company
Kamakura (EP), an EP by Gang Gang Dance

See also
 Kamacuras, a fictional gigantic praying mantis in the Godzilla film series
 Izuru Kamukura, the mastermind behind "The Tragedy" in the Japanese media franchise Danganronpa

Kamakura (disambiguation)


Albert T. Patrick (February 26, 1866 – February 11, 1940) was an American lawyer who was convicted and sentenced to death at Sing Sing for the murder of his client William Marsh Rice.

Case
Patrick was born in Texas on February 26, 1866.  He was charged with conspiring to murder Rice on 24 September 1900, convicted on 26 March 1902 and sentenced to be electrocuted. His appeals of the conviction — and his filing of a formal complaint against the practice of solitary confinement — delayed the execution of the sentence. In 1906, Governor of New York Frank W. Higgins commuted his sentence to life imprisonment. Doubts about the evidence caused the Governor John Alden Dix to pardon him in 1912. In 1930 he was disbarred and the disbarment was upheld by the New York State Supreme Court. It was said that the conduct of the case during the 12 years between being charged and being pardoned cost Patrick and his friends $162,000.  Patrick died in Tulsa, Oklahoma on February 11, 1940.

References

1866 births
1940 deaths
Inmates of Sing Sing
American lawyers
American people convicted of murder
American prisoners sentenced to death
Recipients of American gubernatorial clemency
Recipients of American gubernatorial pardons
People convicted of murder by New York (state)
Prisoners sentenced to death by New York (state)

Albert T. Patrick