Pedro Marrero Aizpurúa (La Habana, Cuba, 23 de octubre de 1926 - 26 de julio de 1953, Santiago de Cuba) fue un sindicalista y figura revolucionaria cubana. Financió (junto a otras figuras) y participó en el enfrentamiento del asalto perpetrado contra el Cuartel Moncada, que pretendía hacerle frente a la dictadura de Fulgencio Batista junto al grupo "anti-Batista" al que pertenecía, siendo considerado actualmente como uno de los mártires de dicho asalto.

Ayudó también a parados y enfermos y luchó por mejorar la vida de los trabajadores de Cuba, consiguiendo resultados positivos.  Además, fue un héroe del sector de la alimentación.

Biografía

Primeros años
Nacido en el barrio de Puentes Grandes, en Marianao (La Habana, Cuba), su padre, Juan Marrero, era hijo de inmigrantes canarios procedentes de Las Palmas de Gran Canaria, mientras que su madre procedía de Vascongadas (País Vasco). Estudió en el colegio de su barrio hasta sexto grado de primaria.

Tras esto, ingresó en el Instituto de Segunda Enseñanza de Marianao. Sin embargo, no pudo continuar sus estudios medios o superiores tras la muerte de su padre. El presupuesto familiar no era suficiente para costear la carrera de Marrero y de su hernana Lucila, lo que lo empuja a buscar trabajo para que su hermana pueda continuar. Así, comienza a trabajar en el depósito de cerveza, propiedad de Nazahal y Cia, en el departamento de transporte.

Carrera profesional

Ayudas humanitarias

En el departamento de transportes fue Delegado de la Asociación de canos y camiones, una organización que afiliaba a todos los obreros del ramo. Más tarde, se trasladó a  la fábrica de cerveza La Tropical. Pedro Marrero y Fernando Chenard Piña se encargaron de organizar la Juventud Ortodoxa en la barriada. Así, fue uno de los primeros militantes del Partido Comunista, colaborando en la recogida de material para enviar a España durante la guerra civil (1936 - 39).

Ya desde una temprana edad ocupó cargos en los sindicatos. Así, destacó en sus ayudas a los parados y enfermos o reivindicando las condiciones de vida laboral de los trabajadores cubanos, consiguiendo resultados positivos, a pesar de la persecución en la que se veía envuelto.

Carrera militar

Cuando se fundó en 1947 el partido del Pueblo Cubano, Ortodoxo, se convirtió en un militante activo en sus filas, junto a otros muchos comunistas que creían que este partido majoraría la situación de los más débiles. Sin embargo, se sintieron luego desfraudados por el partido, lo que los empujó a enfrentarse al último de los gobiernos "auténticos" con la consigna "Vergüenza contra el dinero".

Tras el golpe del 10 de marzo de 1952 comienza a frecuentar los actos estudiantiles de la Universidad. Allí, durante los funerales de Rubén Batista, repartió el órgano informativo del movimiento que se organizaba, llamando a que no repostaran la agresión de la policía. Además, según el historiador canario Miguel Leal Cruz (en su libro "Canarias - Cuba: Perspectivas cruzadas"), luchó contra la dictadura de Fulgencio Batista, uniéndose a los voluntarios que eran partidarios de las ideas revolucionarias de Fidel Castro, participando en diversos enfrentamientos contra dicho gobierno de facto junto a otros seguidores de Fidel. En uno de sus enfrentamientos, comienza a reunirse con grupos desconocidos para sus compañeros de fábrica. Estaba ocupado en el movimiento revolucionario que atacaría el Cuartel Moncada; sin embargo, se necesitaban fondos para el ataque por lo que al igual que otros integrantes, vendió varias de sus pertenencias.

Llegado el momento de la partida, en el automóvil de Marrero viajaron hacia Santiago de Cuba: José Suárez Blanco, José Antonio Labrador, Gregorio Creaga, Severino Rossell y otro trabajador de la cervecería Cristal. Así, tras contactarse con Fidel en Matanzas, llegaron a Santiago justo el día en que debía producirse el asalto, el 26 de julio de 1953 y fue seleccionado para tomar parte del mismo como conductor; en este contexto, participando del asalto resulta asesinado por las balas de los defensores militares del Cuartel Moncada, luego de ser descubiertos.

Legado
 La fábrica de cervezas donde trabajó, así como otros centros del país, llevan hoy su nombre como agradecimiento a los caídos por la Revolución.
 "La medalla (o distinción) Pedro Marrero Aizpurúa" es una distinción cubana perteneciente a la industria alimentaria que se otorga por una destacada trayectoria laboral durante 20 años para las mujeres y 25 a los hombres. Esta distinción, tal y como su nombre indica, fue promulgada en agradecimiento a Pedro Marrero Aizpurúa, miembro emblemático del sector.

Ideología
Fue un gran seguidor de las ideas de José Martí, modelo a seguir para otros muchos canarios y descendientes de ellos que residían en la isla.

Referencias

Bibliografía
 Durand Galano, José; Dos barrios fundidos por sus propias tradiciones. Ceiba y Puentes Grandes.Editorial UNEAC.

Enlaces externos
 .
 JULIO BLANCO EN LA ANTIGUA CERVECERA LA TROPICAL. 1930.
 Jornada por el día del trabajo.

 La versión original del artículo, o parte de él, procede de EcuRed, que edita bajo licencia cc by-nc-sa-3.0. Consúltense las restricciones de uso.

Militares de Cuba
Revolución cubana
Sindicalistas de Cuba
Nacidos en La Habana

Pedro Marrero Aizpurúa


Embrace fue una banda estadounidense de post-hardcore nacidos en Washington D. C., a mediados de 1985. Fue una de las bandas que ayudaron a procrear el subgénero emotive hardcore, aunque los miembros se han jactado de este término como su creación. La banda incluyó a Ian MacKaye (proveniente de Minor Threat) como su vocalista principal y a tres de sus miembros: Michael Hampton como guitarrista, Ivor Hanson como baterista y Chris Bald como bajista. Michael Hampton e Ivor Hanson habían tocado previamente en la banda S.O.A.. La única grabación de Embrace fue su álbum homónimo, y un sencillo.

Durante el quiebre de Embrace, Ian MacKaye reintegro al baterista de Minor Threat, Jeff Nelson, para crear la banda Egg Hunt. Chris Bald se fue a la banda Ignition, mientras que el baterista Ivor Hanson partió junto con Michael Hampton Manifesto, en 1992.

Discografía
 Embrace CD (Dischord Records, 1986).

Miembros
 Ian MacKaye – voces
 Michael Hampton – guitarras
 Chris Bald – bajo
 Ivor Hanson – batería

Enlaces externos

 Embrace en Dischords.
 Myspace tributo a Embrace.
 Embrace en Sputnik.
 Embrace en Last.fm.

Referencias

Cuartetos de música de Estados Unidos
Artistas de Dischord Records
Grupos de música de Washington D. C.
Grupos de rock de Washington D. C.
Grupos de emo de Estados Unidos
Grupos de post-hardcore de Estados Unidos
Grupos de hardcore punk de Estados Unidos
Grupos de hardcore punk de Washington D. C.
Grupos de música formados en 1985

Embrace (banda estadounidense)


Carolina Maria de Jesus (14 March 1914 – 13 February 1977) was a Brazilian outskirts memorialist who lived most of her life as a slum-dweller. She is best known for her diary, published in August 1960 as Quarto de Despejo (lit. Junk Room, English title Child of the Dark: The Diary of Carolina Maria de Jesus) after attracting the attention of a Brazilian journalist, which became a bestseller and won international acclaim. The work remains the only document published in English by a Brazilian slum-dweller of that period. De Jesus spent a significant part of her life in the Canindé [pt] favela in North São Paulo, supporting herself and three children as a scrap collector.

Quarto de despejo did not stop at being an editorial success, it also spawned theatrical plays, musical compositions (some by de Jesus herself), illustrations and sayings, and is a source for both individual and collective artistic creations, especially by other Black women from Brazilian city outskirts. De Jesus lends her name to community preparatory schools, theatre halls, saraus and collective action groups. The 2020 edition of the  (Outskirts Literary Festival) was held in honour of de Jesus' memory, on the 60th anniversary of the book's publication.

Biography

Early life
Carolina Maria de Jesus was born in the city of Sacramento, Minas Gerais, then a small rural town. Her parents were illiterate sharecroppers. She was the daughter of a single mother, and her father was married to another woman. For those reasons, she was treated as an outcast as a child and was a victim of child mistreatment. When she reached the age of seven, de Jesus' mother forced her to attend school. Maria Leite Monteiro de Barros, a wealthy landowner's wife who was also a benefactor to other poor black neighbourhood children, supported her for a while and paid for her schooling. Her formal education lasted a meagre two years, though by then she was already able to read and write. As her mother had illegitimate children, her family was excluded from Catholic Church. Nevertheless, she never stopped considering herself a Catholic. For instance, she often made biblical references and praises to God in her diary: "I dreamt I was an angel. My dress was billowing and had long pink sleeves. I went from earth to heaven. I put stars in my hands and played with them. I talked to the stars. They put on a show in my honor. They danced around me and made a luminous path. When I woke up I thought: I'm so poor. I can't afford to go to a play so God sends me these dreams for my aching soul. To the God who protects me, I send my thanks."

In 1937, the year her mother died, de Jesus migrated to the metropolis of São Paulo, which was experiencing a demographic upswing and witnessing the appearance of its first slums. Here, she worked as a maid for white families, but found that the work clashed with her independent personality. Additionally, De Jesus at this time lived a promiscuous life, and in 1948, she became pregnant. These reasons led to her dismissal by the family for which she was a maid, and she ended up needing to live in the nearby favela, Canindé. It is reported that authorities in her hometown thought her ability to read meant that she was a practitioner of witchcraft, because it was so unusual for someone like her. In São Paulo, she earned a living by collecting recyclable materials. She would purchase what little food she could afford with the earnings of her hard work. De Jesus made her own shack out of scrap plywood, cans, cardboard, or pretty much anything she could obtain. Among the materials she collected, there would be an occasional journal or notebook, as well as books, which encouraged her to start recording her day-to-day activities and write about life in the favela. It angered her neighbours that she was always writing because they were illiterate and felt uncomfortable at the thought of her writing about them. Her neighbours were jealous of her and tended to treat de Jesus and her children badly. She never considered getting married, on account of having witnessed too much domestic violence in the slums and preferring to remain an independent woman. She had three children, each from a different relationship (at least one of whom was with a wealthy white man). Unlike many fellow black women, de Jesus celebrated her race and was proud of it. To her, her skin and hair looked beautiful.

In her diary, she gives details about the daily life of favelados (the inhabitants of favelas), and bluntly describes the political and social facts which impacted their lives. She writes of how poverty and desperation can cause people of elevated moral character to abandon their principles and dishonour themselves to simply feed their families. According to her, favelados would never get the chance to save money, as any extra earnings would immediately be used to pay off debts.

Publication of her diary
De Jesus' diary was published in August 1960. She had been discovered by journalist Audálio Dantas in April 1958. Dantas was covering the opening of a neighbouring city playground when, immediately after the ribbon-cuttings, a street gang stormed in and claimed the area, chasing the children away. Dantas saw de Jesus standing at the edge of the playground shouting, "If you continue mistreating these children, I'm going to put all of your names in my book!".  The intruders departed. Dantas asked what she meant by "book"; she was shy at first, but took him to her shack and showed him everything she had written. He asked her for a small sample and subsequently ran it in the newspaper. However, de Jesus is known to have given interviews and made other newspaper appearances since the early 1940s.

The inspiration for the book's title came from de Jesus' believing the favela was society's junk room: 'I live in the junk room. And whatever's in there, people either set on fire, or throw in the garbage'.

De Jesus's story electrified the town and in 1960, Quarto de Despejo was released. The first edition quickly sold its 10,000 initial copies. 20,000 copies of the second edition and an additional 50,000 copies of the third edition were soon printed to meet the popular demand of the book. Though written in the simple language of a favela dweller, the book was translated into thirteen (another source says fourteen) languages and became a bestseller in North America and Europe. It was published in the United States and UK as Child of the Dark: The Diary of Carolina Maria de Jesus in 1962. The book was heavily edited by Dantas, and some critics suspected it a fraud; but the original manuscript was preserved and reprinted in full in 1999, proving not only that de Jesus wrote the book herself, but that she was a much livelier and more poetic writer than Dantas' edition seemed to suggest. Additionally, we know that while de Jesus wanted to publish more of her own stories and poems, Dantas heavily advised her against doing so.

The book's status as a bestseller came as a surprise to her neighbourhood as well as the country. Many of de Jesus' neighbours knew about her writings before the publication and would tease and ridicule her because of them. "Most couldn't even read, but thought she should be doing other things with her spare time than writing and saving old writings." Despite the large amount of publicity and popularity caused by the diary, de Jesus continued to be a social pariah.

De Jesus' diary detailed the grim reality of her life as well as that of those around her. She judged her neighbours based on their lifestyles, using actual names and circumstances in the book. "You wrote bad things about me, you did worse than I did", a drunken neighbour once yelled. Many neighbours despised de Jesus because she seemed to look down on slum people's way of life. One man "screamed at her that she was a 'black whore' who had become rich by writing about favelados but refused to share any of her money with them." In addition to their cruel words, people threw stones and full chamber pots at her and her children. They were also angry because she used the proceeds of her diary to move into a brick-house in the high-end neighbourhood of Santana. "Neighbors swarmed around the truck and wouldn't let her leave. 'You think you are high class now, don't you'", they would scream. They despised her for what they saw as a disparagement of their way of life, even though a major achievement of her diary was to increase awareness about Brazilian favelas the world over.

Seeing as de Jesus raised concerns about conditions in the favelas, local politicians started wanting to meet with her to discuss possible ways to amend the situation. São Paulo's governor Francisco Prestes Maia made a move to engage state agencies in providing poverty relief for favelados. Most of his projects were concerned with teaching women to sew, care properly for their children and practice good hygiene. However, these initiatives quickly faded.

Children

De Jesus' had three children: João José, José (aka Zé) Carlos, and Vera Eunice. Through interviews for The Life and Death of Maria de Jesus (see below ), second eldest Zé and daughter Vera provide vital information about her personality.

In her interview, Vera clearly describes how her mother devoted herself entirely to her dream of becoming a writer, without any help from others. Vera admired her mother's aspiration to create a better life not only for herself but for her children. Although living with de Jesus' could be challenging, Vera stated "There is no one in the world I admire more than her." Vera stresses how the success of her mother's work quickly resulted in the family constantly traveling, attending parties, and living in a large mansion that seemed almost prison-like due to its large size. Constantly praising her mother during the interview, Vera gives full credit to de Jesus for her achievements; according to her, she would never have been able to attend school if it were not for her mother's success.

Vera constantly mentions the danger of living in the favela and how, although she and her siblings were born poor, their mother fought for a better life for them. Violence in the favela made it dangerous for Vera and her brothers to be on the streets with her mother, so most of their time was spent idly, sometimes studying, in their shack waiting for her to return. De Jesus rarely let her children leave their shack, fearing for their safety. Leaving her children alone at night was too dangerous. Vera states: "We didn't have enough money to buy proper food, but my mother wanted us to stay out of the favela! She disliked not only the favela, but the people who lived in it... my mother gave [my brothers] money to stay away the whole day. They only returned at night, to sleep. Movie tickets ended up costing much of our money for food, but she preferred it that way. She preferred to leave at dawn, with her sack on her shoulders, to walk, walk, walk and to go to bed hungry, rather than to leave us alone in Canindé." "Hunger is the world plague of the favela", Vera stated.

Vera made it clear that there was constantly a man in her mother's life. In her words, de Jesus loved being infatuated and was very sexually-oriented. She stressed how her mother did not fancy the Black men of the favela and how they did not favour her too much either. While she had been called a witch in her hometown, in Canindé she was regarded merely as an eccentric. People there were less in awe of her writing than intimidated by it: "In the favela, they thought that she was crazy, walking with her notebook under her arm. There were people who laughed. The worst ones laughed at her piles of paper, but they stopped when they realized that it was neither a joke nor craziness". When someone upset her, she threatened to write about them in her book. Jealousy of her writing, men, and lifestyle resulted in other faveladas (the female inhabitants of favelas) antagonizing her. However, that did not stop de Jesus from continuing to write about what was going on in the favela.

During the interview, Vera recalls an event specifically showing her mother's love and protection towards her children. She recalled a childhood event in which she was playing on the grass when a man approached her and asked her to help him find something. The two headed down towards a river and soon the man began removing Vera's clothes in an indication that he was about to rape her. De Jesus instinctively felt her daughter was in danger, and soon made her way down to the river, thereby rescuing her daughter and chasing the stranger away.

According to Vera, before the publication of Quarto de despejo her mother became obsessed with Audálio Dantas, her publisher, and was constantly anxious about him sending word about her diary. Soon after the book was released, Vera found herself attending her mother's book signings, wearing new clothes, and traveling across Brazil. All of a sudden, everything Vera, her brothers, and her mother wanted was at their fingertips. Vera said her mother always liked to be the centre of attention, and aspired to become a singer and an actress. In spite of her ambitions, her publisher argued that this would bring her no benefit and insisted she should continue writing books.

Soon after the family switched neighbourhoods from the favela to Santana the children witnessed intense discrimination from their wealthy neighbors. There, the family lived in a large brick-house that they thought of as a prison due to its large size in comparison to their previous home. Neighbourhood kids were not allowed to play with Vera and her brothers as their families considered de Jesus was "marked by the favela".

Despite her mother's fame and fortune, Vera noticed de Jesus was becoming impatient due to her lack of privacy. Before the fame, all de Jesus wanted was to have her writing noticed, but she had started regretting her decisions. Now that money was plentiful (it is estimated she made ₢$2,000 by selling her author's rights, as compared to a 20 cruzeiros income from collecting paper), de Jesus began to spend it for no reason. She had intentions of sending both Vera and Zé Carlos to Italy but soon changed her mind and decided to invest in a small ranch in far-flung Parelheiros where she ended up moving with her children. The family was excited about living in a rural area and Vera saw her mother become hard-working again: growing crops, taking care of the household, and tending to her youngest João as his health grew ill. The family was prevented from getting medical help for him from public health services at the time as they did not have a work card, which was required by the social security agency.

De Jesus' new fame was found to be brief mainly due to the military dictatorship coming into power in 1964 (citation of military dictatorship), which turned people away from socially critical works of literature, such as Quarto de Despejo. Without a propagation of her status to provide income, she eventually was forced to move back to the favela, making the situation even more complicated for her sick son, João.

Eventually, João died of kidney failure only four months after his mother had passed from respiratory failure in 1977. Vera Eunice, who was interviewed in 1994, got married and became a teacher, and at the time of the interview was a nighttime higher education student with plans of becoming an English-language translator. On the other hand, her second oldest, José Carlos was twice divorced, occasionally homeless and an alcoholic, and purportedly as smart, angry and erratic as his mother.

Perspective
One of the characteristics differentiating Carolina Maria de Jesus from her neighbours in the Canindé favela was her distinctive perspective on life. Though living among the lowest classes of society, de Jesus had dreams and aspirations not unlike those of any privileged person who enjoyed a comfortable living in Brazil during the mid-1900s. De Jesus believed that her dreams could be realized and, against great odds, many of them were. She stood by a different paradigm than her favelado counterparts, and lived accordingly.

At no point in de Jesus's life was she at peace with the fact that she was born into the lower classes. The activities she occupied her spare time with, her decision to avoid the many risks of a vulnerable life as well as her affairs, all indicated that while she was physically in the favela, her mind wandered free. "[W]hat set Carolina apart in Canindé was her penchant for spending several hours a day writing". In an environment with high illiteracy rates, eloquent writing was a particularly rare accomplishment. She wrote poems, novels and stories. In the early 1940s, de Jesus began taking her work to editors in an attempt to get it published. She persevered until in 1960, Dantas decided to publish her diary.

Among the many things de Jesus chose to write about in her diary were the people living around her. She describes herself as being very different from fellow favelados, and claimed that "she detested other blacks from her social class". While she watched many of the people around her succumb to drugs, alcohol, prostitution, violence, and robbery, she strived to stay loyal to her children and her writing. De Jesus was consistently able to provide for her children by recycling scrap material for money or diving through dumpsters for food and clothing. By saving some of the paper she collected, de Jesus had the material she needed to go on with her writing.

De Jesus offers a non-academic perspective on poverty and exclusionary economic expansion in Brazil, which was then rarely made by someone who did not come from the educated classes. The moment is particularly ironic, as it was a time when Brasilia, the symbol of a 'New Brasil', had just been inaugurated.

Another atypical part of de Jesus' life concerned romantic affairs. Although it was not unusual for Black women at the time to seek light-skinned partners, since lighter skin was openly associated with higher economic status, de Jesus did not want to leverage relationships in order to improve her own situation. Her children were fathered by white foreigners from Italy, Portugal, and the United States. A few romantic partners offered to marry her, yet she accepted none of their proposals, even though by marrying them, she would have been lifted out of poverty. A possible explanation for that may be that she did not want anyone dictating how she lived. Regardless of the reason, de Jesus remained true to her beliefs and did not conform to the way of life of the favela.

Global impact

Carolina Maria de Jesus had a great cultural impact on Brazil. Her decision to write about the struggles of the community versus strictly about her own struggles was something unprecedented in Brazil and was a perspective that was appreciated internationally

De Jesus wrote another four books after Quarto de despejo, to a scanty success. She rose to fame and fell from grace very rapidly. This could be because of her strong personality, which kept her from getting along with people very well. Also, the Brazilian political landscape changed drastically after the 1964 Brazilian coup d'état, which left little room for freedom of expression. She still wrote poems, short stories, and brief memoirs, none of which were ever published. In fact, her obituary in a 1977 edition of the Jornal do Brasil speaks of her blaming herself for not being able to take advantage of her brief celebrity status and states that her stubbornness led her to die in poverty. Still, her biography and memoirs provide insight into Brazilian favela life. While her life story can be seen as a struggle with tragedy, it is possible to regard her views as common Brazilian attitudes towards society, family life, equality, poverty, and other aspects of daily existence in the 1960s.

Her book was read extensively both in capitalist areas such as Western Europe and the United States, as well as in the Eastern Bloc and Cuba, the wide range of the audience demonstrating how many people were affected by her story outside of Brazil. For the liberal capitalist West, the book portrayed a cruel and corrupt system which had been reinforced by centuries of colonial ideals instilled in people. By contrast, for communist readers the stories depicted perfectly the fundamental flaws of capitalist production in which the worker is the most downtrodden part of the economic system.

As Brazilian historian José Carlos Sebe Bom Meihy noted, "many foreign specialists in Brazil year after year used her translated diary in their classes", which indicates her worldwide role in providing an uncommon first-hand account of 1960s favela life. According to Robert M. Levine, "Carolina's words brought alive a slice of Latin American reality rarely acknowledged in traditional textbooks."

A biography about her was written by author Jarid Arraes as part of her 2015 cordel collection and book Heroínas Negras Brasileiras em 15 cordéis.

On 14 March 2019, search engine Google commemorated de Jesus with a Doodle on the 105th anniversary of her birth.

Bibliography
 Quarto de Despejo: Diário de uma favelada (1960). Translated by David St. Clair as Child of the Dark: The Diary of Carolina Maria de Jesus. New York: E. P. Dutton, 1962. As Beyond All Pity, London, UK: Souvenir Press, 1962; Panther, 1970; Earthscan, 1990.
 Casa de alvenaria (1961)
 Pedaços de fome (1963)
 Provérbios (1963)
 Diário de Bitita (1982, posthumous)
 Meu estranho diário (1996, posthumous)
 Onde estaes felicidade? (2014, posthumous)

Further reading
 Robert M. Levine and José Carlos Sebe Bom Meihy, The Life and Death of Carolina Maria de Jesús, Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1995.
 Chasteen, John, Born in Blood and Fire: a concise history of Latin America, 2001.

References

External links
 Robert M. Levine, "The Cautionary Tale Of Carolina Maria De Jesus", Working Paper No. 178, Kellogg Institute.

Melvin S. Arrington, Jr., "I'm Going to Have a Little House: The Second Diary of Carolina Maria de Jesus", University of Mississippi. Review of Carolina's second published book.
The Life and Death of Carolina de Jesus
 Sergio Barcellos

1914 births
1977 deaths
Writers from São Paulo
Women diarists
Brazilian autobiographers
20th-century Brazilian women writers
People from Minas Gerais
Afro-Brazilian writers
Afro-Brazilian women
20th-century diarists

Carolina Maria de Jesus


Robert Michael James Gascoyne-Cecil, 7th Marquess of Salisbury, Baron Gascoyne-Cecil,  (born 30 September 1946), is a British Conservative politician. From 1979 to 1987 he represented South Dorset in the House of Commons, and in the 1990s he was Leader of the House of Lords under his courtesy title of Viscount Cranborne. Lord Salisbury lives in one of England's largest historic houses, the 17th-century Hatfield House in Hertfordshire, and currently serves as Chancellor of the University of Hertfordshire.

Early life
Robert Michael James Gascoyne-Cecil was born on 30 September 1946, the eldest child and first-born son of Robert Gascoyne-Cecil, 6th Marquess of Salisbury. His younger brother was the journalist Lord Richard Cecil, who was killed covering the conflict in Rhodesia in 1978.

Lord Cranborne attended Eton College and Christ Church, Oxford, and became a merchant banker before going to work on the family estates.

Political career

House of Commons
Lord Cranborne was selected as the Conservative Party candidate for South Dorset in 1976, where his family owned land, despite there being on the shortlist several former members of parliament who had lost their seats in the two 1974 elections. At the 1978 Conservative Party conference he spoke in opposition to British sanctions against Rhodesia. He won the South Dorset seat at the 1979 general election, becoming the seventh consecutive generation of his family to sit in the House of Commons. In his maiden speech, he urged Ian Smith, prime minister of Rhodesia, to stand aside in favour of Abel Muzorewa.

Cranborne gained a general reputation as a right-winger, especially on matters affecting the Church of England, but confounded this reputation when he co-wrote a pamphlet in 1981 which said that the fight against unemployment ought to be given more priority than the fight against inflation. He took an interest in Northern Ireland, and, when Jim Prior announced his policy of 'Rolling Devolution', resigned an unpaid job as assistant to Douglas Hurd.

Lord Cranborne became known in the early 1980s as an anti-communist, as a supporter of Afghan refugees (from the Soviet invasion of that country) in Pakistan, and for sending food parcels to Poland. Until the early years of the 21st century, a charity shop was run on his Hatfield House estate solely to raise money for these causes, including funds for Polish orphanages. He was involved in efforts to fund the Afghan resistance. His strong opposition to any involvement by the Republic of Ireland in Northern Ireland led him to oppose the Anglo-Irish Agreement and contributed to his decision to retire from the House of Commons in 1987.

House of Lords
After the 1992 general election, John Major used a writ of acceleration to call Lord Cranborne up to the House of Lords in one of his father's junior titles. Thus, Lord Cranborne was summoned to Parliament as Baron Cecil, of Essendon in the County of Rutland (his father's most junior dignity), although he continued to be known by his courtesy style of Viscount Cranborne. This is the most recent time a writ of acceleration has been issued, and due to the provisions of the House of Lords Act 1999, abolishing the automatic right of hereditary peers to sit in the House of Lords, any future use of the writ of acceleration is highly unlikely.

He served for two years as a junior defence minister before being appointed as Lord Privy Seal and Leader of the House of Lords in 1994. Lord Cranborne was appointed by the Queen as Privy Counsellor (PC) on 21 July 1994. Funding for opposition parties in the House of Lords, known as Cranborne Money, began during his leadership. When Major resigned as Leader of the Conservative Party in an attempt to test his authority as leader in July 1995, Lord Cranborne led his re-election campaign. He was recognised as one of the few members of the Cabinet who were personally loyal to Major, but continued to lead the Conservative Peers after Labour won the 1997 general election.

When the new Prime Minister Tony Blair proposed the removal of the hereditary element in the House of Lords, Lord Cranborne negotiated a pact with the Labour government to retain a small number of hereditary peers (later set at 92) for what was intended to be an interim period. For the sake of form this amendment was formally proposed by Lord Weatherill, Convenor of the Cross-Bench Peers. However, Lord Cranborne gave his party's approval without consulting the party leader, William Hague, who knew nothing and was embarrassed when Blair told him of it in the House of Commons. Hague then sacked Lord Cranborne, who accepted his error, saying that he had "rushed in, like an ill-trained spaniel".

All former Leaders of the House of Lords who were hereditary peers accepted life peerages to keep them in the upper house in 1999. Lord Cranborne, who had received the title Baron Gascoyne-Cecil, of Essendon in the County of Rutland, remained active on the backbenches until the House of Lords adopted new rules for declaration of financial interests which he believed were too onerous. He took "Leave of Absence" on 1 November 2001. He was therefore out of the House of Lords when he succeeded his father as the 7th Marquess of Salisbury on 11 July 2003.

In January 2010, Lord Salisbury and Owen Paterson, the then Shadow Secretary of State for Northern Ireland, hosted secret talks at Hatfield House, involving the DUP, the UUP and the Conservative Party. These talks prompted speculation that the Conservatives were attempting to create a pan-unionist front to limit Sinn Féin and the Social Democratic and Labour Party at the general election of 2010.

In September 2012, Lord Salisbury, in his role as Chairman of the Thames Diamond Jubilee Foundation, was knighted by Queen Elizabeth II and became a Knight Commander of the Royal Victorian Order (KCVO).

He retired from the House of Lords on 8 June 2017, the date of the snap general election. He was appointed a Knight Companion of the Order of the Garter (KG) on 27 February 2019.

Other interests
Salisbury is a Deputy Lieutenant of Hertfordshire, and the current President of the Friends of the British Library and of the Friends of Friendless Churches.

Lord Salisbury is the Chairman of the Constitution Reform Group (CRG), a cross-party pressure group which seeks a new constitutional settlement in the UK by way of a new Act of Union. The group introduced the Act of Union Bill 2017-19 as a Private Member's Bill by Lord Lisvane in the House of Lords on 9 October 2018, when it received a formal first reading; its passage through Parliament was terminated by the ending of the parliamentary session in October 2019.

Lord Salisbury writes for The Spectator and the Centre for Policy Studies under the informal name of Robert Salisbury.  He is the Chairman of Reaction.

In 2020, Lord Salisbury published a book entitled William Simpson and the Crisis in Central Asia, 1884-5. It is a nonfiction book about the Victorian war artist William Simpson, and his involvement with the Afghan Boundary Commission, a surveying project which nearly triggered a war with Tsarist Russia in 1885. The book was privately published as a contribution to the Roxburghe Club, and it is illustrated by a set of sketches by Simpson now owned by Lord Salisbury.

Marriage and children
In 1970, aged 23, he married Hannah Stirling, niece of Colonel Sir David Stirling (a co-founder of the SAS) and a descendant of the Lords Lovat, Scottish Catholic aristocrats. The marriage was initially opposed by his family, chiefly because Stirling was a Catholic.

During the 1970s, Lord and Lady Cranborne had two sons and three daughters (including twins); the two elder daughters are now married. Until recently, they lived at Cranborne Manor, Dorset.  The family seat is Hatfield House, once home to Queen Elizabeth I of England, which was given to the family by James I of England in exchange for the Cecil family house Theobalds. The Cecils are landowners in Dorset, Hertfordshire and London, and the 7th Marquess ranked 352nd in the Sunday Times Rich List 2017, with an estimated net worth of £335m (of which the paintings at Hatfield accounted for £150m).

The Marquess of Salisbury's heir is his elder son Robert Edward "Ned" William Gascoyne-Cecil, Viscount Cranborne (born 1970). He was a page of honour to the Queen from 1983 to 1986. The heir is unmarried, though he does have a daughter born in 2001. The younger son, Lord James, has married and fathered one son, Thomas Richard James (born 2009).

Arms

References

External links

The young elite 1–10
Debrett's People of Today

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1946 births
Alumni of Christ Church, Oxford
British anti-communists
Robert, Salisbury 7
Conservative Party (UK) life peers
Gascoyne-Cecil, Robert
Deputy Lieutenants of Dorset
Deputy Lieutenants of Hertfordshire
Knights Commander of the Royal Victorian Order
Knights of the Garter
Leaders of the House of Lords
Living people
Lords Privy Seal
Robert
Members of the Privy Council of the United Kingdom
Chancellors of the University of Hertfordshire
People educated at Eton College
Gascoyne-Cecil, Robert
Gascoyne-Cecil, Robert
Salisbury, M7
Gascoyne-Cecil
Life peers created by Elizabeth II
Salisbury 7th
Peers retired under the House of Lords Reform Act 2014

Robert Gascoyne-Cecil, 7th Marquess of Salisbury


දුඹුරු පැහැති බාබට් හෝ විශාල කොළ බාබට්  (Psilopogon zeylanicus) යනු ආසියානු බාබට් වේ. බාබට්ස් යනු ලෝකය පුරා නිවර්තන ව්යාප්තියකින් යුක්තය. බාර්බෙත් ඔවුන්ගේ බර බිල් බෙරිහන් කරන ජනශාවලින් ඔවුන්ගේ නම ලැබෙනු ඇත.

දුඹුරු පැහැති බාබට් යනු ඉන්දියානු උපමහාද්වීපයේ පදිංචිව සිටින, බංග්ලාදේශයේ හා ශ්රී ලංකාවෙහි දක්නට ලැබෙන අතර එය ඉන්දියාවේ ව්යාප්තව පවතී. එය පලතුරු සහ කෘමීන් අනුභව කරන උද්යාන සහ වනාන්තරවලින් වැසී ඇති ශාක විශේෂයකි. කෙසේ වෙතත්, එය මිනිසුන්ට බෙහෙවින් ඉවසා දරා ඇති අතර බොහෝ අවස්ථාවලදී නගරවලදී, සතා සිවුපාවුන් දැකිය හැකිය. එය 2-4 බිත්තර දැමීම, ගසක් සිදුරකින් විදිනු ඇත. කුරුල්ලා මඤ්ඤොක්, ඉදුණු ජැක්, පපායා, කෙසෙල්, අත්තික්කා හා සමාන වගා කළ පළතුරු ගස් මත බොහෝදුරට ගසා කයි. එහි වාස භූමිය නාගරික සහ වනෝද්යානයට අයත් ය. එය ගවයන් මෙන් නොව, එය බොහෝ විට කැණීම් කරන ගසක සුදුසු සිදුරක් තුළට ගසා ඇත. දෙදෙනෙකු බිත්තර කපාගන්නවා හැරිය යුතු අතර ඔවුන් නිතරම කුරා කෝරා භාවිතා කර එකිනෙකා සමඟ සන්නිවේදනය කරයි.

මෙය 27 සෙ.මී. සාපේක්ෂ විශාල බාබට් වේ. එය කෙටි ගෙල, විශාල හිසක් හා කෙටි වලිගයක් සහිත පුංචි කුරුල්ලෙක් වේ.

වැඩිහිටි දුඹුරු පැහැති හිස, බෙල්ල සහ පියයුරු, කහ පැහැති ඇඳුමකින් යුක්ත වේ. අනෙක් පිහාටු කොළ පාටයි. බිල්පත ඝන සහ රතු. ලිංගික කාරණා සමාන වේ.

සුදු කැටය සහිත බාබට් බොහෝ බටහිර යුරෝපයේ සහ බටහිර අර්ධද්වීපයේ කඳුකර ප්රදේශ වල මෙම විශේෂය විස්ථාපනය කරයි. මෙම විශේෂයේ කැඳවුම් සමාන වන නමුත් සුදු කම්මුල් පැල්ලම් සුවිශේෂී ය.

ඇමතුම පුනරාවර්තී කූරු ... කූට්රෝ ... කූට්රෝ. වෙනත් අය ආරම්භ කරන විට අනෙක් ඇමතුම ක්රියාත්මක වේ. ශීත ඍතුවේදී තරමක් නිහඩව සිටී.

English name =brown- headed barbet

It is used in about text.

පොළොස් කොට්ටෝරුවා


Ɛ̆ (minuscule : ɛ̆), appelé epsilon brève, est un graphème utilisé dans la translittération des langues sémitiques. Il s'agit de la lettre epsilon diacritée d'une brève.

Utilisation
Dans la translittération des langues sémitiques, l'epsilon brève est utilisé par certains auteurs pour translittérer ou transcrire le voyelle ɛ réduite. Par exemple, pour le ʾālep̄ ḥaṭep̄ segol   est transcrit  ou .

Représentations informatiques
L'epsilon brève peut être représenté avec les caractères Unicode décomposés suivants (latin étendu B, Alphabet phonétique international, diacritiques) :

Notes et références

Bibliographie

Voir aussi
 Écriture latine
 Ɛ
 Brève

Lettre Ɛ diacritée

Ɛ̆


Birlik Dayanışma, 1970'li yıllarda daha da yükselen sınıf savaşında beliren bir birlikteliktir. Öğretmen hareketi içinde doğan Birlik Dayanışma hareketi daha da büyüyerek değişik sendikal hareketlerin birlik içinde hareket edebilmelerine olanak sağlamıştır. O yıllarda Birlik dayanışma hareketi tek bir siyasi yapının elinde olmamaktadır.

2006 ve sonrası
2006 yılında tekrar diriltilen Birlik Dayanışma Hareketi (BDH),kendi sözcükleriyle kapitalizme, emperyalizme, faşizme direnen, dişe diş kavga veren, işçi sınıfı bilimini kılavuz edinenlerin oluşturduğu bir anlayıştır.

Kaynakça
 Devrimci bir emek odağı yaratmak üzere Birlik Dayanışma Hareketi kuruldu!
 Birlik Dayanışma Kuruluş Deklarasyonu

Dış bağlantılar
 Birlik Dayanışma Hareketi

Türkiye merkezli sivil toplum kuruluşları

Birlik Dayanışma Hareketi


Batu-kan, (?, oko 1205. – Saraj, 1255.), mongolski osvajač. Džingis-kanov unuk. Vladao je cijelom Mongolijom. Savladao je Ruse i osnovao Zlatnu Hordu, golemi zapadni krak Mongolskog Carstva, tj. državu koja je skoro 200 godina vladala Rusijom. Rjazansku Kneževinu osvaja 1237. – 1238., a zatim i Suzdaljsku zemlju. Zavladao je Moskvom, Vladimirom, Suzdaljem i Novgorodom. Južnom Rusijom je harao 1239. – 1240. Kijevsku Rus' zauzima i razara 1240. godine. Mongoli odatle kreću u zapadnu Europu te 1242. preko Hrvatske i Ugarske dolaze sve do Trogira.

Osvojivši Poljsku, Češku, Ugarsku i dolinu Dunava, bio je u odličnom položaju za invaziju na zapadnu Europu. Primivši vijesti o smrti velikog mongolskog kana Ogotaja, svog strica, povukao je vojsku kako bi sudjelovao u izboru Ogotajevog nasljednika. Time je zapadna Europa izbjegla vrlo vjerojatnu devastaciju. Nakon povratka u Rusiju, Batu-kan određuje Saraj, blizu današnjeg Astrahana, za središte Carstva. Pod Zlatnom Hordom, rusko nacionalno središte se iz Kijeva seli u Moskvu.

Izvori

Mongolski kanovi
Povijest Rusije
Zlatna Horda

Batu-kan


Diarmuid Ua Duibhne /ˈdʲiəɾˠmˠədʲ uə ˈd̪ˠʊvʲnʲə/, Diarmid O'Dyna o Diarmuid del Punto de Amor fue el hijo de Donn y un guerrero de los Fianna en el Ciclo feniano de la mitología irlandesa. Se le es más conocido como el amante de Gráinne, la futura esposa del líder de los fianna Fionn mac Cumhaill en La persecución de Diarmuid y Gráinne. Aonghus Óg o Aengus fue el padre adoptivo de Diarmuid y su protector. Aengus era dueño de una espada llamada Moralltach, "La Gran Furia" que le dio Manannán mac Lir. Le dio la espada a su hijo adoptivo Diarmuid, además de una espada llamada la Pequeña Furia.

Una noche mientras Diarmuid cazaba, conoció a una mujer que era la personificación de la juventud. Después de dormir con él, ésta le puso un punto de amor mágico cerca del ojo derecho, con lo que cualquier mujer que viera dicho lunar se enamoraría al instante de él.

Gráinne, futura esposa de Fionn mac Cumhail, se enamoró de Diarmuid cuando lo vio en la fiesta de bodas. Ella cayó en el hechizo (geis) y se escapó con él, aunque fueron perseguidos por Fionn con ayuda de Aonghus Óg.

Finalmente, Fionn perdona a Diarmuid después de que Aonghus Óg interceda en su nombre; la pareja se establece en Kerry y tienen cinco hijos. Años después, sin embargo, Fionn invita a Diarmuid a una caza de jabalíes, y Diarmuid es gravemente herido por un jabalí gigante en el brezo de Ben Gulbain. El agua bebida de las manos de Fionn tenía el poder de la curación, pero cuando este juntó el agua, deliberadamente dejó que escurriera por entre sus dedos antes de llegar a donde yacía Diarmuid. Fionn debió ser amenazado por su hijo Oisín y su bisnieto Oscar para volver a intentarlo, esta vez como debía, pero ya era demasiado tarde: Diarmuid había muerto. Aonghus llevó su cuerpo hasta Brugh, en donde le volvía a la vida cada vez que quería conversar.

La historia de Diarmuid y Grainne es uno de una serie de casos en la mitología irlandesa del triángulo eterno del hombre joven, la chica joven y el pretendiente de mayor edad. Este tema se ve en la historia de Naoise, Deirdre y Conchobar.

Según la historia de Diarmuid y Grainne, uno de sus hijos varones, que seguía con vida después de que su padre y madre murieran, se transformó en la reencarnación del joven héroe al tener el mismo aspecto físico que Diarmuid. Este es un mito y o leyenda sin información exacta, así que por lo tanto no tiene referencia en la mitología en el ciclo Feniano o alguna otra fuente que lo confirme. Según los relatos, se unió a los caballeros Fianna convirtiéndose en el miembro décimo de la banda y murió después de que violara un tabú asociado al geis que tenía puesto en sus ojos, uno con la misma función del geis con forma de lunar que poseía su padre. Sus vivencias se asimilan con las de Diarmuid.

De Diarmuid Ua Duibhne se dice que es el fundador del clan escocés Campbell. En el escudo de armas de los Campbell se ve una cabeza de jabalí, lo que sería un guiño a la muerte de Diarmuid.

En el espectáculo de danza irlandesa 1999, Dancing on Dangerous Ground, Diarmuid fue interpretado por Colin Dunne.

Referencias

Mitología irlandesa
Literatura de Irlanda
Ciclo Feniano
Fallecidos por ataques de jabalíes

Diarmuid Ua Duibhne


En Foræring til min Kone er en dansk stumfilm fra 1906, der er instrueret af Viggo Larsen.

Handling

Eksterne henvisninger

Stumfilm fra Danmark
Danske film fra 1906

En Foræring til min Kone


An Haworthia regina in uska species han Liliopsida nga ginhulagway ni M. Hayashi. An Haworthia regina in nahilalakip ha genus nga Haworthia, ngan familia nga Xanthorrhoeaceae. Waray hini subspecies nga nakalista.

Mga kasarigan

Haworthia

Haworthia regina


Um período de carência é um período imediatamente após o prazo de uma obrigação durante o qual uma multa por atraso, ou outra ação que teria sido tomada como resultado do não cumprimento do prazo, é dispensada desde que a obrigação seja cumprida durante o período de carência. Em outras palavras, é um período de tempo durante o qual as regras ou penalidades são dispensadas ou adiadas. Os períodos de carência podem variar de alguns minutos a vários dias ou mais e podem ser aplicados em situações como chegada a um emprego, pagamento de contas ou atendimento a um requisito legal ou governamental.

Na lei, um período de carência é um período de tempo durante o qual uma determinada regra excepcionalmente não se aplica, ou se aplica apenas parcialmente. Para o período de carência na lei de patentes, ver novidade (patente).

Em jogos (vídeo e vida real), um período de carência é o tempo após um respawn em que um jogador não pode ser atingido ou morto - eles estão 'seguros' por um curto período de tempo para que não morram repetidamente, o que levaria à perda de gozo.

Tipos

Negócios
Algumas empresas e organizações não veem alguém que cumpre uma obrigação dentro de um período de carência de forma diferente de alguém que o faz antes do prazo original. Assim, um sujeito que está vencido, mas que cumpre a obrigação dentro do prazo de carência, recebe tratamento igualitário e não há penalidade ou reputação negativa.

Em outros casos, os clientes podem receber uma penalidade parcial e menos severa. Por exemplo, muitas empresas de serviços públicos cobram uma pequena taxa de atraso para aqueles que não pagam sua conta na data de vencimento indicada. No entanto, o provedor de serviços de utilidade pública aguardará mais tempo antes de interromper o serviço.

Algumas empresas podem suspender certos privilégios durante um período de carência. Por exemplo, os serviços de auto-armazenamento geralmente dispensam uma taxa de atraso se o aluguel não for pago até vários dias após a data de vencimento, mas negarão ao inquilino o acesso à sua unidade até que a conta seja paga.

Política
Na política, um período de carência ou lua de mel pode ser observado durante a transição para uma nova administração como "um período inicial de harmonia e boa vontade".

Vantagens e desvantagens
Os períodos de carência podem oferecer algumas vantagens. Por exemplo, pessoas que habitualmente cumprem suas obrigações no prazo, mas se atrasam em raras ocasiões devido a circunstâncias especiais, podem evitar uma penalidade e manter sua reputação de pontualidade, desde que cumpram a obrigação dentro do período de carência.

No entanto, os procrastinadores habituais podem vir a ver o período de carência como o prazo real, e se, devido a circunstâncias imprevistas, eles se atrasarem ocasionalmente além disso, podem reclamar da penalidade aplicada.

Cartões de crédito
Nas finanças pessoais, um período de carência é o período durante o qual não são cobrados juros no cartão de crédito.

Também pode ser um período de tempo após a data de vencimento do pagamento dentro do qual a taxa pode ser paga sem penalidade. Por exemplo, cobranças atrasadas podem não ser incorridas para pagamentos devidos no primeiro dia do mês se forem pagos até o décimo do mês.

Referências

Financiamento

Período de carência


26 o veintiséis puede referirse a:

 El número natural veintiséis.
 El año 26 d. C.
 El año 26 a. C.
 26, banda de Australia.

26 (desambiguación)


Š̓ (minuscule : š̓), appelé S caron virgule suscrite ou S hatchek virgule suscrite, est une lettre utilisée dans l'écriture du purisimeño.
Elle est formée de la lettre S diacritée d'un hatchek et d'une virgule suscrite. Elle ne doit pas être confondue avec la lettre S caron accent aigu .

Utilisation

Représentations informatiques
Le S caron peut être représenté avec les caractères Unicode suivants :
 composé et normalisé NFC (latin étendu A) :

 décomposé et normalisé NFD (latin de base, diacritiques) :

Voir aussi
 Alphabet latin
 S (lettre)
 Hatchek
 Virgule suscrite

Lettre S diacritée
Lettre latine comportant un caron
Lettre latine comportant une virgule suscrite

Š̓


An Pitcairnia bromeliifolia in uska species han Liliopsida nga ginhulagway ni L'hér.. An Pitcairnia bromeliifolia in nahilalakip ha genus nga Pitcairnia, ngan familia nga Bromeliaceae.

Mabibilngan ini ha Jamaica.

Subspecies

Ini nga species ginbahin ha masunod nga subspecies:

 P. b. bromeliifolia
 P. b. graminifolia
 P. b. wynteri

Mga kasarigan

Pitcairnia

Pitcairnia bromeliifolia


Željeznički kolodvor Baku (azer. Bakı Dəmir Yolu Vağzalı) glavni je kolodvor Bakua, glavnoga grada Azerbajdžana. Nalazi se u rajonu Nesimiju u središnjem Bakuu, otprilike 3 km sjeveroistočno od Starog grada, povijesnog središta Bakua.

Sa susjednom podzemnom stanicom »28. svibnja« povezan je pješačkim tunelom. Također je i depo kružne Bakuske prigradske željeznice.

Povijest
Prva kolodvorska zgrada datira još iz 1880. godine, s puštanjem željezničke pruge Baku-Tbilisi u promet. Arhitektura prve zgrade bila je u pseudomaurskom stilu. Godine 1926. projektiran je i izgrađen drugi kolodvorni kompleks – kolodvor Sabunçu – za opsluživanje elektrificirane željeznice Baku-Sabunçu. Arhitektura druge zgrade također je u stilu maurskog preporoda.

Godine 1967. izgrađena je stanica podzemne željeznice »28. svibnja«, koja je pješačkim tunelom povezana sa stanicom Sabunçu. Godine 1977. kolodvor je doživio veliku obnovu, tijekom koje je izgrađena suvremena kolodvorska zgrada uz stari kolodvor Sabunçu, a zatim je 2017. godine ponovno obnovljen kolodvor.

Galerija

Vidi još
 Azerbajdžanske željeznice
 Željeznički prijevoz u Azerbajdžanu
 Željeznička pruga Baku–Tbilisi–Kars

Izvori

Vanjske poveznice

Građevine u Bakuu

Željeznički kolodvor Baku


Henrique Costa Mecking (born 23 January 1952), also known as Mequinho, is a Brazilian chess grandmaster who reached his zenith in the 1970s and is still one of the strongest players in Brazil. He was a chess prodigy, drawing comparisons to Bobby Fischer, although he did not achieve the International Grandmaster title until 1972. He won the Interzonals of Petropolis 1973 and Manila 1976. His highest FIDE rating is 2635, achieved in 1977, when he was ranked number four in the world. He became the 3rd best in the world in 1977, behind only World Champion Anatoly Karpov and Viktor Korchnoi.
He is the first Brazilian to become a grandmaster. Despite winning his first national championship at the age of 13, he played in very few tournaments. He won at Vršac in 1971 and finished third with Robert Byrne (after the co-winners Anatoly Karpov and Viktor Korchnoi) at Hastings in 1971–72. In 1975, he twice shared second place behind Ljubomir Ljubojević, firstly at Las Palmas with Ulf Andersson and Mikhail Tal and then at Manila with Lev Polugaevsky, Bent Larsen and Helmut Pfleger.

He was considered a contender for the World Championship in the mid-1970s, however his chess career was interrupted by a serious illness (Myasthenia gravis).

Mecking played for Brazil in the Chess Olympiads of 1968, 1974, 2002 and 2004.

World Championship candidate
Mecking was a regular participant in FIDE events to choose a challenger for the World Chess Championship. After unsuccessful attempts to qualify from the Interzonals of Sousse 1967 and Palma de Mallorca 1970, he had his first major triumph in 1973, when he won at the Petrópolis Interzonal (ahead of a very strong field that included Paul Keres, David Bronstein et al.). He was subsequently eliminated from the Candidates Tournament in the quarterfinals, after losing his match against Korchnoi. Still, from this time until 1979, he was the strongest player born in the West after Bobby Fischer's effective retirement in 1972.

At his next attempt in 1976, Mecking won the Manila Interzonal (ahead of Vlastimil Hort, Lev Polugaevsky, Vitaly Tseshkovsky, Ljubomir Ljubojević, Zoltán Ribli et al.), thereby reaching a second successive Candidates matches stage, but again lost in the quarterfinals, this time to Polugaevsky. Illness (myasthenia gravis) forced his withdrawal from the Interzonal in Rio de Janeiro 1979 after a first round draw with Borislav Ivkov. His illness was so severe that it was widely believed he would soon die. He survived but did not play chess during the 1980s. While he was able to recover and to resume his chess career in 1991 with matches against Predrag Nikolić and (in 1992) [[Yasser been able to get even close to reaching the Candidates matches again.

Personal life
Mecking is a convert to Catholicism, to which he credits the improvement of his medical condition. He is a member of the Catholic charismatic renewal.

Notable games
 Mecking vs. Bobby Fischer, Buenos Aires (1970); Grünfeld Defense, .
 Mark Taimanov vs. Mecking, Palma de Mallorca Interzonal (1970); Nimzo-Indian Defense, .
 Mecking vs. Mikhail Tal, Las Palmas (1975); Najdorf Sicilian, .
 Vasily Smyslov vs. Mecking, Petrópolis Interzonal (1973); English Four Knights, .
 Mecking vs. Viktor Korchnoi, Sousse Interzonal (1967); King's Indian Defense, .
 Mecking vs. Aivars Gipslis, Sousse Interzonal (1967); Bogo-Indian Defense, . A game from Mecking's first Interzonal, played when he was 15 years old.

References

Bibliography

External links

Happy Birthday Mequinho!  Chessdom
Chess – "Boy Wonder" Challenges the Master – 1969, a contemporary video report by British Movietone on the 1969 Hastings International Chess Congress. Mecking, then fourteen years old, features.

1952 births
Living people
Chess grandmasters
Chess Olympiad competitors
Brazilian chess players
Brazilian people of German descent
People from Santa Cruz do Sul
Brazilian Roman Catholics
Converts to Roman Catholicism

Henrique Mecking


El raión de Dinskaya  es uno de los treinta y siete raiones en los que se divide el krai de Krasnodar, en Rusia. Está situado en el área central del krai. Limita al sur con el ókrug urbano de la ciudad de Krasnodar, al oeste con el raión de Krasnoarméiskaya, al noroeste con el raión de Kalíninskaya, al norte con el raión de Korenovsk y el de Timashovsk y al este con el Ust-Labinsk y al sureste con el de Krasnogvardéiskoye de la república de Adiguesia a través del embalse de Krasnodar del río Kubán. Tiene una superficie de 1 361.96 km² y contaba con una población de 126 922 habitantes en 2010. Su centro administrativo es Dinskaya.

El relieve de la región es llano, perteneciente a la zona sur de las tierras bajas de Kubán-Azov, y está surcado por la cuenca del río Ponura en las regiones oriental y meridional y en las regiones occidental y septentrional por la del Kochety, ambos afluentes del río Kirpili.

Historia

El raión fue establecido como raión de Plastunóvskaya en la composición del krai de Azov-Mar Negro el 31 de diciembre de 1934 como resultado de la descentralización de los raiones de Krasnodar y Korenovsk, con centro en la stanitsa Plastunóvskaya. Inicialmente estaba compuesto por cuatro selsoviets: Dinskoye, Kochetinskoye, Krasnosélskoye y Plastunóvskoye. El 21 de febrero de 1935 el centro del raión era trasladado a Dinskaya. Los selsoviets Vasiúrinskoye y Starokórsunskoye del disuelto raión de Krasnodar pasaron al de Plastunóvskaya el 20 de diciembre de ese mismo año. El 13 de septiembre de 1937 pasó a formar parte de la composición del krai de Krasnodar.

El 26 de mayo de 1961 su nombre fue cambiado de raión de Plastunóvskaya a raión de Dinskaya. El 11 de febrero de 1963 el territorio del raión de Novotítarovskaya pasó al raión de Dinskaya.

Demografía

Evolución demográfica:

División administrativa

El distrito está dividido en diez municipios rurales, que engloban 26 localidades:

*Los centros administrativos están resaltados en negrita.

Lugares de interés

 Iglesia Sviato Voznesenskaya de la stanitsa Plastunóvskaya.
 Monumento (Tanque T-34) a los soldados liberadores del Kubán durante la Gran Guerra Patria (1965).
 Monumento al Héroe de la Unión Soviética Víktor Grazhdanskin en Novotítarovskaya

Transporte

Por el distrito pasan tres líneas de ferrocarril de importancia (Krasnodar-Rostov del Don, Krasnodar-Tijoretsk y Krasnodar-Kropotkin). Dinskaya y Novotitaróvskaya son dos grandes nudos ferroviarios. En cuanto a la red de carreteras, es atravesado por la carretera federal M4 Don Moscú-Novorosíisk y las carreteras del krai Krasnodar-Yeisk y Temriuk-Krasnodar-Kropotkin.

Enlaces externos y referencias

 Este artículo contiene datos geográficos extraídos de Google Earth y el mapa de Rusia de Yandex.ru, accesible desde este enlace.
 Este artículo es en parte una traducción de su correspondiente en la edición en ruso de Wikipedia, Динской район.
 El raión en el sitio web del krai .
 Основные административно-территориальные преобразования на Кубани (1793—1985 гг.) / Autores: A. S. Azarenkova, I. Y. Bondar, N. S. Vertyshova. Krasnodar: Краснодарское кн. изд-во, 1986. — 394 p.

Dinskaya

Raión de Dinskaya


La reacción de Nicholas es una reacción orgánica en donde un catión propargílico, estabilizado por el carbonilo metálico octacarbonilo de dicobalto (Co2(CO)8), reacciona con un nucleófilo.  La desmetalación oxidativa da el alquino alquilado deseado.

Varios estudios sobre esta reacción se han publicado.

Mecanismo de reacción

La adición del octacarbonilcobalto al éter propargílico (1) del intermediario de dicobalto 2.  La reacción con  HBF4 o un ácido de Lewis produce el catión propargílico estabilizado por el complejo de octacarbonildicobalto(3a y 3b).  La adición del nucleófilo seguida de una oxidación moderada rinde el alquino sustituido (5).

Como cualquier intermediario en las reacciones, el catión (propargilio)Co2(CO)6]+ 3, posee gran estabilidad. Así es posible observar a esos cationes en 1H NMR a 10 °C cuando son generados, utilizando ácido trifluoroacético deuterado. Posteriormente, Connor and Nicholas fueron capaces de aislar las sales de estos cationes 3 como sólidos estables color rojo oscuro por tratamiento de los alcoholes propargílicos acomplejados con Co2(CO)6 con un exceso de ácido fluoroantimónico o eterato del ácido tetrafluoróbórico. La razón por la que esos complejos son estables es la deslocalización significativa de la carga catiónica sobre el fragmento de Co2(CO)6.

Véase también
 Reacción de Pauson-Khand

Referencias

Reacciones de sustitución

Reacción de Nicholas


Tour de France 2020 var den 107. udgave af cykelløbet Tour de France. Det blev afviklet over 21 etaper på samlet 3.484,2 km fra 29. august til 20. september. Oprindeligt skulle løbet havde været startet 27. juni, men på grund af den globale coronaviruspandemi blev det udsat i to måneder.

Første og anden etape havde start og mål i den franske by Nice. Det var anden gang Nice var vært for den såkaldte Grand Départ, hvor Tour de France 1981 var første gang. Samtidig var det 36. gang at løbet besøgte byen, hvor 4. etape i 2013 var senest gang.

Den sidste etape havde søndag den 20. september traditionel afslutning på Avenue des Champs-Élysées i centrum af Paris. I løbet af de 21 etaper udgik 30 ryttere af 176 startende.

Løbets samlede vinder blev sloveneren Tadej Pogačar fra . Da han stod på podiet i Paris skete det dagen før sin 22 års fødselsdag. Pogačar blev den næstyngste vinder af Tour de France, kun overgået af Henri Cornets sejr i 1904 som 19-årig. Samtidig blev Pogačar den første rytter, der vandt den gule førertrøje, den prikkede bjergtrøje og den hvide ungdomstrøje i samme Tour de France. Han vandt også 9., 15. og 20. etape. Det var første gang Tadej Pogačar deltog i Tour de France.

Pogačars landsmand Primož Roglič fra  kom ind på den samlede andenplads, 59 sekunder efter. Han havde haft den gule førertrøje fra 9. etape, og tabte den på løbets 20. og næstsidste etape. Australieren Richie Porte () kom på tredjepladsen, hvilket var første gang han kom på podiet i en Grand Tour, efter 15 deltagelser, hvoraf dette års Tour de France var tiende gang han deltog i det franske etapeløb. Sam Bennett fra  vandt løbets grønne pointtrøje for første gang i karrieren, mens s Marc Hirschi blev kåret til løbets mest angrebsivrige rytter.  vandt holdkonkurrencen for tredje år i træk, og syvende gang i alt.

-rytteren Roger Kluge sluttede som løbets langsomste mand (Lanterne rouge). Han var 6 timer, 7 minutter og 2 sekunder efter Tadej Pogačar i klassementet. Kluge blev den rytter siden 1954, der sluttede med den største margin til vinderen.

Danske Søren Kragh Andersen () vandt 14. og 19. etape.

Pengepræmier
I alt blev der delt 2.293.000 euro, godt 17 millioner danske kroner, ud i præmiepenge i løbet af Tour de France.  tjente mest med 4.640.000 kroner, mens  blev bundskraberen med en indtjening på 117.500 kr.

Trøjer
Præmie for hver dag en rytter kørte i trøjen
 Den gule førertrøje: 500 euro (med undtagelse af 1. etape)
 Den grønne pointtrøje: 300 euro (med undtagelse af 1. etape)
 Den prikkede bjergtrøje: 300 euro (med undtagelse af 1. etape)
 Den hvide ungdomstrøje: 300 euro (med undtagelse af 1. etape)

Samlet sejr
 Den gule førertrøje: 500.000 euro
 2. plads: 200.000 euro
 3. plads: 100.000 euro
 4. plads: 70.000 euro
 5. plads: 50.000 euro
 6. til 19. plads: 23.000 euro ned til 1.100 euro
 20. - 160. plads: 1.000 euro
 Den grønne pointtrøje: 25.000 euro
 Den prikkede bjergtrøje: 25.000 euro
 Den hvide ungdomstrøje: 20.000 euro
 Holdkonkurrencen: 50.000 euro
 Mest angrebsivrige rytter: 20.000 euro

Etaper
 Etapevinder: 11.000 euro.
 Vinder af indlagt spurt i pointkonkurrencen: 1.500 euro
 Mest angrebsivrige rytter: 2.000 euro
 Første ungdomsrytter over målstregen: 500 euro
 Bedste hold (tre første ryttere): 2.800 euro
 Første rytter på toppen af stigning:
 Stigning uden for kategori: 800 euro
 Kategori 1-stigning: 650 euro
 Kategori 2-stigning: 500 euro
 Kategori 3-stigning: 300 euro
 Kategori 4-stigning: 200 euro

På hver etape blev der samlet udbetalt omkring 28.650 euro.

Etaperne

Trøjernes fordeling gennem løbet

Resultater

Samlede stilling

Pointkonkurrencen

Bjergkonkurrencen

Ungdomskonkurrencen

Holdkonkurrencen

Hold og ryttere
176 ryttere fra 30 nationer og 22 hold stillede til start i løbet.

Danske ryttere

Alle danskere gennemførte løbet, hvilket var ny dansk rekord. Aldrig før har otte danske ryttere gennemført Tour de France samme år. Niklas Eg blev med 51. pladsen den bedst placerede dansker, 2 timer og 50 minutter efter Tadej Pogačar på førstepladsen. Søren Kragh Andersen vandt 14. og 19. etape.

Startliste

Referencer

Eksterne henvisninger

 Officielle hjemmeside

2020

Tour de France 2020


ديبار (Дебар) هي مدينة في مقاطعة ديبار في جمهورية مقدونيا.

السكان
وفقًا للإحصائيات عام 2002، بلغ عدد سكان مدينة ديبار 14,561 نسمة، منهم 10,768 أي (74,05%) ألبانيون، 1,415 نسمة (9,7%) أتراك وأخرى.

توأمة
لديبار اتفاقيات توأمة مع:
 فيدين

المراجع

بلدية ديبار
مدن مقدونيا

ديبار


Den danske kavalkade er en dansk dokumentarfilm fra 1940, der er instrueret af Ernst Mentze og Povl Westphall.

Handling

Eksterne henvisninger

Danske film fra 1940

Dokumentarfilm fra Danmark

Den danske kavalkade


Julio Benítez y Benítez (El Burgo, Málaga, 17 de agosto de 1878 – Igueriben, Marruecos español, 21 de julio de 1921) fue un militar español, muerto en combate durante las jornadas conocidas como el Desastre de Annual. Conocido popularmente como el Comandante Benítez, que era la graduación que tenía hasta su fallecimiento, recibió la Cruz Laureada de San Fernando a título póstumo. Su memoria es recordada por el monumento al Comandante Benítez en la ciudad de Málaga y el Campamento Benítez que lleva su nombre.

Biografía
Comenzó destacando como militar durante la guerra de Cuba, allí marchó con el rango de subteniente y donde sus méritos en la batalla valieron que le fuera concedida la Cruz de María Cristina. Tiempo después y siempre buscando proseguir su carrera donde había más conflictos pasa a los contingentes del Protectorado español de Marruecos. Así pasa a formar parte del regimiento Ceriñola Nº42 destinado en Melilla con el grado de teniente.

La ofensiva del comandante general Manuel Fernández Silvestre fue frenada cuando Abd el-Krim consiguió tomar la posición de Abarrán. En las siguientes ofensivas el comandante Benítez se encontró rodeado en la posición de Sidi Dris, que fue asaltada con gran virulencia por los rifeños, que no obstante, no consiguieron tomar la posición en parte por la buena disposición del comandante a la hora de defender la posición. Aplacada parcialmente la ofensiva rifeña, el General Silvestre dispuso fortificar Igueriben con el fin de que sirviera de avanzada defensiva de Annual, con el comandante Benítez al mando de la guarnición.

La posición de Igueriben fue atacada violentamente por los rifeños, que lograron sitiarla y aislarla de Annual. La guarnición resistió durante varios días sin que los esfuerzos por abastecerla de víveres, municiones y agua tuvieran éxito. Finalmente se procedió a evacuar la posición, y el comandante Benítez fue él último en intentar salir de ella, cosa que no logró  pues falleció víctima de las balas enemigas. La mayoría de sus hombres, concretamente 392, fueron aniquilados en dicha evacuación, lo que fue antesala a la derrota posterior. Mandó una conocida arenga en la cual indicaba que le quedaban 12 salvas de cañón, que estaba rodeado y que contasen las salvas, que a la duodécima iniciaran fuego sobre sus propias posiciones. Tiene un monumento en la Base "Álvarez de Sotomayor" en la base de la Legión Española en Viator (provincia de Almería).

Referencias

Bibliografía

Hidalgo, F. (2015). «Marruecos, Igueriben y el Comandante Benítez» (PDF 44.9 MB). Péndulo: revista de ingeniería y humanidades, 26, pp. 52-71.

Militares de la provincia de Málaga
Militares de España del siglo XX
Militares de España en la guerra del Rif
Condecorados con la Cruz Laureada de San Fernando
Condecorados con la Orden militar de María Cristina
Fallecidos por heridas de combate
Nacidos en El Burgo

Julio Benítez Benítez


Þormóður Kolbrúnarskáld Bessason (Thormodhur, 998-1030), también llamado el «poeta de Kolbrún» fue un escaldo y guerrero vikingo de Bjarnarhöfn, Snæfellsnes, Islandia del siglo XI. También aparece como personaje histórico de la Saga de los Fóstbrœðra junto a su hermano de sangre Þorgeir Hávarðsson, ambos acordaron que «aquel que sobreviviera, vengaría la muerte del otro».

Escribió el poema Þorgeirsdrápa, en honor a su amigo asesinado. Luego marchó para servir a la corona en Noruega, según la saga Þormóður murió luchando junto al rey Olaf II de Noruega en la batalla de Stiklestad. Cuando fue herido por una flecha al final de la historia, tuvo fuerzas para arrancarla de su cuerpo y a puertas de la muerte compuso un poema bastante intrincado.

La saga Fóstbrœðra cita que era hijo de Bessi Halldórsson y un guerrero valiente que luchaba sin escudo, solo una espada en una mano y un hacha en la otra.

En Óláfs saga helga cita que recibió muchas heridas en la batalla y aunque hubo un momento que le imposibilitó seguir luchando, permaneció junto al resto de sus compañeros incluso tras la muerte del rey. Cuando con la última carga de Dag Ringsson se perfilaba la derrota, entonces recibió el flechazo y decidió apartarse del campo de batalla. Þormóður encontró a un combatiente del otro bando llamado Kimbi que le propuso esconderle a cambio de un brazalete de oro que el rey le había regalado esa misma mañana, Þormóður le cortó la mano con su espada cuando intentó cogerla. Una mujer que también se encontraba en la zona le acogió y tuvo cura de sus heridas aunque se dio cuenta de que eran bastante graves, especialmente la flecha que estaba en su pecho, cerca del corazón y no había forma de retirar la punta. Por la acogida y cariño que mostró la mujer le regaló el brazalete de oro y entonces él mismo sacó la flecha de un tirón; cuando vio que había jirones de carne de color rojo y blanco comentó: «nuestro rey nos alimentó bien: tengo grasa alrededor de mi corazón» y entonces cayó de espaldas y murió en su lecho.

Þormóður y Þorgeirr también aparecen como personajes secundarios en la saga de Grettir.

Véase también
 Þormóðar þáttr

Referencias

Bibliografía

 Sturluson, Snorri. Heimskringla: History of the Kings of Norway, trad. Lee M. Hollander. Reprinted University of Texas Press, Austin, 1992. ISBN 0-292-73061-6

Escritores de Islandia
Poetas del siglo XI
Escaldos vikingos
Guerreros vikingos
Vikingos de Islandia
Saga de los Fóstbrœðra
Saga de Grettir
Islandeses del siglo XI

Þormóður Kolbrúnarskáld


Linear trend estimation is a statistical technique to aid interpretation of data. When a series of measurements of a process are treated as, for example, a sequence or time series, trend estimation can be used to make and justify statements about tendencies in the data, by relating the measurements to the times at which they occurred. This model can then be used to describe the behavior of the observed data, without explaining it.

In particular, it may be useful to determine if measurements exhibit an increasing or decreasing trend which is statistically distinguished from random behavior. Some examples are determining the trend of the daily average temperatures at a given location from winter to summer, and determining the trend in a global temperature series over the last 100 years. In the latter case, issues of homogeneity are important (for example, about whether the series is equally reliable throughout its length).

Fitting a trend: least-squares
Given a set of data and the desire to produce some kind of model of those data, there are a variety of functions that can be chosen for the fit. If there is no prior understanding of the data, then the simplest function to fit is a straight line with the data values on the y axis, and time (t = 1, 2, 3, ...) on the x axis.

Once it has been decided to fit a straight line, there are various ways to do so, but the most usual choice is a least-squares fit. This method minimizes the sum of the squared errors in the data series y.

Given a set of points in time , and data values  observed for those points in time, values of  and  are chosen so that

is minimized. Here at + b is the trend line, so the sum of squared deviations from the trend line is what is being minimized. This can always be done in closed form since this is a case of simple linear regression.

For the rest of this article, "trend" will mean the slope of the least squares line, since this is a common convention.

Trends in random data
Before considering trends in real data, it is useful to understand trends in random data.

If a series which is known to be random is analysed – fair dice falls, or computer-generated pseudo-random numbers – and a trend line is fitted through the data, the chances of an exactly zero estimated trend are negligible. But the trend would be expected to be small. If an individual series of observations is generated from simulations that employ a given variance of noise that equals the observed variance of our data series of interest, and a given length (say, 100 points), a large number of such simulated series (say, 100,000 series) can be generated. These 100,000 series can then be analysed individually to calculate estimated trends in each series, and these results establish a distribution of estimated trends that are to be expected from such random data – see diagram. Such a distribution will be normal according to the central limit theorem except in pathological cases. A level of statistical certainty, S, may now be selected – 95% confidence is typical; 99% would be stricter, 90% looser – and the following question can be asked: what is the borderline trend value V that would result in S% of trends being between −V and +V?

The above procedure can be replaced by a permutation test. For this, the set of 100,000 generated series would be replaced by 100,000 series constructed by randomly shuffling the observed data series; clearly such a constructed series would be trend-free, so as with the approach of using simulated data these series can be used to generate borderline trend values V and −V.

In the above discussion the distribution of trends was calculated by simulation, from a large number of trials. In simple cases (normally distributed random noise being a classic) the distribution of trends can be calculated exactly without simulation.

The range (−V, V) can be employed in deciding whether a trend estimated from the actual data is unlikely to have come from a data series that truly has a zero trend. If the estimated value of the regression parameter a lies outside this range, such a result could have occurred in the presence of a true zero trend only, for example, one time out of twenty if the confidence value S=95% was used; in this case, it can be said that, at degree of certainty S, we reject the null hypothesis that the true underlying trend is zero.

However, note that whatever value of S we choose, then a given fraction, 1 − S, of truly random series will be declared (falsely, by construction) to have a significant trend. Conversely, a certain fraction of series that in fact have a non-zero trend will not be declared to have a trend.

Data as trend plus noise
To analyse a (time) series of data, we assume that it may be represented as trend plus noise:

where  and  are unknown constants and the 's are randomly distributed errors. If one can reject the null hypothesis that the errors are non-stationary, then the non-stationary series {yt } is called trend-stationary. The least squares method assumes the errors to be independently distributed with a normal distribution. If this is not the case, hypothesis tests about the unknown parameters a and b may be inaccurate. It is simplest if the 's all have the same distribution, but if not (if some have higher variance, meaning that those data points are effectively less certain) then this can be taken into account during the least squares fitting, by weighting each point by the inverse of the variance of that point.

In most cases, where only a single time series exists to be analyzed, the variance of the 's is estimated by fitting a trend to obtain the estimated parameter values  and  thus allowing the predicted values

to be subtracted from the data  (thus detrending the data) and leaving the residuals  as the detrended data, and estimating the variance of the 's from the residuals — this is often the only way of estimating the variance of the 's.

Once we know the "noise" of the series, we can then assess the significance of the trend by making the null hypothesis that the trend, , is not different from 0. From the above discussion of trends in random data with known variance, we know the distribution of calculated trends to be expected from random (trendless) data. If the estimated trend, , is larger than the critical value for a certain significance level, then the estimated trend is deemed significantly different from zero at that significance level, and the null hypothesis of zero underlying trend is rejected.

The use of a linear trend line has been the subject of criticism, leading to a search for alternative approaches to avoid its use in model estimation. One of the alternative approaches involves unit root tests and the cointegration technique in econometric studies.

The estimated coefficient associated with a linear trend variable such as time is interpreted as a measure of the impact of a number of unknown or known but unmeasurable factors on the dependent variable over one unit of time. Strictly speaking, that interpretation is applicable for the estimation time frame only. Outside that time frame, one does not know how those unmeasurable factors behave both qualitatively and quantitatively. Furthermore, the linearity of the time trend poses many questions:

(i) Why should it be linear?

(ii) If the trend is non-linear then under what conditions does its inclusion influence the magnitude as well as the statistical significance of the estimates of other parameters in the model?

(iii) The inclusion of a linear time trend in a model precludes by assumption the presence of fluctuations in the tendencies of the dependent variable over time; is this necessarily valid in a particular context?

(iv) And, does a spurious relationship exist in the model because an underlying causative variable is itself time-trending?

Research results of mathematicians, statisticians, econometricians, and economists have been published in response to those questions. For example, detailed notes on the meaning of linear time trends in regression model are given in Cameron (2005); Granger, Engle and many other econometricians have written on stationarity, unit root testing, co-integration and related issues (a summary of some of the works in this area can be found in an information paper by the Royal Swedish Academy of Sciences (2003); and Ho-Trieu & Tucker (1990) have written on logarithmic time trends with results indicating linear time trends are special cases of cycles.

Example: noisy time series
It is harder to see a trend in a noisy time series. For example, if the true series is 0, 1, 2, 3 all plus some independent normally distributed "noise" e of standard deviation E, and we have a sample series of length 50, then if E = 0.1 the trend will be obvious; if E = 100 the trend will probably be visible; but if E = 10000 the trend will be buried in the noise.

If we consider a concrete example, the global surface temperature record of the past 140 years as presented by the IPCC: then the interannual variation is about 0.2 °C and the trend about 0.6 °C over 140 years, with 95% confidence limits of 0.2 °C (by coincidence, about the same value as the interannual variation). Hence the trend is statistically different from 0. However, as noted elsewhere this time series doesn't conform to the assumptions necessary for least squares to be valid.

Goodness of fit (r-squared) and trend

The least-squares fitting process produces a value – r-squared (r2) – which is 1 minus the ratio of the variance of the residuals to the variance of the dependent variable. It says what fraction of the variance of the data is explained by the fitted trend line. It does not relate to the statistical significance of the trend line (see graph); statistical significance of the trend is determined by its t-statistic. Often, filtering a series increases r2 while making little difference to the fitted trend.

Real data may need more complicated models
Thus far the data have been assumed to consist of the trend plus noise, with the noise at each data point being independent and identically distributed random variables and to have a normal distribution. Real data (for example climate data) may not fulfill these criteria. This is important, as it makes an enormous difference to the ease with which the statistics can be analysed so as to extract maximum information from the data series. If there are other non-linear effects that have a correlation to the independent variable (such as cyclic influences), the use of least-squares estimation of the trend is not valid. Also where the variations are significantly larger than the resulting straight line trend, the choice of start and end points can significantly change the result. That is, the model is mathematically misspecified. Statistical inferences (tests for the presence of trend, confidence intervals for the trend, etc.) are invalid unless departures from the standard assumptions are properly accounted for, for example as follows:

Dependence: autocorrelated time series might be modeled using autoregressive moving average models.
Non-constant variance: in the simplest cases weighted least squares might be used.
Non-normal distribution for errors: in the simplest cases a generalised linear model might be applicable.
Unit root: taking first (or occasionally second) differences of the data, with the level of differencing being identified through various unit root tests.
In R, the linear trend in data can be estimated by using the 'tslm' function of the 'forecast' package.

Trends in clinical data
Medical and biomedical studies often seek to determine a link in sets of data, such as (as indicated above) three different diseases. But data may also be linked in time (such as change in the effect of a drug from baseline, to month 1, to month 2), or by an external factor that may or may not be determined by the researcher and/or their subject (such as no pain, mild pain, moderate pain, severe pain). In these cases one would expect the effect test statistic (e.g. influence of a statin on levels of cholesterol, an analgesic on the degree of pain, or increasing doses of a drug on a measurable index) to change in direct order as the effect develops. Suppose the mean level of cholesterol before and after the prescription of a statin falls from 5.6 mmol/L at baseline to 3.4 mmol/L at one month and to 3.7 mmol/L at two months. Given sufficient power, an ANOVA would most likely find a significant fall at one and two months, but the fall is not linear. Furthermore, a post-hoc test may be required. An alternative test may be repeated measures (two way) ANOVA, or Friedman test, depending on the nature of the data. Nevertheless, because the groups are ordered, a standard ANOVA is inappropriate. Should the cholesterol fall from 5.4 to 4.1 to 3.7, there is a clear linear trend. The same principal may be applied to the effects of allele/genotype frequency, where it could be argued that SNPs in nucleotides XX, XY, YY are in fact a trend of no Y's, one Y, and then two Y's.

The mathematics of linear trend estimation is a variant of the standard ANOVA, giving different information, and would be the most appropriate test if the researchers are hypothesising a trend effect in their test statistic. One example [1] is of levels of serum trypsin in six groups of subjects ordered by age decade (10–19 years up to 60–69 years). Levels of trypsin (ng/mL) rise in a direct linear trend of 128, 152, 194, 207, 215, 218. Unsurprisingly, a 'standard' ANOVA gives p < 0.0001, whereas linear trend estimation give p = 0.00006. Incidentally, it could be reasonably argued that as age is a natural continuously variable index, it should not be categorised into decades, and an effect of age and serum trypsin sought by correlation (assuming the raw data is available). A further example is of a substance measured at four time points in different groups: mean [SD] (1) 1.6 [0.56], (2) 1.94 [0.75], (3) 2.22 [0.66], (4) 2.40 [0.79], which is a clear trend. ANOVA gives p = 0.091, because the overall variance exceeds the means, whereas linear trend estimation gives p = 0.012. However, should the data have been collected at four time points in the same individuals, linear trend estimation would be inappropriate, and a two-way (repeated measures) ANOVA applied.

See also
Estimation
Extrapolation
Forecasting
Least squares
Least-squares spectral analysis
Line fitting
Prediction interval
Regression analysis

Notes

References

 DOI:10.22004/ag.econ.12288

Regression with time series structure
Statistical forecasting
Change detection

Linear trend estimation


Der Qurain Abu l-Baul (; auch Gurain al Balbul, Gurain al Bâlbûl, Qurain Abul Bul, Qurayn Aba al Bawl, Qurayn Abā al Bawl, Tuwayyir al Hamir) ist mit einer Höhe von 103 m der höchste Berg Katars. Er liegt im Süden der Halbinsel nahe der Grenze zu Saudi-Arabien.

Weblinks
 mountain-forecast.com, Qurayn Abu al Bawl, aufgerufen am 10. März 2012.

Einzelnachweise

Al-Wakra

Qurain Abu l-Baul


Europe XI es un equipo de fútbol formado principalmente por jugadores de la región de la UEFA, pero a veces también por jugadores de otros continentes que juegan en equipos europeos. Europe XI juega contra clubes, equipos nacionales, colectivos de otras confederaciones o contra el World XI, compuesto por jugadores de todos los otros continentes. Debido a esto, ningún consejo de administración en el deporte reconoce oficialmente el equipo y cada versión del equipo no se considera generalmente como una continuación de la otra. Las causas de estos juegos por lo general son los aniversarios, testimonios o partidos para la caridad. Todos los fondos recaudados a partir del juego son donados a buenas causas y a los jugadores, cuerpo técnico y los propietarios del estadio no se les paga por el evento. En los últimos años, estos juegos se han transmitido en vivo por televisión.

Entrenadores

Referencias

Equipos de fútbol de Europa
UEFA

Europe XI


Arheimar, (nórdico antiguo: Árheimar, el hogar del río), según el poema Hlöðskviða ("La batalla de los godos y los hunos") de la saga Hervarar, era la capital del reino de los godos de Angantyr, a orillas en la ribera del río Dniéper que fluye por las estepas de Ucrania hasta el mar Negro.

Referencias

Reinos y territorios de la Era vikinga
Godos

Arheimar


Die Finalrunde der Fußball-Weltmeisterschaft 1998 war ein vom 27. Juni bis 12. Juli 1998 ausgetragener Bestandteil der 16. Fußball-Weltmeisterschaft der Männer in Frankreich. Dieser Artikel behandelt die einzelnen Spiele dieser Finalrunde und ihre Resultate.

Übersicht

Qualifizierte Teams
Durch ihre Ergebnisse in der Gruppenphase der Fußball-Weltmeisterschaft in Frankreich hatten sich 16 Mannschaften für die Finalrunde qualifiziert:

Finalrunde
1 Sieg nach Golden Goal2 Sieg im Elfmeterschießen

Achtelfinale

Italien – Norwegen 1:0 (1:0)

Brasilien – Chile 4:1 (3:0)

Frankreich – Paraguay 1:0 n.GG

Nigeria – Dänemark 1:4 (0:2)

Deutschland – Mexiko 2:1 (0:0)

Niederlande – Jugoslawien 2:1 (1:0)

Rumänien – Kroatien 0:1 (0:1)

Argentinien – England 2:2 n. V. (2:2, 2:2), 4:3 i. E.

Viertelfinale

Italien – Frankreich 0:0 n. V., 3:4 i. E.

Brasilien – Dänemark 3:2 (2:1)

Niederlande – Argentinien 2:1 (1:1)

Deutschland – Kroatien 0:3 (0:1)

Halbfinale

Brasilien – Niederlande 1:1 n. V., (1:1, 0:0), 4:2 i. E.

Frankreich – Kroatien 2:1 (0:0)

Spiel um Platz 3

Niederlande – Kroatien 1:2 (1:2)

Finale

Brasilien – Frankreich 0:3 (0:2)

Finalrunde

Fußball-Weltmeisterschaft 1998/Finalrunde


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أحمد أفندي السكري (توفي عام 1991) هو واحد من أربعة أشخاص أربعة أسسوا مع الشيخ حسن البنا جماعة الإخوان المسلمين في مصر. اعتقل أكثر من مرة، وكان رأس الإدارة السياسية في جريدة الإخوان المسلمين اليومية وظل وكيلاً للجماعة حتى فصل منها عام 1947م بسبب تبنيه سياسة الوفديين على حساب مبادئ وقوانين الإخوان. انضم بعدها إلى حزب مصر الفتاة.

حياته
ولد الأستاذ أحمد السكرى في المحمودية وهو أكبر سنًا من الإمام البنا بقليل، ولم يكمل تعليمه، وتعرف على الأستاذ حسن البنا منذ الصغر في جمعية الإخوان الحصافية، وأسسوا سويًا جمعية الحصافية الخيرية حيث كان هو رئيسها وسكرتيرها حسن البنا وكان هدفها محاربة المنكرات والتصدي للتبشير.
يعتبر أحمد السكري من الشخصيات القليلة التي اثارت الجدل داخل جماعة الإخوان المسلمين لكونه كان على رأس الهرم التنظيمي داخل الجماعة حيث كان يتبؤ منصب الوكيل العام لجماعة الإخوان المسلمين.

في جماعة الإخوان المسلمين

بعد أن أنشأت جماعة الإخوان المسلمين بالإسماعيلية عام 1928م قام بإنشاء شعبة للإخوان بالمحمودية وصار نائبًا لها وذلك عام 1929م، غير أن الأستاذ محمود عبد الحليم يذكر أن الطابع العام لشعبة المحمودية كان يختلف عن باقي شعب الإخوان المسلمين حتى سنة 1938م.

وشارك في اجتماع أول مجلس شورى للإخوان في 22 صفر 1352ھ/ 15يونيو 1933م، ثم اختير عضوًا منتدبًا في مكتب الإرشاد، وبعد أن انتقل إخوان للقاهرة تم اختياره وكيلاً للإمام البنا.

وكان قد وقع في عدة اخطاء منها أنه وقف أثناء عودة علي ماهر باشا من لندن بعد مؤتمر الدائرة المستديرة عام 1939م وهتف بحياة علي ماهر مما أسأء نفسية الإخوان والإمام البنا والذي نبهه أن دعوة الإخوان لا تدعوا بحياة أفراد أو هيئات لكنها دعوة إسلامية ربانية، كما أنه أثناء المؤتمر الخامس وأثناء تقديمه للضيوف كان يؤثر كبار الساسة على باقي العلماء الجالسين.

كان للأستاذ أحمد السكري موقف قوي في وجه مستر هيورث دان المستشرق البريطاني والذي أرسلتها السفارة البريطانية للمركز العام لكي يساوم الإخوان على القضية فكان رده أن قال له كما ورد في جريدة الإخوان المسلمين الأسبوعية، السنة الأولى، العدد 10 الموافق 22 ذو القعدة 1373هـ / 22 يوليو 1954م:

ألا فلتعلم يا مستر دان أنك لن تستطيع أن تشترينا بالمال، الآن تطبع إنجلترا جنيهات وتعطيها لنا، وغدًا تطبع ألمانيا ماركات وتعطيها لنا، وبعد غد لا ندرى. إن الشعوب التي تعاونكم بالنقود تبيعكم بالنقود«. وأضاف السكرى قائلا:» إذا كنت تريد أن تشترى الإخوان ومن ورائهم الشرق العربى فهناك شروط:

1-	عليكم أن تتفقوا معنا على الجلاء التام الناجز عن وادى النيل.

2-	عليكم أن تتفقوا مع فرنسا على إخلاء سوريا ولبنان من جنودها.

3-	عليكم أن تخلوا فلسطين للعرب.

4-	عليكم أن تمدونا بالأسلحة والمعدات، ونحن مستعدون لطرد الطليان وحكومة فيشى من شمال أفريقيا، ونحمى بلادنا من أي غزو أجنبى".

وهنا وقف دان وقال: «هذه سياسة عليا، وإنما مهمتى عمل الدعاية فقط، وعلى كلٍّ فسأحضر مستر كلايتون بعد ذلك».

على أن الإنجليز تركوا الباب مفتوحًا؛ حيث ظل هيورث دان في التردد على المركز العام عدة مرات، كما تردد على منزل الأستاذ أحمد السكرى؛ في محاولة لكسب ود الإخوان، وليكفوا عنهم بعض حملاتهم. ولا شك أنهم دونوا في تقاريرهم كيف صرفهم الإمام البنا عنه صرفًا لا رجوع بعده، وكيف ألقى عليهم الأستاذ أحمد السكرى في نهاية المطاف في 17 نوفمبر 1940م في منزله درسًا لن ينسوه أبدًا بعد أن جهدوا في الحيلة.

المحنة

في ظل تعنت الإنجليز ضد الجماعة والذين أوعزوا لحسين سري باشا رئيس الوزراء بنفى حسن البنا فنفذ طلبهم وقام بنفيه إلى قنا في مايو 1941م كما نفي الأستاذ أحمد السكري إلى دمياط وتحت الضغوط الشعبية عادا الإثنين مرة أخرى غير أنه تم اعتقالهما ومعهم الأستاذ عبد الحكيم عابدين في أكتوبر 1941م وأفرج عنهما في نوفمبر.

كان أحمد السكري خطيبًا مفوهًا وتم اعتقاله أكثر من مرة، رأس الإدارة السياسية في جريدة الإخوان المسلمين اليومية وظل وكيلاً للجماعة حتى فصل منها عام 1947م بسبب مخالفته لمنهج وفكر الإخوان المسلمين ولتبنيه سياسة الوفديين على حساب مبادئ وقوانين الإخوان.

حيث اجتمعت الهيئة التأسيسية للإخوان المسلمين في 14 من المحرم عام 1367هـ الموافق 27 من نوفمبر 1947م واتخذت القرارات الآتية:

إعفاء كل من الأستاذ محمد عبد السميع الغنيمي أفندي والأستاذ سالم غيث أفندي والأستاذ أحمد السكري أفندي من عضوية الجماعة، لما تعرفه الهيئة من تصرفات الأستاذ أحمد السكري، واعتباره مُناقضًا للعهد.

وبعد أن خرج الأستاذ السكري من الجماعة كون جمعية أطلق عليها جمعية الإخوان المجاهدون الأحرار، واتخذ لها مقرا في ميدان الخديوي إسماعيل. غير أن الجمعية لم تدم كثيرا، فانضم السكري لجماعة مصر الفتاة بعد أن يئس من تأييد الوفد المصري له تأييدا إيجابيا، وقد قدمه الأستاذ أحمد حسين رئيس الحزب إلى أعضاء الحزب على أن يكون وكيلا له، فعمل السكري على توتر العلاقة بين الإخوان المسلمين ومصر الفتاة.

وكان الأستاذ البنا يوصي إخوانه خير بالأستاذ أحمد السكري وأمرهم أن لا يتحدث عنه أحد بسوء، ومن المواقف أنه كان يصلح سيارته عند إحد الإخوان الميكانيكيين وكان يرافقه صديق فأخذ الأستاذ السكري يكيل التهم للأستاذ البنا والجماعة في حديث مع صاحبه والميكانيكي يسمع وبعد أن فرغ أراد السكري أن يعطيه أجره فرفض وقال له لقد أوصاني الإمام البنا بك خير فخجل الأستاذ السكري وغادر المكان.

وفاته

توفى الأستاذ أحمد السكري في 27 مارس 1991م.

المراجع

1-	جمعة أمين عبد العزيز: أوراق من تاريخ الإخوان المسلمين، دار التوزيع والنشر الإسلامية.

2-	محمود عبد الحليم: الإخوان المسلمون أحداث صنعت التاريخ....محمود عبد الحليم، دار الدعوة.؟

3-	عباس السيسي: حسن البنا.. مواقف في الدعوة والتربية، دار التوزيع والنشر الإسلامية

4-	حسن البنا: مذكرات الدعوة والداعية، دار التوزيع والنشر الإسلامية

مراجع

وصلات خارجية
 أحمد السكري إخوان ويكي
 فتنة أحمد السكري
 القول الفصل بين الحق والباطل
 مواقف في الدعوة والتربية.pdf
 تأسيس دعوة الإخوان بالإسماعيلية
 ازدهار دعوة الإخوان بالإسماعيلية
 انعقاد مجلس الشورى العام الثاني للإخوان في 1934م
 أحداث في صور...الإمام البنا بعد العملية الجراحية عام 1947م
 حسن البنا والإخوان وضبابية الفكر
 مجلس شورى الإخوان وتطوره (1)

أشخاص من المحمودية
أشخاص من محافظة البحيرة
أعضاء تركوا العمل التنظيمي في جماعة الإخوان المسلمين
أعضاء مكتب إرشاد الإخوان المسلمين
إخوان مسلمون مصريون
حسن البنا
صفحات تحتاج تصنيف سنة الولادة
وفيات 1411 هـ
وفيات 1991

أحمد السكري


Arkipelag La Maddalena (italiensk: Arcipelago della Maddalena) er en øgruppe i Bonifaciostrædet mellem Korsika og Sardinien i Italien. Den består af syv større øer og flere småøer.

Geografi

Den største ø er La Maddalena og de andre seks øer er (fra størst til mindst): Caprera, Spargi, Santo Stefano, Santa Maria, Budelli og Razzoli. Kun Maddalena, Caprera og S. Stefano er beboet.

Maddalenaøerne ligger nær det kendte turiststed Costa Smeralda og har det samme krystalklare vand og granitklipper. Øerne har ògså et rigt dyreliv. Øerne er en del af nationalparken Nationalpark Arkipelag La Maddalena.

Historie
Øerne har været beboet siden forhistorisk tid. Romerne kaldte øerne for Cunicularia og de var et travlt søfartområde i det andet og første årtusind f.Kr. Arkipelag La Maddalena har altid været strategisk vigtige og var årsagen til en strid mellem Republikken Pisa og Republikken Genova i 1200-tallet. Dette førte til at de blev forladt i lange tider før hyrder fra Korsika slog sig ned her sammen med med de første bosættere på Sardinien i 1500-tallet. Napoléon Bonaparte, Admiral Nelson og særlig Giuseppe Garibaldi havde alle historiske bånd til dette område.

I dag
I dag har NATO en flådebase med amerikanske atomubåde på St. Stefano. Administrativt hører øerne til Olbia-Tempio efter at de blev flyttet fra Sassari i 2005. Der er færgeforbindelse fra Palau på Sardinien til La Maddalena. Der er hun veje på La Maddalena og Caprera.

Kilder og hwenvisninger
 Parco Nazionale dell'Arcipelago di La Maddalena
 Italian Government Tourist Board

Øer i Italien

Arkipelag La Maddalena


Saborsch ist die deutsche Bezeichnung für

 Záboří u Blatné, Gemeinde in Tschechien
 Záboří u Českých Budějovic, Gemeinde in Tschechien
 Záboř (Jívka), Wüstung in Tschechien
 Záboř (Teplice nad Metují), Wüstung in Tschechien

Siehe auch:
 Sabor (Begriffsklärung)

Saborsch