Development anthropology refers to the application of anthropological perspectives to the multidisciplinary branch of development studies. It takes international development and international aid as primary objects. In this branch of anthropology, the term development refers to the social action made by different agents (e.g. institutions, businesses, states, or independent volunteers) who are trying to modify the economic, technical, political, or/and social life of a given place in the world, especially in impoverished, formerly colonized regions.

Development anthropologists share a commitment to simultaneously critique and contribute to projects and institutions that create and administer Western projects that seek to improve the economic well-being of the most marginalized, and to eliminate poverty. While some theorists distinguish between the anthropology of development (in which development is the object of study) and development anthropology (as an applied practice), this distinction is increasingly thought of as obsolete. With researches on the field, the anthropologist can describe, analyze, and understand the different actions of development that took and take place in a given place. The various impacts on the local population, environment, society, and economy are to be examined.

History

In 1971, Glynn Cochrane proposed development anthropology as a new field for practitioners interested in a career outside academia. Given the growing complexity of development assistance, Cochrane suggested that graduates needed to prepare themselves to work in interdisciplinary settings. In 1973, Cochrane was invited by the World Bank to make recommendations for the use of anthropology, and his report (which stressed the need for the systematic treatment of social issues) laid a foundation for future use of the discipline in the World Bank Group. Around ninety anthropologists are now employed by the World Bank Group in various roles.

In 1974, Bob Berg—of the United States Agency for International Development (USAID)—and Cochrane worked together, and, as a result, USAID introduced "social soundness analysis" as a project preparation requirement. This innovation led to the employment of more than seventy anthropologists. Social soundness analysis has now been in USAID use for over forty years. USAID ran an in-house development studies course in the 1970s, through which several hundred field personnel eventually passed. In addition to anthropology, the course covered development economics, regional and national planning, and institution building.

In the late 1970s, Thayer Scudder, Michael Horowitz,  and David Brokensha established an Institute for Development Anthropology at the State University of New York at Binghamton. This institute has played an influential role in the continuing expansion of this branch of the discipline.

By the 1980s and 1990s, development anthropology began to be more widely used in the private sector. Corporate social responsibility and issues ranging from resettlement and human rights to micro-enterprise are now routinely addressed by systematic social assessment as an integral part of investment appraisal.

Development criticism

Criticism of Western development became an important goal in the late 1980s, after the wake of severe economic crisis brought disease, poverty, and starvation to countries and sectors that were the focus of large Western structural adjustment development projects throughout Latin America, Africa, and other parts of the former colonial world. Despite the failure of many of these development projects, and some 40 years of post World War II funding from the US and Europe, scholars know that development has been the key way that Western post-industrialized countries intervene in non-Western society. Development criticism seeks to discover why, given the funds and best intentions of volunteers and policy makers, do the majority of development projects continue to fail to (1) redistribute economic power and resources in a way that helps the poorest sectors of society, and (2) to create economic growth that is sustainable in the country.

Anthropologists who study development projects themselves have criticized the fundamental structure of Western development projects coming from such institutions as USAID and bilateral lenders such as the World Bank. Because they are often working from the perspective of the objects of development in the non-Western world, rather than from within the aid institutions, anthropologists encountering such projects have a unique perspective from which to see the problems. Anthropologists write with concern about the ways that non-Western objects of aid have been left out of the widespread drive to develop after World War II, especially in the ways that such projects limit solutions to poverty in the form of narrow Western capitalist models that promote exploitation and the destruction of household farms, or, more suspiciously, naturalise inequality between Western post-industrialized countries and former colonial subjects.

Some describe the anthropological critique of development as one that pits modernization and an eradication of the indigenous culture, but this is too reductive and not the case with the majority of scholarly work. In fact, most anthropologists who work in impoverished areas desire the same economic relief for the people they study as policymakers; however, they are wary about the assumptions and models on which development interventions are based. Anthropologists and others who critique development projects instead view Western development itself as a product of Western culture that must be refined in order to better help those it claims to aid. The problem therefore is not that of markets driving out culture, but of the fundamental blind-spots of Western developmental culture itself. Criticism often focuses therefore on the cultural bias and blind-spots of Western development institutions, or modernization models that systematically represent non-Western societies as more deficient than the West; erroneously assume that Western modes of production and historical processes are repeatable in all contexts; or that do not take into account hundreds of years of colonial exploitation by the West that has tended to destroy the resources of former colonial society. Most critically, anthropologists argue that sustainable development requires at the very least more involvement of the people who the project aims to target in the project's creation, its management, and its decision-making processes.

A major critique of development from anthropologists came from Arturo Escobar's seminal book Encountering Development, which argued that Western development largely exploited non-Western peoples and enacted an Orientalism (see Edward Said). Escobar even sees international development as a means for the Occident to keep control over the resources of former colonies. Escobar shows that, between 1945 and 1960, the former colonies were going through the decolonization era, and the development plan helped to maintain the third world's dependency on the old metropole. Development projects themselves flourished in the wake of World War II, and during the Cold War, when they were developed to (1) stop the spread of communism with the spread of capitalist markets, and (2) create more prosperity for the West and its products by creating a global consumer demand for finished Western products abroad. Some scholars blame the different agents for having only considered a small aspect of the local people's lives without analyzing broader consequences, while others like dependency theory or Escobar argue that development projects are doomed to failure for the fundamental ways they privilege Western industry and corporations. Escobar's argument echos the earlier work of dependency theory and follows a larger critique more recently posed by Michel Foucault and other post-structuralists.

More recent studies like James Ferguson's The Anti-Politics Machine argue that the ideas and institutional structure that support Western development projects are fundamentally flawed because of the way the West continues to represent the former colonial world. International development uses an "anti-politics" that ultimately produces failure, despite the best intentions. Finally, studies also point out how development efforts often attempt to de-politicize change by a focus on instrumental assistance (like a school building) but not on the objective conditions that led to the development failure (e.g., the state's neglect of rural children at the expense of urban elite), nor the content of what the school might or might not teach. In this sense, the critique of international development focuses on the insidious effects of projects that at the least offer band-aids that address symptoms but not causes, and that at the worst promote projects that systematically redirect economic resources and profit to the West.

Applied anthropology in development
While anthropological studies critique the Western assumptions and political context of development projects, anthropologists also consult on and work within aid institutions in the creation and implementation of development projects. While economists look at aggregate measures like gross national product and per capita income, as well as measures of income distribution and economic inequality in a society, anthropologists can provide a more fine-grained analysis of the qualitative information behind these numbers, such as the nature of the social groups involved and the social significance of the composition of income. Thus, development anthropologists often deal with assessing the important qualitative aspects of development sometimes ignored by an economic approach.

See also
 Development aid
 Postcolonialism

References

Further reading
 Gardner, Katy and David Lewis, 1996, Anthropology, Development and the Post-Modern Challenge, Chicago, IL: Pluto Press.
 Isbister, John, 1998, Promise Not Kept: The Betrayal of Social Change in the third World. Fourth Edition. West Hartford, CT: Kumarian Press.
 Olivier de Sardan J.-P. 1995, Anthropologie et développement : essai en socio-anthropologie du changement social. Paris, Karthala.
 Murray-Li, Tania, 2007, The Will to Improve: Governmentality, Development, and the Practice of Politics. Durham: Duke University Press.
 Schuurman, F.J., 1993, Beyond the Impasse. New Direction in Development Theory. Zed Books, London.

Anthropology
Anthropology

Development anthropology


Play Your Hunch was an American game show first hosted by Merv Griffin from 1958 to 1962 and then hosted by Gene Rayburn and finally by Robert Q. Lewis until 1963. The announcers for the show were, respectively, Johnny Olson, Wayne Howell and Roger Tuttle. In 2001, Play Your Hunch was ranked #43 on TV Guide's "50 Greatest Game Shows of All Time".

Play Your Hunch was a Mark Goodson-Bill Todman production. It has been considered to be something of a "spin-off" of another successful Goodson-Todman game, To Tell the Truth.

It featured one of Robert Redford's first professional acting roles, with Ted Koppel also making an early career appearance.

Broadcast history
The show first aired on CBS from 1958 to 1959. ABC picked it up in the same year, and then NBC aired it for the rest of its run, concluding in 1963. During the NBC run, two different prime time versions aired - one in 1960, and one in 1962.

Hosts and announcers
The series was originally hosted by Merv Griffin. He left on September 28, 1962, to begin his talk show. Gene Rayburn briefly took over from October 15 to November 16, 1962, before being reassigned to The Match Game. Robert Q. Lewis then took over for the rest of the run.

Announcer Johnny Olson substituted for Griffin on December 29, 1961 and March 6, 1962. This was Olson's first regular announcing job with longtime employer Mark Goodson.

Game play

Two couples (or occasionally pairs with other relationships) competed. The game revolved around "problems" which involved a choice between three visible possibilities (often three people) which were always labeled X, Y, and Z. Some questions would have an element of observation; for example, one couple was asked which of three labeled musicians amongst the show's band was not playing his instrument and was merely pretending. Other problems depended mainly on luck in guessing correctly.

The teams were alternatively presented with problems and had the choice to play or pass after the choices were unveiled but before the problem was described. The couple who played the problem discussed the answer amongst themselves until a chime rang and the couple had to answer. If the couple was wrong, the opponents had the choice between the remaining two answers. If either couple got the right answer, they earned a point, with three points winning the game. In addition, each team earned $50 a point ($100 a point on NBC's primetime edition). At least once every show, the couples would also have to solve a "come-closer" problem, which involved coming up with a numerical answer to a problem by writing their answer on a slate (example: how many coffee beans in a displayed container); the teams would then reveal their slates, and the team who guessed closer to the actual answer would score a point.

Couples remained on the show as champions until they were defeated, with the first question of each game going to the challengers.

On the CBS version, the winning couple played an endgame known as "The Last Straw" for a car. The couple would be shown 7 straws, without knowing which 5 were long and which 2 were short. If the couple picked all 5 long straws, they won a car. If they picked a short straw, they earned $100 for each long straw they picked up to that point. A later bonus round would be played for a prize, like a trip, an appliance, a car, etc. Either the show's assistant Liz Gardner, or announcer Johnny Olson himself would hide behind one of three "doors" onstage; the couple would simply have to guess which "door" either of them was hiding behind. No bonus games were played on the NBC run.

Foreign versions
A British version of the show was produced by the BBC in the early 1960s, hosted at one stage by Alan Freeman.
An Australian version aired on QTQ Channel 9 in Brisbane from 1968 to 1973 hosted by Don Secombe. A different Australian version aired 1962–1964 on TCN-9 in Sydney, hosted by George Foster.

Episode status
Some episodes exist. GSN aired a handful of episodes with Griffin as host. One public domain episode of the Griffin version is available on classic game show DVD collections. The year is unknown.

On September 15, 2017, the network Buzzr played an episode of the show for its "Lost and Found" series of shows.
No editions of the UK series are listed on the BBC Programme Catalogue, suggesting that no editions of the series survive in the archives.

External links
American version on IMDb
British version on IMDb
Sydney Australia version on IMDb

References

CBS original programming
American Broadcasting Company original programming
NBC original programming
Television series by Mark Goodson-Bill Todman Productions
1950s American game shows
1960s American game shows
BBC television game shows
1960s British game shows
1958 American television series debuts
1963 American television series endings
1962 Australian television series debuts
1964 Australian television series endings
1960s Australian game shows
1970s Australian game shows
Black-and-white Australian television shows
English-language television shows

Play Your Hunch


Salam Pax is the pseudonym of Salam Abdulmunem (), aka Salam al-Janabi (), under which he became the "most famous blogger in the world" during and after the 2003 invasion of Iraq. Along with a massive readership, his site "Where is Raed?" received notable media attention. The pseudonym consists of the word for "peace" in Arabic (salām) and in Latin (pax). His was one of the first instances of an individual's blog having a wide audience and impact.

Bio
Salam Abdulmunem (the name he uses now, based on Abd al-Munim) was born to a well-to-do secular family in Baghdad in 1973. His father Adnan Abd al-Munim al-Janabi, a Sunni, worked for OPEC, his mother was a Shi'ite, while Salam himself became skeptical of religion. He travelled to Vienna, Austria, with his parents when he was 5, the family returned to Baghdad five years later. At 16 years old Salam returned to Austria alone in order to study at the Vienna International School where he became fluent in English in addition to German and his native Arabic.

When he went through his yearly allowance from back home in a month, his family brought him to Iraq in 1995, where Salam continued his study of architecture at the University of Baghdad. He described the first two years as the most difficult period in his life:

I felt lost somewhere between the East and the West. I did not know where I belonged for a long time.

After graduation, he worked for the Baghdad office of a Beirut, Lebanon, architectural consultancy and as an occasional interpreter for foreign journalists before and during the invasion of Iraq, when he became a successful English-language blogger under the name Salam Pax and a contributor to The Guardian beginning from 4 June 2003. He moved to London in 2007,  where he took up journalism at City University London, and then lived in Beirut. Salam Abdulmunem returned to Baghdad in 2009 and started working as Communications Officer for UNICEF in Iraq in 2010.

Where is Raed?
In his blog, Salam discussed his friends, disappearances of people under the government of Saddam Hussein, the 2003 invasion of Iraq, and his work as an interpreter for journalist Peter Maass. The title of Salam's site referred to his friend Raed Jarrar, who was working on his master's degree in Jordan at that time. Raed did not respond promptly to e-mails, so Salam set up the weblog for him to read. Salam continued to post updates to the site even after it was temporarily blocked in Iraq. During the war, he gave accounts of bombings and other attacks from his suburb of Baghdad until his Internet access (and the electrical grid) was interrupted. Salam remained offline for weeks, writing his diary entries on paper in order to post them later.

Putting an end to earlier doubts and speculations about the blog's authenticity, The Guardian newspaper tracked its author down in May 2003 and printed a story confirming that the person behind the pseudonym Salam Pax indeed lived in Iraq, that Salam was his real first (given) name, and that he was a 29-year-old architect. Subsequent entries discussed the chaotic postwar economy, and a June 1, 2003, post appeared to celebrate an anarchist effort, centered in the western Al-Adel Neighborhood of Baghdad, to provide free Internet access to all of Iraq. It turned out not to be instigated by political anarchists, but by Iraqis who ran the prewar Internet cafes in Baghdad for Uruknet, the former government ISP.

The Baghdad Blog and other reporting
In 2003 Atlantic Books, in association with The Guardian, published a book based on "Where is Raed?" under the title The Baghdad Blog (). It comprises Salam's blog entries from September 2002 to June 2003 with footnotes.

In August 2004, after not having updated his previous blog for several months, Pax started a second blog titled "shut up you fat whiner!" He also worked as a journalist for The Guardian, writing columns and featured articles. In October 2004 he was sent to the United States by The Guardian to report on the American presidential race and current thought there on the subject of Iraq.

In February 2005 a series of filmed reports by Salam Pax, produced by Guardian Films and transmitted by the BBC's Newsnight television programme, won the Royal Television Society Award for Innovation. In his Newsnight report broadcast in October 2005, he interviewed Iraqi Member of Parliament Adnan al-Janabi, a Sunni moderate who served as vice-chair of the constitutional committee, about the proposed Iraqi constitution and revealed that al-Janabi was his father. Salam also mentioned that his mother was Shia, and described his family as being secular in political orientation.

Quotes

 "23/3 8:30pm (day4) we start counting the hours from the moment one of the news channels report that the B52s have left their airfield. It takes them around 6 hours to get to Iraq. On the first day of the bombing it worked precisely. Yesterday we were a bit surprised that after 6 hours bombs didn't start falling. The attacks on Baghdad were much less than two days ago. We found out today in the news that the city of Tikrit got the hell bombed out of it. Today the B52s took off at 3pm, in half an hour we will know whether it is Baghdad tonight or another city."
 "One day, like in Afghanistan, those journalists will get bored and go write about Syria or Iran; Iraq will be off your media radar. Out of sight, out of mind. Lucky you, you have that option. I have to live it."
 "There were days when the Red Crescent was begging for volunteers to help in taking the bodies of dead people off the city street and bury them properly. The hospital grounds have been turned to burial grounds.."
 "You can follow the trail of the foreigners by how much things cost in a certain district."
 "Anyway, all that doesn't matter now. Saddam is gone, thanks to you. Was it worth it? Be assured it was. We all know that it got to a point where we would have never been rid of Saddam without foreign intervention; I just wish it would have been a bit better planned."

Notes and references

See also
Riverbend (blogger)

External links

Blogs
 Where is Raed? - Salam Pax's original blog, 12/2002-4/2004.
 Photo, Where is Raed? - Salam Pax's accompanying photoblog, 6-7/2003.
 shut up you fat whiner!  - Salam Pax's blog, 8/2004-7/2006.
 Mind the Globe (at mindtheglo.be, now defunct) - London news site launched by Salam Pax and other CUL students, 5-6/2008.
 Salam Pax: the Baghdad Blogger - 8/2004-4/2009, with archived "Where is Raed?" (12/2002-4/2004).
 Raed Jarrar's blog - Raed in the Middle.

Interviews
 Sarah Montague, How have the events of the past week affected daily life for Iraqis?, Today, 25 February 2006, BBC Radio 4. - The interview begins 3' into the clip.
 Andrew Denton, Salam Pax, Enough Rope, 17 May 2004, ABC Television, Australia.
 Terry Gross, The Baghdad Blogger Salam Pax, Fresh Air, 18 September 2003, NPR.
 (Webchat), Baghdad War Diary, Today,  9 September 2003, BBC Radio 4.
 Sarah Montague, The Most Famous Web Diarist in the World - Salam Pax. Today, 9 September 2003, BBC Radio 4.

Articles
 CNN World's Untold Stories - Baghdad Blogger Salam Pax: Part 2, 17 April 2007.
 CNN World's Untold Stories - Baghdad Blogger Salam Pax: Part 1, 11 April 2007.
 Salam Pax, "The Baghdad Blogger Goes to Washington: Day One," The Guardian, 22 October 2004.
 Salam Pax, "Baghdad Blogger," The Guardian, 4 June 2003.
 Peter Maass, "Salam Pax Is Real," Slate, 2 June 2003.
 Rory McCarthy, "Salam's Story," The Guardian, 30 May 2003.
 Daniel Zalewski, "A Baghdad Blogger." The New Yorker, 3 March 2003.

Videos
 Don Arbor, Salam Pax (Peace): A Peace Anthem for our Time, released February 2008.

Civilians in war
Living people
Iraqi bloggers
Iraqi journalists
Writers from Baghdad
1973 births
Anonymous bloggers
Milblogs
University of Baghdad alumni
Alumni of City, University of London

Salam Pax


Rebenque is the shared name in South American Spanish and Brazilian Portuguese for a type of whip used by gauchos in South America.

The word derives from the French raban, Dutch ra-band,  from ra 'yard-beam' + band.
Originally it was the rope that ties the sail to the yard, but soon came to mean a whip made of leather or tarred hemp, used to punish sailors (compare rope's end).

Especially in Argentina, it is the traditional riding, fighting, and punishing whip of the gaucho (the Argentine, Uruguayan and Southern Brazilian cowboy). It consists of a rawhide wrapped wooden handle about  long with a thong made of a  wide rawhide strap a little longer than the handle. The handle is topped by a knob, and have a wrist strap. It can be embellished with gold and silver.

Types
The basic rebenque is composed of a rawhide covered wooden handle  long, and differently from other riding whips, a rawhide strap about  wide and a little longer than the handle. The strap can be double, sewn at the edges, and could have the point unsown, for making a slapper. It has a wrist strap at the top of the handle.

The wide strap made the rebenque an instrument less severe on the horse than the European riding crop.

As the gaucho was never far from the horse, the rebenque was always on him. When not in use, he made a knot with the strap and held the rebenque lazily by the wrist strap with the middle fingers of his hand, or hung it from the handle of his facón knife (as he used the large knife almost horizontally at his back, held by the belt or waistband, the handle protruded from his right side). The rebenque was used also for fighting, as a weapon by itself, when the fight did not merit a knife, or with the strap rolled on his left hand and the handle hanging, as a secondary weapon to the knife in his right hand.

Of course, it was also used for domestic punishments, and for quasi-judicial chastisement (corporal punishments were outlawed in Argentina, at least in the books, from 1813 on, but the country was very large, sparsely populated and not totally under government control, not unlike the American West). A couple of lashes with the rebenque on the bare legs were widely used as a punishment for children, even in the urban areas.

As an equestrian culture, not only the poor gauchos used the rebenque, and there were (and still are) elaborate versions, with silver knobs and ferrules for the ranch owners (estancieros) and prominent citizens, the cost of the

Besides the common rebenque described above, there were several other types.
Rebenque de argolla (Spanish) (Argentina) is a short handled rebenque with a large ring ("argolla" in Spanish) for holding it. The strap is very wide and a little longer than the handle plus the ring.
Talero is a cheap rebenque, perhaps the original, with the wooden handle uncovered
Guacha (in Brazil mango) with a short and very thick handle of lightwood, and a very wide strap is used for breaking in horses. Being less severe and noisier than the regular rebenque, it can be generously used on the animal, scaring it without actual damage.
Work rebenque had a handle simply covered with the leather of a cow tail.
The arreador (literally "for herding"), also arriador, in Brazil also enchiqueirador or relhador, is originally the whip used to drive cattle. As a symbol of authority for prominent persons, a costly and elaborate baton version was used, as various staffs in other cultures. To its handle, about two feet long, when made as a symbol, of fine wood with silver or golden ferrules, topped by a carved silver or gold head in the form of an animal head, or other figure, as on walking canes, a round braided leather thong of about two to three feet was attached. The handle ended in a ferrule (also silver or gold) with a ring, to which the thong—was attached which had also a ring at its point, to which it was attached a short leather fall, with a total length between a yard and .
Cola de tatú (in Brazil, rabo-de-tatú), literally it means "armadillo tail" (the old Gauchos hunted this animal to eat and use the carapace to protect his knees when horseback, and tail as a dangerous tip of the whip, today armadillo is protect by law) is a short whip with the handle covered in a special braiding called "caracol" (snail), becoming a thin braided thong, finished by a short fall.
Chasquero (from the Quechua chasqui 'messenger') has a hollowed handle to hide letters, or a blade, like some gentlemen's walking canes.
Lagarto (literally "lizard"), for driving the horse teams in a coach, was just a long tapering braided leather whip, with handle nor fall, but could hurt very severely.
Polca (Córdoba province, Argentina) has a longer and thinner handle than the talero, sometimes made with a piece of iron, covered with a rawhide cow leather or braided thin rawhide strips
Rebenque de Argolla 'Ring Rebenque' has a large metal ring (in Spanish "argolla") instead of the wrist strap. The strap used to be wider than in the common rebenque.

Sources and references

External links

Whips
Culture in Rio Grande do Sul
Argentine culture
History of South America
Gaucho culture

Rebenque


Neil Aspinall (13 October 1941 - 23 March 2008) was a British music executive. He was the managing director of Apple Corps, a company started by The Beatles. He had earlier served as the band's road manager.

Aspinall was born in Prestatyn, North Wales and grew up in Liverpool, England. He was an Accountancy student and lived with the Best family, renting a room in their house. Eldest son Pete Best was a drummer who played for the Beatles. Aspinall owned a van, and began driving the band to their shows, and setting up equipment. In time, they began to pay him for this, and he gave up his studies to be their official road manager.

During 1962 the Beatles changed drummers when Ringo Starr joined, and Pete Best was let go. Aspinall offered to quit also, but he was persuaded to keep working for the Beatles. (He kept a connection to the Best family, having a son, Roag, with Mona Best.) Aspinall was joined by another man, Mal Evans, who shared his job duties.

Over time, other people helped with setting up and breaking down the Beatles' instruments and equipment, but Aspinall and Evans still supervised them. They also did other jobs, like shopping for the band, delivering important messages, and dealing with members of the public who wanted to meet the band. Some of their lesser-known jobs were choosing female audience members at Beatles concerts to visit the band backstage, and signing Beatles autographs on photographs. (The demand for autographs was too great for the Beatles themselves to meet practically.)

When the Beatles stopped giving concerts, they put time into forming their own company, which became Apple Corps. Aspinall and Evans were both directors at Apple, and personal assistants to the Beatles. None of the band's inner circle knew how to run a large company, and Apple got into financial trouble. Allen Klein and Lee Eastman (Paul McCartney's father-in-law) took over running Apple, and Evans was fired. Aspinall was also supposed to be fired, but the Beatles themselves insisted he be kept on.

After the Beatles disbanded, Apple's business decreased, Klein and Eastman moved on, and Apple was reorganized. Aspinall alone was able to handle most of Apple's ongoing business, which was mostly licensing Beatles-related products, and future issues of Beatles music. He kept working for the band until shortly before his death.

Aspinall's last tasks for Apple included handling a lawsuit against Apple Inc. over iTunes, and supervising a new recording of the whole Beatles music catalogue. Aspinall died of lung cancer in New York City in 2008.

1941 births
2008 deaths
British businesspeople
Cancer deaths in New York City
Deaths from lung cancer
People from Liverpool
The Beatles

Neil Aspinall


Black Flag was an American hardcore punk band. They formed in California in 1976 and broke up in 1986. There were many different members in the band, but the leader was Greg Ginn. Ginn was the guitarist and wrote many of the songs.

Black Flag was one of the groups that created the hardcore punk style. They toured the United States and Canada to play many live shows. They influenced many other musicians and fans to make their own hardcore bands. The band's first album, Damaged (1981), has been recognized as a classic punk album and one of the most influential punk records ever made.

After breaking up, the lead singer Henry Rollins formed a new band by himself, Rollins Band and guitarist Greg Ginn worked on a separate career in the early 90s.

1970s American music groups
1980s American music groups
American punk bands
Musical groups from Los Angeles
Musical groups established in 1976
1976 establishments in California
Musical groups disestablished in 1986
1980s disestablishments in California
Musical groups established in 2003
2003 establishments in California
Musical groups disestablished in 2003
2003 disestablishments in the United States
2000s disestablishments in California
1986 disestablishments in the United States

Black Flag


Snape Maltings is a group of buildings including a famous concert hall in the village of Snape, Suffolk.  Many concerts are given in the Maltings.  Every year the Aldeburgh Festival has many of its concerts there.  The composer Benjamin Britten used to live in Aldeburgh with the singer Peter Pears.  They started a music school for young people.  The Britten-Pears Foundation still continues today, with many concerts based in the Maltings.  This foundation gives young musicians a chance to learn from famous music teachers and perform at concerts.  Many of them have recently graduated from a music college.

The buildings on the site are mostly from the 19th century.  They are built on the banks of the River Ore. Originally they were built to make barley and beer.  When the barley had been malted it used to be sent  to London and exported to Europe. The Maltings closed during the 1960s. Since then the buildings have been restored and rebuilt to include the famous concert hall.  It was opened in 1967, burnt down in 1969, and rebuilt in 1970.

The Holst Library is connected to the Maltings and is named in honour of Imogen Holst, the daughter of Gustav Holst, who was a close friend of Benjamin Britten and an artistic director of the Aldeburgh Festival from 1956 to 1977.

The concert hall is a place for concerts and many other community activities during the year.  Aldeburgh Music have concerts in June, and in August the Snape Proms take place.  These are concerts at which some audience can by cheap tickets and sit on the floor at the front.  They often take rugs to sit on.

Related pages
Aldeburgh Festival
Benjamin Britten
Peter Pears

Other websites
http://www.snapemaltings.co.uk/concerts.asp

Concert halls in England
Buildings and structures in Suffolk

Snape Maltings


Positronium is an onium, a type of exotic atom that is made of a particle and its antiparticle. In Positronium, one positron and one electron are bonded together. The positron replaces a proton that would normally be present in a Hydrogen atom. They both stay in the same orbital.  The atom is unstable, and a few nanoseconds after it is created, the positron and the electron collide, destroying the Positronium and forming two gamma rays.

Positronium molecules
Positronium can form molecules, like normal atoms. It can bond with both other exotic atoms and normal atoms.

Di-positronium
Di-positronium is a simple molecule made from two positronium atoms bonded together. It was predicted in 1946 by John Archibald Wheeler, but was discovered in 2007 by David Cassidy and Allen Mills, when they fired positrons at molecules of silicon dioxide.

Positronium hydride
Positronium hydride, also called hydrogen positride, is an exotic molecule made of an atom of hydrogen bonded to a positronium atom. It was predicted in 1951 by A Ore, but was not discovered until 1990 by R. Pareja and R. Gonzalez, who discovered it when they trapped positronium in hydrogen-magnesia crystals.
Physics

Positronium


Burgess Hill is a town in West Sussex, England, UK. It is not far from the border with East Sussex. It is 38 miles (62 km) south of London, 10 miles (16 km) north of Brighton and Hove, and 29 miles (47 km) east-northeast of the county town of Chichester. It had a population of 28,803 at the time of the 2001 Census.  Other nearby towns include Haywards Heath to the north and Lewes, the county town of East Sussex, to the east.

Burgess Hill is mainly situated just on the West Sussex side of the border dividing the two counties. Parts of the town are across the county boundary in East Sussex.

History

Early history

Although a Roman road was built joining London to the South coast and passing through what is now Burgess Hill, there is no evidence that the Romans settled in the area.

From the fourteenth century or earlier the annual Midsummer Fair was held on this common land on 24th June and the last such sheep and lamb fair was held in 1913.

With the development of the London to Brighton mainline railway, however, those in the business soon realised that taking sheep by train was much cheaper and easier than using the old roadways. Most of the animal trading business began to revolve around rail side markets such as those at Hassocks, Haywards Heath and Lewes train stations. By the start of the 20th century, the animal trading business had all but left the Burgess Hill area.

1700 to 1900

By the early seventeenth century there was a lot of small brick and tile making companies and during this time pieces of common land were given for house building and small businesses. By the early eighteenth century brick making had been extended and four shops and one or two drinking houses were established on the common. Brickmaking by hand still happened until very recently, by Keymer Tiles (formerly the Keymer Brick and Tile company) whose tiles can be found in buildings such as St. James Church, Piccadilly and Manchester Central Station (now G-Mex).

The growth of Brighton in the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries brought in professional people looking for places to live. Between 1850 and 1880 the area changed from a small rural settlement to a town of 4,500 residents.

In 1897 the Victoria Pleasure Gardens were opened by local household name Edwin Street, a well-known farmer and butcher. The gardens were opened in honour of Queen Victoria's Diamond Jubilee, and contained a large lake, and what can only be described as a small early version of a roller coaster, known as a switchback . The lake was used for boating in the summer, and skating in the winter. The frozen lake was always tested by Mr Street, a man of 23 stone, before being used in the winter. This area is now the Victoria Business Park.

1900 to present day

The town gradually grew bigger, having its largest population increase between the years of 1951 and 1961, when the population of about 7,000 residents almost doubled. This earned Burgess Hill the title of fastest growing town in the south-east. By 1956, the Victoria Industrial Estate was completed, and has since expanded. It now contains the local headquarters of two large international companies. In 1986 a smaller industrial estate to in the north of the town developed, known as Sheddingdean Industrial Estate. Both Sheddingdean and Victoria have now been renamed as business parks.

Housing estates played their part in building up the population of Burgess Hill throughout the second half of the 20th century; in the west of the town they provided a wide mix of new residents; many of them young families and the Folders Lane estate more families settled, along with some richer residents.

The next substantial development was Priory Village in the south west of Burgess Hill, sometimes known as the Tesco estate, due to its proximity to the supermarket. Again, this brought in a mix of incomes, again, many of them young families.

It must be noted that as well as the aforementioned developments, there have been two council estates built in the town - one close to Cants Lane, in the town's north east, and the area around Denham Road in the west, both of course adding to the ever rising population of the town.

Although now part of the town, World's End, to the north of the town, was originally a separate community. It still retains its own shops and community association, and is served by Wivelsfield railway station.

Governance
Burgess Hill has a Conservative member of parliament.

Education

There are ten schools for children aged up to 11 years and four schools for children aged 11–16/18.

Religious sites

There are a total of 9 churches and a Christian centre in Burgess Hill.

Burgess Hill is also home to the Mid Sussex Christian Centre.

Recreation

In the town centre there is a large park (St. John's), and many other smaller recreation grounds around the town. There is a substantial leisure centre on the northern edge of Burgess Hill named the Triangle.

Sport
Burgess Hill Town Football Club plays football (soccer)and plays its home games at Leylands Park. Burgess Hill Rugby Football Club, or The Sussex All Blacks, are the local Rugby Football club.

There is also a Squash Club  that plays at the Triangle Leisure Centre every Saturday and Monday, and has a team that plays in the East Sussex County League.

There is also a Running Club  that meet at the Burgess Hill School for Girls every Wednesday evening. Members compete in local and national charity and fun races.

The Skate Park in the centre of town provides sporting opportunities, and holds an annual competition.

The Triangle (or Olympos Burgess Hill as it has been rechristened) is one of the venues in the South East supporting the London 2012 Olympic Games, and will serve as a base and training centre for teams from around the globe.

Town Twinning
Burgess Hill's twin towns are:
  Abbeville, Picardie - France.
  Schmallenberg, North Rhine-Westphalia - Germany.

A square in Schmallenberg has been named Burgess Hill Platz.

References

Other websites
 Burgess Hill at Wikivoyage
 Burgess Hill Town Council
 Burgess Hill Uncovered
 West Sussex County Council Education Information
 Britinfo Page on Burgess Hill
 Burgess Hill Museum
 InBurgessHill - News, events, forums, accommodation, ratings, eating and drinking
 Eating Out in Burgess Hill
 OnMyDoorstep - Local Information about Burgess Hill and also images of the local area
 Mid Sussex Brass Band (Traditional brass band based in Burgess Hill)
 Burgess Hill Musical Theatre Society (local musical theatre - formerly Burgess Hill Operatic Society)
 The Burgess Hill and District Rotary Club
 The Friends of the Burgess Hill Green Circle Network

Towns in West Sussex

Burgess Hill


Chhatrapati Shivaji Maharaj was the founder of the Maratha Empire. He was born in the Shivneri Fort in Maharashtra on 19 February 1630 to1650. mother Raajmata Jijabai jadhav and father Shri.Shahajiraje Bhosale. It is said that mother Jijabai prayed to Lord Shiva in Shivneri Fort for a brave son and kept her son name as Shivaji after the Hindu god Shiva.

Chh.Shivaji Maharaj is one of the revered historical figures of Maharashtra. He created an independent and sovereign state in the Maharashtra region.

Chh. Shivaji Maharaj was born at the Shivneri fort near Junnar in Pune district on 19th February 1630. His mother, Raajmaata Jijabai was the daughter of Shri.Lakhuji Jadhavrao of Sindkhed. His father Shri.Shahajiraje Bhosale was a prominent sardar in the Deccan. He worked under the local Deccan sultanates. Most of the territory in Maharashtra was then under the possession of the Nizamshah of Ahmednagar and the Adilshah of Bijapur who were known as the Deccan sultanates. In the coastal belt of Konkan, there were two sea powers fighting for control, the Christian Portuguese and the Muslim Siddi. The British and the Dutch also had their factories on the coast. The Mughals, since the period of Emperor Akbar wanted to expand their power in the South. The Mughals launched a campaign to conquer the Nizamshahi Kingdom. The Adilshah of Bijapur allied with the Mughals in this campaign. Shri. Shahajiraje Bhosale tried to rebel, but he could not withstand the combined might of the Mughals and the Adilshahi. The Nizamshahi kingdom came to an end in 1636. Thereafter Shri.Shahajiraje became a Sardar of the Adilshah of Bijapur and was posted in Karnataka. The region comprising Pune, Supe, Indapur, and Chakan Parganas located between the Bhima and Nira rivers which were vested in Shri. Shahajiraje as a jagir was continued by the Adilshah. Shri. Shahajiraje was also assigned a jagir of Bangalore. Raajmata Jijabai and Chh. Shivaji Maharaj, stayed for a few years with Shri.Shahajiraje at Bangalore until Chh. Shivaji Maharaj was twelve years old. Shri. Shahaji entrusted the administration of the Lakshmi jagir to Chh.Shivaji and Mata Jijabai. Chh. Shivaji grew up amidst the hills and valleys of the Pune region under the guidance of his mother Raajmata Jijabai. His mother  taught him the stories of the Hindu epics and scriptures such as Mahabharata and also stories of old mighty Hindu kingdoms such as the Vijayanagara. He was also trained in guerrilla warfare. He defeated the Mughal forces of Rai Bagan.

Foundation of the Maratha kingdom
Several small spurs run eastward from the sahyadri in the Pune region. The extremely rugged valleys enclosed by these are usually known as the Mavals or Khores each named after the stream running through it, or after the principal village. Collectively they are known as the Mavals. The inhabitants of this region who are called the Mavalas were extremely hardy people. Shivaji Maharaj started the work of founding the Swaraj in this region which is full of hills and valleys and is not easily accessible. He skillfully utilized the geographical features of the Maval region for the foundation of the Swaraj. He created a feeling of trust and affection in minds of the people. Many associates, companions, and Mavalas joined him in his work of founding Swaraj. The objective of Shivaji Maharaj in founding the Swaraj is clearly expressed in his official seal or Mudra which is in Sanskrit. Through this Mudra, Shivaji Maharaj assured his people that the 'ever-increasing like the crescent moon, the kingdom of Shivaji, son of Shahaji, will always seek the welfare of the people.

The Royal Seal of Shivaji Maharaj

In the medieval period, forts carried much significance. With a firm hold over a fort, one could defend as well as control the surrounding area and could rule the land. In case of an enemy's invasion, it was possible to protect the people taking shelter in the fort. The forts situated within the jagir of Shivaji Maharaj were not under his control but were under the control of Adilshah. Therefore an attempt to capture the forts meant to challenge the Adilshahi power. Shivaji Maharaj decided to acquire the forts that were within his jagir. He captured the forts of Murumbdev (Rajgad), Torna, Kondhana, Purandar and laid the foundation of the Swaraj. Shivaji Maharaj was steadily but cautiously aiming at extending and consolidating his power. Those sardars who appreciated his aim were brought to his side, but some sardars in the Adilshahi opposed him. It was necessary to bring them under control to found the Swaraj.

The Capture of Javali
The region of Javali in the Satara district was important from the strategic point of view. Many routes to the Konkan were through Javali. For the expansion of the Swaraj in the Konkan, it was essential to control that region. The region of Javali was ruled by Chandrarao More, a powerful Sardar in the Adilshahi. Shivaji Maharaj attacked Javali and captured it in A.D. 1656. Then he also captured Rairi. This strong fort, later under the name of Raigad, was to become the capital of Shivaji Maharaj. Shivaji Maharaj built the Pratapgad fort in the Javali valley to protect the newly conquered territory and to control the Paar pass. The victory at Javali led to the expansion of the Swaraj in Konkan. Shivaji Maharaj then crossed the Ghats and descended into Konkan. He captured Kalyan and Bhivandi on the Konkan coast which were under the control of Adilshahi. Shivaji Maharaj also captured forts like Mahuli, Lohagad, Tunga, Tikona, Visapur, Songad, Karnala, Tala and Ghosala, in the Konkan. Shivaji Maharaj was able to command the coast line because of his acquisition of this territory in the Konkan. He came in contact with the Portuguese, the British and the Siddi powers on the western coast. The Siddi controlled the fort of Janjira and the areas around, including Danda-Rajpuri. Wherever in future these powers created obstacles in the work of expanding the Swaraj, Shivaji Maharaj tried to curb their activities.

The Establishment of Maratha Navy

When Shivaji Maharaj became master of a long coastal strip, he deemed it necessary to undertake the construction of a Navy. Shivaji Maharaj realized that the one who had a navy, controlled the sea. To protect his own territory from the Siddi's depredations, to protect the merchant ships and ports in order to secure and enhance revenue incomes derived from maritime trade and customs duty, he concentrated on building the Navy. There were four hundred ships of various kinds in the Navy. They included battleships like Gurab, Galbat and Pal.

The defeat of Afzal Khan and the Battle of Javali
Shivaji Maharaj had openly challenged the Adilshahi by capturing forts in his jagir and the territory in north Konkan. At that time the Badi Sahiba was looking after the administration of Adilshahi. She sent Afzal Khan, a powerful and experienced Adilshahi General to curb Shivaji Maharaj. Afzal Khan set out from Bijapur sometime in May 1659. To isolate Shivaji Maharaj, Ali Adilshah issued Farmans to the Deshmukhs in the Mavals, ordering them to join Afzal Khan. Besides this, Afzal Khan made efforts to seek the support of the Deshmukh's. A meeting between Shivaji Maharaj and Afzal Khan took place on 10th November 1659 at the foot of Pratapgad. At the meeting, Afzal Khan attempted treachery when he went to greet Shivaji Maharaj by stabbing Shivaji in the back with his dagger however Shivaji Maharaj had come prepared and he was wearing body armour so the dagger failed to pierce his skin. In retaliation, Shivaji Maharaj ripped at Afzal Khan's stomach with his weapon which is known as tiger-claws (wagh-nakh) and killed Afzal Khan. The Marathas destroyed Afzal Khan's army in the dense forests of Javali. Shivaji Maharaj secured a large booty from Afzal Khan's camp which enabled him to consolidate and strengthen his position.

The Expedition of Siddi Jauhar
Shivaji Maharaj intended to capture as much of Adilshahi province and forts as possible. Thereafter, he was captured from the Adilshah forts of Panhala, Vasantgad, and Khelna. He renamed Khelna as Vishalgad. In A.D. 1660, to check the rapid progress of Shivaji Maharaj, the Adilshah sent Siddi Jauhar, the Sardar of Karnul region, with a large army against Shivaji Maharaj. The Adilshah gave Siddi the title of 'Salabatkhan'. In these circumstances, Shivaji Maharaj took shelter in the Panhala fort. Siddi's soldiers led siege to the fort for about five months. Shivaji Maharaj found himself trapped inside the fort. Netaji Palkar made attempts to raise the siege by 4 attacking Siddi's army from outside. But Siddi showed no signs of relenting. Shivaji Maharaj opened overtures with him. This led to slackness in the siege around Panhalgad. Taking advantage of the situation Shivaji Maharaj escaped through siege around the Panhala fort and proceeded to Vishalgad. Siddi Jauhar's army pursued Shivaji Maharaj. Shivaji Maharaj stationed Baji Prabhu Deshpande at the foot of Vishalgad and entrusted the responsibility of stopping the Siddi's army. Baji Prabhu Deshpande checked Siddi's army at the Ghod pass near Gajapur. He fought with the greatest valor. Baji Prabhu died a hero's death in this battle. While going to Vishalgad, Shivaji Maharaj also crushed the opposition of the Adilshahi sardars- Dalvi of Palawan and Surve of Shringarpur. Maharaj reached Vishalgad safely. While Shivaji Maharaj was trapped at Panhala, the Mughal army invaded the Swaraj. Shivaji Maharaj realized that it would not be prudent to fight two enemies at the same time. Therefore Shivaji Maharaj entered into a treaty with the Adilshah. As per the treaty, he returned the fort of Panhala to the Adilshah.

Conflict with the Mughals: Shaista Khan's Invasion
For the expansion of the Swaraj, conflict with the Mughals was inevitable. Emperor Aurangzeb appointed Shaista khan, to the viceroyalty of the Deccan, ordering him to invade and annex Shivaji Maharaj's dominions. Shaista khan left Ahmednagar in February 1660 and arrived in Pune on 10th May 1660. He decided to capture the fort of Chakan to obtain supplies. Though the killedar of the fort of Chakan- Firangoji Narsala offered strong resistance to Shaista khan's army, the Mughals captured the fort of Chakan. Shaista khan captured Swaraj's territories -Pune, Supe. He set up his camp at Lal Mahal in Pune. The Mughal army began to ravage the regions around Pune. Shaista khan adopted the strategy to occupy as much of Shivaji Maharaj's dominions as possible. Forces were dispatched to invade the Konkan region below the Ghats. Kalyan and Bhiwandi were captured by the Mughal army. Shaista Khan appointed Kartalabkhan on an expedition to the North Konkan. Shivaji Maharaj humbled the Khan in Umbarkhind. Shivaji Maharaj left Netaji Palkar to defend the North Konkan and he marched southwards and captured Dabhol, Chiplun, Sangameshwar, Rajapur, Palavani, and Shringarpur. Two years had passed but Shaista khan still would not think of leaving Pune. Naturally, this harmed the population. Intending to drive Shaista khan out of Pune, Shivaji Maharaj devised a bold plan. On 5th April 1663, Shivaji Maharaj raided Lal Mahal. In this raid, Shaista khan lost his fingers. He left Pune and shifted his camp to Aurangabad. The successful attack on Shaista khan resulted in an immense increase in Shivaji Maharaj's prestige and fame. It also had an impact on the people and their faith in the capabilities of Maharaj was strengthened even further.

The Surat Campaign
In three years, Shaista Khan had ravaged the territories of the Swaraj. It was necessary to make up for this loss. Surat was the most prosperous port of the Mughal Empire on the west coast. Europeans i.e. the British, the Dutch and the French had their factories there. Shivaji Maharaj devised a plan of attack on Surat. The Subhedar of Surat could not put up any resistance to the Marathas. Shivaji Maharaj obtained enormous wealth from Surat. Surat's campaign was a stunning blow to emperor Aurangzeb's prestige.

Soon after his return from Surat, Shivaji Maharaj embarked upon a vigorous naval program. Shivaji Maharaj had realized the importance of sea forts. Sea forts would protect the navy and keep in check the Siddi of Janjira and the Portuguese. He built Suvarnadurg. In 1664 he commenced the construction of Sindhudurg at Malvan. About the same time, he strengthened a fort named Vijaydurg. He also built a fort named Padmadurg on a small island in front of Rajpuri to counter the Siddi power.

Jaisingh's campaign against Shivaji Maharaj
Intending to crush the growing power of Shivaji Maharaj, Aurangzeb sent Jaisingh of Ambar, an experienced and powerful Mughal Sardar. He left Delhi on 30th September 1664 and reached Pune on 3rd March 1665. Jaisingh's strategy was to isolate Shivaji Maharaj from his neighboring powers so that he would get neither help nor support from them, to prevent him from breaking out into the Mughal territory, to devastate his homeland, and capture his forts. As per this strategy he was trying to provoke the Adilshahi against Shivaji Maharaj. Jaisingh was simultaneously instigating local rulers in the Karnataka against the Adilshah so that the latter would be unable to help Shivaji Maharaj. To the Portuguese of Goa and Vasai, the Dutch of Vengurla, the British of Surat, and the Siddis of Janjira, Jaisingh suggested that they should start a naval campaign against Shivaji Maharaj. He also drew up a plan of capturing the forts in possession of Maharaj. Jaisingh and Dilerkhan led siege to the fort of Purandar. Mughal forces were sent to various parts of Swaraj to devastate the territories of the Swaraj. Maharaj endeavored to resist the Mughals. When the Mughals put the fort of Purandar under siege, Murarbaji Deshpande fought with the greatest of courage. He died a hero's death. Realizing that in this conflict with the Mughals, Shivaji Maharaj and his subjects had to face great losses, Maharaj began talks for a treaty with Jaisingh. A treaty between Jaisingh and Maharaj was signed in June 1665 which is known as the 'Treaty of Purandar'. Under the terms of the treaty, Maharaj ceded twenty-three forts and adjacent areas yielding a revenue of four lakh hons to the Mughals. He also assured the Mughals of help against the Adilshahi.

Visit to Agra
Jaisingh's campaign against the Adilshahi proved unsuccessful. Jaisingh and Aurangzeb felt that if the Adilshah, the Qutubshah, and Shivaji Maharaj joined forces against the Mughals, it would be a great setback to the Mughal policies in the Deccan. Both of them felt that Shivaji Maharaj ought to be kept away at least for some time from the Deccan politics. Jaisingh proposed to Shivaji Maharaj that he should visit Agra and meet the Emperor. After making thorough arrangements to ensure effective administration of his dominions during his absence, Shivaji Maharaj proceeded to Agra with his son Sambhaji and a few of his trusted people. Shivaji Maharaj set out for Agra on 5th March 1666 and reached on 11th May 1666. Aurangzeb did not treat Shivaji Maharaj with due honor at his court. Livid with rage, Maharaj walked out of the court instantly. Aurangzeb then put him under house arrest. Shivaji Maharaj devised a plan of escaping from his house arrest. He adroitly escaped from Agra and safely reached Rajgad on 20th November 1666. While returning from Agra, he left Sambhaji at Mathura. Later, Sambhaji was brought safely to Rajgad.

An offensive against the Mughals
For about four years after his return from Agra, Shivaji Maharaj concentrated his attention on putting the affairs of Swaraj in order. He re-organized the army and carried repairs to forts. In 1670, Shivaji Maharaj followed an offensive policy against the Mughals. His first aim was to clear his homeland of the Mughals. He also aimed at recapturing the forts and territories ceded to the Mughals according to the treaty of Purandar. The strategy followed by Shivaji Maharaj was to capture the forts by sending a well-equipped army on one hand and on the other hand to keep the Mughals unstable by invading the Mughal territories of the Deccan. Maharaj thus attacked Ahmednagar and Junnar. Sinhgad was the first fort to be recaptured. Mavala infantry under the command of Tanaji Malusare entered the fort secretly. The fort was defended by Udai Bhan. Tanaji Malusare fought with the greatest valor. He died a hero's death. The fort was captured on 4th February 1670. Shivaji Maharaj also recaptured several other forts such as Purandar, Lohgad, Mahuli, Karnala, Rohida one after another. Then Shivaji Maharaj attacked Surat for the second time. On the way back he fought a battle with the Mughals at Vani- Dindori in Nashik district. He defeated Daud Khan in the battle. The Marathas under the leadership of Moropant Pingle captured Trimbakgad. The Maratha army then invaded Baglan, a hilly district that was guarded by nine hill forts, the strongest among these were of Salher and Mulher, the others being smaller hill forts. The Maratha army not only captured smaller hill forts of Baglan but also captured Mulher fort and Salher which lay on the border of Khandesh and Gujarat. The capture of Salher was an event of great strategic importance. Then Salher became a base of operations against the rich provinces of Gujarat and Khandesh. The Mughals tried to recapture Salher but failed. In 1672, Shivaji Maharaj's army conquered the principality of Jawhar and then Ramnagar.

The offensive against the Adilshahi Sultanate
Shivaji Maharaj decided to expand his dominions at the expense of the Adilshahi Sultanate. He captured the Panhala fort which was in the possession of Adilshah on 8th March 1673. Then he captured the fort of Parali near Satara, fort of Satara, and forts like Chandan-vandan, Pandavgad Nandagiri, Kelanja, and Tathavda.

Fort Raigad, Capital of Chhatrapati Shivaji Maharaj

Coronation of Chhatrapati Shivaji Maharaj
The founding of the Maratha Swaraj involved a` relentless struggle for over thirty years. Maharaj realized that now the Swaraj needed to win general recognition as a sovereign, independent state. For legal recognition to the Swaraj, a formal coronation was necessary. On 6th June 1674, Shivaji Maharaj was coroneted at Raigad by Gagabhatt, a learned pandit of Benaras. Maharaj ascended the throne of the Swaraj. He now became the Chhatrapati of the Swaraj. As a symbol of sovereignty, Shivaji Maharaj instituted a new era commencing from the date of his coronation. It is known as Rajyabhisheka shaka. Shivaji Maharaj thus became the founder of a new era. On the occasion of the coronation, special coins were minted- a gold coin called hon and a copper coin called Shivraj with the legend Shri Raja Shivachhatrapati inscribed on them. Thereafter, all royal correspondence carried the words, 'Kshatriyakulaawatansa Shri Raja Shivachhatrapati'.

Hon

Shivrai
A dictionary called Rajya-vyavahara-kosha, showing Sanskrit alternatives for Persian words was prepared. Sabhasad, a contemporary chronicler, while pointing out the significance of the coronation, writes 'It was no mean achievement for a Maratha king to become such a great Chhatrapati'. The coronation of Shivaji Maharaj was a revolutionary event in the history of medieval India. Shivaji Maharaj had his second coronation performed under the guidance of Nischalpuri Gosavi.

The Campaign of the South
After the coronation, Shivaji Maharaj marched to the conquest of Phonda near Goa and captured it in April 1675. Then the Marathas captured Ankola and Shiveshwar which was followed by the annexation of Kolhapur. After that Shivaji Maharaj accomplished 'Dakshin Digvijay'. Chhatrapati Shivaji Maharaj planned to carry his army to the east coast in the South and conquer the province of Adilshahi Karnataka. He undertook the Karnataka expedition in 1677. Karnataka was long famous for its riches. At the same time, it was ill-defended by the Adilshah. Chhatrapati Shivaji Maharaj went to Golkonda to meet the Qutubshah. He entered into a treaty of friendship with him. In April 1677 he set out for the Adilshahi Karnataka. He captured Jinjee and proceeded to Vellore. The city withstood a long siege. The eastern portion of the south was mostly held by nobles of the Adil shahi 22.214.171.124 (talk) 07:44, 4 April 2023 (UTC) kingdom. Vyankoji, Shivaji Maharaj's stepbrother had carved out a principality for himself at Thanjavur. At Tirumalvadi, on the northern bank of the Coleroon, Vyankoji met Chhatrapati Shivaji Maharaj. Shivaji Maharaj tried to get Vyankoji to participate in the activities of the Swaraj. He did not get any response from Vyankoji. Later, Maharaj conquered Bangalore, Hoskote in Karnataka, certain other forts such as those at Vellore, and also some parts of the Adil shahi kingdom. Permanent annexation in the south increased Maharaj's strength and most importantly he was successful in executing his plan of defense which would help him to resist the armies of Aurangzeb in the future. For the administration of the newly conquered province, Shivaji Maharaj made excellent arrangements. He appointed Raghunath Narayan Hanamante, the chief officer to look after these newly conquered territories. After accomplishing the mission of the south, Shivaji Maharaj returned to Swaraj.

Shivaji Maharaj decided to fortify the island of Khanderi, commanded a key position as it was located near Mumbai. The British then decided to lay a regular siege to the island. In this naval conflict, the English had to withdraw their fleet. This brought to an end the naval conflict between Shivaji Maharaj and the British.

Within few months Shivaji Maharaj fell ill. After a short illness, he died at the Raigad fort on 3 April 1680.

The Samadhi of Chhatrapati Shivaji Maharaj - Raigad

A Peoples' King
The Swaraj established by Chhatrapati Shivaji Maharaj comprised of large areas of Nashik, Pune, Satara, Sangli, Kolhapur, Sindhudurg, Ratnagiri, Raigad, and Thane districts of Maharashtra. It also included parts of the Belgaum, Karwar, and Dharwad districts of Karnataka and Jinjee, Vellore, and their neighboring areas in the state of Tamil Nadu. He set up an efficient and sound system for the administration of this Swaraj. The administration was divided into eight departments. A minister was appointed as the head of every department. His council of eight ministers was known as the Ashta-Pradhan Mandal. Shivaji Maharaj followed a policy of encouraging agriculture. He paid attention to the welfare of the peasantry. He was also equally concerned about the growth of trade and the protection of industries. Thus he turned the Swaraj into a surajya a state which sought the welfare of all. He was a great military commander, an outstanding general, and a statesman. He had a clear concept of military organization.

His military organization consisted of infantry, cavalry, and navy. Strict discipline, rapid movements, excellent intelligence service, and continuous attention to defense marked his military organization. He used to take utmost care to protect his subjects especially at the time of enemy invasions. Shivaji Maharaj was also keen to see to it that the soldiers did not in any way cause any harm to the subjects. He followed a tolerant religious policy. The greatest achievement of Shivaji Maharaj was to inculcate the spirit of independence in his people. By his great deeds and achievements, Shivaji Maharaj created an altogether new order of things. Shivaji Maharaj's personality and message are as relevant today as they were in the past.

References

1630 births
1680 deaths
Indian monarchs
Deaths from dysentery
Marathi people
17th century in India

Shivaji


Quest for Fire () is a 1981 prehistoric fantasy adventure film directed by Jean-Jacques Annaud, written by Gérard Brach and starring Everett McGill, Ron Perlman, Nameer El-Kadi and Rae Dawn Chong. The Canadian-French co-production is a film adaptation of the 1911 Belgian novel The Quest for Fire by J.-H. Rosny. The story is set in Paleolithic Europe (80,000 years ago), with its plot surrounding the struggle for control of fire by early humans.

The film was critically acclaimed. It won the Academy Award and BAFTA Award for Best Makeup, and the César Awards for Best Film and Best Director. At the 5th Genie Awards, the film was nominated in seven categories and won in five (Best Actress, Best Costume Design, Best Editing, Best Sound Editing, Best Overall Sound).

Plot
The Ulam are a tribe of cavemen who carefully guard a small flame, which they use to start larger fires. After being forced out of their home due to a violent battle with the ape-like Wagabu, the Ulam become terrified when their fire is accidentally put out while seeking refuge in a marsh. Since the tribe does not know how to create fire themselves, the tribal elder decides to send three men, Naoh, Amoukar, and Gaw, on a quest to find fire.

During their journey, the trio encounters several dangers, including the Kzamm, a tribe of more primitive-looking cannibals who possess fire. Naoh, Amoukar, and Gaw plan to steal the fire from them. Gaw and Amoukar lure most of the Kzamm away from their encampment while Naoh kills the remaining warriors, though not before being bitten on the genitals, causing him agony. The three Ulam steal the Kzamm's fire and prepare to return home.

A young woman, Ika, was a captive of the Kzamm and decides to follow the trio. She makes a primitive poultice to help Naoh recover from his injury. Later, Amoukar attempts to mount Ika, but she hides near Naoh, who then asserts his claim by raping her in front of the other two males.

Ika soon realizes that she is near her home and tries to persuade the Ulam to go with her. When they refuse, they go their separate ways. Naoh turns around, followed by the reluctant Gaw and Amoukar, and the group reunites. After Naoh leaves the others to scout a village, he becomes trapped in quicksand, nearly sinking to his death. He is discovered and captured by the Ivaka, Ika's tribe. At first, Naoh is subjected to several forms of humiliation by the Ivaka, including being forced to mate with the high-status women of the tribe, who are large and big-breasted. The petite Ika is excluded by her tribe, and when she attempts to lie near him later that night, she is chased away. The Ivaka show Naoh their advanced knowledge of fire-making with a hand drill.

Gaw and Amoukar eventually find Naoh among the Ivaka and try to rescue him, but Naoh appears unwilling to leave. At night, Ika helps them knock Naoh unconscious and escape the camp. The next day, Naoh washes off the Ivaka body paint. He tries to mount Ika again, but she teaches him the more intimate missionary position. Not long before they reach the marsh where they started the journey, the three are ambushed by rivals from within the Ulam, who want to steal the fire and bring it back themselves. However, Naoh and his group defeat them using the Ivakan atlatls, which are superior to Ulam weapons.

Upon rejoining the Ulam, the group presents the fire to the delight of all. But during the ensuing celebration, the fire is accidentally extinguished again. Naoh attempts to create a new fire as he had seen in the Ivaka camp, but after several failed attempts, Ika takes over. Once the spark is lit, the tribe rejoices.

Months later, Naoh and Ika prepare to have a child.

Cast

 Everett McGill as Naoh
 Ron Perlman as Amoukar
 Nameer El-Kadi as Gaw
 Rae Dawn Chong as Ika
 Gary Schwartz as Rouka
 Naseer El-Kadi as Nam
 Franck-Olivier Bonnet as Aghu
 Jean-Michel Kindt as Lakar
 Kurt Schiegl as Faum
 Brian Gill as Modoc
 Terry Fitt as Hourk
 Bibi Caspari as Gammla
 Peter Elliott as Mikr
 Michelle Leduc as Matr
 Robert Lavoie as Tsor
 Matt Birman as Morah
 Joy Boushel as Sura
 Christian Benard as Umbre
 Tarlok Sing Seva as Tavawa
 Lolamal Kapisisi as Firemaker
 George Buza and Antonio Barichievich as Kzamm tribesmen

Production

Writing and characterization
Special language forms were created by novelist Anthony Burgess, while patterns of movement and gesture were developed by anthropologist Desmond Morris. The more advanced language of the Ivaka was largely that of the Cree/Inuit native people of northern Canada, which caused some amusement among those in this group who saw the film, since the words have little to do with the plot.  The Ulam are portrayed as stereotypical, Neanderthal-style cavemen, in an intermediate stage of development compared to the ape-like Wagabu, on one hand, and the culturally more advanced Ivaka on the other. The Ulam and Ivaka are depicted as light pigmented, the Kzamm as red-haired. The Ivaka are depicted as using body ornamentation (jewelry, body paint, masks, headgear), fully developed language and simple technology such as gourds as vessels and the atlatl.

Filming
The movie was filmed on location in the Scottish Highlands and Tsavo National Park and Lake Magadi in Kenya. The opening sequence was filmed at Cathedral Grove on Vancouver Island, British Columbia, Canada for the forest scenes, whereas the cave home was filmed at Greig's Caves on the Bruce Peninsula along the Niagara Escarpment near Lion's Head, Ontario. Some scenes involving mammoths were filmed in Iceland.

Michael D. Moore was the associate producer in charge of action and animal scenes. Circus elephants were trained for six months to behave like mammoths. When it came time to film them in Iceland, strict laws about transporting four-legged animals into the country delayed their arrival. Then a volcano erupted nearby the ranch where they would have been staying that would have killed the animals had they been there.

Reception

Box office
The film sold almost five million tickets in France.

Critical response
Quest for Fire holds a score of 88% on review aggregator Rotten Tomatoes based on 24 reviews for an average rating of 7.4/10. The website's critics consensus states, "Its characters can't do much more than grunt, but that doesn't keep Quest for Fire from offering a deeply resonant -- and surprisingly funny -- look at the beginning of the human race." On Metacritic, the film holds a weighted average score of 79 out of 100, based on 11 reviews, indicating "generally favorable reviews".

Roger Ebert gave the film three-and-a-half stars out of four, writing that he saw it as a "borderline comedy" in the opening scenes, but "then these characters and their quest began to grow on me, and by the time the movie was over I cared very much about how their lives would turn out." Gene Siskel of the Chicago Tribune awarded three stars out of four, stating that "you may be tempted, as I was, to shout wisecracks at the screen. But then the basic appeal of the story begins to work, and every so often we find ourselves asking ourselves, 'I wonder if that's the way it did happen?' And when that happens, 'Quest for Fire' has you hooked." Janet Maslin of The New York Times wrote that the film was "more than just a hugely entertaining science lesson, although it certainly is that. It's also a touching, funny and suspenseful drama about prehumans." Sheila Benson of the Los Angeles Times wrote that she did not know how historically accurate the movie was, "But this is film making, not carbon dating, and it seems that every piece of magic and the skill of every craft has been used to free our imagination, to let it soar with the film to see what life may have been like 80,000 years ago." Pauline Kael of The New Yorker wrote, "It's almost impossible to guess what the tone of this ape-man love story (based on a French novel, by J. H. Rosny, Sr.) is intended to be. Are we meant to laugh at the gaminess? At the men's werewolf foreheads? (Thick hair sprouts about an inch above their eyebrows.) The director, Jean-Jacques Annaud, seems to be willing for us to laugh but not sure about how to tell us when."

Scientific response
The film was not intended to be a scientifically accurate documentary of a specific point in pre-history. This is reinforced by the response of the scientific community. In an essay for the journal American Anthropologist, Brown University linguistics professor Philip Lieberman described as "absurd" the mixture of different levels of advancement among different tribes living in close proximity. Lieberman pointed out that it "would be most unlikely 80,000 years ago" for humans to still be exhibiting apelike characteristics, at the same time noting that the Ivaka tribe was depicted as having "a village culture that would have been likely 10,000 years ago." However, recent theory has moved more towards the ideas of the film with a picture of coexisting types of human who interacted and mated. "Science paints a new picture of the ancient past, when we mixed and mated with other kinds of humans".

Accolades
The film was nominated for six César Awards in 1981, including Best Original Screenplay or Adaptation for Gérard Brach, Best Music Written for a Movie for Philippe Sarde, Best Cinematography for Claude Agostini, and Best Sets for Brian Morris, winning those for Best Film and Best Director. In 1983 it won the Academy Award for Best Makeup. Also in 1983, it won in five categories in the Genie Awards.

See also
 The Clan of the Cave Bear
 Dance of the Tiger
 The Inheritors (Golding novel)
 List of historical period drama films and series
 Shaman (novel)
 Survival film, about the film genre, with a list of related films

References

Works cited

External links

1981 drama films
1980s fantasy adventure films
1981 films
20th Century Fox films
BAFTA winners (films)
Films shot in Kenya
Films shot in Scotland
Films set in Europe
Films set in prehistory
Fictional-language films
Films about hunter-gatherers
Films based on Belgian novels
Films directed by Jean-Jacques Annaud
Best Film César Award winners
Films whose director won the Best Director César Award
Films that won the Academy Award for Best Makeup
Films without speech
Films set in the Stone Age
Films about cavemen
Films with screenplays by Gérard Brach
Cannibalism in fiction
Fiction about neanderthals
Films produced by John Kemeny
Films scored by Philippe Sarde
Canadian survival films
Historical fantasy films
1980s historical fantasy films
Canadian fantasy adventure films
Canadian epic films
French epic films
French historical fantasy films
1980s Canadian films
1980s French films

Quest for Fire (film)