Willard Bay is a man-made fresh water reservoir in the Great Salt Lake, in northern Utah. The bay was separated from the Great Salt Lake in 1964, and has since served as a source of irrigation water and recreation for the northern Wasatch Front metro area.

Geography

Willard Bay is a  freshwater reservoir located in eastern Box Elder County, Utah, north-west of the city of Ogden, on the north-eastern floodplains of the Great Salt Lake.

The reservoir is operated by the Weber Basin Water Conservancy District and recreation activities are administered by Utah State Parks and Recreation. Fish in Willard Bay include black crappie, walleye, wiper, smallmouth bass, channel catfish, bluegill, and gizzard shad (which are unlawful to possess). At an elevation of about , the area around Willard Bay features cottonwood and other high desert trees. In winter, the area is a wildlife area for watching nesting eagles.

History

In 1949, U.S. Senator Arthur Vivian Watkins, a Republican from Utah who served from 1946 to 1959, passed through Congress the Weber Basin Project. This project called for the creation of a reservoir to store surplus water from the Ogden and Weber rivers that could later be accessed for use on farmland.

The U.S. Bureau of Reclamation designed and constructed a -high earth-filled dike to create the  enclosure. The dike, which impounds  of water, was completed in 1964 by the W.W. Clyde Company, and was named the Arthur V. Watkins Dam.  The resulting reservoir was then drained of salt water and refilled with fresh, directly from the Weber River. The bay was named after the nearby town of Willard, which itself was named after the LDS apostle Willard Richards.

A bill in Congress, H.R. 839 and S. 512, The Arthur V. Watkins Dam Enlargement Act, was introduced in the 2007 session to authorize a feasibility study to enlarge the dam.  While the bill passed the House of Representatives, it was suspended in the Senate and never became law.

Willard Bay State Park
Willard Bay State Park is located on the eastern shore of Willard Bay. It features two state-owned facilities. The north marina is  north of Ogden. It has 62 campsites, restrooms, showers, full RV hook-ups, and seasonal/transient boat slip rentals. The south marina is  north of Ogden. It is only open April through October, and features 30 campsites with restrooms, 24 of which have full hookups.

References

External links

 Willard Bay State Park Website
 Arthur V. Watkins Dam Photo and Facts

State parks of Utah
Reservoirs in Utah
Dams in Utah
United States Bureau of Reclamation dams
Dams completed in 1964
Buildings and structures in Box Elder County, Utah
Lakes of Box Elder County, Utah
Protected areas of Box Elder County, Utah

Willard Bay


Drag racing is a competition between specially prepared automobiles or motorcycles. Racers compete, two at a time, to be the first to cross a finish line. Races are run from a standing start, in a straight line, over a measured distance, usually a ¼-mile straight track.

The race track, known as a dragstrip, usually uses an electronic timing system to decide the winner.

Basics of drag racing
Before each race, each driver is allowed to perform a burnout by spinning the driving tires. Burnouts heat the driving tires and lay rubber down at the beginning of the track to improve traction. The drivers then line up at the starting line.
Races are started electronically by a system known as a  Christmas tree.

Below the staging lights are three large amber lights, a green light, and a red light. When both drivers are staged, the tree is set to start the race causing the three large amber lights to illuminate, followed by the green light.  If the front tires leave the starting line before the green light illuminates, the red light for that driver's lane illuminates instead. This indicates disqualification (unless a more serious violation occurs). Once a driver commits a red-light foul (also known as redlighting), the other driver can also commit a foul start by leaving the line too early but still win, having left later. Should both drivers leave after the green light illuminates, the one leaving first is said to have a holeshot advantage.

The first vehicle to cross the finish line wins the race. The elapsed time is a measure of performance only; it does not determine the winner. Because elapsed time does not include reaction time and each lane is timed separately, a car with a slower elapsed time can actually win if that driver's holeshot advantage exceeds the elapsed time difference. This is known as a holeshot win.

Several measurements are taken for each race: reaction time, elapsed time, and speed. Reaction time is the period from the lighting of the green light to the vehicle leaving the starting line. Elapsed time is the time from the vehicle leaving the starting line to crossing the finish line. Speed is measured through a speed trap covering the final  to the finish line, indicating the approximate maximum speed of the vehicle during the run.

In the standard racing format, the losing car and driver are removed from the contest and the winner goes on to race other winners. This continues until only one is left.

Racing organization

North America
The National Hot Rod Association (NHRA) oversees most of drag racing events in North America. The next largest organization, Feld Entertainment's International Hot Rod Association (IHRA), is about one-third the size of NHRA. Nearly all drag strips are associated with one sanctioning body or the other. The NHRA is more popular with large, 1/4-mile, nationally recognized, tracks., The IHRA is a favorite of smaller 1/8-mile local tracks (and offers selected races on their national tour under the 1/8-mile format). One reason for this is the IHRA is less restrictive in its rules, such as rules on nitrous oxide (legal in Pro Modified) and oversized engines.

References

Robert C. Post, High Performance: The Culture and Technology of Drag Racing, 1950 - 2000 (Johns Hopkins University Press, revised edition 2001)

Other websites

 Australian National Drag Racing Association (ANDRA)
 European Championship Drag Racing (FIA/UEM)
 National Hot Rod Association (NHRA)
 International Hot Rod Association (IHRA)
 Pro Racing Association - Championship Volkswagen Drag Racing
 Drag Racing News, Cars & Events from around the world

Motor sports

Drag racing


Gheorghe Șincai (; February 28, 1754 – November 2, 1816) was a Romanian historian, philologist, translator, poet, and representative of the Enlightenment-influenced Transylvanian School.

As the director of Greek Catholic education in Transylvania he brought a fundamental contribution to the process of promoting culture in rural environments. He revised before publishing Samuil Micu's first grammar of the Romanian language: Elementa linguae daco-romanae sive valachicae (The elements of the Daco-Roman or Vlach/Wallachian language) (Vienna, 1780), in which they demonstrated the Latin origins of the Romanian language.

Biography
Born in Mezősámsond, (now Sincai), Mureș County, Romania), he studied at Marosvásárhely, Kolozsvár, Beszterce, Balázsfalva, Vienna and Rome (in the last two cities together with Samuil Micu, nephew of Bishop Inocențiu Micu-Klein).

He turned out to be a polyglot, thoroughly mastering Greek, Latin, Hungarian, German, Italian and French. His knowledge and culture allowed him to occupy the function of librarian of the Congregation for the Evangelization of Peoples in Rome, having permission to research any type of document. In the Papal States, and later in Hungary and in Vienna (the capital of the Habsburg domains), he carried out research work in various libraries, copying and transcribing exactly any reference to the history of the Romanians.

Șincai assiduously worked to educate commoners, dedicating himself to a career in teaching, and contributing to the establishment of an impressive number of Greek-Catholic parochial schools (in all, over 300). In 1784 he was named general director of Romanian Uniate schools in all of Transylvania.

He translated and expanded the following basic textbooks for educational purposes: Abecedarul (The Book of ABCs), Gramatica (Grammar), Aritmetica (Arithmetic) and Catehismul (The Catechism), adapting or creating the terminology necessary for pupils to understand these. He proved himself to be a remarkable translator, rendering the Bible into Romanian (in 1789, under the name of The Blaj Bible).

In 1794 Șincai came into direct conflict with Bishop Ioan Bob; he was thrown into the harsh prison of Aiud, being followed and persecuted by the Habsburg authorities after his release in 1796.

In 1811 Șincai published a work of history, written in the form of annals and amply titled: Hronica românilor și a mai multor neamuri în cât au fost ele amestecate cu românii, cât lucrurile, întâmplările și faptele unora față de ale altora nu se pot scrie pre înțeles, din mai multe mii de autori, în cursul a treizeci și patru de ani culese (The chronicle of the Romanians and of other peoples insofar as they were mixed with the Romanians, as the things, events and facts of the one regarding the other cannot be written as if everyone understands them, from several thousand authors, gathered over the course of thirty-four years).

Șincai died at Szinye, near Kassa (today Košice in present-day Slovakia).

Bibliography

 Dionis Popa, Gheorghe Șincai, Blaj, 1944

References

19th-century Romanian historians
Romanian male poets
Romanian Greek-Catholics
Catholic poets
Romanian schoolteachers
Transylvanian School
Age of Enlightenment
Romanian people in the Principality of Transylvania (1711–1867)
Romanian Austro-Hungarians
People from Mureș County
1754 births
1816 deaths
Linguists from Romania
18th-century linguists
Linguists of Indo-European languages
Romanian translators
18th-century male writers
18th-century translators
Eastern Catholic poets

Gheorghe Șincai


Residency is a level of medical training. A resident physician or resident (called senior house officer or registrar in the United Kingdom, depending on the level of training) is a person who has gotten a medical degree and who practices medicine under supervision of other physicians, usually in a hospital. In the United States, doctors must complete residency before they can practice medicine without supervision.

Residency programs train doctors to work in a specific specialty, or field within medicine. For example, there are different residency programs for medicine, surgery, and psychiatry. In the US, the length of a residency program is different based on specialty. Residency in specialties like family medicine and psychiatry is usually three years long, but a residency program in neurosurgery (brain surgery) may be 7 years long.

Residency

Residency (medicine)


The plush-crested jay (Cyanocorax chrysops) is a jay of the family Corvidae (which includes the crows and their many allies). It is found in central-southern South America: in southwestern Brazil, Bolivia, Paraguay, Uruguay, and northeastern Argentina, including southern regions of the Amazon Basin river systems bordering the Pantanal.

Description
It is an elegant medium-sized bird, dark plumaged with a cream-yellow breast; the bulky tail is also cream colored, top and underneath, for the lower half.

Distribution

The range of the plush-crested jay extends from the Southern Region, Brazil with Uruguay and approaches the South Atlantic coast, but avoids the coast, approximating a 400 to 150 km coastal strip; the coastal-inland range extends 3500 km from São Paulo south to Rio Grande do Sul bordering Uruguay. The inland range continues in northwestern Uruguay and extends northwest through northern Argentina, Paraguay–Bolivia, and through the Pantanal at the southern Cerrado; the range extends in two arms, to the northwest to northern Bolivia, and northeastwards to headwaters of the Amazon Basin Tapajós River.

In the Amazon Basin, central Bolivia is the northwest range limit, the headwater tributaries to the north-northeast flowing Madeira River; the next range skips the Guaporé River, (a northwest-flowing tributary to the Madeira), eastwards on the Brazil–Bolivia border, and is next found at the headwaters of the Tapajós River, and joins on the east the extreme headwaters of the Xingu River.

A disjunct range occurs downstream on the Tapajós and east towards the Xingu River, a block . Two other localized populations occur in the Amazon Basin, one on the Amazon River, the other on the downstream Madeira River.

References

External links
Plush-crested jay videos on the Internet Bird Collection
Stamps (for Argentina, Paraguay) with RangeMap
Plush-crested jay photo gallery VIREO
Photo-Medium Res; Article pantanalbirds—"Birds of the Pantanal"
Photo-High Res; Article tropicalbirding–Argentina

plush-crested jay
Birds of Argentina
Birds of Brazil
Birds of the Amazon rainforest
Birds of Bolivia
Birds of Paraguay
Birds of Uruguay
Birds of the Pantanal
Birds of the Selva Misionera
Birds of the South Region
plush-crested jay
plush-crested jay

Plush-crested jay


The Moral Code of the Builder of Communism was a set of twelve rules.  It was made in the Soviet Union by the Communist Party of the Soviet Union (CPSU).  Every member of the Party was supposed to follow these rules.  So was every member of the Komsomol (a Communist group for young people ages 14-28).

History

The Moral Code was written at the 22nd Congress of the CPSU in 1961.  It was part of the third CPSU Program, which was a plan for how to make the entire Soviet Union communist as part of the new Party Programme.

Some popular Soviet cliches are written in the Code.  In fact, the Code was written to include special phrases, either invented by Soviet thinkers, or borrowed. (For example, the famous quote "'One for all, and all for one" ("каждый за всех, все за одного") was taken from The Three Musketeers by Alexandre Dumas, père.)

The Moral Code

The Moral Code of the Builder of Communism (as reported on Wikisource), with simple English explanations below, is:

1. Devotion to the cause of Communism, love of the socialist Motherland and of the socialist countries.
 Communism should be very important to you.  You should love your country, and all socialist countries.
2.  Conscientious labor for the good of society: he who does not work, neither shall he eat.
 You should work hard for the good of society - so everyone, not just you, can benefit.  A person who does not work will not eat.
3.  Concern on the part of everyone for the preservation and growth of public property.
 Everyone should do their best to protect public property (property which is owned by everyone) and to make it grow.
4.  High sense of public duty; intolerance of actions harmful to the public interest.
 Doing what is best for everyone should be very important to you.  You should never do or support anything that is not good for everyone.
5.  Collectivism and comradely mutual assistance: one for all and all for one.
 People should not just care about themselves.  Everyone should care about everyone else.  Everyone should help each other.  Every person supports society, and society supports every person.
6.  Humane relations and mutual respect between individuals: man is to man a friend, a comrade, and a brother.
 People should respect each other and be good to each other.  Every man is a friend, comrade, and brother to every other man.
7.  Honesty and truthfulness, moral purity, unpretentiousness and modesty in social and private life.
 You should always be honest, do the right things, and be humble.
8.  Mutual respect in the family, concern for the upbringing of children.
 All family members should respect each other.  Raising children should be important to everyone.
9.  Irreconcilability towards injustice, parasitism, dishonesty, careerism, and profiteering.
 You should never accept things that are not fair; people who do not do their fair share; people who are not honest; or people who try to get ahead and make money just for themselves.
10.  Friendship and brotherhood among all peoples of the USSR, intolerance of national and racial hatred.
 All people in the USSR should treat each other like friends and brothers.  You should never treat someone badly because of the country they are from or because of their race.
11.  Intolerance towards the enemies of communism, peace, and freedom of nations.
 Our goals are to have communism and peace, and for every country to be free.  Enemies of these things, who would try to stop us from reaching our goals, cannot be accepted.
12.  Fraternal solidarity with the working people of all countries, and with all peoples.
 All working people are like brothers, and must stick together.

Comparisons to religion
These rules may be compared to the Ten Commandments or the Bible.  For example, the Bible says: "he who does not work, neither shall he eat" (2 Thessalonians 3:10).  This line was used in the Soviet Constitution of 1936 as well as the Moral Code.  Another example is the Commandment "you shall not commit adultery."  This is similar to the Code's rule about "mutual respect in a family, concern about the upbringing of children."

The Ten Commandments focus more on personal virtue - what a person should do, and how to treat other people.  The Code talks about how people should act as members of the society they live in.

A Russian legislator and Communist Party leader, Gennady Zyuganov, said the moral code could be compared to the Sermon on the Mount.

References

20th-century establishments in the Soviet Union
Soviet culture
Communism
Political philosophy
1961 establishments

Moral Code of the Builder of Communism


The 1914 State of the Union Address was given by Woodrow Wilson, the 28th United States president, on Tuesday, December 8, 1914, to both houses of 63rd United States Congress.  He concluded it with, "To develop our life and our resources; to supply our own people, and the people of the world as their need arises, from the abundant plenty of our fields and our marts of trade to enrich the commerce of our own States and of the world with the products of our mines, our farms, and our factories, with the creations of our thought and the fruits of our character,-this is what will hold our attention and our enthusiasm steadily, now and in the years to come, as we strive to show in our life as a nation what liberty and the inspirations of an emancipated spirit may do for men and for societies, for individuals, for states, and for mankind."

References

State of the Union addresses
Presidency of Woodrow Wilson
Speeches by Woodrow Wilson
63rd United States Congress
State of the Union Address
State of the Union Address
State of the Union Address
State of the Union Address
December 1914 events

1914 State of the Union Address


The International Statistical Classification of Diseases and Related Health Problems 9th Revision (ICD-9) is list of codes that classify diseases and medical problems. These codes are in the public domain. The ICD is published by the World Health Organization. There have been many revisions, or updated versions, of the ICD. The ICD-9 is the ninth version.

The ICD-9 gives a special, unique code to:
Every medical condition (including mental health problems)
Specific symptoms, if it is not clear what condition is causing the symptom. (For example, if a person has a cough, but his doctor does not know why, he would just use the ICD code for "Cough".)
Changes in the body, or test results that are not normal (if it is not clear what condition is causing these changes).
Injuries or illnesses that are caused by things outside of the body (for example, broken bones, burns, and poisonings)
Social issues that may cause health problems (for example, if a person's job causes health risks, or if the person's health is at risk because of poverty).

 001-139: Infectious and parasitic diseases
 140-239: Neoplasms
 240-279: Endocrine, nutritional and metabolic diseases, and immunity disorders
 280-289: Diseases of the blood and blood-forming organs
 290-319: Mental disorders
 320-359: Diseases of the nervous system
 360-389: Diseases of the sense organs
 390-459: Diseases of the circulatory system
 460-519: Diseases of the respiratory system
 520-579: Diseases of the digestive system
 580-629: Diseases of the genitourinary system
 630-676: Complications of pregnancy, childbirth, and the puerperium
 680-709: Diseases of the skin and subcutaneous tissue
 710-739: Diseases of the musculoskeletal system and connective tissue
 740-759: Congenital anomalies
 760-779: Certain conditions originating in the perinatal period
 780-799: Symptoms, signs, and ill-defined conditions
 800-999: Injury and poisoning
 E and V codes: External causes of injury and supplemental classification

Related pages
 ICD-10

References

Medical manuals
ICD-9 codes
Diseases and disorders

List of ICD-9 codes


A curtain is a piece of cloth used to block light, water, or cold air from entering a place (some curtains are better at blocking than others because of the type of fabric used). Curtains are hung around showers to keep water off the floor around the shower.  Curtains are also hung around windows to keep light from coming in. A curtain is raised and lowered during a play or other theatrical production. Curtains can come in many different colors and different types of fabric. It is also originally a French word.

Curtains can also be made from air.

References

Cloth

Curtain


In North American professional sports, an offer sheet is a contract offered to a restricted free agent by a team other than the one for which he played during the prior season. Different leagues have different ways to handle offer sheets.

NHL
In the National Hockey League, an offer sheet is a contract offered to a restricted free agent by a team other than the one for which he played during the prior season. If the player signs the offer sheet, his current team has seven days to match the contract offer and keep the player or else he goes to the team that gave the offer sheet, with compensation going to his first team.

Time period
Restricted (Group 2) NHL free agents can discuss new contracts with other teams beginning on the day after that season's entry draft, which is also the deadline for a team to make a qualifying offer. Discussions must cease if a player accepts a contract from his own team or is confirmed to go into arbitration with his team, be it player- or team-filed.

Compensation
When a player accepts an offer sheet and his team declines to match the value of the contract, his former team is entitled to draft pick compensation in the next upcoming draft or drafts based on the averaged yearly salary of the contract. This averaged annual salary is determined by dividing the total compensation by the lesser of the number of years of the Offer Sheet or five years (the latter clause has potentially come into play with one offer sheet---offered to Shea Weber in the 2012 offseason).  These values were originally set for the 2005 offseason to coincide with the new NHL Collective Bargaining Agreement, with percentage increases annually equal to the same percentage increase in the average salaries of all NHL players. The 2005 and 2018 offseason values are as follows:

A team may not have two different players sign offer sheets at the same time if the value of the offered contracts would involve any of the same draft picks as compensation. For example, if a restricted free agent accepts a contract with a yearly salary of at least $10,148,303 or more, the team can only offer to other restricted free agents contracts less than $4,059,323 per year, since those would not require any first round pick as compensation. In addition, if a team does not have a pick in the next upcoming draft available for compensation, they may not make a contract offer in the certain range where that pick is needed for compensation. Teams may not use draft picks acquired in trades with other teams, but extra acquired draft picks can influence a team's decision to submit an offer sheet.

Effect of the salary cap
Prior to the 2004–05 NHL lockout, teams could spend as much or as little as they wanted, therefore most offer sheets were matched. This caused offers to restricted free agents to be rare to avoid ill will amongst general managers; there were no offer sheets made in the six years prior to the lockout. Beginning with the 2005 NHL Collective Bargaining Agreement, the NHL assigned a salary cap ceiling and floor for each season, so teams must spend money more wisely. This means it is more likely that general managers will offer a contract to a younger player with potential that their team does not see as much value in matching, rather saving money for other players. This also leads to teams signing their own players to long-term contracts before they are eligible for restricted free agency, possibly locking them in at a lower rate than they will have to pay later, depending on each player's future performance; contracts cannot be renegotiated under the current CBA. A potential benefit to a player whose current team matches an offer sheet is that the player cannot be traded for the next calendar year.

Since the 2004-05 lockout, ten restricted free agents have signed offer sheets, and only two players have changed teams as the result of an offer sheet: Dustin Penner prior to the 2007–08 season, and Jesperi Kotkaniemi before the 2021–22 season. Penner and Kotkaniemi are also the only players since 1997 (Chris Gratton) to change teams via an offer sheet. The risk invested in real and cap dollars along with the negative reaction to an offer sheet has led to the act of signing an offer sheet becoming rare under the current CBA.

NHL Players signing offer sheets

NBA
The National Basketball Association uses the term offer sheet to refer to a contract offered by another team to a restricted free agent of at least one year. His current team has two days to match the offer or lose the player to the new team. However, unlike NHL offer sheets, NBA offer sheets do not require a team to relinquish a draft pick or other compensation.

NFL
The National Football League uses the term offer sheet to refer to an offer made by another team to a restricted free agent. If the restricted free agent accepts an offer sheet from a new club, his old club has "right of first refusal", a five-day period in which it may match the offer and retain him, or choose not to match the offer, in which case it may receive one or more draft picks for the upcoming draft from the player's new club. If an offer sheet is not executed, the player's rights revert to his old club the day after negotiations must end.

Footnotes

References

National Hockey League labor relations
Ice hockey terminology
Sports terminology

Offer sheet


A loop antenna is a radio antenna consisting of at least one loop of wire, tubing, or other electrical conductor with its ends connected to a balanced transmission line. Within this physical description two different antenna designs are common: the small loop (or magnetic loop) with a size much smaller than a wavelength, and the resonant loop antenna with a circumference approximately equal to the wavelength.

Small loops have a poor efficiency and are mainly used as receiving antennas at low frequencies. Except for car radios, almost every AM broadcast receiver sold  has such an antenna built in or directly attached to it. These antennas are also used for radio direction finding.  In amateur radio, loop antennas can be used where larger antennas would be inconvenient, unsightly, or banned because of size. Loop antennas are relatively easy to build.

A small loop antenna, also known as a magnetic loop, generally has a circumference of less than one tenth of a wavelength, in which case there will be a relatively constant current distribution along the conductor.  As the frequency or the size is increased, a standing wave starts to develop in the current, and the antenna starts to acquire some of the characteristics of a resonant loop (but is not resonant); for this reason, these intermediate cases cannot be analyzed using the concepts developed for the small and resonant loop antennas described below.

Resonant loop antennas are relatively large, governed by the intended wavelength of operation. Thus they are typically used at higher frequencies, especially VHF and UHF, where their size is manageable. They can be viewed as a folded dipole deformed into a different shape, and have rather similar characteristics such as a high radiation efficiency.

References

Radio antennas

Loop antenna


A series of workplace disturbances, strikes, and riots broke out across the British West Indies in the period between 1934 and 1939. These began as the Great Depression wore on and ceased on the eve of World War II. The unrest served to highlight inequalities of wealth, led the British government to attempt a solution to the problem, and in some cases spurred the development of indigenous party politics that would lead to self-government and independence in the postwar period.

Chronology
Various starting points for the cycle of disturbances have been proposed: the February 1934 labour agitation in British Honduras (which ended in a riot in September) the May–July 1934 sugar estate disturbance on Trinidad (which broke out on several estates in the central sugar belt, involving over 15,000 Indo-Trinidadian labourers), and the January 1935 Saint Kitts sugar strike. In any event, after St Kitts (which turned into a general strike of agricultural labourers) came a March strike in Trinidad's oilfields and a hunger march to Port of Spain. In Jamaica labour protests broke out in May on the island's north coast. Rioting among banana workers in the town of Oracabessa was followed by a strike of dockworkers in Falmouth that ended in violence. In September and October there were riots on various sugar estates in British Guiana; there had been strikes the previous September on five sugar estates on the west coast of Demerara. In October rioting also took place on St Vincent in Kingstown and Camden Park.

The year ended with a November strike of coal workers in St Lucia. After a relatively tranquil year in 1936, there was widespread unrest in Trinidad that saw unprecedented cooperation between Indo-Trinidadian and Afro-Trinidadian labourers, in Barbados in June 1937, and Jamaica in May–June 1938. The 1937–38 disturbances were of greater magnitude than the 1934–35 ones, which had been more localized. In Trinidad, for example, the protest began in the oilfields but eventually spread to the sugar belt and the towns. In Barbados the disorder that started in Bridgetown spread to rural areas, leaving between 14 and 22 dead. In Jamaica most areas of the island experienced serious strikes and disturbances. At least two ending points have also been suggested: the Jamaican cane-cutters' strike of 1938 or the major February 1939 strike at the Plantation Leonora in British Guiana, which led to further disturbances.

In 1937, there were numerous deaths as strikes descended into riots, while the sugar workers' and Kingston labourers' strike in Jamaica in 1938 resulted in riots and 46 deaths. At least 429 were injured, with thousands detained and prosecuted.

Women played a crucial role at almost every level of the popular protests. As workers, many women were involved in the planning and execution of the strikes, and they were active in radical organizations such as the Universal Negro Improvement Association and African Communities League. The Caribbean unrest was not limited to British colonies: massive strikes took place in independent Cuba in 1930, 1933 and 1935, as well as a hunger march by sugar workers on French Martinique in February 1935.

Causes
Each labour rebellion had its own particular circumstances, but a common pattern can be discerned: the underlying causes were economic. With the exception of the mineral-extractive industries - oil in Trinidad and bauxite in British Guiana - the British West Indian economies were largely dependent on a narrow range of agricultural exports. Thus, they were highly vulnerable to reduced demand or a serious downturn in Britain and Europe. The sugar industry, which remained the mainstay of the colonial economies, had long been in a critical state but had revived during World War I as warfare disrupted European sugar beet production. In the postwar years, sugar prices fell sharply as world supply exceeded effective demand. The British government's policy of subsidizing domestic sugar beet production further depressed prices. The prices of other agricultural staples, including cocoa, coconuts, limes and bananas, also slumped to unprofitable levels due to worldwide overproduction. In some cases agricultural commodities suffered from the effects of plant diseases and hurricane damage. The crisis in the colonial economy was exacerbated by the global economic Depression, which further reduced demand for British Caribbean exports in the 1930s.

The pervasive economic Depression in the colonies had far-reaching consequences for the working classes. Employers in some industries drastically reduced wages. Social conditions deteriorated as unemployment and underemployment increased (which an inadequate social welfare system could not address), factors that were worsened by sharply increased population growth, itself the result of a significant downward trend in the region's mortality rate as health conditions improved. The cost of living also went up: it was a sudden upsurge in 1937-1938 that led to strikes in Jamaica. Emigration outlets were closed, which created a frustrating sense of being shut in and of being denied opportunity and choice.

Other general causes were the longstanding grievances of the West Indian peasants against the plantation owners. Historically, the peasants occupied the least fertile lands and were bullied by the owners. They had problems with land title, poor technology, lack of finance and marketing assistance, and poor means of transporting produce from the farm to the market. These and other grievances stimulated peasant participation in the disturbances. Furthermore, there was a rapid growth of working-class consciousness. Labour unions had been well-organised in Guiana and Jamaica since the 1920s. The British Guiana Labour Union dated to 1919, and the Longshoremen Union had a chapter in Jamaica from the early years of the century.

In addition, there was a general increase in nationalist and pro-independence sentiments in the 1930s. The labour unions were organised as general political organisations or broad-based social movements. They campaigned for better wages and working conditions, the transformation of the colonial system and political independence for the colonies. Moreover, West Indians had rising expectations, as many had travelled abroad and experienced living conditions in Britain and the US. They wanted the same high standard of living at home, wished to be accorded respect as trained professionals and desired opportunities for upward mobility. Instead, they remained trapped in the system's political, economic, social, colour and racial hierarchies. Ideologies such as Marxism and Fabian socialism gained currency.

Consequences

As a result of the disturbances, the British government created the Moyne Commission, headed by Lord Moyne, to investigate what had transpired. Its members visited all the British Caribbean territories between November 1938 and February 1939, looking at conditions in housing, agriculture, hospitals, asylums for the mentally ill, leper homes, prisons, factories, docks, schools, orphanages, land settlement, and political and constitutional matters. It heard formal evidence in 26 centres from 370 witnesses or groups of witnesses, and received and considered 789 memoranda of evidence. The investigation was regarded with great seriousness, as seen from the high level of public interest and the numbers, status and range of organisational affiliation of those giving evidence; both the latter and those who had been in active rebellion saw it as a channel for achieving reform. The Moyne Report pinpointed the outdated land-tenure structure and the remnants of the plantation system as the chief culprits in the economic crisis facing the West Indies, and recommended the federation of all the West Indian colonies as "an ideal to which policy should be directed", beginning with the federation of the Windward (Grenada, Saint Vincent, Saint Lucia, Dominica) and Leeward (Antigua, Saint Kitts-Nevis-Anguilla, Montserrat) Islands. However, it rejected the idea of immediate independence and the introduction of universal adult suffrage, both of which featured among the workers' demands.

The report was issued in 1939 but was not published in full until 1945, lest it provide a propaganda source for the Axis powers. Based on its recommendations, the Colonial Development and Welfare Act became law in July 1940, providing the framework for reform in welfare and development in the entire British Empire. It allowed for £5m to be spent yearly on colonial development and welfare for ten years and £500,000 annually for colonial research indefinitely. A Colonial Development and Welfare Department was established in 1940 and the appropriate staff assembled in the regional territories in 1941. Still, due to wartime exigencies, little was achieved in the region by 1945.

In Jamaica, the settlement of the 1938 unrest laid the foundations for that country's modern party system. Alexander Bustamante led a strike on the Frome Estate Sugar Plantation after a wage-and-hours dispute. The excitement generated there quickly spread to dockworkers and street cleaners, ultimately producing a general strike suppressed by British forces. Bustamante was jailed for seventeen months, becoming a labour martyr; his cousin Norman Manley helped settle the strike. Manley quickly became so popular that by September, he had organised the People's National Party with the support of the Trade Union Congress (later to become the National Workers' Union). Bustamante, once released, began to organise his own party, and in 1943, strongly backed by the Bustamante Industrial Trade Union (BITU), which he led, founded the Jamaica Labour Party. The two parties have remained dominant ever since. Other leaders identified with working class aspirations emerged, including Grantley Adams of Barbados, who served as legal counsel for some of those arrested in 1937; and Albert Gomes of Trinidad, who became a popular political speaker during this period and was elected to the Port of Spain City Council.

Strong trade unions continued to develop all around the Caribbean. These collected data on working conditions and wage levels, and became mass movements associated with political parties. Besides the BITU, the National Workers Union arose in Jamaica, the Labour Party of St. Kitts and the St. Kitts-Nevis Trades and Labour Union, and unions and parties in Antigua. All were of the same general view regarding wages and salaries for workers.

Notes

References
 Brereton, Bridget, and Yelvington, Kevin A. The Colonial Caribbean in Transition. University Press of Florida (1999),
 Brown, Judith M., et al. The Oxford History of the British Empire. Oxford University Press (2000),
 Canterbury, Dennis C. Neoliberal Democratization and New Authoritarianism. Ashgate Publishing, Ltd. (2005),
 Lisowski, Joseph. Environment and Labor in the Caribbean. Transaction Publishers (1992),
 Paravisini-Gebert, Lizabeth. Phyllis Shand Allfrey: A Caribbean Life. Rutgers University Press (1996),
 Weiner, Myron and Özbudun, Ergun. Competitive Elections in Developing Countries. Duke University Press (1987),

1930s labor disputes and strikes
1934 in Jamaica
1934 in the Caribbean
1934 in Trinidad and Tobago
1934 labor disputes and strikes
1935 labor disputes and strikes
1936 labor disputes and strikes
1937 labor disputes and strikes
1938 labor disputes and strikes
1939 labor disputes and strikes
British West Indies
Economy of British Guiana
General strikes in North America
General strikes in South America
History of British Honduras
History of Guyana
History of the Caribbean
History of the Colony of Jamaica
Labor in the Caribbean
Riots and civil disorder in Jamaica
Labor disputes in British West Indies

British West Indian labour unrest of 1934–1939


St. Kazimierz Church () is a Roman Catholic church in Warsaw's New Town at Rynek Nowego Miasta 2 (New Town Market Place, no. 2).

History
St. Casimir Church was originally the Kotowski Palace, residence of the Wyszogród stolnik, Adam Kotowski. In 1688 it was purchased by Queen Maria Kazimiera Sobieska to be transformed into a church to serve the Benedictine Sisters of Perpetual Adoration of the Most Holy Sacrament, whom she had brought to Poland.

In 1688-92 the Kotowski residence was transformed into a church-cum-cloister, to a design by the leading Polish-Dutch architect Tylman Gamerski. As with many of the buildings that were reconstructed after the Deluge, Tylman designed the church in Palladian style.

Between 1718 and 1721 the trompe-l'œil altars of St. Casimir and Virgin Mary were sponsored by Michał Kazimierz Radziwiłł, voivode of Vilnius. In 1718 the church furnishing was completed with a profuse late baroque pulpit in the shape of a flower and between 1745 and 1748 with a rococo organ. The significant additions in the second half of the 18th century were tombstones of the members of the Sobieski family - Maria Karolina Sobieska de Bouillon (the granddaughter of John III of Poland) and Maria Józefa Sobieska. In 1769, the former 17th century tabernacle was replaced with a new marble one decorated with silver. During the Kościuszko Uprising the nuns donated some of the church equipment to the army - 12 silver candlesticks from Augsburg, 5 gilded reliquaries, 52 precious votives and 4 statues of angels from the main altar - 412 silver grzywnas worth.

In World War II, during the Warsaw Uprising, like nearby St. Hyacinth's Church, St. Kazimierz was used as a hospital. The nuns housed many civilians in the church and cellars and gave medical aid as well as they could. In August 1944 they decided to suspend their rules to assist wounded insurgents. Because of this decision the German military targeted the church and the cloister for heavy bombing. During a single raid on August 31, 1944, four priests, 35 nuns and over a thousand civilians sheltering in the church's crypt were killed. Sobieska's magnificent church and cloisters was destroyed.

The church was reconstructed in 1947–53, but the Kotowski Palace was never restored.

Interior

Designed by Tylman Gamerski, the church consists of a large dome atop a basic Greek cross design. The facade is baroque, although the interior is completely modern, because very few of the original furnishings of the church were preserved. Inside, the most valuable element of the original church's decoration are the preserved fragments of a brilliant tomb monument of Maria Karolina Sobieska de Bouillon carved by Lorenzo Mattielli in white and black marble in 1746. The effigy of the founder in an oval frame was placed atop the plinth with the Janina coat of arms and a royal crown. The whole composition was completed with carved statues of the personification of the Polish–Lithuanian Commonwealth and a putto, while the arcade above was adorned with skulls. The tombstone was reconstructed in 1961 by Antoni Szymanowski.

Charlotte, Duchess of Boullion's Monument

Photos

See also

 Kotowski Palace
 St. Hyacinth's Church
 St. Mary's Church
 St. Florian's Cathedral
 History of early modern period domes

References

External links
  kościół pw. św. Kazimierza
  Tylman van Gameren, architect of Warsaw
 Description and photos of the church

17th-century Roman Catholic church buildings in Poland
Roman Catholic churches completed in 1692
Roman Catholic churches completed in 1953
Baroque church buildings in Poland
Church of the Holy Sacrament
Rebuilt churches in Poland
Burial sites of the House of la Tour d'Auvergne
Church buildings with domes
1692 establishments in Europe
17th-century establishments in Poland
20th-century churches in Poland
Rebuilt buildings and structures in Warsaw

St. Kazimierz Church


Henri Cornet (born Henri Jardry 4 August 1884 - 18 March 1941) was a French cyclist who won the second Tour de France in 1904.

Born in Desvres, Pas-de-Calais, France, he was 18 years old when he raced in the Tour de France. The race was spoiled by many problems including irate spectators throwing nails on the road in the final stage that forced Henri Cornet to ride the last 40 kilometres with two flat tyres. There were a lot of complaints about cheating, the top four finishers were disqualified by a special committee of the French cycling union.  Although his overall time was three hours behind the first place rider, race officials declared Henri Cornet the winner in November 1903, when he was 19 years and 3 months old. He is the youngest ever winner.

Such was the commotion over the 1904 race that Tour founder Henri Desgrange said it was probably the last time the race would ever be run.   The race winner Maurice Garin was suspended from competition for two years (he retired), and the second place finisher was banned for life. In all
nine cyclists were excluded because of illegal use of cars or trains and all of the stage winners were disqualified because of illegal agreements about allowing people to win.

After 1904 Cornet never again had any great success in any race.  He abandoned the 1905 Tour de France in the 4th stage. He won the 1906 Paris-Roubaix race, but could not start the 1906 Tour de France, and had to abandon it again in 1907, but did manage 8th place finish in 1908. Extremely fast in what today are called time trials, he won the final leg of the 1908 race. A special timed lap run at a velodrome racetrack in Paris, the event was not counted as an official stage or towards the overall classification. Cornet competed in his last Tour de France in 1912, finishing 28th.

He died in 1941 at the age of 56 in Prunay-le-Gillon, Eure-et-Loir.

1884 births
1941 deaths
French cyclists

People from Pas-de-Calais
Tour de France winners
Sportspeople from Hauts-de-France

Henri Cornet


Rod Piazza (born December 18, 1947, Riverside, California) is a blues harmonica player and singer from the United States. His sound combines the styles of jump blues, West Coast blues and Chicago blues.

Life
He started playing at the age of seven. His first instrument was a guitar. He played blues because his much older brothers bought records of this style. In 1963 he started playing the harp.

Around 1965 he formed his first band (The Mystics) where he should play the guitar but it came out that someone else played this instrument much better. So he became harp player and singer of the band. They had their first gigs at parties. Later they went to Los Angeles and played in little clubs. At that time they signed a contract with ABC Bluesway  and renamed the band. They were now called "The Dirty Blues Band". Because some of the members had to go to Vietnam the band broke up. He formed a new band called Bacon Fat. In this band his mentor  George "Harmonica" Smith played the second harp and so they had a "dual harp" sound.

After leaving Bacon Fat he played solo. Later he formed the Chicago Flying Saucer Band which was renamed "The Mighty Flyers". This is the band which is till today backing up Piazza. On of the founding members of the Mighty Flyers was the pianist Debra "Honey" Solum, who later became Piazzas wife.

The Mighty Flyers 2011
Rod Piazza: harp, vocals
Honey Piazza:keyboards
David Kida:drums
Henry Carvajal:guitar

Discography

Pre-Mighty Flyers Era
 1967 Dirty Blues Band / Dirty Blues Band (ABC-Bluesway)
 1969 Dirty Blues Band / Stone Dirt (ABC-Bluesway)
 1970 Bacon Fat / Grease One for Me (Blue Horizon)
 1971 Bacon Fat / Tough Dude (Blue Horizon)
 1973 Rod Piazza / Blues Man (LMI)
 1979 Chicago Flying Saucer Band /	Flying Saucer Band (Gangster)

The Mighty Flyers
 1980 Radioactive Material (Right Hemisphere)
 1981 The Mighty Flyers (Right Hemisphere)
 1982 Robot Woman II (Shanghai)
 1984 From the Start to the Finnish (Right Hemisphere)
 1985 File Under Rock (Takoma)
 1985 Harp Burn (Murray Brothers; Rod Piazza solo)
 1988 So Glad to Have the Blues (Murray Brothers; Rod Piazza solo)
 1991 Blues in the Dark (Black Top)
 1992 Alphabet Blues (Black Top)
 1994 Live at B.B. King's Club (Big Mo)
 1997 Tough and Tender (Tone-Cool)
 1999 Here and Now (Tone-Cool)
 2001 Beyond The Source (Tone-Cool)
 2004 Keepin' It Real (Blind Pig)
 2005 For The Chosen Who (Delta Groove)
 2007 Thrillville (Delta Groove)
 2009 Soul Monster (Delta Groove)
 2011 Almighty Dollar (Delta Groove)

As guest artist
1968 George 'Harmonica' Smith- Of the Blues
1969 Charlie Musselwhite- Tennessee Woman
1970 Revolutionary Blues Band- Revolutionary Blues Band
1978 Shakey Jake- Make It Good To You
1981 Gary Wright- Right Place
1981 Mother Gong- Robot Woman
1983 Shakey Jake- The Key Won't Fit
1983 Pee Wee Crayton- Make Way for Pee Wee
1983 Smokey Wilson- 88th Street Blues
1985 Jimmy Rogers -Feelin' Good
1988 Michelle Shocked -Short Sharp Shocked
1990 Tommy Conwell -Guitar Trouble
1991 Doug MacLeod -Ain't the Blues Evil
1994 Big Joe Turner -Big Bad & Blue
1995 Johnny Dyer- Jukin'
1995 Smokey Wilson- 88th Street Blues
1998 George 'Harmonica' Smith- Now You Can Talk About Me
1999 Pee Wee Crayton -Early Hour Blues
2000 Rick Holmstrom -Gonna Get Wild
2000 Charlie Musselwhite- Best of the Vanguard Years
2001 Kid Ramos -Greasy Kid Stuff

References

Blues musicians
1947 births
Blues harp players
Living people

Rod Piazza


Combinatorial optimization is a branch of discrete mathematics. The problems looked at revolve around finding an optimal object from a set of objects, or finding an ordering of the objects in the set that is optimal according to some criteria. Examples are finding the Minimum spanning tree in a graph or the Travelling Salesman Problem. Many of the problems looked at have also been solved using linear programming.

Combinatorial optimization


ဂျပန်ဘာသာဖြင့် စန်ကာကူကျွန်းများ(Senkaku Islands)၊ တရုတ်ဘာသာဖြင့် တျောက်ယွီကျွန်းများ(Diaoyu Islands)၊ ထိုင်ဝမ်အခေါ် တျောက်ယွီတိုင်ကျွန်းများ အငြင်းပွားမှုသည် တရုတ်နှင့်ဂျပန်အကြား လူမနေသောကျွန်းများအား ပိုင်ဆိုင်ရေးအငြင်းပွားမှုဖြစ်သည်။

Aside from a 1945 to 1972 period of administration by the United States, the archipelago has been controlled by Japan since 1895.[3] The People's Republic of China (PRC) disputed the proposed US handover of authority to Japan in 1971[4] and has asserted its claims to the islands since that time.[5] The Republic of China (Taiwan) also claims the islands. The territory is close to key shipping lanes and rich fishing grounds, and there may be oil reserves in the area.[6]

Japan argues that it surveyed the islands in the late 19th century and found them to be Terra nullius (Latin: land belonging to no one); subsequently, China acquiesced to Japanese sovereignty until the 1970s. The PRC and the ROC argue that documentary evidence prior to the First Sino-Japanese War indicates Chinese possession and that the territory is accordingly a Japanese seizure that should be returned as the rest of Imperial Japan's conquests were returned in 1945.

Although the United States does not have an official position on the merits of the competing sovereignty claims,[7] the islands are included within the U.S. Japan Security Treaty meaning that a defense of the islands by Japan may compel support from the United States military.[8]

၂၀၁၂ စက်တင်ဘာတွင် ဂျပန်အစိုးရသည် အငြင်းပွားကျွန်းများမှ ကျန်ရှိနေသေးသော ကျွန်းသုံးခုကို ပုဂ္ဂလိက ပိုင်ရှင်လက်မှဝယ်ယူလိုက်ပြီး တရုတ်ရန်မှအပြည့်အဝကာကွယ်ထားလိုက်သည်။

စန်ကာကူကျွန်းများ၏ဘူမိအချက်အလက်များ

စန်ကာကူကျွန်းများသည် အရှေ့တရုတ်ပင်လယ်အတွင်း တရုတ်နှင့်ဂျပန်ကြားတွင်တည်ရှိသည်။ ကျွန်းစုတွင် အရွယ်အစား ၈၀၀ စတုရန်မီတာမှ ၄.၃၂ စတုရန်းကီလိုမီတာကြား လူမနေသောကျွန်း ၅ ကျွန်းနှင့်ကျောက်တန်း ၃ ခုပါဝင်သည်။

Fishing rights

The issue of sovereignty has been carefully circumvented in bilateral fishing agreements. In the 1997 fishing agreement, the Senkaku Islands were officially excluded from China's exclusive economic zone, but in a letter of intent Japan explained that Japan would not prevent Chinese boats from fishing there. Some Chinese sources have subsequently argued that this letter constitutes a waiver of Japan's claim to exclusive fishing rights.[10]

အငြင်းပွားမှုအစ

မေဂျီခေတ်ပြောင်းတော်လှန်ရေးပြီးနောက်တွင် ဂျပန်မေဂျီအစိုးရသည် ၁၈၇၉တွင် အိုကီနာဝါစီရင်စုရှိ ရူးကျူးဘုရင့်နိုင်ငံကိုကျူးကျော်သိမ်းပိုက်ခဲ့သည်။ ရူးကျူးဘုရင့်နိုင်ငံနှင့်တရုတ်ချင်အင်ပါယာကြားရှိ စန်ကာကူကျွန်းများသည် ပတမဆုံးအကြိမ်အဖြစ် တရုတ်-ဂျပန်နယ်နိမိတ်ဖြစ်လာခဲ့သည်။

In 1885, the Japanese Governor of Okinawa Prefecture, Nishimura Sutezo, petitioned the Meiji government, asking that it take formal control of the islands.[11] However, Inoue Kaoru, the Japanese Minister of Foreign Affairs, commented that the islands lay near to the border area with the Qing empire and that they had been given Chinese names. He also cited an article in a Chinese newspaper that had previously claimed that Japan was occupying islands off China's coast. Inoue was concerned that if Japan proceeded to erect a landmark stating its claim to the islands, it would make the Qing empire suspicious.[11] Following Inoue's advice, Yamagata Aritomo, the Minister of the Interior, turned down the request to incorporate the islands, insisting that this matter should not be "revealed to the news media".[11]

On 14 January 1895, during the First Sino-Japanese War, Japan incorporated the islands under the administration of Okinawa, stating that it had conducted surveys since 1884 and that the islands were terra nullius, with there being no evidence to suggest that they had been under the Qing empire's control.[citation needed]

တရုတ်တို့စစ်ရှုံးပြီးနောက်တွင် ၁၈၉၅ တွင် ရှီမိုနိုဆေကီစာချုပ်ကို နှစ်နိုင်ငံတို့လက်မှတ်ထိုးကြသည်။ တရုတ်က ဖော်မိုဆာ(ထိုင်ဝမ်)ကျွန်းနှင့်ဆက်စပ်ကျွန်းများကို ဂျပန်သို့ပေးအပ်ရသည်။ ဒုတိယကမ္ဘာစစ်တွင် ဂျပန်စစ်ရှုံးပြီးနောက် ၁၉၅၁ တွင် ဂျပန်နှင့်မဟာမိတ်တို့ချုပ်ဆိုသော ဆန်ဖရန်စစ္စကိုစာချုပ်တွင် ဂျပန်က ဖော်မိုဆာ(ထိုင်ဝမ်)ကျွန်းနှင့်ဆက်စပ်ကျွန်းများကို တရုတ်သို့ပြန်လည်ပေးအပ်ရသည်။ ဂျပန်၊ တရုတ်နှင့်ထိုင်ဝမ်တို့အကြားအငြင်းပွားမှုဖြစ်ပွားသည်မှာ ရှိမိုနိုဆေကီစာချုပ်တွင်ပါရှိသည့် ဖော်မိုဆာ(ထိုင်ဝမ်)နှင့်ဆက်စပ်နေသောကျွန်းများတွင်မည်သည့်ကျွန်းများအကျုံးဝင်သနည်းဟူသည့် ပြဿနာဖြစ်သည်။ .[11] China and Taiwan both dispute the Japanese claim by citing Yamagata Aritomo's reasons and decisions to turn down the request to incorporate the islands in 1885.[13] Both PRC and ROC asserted sovereignty over the islands.[14] Japan points out that the islands were placed under the administration of the United States of America as part of the Nansei Shoto Islands, in accordance with Article III of the said treaty and China expressed no objection to the status of the Islands being under the administration of the United States under Article III of the San Francisco Peace Treaty. In 1972, the United States ended its occupation of Okinawa and the Ryukyu Island chain, which included the Senkaku Islands.[15]

Chinese (PRC) and Taiwanese (ROC) positions
A 1785 Japanese map, the Sangoku Tsūran Zusetsu (三国通覧図説) by Hayashi Shihei adopted the Chinese kanji (釣魚臺 Diaoyutai) to annotate the Senkaku Islands, which were painted in the same color as China.[11][16] The primary text itself can be found here.[17]

Although Chinese authorities did not assert claims to the islands while they were under US administration, formal claims were announced in 1971 when the US was preparing to end its adminsitration.[18] While Japan argues that a 1968 survey finding possible oil reserves in the area explains the emergence of Chinese claims,[19] the Chinese argue that the sovereignty dispute is a legacy of Japanese imperialism and China's failure to secure the territory's prompt return following Japan's military defeat in 1945 was due to the complexities of the Chinese Civil War. The two civil war combatants, the Chinese Communist Party and the Kuomintang (KMT), formed the People's Republic of China (PRC) and the Republic of China (ROC) respectively, and the communists eventually forced the ROC off the mainland to Taiwan in 1949. Both the PRC and ROC currently claim sovereignty based on arguments that include the following points:

   1. Discovery and early recording in maps and travelogues[20]
   2. The islands were China's frontier off-shore defence against wokou (Japanese pirates) during the Ming and Qing dynasties (1368–1911). A Chinese map of Asia, as well as a map compiled by a Japanese cartographer[21] in the 18th century,[20] shows the islands as a part of China.[20][22]
   3. Japan took control of the islands during the First Sino-Japanese War in 1894–1895, to whom they were formally ceded by the Treaty of Shimonoseki. A letter of the Japanese Minister of Foreign Affairs in 1885, warning against annexing the islands due to anxiety about China's response, shows that Japan knew the islands were not terra nullius.[13][20][22]
   4. The Potsdam Declaration stated that "Japanese sovereignty shall be limited to the islands of Honshū, Hokkaidō, Kyūshū, Shikoku and such minor islands as we determine", and "we" referred to the victors of the Second World War who met at Potsdam, the USA, the UK and the Republic of China. Japan accepted the terms of the Declaration when it surrendered.[22][23][24]
   5. China formally protested the 1971 US transfer of control to Japan[25]

According to Chinese claims,[20] the islands, known to China at least since 1372,[26] had been repeatedly referred to as part of Chinese territory since 1534,[26] and later controlled by the Qing Dynasty along with Taiwan.[20] The earliest written record of Diaoyutai dates back to 1403 in a Chinese book Voyage with the Tail Wind (zh:順風相送),[27] which recorded the names of the islands that voyagers had passed on a trip from Fujian to the Ryukyu Kingdom.[11]

By 1534, all the major islets of the island group were identified and named in the book Record of the Imperial Envoy's Visit to Ryukyu (使琉球錄).[22] and were the Ming Dynasty's (16th-century) sea-defense frontier.[22][26] One of the islands, Chihweiyu, marked the boundary of the Ryukyu Islands. This is viewed by the PRC and ROC as meaning that these islands did not belong to the Ryukyu Islands.[26]

The Japanese government argues that the islands were not ceded by this treaty but the claim is disputed by Chinese governments, quoting the documents of Japanese Ministry of Foreign Affairs in 1884. In that year, the Japanese Minister of Foreign Affairs objected to the annexation of those islands by stating that those islands were "near to the Qing's (China's) border", "had Chinese names", and Japanese activity "in the offshore's coast of Qing Dynasty had already raised the attention of Chinese newspapers and were warned by China". Following this advice, the Japanese interior minister, Yamagata Aritomo, turned down the request for incorporating those islands into Japanese territory. The Chinese governments see it as evidence to disprove the Japanese claim that those islands were terra nullius when they decided to incorporate them in 1895.[13][20][22]

The Japanese government kept postponing the issue and it was only in 1895, when Japan's victory in the Sino-Japanese War was manifested, that the application was finally accepted in a Cabinet meeting.[26] They also claim that the Japanese reference to these islands did not appear in Japanese government documents before 1884.[26]

The PRC and ROC governments claim that during negotiations with China over the Ryukyu Islands after the First Sino-Japanese War, the islands were not mentioned at all in a partition plan suggested by US ex-President Grant.[26] The lease of the islands in 1896 and subsequent purchase in 1930 by the Koga family were merely domestic arrangements made by the Japanese government which had no bearing on the legal status of the islands."[26]

According to PRC, Kuomintang leader Chiang Kai-shek failed to protest American decisions with regard to the disposition of the islands because he depended on the US for support.[6]

In April 2012, Taiwan declined an invitation from the PRC to work together to resolve the territorial dispute with Japan. Mainland Affairs Council (MAC) Minister Lai Shin-yuan said, "The ROC and Mainland China will not deal with the [Tiaoyutai Islands] disputes together. Mainland China said the two sides should solve these issues together, but that is not the approach we are taking because [Taiwan and Mainland China] already have sovereignty disputes. We insist on our sovereignty."[29]

Regarding Japan's argument about the 1958 People's Daily, Jin Canrong, a professor at Renmin University of China thinks that the article, which is anonymous, implys that Ryukyu Islands should be a sovereign state, also independent from Japan.[30] Other Chinese commentators, including a government research institution run by a retired People's Armed Police general,[31] extend the Chinese claim to the entire Ryukyu chain, including Okinawa.[32]
Japanese position

The Japanese stance is that there is no territorial issue that needs to be resolved.[33] It has stated the following points as claim for the islands and counter-argument against China's claim.

   1. The islands had been uninhabited and showed no trace of having been under the control of China prior to 1895.[34]
   2. The islands were neither part of Taiwan nor part of the Pescadores Islands, which were ceded to Japan by the Qing Dynasty of China in Article II of the May 1895 Treaty of Shimonoseki,[34] thus were not later renounced by Japan under Article II of the San Francisco Peace Treaty.[35]
   3. Though the islands were controlled by the United States as an occupying power between 1945 and 1972, Japan has since 1972 exercised administration over the islands.
   4. Japanese allege that Taiwan and China only started claiming ownership of the islands in 1971, following a May 1969 United Nations report that a large oil and gas reserve may exist under the seabed near the islands.[36][37][38]

After the Meiji Restoration, the Japanese government surveyed the islands in 1885, which found that the islands were terra nullius and that there was no evidence to suggest that they had ever been under Chinese control.[36] At the time of this survey, however, Yamagata Aritomo, the minister of interior of the Meji government, took a cautious approach and put off the request to incorporate the islands.

Japan erected a marker on Kubajima and Uotsurijima to incorporate the islands as its territory,[39][not in citation given] a decision it publicized in 1950.[40] Four of the islands were subsequently developed by Koga Tatsushirō (古賀 辰四郎) and his family, with the permission of the Japanese government.[41][unreliable source?]

Japan claims that neither China nor Ryukyu had recognized sovereignty over the uninhabited islands. Therefore, they claim that Chinese documents only prove that Kumejima, the first inhabited island reached by the Chinese, belonged to Okinawa. Kentaro Serita (芹田 健太郎) of Kobe University points out that the official history book of the Ming Dynasty compiled during the Qing Dynasty, called the History of Ming (明史), describes Taiwan in its "Biographies of Foreign Countries" (外国列传) section. Thus, China did not control the Senkaku Islands or Taiwan during the Ming Dynasty.[42][unreliable source?]
A letter from the Republic of China (中華民國) consul to Nagasaki written on 20 May 1921.

After a number of Chinese were rescued from a shipwreck in 1920, an official letter authored by the Chinese Consul Feng Mien (冯冕/馮冕) in Nagasaki on behalf of the Republic of China (中華民國) on 20 May 1921, made reference to "Senkaku Islands, Yaeyama District, Okinawa Prefecture, the Empire of Japan". The letter is on exhibition at Yaeyama museum.[43]
An article published by the Renmin Ribao on January 8, 1953.

The People's Daily, a daily newspaper, which is the organ of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China (CPC), referred to the Senkaku Islands by the Japanese name "Senkaku Shotō" and described the islands were a part of (then) U.S.-occupied Ryukyu Islands. The article published on January 8, 1953 titled "Battle of people in the Ryukyu Islands against the U.S. occupation"[44] wrote "The Ryukyu Islands lie scattered on the sea between the Northeast of Taiwan of China and the Southwest of Kyushu, Japan. They consist of 7 groups of islands; the Senkaku Islands, the Sakishima Islands, the Daito Islands, the Okinawa Islands, the Oshima Islands, the Tokara Islands and the Osumi Islands."[45][46][47][48][49][50][51][52]

A Chinese diplomatic draft written by the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of PRC on May 15, 1950 referred to the Senkaku Islands by the Japanese name "Senkaku shotō" and "Sentō Shosho" and indicated Chinese recognition of the islands as part of the Ryukyu Islands. The 10-page documentp. 1p. 4p. 5p. 6 (archived at p. 1p. 4p. 5p. 6) titled "Draft outline on issues and arguments on parts concerning territories in the peace treaty with Japan"[53] says the Ryukyus "consist of three parts--northern, central, and southern. The central part comprises the Okinawa Islands, whereas the southern part comprises the Miyako Islands and the Yaeyama Islands (Sentō Shosho)."[54] The parentheses appear in the original. It also says "It should be studied whether the Senkaku Islands should be incorporated into Taiwan due to an extremely close distance."[55] suggesting the Chinese government did not consider the islands part of Taiwan. The passages leave no doubt that Beijing regarded the Senkaku Islands as part of the Ryukyu Islands as of 1950. [56][57]

From 1895 to 1940, there was a Katsuobushi factory and about 200 Japanese residents on the islands.[58] In 1978, a Japanese nationalist group, Nihonseinensha built a lighthouse on Uotsuri Jima, which was subsequently handed over to the Japanese government in 2005.[59][60]

During a private visit 9 years after stepping down from office, former President of Republic of China, Lee Teng-hui, once said that the islands are part of Okinawa.[61]

There are many official maps published by both Chinas after 1945 that support they did not recognize their sovereignty over the islands and they recognized the islands as Japanese territory.
The Washington Times states that this is a classified PRC government map from 1969 and that it lists the "Senkaku islands" as Japanese territory.[62]

        * The Washington Times stated that they obtained a classified map made by the PRC's map authority in 1969 apparently listing the "Senkaku Islands" as Japanese territory.[62]

        * From 1946 to 1971, Taiwan Statistical Abstract published by the Taiwanese Provincial Government stated "the easternmost point of Taiwan is Mianhua Islet and the northernmost point is Pengjia Islet" excluding the Senkaku islands. In 1972, immediately after the Executive Yuan of the ROC announced that the islands belonged to Yilan County of Taiwan Province in December 1971, the description was revised and the points were extended to the Senkaku Islands: "the easternmost point of Taiwan is Taishō-jima and the northernmost point is Kuba-jima."[63]

        * The Grand Atlas of the World Vol. 1 published in October 1965 by the National Defense Research Academy and the China Geological Research Institute of Taiwan records the Diaoyu Islands with Japanese names: Gyochojima (Diaoyu Islands), Taishojima (Chiwei Island), and Senkaku Gunto in the "Map of the Ryukyu Islands". Taiwan and the Senkaku Gunto were clearly divided by a national border. The revised version in the early 1970s, "Senkaku Gunto" was changed to the "Tiaoyutai Islets". Furthermore, the national border was relocated to an area between the Daioyutai Islands and the Ryukyu Islands. However, in the English index, the name"Senkaku Gunto" remained unrevised.[63][64][65]

        * The National Atlas of China Vol. 1 published by the National War College of Taiwan did not include Diaoyutai Islands in the map of "Taipei and Keelung" in the first (1959), second (1963), or even third (1967) editions. However the fourth edition (1972) included an extra map of the "Taio Yu Tai Islets" as part of the ROC's territory in the upper left corner of the map of "Taipei and Keelung".[63]

Partial image of map showing Senkaku Islands in World Atlas published in China in 1960

        * A world atlas published in November 1958, by the Map Publishing Company of Beijing, treats the Senkaku Islands as a Japanese territory and described them in Japanese name Senkaku Guntō (Senkaku Islands) and Uotsuri-Jima,[66][67]

        * In the 1970 junior high school geography textbook published by the National Institute for Compilation and Translation of Taiwan, the Diaoyutai Islands were named Senkaku Gunto in the "Physical Map of the Ryukyu Islands". Senkaku Gunto and the Ryukyu Islands were clearly not included in the ROC's territory by national border. However, in the 1971 edition, Senkaku Gunto was renamed Diaoyutai Islands, and the ROC national border was redrawn so that the Diaoyutai Islands were included.[63][68]

United States' position

On December 25, 1953, U.S. Civil Administration of the Ryukyus Proclamation 27 (USCAR 27) set geographical boundaries of the Ryukyu Islands that included the Senkaku Islands. Moreover, during U.S. administration of the islands, the U.S. Navy built firing ranges on them and paid annual rent of $11,000 to Jinji Koga, son of the first Japanese settler of the islands.[69]

During the San Francisco Peace Treaty discussions, John Foster Dulles, chief U.S. delegate to the peace conference, set forth the concept that Japan had "residual sovereignty" over the Ryukyu Islands. According to an official analysis prepared by the U.S. Army, "residual Sovereignty" meant that "the United States will not transfer its sovereign powers over the Ryukyu Islands to any nation other than Japan." In June 1957, President Eisenhower confirmed this at the U.S.-Japan summit meeting, telling Japanese Prime Minister Nobusuke Kishi that "residual sovereignty" over the Ryukyus meant that "the United States would exercise its rights for a period and that the sovereignty would then return to Japan." In March 1962, President Kennedy stated in an Executive Order for the Ryukyus that "I recognize the Ryukyus to be a part of the Japanese homeland and look forward to the day when the security interests of the Free World will permit their restoration to full Japanese sovereignty." Since there was no U.S. action to separate the Senkaku Islands from the Ryukyu, these applications of "residual sovereignty" appeared to include the Senkaku Islands.[69]

In May 1971, A report compiled by the U.S. Central Intelligence Agency said "The Japanese claim to sovereignty over the Senkakus is strong, and the burden of proof of ownership would seem to fall on the Chinese". The CIA also said in related documents that any dispute between Japan, China and Taiwan over the islands would not have arisen, had it not been for the discovery around 1968 of potential oil reserves on the nearby continental shelf.[70]

On June 7, 1971, President Richard Nixon confirmed Japan's "residual sovereignty" over the Senkaku Islands just before a deal to return Okinawa Prefecture to Japan in a conversation with his national security adviser Henry Kissinger. Kissinger also told Nixon that "these (Senkaku) islands stayed with Okinawa" when Japan returned Taiwan to China after the end of World War II in 1945.[71]

The Nixon Administration removed the Senkakus from its inclusion in the concept of Japanese "residual sovereignty" in presenting the Okinawa Reversion Treaty to the U.S. Senate for ratification. On October 20, 1971, Secretary of State William Rogers sent a letter to U.S Congress. In his letter, Acting Assistant Legal Adviser Robert Starr stated "The United States believes that a return of administrative rights over those islands to Japan, from which the rights were received, can in no way prejudice any underlying claims. The United States cannot add to the legal rights Japan possessed before it transferred administration of the islands to us, nor can the United States, by giving back what it received, diminish the rights of other claimants... The United States has made no claim to the Senkaku Islands and considers that any conflicting claims to the islands are a matter for resolution by the parties concerned."[72] Several experts have attributed this Nixon Administration policy shift as having been influenced by White House overtures to China during 1971-1972, culminating in the Nixon visit to China.[69]

The United States Department of State has stated that it does not take an official position on who owns the islands. Top US government officials, however, have declared in 2004, 2010, and September 2012, that as Japan maintains effective administrative control on the islands, the islands fall under the 1960 Treaty of Mutual Cooperation and Security between the United States and Japan which requires the US to assist Japan in defending the islands if anyone, including China, attacks or attempts to occupy or control them.[73]

On November 29, U.S. Senate unanimously approved an amendment to National Defense Authorization Act for Fiscal Year 2013 stating the Japanese-administered Senkaku Islands fall under the scope of a Treaty of Mutual Cooperation and Security between the United States and Japan and Washington would defend Japan in the event of armed attacks.[74][75]
Alternative approaches

When PRC-Japan diplomatic relations were established in 1972, both nations found reasons to set aside this territorial dispute.[76] According to negotiator Deng Xiaoping, "It does not matter if this question is shelved for some time, say, 10 years. Our generation is not wise enough to find common language on this question. Our next generation will certainly be wiser. They will certainly find a solution acceptable to all."[77]

In 1969, the United Nations Economic Commission for Asia and the Far East (ECAFE) identified potential oil and gas reserves in the vicinity of the Senkaku Islands.[37] During subsequent decades, several rounds of bilateral talks considered joint-development of sub-seabed resources in disputed territorial waters. Such efforts to develop a cooperative strategy were unsuccessful.[78]

In 2008, a preliminary agreement on joint development of resources was reached but the agreement only includes the area far from these islands.[79]
Disputes about the causes

There are disputes about the causes of controversy involving the Senkaku Islands.[80] For example, some use the term "territorial dispute"; however, the Japanese government has consistently rejected this framing since the early 1970s.[81] An analysis of incidents and issues require distinguishing between disputes which are primarily over territory and those which merely have a territorial component.[82]

    The real importance of the islands lies in the ... implications for the wider context of the two countries' approaches to maritime and island disputes, as well as in the way in which those issues can be used by domestic political groups to further their own objectives.] — Zhongqi Pan.[83][84][better source needed]

Other nations are closely monitoring developments,[85] e.g.,

    * Senkakus described as a proxy. According to China Daily, the Senkaku Islands are a disruptive mine planted by the United States into Sino-Japanese relations.[86]
    * Senkakus characterized as a pretext. According to the New York Times, some analysts frame all discussion about the islands' status within a broader pattern of Chinese territorial assertions.[87]
    * Senkakus identified as a tactic. According to the Christian Science Monitor, the Senkakus may represent a tactical distraction from China's internal power struggle over who will replace the current leadership of the Communist Party in 2012.[88]

The historical record is a backdrop for each new incident in the unfolding chronology of these islands.[89]
Historical development

    * 1532: On the 8th of the 5th month (lunar calendar), Chen Kan, leading the envoy on behalf of the emperor of the Ming Dynasty of China to Ryukyu, recorded the islands as landmarks en route.[90]
    * 1561: Ming envoy Kuo Ju-lin, following Chen Kan, set sail from Fuzhou on the 29th of the 5th month and recorded passing the islands as landmarks.[90]
    * 1785: A Japanese map by Hayashi Shihei indicated the islands in the same color of that of China, and different from that of Ryukyu.[11]
    * 1909: Japanese population of the islands became 248.[58][91]
    * December 1971: The People's Republic of China (PRC) first officially claimed (via People's Daily) sovereignty when Japan made known its official standpoint with the signing of the Okinawa Reversion Treaty.[26]
    * 23 April 2004: a member of a Japanese right-wing group rammed a bus into the Chinese consulate in Osaka, to protest Chinese claims.[37]
    * July 2004: Japan started exploring for natural gas in what it considers its own exclusive economic zone in the East China Sea as a step to counter China's building of a natural gas complex nearby. Japan plans to survey a 30-kilometer-wide band stretching between latitudes 28 and 30 degrees North, just inside the border demarcated by Japan. China disputes Japan's rights to explore the area east of the median line between the two countries, which Japan has proposed as the demarcation line for their exclusive economic zones.[37]
    * July 2004: a group of Chinese held a demonstration outside the Japanese Embassy in Beijing afternoon to protest Japan's "illegal" oil exploration activities in a disputed area of the East China Sea. The protesters, organized by Beijing-based organization called the Patriots Alliance Network.[37]
    * 17 March 2006: Kyodo News reported the U.S. Ambassador to Japan, Thomas Schieffer, presented that he considered "the Islands as territory of Japan" in his talk in Tokyo.[92]
    * 27 October 2006: A group of activists from the Hong Kong-based Action Committee for Defending the Diaoyu Islands approached the islands to show the support for Chinese claims to the Diaoyu Islands. They were stopped from landing on the islands by the Japan Coast Guard.[93] Later on, the PLAN conducted a military exercise in the area.[94]

2008

    * June:
          o On 10 June 2008, the 270 ton sport fishing vessel Lien Ho (聯合號) of Taiwan suffered a collision with the Japanese patrol vessel Koshiki. The vessel sank while in the disputed territorial waters that have been claimed by Japan and Taiwan (ROC).[95] The Taiwanese crew who were aboard the vessel claims that the larger Japanese frigate deliberately crashed into them; Japanese coast guard initially claimed that the Taiwanese boat had crashed into the patrol ship.[96] While releasing the passengers, Japan initially detained the captain and sought reparations.[97][98]
          o On 13 June, the captain was released.[99]
          o On 16 June, a boat carrying activists from Taiwan, defended by five Republic of China Coast Guard vessels, approached to within 0.4 nautical miles (740 m) of the main island, from which position they circumnavigated the island in an assertion of sovereignty of the islands. This demonstration prompted Taiwanese politicians to cancel a planned trip on-board Republic of China Navy vessels to demonstrate sovereignty.[100] The Taiwanese vessels were followed by Japanese Coast Guard vessels, but no attempt was made to intercept them.
          o On 20 June, upon releasing the video taken by people on board the Taiwanese boat, Japan apologized for the incident[101] and agreed to pay NT$10 million (US$311,000) as compensation to the owner of the boat.[102] Liu Chao-shiuan, Premier of the Republic of China, has refused to rule out the use of force to defend the islands against Japanese advances.[103] The ROC government recalled its chief representative to Japan in protest.[104] On 20 June, the de facto Japanese ambassador to Taiwan apologized, in person, to the captain of the Taiwanese boat Lien Ho.[105]

2010

    * September:
          o On 7 September 2010, a Chinese fishing trawler collided with two Japanese Coast Guard patrol boats in disputed waters near the islands. The collisions occurred after the Japanese Coast Guard ordered the trawler to leave the area. After the collisions, Japanese sailors boarded the Chinese vessel and arrested the captain Zhan Qixiong.[106]
          o On 18 September, the 79th anniversary of the Mukden Incident, widespread anti-Japanese protests were held in Beijing, Shanghai, Shenzhen, Hong Kong and Shenyang.[107]
          o On 22 September, Chinese premier Wen Jiabao threatened further action if the captain of the Chinese fishing trawler was not released.[108]
          o On 24 September, Japan released the Chinese captain, and stated that keeping the captain in custody would not be appropriate and it would raise considerable impact on Sino-Japanese relations.[109]
          o On 25 September, China demanded an apology and compensation from Japan for holding the Chinese boat captain in the collision incident. Japan rejected the Chinese demand.[33]
          o On 27 September, Japan said that it would counter-claim against China for damage to their patrol boats in the collision.[110]
    * October:
          o On 2 October, large scale anti-Chinese protests occurred in Tokyo and six other cities in Japan.[111][112]
          o On 3 October, a group of right wing Japanese protesters marched to the Ikebukuro mall specializing in Chinese food demanding that the islands be defended against the Chinese.[113]
          o On 6 October, a joint USA/Japan drill is planned, based on the defense of Okinawa in December,[114][115] though Japanese Prime Minister Kan Naoto told parliament that the joint military exercise was not planned specifically with the islands in mind.[116]
          o On 14 October, Japan's Foreign Minister Seiji Maehara, along with other members of the LDP party filed a complaint against Google Maps demanding the removal of the Chinese name "Diaoyutai" from the interactive map services. Google refused, stating that they wish to remain neutral.[117]

2011

    * June – On 29 June 2011, a fishing boat from Taiwan, named "Tafa 268", with some activists aboard, navigated to waters some 23 nautical miles off the disputed Diaoyutai/Senkaku Islands in the morning. The Japanese coast guard immediately mobilized four patrol vessels to block the "Tafa 268", and a Japanese helicopter was also dispatched to monitor the Taiwanese boat. The Coast Guard Agency (CGA) Keelung office of Taiwan sent five patrol vessels there and managed to break the Japanese blockade to sail close to the Taiwanese fishing boat. Both sides of coast guard vessels reiterated the disputed islands were their own territory but no collision happened, and "Tafa 268" set off for home escorted by the CGA vessels after a 25-minute standoff.[118][119]

    * July: On 3~4 July, nine Japanese fishing boats, including one owned by a senior official of a Japanese nationalist group, were fishing near the islands. Beijing lodged a stern remonstration with Tokyo on 4 July 2011, over such Japanese fishing activities. Chinese Foreign Ministry demands that Japanese fishing vessels be immediately withdrawn.[120][121][122] On the morning of 3 July, the Japan Coast Guard found that Chinese fishery patrol vessel "Fishery 201″ in waters near the Diaoyu/Senkaku Islands. Japanese patrol vessels issued a warning "Do not enter Japanese territorial waters ". China "Fishery 201″ then responded it was conducting legitimate task in that the waters around the Diaoyu Islands under the jurisdiction of China.[123] Also on 4 July, two Chinese military aircraft approached the disputed islands. When the planes came within 37 miles of the Diaoyu/Senkaku Islands, the Japan Air Self-Defence Force (JASDF) immediately scrambled an F-15 to intercept them.[124]

    * November:
          o Apparently influenced by the dispute with China over the Senkakus, Japan vocally supported the United States at the November 2011 East Asia Summit in declaring that the South China Sea, much of which China claims, is under the jurisdiction of international maritime law and any disputes over the area must be resolved through multi-national cooperation and dialogue. China, in contrast, declared that any disputes over possession of the South China Sea should be resolved bilaterally, not through multi-nationational forums or talks.[125]
          o In advance of Prime Minister Yoshihiko Noda's planned December 2011 state visit to the PRC, the PRC government requested that the two countries begin negotiations over national boundaries in the East China Sea. According to Kyodo News, the proposal by China appeared to be an effort to get Japan to acknowledge that a territorial dispute over the Senkaku Islands existed.[126]

2012
Taiwan and Japan Coast Guard vessels during a confrontation on 4 July 2012.

    * January:
          o On 1 January, four members of the Ishigaki municipal assembly visited Uotsuri Island. Ishigaki's mayor, however, stated that the four may have acted without proper authority and people wishing to visit the island should first obtain permission from the Japanese central government.[127] In response, a group of Chinese activists from Hong Kong attempted to sail to the islands to protest the Japanese actions, but were blocked by Hong Kong-based coast guard authorities and forced to return to port.[128][129]
          o On 16 January, Japan announced that it would name 39 previously unnamed, uninhabited islets that it claims in the East China Sea, including four in the Senkaku Island chain. In response, Chinese Foreign Ministry spokesman Liu Weimin stated: "Our stance is very clear on the issue of the Diaoyu Islands. China has indisputable sovereignty over the Diaoyu Islands that have been an inherent part of China since ancient times."[130][better source needed] Japan completed naming all the islands by 3 March 2012, including Hokusei Kojima and three other islets near the Senkakus.[131] In response, China gave its own names to the previously unnamed islets and PRC foreign minister Yang Jiechi urged Japan to "'fully recognise' the complexity and sensitivity of issues concerning history and the Diaoyu Islands" and "'properly handle these sensitive issues' based on the overall interests of the China-Japan relationship."[132][133][better source needed] Taiwan responded by disagreeing with both the PRC's and Japan's naming of the islands, with foreign minister Timothy Yang stating that Taiwan would handle the matter according to its own national interests.[134]
          o On 21 January, Diet lawmakers Koichi Mukoyama and Yoshitaka Shindō surveyed the islands by ship and later stated that the islands, several of which are still private property of Japanese citizens, needed to be fully nationalized. Their visit was the first by national politicians since 1997.[135]

    * March: On 16 March, the PRC sent maritime patrol boats Haijian 50 and Haijian 66 to patrol near the Senkaku Islands, with foreign ministry spokesman Liu Weimin announcing that the move was to help safeguard the PRC's territory and that the islands were part of PRC's territory. The crew of a nearby Japanese coast guard vessel stated that the Haijian 50 entered Japanese territorial waters for 25 minutes and warned the ship to leave. A Japanese government spokesman later stated that the ship had not actually entered Japanese waters, but the Japanese government lodged an official protest with the Chinese ambassador to Japan, Cheng Yonghua.[136][137] According to the People's Daily 21 March 2012, an unnamed official of the State Oceanic Administration stated that the PRC intends to patrol the Diaoyu Islands in order to challenge a potential future Japanese claim to the islands based on the international 50-year standard "statute of limitations" for claiming possession of a territory.[138]

    * July:
          o On 4 July, Coastguard vessels from Taiwan and Japan collided in waters near a disputed island chain Wednesday, as the Taiwanese vessel was escorting activists to the area.[139]
          o On 7 July, the Japanese Prime Minister stated that these islands are an integral part of his country and the Government is considering their purchase from the Japanese owner.[140] This was also done to prevent the islands from being bought by the government of Tokyo.[141]
          o Three Chinese patrol vessels entered the disputed waters around these islands on 11 July 2012.[142] On 15 July 2012, Japan recalled their ambassador to China to work on the response to the transgression.[143] In late July, Japanese officials have raised alarms regarding increased Chinese military expansion.[144]
          o The events would eventually escalate and lead up to widespread protests in China.
    * August
          o On 8 August, after a meeting between the Japanese Defense Minister and the American Defense Secretary, it was announced that UAVs would be used to conduct surveillance around Okinawa, which will include the Senkaku Islands.[145][146]
          o On 15 August, ships carrying activists from Hong Kong approached the islands, but were stopped by the Japan Coast Guard. Seven activists jumped from the ships to swim ashore, five of whom reached the island; the other two turned back to the ships. The activists and their ship were detained by Japanese authorities.[147] The detained activists were deported two days later.[148]
          o On 18 August, a flotilla of four boats[149] carrying about 150 Japanese activists[150] organized by right-wing group Ganbare Nippon arrived at the islands. The activists stated that they wished to commemorate Japanese World War II deaths in the area. When the activists were denied permission to land, several of them swam to the islands.[151] Ten activists swam to the islands and made an unauthorized landing on Uotsuri, where they raised Japanese flags.[152][153]
                + China's Foreign Ministry protested the event before it happened saying that unilateral action by Japan on the islands "is illegal and invalid." China also lodged a formal complaint,[vague] and urged Japan to prevent frictions from escalating more.[154] The flotilla arrival at the archipelago also set off anti-Japanese rallies in more than 25 Chinese cities,[155][156] and 100 people gathered near Japan's consulate in the southern Chinese city of Guangzhou to demand that the Japanese leave the islands.[150] Chinese protestors overturned Japanese-branded cars and smashed windows of Japanese-themed businesses.[154][157]

Chinese anti-Japanese protests
Main article: 2012 China anti-Japanese demonstrations

    *
          o On 19 August, protests broke out in Chinese cities including Shenzhen, Chengdu, Xi'an and Jinan, as well as Hong Kong.[158]
          o On 26 August, the Japanese government announced it is making a ¥2.05 billion bid for the Senkaku Islands to bring them under state control around next month.[159]
    * September
          o On 11 September, China sent two patrol ships to the islands to demonstrate its claim of ownership.[160] Japan formally nationalized the three islands that were held in the ownership of Kunioki Kurihara.[161][162] Taiwan's Foreign Ministry lodged a strong protest to Japan, calling the island purchase an "extremely unfriendly move" that "not only harms the longtime cooperation between Taiwan and Japan but will also aggravate regional tensions in East Asia."[163] China Meteorological Administration begins daily weather forecast for Senkaku Islans on CCTV as well as already started for Paracel Islands, Macclesfield Bank and Spratly Islands.[164]
          o On 12 September, there was a small anti-Japanese protest in Taipei which included flag-burning.[165]
          o On 13 September, Chinese government submitted a nautical chart with baselines of the territorial sea on Senkaku Islands to the United Nations.[166][167]
          o Weekend of 15–16 September
                + Citizens in mainland China participated in protest marches and called for a boycott of Japanese products in as many as 85 Chinese cities,[168] including Shanghai, Shenyang, Zhengzhou, Hangzhou and Harbin, as well as Hong Kong[169][170][171] Demonstrations escalated to arson of Japanese vehicles and other criminal acts in Beijing,[172] Shenzhen,[172] Guangzhou,[173] Changsha,[174][175] Suzhou,[172] Mianyang,[171] Xi'an[175][176][177] and Qingdao.[172]
                + There were protests in Los Angeles,[178] Houston, San Francisco,[179] New York[180] and Chicago, as well as a petition to the US government and Congress to take a neutral stance over the dispute.[181]
                + South China Morning Post reporter Felix Wong was reportedly beaten by police in Shenzhen while covering the protests.[182]
                + US Defense Secretary Leon Panetta told reporters "I am concerned that when these countries engage in provocations of one kind or another over these various islands that it raises the possibility that a misjudgment on one side or the other could result in violence and could result in conflict"[183]
          o On 14 September 2012, six Chinese vessels approached the disputed islands, with two circling the island chain before leaving the area.[184] Later on 18 September 2012, Chinese media reported a flotilla of approximately 1,000 Chinese fishing boats heading towards the islands.[185] China increased the number of vessels patrolling within the region close to the islands on 22 September, sending a flotilla of 4 marine surveillance vessels and 9 fishery monitoring craft.[186]
          o On 16 September, China officially announced its plan to request natural extension of its continental shelf up to Okinawa Trough (which would extend its EEZ) from the UN Commission on the Limits of the Continental Shelf.[187]
          o On 17 September, Kōichirō Gemba said that there was a mutual understanding that the United States would defend the islands, even though the subject was not discussed with the Americans.[188]
          o On 18 September, people in over 180 cities of China attend protests on the 81st anniversary of the Mukden Incident.[189]
          o On 23 September 2012, China launched a program to increase the number of UAVs monitoring the Scarborough Shoal, Paracel Islands, Spratly Islands and East China Sea monitoring the Senkakus, which follows a national marine zoning program approved by the State Council during the previous year as a part of China's 12th five-year plan.[190]
         ၂၀၁၂၊ စက်တင်ဘာ၂၅တွင် ထိုင်ဝမ်ငါးဖမ်းသင်္ဘော ၇၅စီးသည် ထိုင်ဝမ်ကမ်းခြေစောင်တပ်မှအစောင့်သင်္ဘော ၁၀ စီးလိုက်ပါပြီး အငြင်းပွားကျွန်းများသို့သွားရောက်ခဲ့သည်။ ထိုင်ဝမ်ကမ်းခြေစောင့်တပ်သင်္ဘောသည် ဂျပန်ကမ်းခြေစောင့်တပ်များနှင့်ထိတွေ့ပစ်ခတ်မှုဖြစ်ပွားပြီး လူသူအထိအခိုက်မရှိခဲ့ပေ။ ထိုင်ဝမ်ကမ်းခြေစောင့်တပ်၏ပြောဆိုချက်အရ ဂျပန်တို့ဖက်တွင် သင်္ဘော ၂၁ ပါဝင်ပြီး အကြီးဆုံးသင်္ဘောမှာ တန်ချိန် ၆,၀၀၀ရှိပြီး အဆိုပါဒေသတစ်ဝိုက်အား ရေမိုင်၁၂ မိုင်အဝေးမှနေ၍ တရုတ်ပြည်မကြီးမှ အစောင့်သင်္ဘော ၅ စီးက ဝိုင်းထားသည်ဟသိရသည်။

ဂျပန်ပိုင်နက်အတွင်းသို့ တရုတ်ကျူးကျော်မှု

တရုတ်ကင်းလှည့်သင်္ဘောများ ဂျပန်ရေပြင်သို့ကျူးကျော်လာပြီးနောက် ဆက်လက်၍၂၀၁၂, ဒီဇင်ဘာ ၁၃ တွင် တရုတ်အစိုးရပိုင်လေယာဉ်တစ်စီးသည် ၁၉၅၈နောက်ပိုင်း ပထမဆုံးအကြိမ်အဖြစ် ဂျပန်လေပိုင်နက်ထဲသို့ ကျူးကျော်ဝင်ရောက်လာသည်။ ဂျပန်လေကြောင်းကာကွယ်ရေးတပ်များက အက်-၁၆တိုက်လေယာဉ် ၈ စီးနှင့် ဝေဟင်ပျံသန်းနေသော ကြိုတင်သတိပေးလေယာဉ်တစ်စီးဖြင့်တုံ့ပြန်ခဲ့သည်။ ဂျပန်အစိုးရက တရုတ်အားသံသမန်ပိုင်းဆိုင်ရာ တရားဝင်ကန့်ကွက်ထားသည်။

On December 14, Acting Deputy Spokesperson Patrick Ventrell stated in his Daily Press Briefing "We are concerned by the flight of a Chinese Government airplane near the Senkakus. ... We've raised our concerns with the Chinese Government directly and made clear that U.S. policy and commitments regarding the Senkakus Islands are longstanding and have not changed."[196]

On December 21st, Congress passed a bill pledging to help defend the islands against Chinese attack.[197]

စန်ကာကူကျွန်းအငြင်းပွားမှု