Aloha (, not ) is a census-designated place and unincorporated community in Washington County, Oregon, United States. By road it is  west of downtown Portland. As of the 2020 Census, the population was 53,828. Fire protection and EMS services are provided through Tualatin Valley Fire and Rescue. and Metro West Ambulance.

History
On January 9, 1912, the community received its name with the opening of a post office named Aloha; the area had previously been known as Wheeler Crossing.  According to Oregon Geographic Names, the origin of the name Aloha is disputed. Some sources say it was named by Robert Caples, a railroad worker, but it is unknown why the name was chosen.  In 1983 Joseph H. Buck claimed that his uncle, the first postmaster, Julius Buck, named the office "Aloah" after a small resort on Lake Winnebago in Wisconsin. Supposedly the last two letters were transposed by the Post Office during the application process. The local pronunciation, however, has remained  rather than .

The community attempted to incorporate in 1984, but the regional boundary commission halted the effort after determining the community could not provide the needed municipal services of a city.

In 2012, a public library was opened in a space within a strip mall shopping center on Farmington Road at Kinnaman Road (previously anchored by Bales Thriftway until its closure in 2020).  Named the Aloha Community Library, it was established by the non-profit Aloha Community Library Association and is staffed by volunteers. At the time of its opening, it had about 4,500 books.

Geography
According to the United States Census Bureau, the CDP has a total area of , all land.

Demographics

As of the census of 2000, there were 41,741 people, 14,228 households, and 10,841 families residing in the community. The population density was . There were 14,851 housing units at an average density of . The racial makeup of the CDP was 79.40% White, 1.35% African American, 0.78% Native American, 7.69% Asian, 0.37% Pacific Islander, 6.70% from other races, and 3.72% from two or more races. Hispanic or Latino of any race were 12.93% of the population.
There were 14,228 households, out of which 42.9% had children under the age of 18 living with them, 59.4% were married couples living together, 11.6% had a female householder with no husband present, and 23.8% were non-families. 16.9% of all households were made up of individuals, and 3.5% had someone living alone who was 65 years of age or older. The average household size was 2.92 and the average family size was 3.28.

In the community, the population was spread out, with 29.8% under the age of 18, 9.1% from 18 to 24, 35.0% from 25 to 44, 20.3% from 45 to 64, and 5.7% who were 65 years of age or older. The median age was 31 years. For every 100 females, there were 101.5 males. For every 100 females age 18 and over, there were 99.8 males.

The median income for a household in the community was $52,299, and the median income for a family was $56,566. Males had a median income of $40,369 versus $29,921 for females. The per capita income for the community was $19,685. About 5.6% of families and 7.9% of the population were below the poverty line, including 9.4% of those under age 18 and 5.2% of those age 65 or over.

Education

Aloha is served by the Beaverton and Hillsboro school districts.

Beaverton schools in the area include Aloha High School and the International School of Beaverton.  Aloha is served by Mountain View and Five Oaks middle schools and Aloha-Huber Park, Beaver Acres, Cooper Mountain, Errol Hassell, Hazeldale, and Kinnaman elementary schools.

Hillsboro schools serving Aloha include Century High School, R. A. Brown middle school, and Butternut Creek, Imlay, Indian Hills, Ladd Acres, Reedville, and Tobias elementary schools.

Private schools in or near Aloha include Life Christian School, Palace of Praise Academy, and the elementary campus of Faith Bible Christian School.

Notable people

Jeff Barker, Oregon State Representative
Damien Echols, member of the West Memphis Three
Jensen Huang, Founder and CEO of Nvidia
Loren Parks, Businessman, founder of Parks Medical Electronics, and political donor

See also
M. E. Blanton House

References

External links

Harvey the Giant Rabbit

Census-designated places in Oregon
Portland metropolitan area
Unincorporated communities in Washington County, Oregon
1912 establishments in Oregon
Census-designated places in Washington County, Oregon
Unincorporated communities in Oregon
Populated places established in 1912

Aloha, Oregon


Politics, stylized as politics, was a journal founded and edited by Dwight Macdonald from 1944 to 1949.

Macdonald had previously been editor at Partisan Review from 1937 to 1943, but after falling out with its publishers, quit to start politics as a rival publication, first on a monthly basis and then as a quarterly.

politics published essays on politics and culture and included among its contributors James Agee, John Berryman, Bruno Bettelheim, Paul Goodman, C. Wright Mills, Mary McCarthy, Marianne Moore, Irving Howe, Daniel Bell, and Hannah Arendt.

The journal reflected Macdonald's interest in European culture. He used politics to introduce US readers to the thinking of the French philosopher Simone Weil, publishing several articles by her, including "A Poem of Force", her reflections on the Iliad. He also printed work by Albert Camus. Another European, the Italian political and literary critic Nicola Chiaromonte, was also given space in the journal.

politics was also Macdonald's vehicle for his repeated and energetic attacks against Henry Wallace and his Progressive Party campaign for President.

In a letter to Philip Rahv at the end of December 1943, George Orwell mentioned that Macdonald had written asking him to contribute to his forthcoming journal. Orwell had replied telling him he might "do something 'cultural'" but not 'political' as he was already writing his "London Letters" to Partisan Review.

In his "As I Please" article for the 16 June 1944 issue of Tribune, George Orwell recommended politics. He stated that he disagreed with its policy but admired "its combination of highbrow political analysis with intelligent literary criticism." He went on to add that there were no monthly or quarterly magazines in England "to come up to" the American ones, of which there were several.

Macdonald, in an editorial comment for the November 1944 issue of politics referred to a letter from Orwell which cast interesting light on the 'russification' of English political thought over the last two years. Orwell had read the May issue's review of Harold Laski's Faith, Reason and Civilisation and mentioned that the Manchester Evening News, the evening edition of the Manchester Guardian, had refused to print his own review because of its anti-Stalin implications. Despite considering the book "pernicious tripe", Orwell had praised the author for being "aware that the USSR is the real dynamo of the Socialist movement in this country and everywhere else.", but criticized him for shutting his eyes to "purges, liquidations", etc.  Macdonald pointed out that the fact that such a review should be considered "too hot" shows how much the feats of the Red Army had misled the English public opinion about Russia. He added that the "English liberal press had been far more honest about the Moscow Trials than our own liberal journals" and that Trotsky had been able to write in the Guardian.

Dwight Macdonald: Culture as politics – and politics as culture
As a prototypical "one-man magazine", politics bore the sensibility and characteristic preoccupations of its founding, and sole, editor, the literary and polemical journalist Dwight Macdonald (1906–1982), whose cantankerous past in the face of institutional authority of all kinds furnished a fitting prologue to his six-year tenure in the editor's chair. After his undergraduate years at Yale – during which he gained early notoriety for his critique in the student newspaper of William Lyon Phelps, a pillar of the university's English faculty, and a lecturer and media figure with a national following – and a brief stint in the Executive Training Squad at the R. H. Macy department-store company, Macdonald landed a position as a writer and associate editor in 1929 at Fortune, the business monthly launched the year of the American stock market crash by Henry Luce, a Yale alumnus eight years Macdonald's senior whose stable of iconic magazines had begun in 1923 with Time. Exposure to the many captains of industry whose works and ways he profiled, set against the deepening Depression, sharpened in him a disdain for capitalism which made common cause with an elitist, aristocratic artistic sensibility that admired the classical European past as a sustaining and shaming foil to what he saw as the cultural degradations attendant upon the ascendancy of mass society. As a result, much of Macdonald's outwardly political criticism would take puckish aim at one or another of the stylistic infelicities, whether verbal or in manners, of the reigning pundits and politicians of the day, along with a critical tendency, somewhat like that of an earlier journalistic-literary "rebel in defense of tradition" (to borrow the title of Macdonald's biographer Michael Wreszin), H. L. Mencken, more characteristically negative in tenor than constructive, programmatic or partisan – Mencken's claim that "one horse-laugh is worth ten thousand syllogisms" might well have been Macdonald's own.

Upon leaving Fortune in 1936, after a dispute over his epic four-part profile of U.S. Steel one of whose crescendoes was an epigram from Lenin on imperialism as the highest stage of capitalism, he immersed himself in the works of Marx, Lenin and Trotsky, a schooling which, against the backdrop of the Moscow Trials and the bitter divisions over their authenticity across the American left intelligentsia, led him to side with the Trotskyist faction against the Stalinists. The New York social critic Paul Goodman, whose early essays in politics seeded his flowering into mainstream fame twenty years later, famously asserted that Macdonald "thinks with his typewriter", a restless, perpetually self-revising (and, often enough in rueful retrospect, self-mocking) quality that saw Macdonald studding the later book versions of his magazine essays with a sort of after-the-fact Greek chorus of second thoughts, self-recriminations and liberal, as it were, doses of l'esprit de l'escalier, that lent his writing a quality one critic labeled "stereophonic."

The Partisan Review prelude
Macdonald spent the years from 1937 to 1943 as an associate editor at Partisan Review, among the most famous of 20th-century American little magazines, founded as a Communist journal in 1933 but wrested four years later by a dissident faction led by its to-be veteran co-editors Philip Rahv and William Phillips, a journal synonymous with those "New York intellectuals" wedded equally to an independent radicalism in politics and the modernist avant-garde in literature. Macdonald's steadfast neutrality over the Second World War put him increasingly at odds with his fellow editors, and with much of left opinion following first the attack by Hitler upon Russia and then by the Japanese upon Pearl Harbor affording the Americans, along with Hitler's declaration of war upon the United States in turn, a casus belli unto the larger conflict, prompting him to resign from Partisan Review at the end of 1943, and to launch politics as a vehicle for his antiwar, pacifist, "third way" perspectives, arising from the belief that the developing crises would trigger soon or late an international worker's movement, socialist in form, equally bent on sweeping away both the capitalist status quo in the west and the Communist dictatorship usurping the revolutionary birthright in the Russian sphere.

Allied conduct of the Second World War
As a self-described pacifist and opponent of American entry into the Second World War, Macdonald in the early numbers of his magazine tracking the final year and a half of the war found much to criticize: the cynicism of Allied war aims, the bombing of civilian populations, the betrayal by the Russians of the Polish resistance in the wake of the crushing of the Warsaw Ghetto uprising, the internment of Japanese-Americans, racial segregation in the American armed forces, the sentimental belief of the "liblabs" – Macdonald's term of parodist art for the broad liberal and labor coalition across the Democratic party and the left intelligentsia – that the winning of the war would issue in the triumph of the "Common Man" and a "More Abundant Future for All" (parodic scare-capitals were among Macdonald's standard craftsman's tools), and the punitive ascription of collective guilt to civilian populations for the crimes and war policies of the governments to which they were subject.

Collective guilt
In a signature essay in the March 1945 issue of politics, "The Responsibility of Peoples", also issued as a pamphlet, Macdonald took up this latter subject at great length, and extended into follow-up debates in the issues for May 1945 and July 1945.

In an editorial item in politics for April of that year, Macdonald took aim at the collective-guilt mentality as embodied in one of his favorite targets among liberal intellectuals, from which the passage below affords a prime sample of his wry, satiric style:

"The German people have let Max Lerner down. There is no other way to put it--they have failed him and damn near busted his big progressive heart. It seems that Lerner, all dressed up in his War Correspondent's Uniform (see cut), was scooting along behind the advancing Ninth Army in his jeep when he came across a large group of German civilians. 'It was a drizzly afternoon,' he writes (P.M., March 4), 'and they were clustered under a cement shed open at one end. There was a woman with a several-weeks old baby, and there was an old man of 87. Most were men and women in their middle 40's and above, with a scattering of children. They were almost all farmers.' They had been hiding in cellars for three days while American guns destroyed their village in the course of 'the war that they themselves had brought on.' (How 'they themselves had brought it on' not specified.)

"Descending from his jeep, Lerner asked them: Are You Guilty? He records no reply from the baby, but the others answer that they had never trusted or liked Hitler, that they had always considered the Nazis criminals, and that they were Catholics and hence opposed for religious reasons to Hitler's policies. Why then, asks Lerner with that imploacable logic he shows when he is baiting some one who can't hit back, Why then did you allow the Nazis to do these things? 'With one accord they answered that they had yielded to force and to force alone. But this doesn't go down with Lerner; he points out to the shivering, bomb-dazed farmers that the people of France, Belgium, Poland, and Russia didn't yield to German force; so why did they?* *[According to reliable sources, the above countries were all engaged in a war against Germany.] This was a blockbuster: 'They were silent.' (Different interpretations might be put on this silence.) Even after this, some of these simple peasants apparently didn't understand the kind of animal they were dealing with (see cut); they had been accustomed, after all, to the civilized society of hogs. So they asked Lerner to put in a good word for their local police chief, who had used his official post (probably at the risk of his neck) 'to shield them from the severity of the Nazi regime.' We will omit Lerner's reaction to that one.

"'I came away heartsick and discouraged,' writes Lerner. The crime of these people was cowardice and moral callousness rather than active criminality.... Nowhere did I find the moral strength to face the fact of guilt. Only protests that they were not responsible for what had happened.' Even the baby apparently lacked a sense of responsibility for Hitler, which shows how deeply ingrained this moral callousness is in the German national character.

"However, Lerner thinks there may be 'better material among workers than among the farmers and middle-class.' (You can't keep a P.M. editor discouraged for long.)..."

Japanophobia and the military mind
Other ongoing interventions by Macdonald calling attention to the divers attributions of collective guilt to enemy civilians during wartime, if on rather a more exalted register of jingoist bloodthirstiness, included an essay, "My Favorite General", whose treatment of its iconic lead subject -

"My favorite general is George S. Patton Jr. Some of our generals, like Stilwell, have developed a sly ability to simulate human beings. But Patton always behaves as a general should. ... He writes bloodcurdling poetry apostrophizing the God of Battles. He slaps shell-shocked soldiers and curses them for cowards. When Italian mules obstruct the progress of his staff car, he has them executed on the spot ... He wears special uniforms, which, like Goering, he designs himself and which are calculated, like the ox horns worn by ancient Gothic chieftains, to strike terror into the enemy (and into any rational person, for that matter.)"

preceded a report of an off-the-record dinner speech to Washington newspapermen by Navy Admiral William F. "Bull" Halsey, from which one characteristic passage,

"I hate Japs! I'm telling you men, that if I met a pregnant Japanese woman, I'd kick her in the belly!"

led Macdonald to note that

"Bull is a top-ranking naval officer, which gives him the privilege of talking in public in a way which would get civilians locked up in the violent ward of Bellevue. ... A few more such generals and admirals, and militarism will be a dead issue in this country."

In responding two months later to letters from two soldiers – one of whom signed himself "A DISGUSTED MEMBER OF OUR ARMED FORCES." – defending the motivational tactics of Patton and Halsey, Macdonald clarified his views in noting that

. . . These apologies for Patton are based on two arguments:

(1) The war was a just one; therefore, it had to be won; to win it, good generals are needed; Patton is a good general; therefore, Patton is justified. (2) Army life is radically different from civilian life; therefore, it is foolish to criticise its values from a civilian standpoint. Both arguments raise the problem of means and ends.

(1)I never thought World War II was a just war. But accepting this premise for the sake of argument, I'd say that far from the justness of the war excusing Patton's barbarism, Patton's barbarism calls into question the justness of the war. There is something suspect about an end which calls for such means. As I have noted before, Patton is my favorite general because he expresses so naively the real nature of World War II.

(2) That life in the U.S. Army is more brutal and inhumane than civilian life is true, but this fact would seem to be something to be criticised and changed rather than accepted as a law of nature. If it cannot be changed, then, if we are serious about our humane values, we must reject the war which requires such instruments to achieve its ends. Also: my correspondents would wall off military from civilian society, whereas I would do just the opposite: extend civilian values throughout the armed forces. What is actually taking place is, of course, something worse than either of these alternatives: a breaking down, indeed, of the wall between military and civil society, but in the sense that the former is reshaping the latter.

Conscientious objection
Given his pacifist sympathies during the war, it was natural for Macdonald to run many essays from and about conscientious objectors (C.O.s), with whose position he sympathized, but whose common preference for reassignment to civilian over military-support work he did not reflexively share – as an egalitarian with revolutionary hopes for the leavening educational function of the man of conscience upon the larger population, soldiers included, he felt that a more direct presence among the armed forces was a constructive means to the desired end, a subject debated at length within the magazine,. an above-average proportion of whose readers and contributors were drawn from both the ranks of C.O.s and, given the sheer scale of wartime mobilization, soldiers themselves.

Racial segregation, in war and in peace
Among the forms of social injustice in and out of uniform to which politics devoted extended coverage was that of racial segregation, in the regular feature "Free and Equal" and elsewhere. Moral issues aside and assumed, Macdonald in one article questioned the very effectiveness for military ends of racial segregation in the armed services, at a time when it was a common assumption that it was no business of the military, given its overriding mission, to be bothering itself with the advancement of "utopian" social goals scarcely advanced elsewhere in a civilian realm scarcely able itself to boast of a shining record of omnichrome rainbow tolerance. One article on race matters, by Wilfred H. Kerr, co-chairman of the Lynn Committee to Abolish Segregation in the Armed Forces, forecast one ironic effect in the postwar era of race strife, prophesying in its very title, "Negroism: Strange Fruit of Segregation", the eventual rise of Black Power and other forms of black separatism. The African-American writer George S. Schuyler, sometimes called "the black Mencken" after his earlier association with the Baltimore journalist's monthly The American Mercury, contributed an impassioned review  of An American Dilemma: The Negro Problem and Modern Democracy, the Swedish scholar Gunnar Myrdal's pathbreaking and exhaustive survey of the current state of the American racial agony.

The dropping of the atom bomb
The dropping by the Americans of atom bombs upon the Japanese cities of Hiroshima and Nagasaki, as a means of hastening the end of the remaining Pacific front of the Second World War, afforded Macdonald a zero point of the modern condition and a rhetorical crescendo of humanist horror for politics, in the form of a widely anthologized lead editorial filling the top half of the cover of the issue for August 1945:

"At 9:15 on the morning of August 6, 1945, an American plane dropped a single bomb on the Japanese city of Hiroshima. Exploding with the force of 20,000 tons of TNT, the bomb destroyed in a twinkling two-thirds of the city, including, presumably, most of the 343,000 human beings who lived there. No warning whatsoever was given. This atrocious action places 'us,' the defenders of civilization, on a moral level with 'them,' the beasts of Maidanek. And 'we,' the American people, are just as much and as little responsible for this horror as 'they,' the German people.

"So much is obvious. But more must be said. For the atomic bomb renders anticlimactical even the ending of the greatest war in history [which seems imminent as this goes to press]. [1] The concepts 'WAR' and 'PROGRESS,' ARE NOW OBSOLETE. Both suggest human aspirations, emotions, aims, consciousness. 'The greatest achievement of organized science in history,' said President Truman after the Hiroshima catastrophe--which it probably was, and so much the worse for organized science. Such 'progress' fills no human needs of either the destroyed or the destroyers. And a war of atomic bombs is not a war. It is a scientific experiment. [2] THE FUTILITY OF MODERN WARFARE SHOULD NOW BE CLEAR. Must we not now conclude, with Simone Weil, that the technical aspect of war today is the evil, regardless of political factors? Can one imagine that the atomic bomb could ever be used 'in a good cause'? Do not such means, instantly, of themselves, corrupt ANY cause? [3] ATOMIC BOMBS ARE THE NATURAL PRODUCT OF THE KIND OF SOCIETY WE HAVE CREATED. They are as easy, normal and unforced an expression of the American Standard of Living as electric iceboxes. We do not dream of a world in which atomic fission will be 'harnessed to constructive ends.' The new energy will be at the service of the rulers; it will change their strength but not their aims. The underlying population should regard this new source of energy with lively interest--the interest of victims. [4] THOSE WHO WIELD SUCH DESTRUCTIVE POWER ARE OUTCASTS FROM HUMANITY. They may be gods, they may be brutes, but they are not men. [5] WE MUST 'GET' THE MODERN NATIONAL STATE BEFORE IT 'GETS' US. The crazy and murderous nature of the kind of society we have created is underlined by the atomic bomb. Every individual who wants to save his humanity--and indeed his skin--had better begin thinking 'dangerous thoughts' about sabotage, resistance, rebellion, and the fraternity of all men everywhere. The mental attitude known as 'negativism' is a good start."

politics was one of several left-wing American publications to condemn the bombing (along with The Progressive, Common Sense and  The Militant).

European intellectuals
Given Macdonald's interest in European intellectual life, and his blended interests in both political and literary matters in an age whose own most famous political essayists were among their respective nations' leading literary figures – George Orwell, Albert Camus, Ignazio Silone – it was natural that the onetime Partisan Review veteran Macdonald would feature such writers prominently throughout his controlling tenure atop the masthead of politics. In addition to contributions from those just mentioned, Macdonald published regular essays and columns by his exiled Italian friends Nicola Chiaromonte and Niccolo Tucci, who were among his most prolific contributors. French intellectuals, often in reprints from native journals, took center stage in a special number from July–August 1947 given over wholly to "French Political Writing," whose stellar roster included Georges Bataille, Camus, Simone de Beauvoir, Maurice Merleau-Ponty, David Rousset, and Jean-Paul Sartre.

Toward a recovered humanism
The accumulated horrors of total war – from bureaucratic regimentation of the home front to concentration and death camps, racialist nationalism and genocide, atomic weapons, firebombing of civilian populations, and, not least, the replacement as ruling power over Eastern and Central Europe of one, defeated total state, that of Hitler's Germany, with the newly powerful one, that of Stalinist Russia, that had helped defeat it – combined with the ongoing fading of hopes across the anti-Stalinist left for a long-dreamed socialist dawn to put into wholesale question the sort of reflexive, confident nineteenth-century belief in an all-but-inevitable Progress that had long underwritten the political dimension of western intellectual life. As world war gave way to Cold War, a much-noted reactive turn among intellectuals in the west to such pre- and post-Marxist registers of thought as those offered by religion (Niebuhr, Barth, Tillich), existentialism (Camus, Sartre, Jaspers), or both at once (the newly modish Kierkegaard) provided regular fare in both the highbrow little magazines of the day and the books pages of the newsweeklies.

This postwar turn from the old mechanistic secular faith of Marxism toward renewed ethical, if not always explicitly religious, commitments, took central, watershed root in politics as well, as the uneasy postwar peace agreements and zoned division of Europe, de-Nazification of German elites and war-crimes trials cemented the Allied victory after the summer of 1945. In the magazine's April 1946 number, Macdonald published the inaugural version of one of his signature essays, "The Root is Man", whose widely reprinted book version from seven years later would eventually find its way almost fifty years later on the lists of an American publisher specializing in anarchist and other forms of radical literature. The inauguration of a regular department in the magazine, "New Roads", heralded the quest formally, as did a regular feature devoted to "Ancestors" from across the ranks of assorted pre-20th century anarchists (P. J. Proudhon),

"EDITOR'S NOTE: This is the first of a series of articles by and about such political thinkers of the past as Diderot, Condorcet, Tom Paine, Saint-Simon, Charles Fourier, Alexander Herzen, Kropotkin, Tolstoy, Daniel De Leon, and Rosa Luxemburg. The names, it will be noted, are mostly of non-Marxists. This is because (1) Marxism is already widely familiar to American intellectuals (perhaps disproportionately so); (2) the contemporary crisis of socialism demands that we supplement and reshape the Marxist heritage with the aid of 'Utopian' socialism; 18th century liberalism, anarchism, and pacifism." social and political philosophers (William Godwin), reformers (Alexander Herzen), and the morally rebellious type among artists (Leo Tolstoy). And in the wake of the assassination in early 1948 of Mohandas Gandhi, politics devoted a full-court symposium to the life, ideas, and relevance both inspirational and practical of the slain leader of Indian independence, with contributions from James Agee, Nicola Chiaromonte, Paul Goodman, Macdonald, Mary McCarthy, and Niccolo Tucci, followed by copious extracts from Gandhi's own weekly Harijan.

The counterculture of anarchist humanism: prologue to the 1960s
Macdonald's publishing in politics of some of the earliest essays by the young Columbia-bound sociologist C. Wright Mills and the young novelist, playwright, therapist, and New York social critic Paul Goodman helped seed their rise to national fame twenty years later as two of the signature theorists undergirding the New Left critique of postwar industrial society and mass culture. A debate between Mills and Goodman over the proper locus for the critique of repressive structures in America, with Mills taking a broadly Marxist frame in examining above-ground social structures, and Goodman preferring instead to excavate the post-Freudian unconscious and the repression of instinct, with the social psychology of Karen Horney and Erich Fromm for supporting witness, prefigured the sorts of polemics that would soon crowd the American quality-paperback tables from Ann Arbor to Yale amid the renewal of campus activism and new modes of scholarship. Other harbingers of future cultural ferment may be discerned in a long poem by the English anarcho-pacifist physician Alex Comfort (ascended for all time into the global non-literary firmament since 1972 thanks to The Joy of Sex), an essay by the young San Francisco Beat-affiliated poet Robert Duncan on the internalized repression, thence redirected outward, too often afflicting "The Homosexual in Society", and numerous essays by the Canadian-born London anarchist and conscientious objector George Woodcock, editor at the time of the anarchist cultural quarterly NOW, the raiding of the offices of whose publisher, Freedom Press, during the war by the political arm of the London police he chronicled in a letter to politics in all its unavoidable irony:

"One of the houses raided was that of a surrealist not even directly connected with the anarchist movement. The day after the raid a Special Branch detective appeared to say that he had always been interested in surrealism, and would like to join the surrealist movement!"

And twenty years before his ideas on the "global village" made him a prophetic household name worldwide, the budding Canadian media theorist Marshall McLuhan weighed in as a contributor to politics with a discussion of the problems of women in modern bureaucratic society.

Counteracting the Soviet myth
With the grim consolidation of Stalinist rule in Eastern Europe in the aftermath of the Second World War, and the ensnaring of a large part of the younger generation on the left by the Henry Wallace movement and what he felt to be common notions within of either a moral equivalence between Russia and the west, or an outright tipping of the moral scales in favor of the Soviet side, Macdonald, while still claiming adherence to the anarchist and pacifist labels, and upon re-immersion in the vast literature on recent Communist history, devoted a large opening section of the Winter 1948 number of politics to the attempt to counteract the Soviet myth, among whose articles he included an extensive reading list of standard works chronicling forced labor in the Soviet Union, the Moscow trials, the Ukrainian famine of 1932–33, dating back to the early critiques of the Bolshevik experiment in its infancy published by the anarchist Emma Goldman and the eminent English philosopher Bertrand Russell. In the sphere of foreign and military policy in the developing Cold War, though the range of perspectives Macdonald published naturally did not include pro-Soviet or fellow-traveling writers, he did publish those advocating that the United States take the first, unilateral step toward an eventual mutual disarmament, in the belief the Soviets, assured of the good faith of their ostensibly stronger adversary, would be moved to follow suit. Within the same symposium, Macdonald included a detailed response from the Deweyite pragmatist philosopher and militantly anti-Soviet social democrat, Sidney Hook:

"Messrs. Daniel and Squires are naive. The political kernel of their proposal is their hope that if the United States destroys its atomic bombs and plants, Stalin will be ashamed of himself and abandon his dictatorship ... I am not in favor of a preventive war because I am as confident as one can be in human affairs that so long as Stalin fears he will be blasted off the face of the earth once he strikes against the West, he will wait. We can see to it that he is never free of that fear. Even less than the romantic Hitler has he the demonic desire to bring the world down on him in a universal ruin."

Macdonald would travel in Hook's orbit the next decade, which saw him serve for a year as Associate Editor of the London-based monthly Encounter, founded in 1953 by the Congress for Cultural Freedom, whose own founding in Paris in 1950, with Hook among its leading intellectual lights, he prophesied at the end of the same essay:

"I speak in the first person only for purposes of expository emphasis. Give me a hundred million dollars and a thousand dedicated people, and I will guarantee to generate such a wave of democratic unrest among the masses—yes, even among the soldiers—of Stalin's own empire, that all of his problems for a long time to come will be internal. I can find the people. . . ."

The Henry Wallace campaign and "Wallese"
One natural cognate of Macdonald's status as a fiercely anti-Stalinist leftist lay in his ongoing critical attention to Henry Wallace, the final vice president (1941–1945) under Franklin Roosevelt whose tenure thus was bookended by respective terms heading up the Departments of Agriculture (1933–1940 and Commerce (1945–1946), followed by his nomination in 1948 atop the presidential ticket of the Progressive Party, who Macdonald saw as afflicted by a dangerously credulous and whitewashing attitude toward Stalinist Russia, along with a general-purpose timid banality and penchant for wooly idealist rhetoric divorced from concrete reality. Macdonald devoted the opening sections of the issue of politics for March 1947 to an extended look at Wallace, along with an "Autopsy" of the Wallace campaign after the 1948 election. From "The Wallace Myth" from March 1947:

"Wallaceland is the mental habitat of Henry Wallace plus few hundred thousand regular readers of The New Republic, The Nation, and PM. It is a region of perpetual fogs, caused by the warm winds of the liberal Gulf Stream coming in contact with the Soviet glacier. Its natives speak 'Wallese', a debased provincial dialect.

"Wallese is as rigidly formalized as Mandarin Chinese. The Good people are described by ritualistic adjectives: 'forward-looking', 'freedom-loving', 'clear-thinking', and, of course, 'democratic' and 'progressive.' The Bad people are always 'reactionaries' or 'red-baiters'; there are surprisingly few of them, considering the power they wield, and they are perversely wicked, since their real interests would best be served by the Progressive and Realistic policies favored by the Good people. Wallese is always employed to Unite rather than to Divide (hence the fog), and to Further Positive, Constructive Aims rather than Merely to Engage in Irresponsible and Destructive Criticism. As George F. Babbitt of Zenith City, who had his own brand of Wallese in the twenties, used to say: It's Easy Enough to Criticise! There are other conventions in Wallese. Issues are always Clarified, Events invariably Exert Pressure, Problems are Faced (good) or Not Faced (bad), and the World is either On the March (good) or At the Crossroads (neutral) or Facing a Crisis (bad). No article may be composed in Wallese unless it includes at least one of the following terms: 'grass roots', 'integration', 'horizon', 'general welfare.' The frequent use of the 'should and will' or 'can and must' construction is also obligatory, as in the (imaginary) sentence: 'The American people can and must free the forward march of technology from the dead hand of monopoly.' The adjective 'new' is much used, as: 'new horizons', 'new frontiers', and 'the new democracy' (which means the old democracy minus all democratic elements). Like 'adventure', another important word in Wallese,* *[Cf. Wallace's 'the adventure of the Hebrew prophets', which sounds more like Edgar than Henry.] it suggests something Different (and God knows we're sick of what we've got now), Positive, Exciting—something to which the old critical categories, which have proved so lethal in the hands of Irresponsible and Destructive critics, cannot be applied. Thus many of us are by now somewhat leery of both democracy and The New Republic, but how about the new democracy and the new New Republic? Perhaps the greatest sentence ever composed in Wallese is the following, from the hand of the master himself: 'New frontiers beckon with meaningful adventure.'"

Culture, high, middlebrow and mass
As the 2011 reissue by New York Review Books Classics of his signature 1950s cultural essays, Masscult and Midcult: Essays Against the American Grain (most originally gathered in 1962 as Against the American Grain: Essays on the Effects of Mass Culture), may indicate, the phase of the career of Dwight Macdonald best known to the educated public came with his arrival in 1952 as critic on the staff of The New Yorker, there to assay with dialectical scalpel at the ready such characteristic products of postwar aspirational "middlebrow" – or "Midcult" to Macdonald – culture as the Great Books of the Western World book-sets, the Revised Standard Version translation of the Bible, the latter-day age-of-science penchant for facts over interpretative general ideas, and that hardiest of evergreens in the groves of the American book market, the how-to book. It was in politics, though, if not surprisingly, that Macdonald provided himself with a premonitory sounding board for such preoccupations, in and out of his regular roundup "Popular Culture", one of whose items also hints at Macdonald's dawn-to-decadence penchant for connecting the evolution of cultural forms to that of the stages of industrial development from which they issue:

Whatever Became of Addison Sims?
The kind of question it might be fruitful to answer is: why was self-education so much more popular several generations ago than it seems to be now? Pelmanism, Chatauqua, the Harvard Classics ('Fifteen Minutes a Day'), the International Correspondence Schools, the Roth Memory Course ('Why of course I remember you--Mr. Addison Sims of Seattle!'), Cooper Union--these have become innocent archaisms. At the turn of the century, book agents roamed the country ringing doorbells and selling sets of 'standard authors' (Dickens, Thackeray, George Eliot) encyclopedias and multi-volume historical works. The book-agent has vanished; people read for amusement, not instruction, and authors are no longer 'standard' or sold in sets. Does all this perhaps show the growth of a popular instinct that education is not the golden key to progress which the Victorians thought it was? Is the myth of the self-made man fading? Is the modern world at once so irrational and so totally organized that the mass-man simply gives up, no longer hoping to understand or 'improve' his situation?

A study of self-education in the last fifty years might be a good way to answer such questions--as Orwell in his 'Ethics of the Detective Story' (POLITICS, November 1944) was able to trace in that field the deterioration of ethical standards during the same period. I can't help feeling that American critics might more profitably concern themselves with such rich and relatively unexplored areas than with trying to find something new to say about Henry James."

Publishing and circulation
As is proverbial among small-circulation journals of intellectual opinion, the finances of politics ran at a deficit, much of it covered by Macdonald's first wife the former Nancy Rodman (m. 1934), sister of the poet, editor and author Selden Rodman, and the beneficiary on her mother's side of an ample trust fund; also proverbially among such magazines, circulation tended toward the 5,000 (c. 60 percent subscription, 40 percent newsstand) mark.  Macdonald changed its original monthly frequency to quarterly early in its fourth year of six, and acknowledged in an aside to subscribers his awareness of its chronic scheduling delays in a rueful aside in the issue for (in the best of all intended worlds) Summer 1948:

Note

For reasons not unconnected with the postal regulations governing second-class matter, the present issue, which appears early in November, is officially styled the Summer issue. The Editor extends his customary regrets, apologies and condolences to the readers.

Nancy's humanitarian and philanthropic background played a key role in an ongoing project of the magazine after the war, that of "Packages Abroad", by which regular appeals to readers, channeled directly or through such standard relief agencies as CARE, enabled the donation of food, clothing, shoes and coal for heating to thousands of individuals and families across war-ravaged Europe deprived of them.

Reception and influence
In his column in the left-wing London Tribune, George Orwell wrote favorably of politics, as reprinted in a subscription advertisement in the latter paper in August, 1944: "One cannot buy magazines from abroad nowadays, but I recommend anyone who has a friend in New York to try and cadge a copy of politics, the new monthly magazine edited by the Marxist literary critic, Dwight Macdonald. I don't agree with the policy of this paper, which is anti-war (not from a pacifist angle), but I admire its combination of highbrow political analysis with intelligent literary criticism... Politically, the paper in this country most nearly corresponding to politics would be, I suppose, The New Leader. You have only to compare the get-up, the style of writing, the range of subjects, and the intellectual level of the two papers, to see what it means to live in a country where there are still leisure and wood-pulp." In her preface to a 1968 reissue of the full run of politics, the eminent German-American political theorist Hannah Arendt asserted that

"When I was asked to write a brief introduction to the reprint edition of politics I was tempted to yield to the rather pleasant melancholy of "once upon a time" and to indulge in the nostalgic contemplation that seems to be the appropriate mood for all recollection. Now that I have carefully reread the forty-two issues which appeared from 1944 to 1949—more carefully, I am sure, than I read them more than twenty years ago—this mood has vanished for the simple reason that so many of its articles, comments, and factual reports read as though they were written today or yesterday or yesteryear, except that the concerns and perplexities of a little magazine with a peak circulation of not much more than 5,000 have become the daily bread of newspapers and periodicals with mass circulation. For the issues, far from being outdated, let alone resolved, by the enormous changes in our everyday world, have only increased in urgency."

The Polish poet and 1980 Nobelist in Literature, Czesław Miłosz, whose renowned 1953 essay collection The Captive Mind, amplified a number of Macdonald's own themes regarding the effect of Stalinism on the European mind, found in Macdonald's own independent, anti-authoritarian ethical humanism much to admire, seeing in him a successor to "Thoreau, Whitman, and Melville ... a totally American phenomenon--the completely free man, capable of making decisions at all times and about all things strictly according to his personal moral judgment." Macdonald's friend the Hungarian-born American historian John Lukacs, like Macdonald a cultural traditionalist equally critical of standard-issue American politics either right-wing or pas d'ennemi à gauche progressive, in the Jesuit weekly America in 1958 christened him an "American Orwell", as John Rodden indicates:

"Noting that Macdonald's American 'reputation is rising,' Lukacs wrote that he was already known among British intellectuals 'as one of the most interesting American critics of these times.' In particular Lukacs lauded Macdonald's 'lonely and courageous positions' in the mid-1940s -- on Yalta, the Allied insistence on unconditional surrender, the mistreatment of Japanese-Americans -- and argued that Macdonald's political stance 'coincides with the often lonely positions taken by George Orwell amidst the leftist intelligentsia in Britain.'"

Along with the prominence among leading social critics of the 1960s of such early contributors to politics as Paul Goodman and C. Wright Mills, and Macdonald's role among the founding circle of Europhile New York literary and political intellectuals who wrote for the influential biweekly New York Review of Books (1963-), a mainstay of postwar intellectual life, among which Macdonald's impassioned critiques of Lyndon Johnson and American policy in Vietnam renewed his role as Second World War gadfly, mention might be made of such long-running little magazines founded in the wake of politics as MANAS (1948–88), a one-man weekly edited by Henry Geiger, a Los Angeles Theosophist, Indophile, commercial printer and Second World War C.O. indebted to the social philosophies of Mohandas Gandhi, Henry David Thoreau, Leo Tolstoy and Ortega y Gasset, and who published the 1953 pamphlet revision of Macdonald's The Root is Man; and Dissent (1954-), the quarterly founded by early politics contributor Irving Howe, a leading anti-Stalinist democratic socialist whose equal prominence as a critic of modern European literature found its cognate in Dissent in the prominent space devoted, much after the precedent of politics, to Continental thinkers and social developments. Chris Hedges recounts the story of Noam Chomsky reading at least most of all volumes of politics, in Chomsky's youth.

Notable contributors
The following is a selected list of notable contributors to politics, including those who wrote for it at least 3 times:

 Lionel Abel (1)
 James Agee (2)
 Milton Babbitt (1)
 George Barbarow (7)
 Georges Bataille (1)
 Bruno Bettelheim (3)
 Don Calhoun (5)
 Albert Camus (1)
 Nicola Chiaromonte (6)
 Louis Clair (5)
 Alex Comfort (1)
 Helen Constas (3)
 Simone de Beauvoir (1)
 Theodore Dryden (5)
 Robert Duncan (1)
 James T. Farrell (1)
 Nathan Glazer (2)
 William Godwin (1)
 Ethel Goldwater (5)
 Paul Goodman (8)
 Oscar Handlin (1)
 Will Herberg (1)
 Richard Hofstadter (1)
 Sidney Hook (1)
 Irving Howe (1)
 Abba P. Lerner (2)
 Dwight Macdonald (37)
 Nancy Macdonald (4)
 Frank Marquart (3)
 Mary McCarthy (2)
 Marshall McLuhan (1)
 Maurice Merleau-Ponty (1)
 C. Wright Mills (2)
 Marianne Moore (1)
 A.J. Muste (1)
 Nicolas Nabokov (1)
 Walter J. Oakes (3)
 George Orwell (2)
 P.J. Proudhon (1)
 David Rousset (1)
 Jean-Paul Sartre (1)
 George S. Schuyler (1)
 Victor Serge (2)
 Kenneth M. Stampp (1)
 Harvey Swados (1)
 Leo Tolstoy (2)
 Niccolo Tucci (13)
 Max Weber (1)
 Simone Weil (2)
 Joseph Weizenbaum (1)
 Bertram D. Wolfe (1)
 George Woodcock (8)

See also
Bibliography of George Orwell

References

Further reading
 Gregory D. Sumner, Dwight MacDonald and the Politics Circle: The Challenge of Cosmopolitan Democracy. Cornell University Press (1996). .

External links

Quarterly magazines published in the United States
Defunct political magazines published in the United States
Defunct literary magazines published in the United States
Magazines established in 1944
Magazines disestablished in 1949
Magazines published in New York City

Politics (1940s magazine)


Hilary Putnam (born 31 Julie 1926 an deid 13 Mairch 2016) wis a American filosofer, mathematicker an computer scientist that wis at the heid o the analytic filosofie fae the 60s on. In the filosofie o mathematics, he is maist kent fur the Quine–Putnam indispensability thesis, whaur he an W. V. Quine threaps that mathematical entities is real. In mathematics itsel, he is maist kent fur the Davis–Putnam algorithm, that he proponed wi Martin Davis, an fur reddin up Hilbert's tent quirk.

1926 births
2016 daiths
Mathematics
American mathematicians
Philosophers
Fowk frae Chicago

Hilary Putnam


The Jazz Couriers were a British jazz quintet formed in April 1957 and which disbanded in August 1959.

The quintet's first line-up consisted of Tubby Hayes and Ronnie Scott on tenor saxophones, with Terry Shannon (piano), Malcolm Cecil (bass) and Bill Eyden (drums) and made their debut on the opening night at the new Flamingo Club in Wardour Street, Soho. They shared the gig with Tony Kinsey's Quintet featuring Joe Harriott. The Jazz Couriers were chosen by the National Jazz Federation to play the opening sets when the Dave Brubeck Quartet made their first tour of the UK in February 1958.

Cecil had been replaced by Phil Bates on bass for their first recording, which also included two tracks with Jimmy Deuchar on trumpet.

By August 1958, Bates had been replaced by Jeff Clyne, who would in turn be replaced by Spike Heatley. The band disbanded in August 1959, shortly before Scott opened his own club, Ronnie Scott's, just around the corner in Gerrard Street, in October that year.

They recorded four albums and appeared on some BBC radio and TV broadcasts.

References

External links

British jazz ensembles
British musical quintets
Musical groups established in the 1950s

The Jazz Couriers


Fenwicke Lindsay Holmes (1883–1973) was an American author, former Congregational minister, and Religious Science leader. The brother of Ernest Holmes, Fenwicke is widely recognized for being an important factor in the establishment of Religious Science and the founding of the United Centers for Spiritual Living. Fenwicke is recognized as an important figure in the development of the New Thought movement in Japan in particular  Seicho-no-Ie.

Throughout his career Holmes served as a Congregational Church minister and as the pastor of a Divine Science Church. He and his brother Ernest created Uplift Magazine, which he served as the editor, and later, he was the president of the International College of Mental Science.

Holmes wrote more than twenty books, lectured for fifty years around the world, and frequently spoke on radio and television.

Early life

Born on a farm near Lincoln, Maine in 1883, Fenwicke was one of nine boys. Despite coming from a poor family, the older boys in the family were admitted to Gould Academy, a private school in Bethel, 70 miles from their home. A teacher at the school urged Fenwicke to attend Colby College in Waterville, Maine, where he graduated from with a Bachelor of Arts degree in 1906. There he was elected to Phi Beta Kappa, and served as editor of the Oracle yearbook. He married novelist Katharine Eggleston in the early 1920s.

He attended the Hartford Theological Seminary and was ordained in the Congregational church. In 1911, he left the Seminary to move to Venice, California for health reasons. Later, he was also ordained as a Divine Science minister.

Career

In Venice, Fenwicke founded a Congregational Church where he ministered for six years. The next year he convinced his brother Ernest to join him, and in 1912, he did. The brothers began extensively studying New Thought, in particular the ideas of Thomas Troward, and a few years later, New Thought leader Christian D. Larson. In 1917, Fenwicke resigned from the Congregational Church. During this time he was heavily influenced by the writings of New Thought movement leader William Walker Atkinson. He and Ernest opened the short-lived Metaphysical Sanitarium in Long Beach, California, that year, too. It closed in 1918.

Soon after the brothers founded Uplift, a magazine somewhat critical of traditional New Thought, and began speaking throughout the Los Angeles area. Fenwicke published his first book, The Law of Mind in Action, in 1919. When Dr. Julia Seaton Sears, noted New Thought lecturer and author, had urged one of the brothers to attend the International New Thought Alliance in Boston, Massachusetts, and Fenwicke attended. Soon after Seton had Fenwicke appointed as a special lecturer at the League for the Larger Life in New York City. Fenwicke is attributed as the director of a 1921 film called The Offenders.

According to Washburn and deLong's Book "High and Low Financiers"  Fenwicke Holmes was investigated by the Securities Bureau of New York during the 1920s for various stock swindles, mostly relating to defunct or worthless mining companies, and eventually indicted. At the time of the US stock market crash and financial collapse of share markets by 1930, Holmes's legal issues were widely reported by the New York Times.

In 1927, Fenwicke helped Ernest found the Institute of Religious Science and School of Philosophy as a means of spreading their teachings. After that he ministered at the Divine Science Church of the Healing Christ in New York City until 1934. Then, Fenwick and his wife moved to Santa Monica, California, where he became president of the International College of Mental Science and continued lecturing.

In the 1950s, Holmes collaborated with Dr. Masaharu Taniguchi in founding the Japanese New Thought organization Seicho-No-Ie, and co-authored its guiding book, The Science of Faith.

Bibliography

 (with Ernest Holmes) (1917) Healing at a distance.
 (1919) The law of mind in action: Daily lessons and treatments in mental and spiritual science. Jazzybee Publishing. (2010 edition)
 (1919) How to develop faith that heals. Jazzybee Publishing. (2010 edition)
 (1919) The unfailing formula.
 (1919) Being and becoming; A book of lessons in the science of mind showing how to find the personal spirit.
 (1920) Practical healing.
 (1921) Songs of the silence and other poems.
 (1925) Text book in the science of mind: Psychology and metaphysics applied to everyday living.
 (1925) Religion and mental science: Lyrics of life and love.
 (1930) Joan's voices.
 (1934) How to solve your personal problem: The God-law and the key to power.
 (1938) Text book of practical healing.
 (1943) The "Just how course" in healing the mental science way.
 (1943) Healing treatments in verse.
 (1943) Tiny textbook of meditation and the Lord's prayer.
 (1949) Calm yourself: A key to serenity.
 (1951) Tiny textbook of mental healing.
 (with Masaharu Taniguchi) (1952) The science of faith: how to make yourself believe.
 (1953) Ernest Holmes: His life and times. Dodd, Mead and Company. (1970 edition)
 (with Ernest Holmes) (1960) The voice celestial: Thou art that; an epic poem.
 (1970) Philip's cousin Jesus: the untold story. Devorss Company. (1982 edition)
 (1973) Psycho-Dietetics: How to eat, drink, and think for health; including the Holmes Food Chemistry and Vitamins Chart. (1973 new rev. ed.)
 (1990) Portrait in poetry of Fenwicke Holmes (compiled and arranged by Margaret McEathron)

References

1883 births
1973 deaths
American spiritual teachers
American spiritualists
American spiritual writers
Colby College alumni
Divine Science clergy
Hartford Seminary alumni
New Thought writers
Religious Science clergy
People from Lincoln, Maine
Writers from Maine

Fenwicke Holmes


The Adventures of Tom Sawyer is a book written by Mark Twain, published in 1876. There is also a sequel, the Adventures of Huckleberry Finn.

It is the story about the boy Tom Sawyer who lives in America in the first half of the 19th century and has adventures in his everyday life.

Plot
Tom Sawyer is 12 years old and lives with his Aunt Polly, his half-brother Sid and his cousin Mary in St.Petersburg, a small town along the Mississippi River.
Because Tom went to school and made his clothes dirty in a fight, he gets punished and he had to whitewash the fence. Because he does not want to do this, he tells some boys what a "pleasure" it is to do the work. His plan works and the boys even pay him for this.

As the story goes on, Tom falls in love with Becky Thatcher, the Judge's daughter. He convinces her to get "engaged" to him but when she finds out that she is not the first girl he is engaged to, she breaks up with him.
One night, Tom goes with Huckleberry Finn, the town drunk's son, to the graveyard to try out a "cure" for warts. When they arrive there at midnight, they see Injun Joe murdering Dr. Robinson. The murderer blames his drunken companion Muff Potter for committing the crime and in addition to that, Injun Joe's accomplice gets arrested the next day. Because Tom and Huck are afraid of him, they swear not to tell anybody about what they have seen.

Some days later, Tom, Huck and their friend Joe Harper run away to an uninhabited island on the Mississippi. They want to become pirates there. The boys are having a great time there and do not care about their families and friends. After some days, their families search their bodies in the river because they think the boys are drowned. Because Tom wants more information, he returns home without being seen and overhears his aunt and some other people from town talk about the boys' funeral. Afterwards he goes back to the island to tell his friends about his idea to return home at their funeral. Huck and Joe are convinced that this will be a big surprise and agree. As they expect, everybody is surprised and happy that they are back. After their return all classmates admire them.

After this incident, Becky is interested in Tom again and they continue where their relationship first ended.

Then the trial of Cheyenne Frazier started. At this moment, Tom feels guilty for not telling the truth. So he tells that Injun Joe is the real murderer but he does not mention that Huck also saw the crime. After this, Muff Potter comes free and Injun Joe flees through a window. Now, Tom is afraid that Injun Joe could kill him.

Sometime later, Tom and Huck see Injun Joe and his companion when they find a box full of gold coins in the "haunted house". The boys follow him to see where they hide the treasure but it does not work. When they find out that Injun Joe hangs out in a room in the "Temperance Tavern", Huck shadows the murderer each night.

One night, Tom and Becky go on a picnic with their classmates to McDougal's cave. Both told their families that they spend the night at a friend's house because they want to stay the night together. Later that night, they separate from the others and get lost in the cave. Nobody notices that they are gone, so their families miss them just the next morning.

The same night, Huck follows Injun Joe who hides the box of gold. Huck hears him and his companion talking that they want to kill the widow Douglas. Afterwards, he goes to the Welshman who helps to chase the criminals away.

In the meantime, Tom sees a person in the cave and first thinks of help, but it turns out that it is Injun Joe. He does not tell Becky about that and after a long time Tom finds a small hole where they can escape.

After some days, Tom wants to visit Becky and her father tells him that the hole has been closed. The boy tells the Judge that he saw Injun Joe inside the cave. So the townspeople go to the cave where they find the dead body of Injun Joe.

Tom shows Huck the hole where he got out of the cave and both search and finally really find the treasure inside.

In the end, the Widow Douglas adopts Huck Finn. First Huck does not like it but Tom tells him that he can just join his robber band if he stays. Finally, Huck agrees.

Related pages

 Adventures of Huckleberry Finn

References

1876 books
American children's books
Books by Mark Twain
American novels

The Adventures of Tom Sawyer


Newfoundland and Labrador () is a province on the East Coast of Canada, and is the farthest east of all Canadian provinces and territories. The capital of Newfoundland and Labrador is St. John's. In 2016, 519,716 people lived in Newfoundland and Labrador.

Newfoundland is an island, while Labrador is within the mainland of Canada and on a border with Quebec.

History
The province of Newfoundland and Labrador was originally called Newfoundland and joined Canada in 1949, becoming the newest province of Canada, after being a colony of the United Kingdom. Until an agreement was reached in 1927, Quebec also claimed Labrador.

In 2001, the name of Newfoundland changed to its new official name, Newfoundland and Labrador, while the postal code abbreviation changed from NF to NL.  The island of Newfoundland, and part of Labrador, are in a time zone that is a half hour off from any other part of North America.

References

1949 establishments in Canada

Newfoundland and Labrador


The Genocide Convention (formally Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide) is a treaty of the international human rights law on genocide created on 9 December 1948 by the United Nations. This is to prevent all form of genocide and its incitation and to show how the actors of those must be punished.

This Convention protects all ethnic groups and races of any kind of religions.

Now actor of genocide written in this convention will be judged by the International Criminal Court but there are some countries which do not ratify this Convention and international law on International Criminal Court.

Related pages
 Genocide
 International human rights law
 International Criminal Court

Genocide
Human rights
International law
1948
History of the United Nations

Genocide Convention


Hetmans of the Polish–Lithuanian Commonwealth () were the highest-ranking military officers, second only to the King, in the Polish–Lithuanian Commonwealth. The first Polish title of Grand Crown Hetman was created in 1505. The title of hetman was given to the leader of the Polish Army and until 1581 it was awarded only for a specific campaign or war. Later it became a permanent title, as did all the titles in the Kingdom of Poland and Polish–Lithuanian Commonwealth. It could not be revoked unless treachery had been proven (from 1585). Hetmans were not paid for their services by the Royal Treasury.

Field and Great Hetmans
From the end of 16th century there were two hetmans in the Grand Duchy of Lithuania and two hetmans in the Crown: a Field Hetman and a Great Hetman (sometimes translated as Grand Hetman). As a result, there were in total four hetman titles: Great Crown Hetman, Field Crown Hetman, Great Lithuanian Hetman and Field Lithuanian Hetman. During joint military operations of the Crown and Grand Duchy of Lithuania armies, the Grand Crown Hetman usually was considered superior to others hetmans and served as commander-in-chief if the war actions ran along the borders of the Grand Duchy and vice versa.

Grand Hetmans were usually in command of the professional and mobilised army and during peace stayed at the capital involving themselves in politics, guarding the interests of the army and planning campaigns.

Polish Field Hetman was subordinates of Grand Hetman and when on the same battlefield commanded the mercenaries and artillery. During peace they usually were deployed on the eastern and southern borders of the Commonwealth, and commanded all local forces against constant skirmishes and small invasions of the Ottoman Empire and its vassals. Field Hetman were also called Frontier Hetman, since they did the same job as commanders of frontier garrisons before the title of hetman was introduced.

Lithuanian Field Hetman initially was called Court Hetman and commanded the guard of the Grand Duke, while Land Hetman commanded militia. Later this difference disappeared and they were renamed Field and Great Hetmans accordingly. Contrary to Polish practice Lithuanian Field Hetman had full control on army under his command and wasn't subordinated to the Great Hetman.

For a short period there was also an office of Royal Court Hetman, but it never gained much influence.

Responsibilities and privileges
Hetman's competences and privileges, first officially described in 1527 in the act of nomination for Jan Tarnowski included:
 planning and carrying out of military campaigns
 enlistment and organisation of professional army (wojsko kwarciane) and mercenaries
 supervision of registered Cossacks and atamans, who were chosen by hetmans for two-year terms
 nomination and promotion of officers at will
 choosing locations where the army units were to draw supplies from (that could become a severe burden of cities/nobles that were disliked by a hetman)
 supervising the flow of the army's finances (including the soldiers' wages)
 full control over military judiciary (with capital punishment during wars), they could also issue laws and regulations for the army (known as hetman's articles)
 hearing complaints of all civilian personnel against the army and issuing compensation
 hetmans had certain competencies in foreign policy, they could send their own emissaries to countries such as the Ottoman Empire, Moldavia, Crimean Khanate and Wallachia. It was reasoned that the distance to capital was too large and situation in that regions was always too volatile for all decisions to be made in the capital (Kraków, later Warsaw)

The hetman had no right to order the forces of the royal court, the royal guard, units equipped by the cities and towns, or private individuals, although during wars those units often voluntarily pledged their obedience to hetmans. Hetmans had no control over the navy, although the Polish Navy was always of very limited importance. Hetmans usually had no direct control over the levy (pospolite ruszenie), but they could give orders to the regimentars who commanded it.

While hetmans were considered to be among the highest-ranking officials in the Polish–Lithuanian Commonwealth, their hetman status gave them no right to sit in either the Senate or Sejm, unless they held another office that automatically carried with it a seat or were elected as a representatives of local szlachta during sejmiks. Each hetman received a hetman's ceremonial mace, the bulawa, as the symbol of his position (it was added to his coat of arms). Less common was a horse-tail ensign and hetman's sign.

In some of the never realised plans of reconstruction of the Polish–Lithuanian Commonwealth from dual into triple state (Polish–Lithuanian–Ruthenian Commonwealth), the hetman was to be a head of the Ruthenian part, consisting of three Ukrainian voivodeships (see Treaty of Hadiach).

The reforms of 1776, stimulated by the first Partition of Poland,  limited the powers of the hetmans.

Hetman's aides
A hetman's chief aides and officers included:
 pisarz polny – field chancellor, responsible for the archives, chancery, finances, accounting of people, equipment and fortifications, and paying soldiers' wages
 straznik – guardian; security; supervised the scout forces during movement and camping and commanded the front guard (however, if both hetmans were present, the Field Hetman acted as Great Guardian (Polish: Wielki Straznik)).
 obozny – camp leader; camp and transport organisation; responsible for choosing a suitable camping place for an army, setting up the camp, logistics and security inside the encampment.
 szpitalny – medic; medical services
 profos – military juridiciary
 brabanmajster – logistics
 regimentarz – second-in-command in the event a hetman was killed or taken prisoner; the regimantrz could also be chosen by the king for a given period when a hetman was not available, or informally assumed this function of the commander-in-chief when no hetman or monarch was present nearby (for example, the commander of a  levee en masse was usually called a regimentarz.

Most of those aides also had a Field/Great and Crown/Lithuanian add-ons to their titles, depending on which hetman they were serving under.

Several new military titles were created after the 1635 by king Władysław IV Vasa, changing some of hetman's responsibilities:
1637 – General of Artillery (responsible for artillery forces, their logistics and such)
1670s – General of Logistics, General of Medics, General of Finances
The Generals of Inspections controlled the combat readiness of troops, however it is unclear when they were created (besides the phrase 'in 17th century').

List of Crown Hetmans

List of Hetmans of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania

See also
 Buława
 Hetman's sign
 Hetmans of Ukrainian Cossacks
 List of szlachta
 Military exemptions
 Offices in the Polish–Lithuanian Commonwealth

References

Bibliography
 Polskie tradycje wojskowe.. Warszawa: Wydawnictwo Ministerstwa Obrony Narodowej, 1990.
 Zdzisław Żygulski, Hetmani Rzeczypospolitej, Kraków 1994
 Poczet hetmanów Rzeczypospolitej. Hetmani koronni. Pod redakcją Mirosława Nagielskiego, Warszawa 2005
 Poczet hetmanów Rzeczypospolitej. Hetmani litewscy. Pod redakcją Mirosława Nagielskiego, Warszawa 2006
 Urzędnicy centralni i nadworni Polski XIV-XVIII wieku. Spisy, Wyd. PAN, Kórnik 1992

Military personnel of the Polish–Lithuanian Commonwealth
Lithuanian titles
Polish landowners
Lists of office-holders in Poland
1505 establishments in Europe

lt:Lietuvos didysis etmonas


Industrial engineering is a type of engineering. It is one of the fastest growing areas of engineering. It looks at what makes organizations work best. An industrial engineer tries to find the right combination of human and natural resources, technology, equipment, information and finance to do the work best. Industrial engineering is important to finding the answers to many important problems in manufacturing, distribution of goods and services, health care, utilities, transportation, entertainment, and the environment. Industrial engineers design and change how things are done to increase quality, safety and productivity.

Related pages
Systems engineering

Engineering disciplines

Industrial engineering


A bush airplane is an aircraft serving far away areas of a country, usually the African, Alaskan, and Canadian tundra or the Australian Outback. They are used where the road system is not good, or where there are no roads. Many planes used as bush planes are made by Cessna, or other makers of small and medium-sized airplanes

Common traits
 High wings make it easier for the pilot to see. There is also more space between the wing and plants and rocks on the ground.
 Bush airplanes usually have two large main wheels in the front and one small wheel in the back. This makes the plane tilt up in the front when it is on the ground, which makes it easier and safer to take off on a short or bumpy runway.
 Special modifications to the avionics also help the plane take off on short runways
 Extra large tires help the plane to land and take off in bumpy places. Sometimes a bush pilot will land (and take off) where no airplane has been before.
 Some bush planes have floats for landing on water or skis for landing on snow.

References

Other websites
Bush-planes.com

Aircraft
Transport in Alaska

Bush airplane


A squadron is a military unit on land, at sea and in the air.

Armies: 80 to 600 soldiers with tanks, motorcycles, horses or armoured cars.

Navies: A number of destroyers, submarines, minesweepers or other warships.

Air forces. This usually includes several aircraft and pilots, crews and mechanics responsible for their action.

Military organizations

Squadron


The Delian League, founded in 478 BC, was an association of Greek city-states, numbering between 150 and 330, under the leadership of Athens, whose purpose was to continue fighting the Persian Empire after the Greek victory in the Battle of Plataea at the end of the Second Persian invasion of Greece.

The League's modern name derives from its official meeting place, the island of Delos, where congresses were held in the temple and where the treasury stood until, in a symbolic gesture, Pericles moved it to Athens in 454 BC.

Shortly after its inception, Athens began to use the League's funds for its own purposes, which led to conflicts between Athens and the less powerful members of the League. By 431 BC, the threat the League presented to Spartan hegemony combined with Athens's heavy-handed control of the Delian League prompted the outbreak of the Peloponnesian War; the League was dissolved upon the war's conclusion in 404 BC under the direction of Lysander, the Spartan commander.

Background

The Greco-Persian Wars had their roots in the conquest of the Greek cities of Asia Minor, and particularly Ionia, by the Achaemenid Persian Empire of Cyrus the Great shortly after 550 BC. The Persians found the Ionians difficult to rule, eventually settling for sponsoring a tyrant in each Ionian city. While Greek states had in the past often been ruled by tyrants, this form of government was on the decline. By 500 BC, Ionia appears to have been ripe for rebellion against these Persian clients. The simmering tension finally broke into open revolt due to the actions of the tyrant of Miletus, Aristagoras. Attempting to save himself after a disastrous Persian-sponsored expedition in 499 BC, Aristagoras chose to declare Miletus a democracy. This triggered similar revolutions across Ionia, extending to Doris and Aeolis, beginning the Ionian Revolt.

The Greek states of Athens and Eretria allowed themselves to be drawn into this conflict by Aristagoras, and during their only campaigning season (498 BC) they contributed to the capture and burning of the Persian regional capital of Sardis. After this, the Ionian revolt carried on (without further outside aid) for a further five years, until it was finally completely crushed by the Persians. However, in a decision of great historic significance, the Persian king Darius the Great decided that, despite having subdued the revolt, there remained the unfinished business of exacting punishment on Athens and Eretria for supporting the revolt. The Ionian revolt had severely threatened the stability of Darius's empire, and the states of mainland Greece would continue to threaten that stability unless dealt with. Darius thus began to contemplate the complete conquest of Greece, beginning with the destruction of Athens and Eretria.

In the next two decades, there would be two Persian invasions of Greece, occasioning, thanks to Greek historians, some of the most famous battles in history. During the first invasion, Thrace, Macedon and the Aegean Islands were added to the Persian Empire, and Eretria was duly destroyed. However, the invasion ended in 490 BC with the decisive Athenian victory at the Battle of Marathon. After this invasion, Darius died, and responsibility for the war passed to his son Xerxes I.

Xerxes then personally led a second Persian invasion of Greece in 480 BC, taking an enormous (although oft-exaggerated) army and navy to Greece. Those Greeks who chose to resist (the 'Allies') were defeated in the twin simultaneous battles of Thermopylae on land and Artemisium at sea. All of Greece except the Peloponnesus thus having fallen into Persian hands, the Persians then seeking to destroy the Allied navy once and for all, suffered a decisive defeat at the Battle of Salamis. The following year, 479 BC, the Allies assembled the largest Greek army yet seen and defeated the Persian invasion force at the Battle of Plataea, ending the invasion and the threat to Greece.

The Allied fleet defeated the remnants of the Persian fleet in the Battle of Mycale near the island of Samos—on the same day as Plataea, according to tradition. This action marks the end of the Persian invasion, and the beginning of the next phase in the Greco-Persian wars, the Greek counterattack. After Mycale, the Greek cities of Asia Minor again revolted, with the Persians now powerless to stop them. The Allied fleet then sailed to the Thracian Chersonese, still held by the Persians, and besieged and captured the town of Sestos. The following year, 478 BC, the Allies sent a force to capture the city of Byzantion (modern day Istanbul). The siege was successful, but the behaviour of the Spartan general Pausanias alienated many of the Allies, and resulted in Pausanias's recall.

Formation

After Byzantion, Sparta was eager to end its involvement in the war. The Spartans greatly feared the rise of the Athenians as a challenge to their power. Additionally, the Spartans were of the view that, with the liberation of mainland Greece, and the Greek cities of Asia Minor, the war's purpose had already been achieved. There was also perhaps a feeling that establishing long-term security for the Asian Greeks would prove impossible. In the aftermath of Mycale, the Spartan king Leotychidas had proposed transplanting all the Greeks from Asia Minor to Europe as the only method of permanently freeing them from Persian dominion.

Xanthippus, the Athenian commander at Mycale, had furiously rejected this; the Ionian cities had been Athenian colonies, and the Athenians, if no one else, would protect the Ionians. This marked the point at which the leadership of the Greek alliance effectively passed to the Athenians. With the Spartan withdrawal after Byzantion, the leadership of the Athenians became explicit.

The loose alliance of city states which had fought against Xerxes's invasion had been dominated by Sparta and the Peloponnesian league. With the withdrawal of these states, a congress was called on the holy island of Delos to institute a new alliance to continue the fight against the Persians; hence the modern designation "Delian League". According to Thucydides, the official aim of the League was to "avenge the wrongs they suffered by ravaging the territory of the king."

In reality, this goal was divided into three main efforts—to prepare for future invasion, to seek revenge against Persia, and to organize a means of dividing spoils of war. The members were given a choice of either offering armed forces or paying a tax to the joint treasury; most states chose the tax. League members swore to have the same friends and enemies, and dropped ingots of iron into the sea to symbolize the permanence of their alliance. The Athenian politician Aristides would spend the rest of his life occupied in the affairs of the alliance, dying (according to Plutarch) a few years later in Pontus, whilst determining what the tax of new members was to be.

Members

The Athenian Empire, also known as the Delian League, was a collection of Greek city-states largely based around the Aegean Sea which operated under the hegemony of Athens. This alliance initially served the purpose of coordinating a united Greek front against a perceived looming Persian threat against the Ionian city-states which bordered it. The members of the Delian League were made to swear an oath of loyalty to the league and contributed mostly monetarily but in some instances donated ships or other forces. It was also the case that many democratic members of the League owed their freedom from oligarchic or tyrannical rule to Athens. Because of this, Athens gained an overwhelming advantage in the voting system conducted by relying on the support of democratic city-states Athens had helped into being. By 454 Athens moved the treasury of the Delian League from the Island of Delos to the Parthenon in Athens. Benefitting greatly from the influx of cash coming out of the 150-330 members, Athens used the money to reinforce its own naval supremacy and used the remaining funds to embellish the city with art and architecture. In order to maintain the new synoecism, Athens began using its greatly expanded military to enforce membership in the League. City-states who wished to leave the alliance were punished by Athens with force such as Mytilene and Melos. No longer considered her allies, Athens eventually began to refer to the members of the Delian League as "all the cities Athens rules." Athens also extended its authority over members of the League through judicial decisions. Synoecism under the Athenian Empire was enforced by resolving matters of and between states in Athens by courts composed of Athenian citizens and enforcing those decisions through the Athenian military.

Composition and expansion

In the first ten years of the league's existence, Cimon/Kimon forced Karystos in Euboea to join the league, conquered the island of Skyros and sent Athenian colonists there.

Over time, especially with the suppression of rebellions, Athens exercised hegemony over the rest of the league. Thucydides describes how Athens's control over the League grew:
 Of all the causes of defection, that connected with arrears of tribute and vessels, and with failure of service, was the chief; for the Athenians were very severe and exacting, and made themselves offensive by applying the screw of necessity to men who were not used to and in fact not disposed for any continuous labor. In some other respects the Athenians were not the old popular rulers they had been at first; and if they had more than their fair share of service, it was correspondingly easy for them to reduce any that tried to leave the confederacy. The Athenians also arranged for the other members of the league to pay its share of the expense in money instead of in ships and men, and for this the subject city-states had themselves to blame, their wish to get out of giving service making most leave their homes. Thus while Athens was increasing her navy with the funds they contributed, a revolt always found itself without enough resources or experienced leaders for war.

Rebellion

Naxos
The first member of the league to attempt to secede was the island of Naxos in c. 471 BC. After being defeated, Naxos is believed (based on similar, later revolts) to have been forced to tear down its walls along with losing its fleet and vote in the League.

Thasos

In 465 BC, Athens founded the colony of Amphipolis on the Strymon river. Thasos, a member of the League, saw her interests in the mines of Mt. Pangaion threatened and defected from the League to Persia. She called to Sparta for assistance but was denied, as Sparta was facing the largest helot revolt in its history.

After more than two years of siege, Thasos surrendered to the Athenian leader Aristides and was forced back into the league. As a result, the fortification walls of Thasos were torn down, and they had to pay yearly tribute and fines. Additionally, their land, naval ships, and the mines of Thasos were confiscated by Athens. The siege of Thasos marks the transformation of the Delian league from an alliance into, in the words of Thucydides, a hegemony.

Policies of the League
In 461 BC, Cimon was ostracized and was succeeded in his influence by democrats such as Ephialtes and Pericles. This signaled a complete change in Athenian foreign policy, neglecting the alliance with the Spartans and instead allying with her enemies, Argos and Thessaly. Megara deserted the Spartan-led Peloponnesian League and allied herself with Athens, allowing construction of a double line of walls across the Isthmus of Corinth and protecting Athens from attack from that quarter. Roughly a decade earlier, due to encouragement from influential speaker Themistocles, the Athenians had also constructed the Long Walls connecting their city to the Piraeus, its port, making it effectively invulnerable to attack by land.

In 454 BC, the Athenian general Pericles moved the Delian League's treasury from Delos to Athens, allegedly to keep it safe from Persia. However, Plutarch indicates that many of Pericles's rivals viewed the transfer to Athens as usurping monetary resources to fund elaborate building projects. Athens also switched from accepting ships, men and weapons as dues from league members, to only accepting money.

The new treasury established in Athens was used for many purposes, not all relating to the defence of members of the league. It was from tribute paid to the league that Pericles set to building the Parthenon on the Acropolis, replacing an older temple, as well as many other non-defense related expenditures. The Delian League was turning from an alliance into an empire.

Wars against Persia

War with the Persians continued. In 460 BC, Egypt revolted under local leaders the Hellenes called Inaros and Amyrtaeus, who requested aid from Athens. Pericles led 250 ships, intended to attack Cyprus, to their aid because it would further damage Persia. After four years, however, the Egyptian rebellion was defeated by the Achaemenid general Megabyzus, who captured the greater part of the Athenian forces. In fact, according to Isocrates, the Athenians and their allies lost some 20,000 men in the expedition, while modern estimates place the figure at 50,000 men and 250 ships including reinforcements. The remainder escaped to Cyrene and thence returned home.

This was the Athenians' main (public) reason for moving the treasury of the League from Delos to Athens, further consolidating their control over the League. The Persians followed up their victory by sending a fleet to re-establish their control over Cyprus, and 200 ships were sent out to counter them under Cimon, who returned from ostracism in 451 BC. He died during the blockade of Citium, though the fleet won a double victory by land and sea over the Persians off Salamis, Cyprus.

This battle was the last major one fought against the Persians. Many writers report that a peace treaty, known as the Peace of Callias, was formalized in 450 BC, but some writers believe that the treaty was a myth created later to inflate the stature of Athens. However, an understanding was definitely reached, enabling the Athenians to focus their attention on events in Greece proper.

Wars in Greece

Soon, war with the Peloponnesians broke out. In 458 BC, the Athenians blockaded the island of Aegina, and simultaneously defended Megara from the Corinthians by sending out an army composed of those too young or old for regular military service. The following year, Sparta sent an army into Boeotia, reviving the power of Thebes in order to help hold the Athenians in check. Their return was blocked, and they resolved to march on Athens, where the Long Walls were not yet completed, winning a victory at the Battle of Tanagra. All this accomplished, however, was to allow them to return home via the Megarid. Two months later, the Athenians under Myronides invaded Boeotia, and winning the Battle of Oenophyta gained control of the whole country except Thebes.

Reverses followed peace with Persia in 449 BC. The Battle of Coronea, in 447 BC, led to the abandonment of Boeotia. Euboea and Megara revolted, and while the former was restored to its status as a tributary ally, the latter was a permanent loss. The Delian and Peloponnesian Leagues signed a peace treaty, which was set to endure for thirty years. It only lasted until 431 BC, when the Peloponnesian War broke out.

Those who revolted unsuccessfully during the war saw the example made of the Mytilenians, the principal people on Lesbos. After an unsuccessful revolt, the Athenians ordered the death of the entire male population. After some thought, they rescinded this order, and only put to death the leading 1000 ringleaders of the revolt, and redistributed the land of the entire island to Athenian shareholders, who were sent out to reside on Lesbos.

This type of treatment was not reserved solely for those who revolted. Thucydides documents the example of Melos, a small island, neutral in the war, though founded by Spartans. The Melians were offered a choice to join the Athenians, or be conquered. Choosing to resist, their town was besieged and conquered; the males were put to death and the women sold into slavery (see Melian dialogue).

Athenian Empire (454–404 BC)

By 454 BC, the Delian League could be fairly characterised as an Athenian Empire; a key event of 454 BC was the moving of the treasury of the Delian League from Delos to Athens. This is often seen as a key marker of the transition from alliance to empire, but while it is significant, it is important to view the period as a whole when considering the development of Athenian imperialism, and not to focus on a single event as being the main contributor to it. At the start of the Peloponnesian War, only Chios and Lesbos were left to contribute ships, and these states were by now far too weak to secede without support. Lesbos tried to revolt first, and failed completely. Chios, the most powerful of the original members of the Delian League save Athens, was the last to revolt, and in the aftermath of the Syracusan Expedition enjoyed success for several years, inspiring all of Ionia to revolt. Athens was nonetheless eventually able to suppress these revolts.

To further strengthen Athens's grip on its empire, Pericles in 450 BC began a policy of establishing kleruchiai—quasi-colonies that remained tied to Athens and which served as garrisons to maintain control of the League's vast territory. Furthermore, Pericles employed a number of offices to maintain Athens' empire: proxenoi, who fostered good relations between Athens and League members; episkopoi and archontes, who oversaw the collection of tribute; and hellenotamiai, who received the tribute on Athens' behalf.

Athens's empire was not very stable and after 27 years of war, the Spartans, aided by the Persians and Athenian internal strife, were able to defeat it. However, it did not remain defeated for long. The Second Athenian League, a maritime self-defense league, was founded in 377 BC and was led by Athens. The Athenians would never recover the full extent of their power, and their enemies were now far stronger and more varied.

See also

 Athenian democracy
 Chalcis Decree
 Hellenic civilization
 Pentecontaetia
 Zone (colony)

References

Citations

General sources

Further reading

External links

Military history of ancient Greece
League
5th-century BC military alliances
5th-century BC establishments
5th-century BC disestablishments
Greek city-state federations
Former confederations

Delian League