Johann Christoph Kellner (15 August 1736 – 1803) was a German organist and composer. He was the son of Johann Peter Kellner.

Life
He was born in Gräfenroda, Thuringia, Germany, where he studied music with his father, moving to Gotha to study with Georg Benda in 1754, returning home in 1755. He went on to live in Amsterdam and The Hague between 1762 and 1763, eventually settling in Kassel, Hesse, Germany, in 1764, where he was appointed court organist and cantor in the Lutheran church in 1772. He died there in 1803.

He wrote a treatise on music theory entitled  (Principles of basso continuo), Op. 16, pt. 1 (Kassel, 1783, 1796), which was very successful. Most of his compositions are keyboard works in a similar galant style to his father's, with homophonic textures and clear song-like melodies. His concertos for harpsichord or piano anticipate the Viennese classical concerto, and share common features with his contemporary C. P. E. Bach. Many of his works were popular in their own time, as demonstrated by their inclusion in several 18th-century collections.

Compositions

Concertos for piano or harpsichord
Published in Frankfurt:
Op. 4: 1 concerto
Op. 5: 3 concertos
Op. 7: 3 concertos
Op. 8: 3 concertos
Op. 11: 1 concerto

Several more have been lost.

Organ and piano
3 Vor- oder vielmehr Nachspiele, 3 Fugen, 3 Choral-Vorspiele, im Trio mit dem Canto-firmo, Op. 14, pt. 1, for organ (Kassel)
Orgel-Stücke von verschiedener Art, Op. 14, pt. 2, for organ (Kassel)
Mein trautes Röschen, rondo for piano (Speyer, 1782)
31 neue Orgelstücke, Op. 17, pt. 1 (Speyer, 1789): 12 preludes, 14 chorale preludes, fantasia, fugue, quartet for 4 hands and pedals, 2 trio chorales for 2 keyboards and pedals
Menuett, Fantasie, Fuge, Marche, Quartetto, for piano (Speyer, 1789)
Sinfonia, for piano (Speyer, 1789)
Neue Orgelstücke, Op. 17, pt. 2, for organ (Darmstadt, 1793)
14 Orgelstücke, bestehend in leichten Vor- und Nachspielen, zwischen neuen Choral-Vorspielen, Op. 20, pt. 1, for organ (Brunswick)
Six fugues pour les Orgues ou le Clavecin, (Amsterdam, 1770)
Serenade, for piano, 2 violins, flute, 2 horns, bass; 2 sonatas, for piano with violin; concerto, for piano with 2 violins, Op. 13 (Kassel)
Sonata, for piano with violin and viola ad libitum, Op. 18 (Offenbach)

Vocal
Empfindsamkeit is apparent in his vocal writing. Some cantatas attributed to Johann Peter Kellner may have been composed by him.

Die Schadenfreude, Op. 10: Singspiel, C. F. Weisse (Kassel, 1782)
Herr Bachus ist ein braver Mann, song, G. A. Burger (Berlin, 1914)

Sources
Karl Gustav Fellerer: "Kellner, Johann Christoph", Grove Music Online ed. L. Macy (Accessed 13 June 2007)

Free Scores

1736 births
1803 deaths
German classical organists
German male organists
German Classical-period composers
German music theorists
18th-century keyboardists
German male classical composers
19th-century German male musicians
Male classical organists

Johann Christoph Kellner


The Star-Spangled Banner (do inglés: A bandeira das estrelas escintilantes) é o himno nacional dos Estados Unidos de América dende 1931. A letra é de 1814 e corresponde a Francis Scott Key. Inspirada polo bombardeo da baía de Chesapeake durante a Guerra de 1812 entre ingleses e estadounidenses. A música corresponde a unha canción inglesa chamada To Anacreon in Heaven.

Nos actos oficiais e nas competicións deportivas adóitase cantar soamente a primeira estrofa do himno.

Letra orixinal

Oh, say can you see by the dawn's early light
What so proudly we hailed at the twilight's last gleaming?
Whose broad stripes and bright stars thru the perilous fight,
O'er the ramparts we watched were so gallantly streaming?
And the rocket's red glare, the bombs bursting in air,
Gave proof through the night that our flag was still there.
Oh, say does that star-spangled banner yet wave
O'er the land of the free and the home of the brave?

On the shore, dimly seen through the mists of the deep,
Where the foe's haughty host in dread silence reposes,
What is that which the breeze, o'er the towering steep,
As it fitfully blows, half conceals, half discloses?
Now it catches the gleam of the morning's first beam,
In full glory reflected now shines in the stream:
'Tis the star-spangled banner! Oh long may it wave
O'er the land of the free and the home of the brave!

And where is that band who so vauntingly swore
That the havoc of war and the battle's confusion,
A home and a country should leave us no more!
Their blood has washed out their foul footsteps' pollution.
No refuge could save the hireling and slave
From the terror of flight, or the gloom of the grave:
And the star-spangled banner in triumph doth wave
O'er the land of the free and the home of the brave!

Oh! thus be it ever, when freemen shall stand
Between their loved home and the war's desolation!
Blest with victory and peace, may the heav'n rescued land
Praise the Power that hath made and preserved us a nation.
Then conquer we must, when our cause it is just,
And this be our motto: "In God is our trust."
And the star-spangled banner in triumph shall wav
O'er the land of the free and the home of the brave!

Himnos nacionais
Símbolos dos Estados Unidos de América

The Star-Spangled Banner


Silver chloride is a chemical compound. Its chemical formula is AgCl. It contains silver in its +1 oxidation state. It also contains chloride ions.

Properties
It is a white crystalline solid. It does not dissolve in water. When it is exposed to light, it turns back into silver and chlorine. It dissolves in several solutions, such as ammonia.

Preparation
It can be made by reacting a common chloride such as sodium chloride with silver nitrate.

Uses
It is used in photographic film. It darkens when exposed to light, which makes a picture. It is also used in electrochemistry. It is used as a disinfectant in bandages. It is also used to make stained glass. It can be used when someone is poisoned with mercury.

Safety
It can irritate skin. It can also stain the skin. It is a weak oxidizing agent.

Related pages
Silver bromide
Silver iodide

Silver compounds
Chlorine compounds

Silver chloride


George Anderson McAfee (March 13, 1918 – March 4, 2009) was an American football halfback, defensive back and return specialist who played for the Chicago Bears from 1940 to 1941 and 1945 to 1950 in the National Football League (NFL). As an undergraduate at Duke University, McAfee starred in baseball and track and field as well as college football. McAfee was elected to the College Football Hall of Fame and the Pro Football Hall of Fame. As of 2018, he still holds the NFL record for punt return average in a career.

Early life and college
George McAfee was born in Corbin, Kentucky. He was the 10th of 12 children, and he often joked that the first children awake in the morning were the only ones who could wear shoes for the day. Soon after his birth, his family moved to Ironton, Ohio, where he attended Ironton High School.

McAfee earned a scholarship to play college football at Duke University in 1937. During his three years at Duke, the team compiled a record of 24–4–1. He led the Blue Devils to Southern Conference (SoCon) championships in 1938 and 1939. The 1938 Duke Blue Devils football team was unscored upon and unbeaten until the Rose Bowl, when the USC Trojans scored a touchdown with less than a minute remaining to win, 7-3. That Duke team was nicknamed the Iron Dukes.

In his senior season in 1939, McAfee led the team in rushing, receiving, scoring, kickoff returns, punt returns, interceptions, and punting. He earned All-America honors from the Associated Press, United Press, Central Press, and Newspaper Enterprise Association, among others.

McAfee also batted .353 as a center fielder for the Duke Blue Devils baseball team and captured a Southern Conference 100-meter championship as a senior.

Professional career

McAfee was the second overall pick in the first round of the 1940 NFL Draft. Nicknamed "One-Play McAfee", he was known for explosive speed; he ran a 100-yard dash in 9.7 seconds. In his first professional game, McAfee returned a punt for a 75 yard touchdown with 30 seconds to play to beat the Brooklyn Dodgers. Later in his rookie season, he ran back a kickoff for 93 yards and threw a touchdown pass to help the Bears win over their rival, the Green Bay Packers. In the final game of the season, the 1940 NFL championship game, McAfee returned an interception for a 34-yard touchdown during the 73–0 victory over the Washington Redskins.

His second year in the League, 1941, was a banner year for McAfee: he led the league with a 7.3 rushing yards per carry while scoring a league-high 12 touchdowns in an 11-game season. While his rushing yardage totals seem modest by today's standards, he had to share the backfield with other outstanding running backs, such as Hugh Gallarneau, Norm Standlee, and Bill Osmanski, as well as Hall of Fame quarterback Sid Luckman. Known for his versatility, in 1941 his 12-touchdown total consisted of six by rushing, three receiving, one by punt return, one by kickoff return, and one by interception return, all while helping the Chicago Bears to their second straight NFL league championship over the New York Giants. That season, his 31.6 yards per punt return also set a franchise record that still stands.

Following his All-pro 1941 season, McAfee entered the Navy in World War II, returning for three games each in 1945 and 1946. He played four more seasons in the NFL, becoming more of a return specialist, especially after a disastrous 11-fumble season in 1948. In 1948 and 1950 he led the NFL in punt returns (30 for a league-leading 417 yards in 1948, 33 in 1950). In his final professional game, a division-round loss to the Los Angeles Rams, McAfee had six punt returns for 79 yards, setting the Bears' playoff franchise record for most returns in a game, and most yards and yards per return in a game, single post-season, and post-season career (a total of seven franchise records).

Military career
McAfee volunteered to join the United States Navy after the U.S. entered World War II. He served between 1942 and 1945.

Return to the NFL
McAfee returned to Chicago in 1945 after missing almost 4 complete seasons during what would likely have been the prime of his pro career. In his first game back, late in 1945, McAfee carried the ball five times for 105 yards and three touchdowns.

McAfee played for Chicago until 1950. While McAfee was not again voted to the All Pro team, he continued to excel on both offense and defense for the Bears.

During his time playing pro football, McAfee scored 234 points, gained 5,313 combined net yards, intercepted 25 passes in eight seasons, and was the NFL punt return champion. As of 2018, he remains the all time NFL record holder for average punt return in a career at 12.78 yards.

McAfee's coach at Duke, Wallace Wade, called him "a one-man offense, and practically unstoppable." Red Grange, a star of earlier Bears teams, called McAfee "the most dangerous man with the football in the game."
Green Bay Coach Earl "Curly" Lambeau called McAfee "the most talented back the Packers ever faced."  John F. Kieran, the sports columnist for The New York Times, wrote in 1940: "the debate around Chicago has been as to whether McAfee is just as good as Jim Thorpe ever was, or better."   George Halas, the Bears' longtime owner and coach, once said, "the highest compliment you can pay any ball carrier is just compare him with McAfee."

McAfee himself described his running strategy differently. At 6', 178 pounds, he was small even for his era. During his initial training camp with the Bears, he was impressed by the size of the so-called Monsters of the Midway. "I never saw so many big men in my life," McAfee said at the time. "I remember clearly, on one of the first scrimmage plays, that a rookie halfback was knocked cold trying to bring down Bill Osmanski. That play served as a valuable lesson for me. Whenever I ran with the ball, I had that picture in my mind of [him] there on the ground, cold as a stone. I would run as fast as I could if there was any daylight."

Honors
During his college football career, McAfee was named first-team All-American, helped the Duke Blue Devils to two Southern Conference championships, and was a member of the Iron Dukes, which narrowly lost the 1939 Rose Bowl to Southern Cal.

While starring as running back, defensive back, kicker, punter, and kick returner for the mighty Chicago Bears of the 1940s, McAfee was named All Pro, set the all-time career punt return mark, and contributed to the Bears' NFL championships in 1940, 1941, and 1946.

McAfee's jersey #5 was retired by Chicago in 1955. He entered the College Football Hall of Fame in 1961, the Pro Football Hall of Fame in 1966, the North Carolina Sports Hall of Fame in 1967, and the Duke Sports Hall of Fame in 1975, where he was a charter member. McAfee was also named to the NFL's 1940s All-Decade Team and the All-Time Two Way Team.

Later life and death
After his retirement as a player in 1950, McAfee and his wife, Jeanne M. McAfee, moved back to Durham, where they raised their three children. Immediately upon his retirement, in 1950, McAfee worked as an NFL referee for several years. At the same time, he and his brother, Wes, started the McAfee Oil Company, a Shell oil distributor. He led McAfee Oil until he sold the company 30 years later.

The brother with him whom he started the oil company, Wes McAfee, had also played football for Duke before being drafted to play in the NFL. Wes played only a single NFL season until he too volunteered to serve in WWII.

According to his obituaries, McAfee rarely spoke of his football exploits after he retired from the sport but did frequently attend Duke athletic events for many years.

McAfee developed dementia in his later years and moved into Cypress Court, an assisted living facility specializing in Alzheimer's and memory care in Decatur, Georgia. Cypress Court is owned and operated by the Seattle-based Emeritus Senior Living. In February 2009, McAfee died from chemical burns after drinking a toxic substance that had not been properly locked up. The State of Georgia found Emeritus negligent in McAfee's death. The circumstances surrounding McAfee's death were featured in the 2013 PBS Frontline documentary "Life and Death in Assisted Living".

References

Further reading

External links

1918 births
2009 deaths
American football halfbacks
American football defensive backs
American football return specialists
American male sprinters
Chicago Bears players
Duke Blue Devils baseball players
Duke Blue Devils football players
Duke Blue Devils men's track and field athletes
Jacksonville Naval Air Station Fliers football players
National Football League officials
College Football Hall of Fame inductees
National Football League players with retired numbers
Pro Football Hall of Fame inductees
United States Navy personnel of World War II
People from Corbin, Kentucky
People from Ironton, Ohio
Players of American football from Ohio
Baseball players from Ohio
Track and field athletes from Ohio
20th-century American Episcopalians

George McAfee


Haiti has a sizeable diaspora, present primarily in the United States, Panama, Dominican Republic, Cuba, Canada, France (including its French Caribbean territories), the Bahamas, Peru, Ecuador, Colombia, Brazil and Chile. They also live in other countries like Costa Rica, Mexico, Bolivia, Venezuela, Argentina, Belgium, Turks and Caicos, among others.

In the United States there are an estimated 2,003,000 people of Haitian ancestry, according to the 2010 Census; an estimated 500,000–800,000 Haitians live in the Dominican Republic and there is a Haitian community of about 165,000 in Canada. There are 185,865 Haitians in Chile, the Haitian community in France numbers about 58,973, and up to 80,000 Haitians now live in the Bahamas.

North America

Particulars
Migration between people from Haiti in various forms to the United States is deeply rooted. Jean Baptiste Point du Sable, an immigrant from Saint-Domingue (present-day Haiti), founded in 1833 the first nonindigenous settlement in what is now Chicago, Illinois, the third largest city in the United States. The State of Illinois and City of Chicago declared du Sable the Founder of Chicago on October 26, 1968.

In January 2010, Canadian Prime Minister Stephen Harper announced that Canada will consider fast-tracking immigration to help Haitian earthquake refugees. US Homeland Security Secretary Janet Napolitano announced that the estimated 100,000 to 200,000 Haitians "not legally in the United States" as of January 12, 2010, would be granted a form of asylum called temporary protected status (TPS). Thousands of Haiti earthquake survivors, including Haitian children left orphaned in the aftermath of earthquake, could be relocated to the US. Senegal is offering parcels of land – even an entire region if they come en masse – to people affected by the earthquake in Haiti.

There is a significant Haitian population in South Florida, specifically the Miami enclave of Little Haiti. New Orleans, Louisiana has many historic ties to Haiti that date back to the Haitian Revolution. New York City, especially in Flatbush, East Flatbush and Springfield Gardens, has a thriving émigré community with the second largest population of Haitians of any state in the nation. There are large and active Haitian communities in Massachusetts; Spring Valley, New York; New Jersey; Washington, D.C.; Providence, Rhode Island; Georgia; Connecticut and Pennsylvania. There are also large Haitian communities in Montreal, Quebec, Canada; Paris, France; Havana, Cuba; and Kingston, Jamaica.

Anténor Firmin was a 19th-century Haitian anthropologist, perhaps the first black anthropologist and an early writer of négritude, who influenced 20th century American anthropologist Melville J. Herskovits.

Michaëlle Jean, the former Governor General of Canada and now Secretary-General of the Organisation internationale de la Francophonie, was a refugee from Haiti who came to Canada in 1968 at age 11.

Haitian immigrants have constituted a very visible segment of American and Canadian society, dating back to before the independence of Haiti from France in 1804. Haiti's proximity to the United States, and its status as a free black republic in the years before the American Civil War, have contributed to this relationship. Many influential early American settlers and black freemen, including Jean Baptiste Point du Sable and W. E. B. Du Bois, were of Haitian origin.

In modern times, large-scale emigration from Haiti is mostly because they have been steadily migrating in significant numbers to the United States since the late 1950s–early 1960s, soon after François Duvalier ("Papa Doc") became the strongman of Haiti. The political repression that characterized Duvalier's regime forced large numbers of Haitians to seek safer harbor in the United States. Sustained political oppression, economic hardship, and lack of opportunity continued to drive contingents of Haitian immigrants out of their homeland throughout the 1970s, 1980s, and 1990s

Haitian migration peaked in 1981 in conjunction with the Mariel Boatlift from Cuba. While President Carter conducted backdoor negotiations with Fidel Castro to re-seal the Port of Mariel and stem Cuban migration, the same approach did not work with Haiti and in response the newly elected Ronald Regan began the policy of extraterritorial maritime interdiction conducted by the U.S. Coast Guard. This policy continues in force today with the current Secretary of Homeland Security noting, "The Coast Guard maintains a continual presence in the Florida straits and the Caribbean Sea, particularly around Puerto Rico and our maritime approaches, patrolling with air and sea military assets. Any migrant intercepted at sea, regardless of their nationality, will not be permitted to enter the United States. Migrants who do attempt to enter the United States by sea put their lives at incredible risk."

A 2011 article in the Journal of International Migration also considers Haitians "environmental refugees," noting that "the history of colonialization, repressive regimes and longstanding political turmoil in both countries [Haiti and the Dominican Republic] are major contributors to the current
problems of environmental degradation. Major environmental problems on the island are deforestation, soil erosion and insufficient supplies of
potable water.".

Present status in the United States
Haitian immigration persists to the present day, as evidenced in the numerous reports of major news networks, such as those of CNN or the New York Times, about the boat people disembarking on the Florida shores as recently as October 2002. The combination of push and pull factors led Haitians to cross the Caribbean Sea, by plane or by boat, legally or illegally, in order to reach the shores of America, the perceived land of opportunity, to begin new lives. An examination of the records of the Census Bureau as well as those of the Immigration and Naturalization Service (INS) allows for reasonable inferences about the size of the legal Haitian population currently residing in the United States. However, estimates provided by community leaders who offer assistance to the illegal population as well suggest that the actual number of the Haitian diaspora is higher than that recorded in government documents. In short, there is good reason to believe that the Haitian diaspora in the United States exceeds 850,000 and according to community leaders may be close to 1 million.

That the Haitian community in the U.S. is one of the fastest-growing ethnic groups is reflected in its political gains. Florida boasts two Haitian-American state lawmakers, and another recently served as secretary of health under former Gov. Jeb Bush, who actively courted the community's votes. In Chicago, Kwame Raoul, the son of Haitian émigrés, now fills Sen. Barack Obama's former state Senate seat. Pierre-Richard Prosper, the son of Haitian doctors, served as U.S. ambassador-at-large for war crimes after he was nominated by President Bush in January 2001. He ended his term in 2005.
Under heavy lobbying by the U.S. Congressional Black Caucus and some Republicans, Congress enacted the HOPE Act, and President Bush signed it. The act provides duty-free imports for some Haitian textiles. The Bush administration also spared Haiti some of the deep aid cuts that hit other Latin American nations.

The Congressional Black Caucus has urged more economic aid for Haiti and criticized the lack of U.S. support for former Haitian President Jean-Bertrand Aristide, ousted in 2004 amid a violent uprising.

Boston
Boston has attracted significant numbers of immigrants from Haiti for over 40 years. This arrival over time of Haitians in Boston corresponded to several waves of migration that have come to the United States from the Caribbean country since the 1950s. The largest of these migratory waves in the late 1950s, 1960s and 1970s flowed into the metropolitan New York area. Since the late 1970s, the largest destination has expanded to include South Florida.

Haitians have settled in sections within the Boston city limits and its surrounding area. The location and diffusion of the population has mirrored the growth of the community. Highly concentrated in the city at first, Boston's Haitians slowly expanded to neighboring municipalities and, most recently, to far-flung suburbs. There are, for example, significant numbers of the population in Brockton, Randolph and Malden. The area of greatest Haitian concentration in Boston proper is in Mattapan, followed by Dorchester, Hyde Park and Roxbury.

Blue Hill Avenue is an important Haitian thoroughfare. The street runs through Roxbury and Dorchester. Its last section, in Mattapan, is Boston's Haitian 'downtown.' There, the street is dotted with several Haitian businesses. Many Haitian churches and organizations have their headquarters along Blue Hill Avenue also.

On the north bank of the Charles River, Haitians settled in Cambridge in the 1950s and 60s. The population in this area now numbers approximately 7,500. Although Haitians did not arrive in nearby Somerville until the early 1990s, the community there today is almost as large as the one in Cambridge. Currently, however, increasing costs of living in Cambridge and Somerville are beginning to drive out people of modest means. The result has been the relocation of many of these area's Haitians to the more affordable neighboring towns of Revere, Everett and Lynn.

In the mind of most Americans, Boston is a city of politics, and politics in Boston is dominated by its Irish population, particularly the legendary Kennedy family. In today's city, however, where the traditionally powerful white population has recently become a minority, another immigrant group — Haitians — has found itself in a position to play an important role in building institutions, starting enterprises and building broad political coalitions with other groups.

The strong organizational basis of the community is evident from the broad array of public and private entities that serve it. To those who have followed the community's evolution, it unsurprising that Haitians in Boston are beginning to develop themselves into an emerging, local political force. A variety of entrepreneurial activities established in the Haitian population have been highly successful in the Boston area. Activities focusing on food services (catering and restaurants), money transfer, tax preparation, and financial management are among the most common, attracting interest and sustaining success. These enterprises cater to the needs of any recently arrived and rapidly growing population. Haitian entrepreneurs have established businesses through the Boston metro region. Mattapan to Dorchester, on both sides of Blue Hill Avenue, they are in greatest profusion.

Many of the area's earliest immigrants from Haiti were skilled professionals who went on to become locally prominent lawyers, doctors, and educators. In increasing numbers, Haitian immigrants are working in the region's health care system, particularly as nurses. One community leader suggests that a visit to any nursing home in the Boston area would uncover the fact that 75% of those working there are Haitian. Other common areas of employment include office positions with the high-tech companies along Route 128, as well as positions as teachers in elementary and high schools.

The Haitian community in Boston, now almost 50 years old, has adjusted to several waves of immigration, each bringing people with different socio-economic backgrounds, interests, and needs. Members of today's community include a variety of generations and individuals that have had radically different life experiences, ranging from a 70-year-old man who arrived in the late 1950s to a 10-year-old, third generation child who has never been to Haiti. Finding the common ground among such diverse members of the population is one issue in the community as is another one, dictated at least in part by geography. As Haitians spread throughout the metropolitan area, they are becoming somewhat economically segmented, with the blue-collar, lower-middle-class population in places like Mattapan or Somerville confronting quite different issues and challenges than the more white-collar, upper-middle-class families in places like Randolph on the outer fringes of the metropolitan area.

New York City
New York City has the largest concentration of Haitians in the United States as well as the oldest established Haitian communities of the country. The conservative estimate of the documented Haitian population in the New York City Metropolitan Area, as recorded by INS is approximately 156,000. However, community leaders and directors of community centers, who come in constant contact with the undocumented population, strongly believe that the actual number is closer to 400,000. This number includes the non-immigrant (temporary visitors, students, temporary workers and trainees) and undocumented entrants, as well as the documented residents who do not fill out the census forms for a variety of reasons. Moreover, the New York City Haitian population represents a very heterogeneous group, reflecting the various strata of Haitian society. Members of the middle class started migrating during the U.S. occupation in the 1920s and 1930s; at the time they established their enclaves in Harlem, where they mingled with African Americans and other Caribbean immigrants who were contributing to the Harlem Renaissance. Significant waves followed exponentially during the Duvalier era that started in 1957 and ended in 1986 with the ousting of Baby Doc. These waves were more heterogeneous than previous ones, as no single class of Haitians was immune from the Duvaliers' dictatorship. To date, cohorts of Haitians continue to come to New York, many being sent for by relatives already established in the city.
Haitians reside in all the boroughs.

The largest communities are found in Brooklyn where the legal population is placed at approximately 88,763, and in Queens where the number of Haitians is believed to be around 40,000. Members of the community who are of working-class background tend to establish their residence in Brooklyn, primarily in the neighborhoods of Flatbush, Crown Heights, East Flatbush and Canarsie; many are apartment dwellers many homes in the area are duplexes and triplexes. Upper middle-class
Haitians who choose to stay in Brooklyn own brownstone homes in the Park Slope area and single family homes in the Midwood section.

Generally speaking, Haitians themselves consider the majority of their compatriots living in Queens to be mostly middle class. Members of this group enjoy ownership of their homes or cooperative apartments in the neighborhoods of Cambria Heights, Queens Village, Springfield Gardens and Jamaica. Less privileged Haitians settle in the working-class neighborhoods of Rosedale; generally members of the professional community live in the more affluent section of Holliswood and some move to the adjacent counties of Nassau and Suffolk which are parts of Long Island.

In Manhattan, a small concentration of working-class Haitians (7%) congregates on the Upper West Side and Harlem. Some reside along Cathedral Parkway and in Washington Heights. Very few Haitians (less than 1%) establish their niches in the Bronx.

In this discussion, it is also important to recall that Haitians have established communities in the neighboring counties of Westchester and Rockland that are included in the Greater New York Metropolitan Statistical Area as well as in the city of Bridgeport, Connecticut. In fact, Spring Valley in Rockland County has a relatively large segment of Haitian residents, estimated at 23% of the population. In Westchester County the city of Mt. Vernon has a small but significant Haitian community.

The number of Haitians in New York makes them a highly visible community. In neighborhoods with higher concentration of Haitians the community has managed to establish institutions and businesses such as community centers, churches, music shops, grocery stores, restaurants, bakeries, bars, beauty and barber shops, travel agencies, shipping companies, money transfer companies, and a hodgepodge of other enterprises. Those are found all along Flatbush, Church and Nostrand Avenues, as well as along Eastern Parkway in Brooklyn; on Linden, Farmers and Francis Lewis Boulevards and Jamaica and Hillside Avenues in Queens. They are easily recognizable since many display signs written both in English and Haitian Creole (sometimes in French), such as Yoyo Fritaille, Le Manoir, Le Viconte, Haiti Parcel & Cargo Inc., and Bakery Creole. On intensely hot days, passersby strolling along these avenues and boulevards have their nostrils filled with the aromas of fried meats and plantains, and their ears with rhythms of Sweet Micky, Kompa, Zin, T-Vice, Carimi, Tabou Combo and Boukman Eksperyans, to name some of the most celebrated musical groups and bands. Animated conversations in Haitian Creole can be heard, as members of the community "hang out" in those shops and businesses to discuss home politics and news, exchange gossip, find out what goes on in the community, and keep alive their various traditions, be they culinary, intellectual, literary, or artistic. During the summer, some musicians perform a parading musical form called Rara in Central Park and Prospect Park.

According to the 2014–2015 English Language Learner Demographic Report published by the NYC Department of Education, 3,031 English Language Learners (ELLs) in K–12 schools in New York City speak Haitian Creole, making it the sixth most common home language of ELLs citywide and the fifth most common home language of Brooklyn ELLs. Because of the large population of Haitian Creole-speaking students within NYC schools, various organizations have been established to respond to the needs of these students. For example, Flanbwayan and Gran Chimen Sant Kiltirèl, both located in Brooklyn, New York, aim to promote education and Haitian culture through advocacy, literacy projects, and cultural/artistic endeavors. Other educators have called for a culturally relevant pedagogy to better meet the needs of Haitian Creole-speaking ELLs. For instance, noting the intrinsic value of cultural background knowledge on reading comprehension, Kristen L. Oscarsson employed Haitian folktales with a group of 4th and 5th grade Haitian students in the U.S. as a method of improving their literacy rates. At the end of her 12-week study, most of her students' reading skills had increased at least one grade level, with some increasing two or two and a half grade levels.

New Jersey
New Jersey is also home to the fourth largest population of Haitians in the United States after Florida, New York and the Boston area. There are several areas of New Jersey which the communities of Haitians live. The largest is in North Jersey where the population is visible around the Essex County cities of Irvington, Orange, East Orange, Newark concentrated in the area of Vailsburg. Other areas of North Jersey where a Haitian presence is visible are in Elizabeth, Bayonne and Jersey City. There is also a growing population in the suburbs of Essex and Union County in West Orange, Maplewood, Roselle and Union. Other growing populations of the Haitian community can be seen in Central and South Jersey specifically in Asbury Park, Trenton, Willingboro and the Pleasantville/Atlantic City area.

The visibility of Haitians living in New Jersey especially in North Jersey can be seen in the different businesses such as music shops, grocery stores, restaurants, bakeries, bars, beauty and barber shops, travel agencies, tax companies, shipping companies, money transfer companies, and a hodgepodge of other businesses, which display their allegiances to their native country. Those are found all along Main Street and Central Avenue in Orange and East Orange, along Springfield, Stuyvesant and Clinton Avenues in Irvington and along South Orange Avenue in Newark and East Orange. Haitian-American youth are especially visible at collegiate institutions, such as Rutgers University, Kean University and Montclair State University where a very active Haitian student organization is present on campus.

Philadelphia
Next to the NYC/New Jersey/Connecticut/Boston area, Philadelphia has also become home to a growing number of Haitians. Like many other groups, the lower cost of living in Philadelphia has attracted many immigrants who entered the US through New York. There are large numbers of Haitians in North Philadelphia, Northeast and some in other areas like Olney, East Mount Airy, Chestnut Hill and West Philadelphia. The conservative number of Haitians in Philadelphia is 30,000.

Chicago
Illinois' Haitian population of about 15,000 is much smaller than that of Haitian communities on the East Coast. Illinois' Haitian community is widely dispersed, with small enclaves of Haitian professionals, middle and working-class people and poor, undocumented refugees scattered in small clusters in and around Chicago. There is no 'Little Haiti' neighborhood in Chicago, like in Miami, to act as a voting block.
There are two elected Haitian-American official in the Chicago area, an alderman in Evanston, a suburb that straddles the city's north side where many Haitian immigrants have settled and Illinois Attorney General Kwame Raoul. Lionel Jean-Baptiste, an attorney in private practice, was elected alderman in Evanston on April 3, 2001 becoming the first Haitian-American in the state to hold public office. Of the 8,000 residents in his ward, only about a hundred are Haitian and only about 30 of them registered voters, but that hasn't stopped Haitians throughout the region from claiming him as their own. Eighty percent of the financing for his campaign came from Haitian donors. Still, the community has had difficulty asserting itself.

Detroit
Haitians in the Detroit area are not located in any single neighborhood or part of the city. The greatest concentration of Haitian families, however, is in Northwest Detroit, within an area bounded by Telegraph Road, the Southfield Freeway, 5 Mile Road and 8 Mile Road. Located within this general area is St. Gerard's, one of two Roman Catholic churches attended by Detroit's Haitians. Sacred Heart, the other, is located closer to downtown Detroit. Also not far from downtown, on Ferry Street in Detroit's museum district near Wayne State University, is another key institution of the Haitian community, the Espoir Center for Caribbean Arts and Culture.

Washington, D.C.
Haitians in the metropolitan Washington area are found in the city and in outlying areas in Virginia and Maryland. Although Washington's Haitians are scattered within the region, the single location with the heaviest concentration of Haitian-Americans is the suburban area of Silver Spring, Langley Park and Hyattsville, home of the future ISU president Sebi. As evidence of this fact, not only are such Haitian institutions as Yon-Yon's catering business, but also one can occasional hear spoken Creole in shops and stores in this part of Montgomery County and in nearby Prince George's County.

Atlanta
Presently, there is already a sizable Haitian community in Atlanta. And it is, indeed, growing at a rapid pace. Unlike most other Haitian-American centers, though, Atlanta does not have a central neighborhood where it is located. The community, like the city, is spread out considerably over a large area. To a certain extent this diffusion of the Haitian population has been a hindrance to the community's ability to organize itself. At this moment, however, the tide seems to be turning, as a number of issues are galvanizing the community and bringing it closer together. Changes in the migration flows of Haitians to Atlanta, awareness of national-scale Haitian-American issues and the bicentennial of Haiti's independence in 2004, were all factors contributing toward the solidification of Atlanta's spread out Haitian population.

The Haitian community is spread out over the large, greater metropolitan area of Atlanta. Because there is no single area within the metropolitan vastness where Haitians have settled, there is no specific Haitian commercial area. Haitians live, work and shop throughout the greater Atlanta area which now includes the surrounding Gwinnett, Cobb, Douglas, Dekalb and Clayton counties. Within those counties, they live, work and shop in such towns as Lawrenceville, Smyrna, Marietta, Decatur, Stone Mountain and Austell. One of the areas of Haitian businesses within this great urban sprawl is on Moreland Avenue in Atlanta proper, where two Haitian-owned businesses face each other in a small shopping center. A number of Haitian businesses are located in Marietta, but not within a close range of each other. In addition, many new Haitians from the Northeast and Florida are relocating to the middle-class area of Gwinnett County in Lawrenceville. This area has established itself as the center of Haitian economic development in the Atlanta metropolitan area with a family friendly culture and atmosphere with great schools, parks and shops.

Miami
The documented Haitian-American population of Miami-Dade County, based on government records, is approximately 100,000. However, when one factors in the attested underrepresentation of the Census data, as well as the number of undocumented immigrants, there is good reason to believe that community leaders and technocrats who work with the Haitian community are not wrong to place Haitian population at over 200,000. A large contingent of Haitians may be living in Miami undocumented. Haitian people seeking political asylum and/or economic opportunity have been steadily arriving in Florida shores since the early 1970s.

Haitians have established themselves in the Edison/Little River area of Miami, which eventually came to be referred to as Little Haiti. Once they are able, some end up moving out of Little Haiti to the neighboring municipality of North Miami where a relatively large segment of Haitian immigrants of lower-middle-class background relocates. On the other hand, Miami is also experiencing another wave of Haitian immigration, this time coming from the Northeast United States (New York City and Boston), the Midwest (Chicago) and Montreal, Quebec, Canada. This particular group of Haitians is composed mostly of middle-class individuals who relocate to Florida due to the weather and its proximity to Haiti. These newer residents often live in the middle-class neighborhoods such as Miami Shores, North Miami Beach, El Portal and Miami Gardens. A 2021 article in the Journal of Haitian Studies suggests that " suggests that members of the Haitian diaspora living and working in the ethnic enclave of Little Haiti utilize diasporic transnationalism in their everyday lives as a means of maintaining culture and as a method of resistance against marginalization locally and globally."

Irrespective of the presence of middle-class Haitians, Miami is considered the city that received (and continues to receive) the largest segment of lower-class Haitians, consisting of poor peasants from andeyò (countryside) and urban dwellers. Many of these Haitians found new lives in the Edison/Little River section of Miami, one of the oldest neighborhoods in the city. Soon after, this area became known as Little Haiti, and is now one of the most recognizable Haitian communities in the United States. From north to south, Little Haiti extends from 84th Street to 36th Street; from west to east, it is ten blocks wide, stretching from 6th Ave, NW to 4th Ave, NE. It is crossed by two major north-south axes: Miami Avenue and Second Avenue NE renamed Avenue Morrisseau-Leroy after the revered Haitian writer who championed the cause of (Haitian) Creole in literature, and who spent the later years of his life in Miami until his death in the late summer of 1998. The main thoroughfares that cross east/west are 36th, 54th, 62nd, and 79th Streets. Estimates of the population of Little Haiti vary from 40,000 to 55,000. Little Haiti is also considered one of the poorest areas of Miami-Dade County. The following figures were released by the Edison/Little River Neighborhood Planning Program (1994–96): The per capita income is $5,693, the median household income is $14,142, and close to half the population lives below poverty level. City government efforts are currently underway to revitalize the neighborhood, by creating long-term economic development, and improving housing and infrastructure. The City of Miami has established in Little Haiti a neighborhood service center (along with others throughout the metropolitan area), known as Neighborhood Enhancement Teams (NET) to address the social problems of the community.

Most of the Haitian businesses in Little Haiti are found along the major arterials mentioned above; like those of New York, they are unmistakably Haitian with names such as Bèl Fouchèt, Piman Bouk, Les Cousins, Libreri Mapou and Cayard Market. They include restaurants, grocery stores, dry cleaning establishments, tailor and shoe repair shops, shipping and money transfer companies, botanicas (shops that sell mostly religious/spiritual objects, including Vodou artifacts), among others. Little Haiti is the heart of the Haitian community of Miami.

Delray Beach has become the US town with the largest percentage Haitian population in the United States. More than just sheer numbers, the Haitian community also grew geographically, economically and socially; extending itself while maintaining a relatively low profile in the community it has adopted as its own. This growth has paralleled the incredible economic turnaround of Delray Beach as a municipality. It represents the awakening of a community which for a long time has lived in the shadow of its larger neighbor in Miami. The impressive growth has also brought about some strains within the Haitian community and in the community's interactions with the other residents of Delray Beach.

Canada

In the 1950s, the Haitian population in Canada only numbered in the forties. The emigration of Haitians in more substantial numbers began with the bloody dictatorship of François Duvalier in the early 1960s. With most Haitians being able to speak French, Canada is a natural destination as French is one of Canada's two official languages alongside English. The Haitian diaspora, including all emigrants and their immediate descendants, is estimated to number close to 18,200.

Many chose Canada as their new home, specifically Quebec, for linguistic and religious reasons. In coming to Canada, professional Haitians often had to bypass a Duvalier law forbidding them to leave Haiti. They frequently were forced to flee Haiti with false documents and with no legal proof of identity. Upon arrival in Canada they would declare their status as political refugees. The trend of French-speaking Haitian immigrants to Canada was to settle in Quebec. By 1965, some 2,000 Haitians had arrived. The period covering the late 1960 through the 1970s saw a dramatic change in both the volume and background of Haitian immigrants. This was the beginning of the massive exodus in response to the Duvalier regime.  From 1973 to 1976 an average of approximately 1,000 Haitians were admitted to Canada each year, with a peak of 1,750 in 1974. The settlement of Haitians in Canada by the end of the exodus was estimated to have reached 9,050, according to Citizenship and Immigration Canada.

Montreal
Immigration from Haiti to Quebec started in 1963. Haitian settlement in Montreal increased about 40 percent between the late 1960s and the early 1970s, rising from 55.1 percent in 1968 to 92.9 percent in 1973. The early Haitian immigrants, those who came between 1960 and 1970, were usually from the Haitian elite. They came from a comfortable life in terms of their social and professional status. Most were doctors, academics, teachers and pursued careers in the liberal professions. The increase in settlement within Montreal coincided with an increase in the number of high school educated immigrants; the percentage of immigrants that finished the 11th grade of high school increased alongside the growth of Haitian transplants in Montreal.

People of Haitian descent are estimated to number close to 150 000 in the Greater Montreal area. 54% are first-generation immigrants.

Ottawa
There are an estimated +1,200 persons of Haitian descent in the National Capital Region (including Ottawa and Gatineau).

Latin America and the Caribbean
Geographically, Haiti is in the Latin America & Caribbean region, and many slightly better-off Latin American countries have large Haitian populations. Historically, its neighbors, the Dominican Republic and Cuba, have had the bulk of the Haitian populations in the region outside of Haiti itself. Part of the reason for the ongoing Dominican-Haitian tension in the present day is because of strong illegal immigration in recent decades. Rapidly emerging Haitian populations have been popping up in Brazil, Mexico, Chile, Colombia, Panama, Costa Rica, Argentina, Jamaica, Barbados, Guyana, the Bahamas, and Trinidad and Tobago, among other places in the region. The Caribbean territories belonging to France or the United Kingdom have sizeable Haitian populations. In 2021, tens of thousands of Haitians previously residing in South America traveled north by caravan from Colombia, through Darién Gap into Panama, then northward through Central America and Mexico to the U.S. border.

The Bahamas

Dominican Republic

Cuba

Haitian Creole and culture first entered Cuba with the arrival of Haitian immigrants at the start of the 19th century. Haiti was a French colony, and the final years of the 1791–1804 Haitian Revolution brought a wave of French settlers and their Haitian slaves to Cuba. They came mainly to the east, and especially Guantanamo, where the French later introduced sugar cultivation, constructed sugar refineries and developed coffee plantations. By 1804, some 30,000 French were living in Baracoa and Maisí, the furthest eastern municipalities of the province. Later, Haitians continued to come to Cuba to work as braceros (hand workers, from the Spanish word brazo, meaning "arm") in the fields cutting cane. Their living and working conditions were not much better than slavery. Although they planned to return to Haiti, most stayed on in Cuba. For years, many Haitians and their descendants in Cuba did not identify themselves as such or speak Creole. In the eastern part of the island, many Haitians suffered discrimination. But according to the Castro regime, since 1959, when he took over, this discrimination has stopped.

Haitian Creole is the second most spoken language in Cuba, where over 300,000 Haitian immigrants speak it. It is recognized as a language in Cuba and a considerable number of Cubans speak it fluently. Most of these speakers have never been to Haiti and do not possess Haitian ancestry, but merely learned it in their communities. In addition to the eastern provinces, there are also communities in Ciego de Ávila and Camagüey provinces where the population still maintains Creole, their mother tongue. Classes in Creole are offered in Guantanamo, Matanzas and the City of Havana. In addition, there is a Haitian Creole radio station operating in Havana.

Brazil

The year 2010 marked the beginning of Haitian immigration in Brazil. The arrival of the Haitians via Tabatinga, in the Amazon, began to be noticed in February 2010, soon after the earthquake, that shook violently Haiti, and in particular the capital, Port-au-Prince. The catastrophe has killed more than 150,000 people and left some 300,000 IDPs.

The presence of Haitians in Brazil was quantitatively inexpressive until then. According to IBGE data, in 1940, 16 Haitians lived in Brazil; in 1950-21; in 1960-159; in 1970-90; in 1980-127; in 1991-1981; in 2000-15; and in 2010 - 36 people.

With the presence in Haiti of the United Nations Mission for the Stabilization of Haiti - MINUSTAH, led by Brazil since 2004, Haitians have come to see Brazil as a point of reference. After the earthquake of 2010, which triggered a great wave of emigration in Haiti, Brazil became one of the preferential destinations of migrants, given the difficulty of entry into countries of traditional emigration (United States, Canada, Dominican Republic, France, etc.). Currently, around 50 to 100 Haitians enter the country undocumented by the state of Acre.

In 2015 and 2016, due to the political-economic crisis faced by Brazil, many Haitians are returning to Haiti, or going to other countries, such as Chile, Peru and the United States.

According to the government of Acre, since December 2010, about 130,000 Haitians have entered the Peruvian border with the state. According to the delegate Carlos Frederico Portella Santos Ribeiro, of the Federal Police (PF), between January and September 2011, there were 6 thousand and, in 2012, 2,318 Haitians who entered without documents in Brazil.

Haitians arrive in Brasiléia, Acre, by bus and are asked to look for the PF police station requesting refuge, filling out a questionnaire in their own language and being interviewed by police officers. The PF issues a preliminary protocol that makes them "asylum seekers", obtaining the same rights as Brazilian citizens, such as access to health and education. They can also get a work permit, passport and CPF, and are officially registered in the country.

After registration in the PF, the documentation goes to the National Committee for Refugees (Conare) and the National Immigration Council (Cnig), which open a process to evaluate the granting of permanent residence on a humanitarian basis, valid for up to 5 years. Haitians are not considered refugees in Brazil. Under Brazilian law, the refuge can only be granted to anyone who proves to be suffering persecution in their country for ethnic, religious or political reasons. However, due to the humanitarian crisis provoked by the catastrophe of 2010, the Brazilian government opened an exception, granting them a distinct visa.

In April 2013, the government of Acre decreed a social emergency in the municipalities of Epitaciolândia and Brasileia as a consequence of the arrival of undocumented immigrants in these places, mostly Haitians. For months, an emergency shelter for immigrants worked in Brasileia. In April 2014, due to the flooding of the Madeira River, this already overcrowded shelter had to be closed, leaving not only Haitians but also migrants from other countries, such as Senegal, Nigeria, the Dominican Republic and Bangladesh.

The undocumented situation of immigrants is largely a consequence of bureaucratic demands imposed by the Ministry of Foreign Affairs for the entry of foreigners into the country. Besides Haitians, migrants from other countries began to use the border between Assis Brasil and the Peruvian city of Iñapari as the gateway to Brazil.

As a result of the closure of the Brasileia shelter, the Acre government moved the immigrants to Rio Branco for a new makeshift shelter.

Since April 8 and 9, 2014, the massive arrival of Haitians to the city of São Paulo without warning, on buses chartered by the government of Acre, has attracted the attention of the press, civil society and various humanitarian organizations. Upon arriving in the city of São Paulo, many of them seek the Peace Mission, an NGO linked to the Pastoral Care of Migrants.

Founded by Scalabrinian religious, the Peace Mission operates in the parish of Our Lady of Peace, in the neighborhood of Glicério. Since 1939 in activity, the Mission receives 110 immigrants daily and from 60 to 70 nationalities per year.  650 Haitians went through the Peace Mission between April 7 and May 11, 2014. The organization serves migrants (internal and external) and refugees from around the world since its foundation in 1939.

Father Paolo Parise, coordinator of the Mission, emphasizes the need for Brazil to have a clear humanist migration law, replacing Law 6,815, dated August 19, 1980 (Alien Statute), a "legacy of time of dictatorship ". According to him, the country lacks a de facto migration policy, and the State - not civil society organizations - should be the protagonist in actions in favor of migrants.

Haitians leave their country and their families mainly in search of work. "We do not believe that there are opportunities on the island, in Brazil everything is easier and it is the only place that is receiving the Haitians with humanity, in other countries it is a hell. "says Kenny Michaud, who has been in São Paulo for five months. In general, immigrants work to maintain themselves and also need to send money to their families in Haiti.

In 2012, Haitian emigrants sent their relatives the equivalent of 22 percent of Haiti's gross domestic product (GDP), according to CIA data. Before the earthquake of 2010, which destroyed the country's infrastructure and provoked the wave of emigration, the impact of remittances on GDP did not reach 16%. According to the World Bank, the value of international remittances to Haiti reached US $1.82 billion in 2012 (before the earthquake, it was less than US $1.3 billion). The Central Bank of Brazil says it does not have information on the amount remitted by individuals or legal entities there since 2010, but Haitians working in Brazil say they send an average of R $500 a month to family members

Europe

In France, there is a large Haitian community, of about 62,000 in mainland France, and over 130,000 in overseas French territories. The majority of Haitians living in mainland France reside in the Paris, usually settling in neighborhoods that already have large numbers of Haitians and several other black immigrants from the Caribbean and Africa. Haitians also make-up a large portion of the populations of French Caribbean territories like French Guiana, Guadeloupe, and Martinique. Outside of France, small Haitian communities can be seen emerging in several other European countries like the United Kingdom, Belgium, Switzerland, Germany, Italy, Ireland, and Spain.

Deaths

In the spring of 2007 a sloop overcrowded with at least 160 passengers left 82 dead. Some of the deceased were eaten by sharks say the survivors. In May 2009, similarly, nine Haitian migrants were killed when a boat loaded with approximately 30 passengers capsized. 124 Haitian migrants were repatriated to Haiti after attempting to reach the United States. The U.S. coast guard reported that a  boat was intercepted at the end of July 2009. Approximately 200 Haitian migrants were on board a ship which capsized on Tuesday July 28, 2009 killing at least 11. The U.S. Coast Guard rescued 113 survivors in the shallow waters off the Turks and Caicos Islands coastline. Reports say that migrants may pay up to $500 to brokers for an opportunity to travel in these boats. The vessel had launched about three days ago. The ship hit a reef as they steered away from a police vessel in an attempt to hide. The injured are being cared for in a Caribbean Islands hospital. Lt-Cdr Matthew Moorlag of the US Coast Guard reported that approximately over 100 are illegal immigrants.
In response to an uptick in Haitian migration in 2021, Secretary of Homeland Security, Alejandro Mayorkas, held a press conference urging Haitians to not take to the sea noting, "The transit is dangerous and unforgiving. We have seen 20 lives lost in recent weeks, as a result of these dangerous voyages. In addition, the threat of serious illness when boarding vessels in subpar conditions is greater at this time, during a pandemic."

References

United States–Caribbean relations
Canada–Caribbean relations
Foreign relations of Haiti
Immigration to the United States
Ethnic groups in Canada

Haitian diaspora


The Australia and New Zealand Banking Group Limited, commonly called ANZ, is the third largest bank by market capitalisation in Australia, after the Commonwealth Bank and Westpac Banking Corporation. Australian operations make up the largest part of ANZ's business, with commercial and retail banking dominating. ANZ is also the largest bank in New Zealand, where the legal entity became known as ANZ National Bank Limited in 2003 and changed to ANZ Bank New Zealand Limited in 2012. From 2003 to 2012, it operated two brands in New Zealand, ANZ and the National Bank of New Zealand. The National Bank brand was retired in 2012, with a number of branches closing and others converting to ANZ branches.

In addition to operations throughout Australia and New Zealand, ANZ also operates in 34 other nations.

ANZ was named the most sustainable bank globally in the 2008 Dow Jones Sustainability Index making it the 2nd year in a row ANZ has been granted the title. In 2007 the title was shared with another Australian bank, Westpac, which had held the title for the previous five years.

ANZ was established on 1 October 1951, when the Bank of Australia merged with the Union Bank of Australia Limited.

References

1970 establishments
Companies listed on the New York Stock Exchange
Banks of Australia

ANZ


Moses W. Formwalt (1820 – May 26, 1852) was the first mayor of the city of Atlanta, which was then in DeKalb County, Georgia. Atlanta was chartered in December 1847 (the name had been changed from Marthasville in December 1845), and the first election of officers took place on January 29, 1848. Formwalt drew a larger share of the 215 votes than Jonathan Norcross and was elected mayor, representing the Free and Rowdy Party. First meeting of the city council followed on February 2 at the Jonas Smith grocery (site of the Howard Johnson hotel near Five Points). Things proceeded pretty normally throughout his one-year term: roads were cut, wells dug, law and order somewhat maintained (a jail was built); and on January 17, 1849, Dr. Benjamin F. Bomar succeeded him as mayor.

Born in Tennessee, Formwalt came to Decatur in 1836 and established a tin shop on Decatur St. in Atlanta in 1846 where one of his most popular products were stills. He became mayor at age 28. Two years after leaving office, he began serving as deputy sheriff of DeKalb County; a short time later he was stabbed to death by a prisoner while escorting him from the council chamber.

He was buried at Oakland Cemetery and is honored by Formwalt Street just southwest of downtown.

References

Mayors of Atlanta
1820 births
1852 deaths
19th-century American politicians
Burials at Oakland Cemetery (Atlanta)
People from Tennessee
Georgia (U.S. state) sheriffs

Moses Formwalt


A mood is an emotional state of mind. They can be positive or negative. People sometimes say they are in a "good mood", if they are happy, or a "bad mood" if they are sad, or angry. Moods can last for several hours or days.

Sometimes, people's moods depend on what kind of personality they have. People who are optimistic are often in a good mood. People who are pessimistic are often in a bad mood. People's moods also change when things happen to them. For example, if something bad happens in a person's life, they may be sad or angry as a result.

When people's moods are disturbed for a long time, they may have a mental illness called a mood disorder, like major depressive disorder or bipolar disorder.
Emotions

Mood


Copper(II) chloride, also known as cupric chloride, is a chemical compound. Its chemical formula is CuCl2. It contains copper in its +2 oxidation state. It also contains two chloride ions.

Properties
Copper(II) chloride is light brown when anhydrous. It is green when hydrated. It is a weak oxidizing agent. It reacts with aluminium foil to make hydrogen, copper(I) oxide, and aluminium chloride. This is used in school demonstrations. It releases chlorine and turns into copper(I) chloride when heated very hot. It reacts with sodium hydroxide to make copper(II) hydroxide. Copper(II) chloride reacts with metals to make metal chlorides and copper. It puts out blue flames if it is heated in a flame. It reacts with sulfur dioxide to make copper(I) chloride. It dissolves in water to make a blue solution. When more chloride is added, it turns green, then yellow.

Preparation

It is made by reacting copper with chlorine. It can also be made by reacting copper(II) hydroxide, copper(II) oxide, or copper(II) carbonate with hydrochloric acid and from pure copper and from 1:1 solution of hydrogen peroxide and hydrochloric acid where copper first get oxidized to CuO from H2O2 and then reacts with HCl to form CuCl2, reaction goes like this:

Cu + H2O2 → CuO + H2O

CuO + 2HCl → CuCl2 + H2O

Uses
Copper(II) chloride is used to make fungicides. It is also used to make organic compounds. It is also used to make acetaldehyde from ethane.

Safety
It is toxic, with toxicity similar to copper sulfate It is therefore harmful.

Related pages
Copper(I) chloride
Copper(I) acetylide

References

Copper compounds
Chlorine compounds

Copper(II) chloride


In structural anthropology, Claude Lévi-Strauss, a French anthropologist, makes the claim that "myth is language". Through approaching mythology as language, Lévi-Strauss suggests that it can be approached the same way as language can be approached by the same structuralist methods used to address language. Thus, Lévi-Strauss offers a structuralist theory of mythology; he clarifies, "Myth is language, functioning on an especially high level where meaning succeeds practically at 'taking off' from the linguistic ground on which it keeps rolling."

Overview
Lévi-Strauss breaks down his argument into three main parts. Meaning is not isolated within the specific fundamental parts of the myth, but rather within the composition of these parts. Although myth and language are of similar categories, language functions differently in myth. Language in myth exhibits more complex functions than in any other linguistic expression. From these suggestions, he draws the conclusion that myth can be broken down into constituent units, and these units are different from the constituents of language. Finally, unlike the constituents of language, the constituents of a myth, which he labels "mythemes," function as "bundles of relations." This approach is a break from the "symbolists", such as Carl Jung, who dedicate themselves to find meaning solely within the constituents rather than their relations. For instance, Lévi-Strauss uses the example of the Oedipus myth and breaks it down to its component parts:

Reading it in sequence from left to right, top to bottom, the myth is categorized sequentially and by similarities. Through analyzing the commonalities between the "mythemes" of the Oedipus story, understandings can be wrought from its categories. Thus, a structural approach towards myths is to address all of these constituents. Furthermore, a structural approach should account for all versions of a myth, as all versions are relevant to the function of the myth as a whole. This leads to what Lévi-Strauss calls a spiral growth of the myth that is continuous while the structure itself is not. The growth of the myth only ends when the
"intellectual impulse which has produced it is exhausted."

From mythology to literary criticism

Myths are primarily acknowledged as oral traditions, while literature is in the form of written text. Still, anthropologists and literary critics both acknowledge the links between myths and relatively more contemporary literature. Therefore, many literary critics take the same Lévi-Straussian structuralist, as it is coined, approach to literature. This approach is, again, similar to Symbolist critics' approach to literature. There is a search for the lowest constituent of the story. But as with the myth, Lévi-Straussian structuralism then analyzes the relations between these constituent parts in order to compare even greater relations between versions of stories as well as among stories themselves.

Furthermore, Lévi-Strauss suggests that the structural approach and mental processes dedicated towards analyzing the myth are similar in nature to those in science. This connection between myth and science is further elaborated in his books, Myth and Meaning and The Savage Mind. He suggests that the foundation of structuralism is based upon an innate understanding of the scientific process, which seeks to break down complex phenomena into its component parts and then analyze the relations between them. The structuralist approach to myth is precisely the same method, and as a method this can be readily applied to literature.

See also

 Joseph Campbell
 Vladimir Propp

References

Sources

Boon, James A. From Symbolism to Structuralism. New York: Harper & Row, 1972.
Hénaff, Marcel. Claude Lévi-Strauss and the making of structural anthropology, translated by Mary Baker, Minneapolis : University of Minnesota Press, 1998.
Lévi-Strauss, Claude. Myth and Meaning. New York: Schocken Books, 1978.
Lévi-Strauss, Claude. Structural Anthropology. Trans. Claire Jacobson. New York: Basic Books, 1963.

Anthropology
Theories
Mythography

Structuralist theory of mythology


Earl Oliver Whitehill (February 7, 1899 – October 22, 1954) was a Major League Baseball pitcher. He played for the Detroit Tigers for the most significant portion of his career (1923–1932), and later with the Washington Senators (1933–1936), Cleveland Indians (1937–38), and the Chicago Cubs (1939). Consistently winning in double digits for thirteen years (1924–1936), left-handed Whitehill went on to become one of the top winning pitchers of all time. He was born in Cedar Rapids, Iowa.

Major league career

"The Earl", as many called him, was a handsome and often temperamental pitcher who often showed up in the top 10 in hit batsmen, leading the league in his first full year, 1924, when he hit 13 (tied with George Uhle).

Whitehill averaged 14 wins each season and he never dipped below 11 wins in a full season (30 starts or more). Whitehill made his debut on September 15, 1923. He was a small left-handed pitcher, who weighed around . With Detroit, he came to be known as one of the most consistent pitchers in the league. From 1928 through 1932, he never had an ERA higher than 4.62 and never had one lower than 4.08; a difference of only .54 in those years.

In his rookie season, Whitehill was 17–8, with a 3.86 ERA, and two shutouts. The Tigers' offensive support helped, as the Tigers finished 1st in most major offensive categories in 1923. Reduced run support became a factor later in his stint with Detroit, which lead some to believe his overall record could have been better. In his early years with Detroit, Whitehill was part of a starting rotation that included Hooks Dauss, Dutch Leonard, and Lil Stoner.

Whitehill, one of the top pitchers of the Roaring Twenties, had a celebrity marriage to Violet Geissinger. Geissinger was a model for Sun-Maid Raisins during the 1920s. She was known as The Sun-Maid Raisin Girl.

After he was traded to Washington, for Firpo Marberry and Carl Fischer, Whitehill fit right in there, going a career-best 22–8 in his first year, with a 3.33 ERA (also a career-best, excluding his first year when he pitched in 8 games and had a 2.73 ERA). With Washington that year, he saw his first (and last) postseason action, when the Senators were defeated by the New York Giants in 5 games. However, Whitehill did his part, getting the only win of the series for Washington. In that game, he pitched a complete game shutout allowing 5 hits and 2 walks. Because he didn't start until Game 3, it became his only start of the Series, and his only start of the postseason. Thus, his final postseason ERA was 0.00, tied with many others for a record.

He one-hit the St. Louis Browns on July 4, 1932, Goose Goslin recording the only hit for the Browns. Whitehill also one-hit the New York Yankees on May 30, 1934. The Yanks' Ben Chapman broke up the no-hitter in the ninth inning.

He was traded as part of a three team deal on December 10, 1936. The Senators received Jack Salveson from the Chicago White Sox, who received Thornton Lee from the Indians, which is where Whitehill was headed. In Cleveland, Whitehill had two average years and made a number of relief appearances (mostly in 1937). His final record with the Indians was 17–16.

Whitehill signed with the Cubs in 1939, went 4–7 with a 5.14 ERA there, and was released in October 1939. In 17 seasons, he was 218–185 with a career ERA of 4.36, having given up 1726 earned runs in 3564 innings pitched. He recorded 1350 career strikeouts. He pitched in 541 games, 473 of them starts. His lifetime ERA of 4.36 is higher than any other 200-game winner.

A competent hitting pitcher in his 17 years in the majors, Whitehill compiled a .204 batting average (264-for-1291) with 107 runs, 4 home runs, 98 RBI and 97 bases on balls.

Later life

After serving as a coach for the Indians, the Philadelphia Phillies, and in the International League in the early 1940s, he became a sales representative for the A. G. Spalding sporting goods firm. Whitehill died from injuries sustained in an automobile accident in Omaha, Nebraska, at the age of 55.

Quick facts

On April 23, 1933, Whitehill knocked Lou Gehrig unconscious with a pitch during Gehrig's famed games played streak. Gehrig recovered and finished the game.
Had highest (worst) earned run average of any 200-game winner with 4.36 (winning answer in 1987 SABR trivia semi-final).

See also

 List of Major League Baseball career wins leaders
 List of Major League Baseball career hit batsmen leaders

References

External links

Des Moines Register, 3/24/1963, "Whitehill in Iowa's 'Hall'; Rapids Pitcher Won 218"

1899 births
1954 deaths
Major League Baseball pitchers
Detroit Tigers players
Washington Senators (1901–1960) players
Cleveland Indians players
Chicago Cubs players
Baseball players from Iowa
Road incident deaths in Iowa
Des Moines Boosters players
Columbia Comers players
Birmingham Barons players
Buffalo Bisons (minor league) players
Cleveland Indians coaches
Philadelphia Phillies coaches

Earl Whitehill


Peridot (pronounced "pair-uh-dot" or "pair-uh-doe") is the gem quality version of the mineral olivine. The name of the gemstone is believed to come from either the Arabic word faridat meaning "gem" or the French word peritot meaning "unclear." Peridot is one of the few gemstones that comes in only one color. The darkness of the green depends on how much iron there is. The color varies from yellow-green to olive to brownish green. Olivine is a very common mineral, but gem-quality peridot is rather rare. Peridot is the birthstone for the month of August.Peridot is believed to bring good health,restful sleep and peace to relations by balancing emotions and mind.

Birthstones

Peridot


Summertime is a 2009 novel by South African-born Nobel laureate J. M. Coetzee. It is the third in a series of fictionalized memoirs by Coetzee (the first two being Boyhood and Youth) and details the life of one John Coetzee from the perspective of five people who have known him. The novel largely takes place in the mid to late 1970s, largely in Cape Town, although there are also important scenes in more remote South African settings. While there are obvious similarities between the actual writer of the novel, J. M. Coetzee, and the subject of the novel, John Coetzee, there are some differences - most notably that the John Coetzee of the novel is reported as having died. Within the novel, the opinions and thoughts of the five people are compiled and interpreted by a fictitious biographer, who also adds fragments from John Coetzee's notebooks. It was shortlisted for the 2009 Booker Prize. Coetzee was already a two-time winner of the award and it is for this reason that literary commentator Merritt Moseley believes he did not win it for Summertime.

References

2009 novels
Fiction set in the 1970s
Autobiographical novels
Novels by J. M. Coetzee
Novels set in Cape Town
21st-century South African novels

Summertime (novel)


Jury Duty is a 1995 American courtroom comedy film directed by John Fortenberry, written by Neil Tolkin, Barbara Williams, and Adam Small (credited as Samantha Adams), and starring Pauly Shore, Tia Carrere, Stanley Tucci, Brian Doyle-Murray, Shelley Winters, and Abe Vigoda.

The film was actress Billie Bird's last screen appearance. Reviews were negative, and the film was a box office bomb.

Plot
Tommy Collins is an unemployed erotic dancer living at his mother's home in a trailer park while he looks for a decent job. He finds out that his mother, and her boyfriend Jed, a polystyrene collector, are going to Las Vegas to be married and taking the mobile home with them. Although his mother had arranged for Tommy to stay with the Woodalls, he considers them awful people and decides to look for other living arrangements for him and his chihuahua Peanut (who loves the game show Jeopardy!).

He rummages through the trash and finds his letter for jury duty that he had thrown away and decides to enter. Each of the jurors get their own free accommodation plus $5 a day. After several cases he gets chosen to be a juror for a murder case involving a man named Carl Wayne Bishop, a fast-food employee who had been fired and is now accused of murdering several other fast-food employees. The evidence against him gets stronger when several employees appear as witnesses saying that he threatened to kill them.

All the jurors are staying at the Holiday Suite in the section that is being remodeled. Tommy seems to be enjoying himself, until he finds he is sharing his room with his former high school principal, who puts motivational tapes on at night to full blast. He makes a deal with the manager of the hotel who says that he will get a different room if he advertises their business during news broadcasts. Tommy agrees and ends up staying in a luxurious suite.

Finally, the jurors go to the jury room for deliberation and appoint Tommy as their foreman. The other jurors immediately think that Bishop is guilty and want to vote straight away. Not wanting to lose his suite and luxurious lifestyle, Tommy votes not guilty and stalls and prolongs the deliberations as well as continuously going over the evidence. After many delays, the other jurors become increasingly angry with Tommy, especially Monica, whom Tommy had fallen in love with, and threaten to throw him out of the jury unless he finds a better way to prove Bishop's innocence.

After reading up on the law and further investigating, both of which are activities prohibited under standard instructions to jurors, Tommy finds some evidence after seeing a picture of Carl Wayne Bishop on the window of a store, finally convincing the jurors that Bishop is not guilty; they celebrate. Unfortunately, later on, Monica finds Peanut and follows him up to Tommy's luxury suite, with security guard Murphy following her. Even though Tommy tries to explain that he is now a changed person, she is deeply upset with how he used them and walks out in tears.

Later, the Judge declares a mistrial and arranges another hearing at a later date. Back at the trailer park, Tommy goes mining for polystyrene with Jed at the city dump. After seeing many polystyrene containers with fast food logos on them, Tommy realizes that the murderer was an environmentalist. He calls Monica, who immediately hangs up on him, but he goes looking for Frank, another fellow juror, who was also obsessed with the environment. Later that night, someone meets another man named Frank who thanks him for volunteering to do jury duty on his behalf while he was on vacation, only to be killed with a stun gun. The killer is revealed to be Frank, the man Tommy was seeking. Tommy arrives at the same house and relays his new evidence to Frank, asking him to help find Monica at the library she works at in order to convince her that his evidence is genuine.

When they arrive at the library, Frank reveals to Tommy and Monica that he was the killer. He ties them up and attempts to stab them with a sharp jagged knife. He tells them that he committed the terrible murders and framed Carl Wayne Bishop because he thought there was no truth and justice in the world. With Peanut's help, however, they manage to subdue Frank and knock him unconscious.

Tommy is given a check for his contribution to the case, and Monica starts dating Tommy. He uses his earnings from erotic dancing towards law school and eventually becomes an attorney. Meanwhile, Peanut is shown accomplishing his lifelong dream of becoming a contestant on Jeopardy!.

Cast

Pauly Shore as Thomas B. "Tommy" Collins
Gizmo as Peanut
Tia Carrere as Monica Lewis
Stanley Tucci as Frank/Billy
Brian Doyle-Murray as Harry
Abe Vigoda as Judge Edward J. Powell
Charles Napier as Jed
Sean Whalen as Carl Wayne Bishop
Richard Edson as Skeets
Richard Riehle as Principal Beasley
Alex Datcher as Sarah
Richard T. Jones as Nathan
Jack McGee as Murphy, the security guard
Sharon Barr as Libby Starling
Nick Bakay as Richard Hurtz
Ernie Lee Banks as Ray
Shelley Winters as Mrs. Collins ("Mom")
Dick Vitale as Hal Gibson
Billie Bird as Rose
William Newman as Judge D'Angelo
Jorge Luis Abreu as Jorge
Siobhan Fallon as Heather
Gregory Cooke as Reece Fishburne
Mark L. Taylor as Russell Cadbury
Rick Ducommun as The Real Frank (uncredited)

Production

The film is loosely based on the teleplay Twelve Angry Men, which itself was adapted into film in 1957 starring Henry Fonda.

Critical reception
At review aggregation site Rotten Tomatoes, the film received an approval rating of 0%, based on 12 reviews with an average score of 2.4/10, as of July 26, 2014.

Critic Leonard Maltin gave it a "BOMB" rating in his book Movie and Video Guide, but suggested even that rating "may be too high". Critic Roger Ebert said, on At the Movies, that Pauly Shore was the "cinematic equivalent of long fingernails, drawn very slowly and quite loudly over a gigantic blackboard" and noted that although his co-host, Gene Siskel, disliked Chris Farley, he would "rather attend a dusk-to-dawn Chris Farley film festival than sit through any 5 minutes of Jury Duty". Siskel agreed, referring to Shore as "aggravating". Ebert estimated that Shore's "appeal must be limited to people whose self-esteem and social skills are so damaged that they find humor, or at least relief, in at last encountering a movie character less successful than themselves".

Pauly Shore "won" a Golden Raspberry Award for Worst Actor. The film itself was nominated for Most Painfully Unfunny Comedy at the 1995 Stinkers Bad Movie Awards but lost to Ace Ventura: When Nature Calls.

References

External links

1995 films
1995 comedy films
American comedy films
American courtroom films
American legal films
Juries in fiction
Films directed by John Fortenberry
Films scored by David Kitay
TriStar Pictures films
Triumph Films films
1995 directorial debut films
Golden Raspberry Award winning films
1990s English-language films
1990s American films

Jury Duty (film)


Deodorant is anything that takes away an odor, or bad smell. Often, it means something people put on their bodies so their sweat does not smell as bad. The most commonly used deodorants are for use on the armpits. These are also anti-perspirants because they reduce the production of sweat. There are deodorants for other places on the body as well. Deodorant can be sold in the form of sprays, bottles, or sticks that are rolled onto the body.

Hygiene

Deodorant


A Growth ring is the ring of growth found in some living organisms, such as trees. Some animals such as shells and corals also have annual growth rings.

Counting the growth rings shows how old the organism is, or was when it stopped growing.  For example, the growth rings in furniture, walls and other wooden items can be counted.

How tree rings are developed
Tree rings grow under the bark, and the bark is pushed out while the tree is growing. The inner part of a growth ring is formed early in the growing season, when growth is fast and is known as early wood. The outer portion is the late wood, and is denser than early wood. Many trees in places with hot summers and cold winters make one growth ring a year.

For the entire life of a tree, a year by year record or ring pattern is formed that reveals the climate conditions in which the tree grew.  If a tree grows in a dry place, you can tell its age better than when it grows in a wet place.  Switching in between bad and good conditions can result in several rings forming in one year.  Tree ring growth patterns are affected by the climate, weather, rain, temperature, soil pH, plant nutrition, carbon dioxide concentration, and sunspots.

Rings happen because of the change in growth speed through winter, spring, summer and fall, so one ring usually marks the passage of one year in the life of the tree. Tree rings are more visible in places where the seasons change between hot and cold. Enough moisture and a long growing season result in a wide ring. A dry year may result in a very narrow ring. Trees from the same area will tend to grow the same pattern of rings.

Tree growth rings can tell us about the ancient climate and growth rings can be used to tell the age of a tree. Growth rings can also be used to date the wood in old buildings, ships and frames for paintings. Tree rings are used to make radiocarbon dating more accurate.

Some perennial herb species form annual growth rings in their roots that basically follow the same principles as growth rings in trees.

Related pages
 Dendrochronology

Climate
Trees

Growth ring


Girls Will Be Girls is a 2003 comedy film written and directed by Richard Day. Starring Jack Plotnick, Clinton Leupp, and Jeffery Roberson as three actresses at various places in their careers, the film is a parody of Hollywood-related movies such as Sunset Boulevard, All About Eve, What Ever Happened to Baby Jane?, Mommie Dearest, and Valley of the Dolls.

Plot
Evie Harris (Jack Plotnick) is a washed-up, alcoholic, aging C-List actress (star of kinescope, stage, television, and film in such works as the TV special Christmas Evie, vaudeville-era appearances promoting Dr. Vim's Miracle Elixir, Court TV: Celebrities Who Kill, Tabitha, and the sad 1970s disaster epic Asteroid [tagline: "Earth Might Get Crushed!"]). She lives in a tackily out-of-style bungalow with Coco (Clinton Leupp), a homely, lonely, doormat of a spinster who carries a torch for the handsome young doctor who performed her abortion years ago.

Evie's life is turned upside down by the arrival of a new roommate, Varla Simonds (Jeffery Roberson), the voracious, starry-eyed daughter of Evie's rival, late actress Marla Simonds (whose claims to fame included playing Chesty on Fill Her Up, the short-lived but widely acclaimed spin-off of C.P.O. Sharkey, and almost being cast as the lead in Asteroid before Evie captured that "breakout" role). Evie acts very competitively around Varla, especially as she recognizes the growing chemistry between the young up-and-comer and her sweet, handsome and microscopically endowed son and "ambulance chasing" lawyer, Stevie (Ron Mathews). When Varla snags a plum starring role in commercials for Bizzy Gal dinners, tensions and jealousies among the three women reach a boiling point and treachery soon rears its ugly head.

Cast
 Jack Plotnick as Evie Harris
 Clinton Leupp as Coco Peru
 Jeffery Roberson as Varla Simonds/Marla Simonds
 Ron Mathews as Stevie Harris
 Eric Stonestreet as Dr. Benson
 Hamilton von Watts as Laurent
 Dana Gould as Jeff
 Chad Lindsey as Dr. Perfect
 Sam Pancake as Brad

Production
In a 2008 interview, Leupp said that the origin of the film was a drag event benefit co-hosted by Plotnick and himself. Leupp noted, "we were such a hit that everyone said we should do something else together. Out of that we created Girls Will Be Girls. We decided we needed that third person — the formula is Varla makes Evie crazy, Evie starts acting out and ends up hurting Coco." He went on to say that Day had originally written the movie as a situation comedy for Showtime, but the network had passed on it at the last minute, so it was made as a film "hoping that the new gay networks would be interested."

Awards and nominations
The three leads shared the Best Actor Grand Jury Award at Outfest 2003 and "Best Actress" honors at the 2003 U.S. Comedy Arts Festival.

Home media
Girls Will Be Girls was released on Region 1 DVD on March 16, 2004. The film was remastered and re-released to digital platforms on June 1, 2021.

Internet series
A spin-off web series starring Plotnick, Leupp, and Roberson appeared on YouTube on December 6, 2007, starting with the holiday sketch, "Christmas Evie", featuring Tom Lenk.

The first official episode of the internet shorts, "The Jizz Party" premiered on December 21, 2007. The series continues the story of the three women after the events of the film. Coco has divorced her husband and moved back in with Evie, and is going through life as a single mother. Early in the series, Varla is experiencing a backlash of fame: she is being stalked by someone she considers undesirable.

Episodes:
 The Jizz Party (December 21, 2007) – featuring Jay Johnston as Bill
 Delivering Coco Part I (February 5, 2008) – featuring Scott Thompson as Coco's mother
 Delivering Coco Part II (March 14, 2008) – featuring Scott Thompson as Coco's mother
 Girl Stalk, Part I (March 27, 2008)
 Girl Stalk, Part II (June 2, 2008) – noted as being the season finale

"Girl Stalk" was re-edited and featured on YouTube in 6 smaller parts; however, there is no additional content.

Sequel

A sequel, Girls Will Be Girls 2 (or GWBG2) was filmed in 2012, funded by a Kickstarter campaign. A Tumblr page was created to document the progress of the film.

References

External links

 Girls Will Be Girls official web site
 Girls Will Be Girls on Facebook
 Girls Will Be Girls on YouTube
 Girls Will Be Girls 3012 – Tumblr
 GWBG – Vimeo
 Richard Day on Twitter
 Evie Harris on Twitter

2003 films
American LGBT-related films
2003 romantic comedy films
American romantic comedy films
LGBT-related black comedy films
2000s English-language films
2000s American films

Girls Will Be Girls (film)


is an action-adventure video game made by Nintendo for the Nintendo 64 game console. The game was remade in 2015 for the Nintendo 3DS titled The Legend of Zelda: Majora's Mask 3D.

It was also included in The Legend of Zelda: Collector's Edition.

Plot
After The Legend of Zelda: Ocarina of Time, Link is led to Termina by the possessed Skull Kid and is turned into a Deku, a small, wooden creature. He meets the Happy Mask Salesman, a very moody man. He offers to fix Link if he gets the mask Skull Kid got with a time of three days. However, three days passed, and the Skull Kid, possessed with Majora's Mask (what the Happy Mask Salesman needed) brings the moon down to destroy Termina. Link stops him, gets his ocarina back, and returns back three days ago. He returns to the Salesman who believes Link has the mask. He reheals him before he sees Link never got the mask. Link now has to stop the moon that will destroy everything, which is being done by Majora's Mask, the mask held by Skull Kid. To stop it, he needs to summon the Four Giants. He fights the possessed spirits, and the Giants hold the moon. However, Majora's Mask leaves Skull Kid and goes to the Moon, After helping people, Link finally goes to the moon. It is actually a plain with a tree. Under the tree, a kid agrees to play with him as the final battle takes hold. Link finally defeats the evil in Majora's Mask and it is now a lifeless mask. He returns it to the Salesman. After this, Link leaves Termina as the game ends.

Related pages
The Legend of Zelda: Ocarina of Time

2000 video games
Nintendo 64 games
Nintendo GameCube games
Nintendo Entertainment Analysis and Development games
Majora's Mask
Video games with time travel

The Legend of Zelda: Majora's Mask


James MacMillan (born July 16, 1959) is a composer and conductor.

MacMillan was born at Kilwinning, North Ayrshire, Scotland.  He studied music at the universities of Edinburgh and Durham.  He writes a lot of music for the Scottish Chamber Orchestra. They play music at schools so that children can listen and join in with his music.

Important music

The Confession of Isobel Gowdie (1990)  about a woman who lived in the 1600s. Many people believed in witches then.  In 1662 Isobel Gowdie was accused and tried for witchcraft. It was an unusual trial. She confessed without torture, There is no record of an execution. She walked away after confessing.

Veni, veni, Emmanuel (1992) is like a percussion concerto.  It is a piece for one percussion player who plays lots of percussion instruments, and an orchestra.  The main tune is the medieval hymn tune Veni, veni, Emmanuel (also sung as O come, O come Emmanuel).  Scottish percussionist Evelyn Glennie played it at a BBC Prom in 1992.

Quickening is music for a counter-tenor, two tenors, and baritone soloists; children's choir, mixed choir, and large orchestra.  It is about birth and new life.  The children's choir sing the words of the unborn baby.  They stand on a balcony or somewhere far away from the other choir and the orchestra.  Some of the words are "Glossalalia" (nonsense words).  It was performed at a BBC Prom in 1999.

Other websites
James MacMillan at Boosey & Hawkes

MacMillan, James
MacMillan, James
1959 births
Living people
Scottish musicians
People from North Ayrshire

James MacMillan


Mohammad Ghaffari (), better known as Kamal-ol-Molk (), was an Iranian painter and part of the Ghaffari family in Kashan.

Biography
Mohammad Ghaffari, better known as Kamal-ol-Molk, born in Kashan in 1848, to a family with a strong artistic tradition, tracing their origins back to notable painters during the reign of Nader Shah. Kamal's uncle, Mirza Abolhassan Khan Ghaffari, known as Sanee-ol-Molk, a celebrated 19th-century  painter, was notable for his watercolor portraiture. His father, Mirza Bozorg Ghaffari Kashani, was the founder of Iran's painting school and a famous artist as well. His brother, Abutorab Ghaffari, was also a distinguished painter of his time. Mohammad developed an interest in calligraphy and painting at a young age. In his childhood eagerness, he drew charcoal sketches on the walls of his room.

Upon completion of his primary education, Mohammad moved to Tehran. He may have studied painting for a time with  Mirza Esma'il.  To further his studies, he registered in Dar-ul-Funun School, a modern institute of higher learning in Persia, where he studied painting with Mozayyen-od-Doleh, a well-known painter who had visited Europe and studied Western art. He studied there for a period of three years. In his school days, the young Ghaffari was given the name Mirza Mohammad Kashi. During his education he began to attract public attention as a talented artist.

In his visits to Dar-ul-Funun, Naser al-Din Shah Qajar came to know Mohammad Ghaffari and invited him to the court. Mohammad further improved his technique, and Nasereddin Shah gave him the title "Kamal-ol-Molk" (Perfection on Land).

During the years he stayed at Nasereddin Shah Qajar's court, Kamal-ol-Molk created some of his most significant works. The paintings he did in this period, which lasted up until the assassination of Nasereddin Shah, were portraits of important people, landscapes, paintings of royal camps and hunting grounds, and various parts of royal palaces.

In this busiest period of Kamal-ol-Molk's artistic life, he created over 170 paintings. However, most of these paintings have either been destroyed or taken abroad. The works he created in this period indicate his desire to develop his oil painting technique. He advanced so much that he even acquired laws of perspective by himself and applied them to his works. His mastery in the delicate use of a brush was as well as bright and lively colors distinguished him from his contemporaries.

Visit to Europe

Following Naser al-Din Shah Qajar's death, Kamal-ol-Molk found it impossible to work under his son, Mozaffar ad-Din Shah Qajar. Therefore, he set out for Europe in 1898, at the age of 47 to improve his art. Once there, he had discussions with distinguished European artists on style and technique, and copied some of Rembrandt's works, including  "Self Portrait", "Jonah", and "Saint Matthew". Kamal-ol-Molk visited most of Europe's museums and closely studied the works of some well-known artists such as Raphael, Titian,  and adapted and altered some of their works. He stayed in Europe for about four years. In 1902, he returned to Iran, after which he became court painter to five shahs.

Migration to Iraq

The increasing pressure on Kamal-ol-Molk, originating in Mozaffar ad-Din Shah Qajar's court, left him no option but to leave his country for Iraq, in spite of all the affection he felt for Iran. The visits he made to the holy cities in Iraq inspired his work at this time. "Karbala-ye-Moalla Square", and "Baghdad Jewish Fortune Tellers" are two of his most magnificent works of this period.

With the advent of the Constitutional Movement, after a two-year stay in Iraq, Kamal-ol-Molk returned to Iran and joined the Constitutionalists because of the hatred he had developed towards Mazaffareddin Shah's government. Portraits like "Commander Asa'd Bakhtiari" and "Azad-ol-Molk" signify this period.

Kamal-ol-Molk Art School

The post-Constitutional Movement era of Persia brought about a new atmosphere for the artist. The Constitutionalists were cultured and appreciated art more than did their predecessors, thus respect for Kamal-ol-Molk and his works increased.

The master established Sanaye Mostazrafeh Art School, better known as Kamal-ol-Molk Art School, pursued his artistic career and steadied a new style in Iranian art. The School's goal was to find new talents, embrace them and educate them in the best possible way. Kamal-ol-Molk did not confine himself to painting. Rather, he introduced other arts and crafts such as carpet weaving, mosaic designing, and woodwork to his school in order to revive the dying fine arts. In addition to teaching art, through his kind behavior he also taught students love, morals and humanity. Many a time he stayed late at school, teaching. He even allotted a portion of his monthly payment to poor students.

Death
The tomb of Kamal-ol-Molk in Nishapur, Iran, in 1940. His mourners, especially family and closely related friends, marched his body next to the tomb of Sufi poet, Attar.

Gallery

See also
 Iranian art
 Islamic art
 Islamic calligraphy
 List of Iranian artists

References

External links

Kamal ol molk on Caroun.com
Ghaffari Clan website
 Panoramic Images of Kamal Tombs Neyshabur Day
 Biography and works of Kamal-ol-molk (in Persian language)
 Biography and works of Kamal-ol-molk (in Persian language)

1848 births
1940 deaths
People from Kashan
1898 paintings
Modern paintings
Paintings by Kamal-ol-molk
20th-century Iranian painters
19th-century Iranian painters
People of Qajar Iran
Ghaffari family

Kamal-ol-molk