The Washington Consensus is a set of ten economic policy prescriptions considered to constitute the "standard" reform package promoted for crisis-wracked developing countries by Washington, D.C.-based institutions such as the International Monetary Fund (IMF), World Bank and United States Department of the Treasury. The term was first used in 1989 by English economist John Williamson. The prescriptions encompassed free-market promoting policies such as trade liberalization, privatization and finance liberalization. They also entailed fiscal and monetary policies intended to minimize fiscal deficits and minimize inflation.

Subsequent to Williamson's use of the terminology, and despite his emphatic opposition, the phrase Washington Consensus has come to be used fairly widely in a second, broader sense, to refer to a more general orientation towards a strongly market-based approach (sometimes described as market fundamentalism or neoliberalism). In emphasizing the magnitude of the difference between the two alternative definitions, Williamson has argued that his ten original, narrowly defined prescriptions have largely acquired the status of "motherhood and apple pie" (i.e., are broadly taken for granted), whereas the subsequent broader definition, representing a form of neoliberal manifesto, "never enjoyed a consensus [in Washington] or anywhere much else" and can reasonably be said to be dead.

Discussion of the Washington Consensus has long been contentious. Partly this reflects a lack of agreement over what is meant by the term, but there are also substantive differences over the merits and consequences of the policy prescriptions involved. Some critics take issue with the original Consensus's emphasis on the opening of developing countries to the global marketplace and transitioning to an emerging market in what they see as an excessive focus on strengthening the influence of domestic market forces, arguably at the expense of governance which will affect key functions of the state. For other commentators, the issue is more what is missing, including such areas as institution-building and targeted efforts to improve opportunities for the weakest in society through equal opportunity, social justice and poverty reduction.

History

Original sense: Williamson's Ten Points
The concept and name of the Washington Consensus were first presented in 1989 by John Williamson, an economist from the Institute for International Economics, an international economic think tank based in Washington, D.C.

The consensus as originally stated by Williamson included ten broad sets of relatively specific policy recommendations:
 Fiscal policy discipline, with avoidance of large fiscal deficits relative to GDP;
 Redirection of public spending from subsidies ("especially indiscriminate subsidies") toward broad-based provision of key pro-growth, pro-poor services like primary education, primary health care and infrastructure investment;
 Tax reform, broadening the tax base and adopting moderate marginal tax rates;
 Interest rates that are market determined and positive (but moderate) in real terms;
 Competitive exchange rates;
 Trade liberalization: liberalization of imports, with particular emphasis on elimination of quantitative restrictions (licensing, etc.); any trade protection to be provided by low and relatively uniform tariffs;
 Liberalization of inward foreign direct investment;
 Privatization of state enterprises;
 Deregulation: abolition of regulations that impede market entry or restrict competition, except for those justified on safety, environmental and consumer protection grounds, and prudential oversight of financial institutions;
 Legal security for property rights.

Origins of policy agenda
Although Williamson's label of the Washington Consensus draws attention to the role of the Washington-based agencies in promoting the above agenda, a number of authors have stressed that Latin American policy-makers arrived at their own packages of policy reforms primarily based on their own analysis of their countries' situations. Thus, according to Joseph Stanislaw and Daniel Yergin, authors of The Commanding Heights, the policy prescriptions described in the Washington Consensus were "developed in Latin America, by Latin Americans, in response to what was happening both within and outside the region." Joseph Stiglitz has written that "the Washington Consensus policies were designed to respond to the very real problems in Latin America and made considerable sense" (though Stiglitz has at times been an outspoken critic of IMF policies as applied to developing nations). In view of the implication conveyed by the term Washington Consensus that the policies were largely external in origin, Stanislaw and Yergin report that the term's creator, John Williamson, has "regretted the term ever since", stating "it is difficult to think of a less diplomatic label."

Williamson regretted the use of "Washington" in the Washington Consensus, as it incorrectly suggested that development policies stemmed from Washington and were externally imposed on others. Williamson said in 2002, "The phrase "Washington Consensus" is a damaged brand name... Audiences the world over seem to believe that this signifies a set of neoliberal policies that have been imposed on hapless countries by the Washington-based international financial institutions and have led them to crisis and misery. There are people who cannot utter the term without foaming at the mouth. My own view is of course quite different. The basic ideas that I attempted to summarize in the Washington Consensus have continued to gain wider acceptance over the past decade, to the point where Lula has had to endorse most of them in order to be electable. For the most part they are motherhood and apple pie, which is why they commanded a consensus."

According to a 2011 study by Nancy Birdsall, Augusto de la Torre, and Felipe Valencia Caicedo, the policies in the original consensus were largely a creation of Latin American politicians and technocrats, with Williamson's role having been to gather the ten points in one place for the first time, rather than to "create" the package of policies. Kate Geohegan of Harvard University's Davis Center for Russian and Eurasian Studies credited Peruvian neoliberal economist Hernando de Soto for inspiring the Washington Consensus. Williamson partly credited de Soto himself for the prescriptions, saying his work was "the outcome of the worldwide intellectual trends to which Latin America provided" and said that de Soto was directly responsible for the recommendation on legal security for property rights.

Broad sense
The Washington Consensus is not interchangeable with the term "neoliberalism." Williamson recognizes that the term has commonly been used with a different meaning from his original prescription; he opposes the alternative use of the term, which became common after his initial formulation, to cover a broader market fundamentalism or "neoliberal" agenda.

More specifically, Williamson argues that the first three of his ten prescriptions are uncontroversial in the economic community, while recognizing that the others have evoked some controversy. He argues that one of the least controversial prescriptions, the redirection of spending to infrastructure, health care, and education, has often been neglected. He also argues that, while the prescriptions were focused on reducing certain functions of government (e.g., as an owner of productive enterprises), they would also strengthen government's ability to undertake other actions such as supporting education and health. Williamson says that he does not endorse market fundamentalism, and believes that the Consensus prescriptions, if implemented correctly, would benefit the poor. In a book edited with Pedro-Pablo Kuczynski in 2003, Williamson laid out an expanded reform agenda, emphasizing crisis-proofing of economies, "second-generation" reforms, and policies addressing inequality and social issues.

As noted, in spite of Williamson's reservations, the term Washington Consensus has been used more broadly to describe the general shift towards free market policies that followed the displacement of Keynesianism in the 1970s. In this broad sense the Washington Consensus is sometimes considered to have begun at about 1980. Many commentators see the consensus, especially if interpreted in the broader sense of the term, as having been at its strongest during the 1990s. Some have argued that the consensus in this sense ended at the turn of the century, or at least that it became less influential after about the year 2000. More commonly, commentators have suggested that the Consensus in its broader sense survived until the time of the 2008 global financial crisis. Following the strong intervention undertaken by governments in response to market failures, a number of journalists, politicians and senior officials from global institutions such as the World Bank began saying that the Washington Consensus was dead. These included former British Prime Minister Gordon Brown, who following the 2009 G-20 London summit, declared "the old Washington Consensus is over". Williamson was asked by The Washington Post in April 2009 whether he agreed with Gordon Brown that the Washington Consensus was dead.  He responded:

After the 2010 G-20 Seoul summit announced that it had achieved agreement on a Seoul Development Consensus, the Financial Times editorialized that "Its pragmatic and pluralistic view of development is appealing enough. But the document will do little more than drive another nail into the coffin of a long-deceased Washington consensus."

Context
The widespread adoption by governments of the Washington Consensus was to a large degree a reaction to the macroeconomic crisis that hit much of Latin America, and some other developing regions, during the 1980s. The crisis had multiple origins: the drastic rise in the price of imported oil following the emergence of OPEC, mounting levels of external debt, the rise in US (and hence international) interest rates, and—consequent to the foregoing problems—loss of access to additional foreign credit. The import-substitution policies that had been pursued by many developing country governments in Latin America and elsewhere for several decades had left their economies ill-equipped to expand exports at all quickly to pay for the additional cost of imported oil (by contrast, many countries in East Asia, which had followed more export-oriented strategies, found it comparatively easy to expand exports still further, and as such managed to accommodate the external shocks with much less economic and social disruption). Unable either to expand external borrowing further or to ramp up export earnings easily, many Latin American countries faced no obvious sustainable alternatives to reducing overall domestic demand via greater fiscal discipline, while in parallel adopting policies to reduce protectionism and increase their economies' export orientation.

Many countries have endeavored to implement varying components of the reform packages, the implementation sometimes being a condition for receiving loans from the IMF and World Bank.

Effects
According to a 2020 study, the implementation of policies associated with the Washington Consensus significantly raised real GDP per capita over a 5- to 10-year horizon. According to a 2021 study, the implementation of the Washington Consensus in Brazil, Chile, and Mexico had "mixed results": "macroeconomic stability is much improved, but economic growth has been heterogeneous and generally disappointing, despite improvement relative to the 1980s." Another 2021 study found that the implementation of the Washington Consensus in sub-Saharan Africa led to "initial declines in per capita economic growth over the 1980s and 1990s" but "notable increases in per capita real GDP growth in the post–2000 period." The study found that "the ability to implement pro-poor policies alongside market-oriented reforms played a central role in successful policy performance."

Williamson has summarized the overall results on growth, employment and poverty reduction in many countries as "disappointing, to say the least". He attributed this limited impact to three factors: (a) the Consensus per se placed no special emphasis on mechanisms for avoiding economic crises, which proved very damaging; (b) the reforms—both those listed in his article and, a fortiori, those actually implemented—were incomplete; and (c) the reforms cited were insufficiently ambitious with respect to targeting improvements in income distribution, and need to be complemented by stronger efforts in this direction. Rather than an argument for abandoning the original ten prescriptions, though, Williamson concludes that they are "motherhood and apple pie" and "not worth debating".

Latin America
The Washington Consensus resulted with the La Década Perdida or "The Lost Decade" in Latin America, when many nations in the region faced sovereign debt crises. It has been argued that the Washington Consensus resulted in socioeconomic exclusion and weakened trade unions in Latin America, resulting with unrest in the region. Countries who followed the consensus initially alleviated high inflation and excessive regulation, though economic growth and poverty relief was insignificant. The consensus resulted with a shrinking middle class in Latin America that prompted dissatisfaction of neoliberalism, a turn to the political left and populist leaders by the late-1990s, with economists saying that the consensus established support for Hugo Chávez in Venezuela, Evo Morales in Bolivia and Rafael Correa in Ecuador.

Argentina

The Argentine economic crisis of 1999–2002 is held out as an example of the economic consequences said by some to have been wrought by application of the Washington Consensus. Many economists, however, challenge the view that Argentina's failure can be attributed to close adherence to the Washington Consensus. The country's adoption of an idiosyncratic fixed exchange rate regime (the convertibility plan), which became increasingly uncompetitive, together with its failure to achieve effective control over its fiscal accounts, both ran counter to central provisions of the Consensus, and paved the way directly for the ultimate macroeconomic collapse. The market-oriented policies of the early Menem-Cavallo years, meanwhile, soon petered out in the face of domestic political constraints (including Menem's preoccupation with securing re-election).

In October 1998, the IMF invited Argentine President Carlos Menem, to talk about the successful Argentine experience, at the Annual Meeting of the Board of Governors. President Menem's Minister of Economy (1991–1996), Domingo Cavallo, the architect of the Menem administration's economic policies, specifically including "convertibility", said:

The problems which arise with reliance on a fixed exchange rate mechanism (above) are discussed in the World Bank report Economic Growth in the 1990s: Learning from a Decade of Reform, which questions whether expectations can be "positively affected by tying a government's hands". In the early 1990s there was a point of view that countries should move to either fixed or completely flexible exchange rates to reassure market participants of the complete removal of government discretion in foreign exchange matters. After the Argentina collapse, some observers believe that removing government discretion by creating mechanisms that impose large penalties may, on the contrary, actually itself undermine expectations. Velasco and Neut (2003) "argue that if the world is uncertain and there are situations in which the lack of discretion will cause large losses, a precommitment device can actually make things worse". In chapter 7 of its report (Financial Liberalization: What Went Right, What Went Wrong?) the World Bank analyses what went wrong in Argentina, summarizes the lessons from the experience, and draws suggestions for its future policy.

The IMF's Independent Evaluation Office has issued a review of the lessons of Argentina for the institution, summarized in the following quotation:

While President Néstor Kirchner's reliance on price controls and similar administrative measures (often aimed primarily at foreign-invested firms such as utilities) clearly ran counter to the spirit of the Consensus, his administration in fact ran an extremely tight fiscal ship and maintained a highly competitive floating exchange rate; Argentina's immediate bounce-back from crisis, further aided by abrogating its debts and a fortuitous boom in prices of primary commodities, leaves open issues of longer-term sustainability. The Economist has argued that the Néstor Kirchner administration will end up as one more in Argentina's long history of populist governments. In October 2008, Kirchner's wife and successor as president, Cristina Kirchner, announced her government's intention to nationalize pension funds from the privatized system implemented by Menem-Cavallo. Accusations have emerged of the manipulation of official statistics under the Kirchners (most notoriously, for inflation) to create an inaccurately positive picture of economic performance. The Economist removed Argentina's inflation measure from its official indicators, saying that they were no longer reliable.

In 2003, Argentina's and Brazil's presidents, Néstor Kirchner and Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva signed the "Buenos Aires Consensus", a manifesto opposing the Washington Consensus' policies. Skeptical political observers note, however, that Lula's rhetoric on such public occasions should be distinguished from the policies actually implemented by his administration.

Venezuela

In the 1980s, a fall in oil prices and the start of the Latin American debt crisis brought economic difficulties to Venezuela. Additionally, President Luis Herrera Campins' economic policies led to the devaluation of the Venezuelan bolívar against the US dollar in a day that would be known as Viernes Negro (). Following the oil price crisis, the Herrera Campins government declared bankruptcy to the international banking community and then enacted currency restrictions. The policies centred on the establishment of an exchange-rate regime, imposing a restriction on the movement of currencies, and were strongly objected to by the then-president of the Central Bank of Venezuela, Leopoldo Díaz Bruzual. The currency controls devalued Venezuelan purchasing power by 75% in a matter of hours; banks did not open on Viernes Negro, and even the Central Bank did not have many reserves of foreign currencies, causing the government to devalue the bolívar by 100%.

Carlos Andrés Pérez based his campaign for the 1988 Venezuelan general election in his legacy of abundance during his first presidential period and initially rejected liberalization policies. Venezuela's international reserves were only US$300 million at the time of Pérez' election into the presidency; Pérez decided to respond to the debt, public spending, economic restrictions and rentier state by liberalizing the economy and proceeded to implement Washington consensus reforms. He announced a technocratic cabinet and a group of economic policies to fix macroeconomic imbalances known as  (), called by detractors as El Paquetazo Económico (). Among the policies there was the reduction of fuel subsidies and the increase of public transportation fares by thirty percent (VEB 16 Venezuelan bolívares, or US$0.4). The increase was supposed to be implemented on 1 March 1989, but bus drivers decided to apply the price rise on 27 February, a day before payday in Venezuela. In response, protests and rioting began on the morning of 27 February 1989 in Guarenas, a town near Caracas; a lack of timely intervention by authorities, as the  was on a labor strike, led to the protests and rioting quickly spreading to the capital and other towns across the country.

By late 1991, as part of the economic reforms, Carlos Andrés Pérez' administration had sold three banks, a shipyard, two sugar mills, an airline, a telephone company and a cell phone band, receiving a total of US$2,287 million. The most remarkable auction was CANTV's, a telecommunications company, which was sold at the price of  US$1,885 million to the consortium composed of American AT&T International, General Telephone Electronic and the Venezuelan Electricidad de Caracas and Banco Mercantil. The privatization ended Venezuela's monopoly over telecommunications and surpassed even the most optimistic predictions, with over US$1,000 million above the base price and US$500 million more than the bid offered by the competition group. By the end of the year, inflation had dropped to 31%, Venezuela's international reserves were now worth US$14,000 million and there was an economic growth of 9% (called as an "Asian growth"), the largest in Latin America at the time. The Caracazo and previous inequality in Venezuela were used to justify the subsequent 1992 Venezuelan coup d'état attempts and led to the rise of Hugo Chávez's Revolutionary Bolivarian Movement-200, who in 1982 had promised to depose the bipartisanship governments. Once elected in 1998, Chávez began to revert the policies of his predecessors.

Criticism

As of the 2000s, several Latin American countries were led by socialist or other left wing governments, some of which—including Argentina and Venezuela—have campaigned for (and to some degree adopted) policies contrary to the Washington Consensus policies. Other Latin American countries with governments of the left, including Brazil, Chile and Peru, in practice adopted the bulk of the policies included in Williamson's list, even though they criticized the market fundamentalism that these are often associated with.

General criticism of the economics of the consensus is now more widely established, such as that outlined by US scholar Dani Rodrik, Professor of International Political Economy at Harvard University, in his paper Goodbye Washington Consensus, Hello Washington Confusion?.

As Williamson has pointed out, the term has come to be used in a broader sense to its original intention, as a synonym for market fundamentalism or neo-liberalism. In this broader sense, Williamson states, it has been criticized by people such as George Soros and Nobel Laureate Joseph E. Stiglitz. The Washington Consensus is also criticized by others such as some Latin American politicians and heterodox economists such as Erik Reinert. The term has become associated with neoliberal policies in general and drawn into the broader debate over the expanding role of the free market, constraints upon the state, and the influence of the United States, and globalization more broadly, on countries' national sovereignty.

Some US economists, such as Joseph Stiglitz and Dani Rodrik, have challenged what are sometimes described as the 'fundamentalist' policies of the IMF and the US Treasury for what Stiglitz calls a 'one size fits all' treatment of individual economies. According to Stiglitz the treatment suggested by the IMF is too simple: one dose, and fast—stabilize, liberalize and privatize, without prioritizing or watching for side effects.

Besides the excessive belief in market fundamentalism and international economic institutions in attributing the failure of the Washington consensus, Stiglitz provided a further explanation about why it failed. In his article "The Post Washington Consensus Consensus", he claims that the Washington consensus policies failed to efficiently handle the economic structures within developing countries. The cases of East Asian countries such as Korea and Taiwan are known as a success story in which their remarkable economic growth was attributed to a larger role of the government by undertaking industrial policies and increasing domestic savings within their territory. From the cases, the role for government was proven to be critical at the beginning stage of the dynamic process of development, at least until the markets by themselves can produce efficient outcomes.

The critique laid out in the World Bank's study Economic Growth in the 1990s: Learning from a Decade of Reform (2005) shows how far discussion has come from the original ideas of the Washington Consensus. Gobind Nankani, a former vice-president for Africa at the World Bank, wrote in the preface: "there is no unique universal set of rules.... [W]e need to get away from formulae and the search for elusive 'best practices'...." (p. xiii). The World Bank's new emphasis is on the need for humility, for policy diversity, for selective and modest reforms, and for experimentation.

The World Bank's report Learning from Reform shows some of the developments of the 1990s. There was a deep and prolonged collapse in output in some (though by no means all) countries making the transition from communism to market economies (many of the Central and East European countries, by contrast, made the adjustment relatively rapidly). Academic studies show that more than two decades into the transition, some of the former communist countries, especially parts of the former Soviet Union, had still not caught up to their levels of output before 1989. A 2001 study by economist Steven Rosefielde posits that there were 3.4 million premature deaths in Russia from 1990 to 1998, which he party blames on the shock therapy imposed by the Washington Consensus. Neoliberal policies associated with the Washington Consensus, including pension privatization, the imposition of a flat tax, monetarism, cutting of corporate taxes, and central bank independence, continued into the 2000s. Many Sub-Saharan African's economies failed to take off during the 1990s, in spite of efforts at policy reform, changes in the political and external environments, and continued heavy influx of foreign aid. Uganda, Tanzania, and Mozambique were among countries that showed some success, but they remained fragile. There were several successive and painful financial crises in Latin America, East Asia, Russia, and Turkey. The Latin American recovery in the first half of the 1990s was interrupted by crises later in the decade. There was less growth in per capita GDP in Latin America than in the period of rapid post-War expansion and opening in the world economy, 1950–80. Argentina, described by some as "the poster boy of the Latin American economic revolution", came crashing down in 2002.

A significant body of economists and policy-makers argues that what was wrong with the Washington Consensus as originally formulated by Williamson had less to do with what was included than with what was missing. This view asserts that countries such as Brazil, Chile, Peru and Uruguay, largely governed by parties of the left in recent years, did not—whatever their rhetoric—in practice abandon most of the substantive elements of the Consensus. Countries that have achieved macroeconomic stability through fiscal and monetary discipline have been loath to abandon it: Lula, the former President of Brazil (and former leader of the Workers' Party of Brazil), has stated explicitly that the defeat of hyperinflation was among the most important positive contributions of the years of his presidency to the welfare of the country's poor, although the remaining influence of his policies on tackling poverty and maintaining a steady low rate of inflation are being discussed and doubted in the wake of the Brazilian Economic Crisis currently occurring in Brazil.

These economists and policy-makers would, however, overwhelmingly agree that the Washington Consensus was incomplete, and that countries in Latin America and elsewhere need to move beyond "first generation" macroeconomic and trade reforms to a stronger focus on productivity-boosting reforms and direct programs to support the poor. This includes improving the investment climate and eliminating red tape (especially for smaller firms), strengthening institutions (in areas like justice systems), fighting poverty directly via the types of Conditional Cash Transfer programs adopted by countries like Mexico and Brazil, improving the quality of primary and secondary education, boosting countries' effectiveness at developing and absorbing technology, and addressing the special needs of historically disadvantaged groups including indigenous peoples and Afro-descendant populations across Latin America.

In a book edited with future president of Peru, Pedro Pablo Kuczynski in 2003, John Williamson laid out an expanded reform agenda, emphasizing crisis-proofing of economies, "second-generation" reforms, and policies addressing inequality and social issues.

Nobel laureate Michael Spence has defended the Washington Consensus, arguing "I continue to find that when properly interpreted as a guide to the formulation of country-specific development strategies, the Washington Consensus has withstood the test of time quite well." According to Spence, "The Washington Consensus was never intended as a complete or a one-size-fits-all development program." He does however note that the Washington Consensus "was vulnerable to misuse due to the absence of an accompanying and explicit development model."

Anti-globalization movement
Many critics of trade liberalization, such as Noam Chomsky, Tariq Ali, Susan George, and Naomi Klein, see the Washington Consensus as a way to open the labor market of underdeveloped economies to exploitation by companies from more developed economies. The prescribed reductions in tariffs and other trade barriers allow the free movement of goods across borders according to market forces, but labor is not permitted to move freely due to the requirements of a visa or a work permit. This creates an economic climate where goods are manufactured using cheap labor in underdeveloped economies and then exported to rich First World economies for sale at what the critics argue are huge markups, with the balance of the markup said to accrue to large multinational corporations. The criticism is that workers in the Third World economy nevertheless remain poor, as any pay raises they may have received over what they made before trade liberalization are said to be offset by inflation, whereas workers in the First World country become unemployed, while the wealthy owners of the multinational grow even more wealthy.

Despite macroeconomic advances, poverty and inequality remain at high levels in Latin America. About one of every three people—165 million in total—still live on less than $2 a day. Roughly a third of the population has no access to electricity or basic sanitation, and an estimated 10 million children suffer from malnutrition. These problems are not, however, new: Latin America was the most economically unequal region in the world in 1950, and has continued to be so ever since, during periods both of state-directed import-substitution and (subsequently) of market-oriented liberalization.

Some socialist political leaders in Latin America have been vocal and well-known critics of the Washington Consensus, such as the late Venezuelan President Hugo Chávez, Cuban ex-President Fidel Castro, Bolivian President Evo Morales, and Rafael Correa, President of Ecuador. In Argentina, too, the recent Justicialist Party government of Néstor Kirchner and Cristina Fernández de Kirchner undertook policy measures which represented a repudiation of at least some Consensus policies.

Proponents of the "European model" and the "Asian way"
Some European and Asian economists suggest that "infrastructure-savvy economies" such as Norway, Singapore, and China have partially rejected the underlying Neoclassical "financial orthodoxy" that characterizes the Washington Consensus, instead initiating a pragmatist development path of their own based on sustained, large-scale, government-funded investments in strategic infrastructure projects: "Successful countries such as Singapore, Indonesia, and South Korea still remember the harsh adjustment mechanisms imposed abruptly upon them by the IMF and World Bank during the 1997–1998 'Asian Crisis' […] What they have achieved in the past 10 years is all the more remarkable: they have quietly abandoned the Washington Consensus by investing massively in infrastructure projects […] this pragmatic approach proved to be very successful".

While opinion varies among economists, Rodrik pointed out what he claimed was a factual paradox: while China and India increased their economies' reliance on free market forces to a limited extent, their general economic policies remained the exact opposite to the Washington Consensus' main recommendations. Both had high levels of protectionism, no privatization, extensive industrial policies planning, and lax fiscal and financial policies through the 1990s. Had they been dismal failures they would have presented strong evidence in support of the recommended Washington Consensus policies. However they turned out to be successes. According to Rodrik: "While the lessons drawn by proponents and skeptics differ, it is fair to say that nobody really believes in the Washington Consensus anymore. The question now is not whether the Washington Consensus is dead or alive; it is what will replace it".

Rodrik's account of Chinese or Indian policies during the period is not universally accepted. Among other things those policies involved major turns in the direction of greater reliance upon market forces, both domestically and internationally.

Subsidies for agriculture
The Washington Consensus as formulated by Williamson includes provision for the redirection of public spending from subsidies ("especially indiscriminate subsidies") toward broad-based provision of key pro-growth, pro-poor services like primary education, primary health care and infrastructure investment.  This definition leaves some room for debate over specific public spending programs. One area of public controversy has focused on the issues of subsidies to farmers for fertilizers and other modern farm inputs: on the one hand, these can be criticized as subsidies, on the other, it may be argued that they generate positive externalities that might justify the subsidy involved.

Some critics of the Washington Consensus cite Malawi's experience with agricultural subsidies, for example, as exemplifying perceived flaws in the package's prescriptions. For decades, the World Bank and donor nations pressed Malawi, a predominantly rural country in Africa, to cut back or eliminate government fertilizer subsidies to farmers. World Bank experts also urged the country to have Malawi farmers shift to growing cash crops for export and to use foreign exchange earnings to import food. For years, Malawi hovered on the brink of famine; after a particularly disastrous corn harvest in 2005, almost five million of its 13 million people needed emergency food aid. Malawi's newly elected president Bingu wa Mutharika then decided to reverse policy. Introduction of deep fertilizer subsidies (and lesser ones for seed), abetted by good rains, helped farmers produce record-breaking corn harvests in 2006 and 2007; according to government reports, corn production leapt from 1.2 million metric tons in 2005 to 2.7 million in 2006 and 3.4 million in 2007.  The prevalence of acute child hunger has fallen sharply and Malawi recently turned away emergency food aid.

In a commentary on the Malawi experience prepared for the Center for Global Development, development economists Vijaya Ramachandran and Peter Timmer argue that fertilizer subsidies in parts of Africa (and Indonesia) can have benefits that substantially exceed their costs. They caution, however, that how the subsidy is operated is crucial to its long-term success, and warn against allowing fertilizer distribution to become a monopoly.  Ramachandran and Timmer also stress that African farmers need more than just input subsidies—they need better research to develop new inputs and new seeds, as well as better transport and energy infrastructure. The World Bank reportedly now sometimes supports the temporary use of fertilizer subsidies aimed at the poor and carried out in a way that fosters private markets: "In Malawi, Bank officials say they generally support Malawi's policy, though they criticize the government for not having a strategy to eventually end the subsidies, question whether its 2007 corn production estimates are inflated and say there is still a lot of room for improvement in how the subsidy is carried out".

Alternative usage vis-à-vis foreign policy
In early 2008, the term "Washington Consensus" was used in a different sense as a metric for analyzing American mainstream media coverage of U.S. foreign policy generally and Middle East policy specifically. Marda Dunsky writes, "Time and again, with exceedingly rare exceptions, the media repeat without question, and fail to challenge the "Washington consensus"—the official mind-set of US governments on Middle East peacemaking over time." According to syndicated columnist William Pfaff, Beltway centrism in American mainstream media coverage of foreign affairs is the rule rather than the exception: "Coverage of international affairs in the US is almost entirely Washington-driven. That is, the questions asked about foreign affairs are Washington's questions, framed in terms of domestic politics and established policy positions. This invites uninformative answers and discourages unwanted or unpleasant views."

See also

 American imperialism
 Beijing Consensus
 Bretton Woods system
 Central America Free Trade Agreement (CAFTA)
 Democratic capitalism
 Economic growth
 The End of History and the Last Man
 Andre Gunder Frank
 Gross domestic product
 Hyperinflation
 Immanuel Wallerstein
 Lima Consensus
 Macroeconomics
 Mumbai Consensus
 North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA)
 Poverty Reduction Strategy Paper
 Structural adjustment
 World Systems Theory

Notes

References

Sources

Primary sources
 Accelerated Development in Sub-Saharan Africa: An Agenda for Action, Eliot Berg, coord., (World Bank, 1981).
 The Spirit of Democratic Capitalism, by Michael Novak (1982).
 El Otro Sendero (The Other Path), by Hernando de Soto (1986).
 Toward Renewed Economic Growth in Latin America, by Bela Balassa, Gerardo M. Bueno, Pedro-Pablo Kuczynski, and Mario Henrique (Institute for International Economics, 1986).
 Latin American Adjustment: How Much Has Happened, edited by John Williamson (Institute for International Economics, 1990).
 The Macroeconomics of Populism in Latin America, edited by Rudiger Dornbusch and Sebastian Edwards (1991).
 Global Linkages: Macroeconomic Interdependence and Cooperation in the  World Economy, by Jeffrey Sachs and Warwick McKibbin (1991).
 World Development Report 1991: The Challenge of Development, by Lawrence Summers, Vinod Thomas, et al. (World Bank, 1991).
 "Development and the "Washington Consensus"", in World Development Vol 21:1329–1336 by John Williamson (1993).
 "Recent Lessons of Development", Lawrence H. Summers & Vinod Thomas (1993).
 Latin America's Journey to the Market: From Macroeconomic Shocks to Institutional Therapy, by Moises Naím (1994).
 Economistas y Politicos: La Política de la Reforma Económica, by Agustín Fallas-Santana (1996).
 The Crisis of Global Capitalism: Open Society Endangered, by George Soros (1997).
 Beyond Tradeoffs: Market Reform and Equitable Growth in Latin America, edited by Nancy Birdsall, Carol Graham, and Richard Sabot (Brookings Institution, 1998).
 The Third Way: Toward a Renewal of Social Democracy, by Anthony Giddens (1998).
 The Lexus and the Olive Tree: Understanding Globalization, by Thomas Friedman (1999).
"Fads and Fashion in Economic Reforms: Washington Consensus or Washington Confusion?", by Moisés Naím (IMF, 1999).
 Washington Contentious: Economic Policies for Social Equity in Latin America, by Nancy Birdsall and Augusto de la Torre (Carnegie Endowment for International Peace and Inter-American Dialogue, 2001)
"Did the Washington Consensus Fail?", by John Williamson (Speech at PIIE, 2002).

 Implementing Economic Reforms in Mexico: The Washington Consensus as a Roadmap for Developing Countries by Terrence Fluharty (2007) Implementing Economic Reforms in Mexico: The Washington Consensus as a Roadmap for Developing Countries

Secondary sources
 Ip, Greg. (2021) "How Bidenomics Seeks to Remake the Economic Consensus: Declaring end to neoliberalism, new thinkers play down constraints of deficits, inflation and incentives" Wall Street Journal April 7, 2021
 Risen, Clay. (2021) "John Williamson, 83, Dies; Economist Defined the 'Washington Consensus': A careful pragmatist, he regretted the way his term, aimed at developing countries, was misinterpreted by free-market ideologues and anti-globalization activists." New York Times April 15, 2021
 Babb, Sarah, and Alexander Kentikelenis. (2021)  "People have long predicted the collapse of the Washington Consensus. It keeps reappearing under new guises: 30 years later, global financial institutions still condition loans on policies like 'structural reforms'" Washington Post April 16, 2021
 Kläffling, David. (2021) "Quick & New: Washington consensus 2.0? The Washington consensus has for long time been the symbol of market liberalism. Now, there may be a 'new Washington consensus', writes Martin Sandbu from the Financial Times based on what the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank argue in recent publications around their traditional spring meetings." New Paradigm  (April 12, 2021)

  Stability with Growth: Macroeconomics, Liberalization, and Development (Initiative for Policy Dialogue Series C) ; by Joseph E. Stiglitz, Jose Antonio Ocampo, Shari Spiegel, Ricardo Ffrench-Davis, and Deepak Nayyar; Oxford University Press 2006]
 Economic Crisis and Policy Choice: The Politics of Adjustment in the Third World, edited by Joan M. Nelson (1990).
 Crisis and Reform in Latin America: From Despair to Hope, by Sebastian Edwards (1995).
 Fault Lines of Democracy in Post-Transition Latin America, Felipe Agüero and Jeffrey Stark (1998).
 What Kind of Democracy? What Kind of Market? Latin America in the Age of Neoliberalism, by Philip D. Oxhorn and Graciela Ducatenzeiler (1998).
 Latin America Transformed: Globalization and Modernity, by Robert N. Gwynne and Cristóbal Kay (1999).
 The Internationalization of Palace Wars: Lawyers, Economists, and the Contest to Transform Latin American States, by Yves Dezalay and Bryant G. Garth (2002).
 FONDAD: Diversity in Development: Reconsidering the Washington Consensus'', edited by Jan Joost Teunissen and Age Akkerman (2004).
 The Washington Consensus as Policy Prescription for Development (World Bank)
 What Should the World Bank Think about the Washington Consensus?, by John Williamson.
 Fabian Global Forum for Progressive Global Politics: The Washington Consensus, by Adam Lent.
 Unraveling the Washington Consensus, An Interview with Joseph Stiglitz
 Developing Brazil: overcoming the failure of the Washington consensus/ Luiz Carlos Bresser-Pereira/ Lynne Rienner Publishers,2009

Bibliography

External links

 Beyond the Washington Consensus by Jeremy Clift

1989 neologisms
American imperialism
Commercial policy
Economic globalization
Imperialism
International macroeconomics
Latin America
Neocolonialism
Neoconservatism
Neoliberalism
Trade blocs

Washington Consensus


Pendragon are an English neo-progressive rock band established in 1978 in Stroud, Gloucestershire, England, as Zeus Pendragon by guitarist and vocalist Nick Barrett. The word Zeus was dropped before the band started recording, as the members decided it was too long to look good on a T-shirt. There were a few personnel changes in the early days, but since 1986 the lineup has remained relatively stable (with only the drummer changing several times since then) and the band are still active as of 2023.

History
The band were active in the progressive rock revival spearheaded by the likes of Marillion, Pallas, Solstice and Twelfth Night in the early 1980s, and indeed (like their peers IQ) often appeared as support acts to Marillion and other major neo-prog bands, both on tours and at the Marquee venue which hosted many regular prog evenings. In spring 1984 the band took part in a 'battle of the bands' contest at Goldiggers club, in Chippenham, televised by the local HTV television station. This was named 'Best Bands West' and Pendragon performed O Devineo (spelling as credited on TV). A Bristol-based covers duo eventually won the contest. After their debut album The Jewel, the band pursued a more commercial direction, documented in the Kowtow album and the Red Shoes and Saved By You EPs, but despite these efforts failed to break through to a mainstream audience. The group appeared at the 1983 Reading Festival and were signed to Elusive Records.

In 1991, the band established their own label, Toff Records, and released the archival release The Rest of Pendragon, a collection of EP tracks, and the studio album The World, in which they returned to a more progressive style that the band would continue to develop over their next three studio albums, The Window of Life, The Masquerade Overture, and Not of This World.

From this point on their fortunes have improved, and while they are still relatively obscure in their home country they have a significant following in Europe; in particular, they have managed to develop a strong fanbase in Poland, and have both released at least one compilation specifically for the Polish market and recorded several live albums there.

In 2002, the band released Acoustically Challenged, documenting an "unplugged" session with a number of the band's songs retooled for acoustic instruments, which was originally broadcast on Radio 3 Warsaw. This was considered an unusual move for a progressive rock band, since progressive rock tends to focus a lot on the use of electronic synthesisers and electric guitars; however, the melodic qualities of the band's compositions proved to be well-suited to an acoustic context, and the album was reasonably successful. This heralded a new willingness to experiment on the part of the band, following a run of studio albums all broadly in the same vein as The World. On 2005's Believe they took their music in a somewhat darker direction, causing a certain amount of controversy amongst their fans. 2008's Pure, which featured elements of progressive metal, refined the style of Believe and was well received by the progressive rock fandom, being voted Album of the Year 2008 on DPRP.

On 21 April 2009, Pendragon released a live album and DVD, Concerto Maximo, shot in Katowice on 13 October 2008. It was filmed and edited by Metal Mind. It was released in several versions – a 2-CD release that features just the audio from the show, a DVD featuring the full show, and a DVD-and-2-CD special edition, which was limited to 1000 copies.

In October 2010, the band recorded the follow-up to Pure, the album Passion which was released in the spring of 2011. This was followed by Men Who Climb Mountains in 2014. Both albums continued the darker, heavier, more progressive metal-influenced direction of the band.

In April 2014, the band announced that they had parted ways with drummer Scott Higham for "personal reasons". He was then replaced by Craig Blundell. In June 2015, Blundell was replaced by Jan-Vincent Velazco.

In September 2019 the band released a 40th Anniversary boxed set containing five compact discs. The first three represent a complete live concert recording made in London during 2018. The remaining two discs are re-mixed and remastered versions of the albums The World and Men Who Climb Mountains.
In February 2020, a new album called Love Over Fear was released.

Members

Current members
 Nick Barrett – guitars, vocals, keyboards (1978–present)
 Peter Gee – bass guitar (1978–present)
 Clive Nolan – keyboards, vocals (1986–present)
 Jan-Vincent Velazco – drums (2015–present)

Former members
 John Barnfield – keyboards (1978–1984)
 Rick Carter – keyboards (1984–1986)
 Alan Gyorffy – drums (1978)
 Nigel Harris – drums (1978–1984)
 Matt Anderson – drums (1984–1986)
 Fudge Smith – drums (1986–2006)
 Joe Crabtree – drums (2006–2008)
 Scott Higham – drums (2008–2014)
 Craig Blundell – drums (2014–2015)

Timeline

Discography

Studio albums
 The Jewel (1985)
 Kowtow (1988)
 The World (1991)
 The Window of Life (1993)
 The Masquerade Overture (1996)
 Not of This World (2001)
 Believe (2005)
 Pure (2008)
 Passion (2011)
 Men Who Climb Mountains (2014)
 Love Over Fear (2020)

References

External links

English progressive rock groups
Metal Mind Productions artists

Pendragon (band)


A choral scholar is a student at a university who gets money to help with the fees of his or her studies (a "scholarship") in exchange for singing in the university's choir.  Some private schools also have choral scholarships.

In the United Kingdom there are choral scholarships available at schools belonging to a cathedral or to one of the university colleges in Oxford and Cambridge.  Some of these choirs are world famous for their church music such as the choirs of King's College, Cambridge, St John's College, Cambridge or New College, Oxford.  Choral scholars in such choirs will be expected to sing at the services in the morning and evening (late afternoon) on Sundays as well as at Evensong on several days during the week.  There will be rehearsals on most days.

References
Collegium Regale – The Choral Scholars of King's College, Cambridge
Choral scholarships in Britain

Education
Choirs

Choral scholar


The Viverridae is a family of small to medium-sized mammals, the viverrids. They are in the Feliformia, the cat-like carnivores.

The family is made up of 15 genera and 33 species. It was named by John Edward Gray in 1821. They are found all over the Oriental region, all over Africa and into southern Europe.

As they live in Madagascar and Celebes, this shows they also lived in the tropics of the Old World, and beyond it, over Wallace's line.

Viverrids mostly live in tropical rainforest. They also live in woodland, savanna and mountains.

Species
 African civet
 Angolan genet
 Asian palm civet
 Brown palm civet

"Civet cat"
Many viverrids are civet cats, such as the genera Vivera, Civettictis and Viverricula. The term refers to their noticeable and (to us) unpleasant scent. It is sometimes used for other cats which happen to be rather smelly.

Vivverrids of the genus Genetta are known as 'genets', and there is another genus, Poiana, which are called 'linsangs'. The genet Genetta genetta is the only viverid to live in Europe. It is the striped-tail one at top right in the illustration above.

Characteristics
Viverrids are the most basal ('primitive') of all the families of cat-like animals and less specialized than the Felidae. Their skeletons are similar to those of fossils dating back to the Eocene, up to 50 million years ago.

In external characters, they are distinguished from the Felidae by the hind foot being five-toed and typically by the longer muzzle and shorter limbs. The skull differs as does the dental formula. They have anal glands which may secrete a strong odour. Many species have striped tails.

Viverrids, though in the order Carnivora, are mostly omnivorous. The species popularly called "palm civets" are entirely herbivorous.

Civets and SARS

On January 13, 2004 the American Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC) issued an embargo on the importation of Civets into the United States. They said that  the Severe Acute Respiratory Syndrome (SARS) virus was found in Civets from China.

References

Viverridae


Nesvizh Castle or Niasvizh Castle is a castle of the Radziwill family in Nesvizh in Belarus.

History
The estate was owned by the Radziwiłł Belarus magnate family starting in 1533.  It was given to Mikołaj Radziwiłł and his brother Jan Radziwiłł after the Kiszka family died. Since the Radziwills were one of the most important and rich clans of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania, it was there that the Lithuanian Archive was moved in 1551. In 1586 the estate was made into an ordynacja.

In 1582 Mikołaj Krzysztof "Sierotka" Radziwiłł started to build a large square three-storey chateau. Building was completed by 1604. They added several galleries half a century later. The château's corners had four octagonal towers.

In 1706, during the Great Northern War, Charles XII's army sacked the castle.  The destroyed its fortifications. Several decades later, the Radziwills asked some German and Italian architects to fix and enlarge the chateau. Antoni Zaleski decorated its yellow facades with baroque stucco work. The 16th-century castle gates were also reconstructed. It was at this time that the three separate buildings surrounding the central courtyard were joined into a single structure.

The most important building in Nesvizh is the Corpus Christi Church.  It is connected with the castle by a dam over a ditch.  It has coffins of 72 members of the Radziwill family, each in a simple coffin made of birch and marked with Trąby Coat of Arms. Designed by the Italian architect Gian Maria Bernardoni, the church is said to be the first Jesuit temple patterned after Il Gesù in Rome.  It is the first domed basilica with Baroque facade in the world and the first baroque piece of architecture in Eastern Europe.

In 1770 the castle was taken by Russian forces. The Radziwill family was removed. The Lithuanian Archive was moved to Saint Petersburg (where it remains).  The works of art in the palace were given to various Russian nobles. The Russian army left. The palace slowly fell into disrepair. It was restored by the Radziwills.  Between 1881 and 1886 the castle's insides were fixed by Prince Anton Radizwill and his French wife, Marie de Castellane. They also made a landscape park in English style. With an area of more than one square kilometre, the park is one of the biggest in Europe.

In 1939, the Radziwill family was removed from the castle by the invading Red Army. In Soviet times, the chateau was used a sanatorium.

In 1994, the castle complex was made a national historical and cultural reserve. Twelve years later, the castle complex was added on the World Heritage List.

Other websites

Buildings and structures in Belarus
World Heritage Sites in Europe
Castles in Europe
17th-century buildings and structures

Nesvizh Castle


The name kreisfreie Stadt (plural: kreisfreie Städte) is used for German towns that have their own government. This town government is independent of the government of the next-higher level of authority, the Landkreis. Today, most of the cities that have this statute, are big cities, with 100.000 people living there, or more. The concept grew historically. That means that there are big cities, with more than 100.000 people that do not have the statute. There are also some cities who have only taken a part of the responsibilities of a Landkreis (or Kreis). The smallest city with the statute is Zweibrücken. About 35.000 people live there. The biggest of these cities is Munich, with about 1.3 million people. Hamburg and Berlin are bigger. They are city states, though. The city state of Bremen (state) is made of two kreisfreie Städte, the city of Bremen, and the city of Bremerhaven, about 60 km to the north. About half a million people live in Bremen (1.5 million in the agglomeration), about 117.000 people live in Bremerhaven.

But not every big city with more than 100.000 inhabitants is a kreisfreie Stadt. Some of them, for example Recklinghausen or Göttingen (both more 120.000 inhabitants) are part of a Landkreis.

There are very few cities, who only took part of the paperwork from the Landkreis. Some of these are called Große selbständige Stadt (Translates to Big sovereign city). They only seem to exist in Lower Saxony. They are:
Celle, Cuxhaven, Goslar, Hameln, Hildesheim, Lingen, and Lüneburg. Things like hunting permits cannot be delegated to the cities. Other things, like what to do with the trash have sometimes been delegated.

Similar concepts to that of the kreisfreie Stadt are Unitary authorities in the United Kingdom, or that of independent city in the United States.

Political systems
Politics of Germany

Kreisfreie stadt


ಹಾಂವ್ ಪಾತ್ಕಿ
I confess

Hanv patki,

Sorv-podvedar Devak,

ani tumkam bhavam-bhoinnimno,

mhozo guneanv ucharun sangtam,

monan chintun ani tonddan ucharun,

vaitt adharun ani borem soddun,

hanvem zaitim patkam keleant.

(hordeak marun) Ho mhozo opradh,

ho mhozo opradh, ho mhozo bhov vhodd opradh.

Hea pasot Bhagevont sodanch-Anvkvar Moriek,

soglleam Dev-dutank ani bhoktank, ani tumkam bhavam-bhoinnimno,

mhoje khatir amchea Sorvespora Deva lagim, vinoti korat mhonn, prarthun magtam.

Amen

Confiteor

The Confiteor (so named from its first word, or incipit, in Latin, meaning "I confess" or "I acknowledge") is one of the prayers that can be said during the Penitential Act at the beginning of Mass of the Roman Rite in the Catholic Church. It is also said in the Lutheran Church at the beginning of their Divine Service, and by some Anglo-catholic Anglicans before Mass. The prayer is started by the Priest and ended by the people.
This prayer is referred to as the "absolution", a prayer for forgiveness, not a granting of forgiveness as in the Sacrament of Penance. It is therefore classified as a sacramental, not a sacrament.

Usage in Catholicism

The text of the Confiteor in the 1970 Missal is as follows

Text in Latin

Confiteor Deo omnipotenti,
et vobis fratres,
quia peccavi nimis
cogitatione, verbo,
opere et omissione:
mea culpa, mea culpa,
mea maxima culpa.
Ideo precor beatam Mariam semper Virginem,
omnes Angelos et Sanctos,
et vos, fratres,
orare pro me ad Dominum Deum nostrum.

Official English translation

I confess to almighty God
and to you, my brothers and sisters,
that I have greatly sinned,
in my thoughts and in my words,
in what I have done and in what I have failed to do,
through my fault, through my fault,
through my most grievous fault;
therefore I ask blessed Mary ever-Virgin,
all the Angels and Saints,
and you, my brothers and sisters,
to pray for me to the Lord our God.

Polleiat

I Confess

Konknni
Roman Catholic anchim Magnnim
Romi panam

Hanv Patki, Magnnem


Samuel Parkinson Cowley (July 23, 1899 – November 28, 1934) was an agent of the Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) who was killed in the line of duty in a gunfight with Baby Face Nelson in 1934 on Route 14 in Barrington, Illinois.

Cowley was a son of Matthias F. Cowley, an apostle of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints (LDS Church), by one of his four wives, Luella Parkinson Cowley. He was born in Franklin, Idaho on July 23, 1899.  His half-brother, Matthew Cowley (son of Matthias F. and Abbie Hyde Cowley), was also an apostle of the LDS Church. Prior to joining the FBI, Samuel Cowley attended Utah State Agricultural College and George Washington University Law School.

Role in the Dillinger manhunt
In early 1934, Cowley was sent by J. Edgar Hoover (as head of the "Flying Squad") to Chicago specifically to aid the FBI pursuit of John Dillinger. The Chicago Agents initially resented Cowley as a desk jockey who was infringing on their territory and driving them too hard. However, Cowley soon established a reputation as one who drove himself as hard as he drove his agents.

The relationship between Cowley and Melvin Purvis was complex and is debated by historians. Fans of Purvis tend to downplay Cowley, and the official FBI records tend to play down Purvis, as Hoover preferred Cowley. Cowley and Purvis worked together as a team. Individually neither one of them could have caught Dillinger, but together they concentrated on the areas that they knew best: Cowley on gathering intelligence and Purvis working the field. A squad of agents under Cowley worked with East Chicago policemen in tracking down all tips and rumors. It was Cowley who cut the deal with Ana Cumpănaş, the so-called "Woman in Red".

Cowley seems to have understood this relationship. After Purvis's botched raid on Little Bohemia Lodge, Purvis went on a drinking spree, and Cowley hushed it all up. During the Dillinger stakeout, Cowley was in charge of the team at the Marbro Theater, while Purvis' team was at the Biograph Theater. At 8:30 p.m., Sage, Dillinger and Polly Hamilton strolled into the Biograph Theater to see Clark Gable in Manhattan Melodrama. Purvis phoned Cowley, who shifted the other men from the Marbro to the Biograph. Later, after Dillinger was killed, Purvis was in one room, holding a press conference and Cowley was in the next room reporting to Hoover over the phone. Hoover kept telling Cowley to break up the press conference, but Cowley refused.

Death

After Dillinger, Cowley was pressed to chase down Lester Gillis (Baby Face Nelson). Near Barrington, Illinois (northwest of Chicago) Nelson began chasing a car with two FBI agents (who were only lightly armed). One of the agents put a bullet through the radiator of Nelson's car. Cowley and another agent, Herman Hollis, arrived in another car and shot it out with Nelson. Cowley was armed with a sub machine gun and Hollis had a shotgun. Nelson, although repeatedly shot by Cowley and Hollis, walked across the road and shot both agents with his rifle.

Hollis was killed instantly when a bullet hit him in the face, but Cowley survived long enough to identify Nelson and his companions to Purvis. He died at 2:00 AM, about ten hours after the shootout. Nelson's body was found the next day, wrapped in a blanket, stripped naked, and dumped in a ditch in Skokie.

The media always played up Purvis and relegated Cowley to a minor role. The official FBI accounts play up Cowley and minimize Purvis. Both men played critically important parts in ending the Midwest crime spree started by the Dillinger gang.

In popular culture
Cowley is played by Roy Jenson in John Milius's 1973 film Dillinger, by Steve Kanaly in Melvin Purvis - G-Man, by John Karlen in The Kansas City Massacre, and by Richard Short in Michael Mann's 2009 film Public Enemies.

References

External links

Latter Day Saints from Idaho
Federal Bureau of Investigation agents
1899 births
1934 deaths
John Dillinger
People from Franklin County, Idaho
Place of birth missing
American police officers killed in the line of duty
Deaths by firearm in Illinois
George Washington University Law School alumni
Utah State University alumni
Latter Day Saints from Washington, D.C.

Samuel P. Cowley


Phone is a hamelt term for telephone.

In phonetics an phonology, a phone is a speech soond conseedert as a pheesical event athoot regaird tae its place in the soond seestem semantics o a langage. A soond lith that haes kenspeckle acoustic properties. A pairteecular kythin o a speech soond lith. The basic soond unit shawn fae phonetic speech analysis. Phonetic seembology is hauden athin square ([ ]) brackets. Compear wi a phoneme, a set o phones that cairies the same meanin.

The wird oreeginates fae the Greek φωνή for soond/vyce.

See forby
 allophone
Leid

Phone


Google Friend Connect was a free social networking site, active from 2008 to 2012. Similar to Facebook Platform and MySpaceID, it took a decentralized approach, allowing users to build a profile to share and update information (through messaging, photographs and video content) via third-party sites. These sites acted as a host for profile sharing and social exchanges.

Google Friend Connect used open standards such as OpenID, OAuth and OpenSocial with the intent of freeing users from having to register for additional accounts or usernames. Once authenticated they could use their existing profile and access a social graph when posting messages.

It has been said that "social network APIs (how different services on the web talk to each other) such as the MySpace API, Facebook Connect and Google Friend Connect take the online social graph beyond social networking sites to external web sites and applications". This social graph feature allowed a user to post a message on a third-party site, but allowed viewing access only to other authorized "friends" contained within the user's chosen social graph.

Friend Connect was removed for all non-Blogger sites by March 1, 2012, and for Blogger sites on January 11, 2016.

APIs
The Google Friend Connect APIs allowed website owners to query the content of user profiles and provide customized website content and ads tailed to them via HTML/JavaScript "gadgets" into their pages. With these gadgets, Google Friend Connect provided a simple way for websites to offer social network integration, allowing them to include content from Hi5, Orkut, Plaxo, MySpace, Google Talk, Netlog, Twitter, and YouTube, with no knowledge of the relevant networks required from the website developer.

Multiple social gadgets were used to enable Friend Connect interaction, such as the Social Bar, Comments, Ratings and Reviews, Featured Content, Interests' Poll, Recommendations, Events and Games. In June 2009, Google added a gadget called ClackPoint, which offered live text chat, conference calling and document sharing, including simultaneous editing by multiple users.

A Google Friend Connect Community Widget was also offered, allowing website owners to an organization or content from partner sites, similarly to other widgets such as BlogCatalog and Facebook Fan Pages.

Statistics
As of 2011, it was estimated that approximately 200,000 websites used Google Friend Connect, with 2889 of them in the top million visited sites on the Internet. Google, however, estimated that over 5 million sites used Friend Connect.

99% of sites were said to not be socially enabled prior to the introduction of Friend Connect services.

History
Google Friend Connect was first previewed at a Google developer event in May 2008 and launched within days of Facebook Platform.

At the launch Google called Friend Connect a "set of functions and applications enabling website owners to easily make their sites social by adding registration, invitations, member's gallery, message posting and reviews, plus applications built by the open social developer community".

In December 2008 Google Friend Connect became available to any webmaster wanting to adopt social applications.

Independent musician Ingrid Michaelson's official website was one of the first websites used as a prototype by Google to illustrate features from Google Friend Connect. A site by Google on Guacamole was another early sample site.

David Glazer, the Director of Engineering at Google, called Google Friend Connect "plumbing for the rest of the Web".

On November 23, 2011, Google's Senior Vice President of Operations Urs Hölzle announced that Friend Connect would be retired for all non-Blogger sites by March 1, 2012, and encouraged Google+'s pages and off-site Page badges as the preferred alternative.  On December 21, 2015, Michael Goddard announced that the service would be turned off on Blogger on January 11, 2016, stating that "we've seen that most people sign into Friend Connect with a Google Account."

User data
There are three types of information that make up user data in Google Friend Connect.
Identity data – offers a description of identity and 'my profile'.
Social-graph data – contains friendship connections i.e. family member, colleague.
Content data – Includes saved data objects, such as 'my messages', 'my photos' etc.

Privacy
Responsibility is left to individual websites to make the decision to allow the Google Friend Connect service or not.

To access Google Friend Connect, sign in is by Google Account or other services that support OpenID such as Yahoo and ChromeOS Instant Messenger.

Google states it has five privacy principles. These principles set out their guidelines for governing privacy. They state that;

They use information with the intent to provide users with valuable products and services.
They develop products that aim to maintain strong privacy standards and practices.
Their aim is to make any collected information transparent.
They offer user choice for overseeing privacy protection.
They act as a responsible "steward" of the information held.

Information received by Google when Google Friend Connect is accessed
A user's Friend Connect activity on the site, including when they login and interact with the site's gadgets, which of their friends they have invited to join the site, which of their friends have accepted their invitations and who their friends are on the Friend Connect site. This information is said to be necessary to provide the user with the Friend Connect service and to properly display any content (only to those people the user has chosen to share it with).
If one chooses to invite friends from their current social networking sites, Google will request a list of their friends from that site to send the invitations. Depending on the site, Google may also receive limited information about those friends, such as nicknames and photos. Google will not retain this information for more than 24 hours.
For users who link in their Twitter account, Google also receives and stores their username and password; They use this information only to provide the user with the service and will delete it if they choose to disconnect their Twitter account from their Friend Connect account.
If the site uses gadgets developed by Google then the information collected by those gadgets will be governed by the Google Privacy Policy.

However, a breach was reported in November 2010, where an exploit allowed users to harvest email addresses for logged in users when a visitor used a website. This was an example of not just a security breach, but of privacy for its users.

Information requests
Personal information is required to create a Google Account (email and password to protect unauthorized access). If an OpenID account is used instead, Google does not receive information from an identity provider. User activity on Google Friend Connect sites is stored in association with the user's Google Account or OpenID account.

What social networks see
Users determine whether they want to publish their activities on a particular Friend Connect site to their activity streams in their social network (by default, this is set to off). If they choose to publish them, their activities (posts, reviews, etc.) will be sent to their social networks and anyone with access to their activity stream will be able to see these updates. In addition, if they use Friend Connect to invite friends from their existing social networks, those social networks will receive information needed to pass along this invitation to their friends.

What site owners see
Google Friend Connect never provides site owners with users' private sign-in information. Google Friend Connect and the service one uses to sign in - not the site owner's - validate their sign-in credentials. Once one has joined a Friend Connect site, the site owner can then see the user's nickname and the date they became a member. The site owner will also be able to see one's image and the content they choose to publish on the site, such as a wall comment or a review. Site owners also have the ability to remove members from and moderate content on their site.

What information do third party sites receive?
Third party sites receive Google Account or OpenID username and the user's published information from the site.
It will not, however, receive information of friends or invited friends.

The third-party site may collect user information that is not related to the Google Friend Connect service – users are responsible for reading privacy policy of third party sites to see what information these sites collect.

Competition
Friend Connect sites (Google, Myspace and Facebook) emerged at similar times and therefore experienced competition throughout the development stages.
Google and Facebook announced their plans for Friend Connect sites within days of each other.
In May 2008 Facebook blocked its users from using Google Friend Connect. The block was a result of Facebook's concerns with Google's privacy policy as Facebook believed user information could be redistributed to others without the user's knowledge. Google responded by saying that "users are in control of their data at all times"
"Just hours after Yahoo announced a planned implementation of Facebook Connect on its network of sites, Google announced that Twitter credentials could be used to register on Google Friend Connect sites".
In 2009 Google Friend Connect altered its installation process. It no longer required the need for any file uploads. These changes came two days after Facebook Connect modified their installation process.

Features

Languages
When active, the website owner set the language of their site, and then allowed the user (via their Google Friend Connect account) to translate selected content into their own specified language.

Mapping
Users often have multiple user names and passwords if they register with more than one social networking site or third party site. Social Networking Connect Services, such as Google Friend Connect, were intended to remove the need for multiple registration by allowing links from a user's account on a social networking site to their account on a third party site.

Personalization
Personalization was intended to be achieved through gadgets. Gadgets such as 'Interests', allowed third-party sites to send out newsletters to those subscribed to the site and to customize newsletters based on user responses.

Google Friend Connect had an 'AdSense' feature that let Google advertise based on site content and the user interests that are publicly shared by the user.

See also
 Facebook Connect
 Google profile
 Facebook Platform
 MySpace ID
 OpenID
 Twitter

References

Defunct social networking services
Friend Connect
Defunct American websites

Google Friend Connect


"That's My Goal" is the debut single by British singer Shayne Ward, the winner of the second series of The X Factor. It was released as his winner's single on 21 December 2005. Ward was the first X Factor winner to release an original song as his winner's single; all other winners released a cover version of another song, until Matt Terry's "When Christmas Comes Around" in 2016. "That's My Goal" was later included on Ward's debut studio album, Shayne Ward (2006).

The song sold 313,000 copies in its first two days of sales, making it the fastest-selling song of 2005. It sold a further 429,180 copies in this four-day period, which was more than enough to secure the 2005 Christmas number one. It remained at the top of the UK Singles Chart for a total of four weeks and stayed in that chart for five months. It has been certified platinum by the British Phonographic Industry for sales of over 600,000 copies. "That's My Goal" remains the fastest-selling X Factor winner's single of all time and the third fastest-selling song of all time in the United Kingdom.

Background and release
"That's My Goal" was written by Jörgen Elofsson, Jem Godfrey and Bill Padley and produced by Per Magnusson and David Kreuger. It was first heard in the final of the second series of The X Factor, where it was performed by both Ward and eventual runner-up, Andy Abraham. The single was released via digital download straight after Ward won, but the CD single was not released until 21 December 2005, which was a Wednesday. This was unusual as most new singles are released on a Monday to gain maximum sales for the UK Singles Chart the following Sunday. The late release was because the CD single was not yet ready when Ward was announced as the winner on Saturday 17 December, and delaying the song's release until the next week would mean the song would not be a contender for the Christmas number one.

Chart performance
The song sold 313,000 copies in its first two days on sale, making it the third fastest-selling single of all time in the UK (behind Elton John's "Candle in the Wind 1997" and Will Young's "Evergreen"). On 25 December 2005, after selling more than 742,000 that week, it debuted at number one on the UK Singles Chart and became the 2005 Christmas number one. This made Ward the first X Factor winner to achieve the Christmas number one spot, as Band Aid 20's version of "Do They Know It's Christmas?" took the title in 2004. "That's My Goal" sold a further 132,000 the following week and stayed at number one. The song made it three weeks at the top on 8 January 2006, selling 54,192 copies that week. In its fourth week of release, the song was again top of the UK charts, selling 31,724 copies to bring its total to 960,360. On 22 January, "That's My Goal" was finally knocked off the top spot by Arctic Monkeys' "When the Sun Goes Down".

"That's My Goal" was the second biggest-selling single of 2005 in the UK, beaten only by "(Is This the Way to) Amarillo" by Tony Christie and Peter Kay. With first-week sales of over 742,000 copies, it is also the fastest-selling X Factor winner's single. As of 2015, it also is the third biggest selling winner's single, having sold 1,103,351 copies.

In the Republic of Ireland, the song debuted at number three on the Irish Singles Chart on 22 December 2005, behind a novelty version of "Leave Right Now" by Mario Rosenstock (a parody of the original by Will Young) and "JCB" by Nizlopi. The following week it rose to number two, with "JCB" rising to number two. In its third week, however, "That's My Goal" finally gained the number one spot and remained there for a total of seven weeks. The song also reached number 58 in Sweden.

Track listing
 "That's My Goal" – 3:40
 "If You're Not the One" (Live on The X Factor) – 2:16
 "Right Here Waiting" (Live on The X Factor) – 1:32

Charts

Weekly charts

Year-end charts

Certifications

See also
 List of million-selling singles in the United Kingdom

References

2005 debut singles
2005 songs
Shayne Ward songs
Number-one singles in Scotland
UK Singles Chart number-one singles
Irish Singles Chart number-one singles
The X Factor (British TV series)
Sony BMG singles
Pop ballads
Songs written by Jörgen Elofsson
Songs written by Bill Padley
Songs written by Jem Godfrey
Christmas number-one singles in the United Kingdom

That's My Goal


Nativity B. V. M. High School is a private, Roman Catholic high school in Pottsville, Pennsylvania. It is located in the Roman Catholic Diocese of Allentown.

Background
Nativity B.V.M. (Blessed Virgin Mary) High School is a Catholic four-year co-educational secondary school. It was founded in 1955 as the successor to Pottsville Catholic High School (formerly Saint Patrick's High School) and Saint Stephen's High School in Port Carbon.

In 1927, Father Edward L. Gatens, pastor of Saint Patrick Church, Pottsville, planned the building of Pottsville Catholic High School. On October 15, Cardinal Dougherty of the Archdiocese of Philadelphia dedicated the new building at 112 7th Street (now Assumption BVM School), which still bears the engraving "P.C.H. School" above the door. From 1928 to 1955, Pottsville Catholic was a diocesan Catholic high school with the Sisters of Saint Joseph as faculty. Saint Patrick's Grade School, housed in the same building, was a parish school.

At that time, Catholic schools in this area still belonged to the Archdiocese of Philadelphia. The constantly increasing enrollment made a new building imperative, and Monsignor John Boyle, then pastor of St. Patrick's, Pottsville, was commissioned by Archbishop John O'Hara of Philadelphia to purchase ground for the new diocesan high school.

The Ku Klux Klan used to be very active in Schuylkill County. Before Nativity BVM High School was built, burning crosses could be seen on top of Lawtons Hill from the area in and around Pottsville. When Lawton's Hill was selected as the site for the new Catholic high school, the cross was a prominent theme in the building's design. Windows of amber glass, facing westward, form one large cross that looks out from all three floors of the building.

Catholic high school students beginning their freshman, sophomore, junior, and senior years attended Nativity starting in September 1955. The school was dedicated to the Blessed Virgin Mary on April 14, 1956, with Reverend John J. Nugent serving as the founding principal. The Feast of the Nativity, or birthday, of the Blessed Virgin Mary is celebrated on September 8. The class of 1959 was the first class to go through an entire four years at Nativity.

During the early years, diocesan priests and Carmelite Fathers taught at Nativity; communities of Sisters on the faculty were Sisters of St. Joseph, Missionaries of the Sacred Heart, Sisters of St. Casimir, and Sisters of the Immaculate Heart of Mary. The first graduating class of 148 seniors received their diplomas in June 1956. The first yearbook of Nativity BVM High School was called the Ave Maria (Hail Mary) and was published in 1956.

Father Nugent was the principal of Nativity from 1955 to 1967. During his tenure, the Allentown Diocese was formed from an area that had formerly been part of the Philadelphia Archdiocese. In 1960, Catholic schools in Schuylkill, Berks, Carbon, Lehigh, and Northampton Counties became part of the new Allentown Diocese. In 1961, a senior named John Vincent Egan graduated and enrolled at Saint Charles Seminary. He was later to become Nativity's principal and work with faculty members who had been his teachers!

Soon the Holy Family Sisters joined other religious communities on the school faculty. Enrollment continued to increase; some classes had approximately 300 students, and the enrollment of the entire school rose to about 1300. The school did not charge tuition at that time, although students had to buy their own books and pay an activities fee. Seeing the need for an ongoing fundraiser, Father Nugent sought the help of local businessmen, who began plans for an annual dinner which they named the "Century Club" (after the nickname for a $100 bill) because the admission fee was $100. The first Century Club dinner was held in 1968, during the administration of Rev. Joseph T. Gilmore, who was principal of Nativity from 1967 to 1969.

Rev. John A. Rusek was principal during the 1969-1970 school year. The name of Nativity's yearbook was changed, and the 1970 school yearbook was known as The Lawtonian. "Skylines" was the name given to the school newspaper. Rev. Joseph D. Hulko was principal from 1970 to 1977. Rev. Leo F. Lenick was principal during the school year of 1977-1978. Rev. John V. Egan served as principal from 1978 to 1982 but died several years after he left Nativity.

By the early 1970s, Catholic schools had begun to charge tuition, and decreasing enrollment was a trend in most areas. In 1978, 178 seniors graduated from Nativity, and the school enrollment was still larger than it was in 1956.

Rev. Stephen L. Maco became principal in 1982 and served until 1991. Rev. Anthony P. Mongiello was principal from 1991 to 1992. In 1991, the new Development Office of Nativity published the first Alumni Directory and the first Alumni Newsletter, Nativity Now. Nativity's Recruitment Committee was also formed during Father Mongiello's tenure. 97% of the graduating class of 1992 went on to further their education. Members of that class were awarded a total of over $700,000 in scholarships, grants, and awards.

Rev. Ronald C. Bocian was principal from 1992 to 1999. During Msgr. Bocian's tenure, there was a marked increase in Nativity's enrollment, especially in the freshman class, which increased by 68%. As before, the vast majority of graduates went on to college, many with awards, grants, and scholarships. There was also a dramatic increase in the number and variety of new courses and teachers.

Rev. Ronald V. Jankaitis came on board at the beginning of the 1999-2000 academic year. He remained until July 14, 2008. Fr. Jankaitis was a teacher and principal at Nativity for 21 years.

Rev. Christopher L. Wakefield joined the Nativity community as President on July 15, 2008. Fr. Wakefield is joined on the Nativity Leadership Team by Principal Bruce Hess. This is the first time that Nativity will have the President/Principal model at the school.

Nativity's student-teacher ratio is 10 to 1. The faculty is made up of lay teachers. While Nativity is a Catholic secondary school, it accepts students of other religions. It also accepts students of all races, cultures, creeds, and economic backgrounds.

Sports
Nativity is also home to the Golden Girls, who have won five state basketball titles. In 1978, the team finished its 34-1 season with a 46-1 victory over the Johnsonburg Area High School Rams on March 18 at the Hershey Park Arena to win the PIAA Class A girls' state basketball championship. The team was coached that year by Madge Snyder, who coached the girls' volleyball and softball teams from the mid-1970s through the early 1980s, and the Rev. Stephen Mako.

Notes and references

1955 establishments in Pennsylvania
Catholic secondary schools in Pennsylvania
Educational institutions established in 1955
Roman Catholic Diocese of Allentown
Schools in Schuylkill County, Pennsylvania

Nativity BVM High School


Hercle (alternately spelled Heracle or Hercl) is a hero and god in Etruscan mythology. The son of Tinia and Uni, Hercle was the Etruscan equivalent of the Greek hero Herakles, depicted as a muscular figure who carried a club and wore a lionskin. Hercle was a popular subject in Etruscan art, especially bronze mirrors, which depict him engaging in a set of adventures different from those of Herakles.

Etruscan mythology

Hercle


Endoscopy means to look inside. This often means looking inside the body for medical reasons with an endoscope.

An endoscope is a medical instrument that is made to see parts inside a patient's body. This has the advantage that observations and certain operations can be done without opening up the body. Whatever precautions are taken, an open body part is always at risk of infection.

The endoscope has a long tube to enter the patient's body and a tiny camera or lens attached to the front of this tube. It is usually inserted into patient's nose, mouth, or anus, so surgeons can see what is going on. If necessary, various actions can be taken.

Parts
An endoscope has at least some of these parts:
a rigid or flexible tube.
a light, which is usually outside the body and delivered by an optical fibre system.
a lens system which takes the image from the objective lens to the viewer. This can be done by a relay lens system in the case of rigid endoscopes or a bundle of fiberoptics in the case of a fibrescope.
an eyepiece. Modern instruments may be videoscopes, with no eyepiece. In these a camera transmits image to a screen. This has the advantage that the image can be seen by all in the operating theatre.
an additional channel to carry medical instruments or manipulators.

Uses
Endoscopy can involve
 The gastrointestinal tract (GI tract):
 esophagus, stomach and duodenum
 small intestine
 colon
 Bile duct
 The respiratory tract
 The nose
 The lower respiratory tract (bronchoscopy)
 The urinary tract
 The female reproductive system
 The cervix
 The uterus
 The Fallopian tubes
 Normally closed body cavities (through a small incision):
 The abdominal or pelvic cavity
 The interior of a joint
 Organs of the chest
 During pregnancy
 The amnion
 The foetus
 Plastic Surgery
 Panendoscopy (or triple endoscopy)
 Combines larynx, esophagogus, and bronchoscopy
 Non-medical uses for endoscopy
 The planning and architectural community have found the endoscope useful for pre-visualization of scale models of proposed buildings and cities
 Internal inspection of complex technical systems
 Endoscopes are also a tool helpful in the examination of improvised explosive devices by bomb disposal personnel.
 The Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) uses endoscopes for conducting surveillance in tight spaces.
Medical imaging
Medical procedures

Endoscopy


Registration is a method of officially recording something. Usually something is registered to claim more rights, or to protect ownership, or because the law says it must be registered to be used legally.

A register was a large book. It was used like a diary to record business dealings or other events.

Reasons for registration
Births, deaths, and marriages are registered to prove the date the event happened. In the United Kingdom these records are kept by the local registrar, who is in charge of the Register office.

Motor vehicles are registered to prove who owns the vehicle and to identify them. Those that not registered cannot be driven on roads. Aircraft not registered cannot be flown. Proof that a vehicle is registered is the vehicle registration plate. Vehicles must also be registered before they can be insured in case of an accident or theft.

Books might be registered to show the date when copyright protection starts. Usually this is done by sending a copy of the book to a special national library.

People who stay in a hotel register their names and addresses when they arrive. The hotel can work out how much the people must pay for their stay. The local police may also keep a copy of these names to help fight crime.

Related pages
 Registered nurse
 Registered user
 Voter registration

Documents
Law

Registration


A link, also hyperlink in computing, is a part of a chain. A chain is made of many pieces of metal; each piece is a link.

Today, people also use the word link in a new way. The World Wide Web on the Internet is made of many different Web pages. The computer software that people use to make these pages (HTML) lets us go to other pages in a very fast and easy way.

The person who makes the web page can tell the computer to show a word or a picture on the Web page as a link. This means that when we click on the link with our computer mouse, the computer will show us the new page we want to see. Most links are blue, but they can be any color.

The color of the link will change to dark blue when clicked as the web browser recognises it in the browser's cache. Unless the cache is cleared, the link will always stay dark blue.

Ways of making links
There are many ways in making a link on a web page. The process is different for different internet software.

Plain HTML
In .htm and .html files, a link can be created using this code:

Text of link

WikiSyntax
WikiSyntax like MediaWiki uses a simpler way of making links. To create a link to another page of the same website:

[[Page name|Link text]] or just [[Page name]].

To link to an external website:

[http://www.example.com Link text], [http://www.example.com], or just http://www.example.com.

BB code
BB code is used in forum software. To create a link:

[url]http://www.example.com[/url], or [url=http://www.example.com]Link text[/url]

Internet

Link


Horfield is a suburb o the ceity o Bristol, in soothwast Ingland. It lies on Bristol's northern edge, its border wi Filton merkin pairt o the mairch atween Bristol an Sooth Gloucestershire. Historically, the area haed a wird for bein a lawless place acause Horfield Wid wis the haunt o thieves an gangrels. Monie o the aulder hooses in Horfield hae recently been riven down in favour o lairge new hoosin estates.

Horfield is hame tae the Memorial Hainin: a sports stadium biggit in 1921 for Bristol Rugby Club in mynd o the rugby union players o the ceity who dee'd in Warld Weir I, an rededicated tae commemorate the deid o Warld Weir II. In 1996, the hainins forbye became hame tae Bristol Rovers Football Club.

The area's maist famous son is Hollywood actor Cary Grant, who wis born at 15 Hughenden Road in Horfield, in 1904.

References

Auries o Bristol
Wards o Bristol
Umwhile ceevil pairishes in Bristol

Horfield, Bristol


Enthalpy is a concept used in science and engineering when heat and work need to be calculated. The name comes from the Greek word "enthalpos" (ενθαλπος), meaning "to put heat into". The idea and the word were made up by the Dutch scientist Heike Kamerlingh Onnes in 1909.

When a substance changes at constant pressure, enthalpy tells how much heat and work were added or removed from the substance.

Enthalpy is similar to energy, but not the same. When a substance grows or shrinks, energy is used up or released. Enthalpy accounts for this energy. Because of this, scientists often calculate the change in enthalpy, rather than the change in energy.

Consider a system containing a fixed amount of gas. Any heat energy entering the system will:

1) Increase the Internal Energy of the gas

or

2) Lead to some work being done to expand the system.
The work done is the product of pressure and volume. Enthalpy takes both these factors into account, therefore:
    Enthalpy (H)= Internal Energy (E) + (Pressure(P) x Volume (v)); H = E + (P x V)

Enthalpy and chemical reactions
When a chemical reaction happens, a substance can become warmer or colder. As a result, heat will flow from the substance to things around it, or from things around it to the substance, until its temperature is the same again. If the pressure stays the same, this amount of heat tells how much the enthalpy changed.

For example, if gasoline is burned in the open air, heat is released by the gasoline. If we suppose 100 kilojoules of heat were released, then the enthalpy of the gasoline was reduced by 100-kilo joules. Therefore the change in enthalpy for this reaction was ∆H = –100 kJ.

If a chemical reaction gives off heat (warming its surroundings), then the enthalpy of the reaction is said to have decreased. The value of ∆H is negative. This kind of reaction, like the example above, is called exothermic.

If a chemical reaction absorbs heat (cooling its surroundings), then the reaction's enthalpy has increased. The value of ∆H is positive. This is called an endothermic reaction.

Related pages
Thermodynamic potential
Entropy
Gibbs free energy

Thermodynamics
HVAC

Enthalpy