The organizing model, as the term refers to trade unions (and sometimes other social-movement organizations), is a broad conception of how those organizations should recruit, operate, and advance the interests of their members, though the specific functions of the model are more detailed and are discussed at length below. It typically involves many full-time organizers, who work by building up confidence and strong networks and leaders within the workforce, and by confrontational campaigns involving large numbers of union members. The organizing model is strongly linked to social movement unionism and community unionism. The organizing model contributes to the discussion of how trade unions can reverse the trend of declining membership, which they are experiencing in most industrial nations, and how they can recapture some of the political power, which the labor movement has lost over the past century.

The organizing model is frequently compared and contrasted with other methods of union organization, such as the servicing model. There is disagreement as to the logistics of applying the organizing model and whether it should focus on organizing existing members, recruiting new members, or both. The prominence of the model and the debate over its worth are seen primarily in the United States, Australia, and the United Kingdom.

Definition

The principal aim of the organizing model is that of giving power directly to union members. The organizing model in its ideal type has these features:

 Strong emphasis on the importance of personal contact in organizing. Union officials are, according to Heery, Simms, Simpson, Delbridge, and Salmon, "paid", as opposed to being volunteers from the union itself. These are the same people who, had they been employing the service model in their union, would have been offering services to the members, but instead they focus their efforts on organizing the union members to act on their own behalf, rather than simply offering them services.
 To facilitate this type of organization, organizers will often put in long hours talking to workers about their situation, and what they believe the union can help them achieve. Visits to workers' homes will often be a component of this.
 Acceptance of the view that workers need to take some appreciable responsibility for winning union struggles and making the union strong.
 The identification and recruitment of volunteer leaders from among the workforce, to spread information about the union and encourage others to join and take action.
 Proactive recruitment drives conducted by either the paid organizers, the volunteers from the union, or both. The important part of the recruitment aspect of the organizing model is, according to Heery, Simms, Simpson, Delbridge, and Salmon, ensuring "the principle of 'like-recruits-like' such that the recruiters have the same demographic and occupational identity as those being recruited." Though, there can be unions that employ the organizing model without necessarily emphasizing recruitment.
 As a component of these recruitment drives, Heery, Simms, Simpson, Delbridge, and Salmon also discuss "mapping"  of workplaces as a key component of the organizing model, and they also make it clear that the goal of mapping is to "...identify all members of the workplace and rank them systematically in terms of their propensity to become active in the union."
 Proactive campaigning, involving a large commitment of resources and large numbers of members. Heery, Simms, Simpson, Delbridge, and Salmon assert that this campaigning has to be focused on specific "issues and grievances", rather than campaigning without any specific, tangible goals in mind.
 Creative campaigning tactics – including demonstrations, street theatre, media stunts, direct action, civil disobedience, music etc.
 A conception of leadership in which leaders are those willing to take the initiative and contribute effort, rather than one based on authority.  It is often the goal for leadership (as the confidence to initiate organization with others) will spread as broadly as possible.
 Heery, Simms, Simpson, Delbridge, and Salmon also offer "community support" as a key to the success of the organizing model. As a way to maintain or even incite this support from the community, Heery, Simms, Simpson, Delbridge, and Salmon suggest "publicising concessions from the employer".
 Typically a relatively high level of membership dues relative for industrial—as opposed to craft—unions.

Organizing versus servicing
The development of the organizing model is as opposed to the servicing model, and there are various differences between the two models for union structure. Edmund Heery, Melanie Simms, Dave Simpson, Rick Delbridge, and John Salmon talk about how in the servicing model, "...the function of the union is to deliver collective and individual services to members who are dependent on the formal organization and its hierarchy of officers to provide what they require." Heery, Simms, Simpson, Delbridge, and Salmon state that the organizing model is different from the servicing model because it focuses instead on making union members feel "empowered", rather than alienated from the whole union process and environment.

Jack Fiorito states that the organizing model and the servicing model cannot be considered separate and there needs to be provision for using both models at the same time; Fiorito's research about British union members showed that "...a large number of responses express reservations about the OM or at least the organizing vs. servicing dichotomy suggested. Many of these responses emphasize the importance of service as an aid to organizing (18%) or something that is expected by the members (23%)." Fiorito believes that the organizing model and the servicing model are not mutually exclusive in some cases; there are some instances when the two models could be complementary. The debate over the organizing model versus the servicing model is widespread and multifaceted. Even the goals of the organizing model are debated and disagreed upon.

Internal versus external
According to Bill Fletcher and Richard W. Hurd, unions that employ the organizing model often try to apply the above tactics in "internal", not just "external" campaigns.  Indeed, many unions that employ the organizing model attempt to win a greater right to organize non-union workers through pressuring an employer through using current members' collective strength. Richard Hurd says that "Throughout the late 1980s the organizing model was used almost exclusively to apply to internal organizing;" however, "...by 1995 the organizing model concept was indiscriminately used to refer to both internal organizing to mobilize members and external organizing that promotes grassroots activism as a way to build support for union representation."

There is debate as to the proper role of the organizing model and whether it should focus on internal or on external applications. Bob Carter talks about the difference between internal organizing and external organizing in the context of the earliest British unions to use the organizing model. Carter says that "...despite the core message of the American model – that organization, rather than recruitment as such, was primary – officers were given individual recruitment targets...placing an emphasis not so much on the changing nature of unionism but simply on short-term recruitment." There is an apparent disconnect between employing the organizing model primarily for recruitment purposes and using the organizing model to facilitate better union conditions for pre-existing members of the union.

According to Fletcher and Hurd, exactly what constitutes internal organizing and what constitutes external organizing is unclear. Jack Fiorito offers an argument about internal vs. external organizing in the context of British unions. Fiorito says that external organizing is "...organizing in new areas...", while internal organizing is "...recruitment in sites where the union has recognition..."  Fletcher and Hurd believe that the organizing model should be more focused on external, rather than internal, organizing, and they cite "Organizing Locals" as a good example of how that could be accomplished.

History and context
Trade unions originally existed to organize their members democratically, and during their early growth, they typically put a strong emphasis on active recruitment and militant rank and file action, including strikes.  By no means did they always unambiguously act in the interests of their members, but they were perceived as organizations that existed to struggle for collective action.  Particularly since the end of World War II, however, the trade unions have tended more and more to act as service providers for their members: providing legal advice, training and so on; eschewing mass-based, militant action.  During the '60s, '70s and onward, this trend deepened, with union density among the workforce falling all the while, until it could be measured at between 10% and 20% in many industrialized countries.  In the context of this history, the organizing model is in principle not so much a new conception, as an attempt to recapture the essence of the labor movement.

The 1980s saw various attempts, in the United States, to compensate for falling union membership. Richard Hurd says that through the adoption of the "Organizing Institute" in the US, the organizing model was able to spread to other countries, as it "...served as a prototype for Australia's Organizing Works and Britain's Organizing Academy." Bob Carter explains the logistics how the organizing model spread across the world. Carter says that "After a visit to the US of the Australian Council of Trade Unions (ACTU), the influence of the organising approach spread to Australia and New Zealand and back to Britain via MSF." Carter asserts that the organizing model started in the US, went to Australia and New Zealand next, and then went to the UK. David Peetz and Barbara Pocock state that the ways these various countries implemented the organizing model were quite different, and the model looked slightly different based upon these minor discrepancies.

History in the United States
According to Richard W. Hurd, the history of the organizing model in the US began from the failure of a "labor law" to be passed in the 1970s. In addition, Hurd explains that the 1980s were a very troubling time for unions in the US as a result of "the anti-union reign of Ronald Reagan" and "Twin recessions". Both of these factors contributed to the decline of union membership that so infamously characterized the labor movement in the US in the 1980s. In fact, Hurd says that, "The labor movement lost more than one-fifth of its private sector members during the first half of the 1980s." Therefore, US unions were forced to try some new tactics in the hopes of regaining the membership they were losing.

In response to this labor crisis, the AFL–CIO made many attempts to renew its labor movement in the 1980s, but none of them were successful. However, in 1988, an AFL–CIO-organized teleconference of trade unionists recognized the potential of the nascent organizing model, gave it its name, and resolved to spread it throughout the trade-union movement: this was an element in the model's popularization. After the teleconference, the AFL–CIO, according to Hurd, established the "Organizing Institute", and the goal of the institute was "to train union organizers." While, as Richard Hurd suggests, the attempts at reigniting the flame of union membership were largely unsuccessful, in 1995, former SEIU President John Sweeney was elected president of the AFL–CIO on the New Voice slate, on a platform of spreading the organizing model across the members of the federation. According to Richard Hurd, when Sweeney took over, he created an "Organizing Department" to enhance the strategy of employing the organizing model throughout the AFL–CIO, and he encouraged unions to begin "devoting 30% of their budgets to recruitment." The extent of the success of this is disputed, with some suggesting that more rhetoric has changed than anything, but it did have at least some effect. Richard Hurd suggests that "The reality is that the individual national unions determine their own resource allocations and develop their own organizing programs," but "Most unions have increased the funding of their organizing departments, and many have devoted substantial resources to the effort." This is how the AFL–CIO tried to implement the organizing model in response to the membership crisis.

In the mid-1980s, the SEIU union found itself in a similar state of crisis. A period of intense internal discussion gave rise to the view that a radical program was needed to rebuild the union and make it relevant to current and potential members. The Justice for Janitors campaign was launched as the organizational spearhead of the SEIU's attempt to reinvigorate their membership; beginning in Denver, Colorado, in 1985.  In addition to the Justice for Janitors campaign, according to Jennifer Jihye Chun, around the same time, the SEIU also engaged in campaigns for "home care workers" in Los Angeles. Chun says that "Through a combination of aggressive grassroots organizing strategies, a focused political action campaign, and mass worker mobilizations, SEIU organizers were able to sign up 15,000 workers."

Working along the lines described above, the SEIU experienced huge growth in membership and a significant number of high-profile public victories for workers. (Though some proportion of the SEIU's membership growth has resulted from mergers, such as with 1199). The tactics and strategies of the SEIU and Justice for Janitors go beyond the organizing model which is, as has been described, an approach to local-level organizing and campaigning. It applies to a drive for the recruitment of members and leaders on the level of a firm or city. Other aspects of the SEIU's strategies are national or international. For instance, the drive to gain industry-wide coverage across a large geographical base – i.e., to organize janitors not only within one building but across a whole city, state and eventually all across the US – or the advocacy of union mergers.

History in Australia
After a wave of massive industrial unrest and unprecedented increases in wages and conditions during the 1970s, the union movement became restrained in their demands, and part of the official apparatus of government during the ALP-led, neo-corporatist, Accord period (1983–96). According to Bob Carter and Rae Cooper, the ALP and the ACTU formed the "Accord" by establishing a formal "relationship" with each other While unions had amalgamated prior to the Accord, and the Australian Council of Trade Unions had itself absorbed other lesser peak industrial councils, the accord period and the later enterprise bargaining period encouraged mergers into super unions. These super unions often obliterated previous small union identities and loyalties (on both the "left" and "right" of the trade union movement) and created unions with a relatively artificial internal culture.  Often the largest union in the merger imposed its internal culture on the other divisions of the new union.  Additionally, during the period of mergers, the traditional links between members, local organisers, industrial officers, branches and the peak leaderships of unions broke down. This presented a challenge to the union movement. According to Bob Carter and Rae Cooper, the Accord period was very harmful to labor unions, and the super unions did not do anything drastic to improve the conditions of the unions.

Bob Carter and Rae Cooper state that the 1980s and 1990s were particularly bad decades for Australian unions. According to Carter and Cooper, the decline of union membership was worse, during the 1980s and the 1990s, in Australia than it was in the U.K. Carter and Cooper explain that the membership decline in Australian unions was the result of the "...pro-active anti-union approach..." by the "...conservative Coalition federal government...", along with other "...structural changes in the labor market." Peetz and Pocock state that during the 1980s and the 1990s, unions had to deal with "...outright hostility..." and "...successive pieces of legislation..." that were harmful to their membership and growth.

The response to this union crisis in Australia is the Organising Works program which was established in 1994 to recruit organizers from union members and university students. The Organizing Works Program, in Australia, was established after representatives from Australian unions visited the US and observed the organizing model in practice. Organising Works is a relatively unique program in Australia, in that it combines explicit training in trade unionism with an apprenticeship system with specific trade unions. Bob Carter and Rae Cooper state that Organizing Works was successful in spreading the message of the model and recruiting new members for unions, and in general, Australian unions were more committed to the organizing model than were British unions. David Peetz and Barbara Pocock state that in the first six years of the Organizing Works Program in Australia, "...it had produced over 300 trainees..." Carter and Cooper discuss the "Community and Public Sector Union (CPSU)" as one of the main Australian unions to implement the organizing model on a large scale in response to union decline. Peetz and Pocock talk about the "Unions@Work" report that was published for unions in 1999, which even continued the mission of the Organizing Works program. Peetz and Pocock emphasize that the organizing model was implemented differently in different Australian unions and that the aspects of the organizing model that got implemented differed by union.

History in the UK and Ireland
According to Bob Carter and Rae Cooper, the U.K. went through several decades of uncertainty for unions. Specifically, conditions of the 1970s through the 1990s in the U.K. were particularly prone to hostile conditions for unions. Carter and Cooper state that British unions, like the "Trades Union Congress (TUC)" had to face "government hostility" and "job losses". In response to unfavorable conditions for unions, according to Carter and Cooper, the TUC tried implementing the "servicing" model, but it failed to provide measurable improvements in the labor movement or in "membership". According to Bob Carter, the "first major British union" to employ the organizing model was "Manufacturing, Science and Finance (MSF)", not necessarily the TUC. Bob Carter and Rae Cooper state that MSF was a combined union, which was formed from both the "Association of Scientific, Technical, Managerial, and Supervisory Staffs (ASTMS)" and the "Technical Advisory Staffs (TASS)." Bob Carter says that when ASTMS and TASS came together to form MSF, the merged organization more closely resembled ASTMS than TASS. According to Carter and Cooper, the history of the ASTMS showed that it was "...a much looser form of organization", while TASS was more "Communist." Carter states that MSF began implementing the "MSF policy Organising Works" in 1996. Carter makes the case that the MSF's implementation of the organizing model came after they tried "Reinforcement of a servicing culture...", which was, overall, not very successful. This is why they switched their strategy toward using the organizing model, rather than the servicing model. However, according to Carter, MSF had many problems arise in the wake of the model's adoption, such as the fact that "It was conceived and implemented from the top downwards... without wide discussion in the union." Carter sees this as a fundamental problem posed by the organizing model, and he thinks it must be overcome in order for it to be effective.

Carter states that the same time period also saw the "launch of the TUC's New Unionism project in 1996." Both unions, MSF and the TUC, were implementing new policies of employing the organizing model in an attempt to revitalize the conditions of their unions. The 1990s in the U.K. were especially geared toward experimentation and reorientation of the labor market toward being influential again. Carter and Cooper question how successful the New Unionism Project was in facilitating growth and organizing for unions. Carter and Cooper suggest that one of the main problems with the New Unionism was that it was too focused on negotiating with the "employer", rather than just focusing on the goals of the workers. Carter and Cooper state that the TUC had no real power over its "affiliates", except setting a good example and hoping that the affiliated unions follow their lead by implementing the organizing model.

The British Trades Union Congress (TUC) inaugurated an Organising Academy in 1998, to fulfill a similar role to that of the AFL-CIO's Organizing Institute in the US (or ACTU's Organising Works programme in Australia). Carter and Cooper question how successful the Academy was in spreading the organizing model because of the lack of "trainees" from some unions. Heery, Simms, Simpson, Delbridge, and Salmon state that, while the spread of the organizing model was the primary goal of the Academy, the Academy was actually dedicated to helping people traditionally underrepresented in the labor unions, such as "women" and the "young" or those with "non-standard" employment.  While the graduates of the Academy have produced positive results, in general the model has not been implemented in the UK with the same comprehensive commitment as it has been by some unions in the US. Heery, Simms, Simpson, Delbridge, and Salmon state that U.K. unions are more likely to adopt the organizing model if they are or have been affiliated with "the Academy", so the Academy has had a measurable impact on the implementation of the organizing model within the U.K.

There are questions raised by writers on Industrial Relations about whether the transfer of the SEIU's organizing model has been faithful, or whether a watered down, less radical version has been instantiated.  Sarah Oxenbridge, for example, writes "community organising and organising model methods provided the means by which Californian Unionists put their 'social movement unionism' philosophies and strategies into practice, on a daily basis (see Heery 1998).  However, it may be that most British Trade Unionists will instead see the organising model as – more simply – a range of recruitment tactics, and will pick and choose from amongst these tactics." Heery, Simms, Simpson, Delbridge, and Salmon have isolated several aspects of the organizing model that are likely to appear in the U.K., namely "one-to-one recruitment", and "petitions, surveys and demonstrations". Heery Simms, Simpson, Delbridge, and Salmon emphasize that these are only some of the core aspects of the organizing model, not all of them. Heery, Simms, Simpson, Delbridge, and Salmon state that British unions are more likely to employ the organizing model, rather than the serving model, if they are bigger and more open to influence from "other countries".

According to Heery, Simms, Simpson, Delbridge, and Salmon, British unions are more likely to focus on the ideological basis for the organizing model, rather than the practical applications of it. Jack Fiorito states that the U.K.'s adaptation of the organizing model has some very specific characteristics that may or may not be seen in other countries. Fiorito lists "...less reliance on paid staff and much lower dues levels in U.K. unions..." as important features of the organizing model in the U.K. Fiorito did extensive research about the condition of British unions in the 2000s, which demonstrated that the organizing model was influential in British unions in the 2000s. When Fiorito interviewed U.K. union members during this timeframe, "Almost half of respondents (45%) volunteer that their union is adopting the OM," which is Fiorito's abbreviation for the organizing model. The organizing model was present in many British unions in the 2000s, and the workers were aware of its presence. The British union members largely felt that the organizing model was a good model to have implemented in their unions, and they were satisfied with its results. Fiorito states that "Although the OM varies somewhat in meaning, a strong majority of unionists feel that their union is truly committed to recruiting and organizing new members...".

The Irish general union SIPTU established an Organizing Unit in 2004 and its president, Jack O'Connor, set as his objective the transformation of SIPTU – hitherto firmly committed to a servicing agenda – into an organizing union. SIPTU is also seeking to learn from the experience of the SEIU. It remains to be seen how (and whether) a commitment to the organizing model of trade unionism can be reconciled with the union's traditional support for national 'Social Partnership'.

The Transport and General Workers Union (T&G) has begun to make some of the more serious moves of any of the larger British unions to learn from the SEIU's strategies – though some smaller unions (such as Community) have been applying the organizing model for some years.  In 2005, the T&G launched a Justice for Cleaners campaign, which has been organizing workers in Canary Wharf, the Houses of Parliament, and, towards the end of the year, on the London Underground.  In the former of these two, improvements in wages have been won by workers.  The tactics of Social Movement Unionism have been utilized, insofar as the campaign organizers have worked closely with, for example, The East London Citizens Organisation (TELCO), which has brought in members of faith groups and other trade union branches.  However, there remain concerns about the T&G's commitment to rank and file workers' action, considering how the union acted during the Gate Gourmet strike.

Advantages
Heery, Simms, Simpson, Delbridge, and Salmon assert that the organizing model has several key advantages that distinguish it from the servicing model, such as the fact that the organizing model promotes "systematic", proactive, and well-thought out campaigns, which help the union's goals get satisfactorily and pragmatically achieved. More broadly, one of the obvious advantages of the organizing model is that it allows workers to actually be involved in the campaigns that most closely affect them, promoting both equity and equality. In addition, the organizing model, as opposed to the servicing model, provides for the union's future by broadening its support from the workers and giving them a sense of investment into the day-to-day functions of the union itself. Bob Carter and Rae Cooper, in their research about British trade unions and their use of the organizing model, state that, within the unions themselves, there was praise for the organizing model because it upheld the "...core role of trade unions". This is to say that the British union members felt the organizing model adhered to what unions should be doing in regard to their members.

Disadvantages

Practical disadvantages

Heery, Simms, Simpson, Delbridge, and Salmon list several disadvantages of the union organizing model, with the most critical being that the model is very "resource-intensive", in terms of both people and money. Since the organizing model is, at its core, about people, rather than services, it cannot be effective without people to both implement it and carry it out. Heery, Simms, Simpson, Delbridge, and Salmon talk about "...instances of a lack of support or even opposition to organizing within unions." Because the organizing model is so dependent upon worker motivation and action, if the workers themselves oppose the implementation of the organizing model, it cannot be effective. Fletcher and Hurd suggest that even if members are not resistant to adoption of the organizing model, they still have to learn how to perform tasks previously handled by organizers, and there have to be enough active members to facilitate this kind of action. This clear dependence on the support and actions of the workers is a disadvantage of the organizing model, as opposed to the servicing model, which, for the most part, does not require worker support or demand worker action. According to Heery, Simms, Simpson, Delbridge, and Salmon, "Employers are often resistant." Unions that have to deal with this problem would very clearly have a hard time using the organizing model, as it could antagonize the employer even further and erode any previously existing relationship between the employer and the union.

Fletcher and Hurd state that unions may also face issues of resistance by pre-existing "staff", who may be hesitant or even suspicious at the adoption of the organizing model. Dealing with resistant staff would be a major disadvantage of using the organizing model, as opposed to the servicing model, to which the staff are both accustomed and familiar with. Fletcher and Hurd assert that, based on the fact that unions employing the organizing model have to reassign tasks and take time to train people, "...following the organizing model creates more work than sticking to the servicing model." Richard Hurd argues that the organizing model can, at times, create "...continual warfare..." between the workers and the employer, which is a disadvantage because there is a trend of workers "...preferring stability rather than on-going class struggle." If this is really the mindset of the workers, then it would be hard to actually maintain the organizing model for long periods of time. Fred Glass says that "...an organizing model of unionism requires an organizing model of labor communications" because the organizing model requires an effective way to share information with workers quickly and efficiently. Bob Carter, in regard to the organizing model in British unions, is concerned with the method of implementation and whether or not workers consent to switching from servicing to organizing. Carter says that "A model which is premised on debate and involvement cannot be successfully introduced without discussion..." Carter worries about whether or not workers are a part of the transition process and whether they consent to all of the implications that come with the organizing model.

Criticisms from the Left
Most practical criticism of the model has emerged as a criticism of the practice of the model by the SEIU and other organizing unions, especially in America.  Criticisms from the left generally contrast (explicitly or not) the organizing model to a rank and file model, in which the confrontational style of organizing, and broad-based member involvement in campaigning is supplemented by broad-based member power. According to Bob Carter and Rae Cooper, the organizing model is not inherently "democratic". In the organizing model, the workers are not as active as they could be, and staff are still responsible for many aspects of union organizing. Carter and Cooper believe that the organizing model is rather limited in terms of its scale, and it cannot start a "...wider working class movement".

Criticisms from the Right
Critics argue that the organizing model is inappropriate to the task of unions in the modern global economy.  They say that industrial disputes of the type that organising engenders are harmful to the national economies in which they occur: by increasing uncertainty and raising wages (labor costs), they will make economies less attractive to inward investment. Hence, working people will suffer in the long term, as the less investment, there is, the fewer jobs there will be.  The conclusion of those who take this line is that unions should emphasize their service aspects, particularly those that contribute toward the well-being of the employer as well as the employee. In addition, there are the criticisms leveled by the anti-union Right, who often associate collective action with the tyranny of 'Big labor', contrasted to the free operation of the capitalist labor market.

List of unions associated with the organizing model

Note: the organizing model is claimed by a very broad group of bodies, this list will be indicative only:
 Service and Food Workers Union Nga Ringa Tota, New Zealand
 Service Employees International Union (SEIU), US
 SIPTU, Ireland
 United Voice, Australia
 Unite Union, New Zealand
 UNITE-HERE, US

See also

 Trade union
 Labour movement
 Services model
 Community unionism
 Social movement unionism
 Union organizer

Notes

References

 The British TUC's New Unionism pages.  The Resources section hosts a number of pamphlets which are useful contributions from both sides to the debate over Organising and Services.
 Article from Labor Notes summarizing five books which constructively criticize the SEIU from the Left.
 Article comparing Trade Union strategies in USA and New Zealand.  Includes details of the origin of Organizing as a formally recognized concept in America.  Sarah Oxenbridge, working paper, March 2000.
 Two Steps Forward, One Step Back: Australian Union Revival.  Hanley and Holland, working paper, May 2003
 Table contrasting the organizing and service models in a variety of respects.  A summary from LA Labor.
 Real Organizing: A discussion on organising from a rank and file perspective.  Also hosted by LA Labor.
 Organizing Committee Handbook from LA Labor.
 The Unite To Win proposals from the New Unity Partnership.  The proposals concern the national level union structures that, they argue, are necessary to facilitate the organizing model.
 Argument against the NUP's Unite To Win proposals
 Articles hosted by Labor Notes on the NUP proposals
 Union Organising in Big Blue's backyard – case study by Findlay P; McKinlay A, published 2003 in the Industrial Relations Journal, on an ISTC (now Community) organizing campaign in Scotland.  Article may only be available to those with an online subscription to the journal, such as many universities will have.
 "Foundation Attorneys Provide True "Justice for Janitors"" An article published by the National Right to Work Legal Defense Foundation, Inc.

Trade unions
Australian labour movement
Labor relations

Organizing model


A horse harness is a piece of equipment that allows a horse to pull a vehicle such as a carriage, wagon or sleigh. Harnesses may also be used to hitch animals to other loads such as a plough. Harnesses can be in leather or in biothane with stainless or chrome. Draft horses can be hitched on a cart: two-wheel buggies, or wagons.  Light horses can be hitched on sulky, four-wheel buggies or antic wagons.

Horses

Horse harness


Hestia is a virgin Greek goddess of the hearth, home and fire.  It was believed all hearths were her altars.  She also symbolized the alliance between colonies and their mother cities. Her sacred animal is the pig.

Family
Hestia is the older sister of Demeter and Hera, and is also the sister of Zeus, Poseidon, and Hades. Her parents are Titans Rhea and Kronos.

Myths
Hestia was originally one of the Twelve Olympians.  Her throne was described as plain, being made of wood with a woolen white cushion. She did not choose an emblem for herself.

Hestia was the first to be swallowed by her father Kronos when he ate the Twelve Olympians, and the last to be disgorged.

She gave up her throne on Mount Olympus, and gave it to Dionysus to avoid a possible civil war. Hestia instead tended to the sacred fire on Mount Olympus. Because she could not leave from the hearth, Hestia did not have many stories centered around her.

In ancient tales, Hestia refused the marriage offers of Apollo and Poseidon. She vowed on the River Styx to forever be a virgin goddess.

Worship
Hestia was always the first to receive offerings at every sacrifice in a household. Any hearth of a household was forbidden to go out unless the fire was ritually extinguished and ritually revived. The hearth of the prytaneum was Hestia's official sanctuary. When a new colony was formed, a flame from Hestia's public hearth in the mother city would be carried to the new settlement.

Related pages

 Vesta (mythology), a Roman version of Hestia.

Twelve Olympians
Virgin goddesses

Hestia


The Last Supper is a fresco by the Italian Renaissance painters Cosimo Rosselli and Biagio d'Antonio. Created during the years 1481–1482, it is located in the Sistine Chapel in Rome.

History
On 27 October 1480 Rosselli, together with other Florentine painters, left for Rome, where he had been called as part of the reconciliation project between Lorenzo de' Medici, the de facto ruler of Florence, and Pope Sixtus IV. The Florentines started to work in the Sistine Chapel as early as the Spring of 1481, along with Pietro Perugino, who was already there.

The theme of the decoration was a parallel between the stories of Moses and those of Christ, as a sign of continuity between the Old and the New Testament, as well as between the divine law of the Tables and the message of Jesus, who had chosen Peter (the first alleged bishop of Rome) as his successor: This would finally result in a legitimation of the latter's successors, the popes of Rome.

Due to the commission's size, the artists brought with them numerous assistants. Rosselli brought his son-in-law Piero di Cosimo. According to the Renaissance art historian Giorgio Vasari, Rosselli was considered one of the less gifted among the painters at the Sistine Chapel, and his paintings in the chapel were the subject of the other artists' irony. However, his sheer adoption of brilliant colors granted him the appreciation of the pope, who apparently, was not considered an art expert.

Description
The scene is part of the Stories of Jesus cycle and, like the others, shows more than one episode at the same time. The frieze has the inscription REPLICATIO LEGIS EVANGELICAE A CHRISTO ('Repetition of the Evangelical Law by Christ'). The supper is set in a semi-circular apse, with a horseshoe-shaped table at whose center sits Jesus, the apostles at his side. Judas, as usual, is depicted on the side, from behind; the fighting cat and dog are elements which further stress his negative connotation. The scene shows the moment immediately after Jesus' annunciation that one apostle would betray him. His hearers' reactions include touching their own chests, or muttering to each other.

The table has no meals, but a single chalice in front of Jesus; some gilded or silvered kitchenware is shown in the foreground, an example of still life inspired by contemporary Flemish painting and widespread in Florentine art at the time. At the sides, are two couples of figures dressing rich garments. Another dog is jumping on the left.

Within the three windows behind the table are three scenes of the Passion: the Prayer at Gethsemane, the Arrest of Jesus and the Crucifixion. These are attributed by some authorities to Biagio d'Antonio. Perugino used the same panel-within-a-panel effect in his later Last Supper.

References

Sources

1480s paintings
Paintings by Cosimo Rosselli
Sistine Chapel wall frescoes
Rosselli
Cats in art
Dogs in art

Last Supper (Rosselli)


is a software company located in Japan. It was founded in 1982 by  and later became corporate on August 8, 1983 while revealing itself as "Visco" in Japan. They originally developed video games for several platforms from the arcades and NES, to the Nintendo 64 and Neo Geo in the past. When Visco was one of the companies under the Taito umbrella, some of its titles back then were labeled "Taito". They also teamed up with Seta and Sammy in developing arcade games powered by the SSV (Sammy, Seta and Visco) arcade system board until Sammy fully acquired noted game company Sega under a new company titled Sega Sammy Holdings in 2004, while Seta's parent company Aruze announced in December 2008 that Seta decided to close their doors after 23 years of existence. Therefore, the SSV board was no longer being produced. From 2008, Visco began manufacturing slot machines for casinos mostly in southeast Asian regions.

Games released

References

External links
 Visco Corporation's Official website

Video game companies established in 1982
Video game companies of Japan
Japanese companies established in 1982
Computer hardware companies
Video game development companies

Visco Corporation


Lingula is a genus of brachiopods in the class Lingulata. Lingula is known to have existed since the early Ordovician period. Lingula is a good example of a living fossil. Like all brachiopods, it is a filter feeder.

Brachiopods are superficially similar to bivalves, both having two shells. Brachiopods are easily distinguished from molluscs because they have (different) dorsal and ventral shells. Bivalves have mirrored right and left shells. Lingula and most brachiopods also have a stalk (or peduncle) that extends through a hole near the tip of one of its shells. Bivalves may be attached to a substrate with byssus filaments, that extend from between the shells.

The Lingulata brachiopods have existed from the Cambrian period to the present, a time span of over 500 million years! Modern species of Lingula are very similar from their fossil ancestors.

References

Brachiopods
Living fossils

Lingula


Kastroli atawa minyak kastroli nyaéta minyak sayur nu dihasilkeun tina castor bean (atawa castor seed, sabab tangkal castor (Ricinus communis L.) teu kaasup kulawarga kacang).

Minyak kastroli versatil pisan sarta ahéng komposisina, sabab ngandung 90% asam lemak risinoléat C:18 teu jenuh, mangrupa sumber utama asam sebasat.

Minyak kastroli jeung turunanana sok dipaké dina industri sabun, pelumas, cairan hidrolik jeung minyak erém, cét, pewarna, mangsi, plastik tahan tiis, lilin jeung semir, nilon, farmasi jeung parfum.

Racun risin dijieun tina produk gigir pabrik minyak kastroli.

About 1% of the global castor oil production goes into medical or héalth store products. It is used to éase constipation and as an emetic to induce vomiting.  Consumption of large amounts of castor oil (below lethal doses, such as one bottle) can induce labor in néar-term pregnant women. It is notorious for its strong taste, which was for many yéars a standard gag in comic strips and Our Gang film shorts.

In Fascist Italy under the regime of Benito Mussolini, castor oil was one of the tools of the blackshirts. Political dissidents would be force-fed large dosages of castor oil by Fascist thugs. This technique was said to have been originated by Gabriele D'Annunzio. Victims of this tréatment would experience severe diarrhea and dehydration, often resulting in déath.

Sometimes when the blackshirts wished to maké sure that the victim would die rather than simply be badly disabled, they would mix gasoline with the castor oil.

It came to be said that Mussolini's power was backed by "the bludgeon and castor oil".

Tingali ogé
 Gemuk mesin

Gemuk mesin
Minyak nabati

Kastroli


A semi-automatic shotgun is a kind of gun. It fires one shotgun shell every time the trigger is pulled. Most shotguns, such as pump-action shotguns, lever action shotguns, and break barrel shotguns, use no energy from the last fired shell to load the next one. A person using a semi-automatic shotgun has to load the first shell themselves. The rest of the shells are loaded by the gun using part of the energy used to fire each shell.

Some shotguns can work as semi-automatic, pump-action, or fully automatic. The SPAS-12, for example, can fire in semi-automatic mode or it can use a pump action. Pump action allows less deadly projectiles such as bean bags or gas canisters to be used. Some shotguns, such as the AA-12, can be fully automatic or it can be switched to semi-automatic mode.

Semi-automatic shotguns are commonly used by special forces, military, and for other uses where shells need to be fired quickly, without reloading.

Shotguns

Semi-automatic shotgun


Herman Munster is a fictional character in the CBS sitcom The Munsters, originally played by Fred Gwynne. The patriarch of the Munster household, Herman is one of Frankenstein's monsters, created in a lab in Germany in the nineteenth century.

Origins

In the context of the series, Herman was created in 1815 at the University of Heidelberg by Dr. Victor Frankenstein. He has a twin brother, Charlie. Leaving (Germany) for Great Britain at a young age, Herman was adopted by the Munsters of Munster Hall, a noble family living in the fictitious Shroudshire, England.

At some point Herman moved to Transylvania (a region in Romania), where he met Lily Dracula. In 1865 (technically at the age of 15, but physically older) Herman married Lily, and eventually the couple and Grandpa (Lily's father) moved to America, where Herman joined the U.S. Army, fighting in World War II. In episode 34, Grandpa says that it was thanks to Herman that he was able to leave Transylvania and have a better life in America.

Family relations

In The Munsters Today, he, as now portrayed by John Schuck, is given a younger brother named Frank. And in the 1995 movie Here Come the Munsters he is given a sister named Elsa who resembles the Bride of Frankenstein. She is also married to Mr. Hyde, who transforms into Dr. Jekyll.

In the series
Herman is employed by Gateman, Goodbury and Graves, a funeral home in Mockingbird Heights, having started out as a "box boy c. 1953." Herman's co-workers sometimes remark on his height and strength, but otherwise do not appear to find his appearance and color (green) out of the ordinary. Occasionally, Herman is picked up by "the company car" (a hearse), which he climbs into via the back door and rides as if he were a body being delivered.

Description

Herman is a lovable, good-natured, and clumsy buffoon. Despite having been alive for over a century, he behaves rather childishly, often throwing temper tantrums, punctuated with thundering animalish roaring. In spite of his childish behaviors, he is a caring father figure to his son Eddie and a loving, devoted husband. He is very kind to everyone, but he is also very naive, often misunderstanding situations or falling for various schemes. He occasionally has problems recognizing when someone has malicious or dishonest intentions towards him. Most people, however, flee in terror on seeing Herman's monstrous visage, which he always attributes to something else. In some instances, his presence has caused inanimate objects or artwork to come to life and flee in terror: such as a statue of Daniel Boone in a park, a stuffed gorilla in a museum, and a graffiti drawing of a face in a jail cell starting out smiling and the facial expression changes to terror.

Herman is incredibly strong, once lifting a solid metal demolition ball casually with one hand. He is almost immovable; a number of times, cars have run into him without causing him injury. A safe fell on his head ("John Doe Munster") and gave him amnesia, although it did not hurt him. When asked how much he weighs, Herman says: "Three spins", meaning the dial on the scale goes around three times. In the episode "Herman's Lawsuit", his driver's license gives his weight as , height as , and eyes as brown. (On the other hand, in the episode "All-Star Munster," Herman, when asked his height, states "seven-foot three" but when asked how tall he is in his stocking feet, he replies, "Seven foot four – I wear very thick socks.") In the episode "Munster the Magnificent", his shoe size is said to be 26. Herman considers himself handsome (as does the rest of his family) even though he can crack a mirror by looking at it, once even cracking a shiny frying pan he looked into. In one episode, Herman is struck by lightning, reverting to a "hideous" form (actually Fred Gwynne without any make-up). He tries to hide his appearance from all those around him until two more lightning strikes make him a woman first and then the second one reverts him back to "handsome" Herman. In earlier episodes, Herman has hair on the back of his hands (only seen in closeups). And a common joke is that when he shakes hands with a blind neighbour of his, they believe that they are holding a dog's paw.

When frustrated (often), he tends to stamp like a child having a tantrum causing plaster to shower down from the ceiling. His strength is especially useful around "the Parlor" – he can lift occupied caskets unassisted. Herman has a very distinctive laugh;... a loud braying bellow. Occasionally he is shown grunting and making guttural sounds (similar to Boris Karloff's Frankenstein's monster), usually when he's hungry, impatient or getting annoyed over a minor problem (such as finding his Sunday newspaper).

In keeping with his childlike personality, Herman loves balloons, candy, and especially his wife Lily's pancakes. He plays with toys, such as his son Eddie's cowboy hat and cap pistols (in "Herman's Happy Valley"). He loves to read comic books despite Lily's annoyance at such childish behavior.

Despite being of German origin and having been raised in England, Herman speaks with a cultured American accent. He does however read German newspapers, which is subtly shown in at least one episode: He is reading a paper, conversing about an unrelated topic, and as the camera gets close enough to his face, it can be seen for a fraction of a second that it is Die Zeit. In episode "My Fair Munster", he reads Die Welt.

Merchandising
In 1964 Mattel released a Herman Munster doll that featured Gwynne's voice and spoke ten phrases at random with the pull of its "Chatty Ring" cord. This was a spin-off of their highly successful Chatty Cathy doll, for whom the talking mechanism had been invented.

References

Television characters introduced in 1964
Herman
Fictional characters with superhuman strength
Fictional World War II veterans
Fictional monsters
Fictional undead
Male characters in television
Fictional German people
Adoptee characters in television
Fictional immigrants to the United States

Herman Munster


Financial capital is a form of capital. It is things that have value, but do not do anything by themselves. They are only valuable because people value (want) them. For example, money is a form of financial capital. You cannot do anything with money but it still has value.

Financial capital is used to pay for things, this is because there is always more of it and people always want it. This means that financial capital has a stable value and can be traded in most places and with most people.

Some forms of financial capital, such as stocks, gold or bonds are not wanted by everybody. However they can be traded with people for money or another type of financial capital. Because of this, these forms of financial capital do not have a stable price. This means that some people try to make a profit by buying and selling these types of financial capital in a market.

Some things are treated as financial capital, even though they do have a use. For example, some people buy and sell land but are not interested in doing anything with it. Some people think this sort of trade is bad because the land should be used and not just treated like money. Other types of capital, such as social capital and human capital are rarely treated like financial capital. This may be because they involve people. Treating useful capital like financial capital is called comodification.

In politics, a common question is how often the government should use financial capital. In particular, should the government use financial capital to make a profit? Traditionally, liberal politicians do not mind this kind of trading for profit, but socialist or conservative politicians are against it.

Factors of production
Finance

Financial capital


An egg results from fertilization of an ovum. The egg is a container for the zygote. It protects the zygote, and feeds the embryo.

The animal embryo develops until it can survive on its own, at which point the egg hatches. Most vertebrates, arthropods and molluscs lay eggs outside the mother's body. They are always in some kind of container, a shell or covering.

Reptiles, birds and monotremes lay cleidoic eggs:  bird eggs are an example. These are a special kind of egg with a good supply of food and water. They have an outside covering which lets through gases so that carbon dioxide can get out, and oxygen can get in.

Fish, amphibia, insects and arachnids lay simpler eggs in greater numbers, but with much less protection and nourishment.

Live birth
Some animals, mostly mammals, keep the zygote inside their body where the embryo grows until it is ready to be born. These are also cleidoic eggs, but all the development is done inside the mother's body, as with humans.

Most mammals, and a number of marine reptiles, give live birth. Also, there are some invertebrates, such as scorpions, where the eggs develops inside the mother. They also give birth to live young.

Largest egg
The ostrich has the largest eggs of all living animals. Eggs, mostly bird eggs, are often eaten as food. The shell of an egg is a hard calcareous (CaCO3) material. The shell of an ostrich egg can support the weight of a fully grown human.

Related pages
 Ovum
 Cleidoic egg

Biological reproduction
Developmental biology

Egg (biology)


In mathematics, a unit circle is a circle with a radius of 1. The equation of the unit circle is . The unit circle is centered at the Origin, or coordinates (0,0). It is often used in Trigonometry.

Trigonometric functions in the unit circle
In a unit circle, where  is the angle desired,  and  can be defined as  and . Using the function of the unit circle, , another equation for the unit circle is found, . When working with trigonometric functions, it is mainly useful to use angles with measures between 0 and  radians, or 0 through 90 degrees. It is possible to have higher angles than that, however. Using the unit circle, two identities can be found:  and  for any integer .

Geometry
Trigonometry
Mathematical analysis

Unit circle


The Common Poorwill (Phalaenoptilus nuttallii) is a nocturnal bird of the family Caprimulgidae, the nightjars.  It is found from British Columbia and southeastern Alberta, through the western United States to northern Mexico. The bird's habitat is dry, open areas with grasses or shrubs, and even stony desert slopes with very little vegetation.

Birds of North America

Common poorwill


Human rights are rights and freedoms that all people should have.

Today, the ideas of human rights are protected as legal rights in national and international law.
They are seen as universal, which means they are meant for everyone, no matter what their race, religion, ethnicity, nationality, age, sex, political beliefs (or any other kind of beliefs), intelligence, disability, sexual orientation, or gender identity are.

Every person has all of these rights, it is not possible to only grant some of them:

History

The idea of human rights originated from ideas found in religion and philosophy in Western Europe. The modern Western idea of human rights started in the European Enlightenment. In the 16th century, some people started suggesting that everyone had the religious and political right to choose their religion and their leaders. This sort of thinking was important in the English Civil War. After the war, the philosopher John Locke argued that people should have a certain set of human rights. These ideas were also important in the American revolution and the French revolution in the 18th century.

In the 19th century, John Stuart Mill was an important philosopher who also thought about human rights. He said that people should be able to control their own bodies and minds. He talked about three special ideas:
 freedom of speech
 freedom of assembly
 freedom to seek happiness, while not hurting others.

Hegel was a philosopher who wrote about the idea of free will. He believed that in order to have freedom, a person should be able to:
 own property
 make contracts with other people
 make moral promises to people
 live with anyone
 get protection from laws
 have a voice in government

Laws

Because people believe that human rights are important, countries make laws to protect them. These laws say that governments cannot take away people's basic rights. They make sure people who take away other people's rights are punished. However, many countries in the world do not protect the human rights of their people.

Some major political groups and countries have made statements that promote human rights. Many governments and international groups punish human rights violators by refusing to trade with them, or even helping groups that want to overthrow their governments.

Some of the important places that human rights laws are written is in constitutions. The United States Constitution and Constitution of France are two of the oldest set of laws based on human rights.

In 1948 the United Nations made the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. This is a widely respected document that lists what the United Nations believes are human rights. It is not a law, but two important agreements have been written based on its ideas:
 The International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights
 The International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights
These are United Nations human rights Covenants: agreements between people or countries. The countries who sign these two covenants agree to follow them.

In addition to those Declaration and Covenants, there are many treaties and documents made by United Nations and other international organizations. Those treaties and documents are called "International human rights law".

List of human rights
Not everyone agrees on what the basic human rights are. It is clear that few countries permit all these rights. Also, there are countries in which the rights are not illegal, but nothing is done to promote them. Here is a list of some of the most recognized rights:

Fundamental rights
See the article Fundamental rights
 Right to live
 To be a citizen of a country
 Right to housing
 Right to a fair trial
 To own property

Safety
 Safety from violence (physical, mental and sexual)
 To seek asylum if a country treats you badly
 Fair trial, and to be considered innocent until proven guilty

General life freedoms
 The right to get an education
 Health care (medical care)
 To believe and practice the religion a person wants
 To be protected one's privacy

Rights related to sexuality and procreation
 Right to marriage and family
 Equality of both males and females; women's rights
 Not be forced into marriage
 The right to express orientation

Political freedoms
 The right to express yourself: free speech
 To vote
 To peacefully protest (speak against) a government or group
 To petition

Abuses
Human rights abuses are when a person is hurt in a way that violates (goes against) his/her human rights. Human rights abuses are also often called human rights violations.

Examples of human rights abuses or violations are:
 Arresting someone because they said the government is doing bad things
 Not letting people practice their religion
 Genocide
 Not letting a member of a country vote.

Many people, groups, and countries think protecting human rights is very important. But not everyone in the world believes in human rights. If people who do not believe in human rights have political power they can hurt many people. Even if these people have no political power, they can be violent to other people. There are many people who work to protect everyone's human rights; some of these are government groups, and some are not with any government. They are sometimes called human rights organizations. Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch are examples of human rights organizations.

In the UK, every Act of Parliament must comply with the European Convention on Human Rights. Nonetheless, a person can challenge an Act if it violates the convention. However, the Government are not bound to change the law due to incompatibility, and they have the power to pass a law that contravenes with the Human Rights, if they wish.

Related pages
United Nations Human Rights Council
United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights
United Nations Prize in the Field of Human Rights
World peace
Women's rights
Children's rights
Civil rights
Fundamental rights

References

Other websites
 Human Rights Foundation
 Amnesty International
 Doctors Without Borders (Medecins Sans Frontieres)
 Human Rights Watch
 Hiwaar For Human Rights Organisation

Human rights


Chestnut is the name for a kind of tree or the nut from the tree.

Chestnut may also be:
In botany:

 American chestnut, one of the most important forest trees throughout much of the eastern United States and southeasternmost Canada
 Chestnut blight, fungal disease
 Chestnut oak, species of oak in the white oak group
 Chinese chestnut
Castanea mollissima, species of chestnut native to China
Sterculia monosperma, also known as Thai Chestnut
 Guiana chestnut, a name for Pachira aquatica
 Horse chestnut, member of the genus Aesculus
 Japanese chestnut, species of chestnut from Japan and South Korea
 Malabar chestnut, a name for Pachira aquatica
 Swamp chestnut oak, species of oak in the white oak section Quercus
 Sweet chestnut, species of chestnut from southeastern Europe and Asia Minor

In geography:

 Chestnut, Illinois, United States
 Chestnut Grove, North Carolina, United States

In zoology:

 Chestnut (coat), color of horse
 Chestnut (horse anatomy), on the legs of horses
 Chestnut Dunnart, dunnart that was described by Van Dyck in 1986
 Chestnut Sparrow, sparrow that likes dry savanna
 Chestnut Teal, dabbling duck found in southern Australia
 Chestnut Woodpecker, bird from South America from Colombia, Venezuela and the Guianas south to Ecuador, Bolivia and northern Brazil, and on Trinidad
 Horse-chestnut leaf miner, a moth

In other fields:

 Chestnut (color), reddish brown
 Chestnut hair, reddish brown hair
 Operation Chestnut, failed British raid by 2 Special Air Service
 Chestnut (joke), British slang for an old or stale joke
 Chestnut (music), piece of music that has been played so much that everyone has grown tired of it

People with the family name Chestnut:

 Cyrus Chestnut, jazz pianist
 Jacob Chestnut, one of the two United States Capitol Police officers killed in the line of duty on July 24, 1998
 Joey Chestnut, competitive eater from San Jose, California
 Morris Chestnut, American movie and television actor

Chestnut


The wobble board is a musical instrument invented and popularized by Australian musician and artist Rolf Harris, and is featured in his best-known song "Tie Me Kangaroo Down, Sport". A wobble board, like some other musical instruments, can be ornately decorated because its large surface area can act as a canvas without detracting from its musical capability.

The instrument is played by holding the board lengthwise with the hands holding the edges and flicking the board outward, thereby making a characteristic "whoop-whoop" noise. The angle at which the board is held, and the way the board is "flicked", can alter the timbre of the sound produced. It is similar to the boards used to imitate the sound of thunder in the theatre of Shakespeare's time.

History
Official Rolf Harris wobble boards were sold commercially for a time in the 1970s but most were made by the player. Almost any large, springy and flexible sheet of material can be used as an impromptu wobble board, although some materials are markedly better than others. Harris's instrument was originally made from a type of wood composite known as hardboard (Masonite in the United States and Australia). According to an interview he gave to Tony Barrell for The Sunday Times Magazine in 2001, Harris discovered the musical properties of hardboard by chance in 1959, when he was about to paint a portrait of the conjurer Robert Harbin. Before his subject arrived, Harris prepared the background, covering a large piece of hardboard with Prussian blue oil paint mixed with turpentine. But the surface refused to dry. "It was all sticky and nasty. He was due to arrive in about half an hour." In desperation, Harris propped the board over a paraffin heater. When he touched it later, it was so hot it burned his finger. "So I propped it between the palms of my hands and shook it to cool it down. And ... I thought, 'What a marvellous sound.

Rolf Harris said:

Two wobble boards donated by Harris were part of the National Museum of Australia collection before they were removed in the light of his arrest for indecent assault in 2013.

References

Australian inventions
Australian musical instruments
Lamellophones
Rolf Harris

Wobble board


"Manchester" is the two-part third-season premiere of the American political drama television series The West Wing. The episodes aired on October 10 and 17, 2001 on NBC. The episodes deal with President Bartlet's decision to run for re-election, and the activities of the weeks leading up to his official announcement. Both parts were written by Aaron Sorkin and directed by Thomas Schlamme, and the episodes contain the first appearances by Ron Silver, Evan Handler and Connie Britton. These episodes also mark the first episode where Stockard Channing is added to opening credits, marking that she became a regular character this season. The second episode was an Emmy nominee for Outstanding Art Direction For A Single-Camera Series. It also earned a Golden Reel Award nomination for Best Sound Editing in a Television Series.

Plot
The episode picks up at the press conference immediately where last season's cliff-hanger ("Two Cathedrals") left off, and what was then only implicit is here made clear: President Bartlet is running for a second term. When asked if he plans to seek re-election, he answers "Yeah, and I'm gonna win." From that point on the story develops in dual storylines, one following immediately upon the press conference, the other taking place four weeks later, as the staff is preparing for the official campaign announcement in Manchester, New Hampshire.

Leo decides to bring in Bruno Gianelli (Silver), a highly accomplished political consultant, to help with the re-election campaign, but conflict soon arises between Gianelli's and Bartlet's respective staffs. The conflict is particularly intense between the idealistic Communications Director Toby and the more pragmatic Doug Wegland (Handler). A problem appears when it becomes clear that RU-486 – an emergency contraception – will receive government approval on the same day as the announcement ceremony. This will not only take attention away from the event, but also give political ammunition to the Right, and raise questions about the professionalism of the campaign. Josh strongly wants to "wave off the FDA" on the release, and it later appears that his underlying motive for this is to rectify a previous mistake. In the early part of the story, he applied pressure to pass a bill on anti-tobacco measures, but Gianelli points out the error in passing a bill that could have given them political leverage against the Republicans in the upcoming election.

In the ongoing conflict in Haiti, a rescue mission is staged to save American citizens. Bartlet decides to send in peacekeeping troops, in spite of political consequences. CJ then, when announcing the decision to the press, makes a grave mistake by saying that she thinks "the president's relieved to be focusing on something that matters", implying both that the MS incident was unimportant and that the President was happy to use an incident in which American lives are at risk to deflect attention away from his illness. Leo responds by sitting her out for the next press briefing, and she reacts by offering her resignation. Yet she is eventually persuaded to stay by the president's heartfelt assurance that he considers her a vital member of the administration.

Bartlet's wife Abbey is not pleased with the president making his bid for re-election without consulting her. Later on she still decides to join him in Manchester. She tells him that he needs to reach out to his staff, some of whom believe that he should make a public apology for concealing his MS. In the end he makes the apology, not publicly, but privately to his nearest advisors. He assures them that, even though Gianelli's help is much needed, they will still run a campaign that does not shrink from handling controversial issues. In a final speech he tells them that "We're gonna write a new book. Right here. Right now."

Production and cultural references
The scenes purporting to be in Manchester were not shot in New Hampshire, in spite of lobbying from local residents. John Spencer, who played Leo McGarry on the show, said: "I certainly understand where the people from New Hampshire are coming from. But I think it's logistics. New Hampshire is not close enough". For financial reasons the producers decided to film the outside parts of the episodes in Bluemont, Virginia instead. The town was said to have the "quiet streets, a mix of mostly older architectural styles, fieldstone fences, and breathtaking views of rolling countryside" that the show was looking for. The hotel that the staff stayed in and is in the background of some of the scenes in the episode is The Red Fox Inn in Middleburg, VA. The house chosen – out of 55 contenders – to pass as the president's farmhouse, was the home of Purcellville mayor John Marsh. Marsh's friends and neighbours also appear as extras in the crowd scenes.

For the sub-plot about the morning-after pill, former Clinton economic advisor Gene Sperling was brought in for consultation. Such a drug, called Mifepristone, was in fact approved in the United States in September 2000; one of the last months of the Clinton presidency. Also the political issues related to Haiti have close parallels to an episode in the Clinton presidency: the return of President Jean-Bertrand Aristide to power by the United States in 1994.

Reception

The second episode was an Emmy nominee for Outstanding Art Direction For A Single-Camera Series. It also earned a Golden Reel Award nomination for Best Sound Editing in Television Series. The two episodes were also nominated for Series Storyline at the 2002 SHINE Awards, a prize awarded for "accurate and honest portrayals of sexuality".

Jenny Halper, writing for UGO, was less than impressed with the pre-season special episode, and wrote that "the season really kicks off" with the "flashback intensive" "Manchester"-episodes. Britt Gillette, of The DVD Report, counted "Manchester Part I" among the more dramatic episodes on the show, with special reference to C.J.'s blunder, and the debate over the president's apology. Deborah of Television Without Pity gave both episodes the grade "A". The A.V. Club's Steve Heisler gave the two episodes a B+. He believed these two episodes were "meant to center the characters and the audience" after the previous season, ending in the season finale "Two Cathedrals". "And like most things on The West Wing," he continued, "it's a long, messy, spectacular road to a perfect (likely quippy) end."

References

External links
"Manchester Part I" and "Manchester Part II" at The West Wing Episode Guide
"Manchester Part I" and "Manchester Part II" at The West Wing Continuity Guide

The West Wing (season 3) episodes
2001 American television episodes
Television episodes directed by Thomas Schlamme
Television episodes written by Aaron Sorkin

Manchester (The West Wing)


Robert Hunecke-Rizzo (17 June 1971 in Wolfsburg) is a German bassist, guitarist and drummer, known for his work with Heavens Gate, Luca Turilli, and Kamelot.

He was one of the founding members of the supergroup Aina, which released the metal opera Days of Rising Doom in 2003. He was the music composer and played most of the instruments on the album. He was also a touring member as bass player of the metal opera project Avantasia, and his performance was thereby recorded on the band's live DVD The Flying Opera released in 2011. He was part of the Avantasia world tours in 2008 and 2010.

References

Living people
Luca Turilli (band) members
Luca Turilli's Dreamquest members
German heavy metal bass guitarists
Year of birth missing (living people)

Robert Hunecke-Rizzo


The Dominican Republic (Spanish: República Dominicana) is a country in the Caribbean. It occupies the eastern five-eighths of Hispaniola; Haiti occupies the western three-eighths of the island. The land border between these two countries is 388 km long.

The country has a total area of 48,671 km²; the part on the Hispaniola has an area of 48,215 km² and the small Dominican islands have an area of 159 km². The maximum length, east to west, is 390 km from Punta de Agua to Las Lajas, on the border with Haiti. The maximum width, north to south, is 265 km from Cape Isabela to Cape Beata.

The limits of the country are Haiti to the west, the Atlantic Ocean to the north and the Caribbean Sea to the south. Puerto Rico is to the southeast separated by the Mona Channel, of about 130 km wide. The capital, Santo Domingo, is located on the south coast.

Climate
The country has a tropical climate but modified by elevation and the trade winds (winds that come from the northeast, from the Atlantic Ocean), which blow from the Atlantic all year long. The average yearly temperature is 25 °C with small changes from one season to another; the average temperatures change from one region to another, from 21 °C in the centre of the Cordillera Central to as high as 28 °C on the coastal plains. Temperatures very few times get above 32 °C; temperatures get below 0 °C only in the highest mountains in winter. The average temperature in Santo Domingo in January is 25 °C and 30 °C in July.

The rain season is from May to November. The average yearly rainfall is 1,346 mm, with extremes of 2,500 mm or more in the northeastern mountains and 500 mm in the southwestern valleys. The western valleys, along the Haitian border, remain relatively dry, with less than 760 mm of annual precipitation. The northwestern and southeastern extremes of the country are also very dry.

From June to November (mainly from August to October), tropical storms and hurricanes are frequent and can do much damage in the country.

Islands
There are several smaller islands and cays that are part of the Dominican Republic. The largest islands are:
Saona, close to the southeastern coast of the Hispaniola, in the Caribbean Sea. It has an area of 117 km². Its Taíno name was Iai  or Adamanay. Columbus named this island as Savona after the Italian city of the same name but the use during years has eliminated the letter v.
Beata, in the southern coast of the Hispaniola, in the Caribbean Sea. It has an area of 27 km². Nobody knows its Taíno name. Columbus named this island as Madama Beata.
Catalina, very close to the southeastern coast of the Hispaniola, in the Caribbean Sea. It has an area of 9.6 km². Its Taíno name was Iabanea but some writers, including poets, say that it was called Toeya or Toella. It was discovered by Columbus who named it as Santa Catalina.

Some of the cays are Cayos Siete Hermanos (in English, "Seven Brothers Cays"), close to the northwestern coast, and the cays of Samaná Bay.

Mountains and Valleys

The Dominican Republic is a country with many mountains; the highest peaks of the Caribbean are found here. The chains of mountains show a direction northwest-southeast and they are separated by valleys with the same general direction.

From north to south, the mountain ranges and valleys are:
 Cordillera Septentrional (in English, "Northern Range"). It runs parallel to the north coast, with extensions to the northwest, the Tortuga Island north of Haiti, and to the southeast, the Samaná Peninsula (with its Sierra de Samaná). Its highest mountain is Diego de Ocampo, close to the city of Santiago, with 1,249 m. There are several small plains between this range and the Atlantic Ocean. Rivers are short and most of them flow to the north.
 The Cibao Valley is the largest and most important valley of the country. This long valley goes from Northern Haiti, where is called Plaine du Nord, to Samaná Bay. It can be divided in two parts: the northwestern part is the Yaque del Norte Valley (or Línea Noroeste) and the eastern Yuna Valley (or Vega Real, English: Royal Valley). The Vega Real has the best soils of the country; the population density is high.
 The Cordillera Central (in English, "Central Range") is also called Sierra del Cibao and in Haiti as the Massif du Nord ("Northern Massif"). With its high mountains, it divides the country in two halves. The highest mountains of the West Indies are in this range: Pico Duarte, 3,098 m, and others above 3,000 m. Near the center of the island, this range turns southward and is called Sierra de Ocoa, ending near the city of Azua de Compostela, on the Caribbean coast. Another branch, Cordillera Oriental (in English, "Eastern Range") or Sierra del Seibo is separated from the main chain by the region known as Los Haitises; it has a west-east direction and is located south of Samaná Bay.

 The San Juan Valley and Plain of Azua are big valleys south of the Cordillera Central with altitude from 0 to 600 m.
 The Sierra de Neiba; Mount Neiba is the highest mountain here with 2,279 m. An extension to the southeast of Sierra de Neiba is the Sierra Martín García (Loma Busú, 1,350 m).
 The Hoya de Enriquillo or Neiba Valley is a remarkable valley, with a west-east direction, of low altitude (on average 50 m with some points below sea level) and with a great salt lake: the Enriquillo Lake.
 The Sierra de Bahoruco, called Massif de la Selle in Haiti. This southern group of mountains have a geology very different to the rest of the island.
 Llano Costero del Caribe (in English, "Caribbean Coastal Plain") is in the southeast of the island (and of the Dominican Republic). It is a large prairie east of Santo Domingo.

Rivers and Lakes
The 8 longest rivers of the Dominican Republic are:
 Yaque del Norte is the longest river of the Dominican Republic, with 296 km. Its sources are in the Cordillera Central and flows through the Yaque del Norte Valley to the Atlantic Ocean. Its watershed has an area of 7,044 km².
 Yuna. It is 209 km long. Its sources are in the Cordillera Central and flows to the east through the Vega Real and to Samaná Bay. Its watershed has an area of 5,498 km².
 Yaque del Sur. It is 183 km long and its sources are in the Cordillera Central. It flows to the south into the Caribbean Sea. Its watershed has an area of 4,972 km².
 Ozama. It is 148 km long. Its sources are in Sierra de Yamasá (a branch of the Cordillera Central). It flows into the Caribbean Sea. Its watershed has an area of 2,685 km². The city of Santo Domingo is on both sides of this river.
 Camú. It is 137 km long. Its sources are in the Cordillera Central and flows into the Yuna River. Its watershed has 2,655 km².
 Nizao. It is 133 km long. Its sources are in the Cordillera Central and flows to the south into the Caribbean Sea. Its watershed has an area of 974 km².
 San Juan. It is 121 km long. Its sources are in the Cordillera Central and flows to the south through the San Juan Valley; it is the main tributary of the Yaque del Sur River. Its watershed has an area of 2,005 km².
 Mao. It is 105 km long. Its sources are in the Cordillera Central and flows to the north into the Yaque del Norte River. Its watershed has an area of 864 km².

The Artibonite River is the longest river of the island but only 68 km are in the Dominican Republic.

The largest lake of the Hispaniola, and of the Caribbean, is the Lake Enriquillo. It is in the Hoya de Enriquillo with an area of 265 km². There are three small islands within the lake. It is around 40 meters below sea level and is a saline lake with a higher concentration of salt than the sea water.

Others lakes are Rincón (fresh water, area of 28.2 km²), Oviedo (brackish water, area of 28 km²), Redonda, Limón.

References

Geography of the Dominican Republic


A Java virtual machine (JVM) is a set of computer software programs and data structures which use a virtual machine model for the execution of other computer programs and scripts.  The model used by a JVM accepts a form of computer intermediate language commonly referred to as Java bytecode.

Java virtual machines operate on Java bytecode, which is normally (but not necessarily) generated from Java source code; a JVM can also be used to implement programming languages other than Java.

The JVM is an important component of the Java Platform. Because JVMs are available for many hardware and software platforms, Java can be both middleware and a platform in its own right – hence the expression "write once, run anywhere." The use of the same bytecode for all platforms allows Java to be described as "compile once, run anywhere", as opposed to "write once, compile anywhere", which describes cross-platform compiled languages.

References

 Clarifications and Amendments to the Java Virtual Machine Specification, Second Edition includes list of changes to be made to support J2SE 5.0 and JSR 45
 JSR 45 – Specifies changes to the class file format to support source-level debugging of languages such as JSP and SQLJ that are translated to Java

Other websites
 The Java Virtual Machine Specification

 A decade after Java arrived, there have been improvements in the runtime performance of platform-independent virtual-machine based software.
 Sun to build virtual machine for iPhone - ComputerWorld

Computer science

Java virtual machine


Min or Miin (Minnan in Mandarin Chinese), more commonly referred to as Hokkien, Taiwanese, Holo, or Hoklo, is a group of languages that is spoken in southern China. It is spoken in the southern part of Fujian. It is also spoken in Taiwan, Singapore, Guangdong, and Hainan. The name of the language comes from the Min River that is in Fujian.

Chinese language

Min Nan


Southbridge is a city in the American state of Massachusetts. The city's nickname is "The Eye of the Commonwealth". It has a population of about 18,000.

Southbridge has a lot of history and tradition. The city was once home to the largest optical manufacturer in the world: American Optical. American Optical moved somewhere in Mexico where workers would be paid smaller wages. It is now called the Mexican Optical. Southbridge has a great economy. It is often called a mixing pot of cultures. There are many different ethnic groups in Southbridge.

Population

References

Cities in Massachusetts

Southbridge, Massachusetts


The Glastonbury Festival is a very big music festival. It is held at Worthy Farm near Glastonbury, Somerset, England, most years, during the last weekend in June. About 100,000 people come to the festival every time. The festival is hosted and organized by local farmer Michael Eavis. It is a widely known festival with many big and popular bands playing there every year.

Controversy
In Glastonbury 2009, there was a great deal of controversy when Jay-Z was asked to headline the festival. The most infamous response to this was when Noel Gallagher from Oasis said that Glastonbury should only be for rock musicians.

1970 establishments in England
Music festivals in England
Somerset

Glastonbury Festival


The dipole antenna is one of the most important and commonly used type of radio antenna. It is widely used on its own. It is also used in many other radio antenna designs where it forms the radiating or driven element for the antenna.

Basic facts dipole antenna
The dipole antenna is made of two poles into which radio frequency current flows. This current and the voltage causes an electromagnetic or radio signal to be radiated. Being more specific, a dipole is usually an antenna that uses a resonant length of conductor. This conductor is cut so it can be connected to the what is sending the signal. For resonance, the length of the conductor is an odd number of half wavelengths long. In most cases a single half-wavelength is used.

Length of a dipole antenna

The length of a dipole is very important for selecting the frequency that the antenna will work at. The antenna is an electrical half wavelength, or multiple of half wavelengths. This is not the same length as the wavelength for a signal travelling through air. There are a number of reasons for this. This means that an antenna will be a small amount shorter than the length calculated for a wave moving in air.

For a half wave dipole, the length for a wave moving in air is calculated. This number is multiplied by a factor "A". A is normally between 0.96 and 0.98. It is affected by the ratio of the length of the antenna to the thickness of the wire or tube used poles.

Uses of dipole antennas
Dipole antennas are used for many different things. These include television antennas (commonly referred to as "rabbit ears"), shortwave radio antennas and whip antennas.

Radio antennas

Dipole antenna


Bes was the ancient Egyptian god of protection of pregnant women, newborn babies and the family. He was a dwarf wearing a lion's skin. Bes does not look like he is Egyptian. He is like gods found in other parts of Africa.

To scare away demons during birth, Bes would dance around the room, shaking his rattle and yelling to scare away demons that might put a curse on the child. After the child was born, Bes would stay by him/her. When a baby laughed or smiled for no reason, Egyptians believed that Bes was somewhere in the room making funny faces.

His name appears to be connected to a Nubian word for cat, besa, which literally means protector.  Egyptians kept cats in order to attack snakes, and creatures that might ruin crop stores, such as mice, and so Bes was naturally singled out as worthy of worship in Egypt.

Worship
Images of the god were kept in homes to protect from evil and so he was shown quite differently from the other gods. Normally gods were shown in profile, but instead Bes appeared in portrait, and sometimes in a soldier's tunic, so as to appear ready to launch an attack on any approaching evil.

In the New Kingdom, tattoos of Bes could be found on the thighs of dancers, musicians and servant girls.

Like many Egyptian gods, the worship of Bes was exported overseas, and he was popular with the Phoenicians and the (ancient) Cypriots.

Purpose

Bes, the family god, protected children from the dangers of snakes and scorpions. Like the hippopotamus god Taweret, Bes was the protector of women in childbirth. The Egyptians put a statue in their room or a carving over their bed to protect them from bad dreams.  He brought good luck and good health to all that honored him. This household deity was also the god of music, dance and pleasure.

Physical Description

Bes was shown in full-face, unlike the other gods who were drawn in profile. This bandy-legged, large bellied dwarf wore an animal pelt and feathered headdress. He brandished a weapon or played a musical instrument while hopping about. Bes' tail and lion's mane stood out from his dwarfish features. With his tongue sticking out or teeth bared, this god had a place in every home.

History

Bes started out as multiple demons, which morphed to form a rearing lion as his first combined form. His power increased from the Old Kingdom to the New Kingdom. He started out as the protector of the pharaoh but shifted to being worshiped by civilians. In the New Kingdom, the female form, Beset developed from Bes. Items with his depiction were common in a very broad field, which included Sub-Sahara Africa, modern Turkey, Cyprus, Syria and Assyria. This implies that Bes was highly popular in the Middle East. The fact that Bes was depicted full-face suggests he originated from Africa.

References

 The Complete Gods and Goddesses of Ancient Egypt, Richard H. Wilkinson.
 The Oxford History of Ancient Egypt, Ian Shaw.
 Millmore, Mark.Imagining Egypt
 Braines, John. Ancient Egypt
 Gahlin, Lucia. Egypt
 Remler, Pat. Egyptian Mythology A-Z
 Remlar, pat. Egyptian Mythology A-Z revised edition
 Ades, Harry A Travelers History of Egypt

Notes

Other websites

touregypt.net
http://www.ancient-egypt.org/index.html
http://www.fruitofthenile.com/bes.htm
http://www.ancientegyptonline.co.uk/bes.html
http://home.swipenet.se/~w~63448/egymyth.htm

Egyptian gods and goddesses

Bes


Lin (, ) is a village in the former Udënisht Municipality in Korçë County, Albania. At the 2015 local government reform it became part of the municipality Pogradec.

Geography

Lin is situated on a small peninsula on Lake Ohrid, just south of the Qafë Thanë mountain pass, which is a border-crossing point between Albania and North Macedonia. Pogradec is roughly 22 km to the south of the village, while Struga is about 10 km north, along the lake shore. Radožda is the nearest settlement on the opposite side of the border.

History
The Lin area has been inhabited since at least Prehistory. New archeological findings indicate Lin to date back to being 8500 years old, meaning as old as at least 6000 BC. This makes Lin the oldest inhabited settlement in Europe. Archaeological findings from the hilltop above the present-day village include foundation walls and mosaics of an early Christian Byzantine church, dating from the 6th century. The church is a Cultural Monument of Albania and is included within the possible UNESCO site of the Natural and Cultural Heritage of the Ohrid Region (Albania).

In 1873, the village was recorded as having 65 households with 90 male Bulgarian Orthodox Christians and 62 male Muslims. In 1900, Vasil Kanchov traveled throughout the region, and he would report that Lin was a mixed village split equally between 300 Bulgarians Christians and 300 Albanian Muslims.

Demographics
The Albanian Tosk dialect is spoken in the area. Lin is the only place in Albania where the Vevčani-Radožda dialect of Macedonian is spoken by Macedonians. The other three villages in which this dialect is spoken are in North Macedonia.

During the 2000s linguists Klaus Steinke and Xhelal Ylli seeking to corroborate villages cited in past literature as being Slavic speaking carried out fieldwork. Lin was noted as being a mixed village of Orthodox Christians and Muslims having 1680 inhabitants and 296 families. Local Lin villagers stated that few families still speak Macedonian, such as in instances of marriage with women from neighbouring Radožda in North Macedonia, however, Macedonian overall is not used by the third generation.

Photos

References

Populated places in Pogradec
Villages in Korçë County
Albanian Ohrid Lake Coast

Lin, Korçë


Murrayfield is an affluent aurie in the wast o Edinburgh, Scotland. It is tae the east o Corstorphine an wastlins o Roseburn an the ceety centre. The A8 road rins fae east tae wast
thro Murrayfield. Murrayfield is aften considered tae include the smawer neebourin auries o Ravelston (tae the north) an Roseburn (tae the east).

Murrayfield is kenspeckle fir Murrayfield Stadium, hame tae the Scottis naitional rugby union team an venue for mony sportin events.  In the shadow o the Stadium is Murrayfield Ice Rink, which currently hosts the Edinburgh Capitals ice hockey team an previously played host tae the famous Murrayfield Racers. In the 2006-07 season, Heart of Midlothian played their UEFA Champions League ties at Murrayfield. Murrayfield Stadium haes been the venue for some lairge concerts an aw.

In addition tae the stadium, thare is Murrayfield Tennis Club an Murrayfield Golf Course which is atween Ravelston an Corstorphine Hill. Next tae this is Easter Belmont Road (a private road), ane o Edinburgh's "Millionaire's Rows" an is hame tae local businessman David Murray an Keith Miller. Aside frae sports facilities, thare is a lot o residential land use, and the area has a Spire Healthcare private hospital an sma nummers o shops, businesses includin a Nissan dealership, an hotels. The Murrayfield aurie is full o medium an lairge sized hooses.

The well-kent unthirlt schuils, St. George's Schuil for Girls an the Erskine Stewart's Melville Schuils  (The Mary Erskine Schuil for Girls an Stewart's Melville College) are situatit in the Murrayfield aurie. These schuils are aw awned bi the Merchant Company of Edinburgh.

The local primary schuil for maist is Roseburn Primary Schuil an Murrayfield is pairt o the Craigmount Heich Schuil catchment aurie. The nearest Roman Catholic schuils are Fox Covert R.C. Primary Schuil an St. Augustine's Heich Schuil.

Freemit airtins
Murrayfield Commonty Cooncil

Auries o Edinburgh

cs:Murrayfield

Murrayfield


An archaeological site is a place where physical remains of the past survive. The archaeologists working there will carefully record what they find. They may also change the site so that what has been found can be preserved better.

The site will have trenches so that people can excavate better. To start the excavation, the topsoil will be removed. Special tools like pickaxes and mattocks are used to break up and remove very hard compacted soil. Shovels and spades are used to clear away bulk debris. Other hand tools used in bulk cleanup work are hoes, rakes, forks, and the wheelbarrow to cart it away.

Related pages
Cultural heritage

Archaeological site