In Spain, an autonomous community () is the first sub-national level of political and administrative division, created in accordance with the Spanish Constitution of 1978, with the aim of guaranteeing limited autonomy of the nationalities and regions that make up Spain.

There are 17 autonomous communities and two autonomous cities (Ceuta and Melilla) that are collectively known as "autonomies" or regions. The two autonomous cities have the right to become autonomous communities.

The autonomous communities exercise their right to self-government within the limits set forth in the constitution and organic laws known as Statutes of Autonomy, which broadly define the powers that they assume.

Each statute sets out the devolved powers () for each community; typically those communities with stronger local nationalism have more powers, and this type of devolution has been called asymmetrical which is on the whole seen as advantageous, able to respond to diversity.

Despite the Constitution not setting a mandatory legislative chamber framework, all autonomous communities have chosen unicameralism. All such governments have legislative and executive branches of government but not judicial.

Decentralisation model

The Spanish model is generally considered by foreign political scientists and scholars as "a federal system with certain peculiarities". However it is also described as a decentralised unitary country. While sovereignty is vested in the nation as a whole, represented in the central institutions of government, the nation has, to varying degrees, devolved power to the communities.

This unique framework of territorial administration has been labeled by the Constitutional Court as the "State of Autonomous Communities", to avoid implying either a unitary or federal model. Some scholars have referred to the resulting system as a federal system in all but name, or a "federation without federalism".

List of Autonomous communities
The official names of the autonomous communities can be in Spanish only (which applies to the majority of them), in the co-official language in the community only (as in the Valencian Community and the Balearic Islands), or in both Spanish and the co-official language (as in the Basque Country, Navarre and Galicia). Since 2006, Occitan—in its Aranese dialect—is also a co-official language in Catalonia, making it the only autonomous community whose name has three official variants (Spanish: Cataluña, Catalan: Catalunya, Occitan: Catalonha).

RA: Regionally Appointed

DE: Directly Elected

Autonomous cities

DE: Directly Elected

History

Background

Spain is a diverse country made up of several different regions with varying economic and social structures, as well as different languages and historical, political and cultural traditions. While the entire Spanish territory was united under one crown in 1479 this was not a process of national homogenization or amalgamation. The constituent territories—be they crowns, kingdoms, principalities or dominions—retained much of their former institutional existence, including limited legislative, judicial or fiscal autonomy. These territories also exhibited a variety of local customs, laws, languages and currencies until the mid 19th century.

From the 18th century onwards, the Bourbon kings and the government tried to establish a more centralized regime. Leading figures of the Spanish Enlightenment advocated for the building of a Spanish nation beyond the internal territorial boundaries. This culminated in 1833, when Spain was divided into 49 (now 50) provinces, which served mostly as transmission belts for policies developed in Madrid.

Spanish history since the late 19th century has been shaped by a dialectical struggle between Spanish nationalism and peripheral nationalisms, mostly in Catalonia and the Basque Country, and to a lesser degree in Galicia.

In a response to Catalan demands, limited autonomy was granted to the Commonwealth of Catalonia in 1914, only to be abolished in 1925. It was granted again in 1932 during the Second Spanish Republic, when the Generalitat, Catalonia's mediaeval institution of government, was restored. The constitution of 1931 envisaged a territorial division for all Spain in "autonomous regions", which was never fully attained—only Catalonia, the Basque Country and Galicia had approved "Statutes of Autonomy"—the process being thwarted by the Spanish Civil War that broke out in 1936, and the victory of the rebel Nationalist forces under Francisco Franco.

During General Franco's dictatorial regime, centralism was vigorously enforced as a way of preserving the "unity of the Spanish nation". Peripheral nationalism, along with communism and atheism were regarded by his regime as the main threats. His attempts to fight separatism with heavy-handed but sporadic repression, and his often severe suppression of language and regional identities backfired: the demands for democracy became intertwined with demands for the recognition of a pluralistic vision of the Spanish nationhood.

When Franco died in 1975, Spain entered into a phase of transition towards democracy. The most difficult task of the newly democratically elected  (the Spanish Parliament) in 1977 acting as a Constituent Assembly was to transition from a unitary centralized state into a decentralized state in a way that would satisfy the demands of the peripheral nationalists. The then Prime Minister of Spain, Adolfo Suárez, met with Josep Tarradellas, president of the Generalitat of Catalonia in exile. An agreement was made so that the Generalitat would be restored and limited competencies would be transferred while the constitution was still being written. Shortly after, the government allowed the creation of "assemblies of members of parliament" integrated by deputies and senators of the different territories of Spain, so that they could constitute "pre-autonomic regimes" for their regions as well.

The Fathers of the Constitution had to strike a balance between the opposing views of Spain—on the one hand, the centralist view inherited from monarchist and nationalist elements of Spanish society, and on the other hand federalism and a pluralistic view of Spain as a "nation of nations"; between a uniform decentralization of entities with the same competencies and an asymmetrical structure that would distinguish the nationalities. Peripheral nationalist parties wanted a multinational state with a federal or confederal model, whereas the governing Union of the Democratic Centre (UCD) and the People's Alliance (AP) wanted minimum decentralization; the Spanish Socialist Workers' Party (PSOE) was sympathetic to a federal system.

In the end, the constitution, published and ratified in 1978, found a balance in recognizing the existence of "nationalities and regions" in Spain, within the "indissoluble unity of the Spanish nation". In order to manage the tensions present in the Spanish transition to democracy, the drafters of the current Spanish constitution avoided giving labels such as 'federal' to the territorial arrangements, while enshrining in the constitution the right to autonomy or self-government of the "nationalities and regions", through a process of asymmetric devolution of power to the "autonomous communities" that were to be created.

Constitution of 1978

The starting point in the territorial organization of Spain was the second article of the constitution, which reads:

The constitution was rather ambiguous on how this was to take place. It does not define, detail, or impose the structure of the state; it does not tell the difference between "nation" and "nationality"; and it does not specify which are the "nationalities" and which are the "regions", or the territories they comprise. Rather than imposing, it enables a process towards a decentralized structure based on the exercise that these "nationalities and regions" would make of the right to self-government that they were granted. As such, the outcome of this exercise was not predictable and its construction was deliberately open-ended; the constitution only created a process for an eventual devolution, but it was voluntary in nature: the "nationalities and regions" themselves had the option of choosing to attain self-government or not.

In order to exercise this right, the constitution established an open process whereby the "nationalities and regions" could be constituted as "autonomous communities". First, it recognized the pre-existing 50 provinces of Spain, a territorial division of the liberal centralizing regime of the 19th century created for purely administrative purposes (it also recognized the municipalities that integrated the provinces). These provinces would serve as the building blocks and constituent parts of the autonomous communities. The constitution stipulated that the following could be constituted as autonomous communities:
 Two or more adjacent provinces with common historical, cultural and economic characteristics.
 Insular territories.
 A single province with a "historical regional identity".

It also allowed for exceptions to the above criteria, in that the Spanish Parliament could:
 authorize, in the nation's interest, the constitution of an autonomous community even if it was a single province without a historical regional identity (which allowed for example, the creation of the Community of Madrid, which had been part of the historical region of Castile–La Mancha); and to
 authorize or grant autonomy to entities or territories that were not provinces (which allowed for the creation of two autonomous cities, Spanish exclaves in North Africa).

The constitution also established two "routes" to accede to autonomy. The "fast route" or "fast track", also called the "exception", was established in article 151, and was implicitly reserved for the three "historical nationalities"—Catalonia, the Basque Country and Galicia, regions with strong regional identities—in that the very strict requirements to opt for this route were waived for those territories that had approved a "Statute of Autonomy" during the Second Spanish Republic (1931–1936). Otherwise, the constitution required the approval of three-fourths of the municipalities involved whose population would be at least the majority of the electoral census of each province, and required the ratification through a referendum with the affirmative vote of the absolute majority of the electoral census of each province (that is, of all registered citizens, not only of those who would vote).

While the constitution was still being drafted, and self-government seemed likely to be granted only to the "historical nationalities", there was a popular outcry in Andalusia, demanding self-government as well, which led to the creation of a quicker process for that region, which eventually self-identified as a "historical nationality" as well. In the end, the right to self-government was extended to any other region that wanted it.

The "slow route" or "slow track", also called the "norm", was established in article 143. This route could be taken—via the first transitory disposition—by the "pre-autonomic regimes" that had been constituted in 1978, while the constitution was still being drafted, if approved by two-thirds of all municipalities involved whose population would sum up to at least the majority of the electoral census of each province or insular territory. These communities would assume limited powers () during a provisional period of 5 years, after which they could assume further powers, upon negotiation with the central government. However, the constitution did not explicitly establish an institutional framework for these communities. They could have established a parliamentary system like the "historical nationalities", or they could have not assumed any legislative powers and simply established mechanisms for the administration of the powers they were granted.

The constitution also explicitly established that the institutional framework for these communities would be a parliamentary system, with a Legislative Assembly elected by universal suffrage, a cabinet or "council of government", a president of such a council, elected by the Assembly, and a High Court of Justice. They were also granted a maximum level of devolved competencies.

While the constitution did not establish how many autonomous communities were to be created, on 31 July 1981, Leopoldo Calvo-Sotelo, then the prime minister of Spain and Felipe González, leader of the opposition in Parliament, signed the "First Autonomic Pacts" (Primeros pactos autonómicos in Spanish), in which they agreed to the creation of 17 autonomous communities and two autonomous cities, with the same institutions of government, but different competences. By 1983, all 17 autonomous communities were constituted: Andalusia, Aragon, Asturias, the Balearic Islands, the Basque Country, the Canary Islands, Cantabria, Castile and León, Castile–La Mancha, Catalonia, the Community of Madrid, Extremadura, Galicia, La Rioja,  Navarra, the Region of Murcia and the Valencian Community.  The two autonomous cities, Ceuta and Melilla were constituted in 1995.

Once the autonomous communities were created, Article 145 prohibits the "federation of autonomous communities". This was understood as any agreement between communities that would produce an alteration to the political and territorial equilibrium that would cause a confrontation between different blocks of communities, an action incompatible with the principle of solidarity and the unity of the nation.

The so-called "additional" and "transitory" dispositions of the constitution allowed for some exceptions to the above-mentioned framework. In terms of territorial organization, the fifth transitory disposition established that the cities of Ceuta and Melilla, Spanish exclaves located on the northern coast of Africa, could be constituted as "autonomous communities" if the absolute majority of the members of their city councils would agree on such a motion, and with the approval of the Spanish Parliament, which would exercise its prerogatives to grant autonomy to other entities besides provinces.

However one aspect of this asymmetry in powers between regions is a cause of friction, namely that the Basque-speaking areas (Basque Country and Navarra) can raise their own taxes and negotiate a transfer to Madrid to pay for common services and hence, unlike the other regions, do not contribute to fiscal equalisation across Spain. These two regions or communities are known as "chartered" territories,
In all other communities, all taxes are levied and collected by or for the central government and then redistributed among all.

Autonomic pacts

The Statutes of Autonomy of the Basque Country and Catalonia were sanctioned by the Spanish Parliament on 18 December 1979. The position of the party in government, the Union of the Democratic Centre (UCD), was that only the three "historical nationalities" would assume full powers, while the rest would accede to autonomy via article 143, assuming fewer powers and perhaps not even establishing institutions of government. This was firmly opposed by the representatives of Andalusia, who demanded for their region the maximum level of powers granted to the "nationalities".

After a massive rally in support of autonomy, a referendum was organized for Andalusia to attain autonomy through the strict requirements of article 151, or the "fast route"—with UCD calling for abstention, and the main party in opposition in Parliament, the Spanish Socialist Workers' Party (PSOE) calling for a vote in favour. These requirements were not met, as in one of the eight provinces, Almería, votes in favour — although the plurality — did not amount to half of the electoral census as required. Yet, in general, the results of the referendum had been clear and unequivocal.

After several months of discussion, the then prime minister of Spain, Adolfo Suárez and the leader of the opposition, Felipe González, reached an agreement to resolve the Andalusian issue, whereby the Parliament approved an amendment to the law that regulated referendums, and used a prerogative of article 144c of the constitution, both actions which combined would allow Andalusia to take the fast route. They also agreed that no other region would take the "fast route", but that all regions would establish a parliamentary system with all institutions of government. This opened a phase that was dubbed as , "coffee for all". This agreement was eventually put into writing in July 1981 in what has been called the "first autonomic pacts".

These "autonomic pacts" filled in the gap left by the open character of the constitution. Among other things:
 They described the final outline of the territorial division of Spain, with the specific number and name of the autonomous communities to be created.
 They restricted the "fast-route" to the "historical nationalities" and Andalusia; all the rest had to take the "slow-route".
 They established that all autonomous communities would have institutions of government within a parliamentary system.
 They set up a deadline for all the remaining communities to be constituted: 1 February 1983.

In the end, 17 autonomous communities were created:
 Andalusia, and the three "historical nationalities"—the Basque Country, Catalonia and Galicia—took the "fast-route" and immediately assumed the maximum set of powers allowed in the constitution; the rest took the "slow route".
 Aragon, Castilla-La Mancha, Castile and León, Extremadura and the Valencian Community acceded to autonomy as communities integrated by two or more provinces with common historical, economic and cultural characteristics.
 The Balearic Islands and the Canary Islands acceded to autonomy as insular territories, the latter integrated by two provinces.
 Principality of Asturias, Cantabria, La Rioja and Murcia acceded to autonomy as single provinces with historical identity (also called "uniprovincial" autonomous communities).
 Navarre, as a single province, acceded to autonomy through the recognition, update and improvement of its historical and local "law" (charters; Spanish fueros), and as such, it is known as a "chartered community".
 The province of Madrid, home to the national capital, was removed from Castilla-La Mancha (formerly New Castile), to which it previously belonged, and constituted as a single-province autonomous community in the "national interest", the Community of Madrid.

Special provisions were made for the Valencian Community and the Canary Islands in that, although they took the "slow route", through the subsequent approval of specific organic laws, they were to assume full autonomy in less than 5 years, since they had started a process towards the "fast route" prior to the approval of the "autonomic pacts".

On the other hand, Cantabria and La Rioja, although originally part of Old Castile—and both originally included in the "pre-autonomic regime" of Castile and León—were granted autonomy as single provinces with historical identity, a move supported by the majority of their populations. The "autonomic pacts" give both Cantabria and La Rioja the option of being incorporated into Castile and León in the future, and required that the Statutes of Autonomy of all three communities include such a provision. León, a historical kingdom and historical region of Spain, once joined to Old Castile to form Castile and León, was denied secession to be constituted as an autonomous community on its own right.

During the second half of the 1980s, the central government seemed reluctant to transfer all powers to the "slow route" communities. After the five years set up by the constitution, all "slow route" communities demanded the maximum transfer guaranteed by the constitution. This led to what has been called the "second autonomic pacts" of 1992, between the then prime minister of Spain Felipe González from PSOE and the leader of the opposition, José María Aznar from the newly created People's Party (PP) successor of the People's Alliance party. Through these agreements new powers were transferred, with the reforms to many Statutes of Autonomy of the "slow-route" communities with the aim of equalizing them to the "fast route" communities. In 1995, the cities of Ceuta and Melilla were constituted as "autonomous cities" without legislative powers, but with an autonomous assembly not subordinated to any other province or community.

The creation of the autonomous communities was a diverse process, that started with the constitution, was normalized with the autonomic pacts and was completed with the Statutes of Autonomy. It is, however, an ongoing process; further devolution—or even the return of transferred powers—is always a possibility. This has been evidenced in the 2000s, at the beginning with a wave of approval of new Statutes of Autonomy for many communities, and more recently with many considering the recentralization of some powers in the wake of the economic and financial crisis of 2008. Nonetheless Spain is now a decentralized country with a structure unlike any other, similar but not equal to a federation, even though in many respects the country can be compared to countries which are undeniably federal. The unique resulting system is referred to as "Autonomous state", or more precisely "State of Autonomies".

Current state of affairs

With the implementation of the Autonomous Communities, Spain went from being one of the most centralized countries in the OECD to being one of the most decentralized; in particular, it has been the country where the incomes and outcomes of the decentralized bodies (the Autonomous Communities) has grown the most, leading this rank in Europe by 2015 and being fifth among OECD countries in tax devolution (after Canada, Switzerland, the United States and Austria). By means of the State of Autonomies implemented after the Spanish Constitution of 1978, Spain has been quoted to be "remarkable for the extent of the powers peacefully devolved over the past 30 years" and "an extraordinarily decentralized country", with the central government accounting for just 18% of public spending, 38% by the regional governments, 13% by the local councils, and the remaining 31% by the social security system.

In terms of personnel, by 2010 almost 1,350,000 people or 50.3% of the total civil servants in Spain were employed by the autonomous communities; city and provincial councils accounted for 23.6% and those employees working for the central administration (police and military included) represented 22.2% of the total.

Movement for further autonomy

Peripheral nationalism continues to play a key role in Spanish politics. Some peripheral nationalists view that there is a vanishing practical distinction between the terms "nationalities" and "regions", as more powers are transferred to all communities in roughly the same degree and as other communities have chosen to identify themselves as "nationalities". In fact, it has been argued that the establishment of the State of Autonomies "has led to the creation of "new regional identities", and "invented communities".
Many in Galicia, the Basque Country, and Catalonia view their communities as "nations", not just "nationalities", and Spain as a "plurinational state" or a "nation of nations", and they have made demands for further devolution or secession.

Basque country

In 2004 the Basque Parliament approved the Ibarretxe Plan, whereby the Basque Country would approve a new Statute of Autonomy containing key provisions such as shared sovereignty with Spain, full independence of the judiciary, and the right to self-determination, and assuming all powers except that of the Spanish nationality law, defense, and monetary policy. The plan was rejected by the Spanish Parliament in 2005 and the situation has remained largely stable in that front so far.

Catalonia

A particularly contentious point – especially in Catalonia –  has been the one of fiscal tensions, with Catalan nationalists intensifying their demand for further financing during the 2010s. In this regard, the new rules for fiscal decentralisation in force since 2011 already make Spain one of the most decentralized countries in the world also in budgetary and fiscal matters, with the base for income tax split at 50/50 between the Spanish government and the regions (something unheard of in much bigger federal states such as Germany or the United States, which retain the income tax as an exclusively or primarily federal one). Besides, each region can also decide to set its own income tax bands and its own additional rates, higher or lower than the federal rates, with the corresponding income accruing to the region which no longer has to share it with other regions. This current level of fiscal decentralisation has been regarded by economists such as Thomas Piketty as troublesome since, in his view, "challenges the very idea of solidarity within the country and comes down to playing the regions against each other, which is particularly problematic when the issue is one of income tax as this is supposed to enable the reduction of inequalities between the richest and the poorest, over and above regional or professional identities".

Catalan independence
The severe economic crisis in Spain that started in 2008 produced different reactions in the different communities. On one hand, some began to consider a return of some responsibilities to the central government while, on the other hand, in Catalonia debate on the fiscal deficit—Catalonia being one of the largest net contributors in taxes—led many to support secession. In September 2012, Artur Mas, then Catalonia's president, requested from the central government a new "fiscal agreement", with the possibility of giving his community powers of fiscal autonomy equal to those of the  chartered communities, but prime minister Mariano Rajoy refused. Mas dissolved the Catalan Parliament, called for new elections, and promised to conduct a referendum on independence within the next four years.

Rajoy's government declared that they would use all "legal instruments"—current legislation requires the central executive government or the Congress of Deputies to call for or sanction a binding referendum— to block any such attempt. The Spanish Socialist Workers' Party and its counterpart in Catalonia proposed to reopen the debate on the territorial organization of Spain, changing the constitution to create a true federal system to "better reflect the singularities" of Catalonia, as well as to modify the current taxation system.

On Friday 27 October 2017 the Catalan Parliament voted on the independence of Catalonia; the result was 70 in favor, 10 against, 2 neither, with 53 representatives not present in protest. In the following days, the members of the Catalan government either fled or were imprisoned.

One scholar summarises the current situation as follows:

the autonomous state appears to have come full circle, with reproaches from all sides. According to some, it has not gone far enough and has failed to satisfy their aspirations for improved self-government. For others it has gone too far, fostering inefficiency or reprehensible linguistic policies.

Possible rearrangements
Besides the territorial disputes that Spain holds with the United Kingdom, Morocco and Portugal, some forces have campaigned for the redistribution of territories among communities:
 There are independence movements pleading for secession from Spain in Catalonia, the Basque Country and Navarre, Galicia and the Canary Islands.
 The Basque Statute of Autonomy and the  provide a pathway for the integration of Navarre in the Basque autonomous community. The Parliament of Navarre has not entertained the possibility.
 The Treviño enclave (formed by the municipalities of Condado de Treviño and La Puebla de Arganzón) is part of the province of Burgos (in the autonomous community of Castile and León) but is surrounded by Álava (Basque autonomous community). There is a dispute in which the Castilian-Leonese government support the status quo and the Basque Government and much of the local population support integration in Álava and the Basque Country.
 Similarly, Valle de Villaverde is part of the autonomous community of Cantabria but surrounded by Biscay, in the Basque autonomous community. Lately local support for integration in the Basque Country has diminished.
 Leonesism pleads for the establishment of the autonomous community of León separating the provinces of León, Zamora and Salamanca (or in a restricted sense, just the province of León) from the rest of the provinces of the autonomous community of Castile and León, pursuant to the configuration of the former Region of León.
 The Ayuntamiento of La Línea de la Concepción has asked for permission to call a referendum on the secession of the municipality from the province of Cádiz in the autonomous community of Andalusia to become a standalone autonomous community, citing the special case of bordering Gibraltar.

Constitutional and statutory framework
The State of Autonomies, as established in Article 2 of the constitution, has been argued to be based on four principles: willingness to accede to autonomy, unity in diversity, autonomy but not sovereignty of the communities, and solidarity among them all. The structure of the autonomous communities is determined both by the devolution allowed by the constitution and the powers assumed in their respective Statutes of Autonomy. While the autonomic agreements and other laws have allowed for an "equalization" of all communities, differences still remain.

The Statute of Autonomy

The Statute of Autonomy is the basic institutional law of the autonomous community or city, recognized by the Spanish constitution in article 147. It is approved by a parliamentary assembly representing the community, and then approved by the , the Spanish Parliament, through an "Organic Law", requiring the favourable vote of the absolute majority of the Congress of Deputies.

For communities that acceded to autonomy through the "fast route", a referendum is required before it can be sanctioned by the Parliament. The Statutes of Autonomy must contain, at least, the name of the community, its territorial limits, the names, organization and seat of the institutions of government, the powers they assume and the principles for their bilingual policy, if applicable.

The constitution establishes that all powers not explicitly assumed by the State (the central government) in the constitution, can be assumed by the autonomous community in their Statutes of Autonomy; but also, all powers not explicitly assumed by the autonomous community in their Statutes of Autonomy are automatically assumed by the State. In case of conflict, the constitution prevails. In case of disagreement, any administration can bring the case before the Constitutional Court of Spain.

Institutional organization
All autonomous communities have a parliamentary system based on a division of powers comprising:
 A Legislative Assembly, whose members are elected by universal suffrage according to a system of proportional representation, in which all areas that integrate the territory are fairly represented
 A Council of Government, with executive and administrative powers, headed by a prime minister, whose official title is "president", elected by the Legislative Assembly—usually the leader of the party or coalition with a majority in the Assembly—and nominated by the King of Spain
 A High Court of Justice, hierarchically under the Supreme Court of Spain

The majority of the communities have approved regional electoral laws within the limits set up by the laws for the entire country. Despite minor differences, all communities use proportional representation following D'Hondt method; all members of regional parliaments are elected for four-year terms, but the president of the community has the faculty to dissolve the legislature and call for early elections. Nonetheless in all communities except for the Basque Country, Catalonia, Galicia, and Andalusia elections are held the last Sunday of May every four years, concurrent with municipal elections in all Spain.

The names of the Council of Government and the Legislative Assembly vary between communities. In some autonomous communities, these institutions are restored historical bodies of government or representation of the previous kingdoms or regional entities within the Spanish Crown—like the Generalitat of Catalonia—while others are entirely new creations.

In some, both the executive and the legislature, though constituting two separate institutions, are collectively identified with a single specific name. A specific denomination may not refer to the same branch of government in all communities; for example, junta may refer to the executive office in some communities, to the legislature in others, or to the collective name of all branches of government in others.

Given the ambiguity in the constitution that did not specify which territories were nationalities and which were regions, other territories, besides the implicit three "historical nationalities", have also chosen to identify themselves as nationalities, in accordance with their historical regional identity, such as Andalusia, Aragon, the Balearic Islands, the Canary Islands, and the Valencian Community.

The two autonomous cities have more limited powers than autonomous communities, but more than other municipalities. The executive is exercised by a president, who is also the mayor of the city. In the same way, limited legislative power is vested in a local assembly in which the deputies are also the city councillors.

Legal powers
The autonomic agreements of 1982 and 1992 tried to equalize powers () devolved to the 17 autonomous communities, within the limits of the constitution and the differences guaranteed by it. This has led to an "asymmetrical homogeneity". In the words of the Constitutional Court of Spain in its ruling of August 5, 1983, the autonomous communities are characterized by their "homogeneity and diversity...equal in their subordination to the constitutional order, in the principles of their representation in the Senate, in their legitimation before the Constitutional Court, and in that the differences between the distinct Statutes [of Autonomy] cannot imply economic or social privileges; however, they can be unequal with respect to the process to accede to autonomy and the concrete determination of the autonomic content of their Statute, and therefore, in their scope of powers. The autonomic regime is characterized by an equilibrium between homogeneity and diversity ... Without the former there will be no unity or integration in the state's ensemble; without the latter, there would not be [a] true plurality and the capacity of self-government".

The asymmetrical devolution is a unique characteristic of the territorial structure of Spain, in that the autonomous communities have a different range of devolved powers. These were based on what has been called in Spanish as hechos diferenciales, "differential facts" or "differential traits".

This expression refers to the idea that some communities have particular traits, with respect to Spain as a whole. In practice these traits are a native "language proper to their own territories" separate from Spanish, a particular financial regime or special civil rights expressed in a code, which generate a distinct political personality. These hechos diferenciales of their distinct political and historical personality are constitutionally and statutorily (i. e., in their Statutes of Autonomy) recognized in the exceptions granted to some of them and the additional powers they assume.

The powers to be exercised can be divided into three groups: exclusive to the State or central government, shared powers, and devolved powers exclusive to the communities. Article 149 states which powers are exclusive to the central government: international relations, defense, administration of justice, commercial, criminal, civil, and labour legislation, customs, general finances and state debt, public health, basic legislation, and general coordination. All autonomous communities have the power to manage their own finances in the way they see fit, and are responsible for the administration of education—school and universities—health and social services and cultural and urban development. Yet there are differences as stipulated in their Statutes and the constitution:
 Aragon, the Balearic Islands, the Basque Country, Catalonia, Galicia and the Valencian Community have a regional civil code
 Basque Country, Catalonia, and Navarre have their own police corps—the , the Mossos d'Esquadra and the Nafarroako Foruzaingoa, respectively; other communities have them too, but not fully developed (adscribed to the Spanish National Police)
 The Canary Islands have a special financial regime in virtue of its location as an overseas territories, while the Basque Country and Navarre have a distinct financial regime called "chartered regime"
 The Balearic Islands, the Basque Country, Catalonia, Galicia, Navarre, and the Valencian Community have a co-official language and therefore a distinct linguistic regime

Degree of financial autonomy

How the communities are financed has been one of the most contentious aspects in their relationship with the central government. The constitution gave all communities significant control over spending, but the central government retained effective control of their revenue supply. That is, the central government is still charge of levying and collecting most taxes, which it then redistributes to the autonomous communities with the aim of producing "fiscal equalization". This applies to all communities, with the exception of the Basque Country and Navarre.

This financial scheme is known as the "common regime". In essence, fiscal equalization implies that richer communities become net contributors to the system, while poorer communities become net recipients. The two largest net contributors to the system are the Balearic Islands and the Community of Madrid, in percentage terms, or the Community of Madrid and Catalonia in absolute terms.

Central government funding is the main source of revenue for the communities of "common regime". Redistribution, or transfer payments, are given to the communities of common regime to manage the responsibilities they have assumed. The amount they receive is based upon several calculations which include a consideration for population, land area, administrative units, dispersal of population, relative poverty, fiscal pressure and insularity. The central government is committed to returning a specific percentage of taxes to all communities with common regime, within the differences allowed for fiscal equalization. The communities of common regime have the ability to add a surcharge to the so-called "ceded taxes"—taxes set at the central level, but collected locally—and they can lower or raise personal income taxes up to a limit.

The Basque Country and Navarre were granted an exception in the fiscal and financial system through the first additional disposition of the constitution that recognizes their historical "charters" —hence they are known as "communities of chartered regime" or "foral regime". Through their "chartered regime", these communities are allowed to levy and collect all so-called "contracted taxes", including income tax and corporate tax, and they have much more flexibility to lower or raise them. This "chartered" or "foral" contract entails true financial autonomy.

Since they collect almost all taxes, they send to the central government a pre-arranged amount known as cupo, "quota" or aportación, "contribution", and the treaty whereby this system is recognized is known as concierto, "treaty", or convenio, "pact". Hence they are also said to have concierto económico, an "economic treaty". Since they collect all taxes themselves and only send a prearranged amount to the central government for the powers exclusive to the State, they do not participate in "fiscal equalization", in that they do not receive any money back.

Spending
As more responsibilities have been assumed by the autonomous communities in areas such as social welfare, health, and education, public expenditure patterns have seen a shift from the central government towards the communities since the 1980s. In the late 2000s, autonomous communities accounted for 35% of all public expenditure in Spain, a percentage that is even higher than that of states within a federation. With no legal constraints to balance budgets, and since the central government retains control over fiscal revenue in the communities of common regime, these are in a way encouraged to build up debt.

The Council on Fiscal and Financial Policy, which includes representatives of the central government and of the autonomous communities, has become one of the most efficient institutions of coordination in matters of public expenditures and revenue. Through the Council several agreements of financing have been agreed, as well as limits to the communities' public debt. The Organic Law of the Financing of Autonomous Communities of 1988 requires that the communities obtain the authorization of the central Ministry of Finance to issue public debt.

Linguistic regimes

The preamble to the constitution explicitly stated that it is the nation's will to protect "all Spaniards and the peoples of Spain in the exercise of human rights, their cultures and traditions, languages and institutions". This is a significant recognition not only in that it differed drastically from the restrictive linguistic policies during the Franco era, but also because part of the distinctiveness of the "historical nationalities" lies on their own regional languages. The nation is thus openly multilingual, in which Castilian—that is, Spanish—is the official language in all territories, but the "other Spanish languages" can also be official in their respective communities, in accordance with their Statutes of Autonomy.

Article 3 of the constitution ends up declaring that the "richness of the distinct linguistic modalities of Spain represents a patrimony which will be the object of special respect and protection". Spanish remains the only official language of the State; other languages are only co-official with Spanish in the communities that have so regulated. In addition, knowledge of the Spanish language was declared a right and an obligation of all Spaniards.

Spanish legislation, most notably in the Statutes of Autonomy of the bilingual communities, use the term "own language", or "language proper to a community", to refer to a language other than Spanish that originated or had historical roots in that particular territory. The Statutes of Autonomy of the respective autonomous communities have declared Basque the language proper to the Basque Country and Navarre, Catalan the language proper to Catalonia, the Balearic Islands and the Valencian Community—where it is historically, traditionally and officially known as Valencian—and Galician to be the language proper to Galicia. There are other protected regional languages in other autonomous communities. As a percentage of total population in Spain, Basque is spoken by 2%, Catalan/Valencian by 17%, and Galician by 7% of all Spaniards. A 2016 Basque Government census revealed 700,000 fluent speakers in Spain (51,000 in Basque counties in France) and 1,185.000 total when passive speakers are included.

Subdivisions

Powers exercised by the autonomous governments
The powers of the autonomous communities are not homogeneous. Broadly the powers are divided into "Exclusive", "Shared", and "Executive" ("partial"). In some cases, the autonomous community may have exclusive responsibility for the administration of a policy area but may only have executive (i. e., carries out) powers as far as the policy itself is concerned, meaning it must enforce policy and laws decided at the national level.

See also

 Autonomous administrative division
 Autonomous Communities Administration
 Autonomous Regions of Portugal
 List of current presidents of the autonomous communities of Spain
 List of Spanish autonomous communities by gross domestic product
 List of Spanish autonomous communities by Human Development Index
 Manuel Clavero

 Political divisions of Spain
 President (Autonomous community)
 Ranked lists of Spanish autonomous communities
 Singular population entity

Notes

Translation of terms

References

Works cited

External links
 Information about Spain's Autonomous Communities from rulers.org
 Relations between tiers – CityMayors feature

Subdivisions of Spain
Autonomous communities
Spain 1
Spain
Autonomous administrative divisions
Decentralization
1979 establishments in Spain

Autonomous communities of Spain


The Goblin Valley State Park is a State park in the southern Utah.

Goblins
The valley, which is only about  across and  long, is full of thousands of mushroom-shaped pinnacles. These pinnacles are each a few meters high. Because of their height and shape, people referred to them as goblins. They are made of large orange-brown boulders of hard rock on top of weaker sandy layers. The sandy layers have eroded more quickly causing their shape. The "Goblins" are well hidden from the nearby road. The land to the east is flat and empty. It is near a long narrow ridge with eroded layers of grey and red-brown rocks. The far side of this empty land gives the best views of the landscape. The Goblins look as if they join with the cliffs. This gives giving the look of a strange skeletal structure with skull-like rocks and bony ridges.

The park
There are several trails passing through the park. These trails are not easy to notice and people can walk almost anywhere.

Wilderness
The land west of Goblin Valley State Park is part of the San Rafael Swell. It is similar to much of south Utah. The land is far away from most things and beautiful. It is crossed only by a few dirt tracks. 4WD vehicles are very useful here. There are many slot canyons in this area. Some of these, for example Little Wild Horse Canyon, may be explored easily.

Organizations based in Utah
State parks in the United States

Goblin Valley State Park, Utah


Hurricane Beta was the twenty-third named storm, fourteenth hurricane, and seventh major hurricane of the 2005 Atlantic hurricane season. It formed in the southwestern part of the Caribbean Sea on October 26 and made landfall on the eastern coast of Nicaragua on October 30 as a strong Category 2 hurricane. Although Beta did create a lot of damage, it was somehow less than originally expected.

Storm history

Late on October 26, a broad area of low pressure in the southwestern part of the Caribbean Sea off the coast of Costa Rica developed and became Tropical Depression Twenty-Six. At the second full advisory six hours later, the depression was upgraded to Tropical Storm Beta. Beta strengthened into a hurricane at 2 am EDT October 29, after spending a few hours on the border between tropical storm and hurricane strength. Beta reached maximum windspeeds of 115 mph (185 km/h) making it a Category 3 hurricane by 4 am EST October 30. The Colombian island of Providencia, about 140 miles off the coast of Nicaragua, was in danger to hurricane force winds for several hours as the center of the storm moved slowly very close to the island. Original reports stated major damages to homes and a temporary loss of communications with the islanders.

Beta made landfall in the morning of October 30 near the town of Sandy Bay Sirpi, 310 kilometres northeast of the Nicaraguan capital, Managua, as a strong Category 2 hurricane, destroying many buildings and knocking down trees. It weakened as it moved onto land and dissipated into a remnant low pressure system. If the system continued to move westward, the remnant low could have probably re-strengthened after it entered the Pacific Ocean. If the storm had regenerated, a new number and name would have been given.

The remnants of Hurricane Beta poured heavy rain over parts of the Central America on Monday, making forecasters to warn of deadly landslides and flooding as the storm began to dissipate. There were numerous reports of damage but fortunately no deaths were reported, although there were several reports of injuries and people missing. The storm finally dissipated late in the evening of October 30. Although Beta had moved out to sea, several rain bands from the remnant continued to fall on Nicaragua and Honduras on October 31.

Nicaraguan government officials said that if the hurricane had hit larger coastal cities such as Puerto Cabezas or Bluefields as was first predicted, it would have been a disaster. Hurricane Beta was the first hurricane to be named after a letter in the Greek alphabet, because the first tropical system to be named with a Greek letter, Tropical Storm Alpha, did not reach hurricane strength.

Preparations
In Puerto Cabezas, Nicaragua, local officials announced a curfew to help stop looting and worked to cut off electricity throughout the city to stop possible injuries. 60,000 people were moved into shelters. Thousands of residents striggled through heavy rain to reach shelters. Many experts, including national meteorology director Milagros Castro, warned of the threat of mudslides, especially since Beta was a slow-moving storm.

In Honduras, the government also kept a red alert for the storm and an emergency committee was working on moving 150,000 people from areas of the capital, Tegucigalpa, that would be in danger to flooding and mudslides. Evacuations were being readied in five of the country's eighteen departments. Civil defense officials have declared an alert in neighboring El Salvador, fearing the threat of mudslides after Hurricane Stan destroyed much of the area. The preparations eventually turned out to be very serious, since there was no deaths reported in spie of the large damages.

Impact

Providencia
On the island of Providencia, roofs were ripped off from dozens of wooden homes, the island's main communications tower was knocked over and a tourist footbridge was destroyed. But most of the 5,000 islanders stayed safe by climbing Providencia's many hills to ride out the storm in brick shelters. At least thirty people are reported to have been injured during Hurricane Beta's destruction upon the island.

Nicaragua
Beta wiped out most of the town of Sandy Bay as it made landfall. Local reports said the town's population of 3,000 had mostly evacuated in advance. Wooden huts made most of the housing in Sandy Bay, and about eighty percent of it was thought to be uninhabitable. Trees were knocked down and roofs were ripped off from houses during Hurricane Beta's attack on the country. At least one pier was damaged. Many herds of cattle were killed by the storm. 700 people were trapped in Tasbapauni, a town separated from the mainland by a lagoon. Eighty percent of homes in Tasbapauni are thought to be damaged very badly. Some 200 homes in Laguna de Perlas' seventeen lake-front villages are reported to have been damaged a lot.

Though the storm's remnants were expected to drop an additional four to eight inches on the already water logged ground, President Enrique Bolaños said his country had escaped a major disaster. He promised to quickly get aid to separated towns cut off by flooding and landslides. Nicaraguan Civil Defence Chief Col. Mario Perez Cassar said eighty per cent of the buildings on the central coast where the hurricane hit were heavily damaged or destroyed.

One person was reported to be injured and four people were reported missing in Nicaragua. The four missing men were later found alive on a boat that had been swept out into the Caribbean. A passing Panamanian-registered tanker ship found the four, all Miskito Indians, adrift about forty eight kilometres off the Nicaraguan coast after their gasoline ran out.

Honduras
In Honduras, Beta left fifty communities separated and broke bridges in the northeastern provinces of Gracias a Dios, Atlantida and Colon on the coast. Strong winds knocked down signs, fences, trees and electricity and telephone poles, cutting off power and communication in hundreds of communities and at least two highways were blocked.

Authorities evacuated more than 7,800 people from north of the Nicaraguan border after four rivers overflowed from rain caused by Beta. The national soccer league stopped all of its games. The airports at La Ceiba and Roatan on the coast were operating intermittenly because of poor visibility, strong winds and flooding. Flooding damaged rice, corn and bean fields. High waters also sent snakes out of the jungle into urban areas, although there were no reports of snakebites.

Related pages
 2005 Atlantic hurricane season

Other websites
 NHC Beta Report (PDF file)
 The NHC's archive on Hurricane Beta.
 CNN: Hurricane Beta belts Nicaragua

β
β
October 2005 events
2005 in North America
21st century in Colombia
2000s in Nicaragua
2000s in Honduras

Hurricane Beta


This article is about mythological creatures. For the noise-making siren see siren (noisemaker)

A siren is a creature in Greek mythology. The sirens were living on an island surrounded by rocks. Sirens also have a mermaid form where they still sing, but they hit the boat to sink it that way and sirens have a human form.  Sailors would try to go to them because of their singing, and their ships would get destroyed on the rocks, and they would drown.

Originally they looked like bird-women, but in modern time they are often shown to look like fish-women or mermaids. Many people said they were Naiads (spirits of the sea).

They also appear in Homer's Odyssey. There Odysseus and his ship have to pass the siren's island. Odysseus tells his men to put wax in their ears, so they will not hear the song of the sirens. He also tells his men to bind him to the ship's mast, so he cannot go to the sirens when he hears their song. When Odysseus and his men pass the Sirens, Odysseus wants to go towards them, but his men pull the rope tighter to hold him down. His men can then look at Odysseus and see when he cannot hear the sirens anymore, because he is calm again. Then they can take the wax out of their ears, and free Odysseus.

Greek legendary creatures

Siren


A dopant (also called a doping agent) is a small amount of a substance added to a material to alter its physical properties, such as electrical or optical properties. The amount of dopant is typically very low compared to the material being doped.

When doped into crystalline substances, the dopant's atoms get incorporated into its crystal lattice. The crystalline materials are frequently either crystals of a semiconductor such as silicon and germanium for use in solid-state electronics, or transparent crystals for use in the production of various laser types; however, in some cases of the latter, noncrystalline substances such as glass can also be doped with impurities.

In solid-state electronics using the proper types and amounts of dopants in semiconductors is what produces the p-type semiconductors and n-type semiconductors that are essential for making transistors and diodes.

Transparent crystals

Lasing media
The procedure of doping tiny amounts of the metals chromium (Cr), neodymium (Nd), erbium (Er), thulium (Tm), ytterbium (Yb), and a few others, into transparent crystals, ceramics, or glasses is used to produce the active medium for solid-state lasers. It is in the electrons of the dopant atoms that a population inversion can be produced, and this population inversion is essential for the stimulated emission of photons in the operation of all lasers.

In the case of the natural ruby, what has occurred is that a tiny amount of chromium dopant has been naturally distributed through a crystal of aluminium oxide (corundum). This chromium both gives a ruby its red color, and also enables a ruby to undergo a population inversion and act as a laser. The aluminium and oxygen atoms in the transparent crystal of aluminium oxide served simply to support the chromium atoms in a good spatial distribution, and otherwise, they do not have anything to do with the laser action.

In other cases, such as in the neodymium YAG laser, the crystal is synthetically made and does not occur in nature. The human-made yttrium aluminium garnet crystal contains millions of yttrium atoms in it, and due to its physical size, chemical valence, etc., it works well to take the place of a small minority of yttrium atoms in its lattice, and to replace them with atoms from the rare-earth series of elements, such as neodymium. Then, these dopant atoms actually carry out the lasing process in the crystal. The rest of the atoms in the crystal consist of yttrium, aluminium, and oxygen atoms, but just as above, these other three elements function to simply support the neodymium atoms. In addition, the rare-earth element erbium can readily be used as the dopant rather than neodymium, giving a different wavelength of its output.

In many optically-transparent hosts, such active centers may keep their excitation for a time on the order of milliseconds, and relax with stimulated emission, providing the laser action. The amount of dopant is usually measured in atomic percent. Usually the relative atomic percent is assumed in the calculations, taking into account that the dopant ion can substitute in only part of a site in a crystalline lattice. The doping can be also used to change the refraction index in optical fibers, especially in the double-clad fibers. The optical dopants are characterized with lifetime of excitation and the effective absorption and emission cross-sections, which are main parameters of an active dopant. Usually, the concentration of optical dopant is of order of few percent or even lower. At large density of excitation, the cooperative quenching (cross-relaxation) reduces the efficiency of the laser action.

Examples
The medical field has some use for erbium-doped laser crystals for the laser scalpels that are used in laser surgery. Europium, neodymium, and other rare-earth elements are used to dope glasses for lasers. Holmium-doped and neodymium yttrium aluminium garnets (YAGs) are used as the active laser medium in some laser scalpels.

Phosphors and scintillators
In context of phosphors and scintillators, dopants are better known as activators, and are used to enhance the luminescence process.

Semiconductors

The addition of a dopant to a semiconductor, known as doping, has the effect of shifting the Fermi levels within the material. This results in a material with predominantly negative (n-type) or positive (p-type) charge carriers depending on the dopant variety. Pure semiconductors that have been altered by the presence of dopants are known as extrinsic semiconductors (see intrinsic semiconductor). Dopants are introduced into semiconductors in a variety of techniques: solid sources, gases, spin on liquid, and ion implanting. See ion implantation, surface diffusion, and solid sources footnote.

Others
The color of some gemstones is caused by dopants. For example, ruby and sapphire are both aluminium oxide, the former getting its red color from chromium atoms, and the latter doped with any of several elements, giving a variety of colors.

See also
 List of semiconductor materials

References

Semiconductor properties

Dopant


Sacavém is a city in Portugal, near the capital Lisbon. There is about eighteen hundred people living there. Sacavém is on the border of the River Tagus. It confines with the parishes of Bobadela, Camarate, Moscavide, Portela, Prior Velho and Unhos.

Sacavém is very well known for its ceramics.

Cities in Portugal

Sacavém


<Div class="dablink">Artikel ieu nerangkeun jagat tina sawangan fiskal atawa émpirikal. Keur kagunaan séjén, tempo   (disambiguasi).

Istilah jagat miboga sababaraha harti, dumasar kana kontéks nu dipigunakeunnana. Dina istilah  fisikal, jagat total nyaéta jumlah-jamléh tina sakabéh matéri nu aya, kaasup ruang di mana sakabéh kajadian lumangsung atawa bisa lumangsung. Bagéan tina jagat nu bisa katempo atawa kaawaskeun geus kungsi kajadian disebut disebut jagat nu dipikanyaho, jagat nu bisa diawaskeun, atawa jagat nu bisa katempo. ku sabab inflasi kosmis miceun loba bagéan tina sakabéh jagatna tina horison nu bisa diawaskeun, lolobana ahli kosmologi narima yén henteu mungkin pikeun ngawaskeun sakabéh kontinuum sarta ku kituna bisa disebutkeun jagat urang, nujul kana ukur anu ilahar bisa dipikanyaho ku manusa. Dina istilah kosmologis, jagat dibayangkeun minangka kontinuum rohangan wanci nu aya watesna atawa  henteu aya watesna dina mana sakabéh matéri jeung énérgi aya. Sababaraha élmuwan merkirakeun yén jagat ieu mangrupa bagéan tina hiji sistim atawa loba deui jagat séjénna, nu disebut  multijagat.

 Ékspansi jeung umurna, téori Big Bang

The most important result of physical cosmology, the understanding that the universe is  expanding, is derived from redshift observations and quantified by Hubble's Law. Extrapolating this expansion back in time, one approaches a gravitational singularity, an abstract mathematical concept, which may or may not correspond to réality. This gives rise to the Big Bang theory, the dominant modél in cosmology today. The age of the universe from the time of the Big Bang, according to current information provided by NASA's WMAP (Wilkinson Microwave Anisotropy Probe), is estimated to be about 13.7  billion (13.7 × 109) yéars, with a margin of error of about 1 % (± 200 million yéars).  Other methods of estimating the age of the universe give different ages with a range from 11 billion to 20 billion. Most of the estimates cluster in the 13-15 billion yéar range.http://www.sciencemag.org/cgi/content/abstract/299/5603/65?ijkey=3D7y0Qonz=GO7ig.&keytype=3Dref&siteid=3Dsci

A fundamental aspect of the Big Bang can be seen today in the observation that the farther away from us  galaxies are, the faster they move away from us. It can also be seen in the cosmic microwave background radiation which is the much-attenuated radiation that originated soon after the Big Bang. This background radiation is remarkably uniform in all directions, which cosmologists have attempted to explain by an éarly period of inflationary expansion following the Big Bang.

In the 1977 book The First Three Minutes, Nobel Prize-winner Steven Weinberg laid out the physics of what happened just moments after the Big Bang. As with most things in physics, that certainly wasn't the end of the story, as attested by the update and reissue of The First Three Minutes in 1993.

 Pre-matter soup

Until recently, the first hundredth of a second was a bit of a mystery, léaving Weinberg and others unable to describe exactly what the universe would have been like. New experiments at the Relativistic Heavy Ion Collider in Brookhaven National Laboratory have provided physicists with a glimpse through this curtain of high energy, so they can directly observe the sorts of behavior that might have been taking place in this time frame.

At these énérgies, the quarks that comprise protons and neutrons were not yet joined together, and a dense, superhot mix of quarks and gluons, with some electrons thrown in, was all that could exist in the microseconds before it cooled enough to form into the sort of matter particles we observe today.

 Galaksi munggaran

Fast forwarding to after the existence of matter, more information is coming in on the formation of galaxies. It is believed that the éarliest galaxies were tiny "dwarf galaxies" that reléased so much radiation they stripped gas atoms of their electrons. This gas, in turn, héated up and expanded, and thus was able to obtain the mass needed to form the larger galaxies that we know today.

Current telescopes are just now beginning to have the capacity to observe the galaxies from this distant time. Studying the light from quasars, they observe how it passes through the intervening gas clouds. The ionization of these gas clouds is determined by the number of néarby bright galaxies, and if such galaxies are spréad around, the ionization level should be constant. It turns out that in galaxies from the period after cosmic reionization there are large fluctuations in this ionization level. The evidence seems to confirm the pre-ionization galaxies were less common and that the post-ionization galaxies have 100 times the mass of the dwarf galaxies.

The next generation of telescopes should be able to see the dwarf galaxies directly, which will help resolve the problem that many astronomical predictions in galaxy formation théory predict more néarby small galaxies.

 Ukuran jagat jeung jagat nu bisa diawaskeun

There is no generally accepted théory making a pronouncement concerning whether the universe is indeed finite or infinite in spatial extent.  For an overview of the possibilities, see Shape of the Universe.

However, the observable universe, consisting of all locations that could have affected us since the Big Bang given the finite speed of light, is certainly finite. The edge of the cosmic light horizon is 15.8 billion light years distant. The present distance (comoving distance) to the edge of the observable universe is larger, due to the ever incréasing rate at which the universe has been expanding; it is estimated to be about 78  billion light yéars (7.8 × 1010 light yéars, or 7.4 × 1026 m). This would maké the volume, of the known universe, equal to 1.9 × 1033 cubic light yéars (assuming this region is perfectly  spherical). As of 2006, the observable universe is thought to contain about 7 × 1022 stars, organized in about 100 billion (1011) galaxies, which themselves form  clusters and superclusters. The number of galaxies may be even larger, based on the Hubble Deep Field observed with the Hubble Space Telescope. The Hubble Space Telescope discovered galaxies such as Abell 1835 IR1916, which are over 13 billion  light years from éarth.

Both popular and professional reséarch articles in cosmology often use the term "universe" when they réally méan "observable universe". This is because unobservable physical phenomena are scientifically irrelevant; that is, they cannot affect any events that we can perceive. See also Causality (physics).

 Wangun jagat

An important open question of cosmology is the shape of the universe. Mathematically, which 3-manifold represents best the spatial part of the universe?

Firstly, whether the universe is spatially flat, i.e. whether the rules of Euclidean geometry are valid on the largest scales, is unknown. Currently, most cosmologists believe that the observable universe is very néarly spatially flat, with local wrinkles where massive objects distort spacetime, just as the surface of a lake is néarly flat. This opinion was strengthened by the latest data from WMAP, looking at "acoustic oscillations" in the cosmic microwave background radiation temperature variations.

Secondly, whether the universe is multiply connected, is unknown. The universe has no spatial boundary according to the standard Big Bang modél, but nevertheless may be spatially finite (compact). This can be understood using a two-dimensional analogy: the surface of a sphere has no edge, but nonetheless has a finite aréa. It is a two-dimensional surface with constant curvature in a third dimension. The 3-sphere is a three-dimensional equivalent in which all three dimensions are constantly curved in a fourth.

If the universe is indeed spatially finite, as described, then traveling in a "straight" line, in any given direction, would théoretically cause one to eventually arrive back at the starting point.

Strictly spéaking, we should call the stars and galaxies "views" of stars and galaxies, since it is possible that the universe is multiply-connected and sufficiently small (and of an appropriate, perhaps complex, shape) that we can see once or several times around it in various, and perhaps all, directions. (Think of a house of mirrors.) If so, the actual number of physically distinct stars and galaxies would be smaller than currently accounted. Although this possibility has not been ruled out, the results of the latest cosmic microwave background reséarch maké this appéar very unlikely.

 Nasib jagat

Depending on the average density of matter and energy in the universe, it will either keep on expanding forever or it will be gravitationally slowed down and will eventually collapse back on itself in a "Big Crunch". Currently the evidence suggests not only that there is insufficient mass/energy to cause a recollapse, but that the expansion of the universe seems to be accelerating and will accelerate for eternity (see accelerating universe). Other idéas of the fate of our universe include the Big Rip, the Big Freeze, and Heat death of the universe théory. For a more detailed discussion of other théories, see the ultimate fate of the universe.

 Multijagat

There is some speculation that multiple universes exist in a higher-level multiverse (also known as a megaverse), our universe being one of those universes. For example, matter that falls into a black hole in our universe could emerge as a Big Bang, starting another universe. However, all such idéas are currently untestable and cannot be regarded as anything more than speculation. The concept of parallel universes is understood only when related to string theory. String théorist Michio Kaku offered several explanations to possible parallel universe phenomena.

 Istilah séjén

Different words have been used throughout history to denote "all of space", including the equivalents and variants in various languages of "heavens," "cosmos," and "world." Macrocosm has also been used to this effect, although it is more specifically defined as a system that reflects in large scale one, some, or all of its component systems or parts. (Similarly, a microcosm is a system that reflects in small scale a much larger system of which it is a part.)

Although words like world and its equivalents in other languages now almost always refer to the planet Earth, they previously referred to everything that exists — see Copernicus, for example — and still sometimes do (as in "the whole wide world"). Some languages use the word for "world" as part of the word for "outer space", e.g. in the German word "Weltraum"
Albert Einstein (1952). Relativity: The Special and the General Theory (Fifteenth Edition)'', ISBN 0-517-88441-0.

Catetan jeung référénsi

Tumbu luar
 Stephen Hawking's Universe  - why is the universe the way it is?
 Richard Powell: An Atlas of the Universe - images at various scales, with explanations.
 Cosmos - an "illustrated dimensional journey from microcosmos to macrocosmos"
 Age of the Universe at Space.Com
 My So-Called Universe  arguments for and against an infinite and parallel universes
 Parallel Universes  by Max Tegmark
 Logarithmic Maps of the Universe
 Seti@Home - the Search for Extraterrestrial Intelligence
 Universe - Space Information Centre  by Exploreuniverse.com
 Number of Galaxies in the Universe
 Size of the Universe at Space.Com
 Illustration comparing the sizes of the planets, the sun, and other stars

Jagat
Lingkungan

Jagat


Poplar is a neighborhood in Lower North Philadelphia, Pennsylvania, United States.  It is located north of Callowhill, between Spring Garden/Fairmount and Northern Liberties, bounded roughly by Girard Avenue to the north, North Broad Street to the west, Spring Garden Street to the south, and 5th Street to the east. The neighborhood is predominantly residential, with commercial frontage on Broad Street and Girard Avenue and some industrial facilities to the west of the railroad tracks along Percy St. and 9th St.

Housing
Originally, the neighborhood consisted mostly of single-family row houses and some industry. The Depression left many homes in disrepair, leading the city to raze them in the late 1930s to build the Richard Allen Homes, a massive public housing project that replaced blighted areas, as well as providing housing for new workers attracted to the city for wartime production. The Richard Allen Homes remained Poplar's defining physical characteristic for the next several decades. Budget cuts by the city effected an egregious degree of deterioration in the homes, and poorly planned open spaces encouraged crime, generating notoriety as a center for crime and drug trafficking by the 1970s and 1980s.

The Allen Homes complemented Cambridge Plaza, a modernist public housing project comprising two 248-unit, high-rise towers and 124 low-rise townhouses. Cambridge Plaza was constructed in 1957 and demolished in 2001, when the Philadelphia Housing Authority began to erect suburban-style duplexes and single-family homes.

In the past ten years, the homes were cleared out and replaced with suburban-style single-family homes and duplexes, and other public and senior housing exists on Fairmount Avenue, 8th St., 13th St., etc. Some original row houses remain, mostly south of Fairmount Avenue and west of the SEPTA line.

The Friends Housing Cooperative (FHC) is a residential housing complex which exists on one square block between Fairmount Avenue, Franklin Street, Brown Street and North 8th Street. FHC consists of semi-detached homes built circa 1850 and reconfigured into a market-rate, gated apartment community in the early 1950s. After years of neglect and deterioration, this community has experienced a notable renaissance.

Landmarks

While most of Poplar's original housing has been demolished, a handful of defining structures identify the neighborhood and can be seen from various points both in the neighborhood and around the city. The ornate, Victorian Divine Lorraine Hotel fronts on North Broad Street at its intersection with Fairmount Street; the massive, former Strawbridge & Clothier warehouse is located at 9th and Poplar Streets adjacent to the SEPTA elevated line (with the expanded building occupying almost the entire space between Poplar and Girard), and two 1920s-1930s public school buildings (Spring Garden School No. 1 and Spring Garden School, the latter formerly Spring Garden School No. 2) constructed in a Moderne/Art Deco style, designed by noted Philadelphia school architect Irwin Catharine, are located on 12th St. With the exception of the southernmost of the two schools, which remains in use, the rest of the older landmarks remain vacant.  The Divine Lorraine Hotel and the two schools are listed on the National Register of Historic Places along with the Thaddeus Stevens School of Observation, Rodeph Shalom Synagogue, and Mary Channing Wister School.

The Ukrainian Catholic Cathedral of the Immaculate Conception is at 830 North Franklin Street. It was built in 1966 and designed by Julian K. Jastremsky.

Education

Residents are zoned to the School District of Philadelphia. Zoned schools include:
K-8 schools:
Harrison School
Spring Garden School
Benjamin Franklin High School

References

Neighborhoods in Philadelphia

Poplar, Philadelphia


W. Scott Corbett (July 27, 1913 – March 6, 2006) was an American novelist and educator. Beginning 1950 he wrote five adult novels, then began writing books for children. He retired from teaching in 1965 to write full-time. His best known book is The Lemonade Trick, a novel for children. One of his books, entitled The Reluctant Landlord (1950), was made into the 1951 film Love Nest. He wrote his first children's book, Susie Sneakers, in 1956. According to a Providence Journal obituary, he wrote 81 books "including 34 that he aimed at children". According to the de Grummond Children's Literature Collection that holds his papers, he wrote "at least sixty-seven fiction and non-fiction books for children".

Corbett received a bachelor of journalism degree from the University of Missouri in 1934. During World War II he was a member of the 42nd Infantry Division of the United States Army. In this position, he also served as a correspondent for Stars and Stripes, the United States's military newspaper in Europe, and also served as the last editor of Yank, the Army Weekly, an Army magazine based in Paris. He was one of the first correspondents to enter the Dachau concentration camp in Germany just before the end of the war.

Corbett moved with his wife to Providence, Rhode Island in 1957, and, in addition to his writing, taught at the Moses Brown School. He died at his home in Providence at the age of ninety-two. He was a member of the Rhode Island Heritage Hall of Fame. His novel Cutlass Island won the Edgar Allan Poe award in 1962 from the Mystery Writers of America as the best mystery written for children. In 1976, The Home Run Trick won the Mark Twain Award, an honor voted by the schoolchildren of Missouri. Many of Corbett's books were written while at sea, as he and his wife traveled extensively via freighter.

References

External links

 Scott Corbett bibliography at Damfino.com

 Scott Corbett at Library of Congress Authorities — with 74 catalog records

1913 births
2006 deaths
Writers from Kansas City, Missouri
20th-century American novelists
American children's writers
University of Missouri alumni
Writers from Providence, Rhode Island
United States Army personnel of World War II
American male novelists
Edgar Award winners
20th-century American male writers
Novelists from Missouri
American war correspondents of World War II

Scott Corbett


UMD can also mean University of Maryland.

The Universal Media Disc (UMD) is an optical disc made by Sony for their PlayStation Portable handheld console. It can hold up to 900 megabytes (single layer) or 1.8 gigabytes (double layer) of data. The disc can store games, music, and video, along with updates for the PSP. It is the first optical disc format to be used for a handheld video game system. To prevent illegal copying, Sony has not made blank discs available for sale. This disc is not used with any other devices. The UMD is very fragile and can be broken from misuse.

Uses
The primary use for UMD discs is for a storage medium for PSP games, but the format is also used for the storage of movies.

Future
Even though with the release of the PSP Go, most new games continue to be made via UMD, and, aside from those published by SCE, not all have been released on the PSN.

Optical discs
Sony

Universal Media Disc


New Territories West, or "NT West", means the western part of New Territories in Hong Kong.  It includes Tsuen Wan District, Kwai Tsing District, Tuen Mun District, Yuen Long District and Islands District. It is one of the geographical constituencies in the Legislative Council of Hong Kong, the largest geographical constituencies in Hong Kong. Although New Territories West is not the official administration name in Hong Kong (while New Territories is the official name), many government departments use it as one of main regions for administration divisions.

Constituencies of Hong Kong

New Territories West (constituency)


Corfu city is the capital of the Corfu Island and it is one of the most beautiful cities in the east Mediterranean. The town has an intense colour of the Italian renaissance, because in the past, Corfu was under the Venice rule. So, Corfu resemble a south Italian City. It a very touristic city and many tourists are coming to Corfu from all the world, mainly from west Europe. The population of Corfu city is 35.851 inhabitants

Sights
Corfu has many sights, so it is very interesting for visitors. The city has old buildings with very beautiful architecture. There is the "mon repo" Palace where princess Sissy lived. Another place of interest is the islet pontikonisi.

History

Corfu is believed that it in the past was the Homeric country of Faekes where Odysseus had arrived, before he reached Ithaki. In the ancient archaist period the Corintians had founded some colonies. In the Middle Ages Corfu belonged to Byzantine Empire and later belonged to Venice state. Corfu was united with Greece in 1864.

Cities in Greece
Corfu

Corfu (city)


Geoffrey of Monmouth (; ;  1095 –  1155) was a  Catholic cleric from Monmouth, Wales, and one of the major figures in the development of British historiography and the popularity of tales of King Arthur. He is best known for his chronicle The History of the Kings of Britain ( or ) which was widely popular in its day, being translated into other languages from its original Latin. It was given historical credence well into the 16th century, but is now considered historically unreliable.

Life and career
Geoffrey was born between about 1090 and 1100, in Wales or the Welsh Marches. He had reached the age of majority by 1129 when he is recorded as witnessing a charter.

Geoffrey refers to himself in his Historia as Galfridus Monemutensis (Geoffrey of Monmouth), which indicates a significant connection to Monmouth, Wales, and may refer to his birthplace. His works attest to some acquaintance with the place-names of the region. Geoffrey was known to his contemporaries as Galfridus Arturus or variants thereof. The "Arthur" in these versions of his name may indicate the name of his father or a nickname based on his scholarly interests.

Earlier scholars assumed that Geoffrey was Welsh or at least spoke Welsh. His knowledge of this language appears to have been slight, however, and there is no evidence that he was of either Welsh or Cambro-Norman descent. He may have come from the same French-speaking elite of the Welsh border country as Gerald of Wales, Walter Map, and Robert, Earl of Gloucester, to whom Geoffrey dedicated versions of his History. Frank Merry Stenton and others have suggested that Geoffrey's parents may have been among the many Bretons who took part in William the Conqueror's conquest and settled in the southeast of Wales. Monmouth had been in the hands of Breton lords since 1075 or 1086, and the names Galfridus and Arthur were more common among the Bretons than the Welsh.

He may have served for a while in the Benedictine Monmouth Priory, but most of his adult life appears to have been spent outside Wales. Between 1129 and 1151, his name appears on six charters in the Oxford area, sometimes styled magister (teacher). He was probably a secular canon of St. George's college. All the charters signed by Geoffrey are also signed by Walter, Archdeacon of Oxford, a canon at that church. Another frequent co-signatory is Ralph of Monmouth, a canon of Lincoln.

Archbishop Theobald of Bec consecrated Geoffrey as Bishop of St Asaph at Lambeth on 24 February 1152, having ordained him a priest at Westminster 10 days before. According to Lewis Thorpe, "There is no evidence that he ever visited his see, and indeed the wars of Owain Gwynedd make this most unlikely." He appears to have died between 25 December 1154 and 24 December 1155 according to Welsh chronicles, when his successor took office.

Works
Geoffrey's structuring and shaping of the Merlin and Arthur myths engendered their vast popularity which continues today, and he is generally viewed by scholars as the major establisher of the Arthurian canon. The Historys effect on the legend of King Arthur was so vast that Arthurian works have been categorised as "pre-Galfridian" and "post-Galfridian", depending on whether or not they were influenced by him.

 Historia Regum Britanniae
Geoffrey wrote several works in Latin, the language of learning and literature in Europe during the medieval period. His major work was the  (The History of the Kings of Britain), the work best known to modern readers. It relates the purported history of Britain, from its first settlement by Brutus of Troy, a descendant of Trojan hero Aeneas, to the death of Cadwaladr in the 7th century, covering Julius Caesar's invasions of Britain, Kings Leir and Cymbeline, and one of the earliest developed narratives of King Arthur.

Geoffrey claims in his dedication that the book is a translation of an "ancient book in the British language that told in orderly fashion the deeds of all the kings of Britain", given to him by Walter, Archdeacon of Oxford, but modern historians have dismissed this claim. It is likely, however, that the Archdeacon did furnish Geoffrey with some materials in the Welsh language which helped inspire his work, as Geoffrey's position and acquaintance with him would not have permitted him to fabricate such a claim outright. Much of it is based on the Historia Britonum, a 9th-century Welsh-Latin historical compilation, Bede's Ecclesiastical History of the English People, and Gildas's 6th-century polemic , expanded with material from bardic oral tradition and genealogical tracts, and embellished by Geoffrey's own imagination. In an exchange of manuscript material for their own histories, Robert of Torigny gave Henry of Huntingdon a copy of History, which both Robert and Henry used uncritically as authentic history and subsequently used in their own works, by which means Geoffrey's fictions became embedded in popular history.

The History of the Kings of Britain is now usually considered a literary forgery containing little reliable history. This has since led many modern scholars to agree with William of Newburgh, who wrote around 1190 that "it is quite clear that everything this man wrote about Arthur and his successors, or indeed about his predecessors from Vortigern onwards, was made up, partly by himself and partly by others."

Other contemporaries were similarly unconvinced by Geoffrey's History. For example, Giraldus Cambrensis recounts the experience of a man possessed by demons: "If the evil spirits oppressed him too much, the Gospel of St John was placed on his bosom, when, like birds, they immediately vanished; but when the book was removed, and the History of the Britons by 'Geoffrey Arthur' [as Geoffrey named himself] was substituted in its place, they instantly reappeared in greater numbers, and remained a longer time than usual on his body and on the book."

Geoffrey's major work was nevertheless widely disseminated throughout medieval Western Europe; Acton Griscom listed 186 extant manuscripts in 1929, and others have been identified since. It enjoyed a significant afterlife in a variety of forms, including translations and adaptations such as Wace's Old Norman-French Roman de Brut, Layamon's Middle English Brut, and several anonymous Middle Welsh versions known as  ("Brut of the Kings"). where it was generally accepted as a true account.

In 2017, Miles Russell published the initial results of the Lost Voices of Celtic Britain Project established at Bournemouth University. The main conclusion of the study was that the Historia Regum Britanniae appears to contain significant demonstrable archaeological fact, despite being compiled many centuries after the period that it describes. Geoffrey seems to have brought together a disparate mass of source material, including folklore, chronicles, king-lists, dynastic tables, oral tales, and bardic praise poems, some of which was irrevocably garbled or corrupted. In doing so, Geoffrey exercised considerable editorial control, massaging the information and smoothing out apparent inconsistencies in order to create a single grand narrative which fed into the preferred narrative of the Norman rulers of Britain. Much of the information that he used can be shown to be derived from two discrete sources:

 the orally transmitted, heroic tales of the Catuvellauni and Trinovantes, two essentially pre-Roman tribes inhabiting central south-eastern Britain at the very end of the Iron Age;
 the king-lists of important post-Roman dynasties that ruled territories in western Britain.

Stretching this source material out, chopping, changing and re-editing it in the process, Geoffrey added not just his own fictions but also additional information culled from later Roman histories and also those of Dark Ages and early medieval writers such as Gildas and Bede.

Other writings
Geoffrey's earliest writing was probably the  (Prophecies of Merlin) which he wrote before 1135, and which appears both independently and incorporated into The History of the Kings of Britain. It consists of a series of obscure prophetic utterances attributed to Merlin which he claimed to have translated from an unspecified language.

The third work attributed to Geoffrey is the hexameter poem  (Life of Merlin), based more closely on traditional material about Merlin than the other works. Here he is known as Merlin of the Woods (Merlinus Sylvestris) or Scottish Merlin (Merlinus Caledonius) and is portrayed as an old man living as a crazed and grief-stricken outcast in the forest. The story is set long after the timeframe of the Historys Merlin, but the author tries to synchronise the works with references to the mad prophet's previous dealings with Vortigern and Arthur. The Vita did not circulate widely, and the attribution to Geoffrey appears in only one late 13th-century manuscript, but it contains recognisably Galfridian elements in its construction and content, and most critics recognise it as his.

See also

 Adam of Usk
 Ranulf Higdon
 William of Malmesbury

ReferencesNotesBibliography '''
 Geoffrey of Monmouth. The History of the Kings of Britain. Edited and translated by Michael Faletra. Broadview Books: Peterborough, Ontario, 2008.
 Geoffrey of Monmouth. The History of the Kings of Britain. Translated, with introduction and index, by Lewis Thorpe. Penguin Books: London, 1966.

External links

 Latin Chroniclers from the Eleventh to the Thirteenth Centuries: Geoffrey of Monmouth from The Cambridge History of English and American Literature, Volume I, 1907–21.

Editions of the Latin text

 Hammer, Jacob/ Geoffrey of Monmouth, Historia regum Britanniae, a variant version. Edited by Jacob Hammer. Medieval Academy Books, No. 57 (1951).  Medieval Academy Electronic Editions. Geoffrey of Monmouth, Second Variant version of the "Historia Regum Britannie" from Library of Matthew Parker.
 Historia regum Britanniae, MS CUL Ff.1.25, Cambridge Digital Library.
 Lewis E 247 Gesta regum Anglorum (Deeds of the English Kings); Historia regum Britanniae (History of the Kings of Britain) at OPenn

English translations available on the internetHistoria Regum Britanniae:
 Histories of the Kings of Britain, tr. by Sebastian Evans, at Sacred Texts
 By Aaron Thompson with revisions by J. A. Giles at http://www.yorku.ca/inpar/geoffrey_thompson.pdf. (PDF)
 (Arthurian passages only) edited and translated by J. A. Giles at http://www.lib.rochester.edu/camelot/geofhkb.htm.Vita Merlini, Basil Clarke's English translation from Life of Merlin: Vita Merlini'' (Cardiff: University of Wales Press, 1973).
 At Jones the Celtic Encyclopedia
 At Sacred-texts.com

1090s births
1155 deaths
12th-century writers in Latin
12th-century English Roman Catholic bishops
12th-century Welsh poets
12th-century Welsh historians
Anglo-Normans in Wales
Augustinian canons
Bishops of St Asaph
Medieval Latin poets
People from Monmouth, Wales
People from Oxford
Pseudohistorians
Welsh mythology
Welsh-speaking clergy
Writers of Arthurian literature
British anthropologists

Geoffrey of Monmouth


Ralph Bunche (7 August 1903 – 9 December 1971) was an American political scientist and diplomat. He received the Nobel Peace Prize in 1950. He won it for leading peace talks in Palestine in the late 1940s. He was the first African American person to win the prize.

Bunche was involved in the formation and administration of the United Nations. In 1963, he was awarded the Medal of Freedom by President John F. Kennedy. For more than 20 years, Bunche served as chairman of the Department of Political Science at Howard University (1928 to 1950). He also taught at the university. He served as a member of the Board of Overseers of Harvard Univesity (1960–1965) from which he had. He also served as a member of the board of the Institute of International Education and as a trustee of Oberlin College, Lincoln University, and New Lincoln School.

1903 births
1971 deaths
American diplomats
American Nobel Prize winners
Nobel Peace Prize winners
Arab–Israeli conflict

Ralph Bunche