Krzysztof Kieslowski (Pólska: kʂɨʂtɔf kʲɛɕˈlɔfskʲi) (27. júní 1941 – 13. mars 1996) var pólskur kvikmyndagerðarmaður og handritshöfundur. Hann er heimsþekktur fyrir Dekalog (1989), Tvöfalt líf Veróniku (1991) og Þriggja lita þríleikinn (1993 –1994).

Verk Kieslowski

 1987 – Blind Chance (Przypadek)
 1988 – Dekalog
 1988 – A Short Film About Killing (Krótki film o zabijaniu)
 1988 – A Short Film About Love  (Krótki film o miłości)
 1991 – Tvöfalt líf Veróniku (La Double vie de Veronique/Podwójne życie Weroniki)
 1993 – Þrír litir: Blár (Trois couleurs: Bleu/Trzy kolory: Niebieski)
 1994 – Þrír litir: Hvítur (Trois couleurs: Blanc/Trzy kolory: Biały)
 1994 – Þrír litir: Rauður (Trois couleurs: Rouge/Trzy kolory: Czerwony)

Tenglar
 Krzysztof Kieslowski á Internet Movie Database.

Pólskir kvikmyndaleikstjórar

Krzysztof Kieślowski


Dvolist (vimenjak, šumski zumbul, lat. Platanthera), veliki biljni rod iz porodice kaćunovki. Preko 150 priznatih vrsta. Naziv vimenjak dolazi po izduženim gomoljima nalik na životinjska vimena, dok latinski naziv Platanthera, dolazi od grčkog platys, širok i i anthera, prašnica

U Hrvatskoj rastu vrste zelenkasti dvolist (P. chlorantha) i mirisavi dvolist (P. bifolia).

Vrste

 Platanthera albomarginata
 Platanthera algeriensis
 Platanthera alpinipaludosa
 Platanthera amabilis
 Platanthera anatina
 Platanthera andrewsii
 Platanthera angustata
 Platanthera angustilabris
 Platanthera apalachicola
 Platanthera aquilonis
 Platanthera azorica
 Platanthera bakeriana
 Platanthera beckneri
 Platanthera bhutanica
 Platanthera bicolor
 Platanthera bifolia
 Platanthera blephariglottis
 Platanthera blumei
 Platanthera boninensis
 Platanthera borneensis
 Platanthera brevicalcarata
 Platanthera brevifolia
 Platanthera calceoliformis
 Platanthera calderoniae
 Platanthera canbyi
 Platanthera carnosilabris
 Platanthera channellii
 Platanthera chapmanii
 Platanthera chlorantha
 Platanthera chorisiana
 Platanthera ciliaris
 Platanthera clavellata
 Platanthera colemanii
 Platanthera concinna
 Platanthera contigua
 Platanthera convallariifolia
 Platanthera cooperi
 Platanthera correllii
 Platanthera cristata
 Platanthera cumminsiana
 Platanthera deflexilabella
 Platanthera densa
 Platanthera devolii
 Platanthera dilatata
 Platanthera dulongensis
 Platanthera elegans
 Platanthera elliptica
 Platanthera elmeri
 Platanthera elongata
 Platanthera enigma
 Platanthera ephemerantha
 Platanthera epiphytica
 Platanthera estesii
 Platanthera finetiana
 Platanthera flava
 Platanthera florentii
 Platanthera formosana
 Platanthera fujianensis
 Platanthera fuscescens
 Platanthera gonggana
 Platanthera hachijoensis
 Platanthera halconensis
 Platanthera handel-mazzettii
 Platanthera hollandiae
 Platanthera hologlottis
 Platanthera hondoensis
 Platanthera hookeri
 Platanthera huronensis
 Platanthera hybrida
 Platanthera hyperborea
 Platanthera iinumae
 Platanthera inouei
 Platanthera integra
 Platanthera integrilabia
 Platanthera japonica
 Platanthera keenanii
 Platanthera kinabaluensis
 Platanthera komarovii
 Platanthera kwangsiensis
 Platanthera lacera
 Platanthera lassenii
 Platanthera leptocaulon
 Platanthera leptopetala
 Platanthera leucophaea
 Platanthera linearifolia
 Platanthera longibracteata
 Platanthera longicalcarata
 Platanthera longifolia
 Platanthera lueri
 Platanthera mandarinorum
 Platanthera maximowicziana
 Platanthera mearnsii
 Platanthera metabifolia
 Platanthera michaelii
 Platanthera micrantha
 Platanthera miniangustata
 Platanthera minor
 Platanthera minutiflora
 Platanthera mixta
 Platanthera nantousylvatica
 Platanthera neglecta
 Platanthera nematocaulon
 Platanthera nipponica
 Platanthera nivea
 Platanthera nubigena
 Platanthera obtusata
 Platanthera okuboi
 Platanthera oligantha
 Platanthera ophrydioides
 Platanthera ophryotipuloides
 Platanthera orbiculata
 Platanthera oreades
 Platanthera oreophila
 Platanthera osceola
 Platanthera ovatilabris
 Platanthera pachycaulon
 Platanthera pachyglossa
 Platanthera pallida
 Platanthera papuana
 Platanthera peichatieniana
 Platanthera peramoena
 Platanthera pollostantha
 Platanthera praeclara
 Platanthera psycodes
 Platanthera purpurascens
 Platanthera replicata
 Platanthera reznicekii
 Platanthera robinsonii
 Platanthera roseotincta
 Platanthera sachalinensis
 Platanthera saprophytica
 Platanthera shriveri
 Platanthera sikkimensis
 Platanthera sonoharae
 Platanthera sparsiflora
 Platanthera stapfii
 Platanthera stenantha
 Platanthera stenochila
 Platanthera stenoglossa
 Platanthera stricta
 Platanthera superantha
 Platanthera taiwanensis
 Platanthera takedae
 Platanthera tescamnis
 Platanthera tipuloides
 Platanthera transversa
 Platanthera unalascensis
 Platanthera undulata
 Platanthera uniformis
 Platanthera urceolata
 Platanthera ussuriensis
 Platanthera vossii
 Platanthera whangshanensis
 Platanthera yadongensis
 Platanthera yadonii
 Platanthera yosemitensis
 Platanthera zothecina

Vanjske poveznice

Izvori

Orchideae

Dvolist


Israel Kleiner (geb. vor 1967)ist ein kanadischer Mathematiker und Mathematikhistoriker.

Leben
Kleiner wurde 1967 an der McGill University bei Joachim Lambek mit einer Arbeit in Ringtheorie promoviert (Lie modules and rings of quotients). Er war bis zu seiner Emeritierung Professor an der York University, wo er seit 1965 war und das Ausbildungsprogramm für Mathematiklehrer koordinierte. Er befasste sich insbesondere mit Geschichte der Algebra und mit der Verbindung von Mathematikgeschichte und Mathematikpädagogik.

Er erhielt zweimal den Carl B. Allendoerfer Award und einmal den George Pólya Award und 1995 den Lester Randolph Ford Award. Er war Mitte der 2000er Jahre Vizepräsident der Canadian Society for the Philosophy and History of Mathematics.

Schriften
Excursions in the history of mathematics, Springer 2011
A history of abstract algebra, Birkhäuser 2007
Rigor and proof in mathematics - a historical perspective, Mathematics Magazine, Band 64, 1991, S. 291-314 (erhielt den Allendoerfer Award)
The evolution of Group Theory - a survey, Mathematics Magazine, Band 59, 1986, S. 195-215 (erhielt den Allendoerfer Award, wieder abgedruckt in Alexanderson The harmony of the world - 75 years of Mathematics Magazine, MAA 2007)
Evolution of the function concept: a brief survey, College Mathematics Journal, Band 20, 1989, Nr.4 (erhielt den Polya Award)
mit Nitsa Movshovitz-Hadar The role of paradoxes in the evolution of mathematics, The American Mathematical Monthly, Band 101, 1994, S. 963 (erhielt den Lester R. Ford Award)
The roots of commutative algebra in algebraic number theory, Mathematics Magazine, Band 68, 1995, S. 3–15, wieder abgedruckt (mit The evolution of group theory und Evolution of the function concept) in Victor Katz, Robin Wilson, Marlow Anderson Who gave you the epsilon ? And other tales of mathematical history, MAA, Spectrum Series, 2009
The genesis of the abstract ring concept, American Mathematical Monthly, Band 103, 1996, S. 423
A sketch of the evolution of (non-commutative) ring theory, L´Enseignement Mathematique, Band 33, 1987, S. 227–267
From numbers to rings - an early history of ring theory, Elemente der Mathematik, Band 53, 1998, S. 18–35
Field theory: from equations to axiomatization, 2 Teile, American Mathematical Monthly, Band 106, 1999, S. 677–684, 859–863
Emmy Noether- highlights in her life and work, L´Enseignement Mathematique, Band 38, 1992, S. 103–124
From Fermat to Wiles, Elemente der Mathematik, Band 55, 2000, S. 19–37
Thinking the unthinkable - the story of complex numbers (with a moral), Mathematics Teacher, Band 81, 1988, S. 583–582
The teaching of abstract algebra - an historical perspective, in Frank Swetz, Otto Bekken, Bengt Johansson, John Fauvel, Victor Katz (Herausgeber) Learn from the masters, MAA 1994
A historically focused course on abstract algebra, Mathematics Magazine, Band 71, 1998, S. 105–111
The principle of continuity- a brief history, Mathematical Intelligencer, 2006, Nr. 4

Weblinks
Kurze Biografie
Weitere kurze Biografie

Einzelnachweise

Mathematikhistoriker
Kanadier
Hochschullehrer (York University)
Geboren im 20. Jahrhundert
Mann

Israel Kleiner (Mathematiker)


El nombre Canción del sur puede referirse a:

 Canción del sur (álbum), álbum de Los Jaivas de 1978.
 Canción del sur (película), película de 1946.

Canción del sur


Environmental sociology is the study of interactions between societies and their natural environment. The field emphasizes the social factors that influence environmental resource management and cause environmental issues, the processes by which these environmental problems are socially constructed and define as social issues, and societal responses to these problems.

Environmental sociology emerged as a subfield of sociology in the late 1970s in response to the emergence of the environmental movement in the 1960s. It represents a relatively new area of inquiry focusing on an extension of earlier sociology through inclusion of physical context as related to social factors.

Definition
Environmental sociology is typically defined as the sociological study of socio-environmental interactions, although this definition immediately presents the problem of integrating human cultures with the rest of the environment. Different aspects of human interaction with the natural environment are studied by environmental sociologists including population and demography, organizations and institutions, science and technology, health and illness, consumption and sustainability practices, culture and identity,  and social inequality and environmental justice. Although the focus of the field is the relationship between society and environment in general, environmental sociologists typically place special emphasis on studying the social factors that cause environmental problems, the societal impacts of those problems, and efforts to solve the problems.  In addition, considerable attention is paid to the social processes by which certain environmental conditions become socially defined as problems.  Most research in environmental sociology examines contemporary societies.

History
Environmental sociology emerged as a coherent subfield of inquiry after the environmental movement of the 1960s and early 1970s. The works of William R. Catton, Jr. and Riley Dunlap, among others, challenged the constricted anthropocentrism of classical sociology. In the late 1970s, they called for a new holistic, or systems perspective. Since the 1970s, general sociology has noticeably transformed to include environmental forces in social explanations. Environmental sociology has now solidified as a respected, interdisciplinary field of study in academia.

Concepts

Existential dualism
The duality of the human condition rests with cultural uniqueness and evolutionary traits. From one perspective, humans are embedded in the ecosphere and co-evolved alongside other species. Humans share the same basic ecological dependencies as other inhabitants of nature. From the other perspectives, humans are distinguished from other species because of their innovative capacities, distinct cultures and varied institutions. Human creations have the power to independently manipulate, destroy, and transcend the limits of the natural environment.

According to Buttel (2004), there are five major traditions in environmental sociology today: the treadmill of production and other eco-Marxisms, ecological modernization and other sociologies of environmental reform, cultural-environmental sociologies, neo-Malthusianisms, and the new ecological paradigm. In practice, this means five different theories of what to blame for environmental degradation, i.e., what to research or consider as important. These ideas are listed below in the order in which they were invented. Ideas that emerged later built on earlier ideas, and contradicted them.

Neo-Malthusianism

Works such as Hardin's "Tragedy of the Commons" (1969) reformulated Malthusian thought about abstract population increases causing famines into a model of individual selfishness at larger scales causing degradation of common pool resources such as the air, water, the oceans, or general environmental conditions. Hardin offered privatization of resources or government regulation as solutions to environmental degradation caused by tragedy of the commons conditions. Many other sociologists shared this view of solutions well into the 1970s (see Ophuls). There have been many critiques of this view particularly political scientist Elinor Ostrom, or economists Amartya Sen and Ester Boserup.

Even though much of mainstream journalism considers Malthusianism the only view of environmentalism, most sociologists would disagree with Malthusianism since social organizational issues of environmental degradation are more demonstrated to cause environmental problems than abstract population or selfishness per se. For examples of this critique, Ostrom in her book Governing the Commons: The Evolution of Institutions for Collective Action (1990) argues that instead of self-interest always causing degradation, it can sometimes motivate people to take care of their common property resources. To do this they must change the basic organizational rules of resource use. Her research provides evidence for sustainable resource management systems, around common pool resources that have lasted for centuries in some areas of the world.

Amartya Sen argues in his book Poverty and Famines: An Essay on Entitlement and Deprivation (1980) that population expansion fails to cause famines or degradation as Malthusians or Neo-Malthusians argue. Instead, in documented cases a lack of political entitlement to resources that exist in abundance, causes famines in some populations. He documents how famines can occur even in the midst of plenty or in the context of low populations. He argues that famines (and environmental degradation) would only occur in non-functioning democracies or unrepresentative states.

Ester Boserup argues in her book The Conditions of Agricultural Growth: The Economics of Agrarian Change under Population Pressure (1965) from inductive, empirical case analysis that Malthus's more deductive conception of a presumed one-to-one relationship with agricultural scale and population is actually reversed. Instead of agricultural technology and scale determining and limiting population as Malthus attempted to argue, Boserup argued the world is full of cases of the direct opposite: that population changes and expands agricultural methods.

Eco-Marxist scholar Allan Schnaiberg (below) argues against Malthusianism with the rationale that under larger capitalist economies, human degradation moved from localized, population-based degradation to organizationally caused degradation of capitalist political economies to blame. He gives the example of the organized degradation of rainforest areas which states and capitalists push people off the land before it is degraded by organizational means. Thus, many authors are critical of Malthusianism, from sociologists (Schnaiberg) to economists (Sen and Boserup), to political scientists (Ostrom), and all focus on how a country's social organization of its extraction can degrade the environment independent of abstract population.

New Ecological Paradigm

In the 1970s, the New Ecological Paradigm (NEP) conception critiqued the claimed lack of human-environmental focus in the classical sociologists and the sociological priorities their followers created. This was critiqued as the Human Exemptionalism Paradigm (HEP). The HEP viewpoint claims that human-environmental relationships were unimportant sociologically because humans are 'exempt' from environmental forces via cultural change. This view was shaped by the leading Western worldview of the time and the desire for sociology to establish itself as an independent discipline against the then popular racist-biological environmental determinism where environment was all. In this HEP view, human dominance was felt to be justified by the uniqueness of culture, argued to be more adaptable than biological traits. Furthermore, culture also has the capacity to accumulate and innovate, making it capable of solving all natural problems. Therefore, as humans were not conceived of as governed by natural conditions, they were felt to have complete control of their own destiny.  Any potential limitation posed by the natural world was felt to be surpassed using human ingenuity. Research proceeded accordingly without environmental analysis.

In the 1970s, sociological scholars Riley Dunlap and William R. Catton, Jr. began recognizing the limits of what would be termed the Human Excemptionalism Paradigm. Catton and Dunlap (1978) suggested a new perspective that took environmental variables into full account. They coined a new theoretical outlook for sociology, the New Ecological Paradigm, with assumptions contrary to HEP.

The NEP recognizes the innovative capacity of humans, but says that humans are still ecologically interdependent as with other species. The NEP notes the power of social and cultural forces but does not profess social determinism. Instead, humans are impacted by the cause, effect, and feedback loops of ecosystems. The Earth has a finite level of natural resources and waste repositories. Thus, the biophysical environment can impose constraints on human activity. They discussed a few harbingers of this NEP in 'hybridized' theorizing about topics that were neither exclusively social nor environmental explanations of environmental conditions. It was additionally a critique of Malthusian views of the 1960s and 1970s.

Dunlap and Catton's work immediately received a critique from Buttel who argued to the contrary that classical sociological foundations could be found for environmental sociology, particularly in Weber's work on ancient "agrarian civilizations" and Durkheim's view of the division of labor as built on a material premise of specialization/specialization in response to material scarcity. This environmental aspect of Durkheim has been discussed by Schnaiberg (1971) as well.

Treadmill of Production Theory
The Treadmill of Production is a theory coined and popularized by Schnaiberg as a way to answer for the increase in U.S. environmental degradation post World War II. At its simplest, this theory states that the more product or commodities are created, the more resources will be used, and the higher the impact will be.

Eco-Marxism

In the middle of the HEP/NEP debate Neo-Marxist ideas of conflict sociology were applied to environmental conflicts. Therefore, some sociologists wanted to stretch Marxist ideas of social conflict to analyze environmental social movements from the Marxist materialist framework instead of interpreting them as a cultural "New Social Movement", separate from material concerns. So "Eco-Marxism" was developed based on using Neo-Marxist Conflict theories concepts of the relative autonomy of the state and applying them to environmental conflict.

Two people following this school were James O'Connor (The Fiscal Crisis of the State, 1971) and later Allan Schnaiberg.

Later, a different trend developed in eco-Marxism via the attention brought to the importance of metabolic analysis in Marx's thought by John Bellamy Foster. Contrary to previous assumptions that classical theorists in sociology all had fallen within a Human Exemptionalist Paradigm, Foster argued that Marx's materialism lead him to theorize labor as the metabolic process between humanity and the rest of nature. In Promethean interpretations of Marx that Foster critiques, there was an assumption his analysis was very similar to the anthropocentric views critiqued by early environmental sociologists. Instead, Foster argued Marx himself was concerned about the Metabolic rift generated by capitalist society's social metabolism, particularly in industrial agriculture—Marx had identified an "irreparable rift in the interdependent process of social metabolism,"  created by capitalist agriculture that was destroying the productivity of the land and creating wastes in urban sites that failed to be reintegrated into the land and thus lead toward destruction of urban workers health simultaneously. Reviewing the contribution of this thread of eco-marxism to current environmental sociology, Pellow and Brehm conclude, "The metabolic rift is a productive development in the field because it connects current research to classical theory and links sociology with an interdisciplinary array of scientific literatures focused on ecosystem dynamics."

Foster emphasized that his argument presupposed the "magisterial work" of Paul Burkett, who had developed a closely related "red-green" perspective rooted in a direct examination of Marx's value theory. Burkett and Foster proceeded to write a number of articles together on Marx's ecological conceptions, reflecting their shared perspective

More recently, Jason W. Moore, inspired by Burkett's value-analytical approach to Marx's ecology and arguing that Foster's work did not in itself go far enough, has sought to integrate the notion of metabolic rift with world systems theory, incorporating Marxian value-related conceptions. For Moore, the modern world-system is a capitalist world-ecology, joining the accumulation of capital, the pursuit of power, and the production of nature in dialectical unity. Central to Moore's perspective is a philosophical re-reading of Marx's value theory, through which abstract social labor and abstract social nature are dialectically bound. Moore argues that the emergent law of value, from the sixteenth century, was evident in the extraordinary shift in the scale, scope, and speed of environmental change. What took premodern civilizations centuries to achieve—such as the deforestation of Europe in the medieval era—capitalism realized in mere decades. This world-historical rupture, argues Moore, can be explained through a law of value that regards labor productivity as the decisive metric of wealth and power in the modern world. From this standpoint, the genius of capitalist development has been to appropriate uncommodified natures—including uncommodified human natures—as a means of advancing labor productivity in the commodity system.

Societal-environmental dialectic

In 1975, the highly influential work of Allan Schnaiberg transfigured environmental sociology, proposing a societal-environmental dialectic, though within the 'neo-Marxist' framework of the relative autonomy of the state as well. This conflictual concept has overwhelming political salience. First, the economic synthesis states that the desire for economic expansion will prevail over ecological concerns. Policy will decide to maximize immediate economic growth at the expense of environmental disruption. Secondly, the managed scarcity synthesis concludes that governments will attempt to control only the most dire of environmental problems to prevent health and economic disasters. This will give the appearance that governments act more environmentally consciously than they really do. Third, the ecological synthesis generates a hypothetical case where environmental degradation is so severe that political forces would respond with sustainable policies. The driving factor would be economic damage caused by environmental degradation. The economic engine would be based on renewable resources at this point. Production and consumption methods would adhere to sustainability regulations.

These conflict-based syntheses have several potential outcomes. One is that the most powerful economic and political forces will preserve the status quo and bolster their dominance. Historically, this is the most common occurrence. Another potential outcome is for contending powerful parties to fall into a stalemate. Lastly, tumultuous social events may result that redistribute economic and political resources.

In 1980, the highly influential work of Allan Schnaiberg entitled The Environment: From Surplus to Scarcity (1980)
was a large contribution to this theme of a societal-environmental dialectic.

Ecological modernization and reflexive modernization

By the 1980s, a critique of eco-Marxism was in the offing, given empirical data from countries (mostly in Western Europe like the Netherlands, Western Germany and somewhat the United Kingdom) that were attempting to wed environmental protection with economic growth instead of seeing them as separate. This was done through both state and capital restructuring. Major proponents of this school of research are Arthur P.J. Mol and Gert Spaargaren. Popular examples of ecological modernization would be "cradle to cradle" production cycles, industrial ecology, large-scale organic agriculture, biomimicry, permaculture, agroecology and certain strands of sustainable development—all implying that economic growth is possible if that growth is well organized with the environment in mind.

Reflexive modernization

The many volumes of the German sociologist Ulrich Beck first argued from the late 1980s that our risk society is potentially being transformed by the environmental social movements of the world into structural change without rejecting the benefits of modernization and industrialization. This is leading to a form of 'reflexive modernization' with a world of reduced risk and better modernization process in economics, politics, and scientific practices as they are made less beholden to a cycle of protecting risk from correction (which he calls our state's organized irresponsibility)—politics creates ecodisasters, then claims responsibility in an accident, yet nothing remains corrected because it challenges the very structure of the operation of the economy and the private dominance of development, for example. Beck's idea of a reflexive modernization looks forward to how our ecological and social crises in the late 20th century are leading toward transformations of the whole political and economic system's institutions, making them more "rational" with ecology in mind.

Neo-Liberalism
Neo-liberalism includes deregulation, free market capitalism, and aims at reducing government spending. These Neo-liberal policies greatly affect environmental sociology. Since Neo-liberalism includes deregulation and essentially less government involvement, this leads to the commodification and privatization of unowned, state-owned, or common property resources. Diana Liverman and Silvina Vilas mentions that this results in payments for environmental services; deregulation and cuts in public expenditure for environmental management; the opening up of trade and investment; and transfer of environmental management to local or nongovernmental institutions. The privatization of these resources have impacts on society, the economy, and to the environment. An example that has greatly affected society is the privatization of water.

Social construction of the environment

Additionally in the 1980s, with the rise of postmodernism in the western academy and the appreciation of discourse as a form of power, some sociologists turned to analyzing environmental claims as a form of social construction more than a 'material' requirement. Proponents of this school include John A. Hannigan, particularly in Environmental Sociology: A Social Constructionist Perspective (1995). Hannigan argues for a 'soft constructionism' (environmental problems are materially real though they require social construction to be noticed) over a 'hard constructionism' (the claim that environmental problems are entirely social constructs).

Although there was sometimes acrimonious debate between the constructivist and realist "camps" within environmental sociology in the 1990s, the two sides have found considerable common ground as both increasingly accept that while most environmental problems have a material reality they nonetheless become known only via human processes such as scientific knowledge, activists' efforts, and media attention.  In other words, most environmental problems have a real ontological status despite our knowledge/awareness of them stemming from social processes, processes by which various conditions are constructed as problems by scientists, activists, media and other social actors.  Correspondingly, environmental problems must all be understood via social processes, despite any material basis they may have external to humans.  This interactiveness is now broadly accepted, but many aspects of the debate continue in contemporary research in the field.

Events

Modern environmentalism

United States

The 1960s built strong cultural momentum for environmental causes, giving birth to the modern environmental movement and large questioning in sociologists interested in analyzing the movement. Widespread green consciousness moved vertically within society, resulting in a series of policy changes across many states in the U.S. and Europe in the 1970s. In the United States, this period was known as the "Environmental Decade" with the creation of the United States Environmental Protection Agency and passing of the Endangered Species Act, Clean Water Act, and amendments to the Clean Air Act. Earth Day of 1970, celebrated by millions of participants, represented the modern age of environmental thought. The environmental movement continued with incidences such as Love Canal.

Historical studies
While the current mode of thought expressed in environmental sociology was not prevalent until the 1970s, its application is now used in analysis of ancient peoples. Societies including Easter Island, the Anaszi, and the Mayans were argued to have ended abruptly, largely due to poor environmental management. This has been challenged in later work however as the exclusive cause (biologically trained Jared Diamond's Collapse (2005); or more modern work on Easter Island). The collapse of the Mayans sent a historic message that even advanced cultures are vulnerable to ecological suicide—though Diamond argues now it was less of a suicide than an environmental climate change that led to a lack of an ability to adapt—and a lack of elite willingness to adapt even when faced with the signs much earlier of nearing ecological problems. At the same time, societal successes for Diamond included New Guinea and Tikopia island whose inhabitants have lived sustainably for 46,000 years.

John Dryzek et al. argue in Green States and Social Movements: Environmentalism in the United States, United Kingdom, Germany, and Norway (2003) that there may be a common global green environmental social movement, though its specific outcomes are nationalist, falling into four 'ideal types' of interaction between environmental movements and state power. They use as their case studies environmental social movements and state interaction from Norway, the United Kingdom, the United States, and Germany. They analyze the past 30 years of environmentalism and the different outcomes that the green movement has taken in different state contexts and cultures.

Recently and roughly in temporal order below, much longer-term comparative historical studies of environmental degradation are found by sociologists. There are two general trends: many employ world systems theory—analyzing environmental issues over long periods of time and space; and others employ comparative historical methods. Some utilize both methods simultaneously, sometimes without reference to world systems theory (like Whitaker, see below).

Stephen G. Bunker (d. 2005) and Paul S. Ciccantell collaborated on two books from a world-systems theory view, following commodity chains through history of the modern world system, charting the changing importance of space, time, and scale of extraction and how these variables influenced the shape and location of the main nodes of the world economy over the past 500 years. Their view of the world was grounded in extraction economies and the politics of different states that seek to dominate the world's resources and each other through gaining hegemonic control of major resources or restructuring global flows in them to benefit their locations.

The three volume work of environmental world-systems theory by Sing C. Chew analyzed how "Nature and Culture" interact over long periods of time, starting with World Ecological Degradation (2001) In later books, Chew argued that there were three "Dark Ages" in world environmental history characterized by periods of state collapse and reorientation in the world economy associated with more localist frameworks of community, economy, and identity coming to dominate the nature/culture relationships after state-facilitated environmental destruction delegitimized other forms. Thus recreated communities were founded in these so-called 'Dark Ages,' novel religions were popularized, and perhaps most importantly to him the environment had several centuries to recover from previous destruction. Chew argues that modern green politics and bioregionalism is the start of a similar movement of the present day potentially leading to wholesale system transformation. Therefore, we may be on the edge of yet another global "dark age" which is bright instead of dark on many levels since he argues for human community returning with environmental healing as empires collapse.

More case oriented studies were conducted by historical environmental sociologist Mark D. Whitaker analyzing China, Japan, and Europe over 2,500 years in his book Ecological Revolution (2009). He argued that instead of environmental movements being "New Social Movements" peculiar to current societies, environmental movements are very old—being expressed via religious movements in the past (or in the present like in ecotheology) that begin to focus on material concerns of health, local ecology, and economic protest against state policy and its extractions. He argues past or present is very similar: that we have participated with a tragic common civilizational process of environmental degradation, economic consolidation, and lack of political representation for many millennia which has predictable outcomes. He argues that a form of bioregionalism, the bioregional state, is required to deal with political corruption in present or in past societies connected to environmental degradation.

After looking at the world history of environmental degradation from very different methods, both sociologists Sing Chew and Mark D. Whitaker came to similar conclusions and are proponents of (different forms of) bioregionalism.

Related journals
Among the key journals in this field are:

 Environmental Sociology
 Human Ecology
 Human Ecology Review
 Nature and Culture
 Organization & Environment
 Population and Environment
 Rural Sociology
 Society and Natural Resources

See also

 Bibliography of sociology
 Ecological anthropology
 Ecological design
 Ecological economics
 Ecological modernization theory
 Enactivism
 Environmental design
 Environmental design and planning
 Environmental economics
 Environmental policy
 Environmental racism
 Environmental racism in Europe
 Environmental social science
 Ethnoecology
 Political ecology
 Sociology of architecture
 Sociology of disaster
 Climate change

References

Notes

 Dunlap, Riley E., Frederick H. Buttel, Peter Dickens, and August Gijswijt (eds.) 2002. Sociological Theory and the Environment: Classical Foundations, Contemporary Insights (Rowman & Littlefield, ).
 Dunlap, Riley E., and William Michelson (eds.) 2002.Handbook of Environmental Sociology (Greenwood Press, )
 Freudenburg, William R., and Robert Gramling. 1989. "The Emergence of Environmental Sociology: Contributions of Riley E. Dunlap and William R. Catton, Jr.", Sociological Inquiry 59(4): 439–452
 Harper, Charles. 2004. Environment and Society: Human Perspectives on Environmental Issues. Upper Saddle River, New Jersey: Pearson Education, Inc.
 Humphrey, Craig R., and Frederick H. Buttel. 1982.Environment, Energy, and Society. Belmont, California: Wadsworth Publishing Company.
 Humphrey, Craig R., Tammy L. Lewis and Frederick H. Buttel. 2002. Environment, Energy and Society: A New Synthesis. Belmont, California: Wadsworth/Thompson Learning.

 Mehta, Michael, and Eric Ouellet. 1995. Environmental Sociology: Theory and Practice, Toronto: Captus Press.
 Redclift, Michael, and Graham Woodgate, eds. 1997.International Handbook of Environmental Sociology (Edgar Elgar, 1997; )
 Schnaiberg, Allan. 1980. The Environment: From Surplus to Scarcity. New York: Oxford University Press.

Further reading
 Hannigan, John, "Environmental Sociology", Routledge, 2014.
 Zehner, Ozzie, Green Illusions: The Dirty Secrets of Clean Energy and the Future of Environmentalism, University of Nebraska Press, 2012. An environmental sociology text forming a critique of energy production and green consumerism.

External links
 ASA Section on Environment and Technology
 ESA Environment & Society Research Network
 ISA Research Committee on Environment and Society (RC24)
 Canadian Sociological Association (CSA) Environment Research Cluster

Environmental sociology


Le Collège latin est un bâtiment situé à Neuchâtel, en Suisse, abritant la Bibliothèque publique et universitaire et le Lycée Jean-Piaget. Il est inscrit à l'Inventaire suisse des biens culturels d'importance nationale et régionale en classe A (bien culturel d'importance nationale).

Histoire
Au début du XIXe siècle, les écoles de la ville de Neuchâtel sont disséminées dans de nombreux bâtiments et la ville cherche une solution pour les regrouper. En 1816, elle émet l'idée de construire un bâtiment dans ce but. Sept ans plus tard, le projet inclut non seulement les écoles mais également la bibliothèque publique et le Cabinet d'histoire naturelle. La construction est, comme celle de plusieurs autres bâtiments de la ville, entièrement financée par le legs de David de Pury.

L'établissement des plans est confié à l'architecte Joseph-Antoine Froelicher et les travaux commencent en 1826. Pour créer l'espace nécessaire, le port intérieur de la ville doit être comblé. L'inauguration du bâtiment a lieu le 17 août 1835. En plus de la bibliothèque, il contient le Cabinet, depuis devenu le Muséum d'histoire naturelle et le Musée d'ethnographie et enfin la galerie de peinture (devenue Musée des beaux-arts).
Plusieurs écoles se succèdent dans le bâtiment : Collège de garçons, École supérieure des jeunes filles, Gymnase Numa-Droz et Lycée Jean-Piaget.

Les collections muséales quittent progressivement le bâtiment. En 1846, les galeries de peinture sont les premières à déménager. En 1885, les collections ethnographiques et archéologiques sont détachées du Muséum d'histoire naturelle et sont abritées, temporairement, dans le nouveau bâtiment du Musée des beaux-arts. Enfin, le Muséum lui-même quitte le bâtiment en 1981 pour être hébergé dans les locaux de l'ancien Collège des filles.

Notes et références

Bibliographie

 .
.

Monument à Neuchâtel
Bien culturel d'importance nationale dans le canton de Neuchâtel

Collège latin


NGC 7189 je prečkasta spiralna galaktika u zviježđu Vodenjaku.

Izvori

Vanjske poveznice

  Hartmut Frommert: Revidirani Novi opći katalog
  Izvangalaktička baza podataka NASA-e i IPAC-a
  Astronomska baza podataka SIMBAD
   VizieR
 DSS-ova slika NGC 7189
  Auke Slotegraaf: NGC 7189 Deep Sky Observer's Companion
   DSO-tražilica
  Courtney Seligman: Objekti Novog općeg kataloga: NGC 7150 - 7199

7189

NGC 7189


Kalkähren ist ein Ortsteil der baden-württembergischen Gemeinde Kressbronn am Bodensee im Bodenseekreis in Deutschland.

Geographie

Lage
Der Ortsteil Kalkähren liegt etwa anderthalb Kilometer nördlich der Kressbronner Ortsmitte, zwischen den anderen Ortsteilen Betznau im Nordwesten, Berg im Nordosten und der Bundesstraße 31 im Süden, auf einer Höhe von rund .

Zu Kalkähren gehören die Flurstücke Betzhofer Halde und Beund.

Schutzgebiete
Östlich sind zwei auf Kalkähren verweisende Biotope ausgezeichnet:
 "Teichvegetation südöstlich Kalkähren", 346 Quadratmeter
 "Feuchtgebietskomplex südöstlich Kalkähren", 3255 Quadratmeter
Das Feuchtgebiet ist Quellgebiet des Prozessgrabens, der, wenige Meter vor dessen Mündung in den Bodensee, in den Nonnenbach mündet.

Geschichte

Bis 1934 gehörte der Weiler Kalkähren zur Gemeinde Hemigkofen, aus der dann, zusammen mit der Gemeinde Nonnenbach, die heutige Gemeinde Kressbronn entstand.

Sehenswürdigkeiten
In Kalkähren ist durch das Landesdenkmalamt Baden-Württemberg ein Kulturdenkmal ausgezeichnet: das Anfang des 19. Jahrhunderts erbaute, sogenannte "Haus Madlener" (siehe Bild).

Persönlichkeiten
 Elmar Kuhn (* 1944), deutscher Heimatforscher und Autor

Einzelnachweise

Weblinks
 Internetpräsenz der Gemeinde Kressbronn

Geographie (Kressbronn am Bodensee)
Ort im Bodenseekreis

Kalkähren


SummerSlam 2005 a fost a optsprezecea ediție a SummerSlam, un eveniment la pay-per-view de wrestling profesionist , produs de World Wrestling Entertainment (WWE). A avut loc pe 21 August din 2005 de la MCI Center din Washington, D. C.. Tema oficiala a fost "Remediu" de Seether.

Rezultate

 Sunday Night HEAT match: Chris Masters l-a învins pe The Hurricane
 Masters l-a făcut pe Hurricane să cedeze cu un "Master Lock".
 Chris Benoit l-a învins pe Orlando Jordan câștigând WWE United States Championship (0:25)
 Benoit l-a făcut pe Jordan să cedeze cu un "Crippler Crossface".
 Edge (cu Lita) l-a învins pe Matt Hardy (04:48)
 Arbitrul a oprit meciul după ce Hardy începuse să sângereze în exces.
 Rey Mysterio l-a învins pe Eddie Guerrero într-un Ladder Match păstrând custodia lui Dominick (20:18)
 Mysterio a câștigat după ce a desfăcut valiza.
 Kurt Angle l-a învins pe Eugene (w/Christy Hemme) într-un No Time Limit match câștigând controlul medaliei sale (04:34)
 Angle l-a făcut pe Eugene să cedeze cu un "Angle Lock".
 Randy Orton (cu Bob Orton Jr.) l-a învins pe The Undertaker (17:17)
 Orton l-a numărat pe Undertaker după un RKO.
 John Cena l-a învins pe Chris Jericho păstrându-și centura WWE Championship (14:49)
 Cena l-a numărat pe Jericho după un FU.
 Batista l-a învins pe John "Bradshaw" Layfield într-un No Hold Barred match păstrându-și centura WWE World Heavyweight Championship (9:06)
 Batista l-a numărat pe JBL după un Batista Bomb pe scara metalică
 '''Hulk Hogan l-a învins pe Shawn Michaels (21:26)
 Hogan l-a numărat pe Michaels după un "Leg Drop".
 După meci, ambii și-au dat mâna în semn de respect.
 Este prima dată când Hogan luptă cu Michaels, din 1990.

SummerSlam

SummerSlam (2005)


San Polo (venetiansk: ) er den mindste af de seks sestieri (distrikter) i Venedig, Norditalien, der dækker 86 hektar langs Canal Grande. Det er en af de ældste dele af byen, der er blevet bosat før det 9. århundrede, da det og San Marco dannede en del af Realtine-øerne. Sestieren er navngivet efter San Polo-kirken.

Oversigt
Området har været beliggenhed for Venedigs hovedmarked siden 1097 og forbundet med den østlige del af Grande Canal med Rialto-broen siden det 13. århundrede. Den vestlige del af distriktet er nu kendt for sine kirker, mens den østlige del (nogle gange blot kaldet Rialto) er kendt for sine paladser og mindre huse.

Seværdigheder i San Polo omfatter Rialtobroen, San Giacomo di Rialto Kirke (ifølge legende den ældste i byen), Campo San Polo med San Polo Kirke, Casa di Goldoni, Santa Maria Gloriosa dei Frari kirke, San Rocco Kirke og Scuola Grande di San Rocco.

Referencer

Venedig

San Polo (Venedig)


بازمة هي إحدى قرى ولاية قبلي، حيث لا تبعد عن مركز الولاية إلا بحوالي 6 كم. اشتهر أهلها بفلاحة الأرض، وغراسة الخضر خاصة.

قرى ولاية قبلي

بازمة


Isla Cabra es la isla más occidental entre el Grupo del Archipiélago Lubang y es una isla-barangay de Lubang, en la provincia filipina de Mindoro Occidental. Con una longitud de alrededor de 2,8 millas (4,5 km) y cerca de 1,8 millas (2,9 km) en su parte más ancha, la isla tiene un terreno plano con la elevación más alta alcanzando alrededor de 200 pies. El complejo del faro se encuentra a unos 600 metros del extremo oeste de la isla.

La comunidad de Cabra fue establecida por los colonizadores españoles en 1885, el año en que se comenzó a construir el faro. Fue nombrado Cabra, debido a que los españoles vieron manadas de cabras cuando llegaron allí.

Véase también
 Geografía de Filipinas
 Geografía de Asia

Referencias

Enlaces externos
 Mapa de Localización

Archipiélagos e islas de Filipinas

Isla Cabra (Filipinas)


Die Papyrussäule ist ein in der altägyptischen Architektur weit verbreiteter Säulentyp. Sie stellt ein Abbild der Papyruspflanze dar, die als Sinnbild für Grünen und Gedeihen gilt und in Verbindung mit der Wappenpflanze Unterägyptens steht.

Die Säule tritt in drei verschiedenen Varianten auf, die sich in Form des Kapitells und des Säulenschaftes unterscheiden.

Als Bündelsäule mit sechs bis acht Pflanzenstängeln und geschlossenem Kapitell tritt sie zum ersten Mal im Pyramidentempel des Sahure auf. Die Bündelung ähnelt sehr den Bündeln der Lotossäule, im Unterschied dazu ist der Fuß jedoch merklich eingezogen und von fünf spitzen Fußblättern umgeben. Ab dem Mittleren Reich werden zwischen die Stängel des Kapitells Bündel von drei kleinen Papyruspflanzen gesteckt. Besonders schöne Beispiele finden sich in den Bauten von Amenophis III.

Mit glatt abgedrehtem Schaft und geschlossenem Kapitell hat sich eine vereinfachte Form der ersten Variante entwickelt, die besonders in der Ramessidenzeit verbreitet war. Schaft und Kapitell besitzen glatte Flächen, auf denen Inschriften, Kartuschenreihen und Reliefszenen angebracht sind. Beispiele finden sich in Karnak, im Ramesseum, in Medinet Habu, sowie in den Millionenjahrhäusern von Sethos I. in Abydos und Theben.

Die dritten Variante weist nur einen einzelnen Stängel sowie ein offenes, glockenförmiges Kapitell auf. Die geöffnete Kapitelldolde wird mit einem Kranz von Einzelblüten dekoriert. Eine erste Umsetzung als Halbsäule scheint es bereits im Djoser-Bezirk gegeben zu haben. Seit dem Mittleren Reich tritt die Säulenform in Lampenständern auf. In der frühen 18. Dynastie findet man sie in Darstellungen. Erst seit Thutmosis III. ist sie in Bauten nachweisbar und wird nun gern für freistehende Kioske und Mittelschiffe von Hypostylen verwendet. Beispiele finden sich in der Kolonnade des Luxor-Tempels, in Karnak, in Edfu und in Philae.

Literatur

Weblinks

Architektur (Altes Ägypten)
Säule (Bauteil)

Papyrussäule


Raymond Bernard Cattell (n. 20 martie 1905 – d. 2 februarie 1998) a fost un psiholog britanic și american, cunoscut pentru studiile sale psihometrice ale structurii intrapersonale, respectiv pentru explorarea multor zone ale psihologiei empirice.

Biografie

Viață profesională

Note

Legături externe

Nașteri în 1905
Nașteri pe 20 martie
Decese în 1998
Decese pe 2 februarie
Absolvenți ai King's College London
Cadre didactice universitare ale Columbia University
Cadre didactice universitare ale Clark University
Cadre didactice universitare ale Harvard University
Cadre didactice universitare ale University of Hawaii
Cadre didactice universitare ale University of Illinois
Psihologi americani
Psihologi britanici
Psihometrie
Testare psihologică

Raymond Cattell


Abū Bakr Aḥmad ibn ʿAlī al-Rāzī al-Jaṣṣāṣ ou simplement Al-Jaṣṣās ( , né en 917 à Ray, mort en 981 à Bagdad, (305 - 370 AH) est un érudit hanafite-mu'tazilite, surtout connu comme le commentateur des travaux d' Al-Ḫaṣṣāf sur la jurisprudence islamique, le fiqh. Selon Tillier (2009: 281), l'œuvre originale et son commentaire peuvent désormais "difficilement être séparés : le texte original d'al-Khaṣṣāf est inclus dans le commentaire d'Al-Jaṣṣāṣ". Il est également l'auteur d'un ouvrage sur le tafsir, Aḥkām al-Qur'ān.

Éditions

 Al-Khaṣṣāf, Adab al-qāḍī, éd. Farḥāt Ziyāda (Le Caire: American University in Cairo Press, 1978)
 Abubakar Ahmad Ibn 'Amr al-Khassaf, Kitab Ahkam al-Awqaf (Le Caire : Diwan 'Umum al-Awqaf al-Misriyyah, 1904)
 Aḥkām al-Qur'ān, Beyrouth, Liban: Dār al-Iḥyā' al-Turāth, 1984
 Aḥkām al-qurʾān . Beyrouth : Dār al-Kutub al-ʿIlmīya, 1994

Références

 Otto Spies, al-Djaṣṣāṣ, EI2, p. 486
 Peter C. Hennigan : « al-Khaṣṣāf (mort en 261/874) », dans : Oussama Arabi, David Stephan Powers, Susan Ann Spectorsky : Islamic Legal Thought. Un recueil de juristes musulmans Brill Academic Pub, 2013,
 Mathieu Tillier : Les femmes devant le qāḍī sous les Abbassides, Loi islamique et société, Vol. 16 (2009)
 Peter C Hennigan : La naissance d'une institution juridique : la formation du waqf dans le discours juridique Ḥanafī du troisième siècle de l'Hégire. 2003
 Ādāb al-Qāḍī : système juridique et judiciaire islamique . Ahmad ibn 'Umar Khaṣṣāf; 'Umar ibn 'Abd al-'Azīz Ṣadr al-Shahīd; Mounir Ahmad Moghol

Liens externes

Mutazilites
Ouléma hanafite
Naissance en 917
Décès en 981
Juriste arabo-musulman
Personnalité du haut Moyen Âge par nom

Al-Jassas


يوسف عز الدين محمد طلعت، (1332 – 1374 هـ / 1914 – 1954م) الملقب بجزار الإنجليز في القنال، أحد مجاهدي الإخوان المسلمين في حرب فلسطين، والذي أُعدم بعد حادثة المنشية التي اتهم فيها الرئيس جمال عبد الناصر الإخوان بتدبير محاولة لقتله.

الميلاد
ولد يوسف طلعت في أغسطس 1914 بمدينة الإسماعيلية، حصل على كفاءة التعليم الأولى، ثم عمل نجارًا، ثم تاجرًا للمحاصيل الزراعية.

تعرفه علي الإخوان
 تعرف على حسن البنا عام 1936م، ومنذ ذلك الوقت ارتبطت حياته بجماعة الإخوان المسلمين، وكان الاهتمام في ذلك الوقت لدى الإخوان بقضية فلسطين، وجهاد الشعب الفلسطيني، وضرورة مؤازرته، والوقوف إلى جانبه بالدعم المالي، وتزويده بالسلاح، وتدريب أفراده، والتعريف بقضيته لجماهير الشعب المصري.

من مواقفه الجهادية
 في ذكرى وعد بلفور سنة 1936م وكان يوم جمعة، وقف خطيبًا بعد الصلاة يصرخ من أعماق قلبه «المسلمون نيام، وفلسطين تحترق» وهتف مكبرًا، واندفع إلى باب المسجد، والجمع خلفه في مظاهرة، تندد باليهود، وكان حدثًا غريبًا وقتها واعتقل يوسف طلعت على إثر تلك المظاهرة، وكان ذلك أول اعتقال له، وأفرج عنهم بكفالة بعد خمسة عشر يومًا، وقام أهل الإسماعيلية يدفعون عنه وزملائه الكفالة.
 في حرب فلسطين قاد يوسف طلعت قافلة تحمل بالإمدادات إلى قوات الجيش المصري المحاصرة في الفالوجا.
 ومن المواقف التي تدل على شجاعته أنه كان يومًا يحاول نقل كمية من البنادق، فوضعها في جوالين من التبن، وحملها على جمل، وتنكّر في ثياب ريفية، وأحاطت به، وهو في طريقه – مجموعة من الشرطة العسكرية، وسألوه عن جهته، فأجابهم بأنه يقيم في المنطقة، ومعه تبن لماشيته، وصار يربت - في رباطة جأش – على رقبة بعيره، فانصرف رجال العدو، وغيّر يوسف من وجهته، ووصل بحمولته.
 أُصيب يومًا في يده، فخاط جرحه بخيط عادي، وإبرة من إبر الحياكة، وأخذ إجازة من الميدان طاف فيها القطر مع الإمام الشهيد البنا يواسي أسر الشهداء، ويجمع السلاح للمجاهدين، ثم عاد إلى الميدان.
 بعد حرب فلسطين تم نفيه في معتقل الطور مع الإخوان الذين شاركوا في حرب فلسطين.
 حاول جمال سالم رئيس محكمة الشعب أن ينال منه، فسأله: ماذا تعمل؟ فأجاب: نجار، فقال جمال سالم: كيف تكون رئيس جهاز (يقصد الجهاز الخاص) فيه أساتذة الجامعة، وأنت نجار؟ فأجاب لقد كان نوح – – نجارًا وهو نبي، فكبت جمال سالم وسكت.

مقتله
أعدم في ديسمبر عام 1954 بعد اتهامه في حادثة المنشية وقد قال يومها وهو على منصة الإعدام :  . في الصباح دخلت الإسماعيلية مصفحتان تحملان جثماني يوسف طلعت، والشيخ محمد فرغلي، ومنعوا الناس من السير في جنازتهما.

مراجع

وصلات خارجية
 1332 – 1374هـ = 1914 – 1954م: البطل الجسور الشهيد «يوسف طلعت»، إخوان أون لاين

أشخاص من الإسماعيلية
إخوان مسلمون مصريون
سياسيون إسلاميون
مصريون شاركوا في كتائب الإخوان في حرب 1948
مواليد 1914
وفيات 1332 هـ
وفيات 1374 هـ
وفيات 1954

يوسف طلعت


Burjati (burjatski: Буряад, mongolski:  Буриад, ruski: Буряты) mongolski su narod koji pretežito živi u ruskoj republici Burjatiji gdje čine 30 % stanovništva, a manjim dijelom u sjeveroistočnoj Mongoliji i Unutarnjoj Mongoliji, autonomnoj pokrajini Narodne Republike Kine. Navodno potječu od Halha Mongola koji su došli iz sjeverne Mongolije, odakle su bili potisnuti u 13. stoljeću. U 17. stoljeću pokorili su ih Rusi. Burjati su izvorno bili šamanisti, potom su prihvatili budizam, a nakon dolaska pod rusku vlast dio je prešao na pravoslavlje. Po tradiciji su nomadski stočari, no danas se uglavnom bave sječom i preradbom drva, stočarstvom, krznarstvom te rudarstvom.

Jezik

Burjati govore burjatskim jezikom. Burjatski jezik pripada mongolskoj porodici (ili pretpostavljenoj altajskoj velikoj porodici), kojim se govori u Rusiji u Zabajkalju (južno i istočno od Bajkalskoga jezera) i sjeverozapadno od Bajkalskoga jezera te u nekoliko manjih enklava u Mongoliji i u jednom naselju u Mandžuriji (Narodna Republika Kina). Naglasak mu je na početnom slogu riječi, ima palatalizirane suglasnike (kao foneme), aglutinativan je jezik, razvio je poput kalmičkoga osobne nastavke, a konjugacija se izvodi aglutiniranjem zamjeničkih oblika na glagolsku osnovu. Do 1917. godine pisani jezik Burjata bio je mongolski, ali se od početka 18. stoljeća počela razvijati i pismenost na burjatskom staromongolskom grafijom (tekstovi su se izdavali ksilografski). Godine 1923. uvedena je latinična grafija, ona je pak 1939. godine zamijenjena ćiriličnom na ruskoj osnovi. Suvremeni se književni jezik temelji na horinskom narječju (narječju khori).

Književnost
Književnost Burjata ima zajednički korijen s drugim mongolskim plemenima u usmenoj epskoj predaji koju su pamtili i širili pučki pjevači. Ep o Gezer kanu, primjerice, sadrži više od 20.000 stihova. Zapisani su i drugi slični epovi kao Kan Karangui, Erensei, Sagadai mergen. Tijekom 19. stoljeća napisano je i nekoliko burjatskih povijesnih kronika, ali o književnosti u suvremenom, autorskom smislu, ne može se govoriti sve do Oktobarske revolucije 1917. godine. Na pojavu romana Hoce Namsarajeva snažno je utjecao Maksim Gorki, a značajka burjatske književnosti je spoj tradicijskih epskih motiva i suvremenosti. Poznata su pjesnička imena I. Vilkov, I. Matulevič i T. Trubačov. Nakon II. svjetskoga rata i vala domoljubnog pjesništva, burjatska se književnost osobito pozabavila dramom i komedijom, a to je dovelo do osnivanja nacionalnoga kazališta.

Glazba
Burjati dijele niz glazbenih značajki sa susjednim sibirskim zajednicama. Vokalni je izričaj temelj njihova glazbenog jezika. Najstarije su šamanske pjesme s ritualnom funkcijom, zatim slijede ljubavne pjesme i pjesme o suvremenim preokupacijama. Melodije variraju od oligotonskih do dijatonskih, a dominira pentatonika. Melodijska je linija pretežno silazna, metroritamski su obrasci jednostavni, a oblik se temelji na ponavljanju kratkih segmenata. Johor uživa ugled nacionalnog plesa; povrh šamanskoga bubnja i drombulje, najzastupljenija su glazbala lutnja hur i svirala limba.
Školovani glazbenici kao što su Dandar Damilovič Ajušejev, Žigžit Abidujevič Batujev i Baudorži Bazarovič Jampilov autori su obradbi i skladbi u pučkom duhu za zborove i instrumentalne ansamble, a autorom prve burjatske opere smatra se ruski skladatelj Markian Petrovič Frolov.

Izvori

Vanjske poveznice

 Burjati, Hrvatska enciklopedija
 Буряты, Enciklopedijski rječnik Brockhausa i Efrona
 Буряты, Velika sovjetska enciklopedija
 БУРЯ́ТЫ , Velika ruska enciklopedija

Mongolski narodi
Etničke grupe Rusije
Etničke grupe Sibira
Etničke grupe Mongolije
Etničke grupe Kine

Burjati


Onthophagus viviensis é uma espécie de inseto do género Onthophagus, família Scarabaeidae, ordem Coleoptera.

Foi descrita cientificamente por D'Orbigny em 1905.

Referências

Ligações externas

viviensis
Coleópteros descritos em 1905

Onthophagus viviensis


La festividad de las Ñatitas es un rito tradicional de los Andes de Bolivia que se celebra cada 8 de noviembre en agradecimiento a los difuntos por los favores y cuidados que las personas reciben de estos. Consiste en venerar uno o varios cráneos humanos.

Historia
Se dice que el rito data de la época precolombina, cuando se veneraba a los difuntos y se los sacaba en andas para que se reencontraran con sus ajayus (palabra aimara que significa "ánima", "alma" o "espíritu") y sus familias. Se cree también que su culto viene del antiguo imperio de Tiwanaku, cuando se conservaban las cabezas de antepasados para reclamar lluvia en época de sequía o para ahuyentar tormentas, y que estas no destrozaran casas ni cultivos.

Características de la festividad
Actualmente, los cráneos son festejados con música, golosinas, alcohol, coca y cigarros. También con grandes fiestas denominadas prestes y misas católicas. El Cementerio General de La Paz recibe miles de visitantes cada año. Respecto al origen de las cabezas, estas terminan extrayéndose de sepulcros olvidados en el mismo camposanto, o son restos de familiares que pasan de generación en generación. Los devotos las guardan en sus dentro de urnas.

Sobre su denominación, es probable que derive del término "ñato", que en Bolivia y otros países de Sudamérica se usa para referirse a una nariz reducida, como la de los cráneos.

La tradición dice que las ñatitas protegen a las familias que las conservan: ayudan a que sus negocios prosperen, cuidan las casas de posibles ladrones, velan por la salud de sus propietarios, ayudan a encontrar pareja y protegen de los malos espíritus, entre otras bondades.

Sincretismo
El año 2008, el Arzobispado de la Iglesia católica emitió un comunicado afirmando que el culto a las calaveras era "no cristiano" y que se prohibían las misas que hasta entonces se habían celebrado para los cráneos. Sin embargo, los rituales católicos continúan, dado el sincretismo cultural presente en la región.

Referencias

Fiestas de Bolivia

Festividad de las Ñatitas


Aragonia es una zona comercial ubicada en el distrito Universidad de la ciudad de Zaragoza (Aragón).

La promotora Zaragoza Urbana invirtió 150 millones de euros en su construcción.
La zona comercial abrió sus puertas el 9 de septiembre de 2009. El edificio, que fue diseñado por el arquitecto Rafael Moneo, cuenta con una superficie de unos 170 000 m² construidos en un solar de 13 263 m².

Las fachadas principales tienen 269 metros y las laterales 49 metros cada una.

Descripción

La oferta comercial se compone de 110 locales con servicios de restauración (Foster Hollywood, The Good Burger, VIPS, Wok Dinasty, Frutolandia, Ingredients Café, Café de la Reina y Ginos) del supermercado Mercadona y de comercios tales como Adolfo Domínguez, Bimba & Lola, Esprit, Imaginarium, Llongueras, Sephora, TCN, Geox, Adidas, Butlers, Chocolat Factory, Campo Marzio, Peter Murray y Mango.
El Hotel Reina Petronila dispone de 170 habitaciones en 12 plantas.

Además de sus comercios ofrece otros servicios como un edificio con 132 viviendas de alquiler en 4 torres y una torre de oficinas de 12 plantas.

El gimnasio Virgin Active está en las plantas tercera y cuarta. Cuenta con pistas al aire libre y piscina en la cubierta superior.

En la segunda planta los Cines Aragonia con 16 salas y 3300 butacas disponen de proyectores digitales y 3D. Tienen un acceso hacia el Hotel Reina Petronila por medio de su sala auditorio, así como todo su interior, que fue una obra de Belén Moneo.

La zona comercial se encuentra muy vinculada a la cultura, fundamentalmente aragonesa, realizando diferentes actividades mensuales que tienen como objetivo acercar la cultura al ciudadano. Entre ellas cabe destacar el evento "Sumérgete en el ciclo del agua" una actividad realizada junto a la Confederación Hidrográfica del Ebro con el objetivo de concienciar a la población de la importancia del aprovechamiento del agua o la Primera Muestra de Escultura de la Escuela de Bellas Artes de Zaragoza, una exposición que permitía a los jóvenes estudiantes de Aragón exponer sus obras.

El primer sótano dispone de una superficie comercial. Otro sótano está destinado al control de todas las instalaciones y a las actividades logísticas como la carga y descarga de mercancías y la recogida de basuras. Otros 4 sótanos se dedican al aparcamiento en 2000 plazas.

Galería

Referencias

Centros comerciales de Zaragoza
Hoteles de Zaragoza
Edificios de oficinas de Zaragoza
Obras de Rafael Moneo

Centro Comercial Aragonia


أبي إسحاق علي بن عبد الغني الفهري الحصري الضرير أبو الحسن (420 هـ - 488 هـ / 1029 - 1095 م) ولد في حي الفهريين بمدينة القيروان.

شاعر قيرواني مشهور يتّصل نسبه بعقبة بن نافع الفهري مؤسس القيروان وفاتح أفريقيا (تونس)، أما نسبة الحصري فيقال: إلى صناعة الحصر ويقال: إلى مدينة حصر الدارسة والتي كانت قريباً من القيروان، وهو قريب ابي اسحاق الحصري صاحب (زهر الآداب) المتوفى سنة 413 هجري قبل مولد أبي الحسن. كان ضريراً ولد وعاش بالقيروان ومات في طنجة. حفظ القرآن بالروايات وتعلم العربية على شيوخ عصره.والأرجح أنه فقد بصره في طفولته ولم يولد كفيفاً كما زعم صاحب معجم المؤلفين.
وكان فقده لبصره سبباً لولوعه بتقليد أبي العلاء في شعره ورسائله (مع أنه معاصر له)، ومن الغريب أن يمتد تشابه الرجلين إلى تشابه الحوادث التي لقياها انظر أمثلة من ذلك في كتاب المرزوقي والجيلاني (أبو الحسن الحصري القيرواني ص63).
وفي مقتبل شبابه كانت فتنة بني هلال في القيروان سنة 449 هجري، تلك الفتنة التي شتَّتت أهل القيروان حفاةً عراةً في الفيافي والوديان وشردتهم، ورحلت بعدها أسرة الحصري إلى سبتة بالمغرب، فبقي فيها زهاء عشر سنوات.

ثم تركها إلى إشبيلية ملتمساً الحظوة عند المعتمد بن عباد، ثم تركها إلى دانية لما علا نجم ابن مجاهد العامري،

ولم يبرح أن تركه إلى سرقسطة مجتذباً عطـف ابن هود، وفيها اتصل بوزيره اليهودي ابن حسداي فأسبغ عليه النعمة ووفّر له الحماية،
ثم قصد ابن صمادح صاحب المرية ووجد عنده كل ترحيب وإكرام، ومكث عنده مدةً ثم رحل قاصداً ابن طاهر صاحب مرسية، فعظمت مكانته عنده ومدحه بالقصيدة التي ذاعت شهرتها وطبقت الآفاق وتنافس المغنون في تلحينها والشعراء في معارضتها، وكانت تلك القصيدة هي قصيدة:

.

وكان الحصري بالرغم من إكثاره كتابة الشعر وتعيشه بمدائح الملكوك زهاء نصف قرن، وكتابته في مختلف أغراض الشعر حتى ترك أربعة دواوين، بالرغم من ذلك كله بقيت قصيدة ياليل الصب هي الاسم الثاني لأبي الحسن الحصري وهي اللفتة السانحة التي نفحته الخلود.

اتصل ببعض الملوك ومدح المعتمد بن عباد بقصائد، وألف له كتاب المستحسن من الأشعار.

ذاعت شهرته كشاعر فحل، وشغل الناس بشعره، ولفت أنظار طلاب العلم فتجمعوا حوله، وتتلمذوا عليه ونشروا أدبه.

له ديوان شعر بقي بعضه مخطوطاً واقتراح القريح واجتراح الجريح مرتب على حروف المعجم في رثاء ولده يحي ومعشرات الحصري في الغزل والنسيب على الحروف والقصيدة الحصرية 212 بيتاً في القراءت، كتاب المستحسن من الأشعار.

من أشهر أعماله قصيدة يا ليل الصب وهي التي ظل العرب يحاولون النسج على منوالها حتى اليوم فيما يسمى بالمعارضات الشعرية والتي بقول في مطلعها:

و هو من اعلام التونسيين يعبر أجمل تعبير على خصو صية المدرسة الأدبية التونسية والمغاربية كذلك والمتميزة بالبحث عن النادر والبديع لاثراء الموروث الإنساني.

دوواينه
 ديوان مستحسن الأشعار وهو فيما قاله في المعتمد بن عباد
 ديوان المعشرات وهو شعره الفنِّي الغزلي، يبتدئ كل بيت فيه بالحرف الذي يقفَّى به
 ديوان مختلف المناسبات
 ديوان اقتراح القريح واجتراح الجريح

ويشتمل على 2591 بيتاً في رثاء ولد له مات ولم يتم سن العاشرة، وكان إماماً في مسجد ناحيته، جامعاً لمعلومات يعجز عن إدراكها الكبار، وقد توفي وهو في حضنه، ووصف ذلك بقصائد تتفتت لها الأكباد.

لقد قضى الحصري نحو ثلاثين سنة من عمره في القيروان أي فترة الشباب كلها، وبعد نكبة القيروان اضطرّ إلى الهجرة من وطنه كما فعل الشاعران أبناء بلده وهما:

ابن رشيق وابن شرف، والتجأ إلى سبتة واستقرّ بها يدرّس علم القراءات ثم اجتاز إلى الأندلس واتصل ببني عبّاد في إشبيلية ومدحهم ثم انتقل بين عواصم ملوك الطوائف وأخيرا حلّ بمدينة طنجة،

وفيها توفي سنة ثمان وثمانين وأربعمائة للهجرة 488 هجري...

وقد آلمته نكبة القيروان كبقيةِ شُعراءِ عَصْرِه، فقال ينْدُبُها بقصيدةٍ طويلةٍ امدكم ببعض الابيات منها:

مَوتُ الكرامِ حياةٌ في مواطِنهمْ...... فَإن هُم اغتربُوا مَاتُوا وَمَا ماتوُا

يا أهلَ ودّيَ لاَ والله ما انتكَثَتْ...... عنـدي عهودٌ ولا ضاقتْ مودّاتُ

لِئن بَعد ثُم وحال البحرُ دونكُمُ...... لَـبينَ أرواحـِنَا في النَّوم زَوْراتُ

ما نمت إلاّ لِكي ألقىَ خـيالكُمُ.....وأين مَنْ نازحِ الأوطـانِ نومـاتُ

أصبحتُ في غُربتي لو لا مكاتِمتي...... بكتني الأرضُ فيها والسماواتُ

كَأنّني لم أذُقْ بالقيــروانِ جـنى....... ولم أقلْ هَا لأحبابي وَلاَ هَاتوُا

ألاَ سَقى الله أرْضَ القـيروانِ...... حَيًا كـأنَّه عـبراتي المُستهـلاتُ

مصادر
 ديوان علي الحصري القيرواني كاملا من بوابة الشعراء
 وفيات الأعيان لابن خلكان.
 موقع www.kairouan.org بالفرنسية.

شعراء تونسيون
شعراء عرب
إبراهيم الحصري
مواليد 1029
مواليد 420 هـ
مواليد في القيروان
وفيات 1095
وفيات 488 هـ
وفيات في طنجة

علي الحصري القيرواني


El Aeropuerto de Ust-Tsilma ( IATA:UTS; ICAO:UUYX) es un aeropuerto situado en las afueras de la ciudad rusa de Ust-Tsilma, localizada en Siberia noroccidental, en la República de Komi, en Rusia. Es un aeropuerto civil que se encuentra a 80 m sobre el nivel del mar.

El espacio aéreo está controlado desde el FIR de Pechora (ICAO: UUYP).

La operadora del aeropuerto es la compañía rusa Komiaviatrans.

Pista
El aeropuerto de Ust-Tsilma dispone de una pista de hormigón en dirección 15/33 de 1.332x32 m. (4.369x104 pies).

El pavimento es del tipo 16/R/B/Y/T.

Existe una calle de acceso que conecta la plataforma con la pista principal.
Es adecuado para ser utilizado por los siguientes aviones: AN-12, An-24, An-26, IL-76, IL-114, Yak-40, ATR 42, EMB 120R, así como los helicópteros Mi-2, Mi-8, Mi-26, L-410.

 Limitaciones:
ATR-42, EMB-120ER y L-410 si disponen de lanza de remolque a bordo.

Referencias

Enlaces externos
 Mapa de ubicación de los aeropuertos Komi en "Our Airports" (en inglés) Consultado el 29 de marzo de 2012

Ust-Tsilma
Komi

Aeropuerto de Ust-Tsilma


Harald Ludwig Felix Sioli (né à Köthen, le  - mort à Plön, le ) est un agronome, chercheur et professeur universitaire brésilien.

Grand fonctionnaire de l'Ordre national du Mérite scientifique et membre correspondant de l'Académie brésilienne des sciences (2002), Harald a travaillé en Amazonie et à l'Institut biologique de São Paulo.

Biographie
Harald Sioli est né dans la ville de Köthen, dans l'Empire allemand, en 1910. Il est diplômé en 1934 de l'Université de Kiel. Peu après, il embarque pour Recife, comme assistant de Friedrich Lenz, alors collaborateur de l'Institut Hydrobiologique de Ploen. Il avait été invité par , directeur de la Commission technique piscicole du Nord-Est, à réaliser des études hydrobiologiques au niveau des barrages du nord-est semi-aride. Harald retourne en Allemagne en 1935, à la fin de sa mission, et n'y revient qu'en 1938.

Il a été incarcéré dans un camp de concentration à l'intérieur du Pará pendant la Seconde Guerre mondiale. Après la guerre, il effectue des recherches à l'Instituto Nacional de Pesquisas da Amazônia (INPA) de Manaus, en partenariat avec l'Institut Max Planck. En 1940, il commence ses travaux limnologiques sur l'Amazonie, où il vécut pendant deux décennies.

Recherches
Harald Sioli a été le pionnier de la classification des eaux des fleuves amazoniens entre rivières d'« eau vive » et rivières d'« eau noire », en fonction de la richesse des composés chimiques en suspension dans l'eau.

Décès
Harald Sioli est décédé le  à Plön, à l'âge de 94 ans.

Héritage
L'Association brésilienne de limnologie (ABLimno) a créé le prix Harald Sioli dans le but d'encourager la formation et la recherche scientifique en écologie aquatique au Brésil, et les étudiants de premier cycle et des cycles supérieurs peuvent y concourir.

Références

Naissance dans le duché d'Anhalt
Scientifique allemand
Décès en octobre 2004
Naissance en août 1910
Décès à 94 ans
Décès au Schleswig-Holstein

Harald Sioli


بني يخلف بلدية بولاية بني عباسالجزائرية، تقع اٍلى الجنوب من مدينة بني عباس. يبلغ عدد سكانها 2488 نسمة.

تضم بلدية بني يخلف التابعة لدائرة الواتة تجمعين سكانيين هما بني يخلف وقرزيم، كما تشتهر بضريح الشيخ سيدي عبد الله بن الشيخ.

الموقع
تقع في الجنوب الغربي من الجزائر أنشأت حسب التقسيم الإداري الجديد بموجب القانون رقم 84-09 بتاريخ 04-04-1984 المتضمن النظام الإقليمي للبلاد، لكن الانطلاق الحقيقي للأعمال بها بدأ في شهر جانفي 1985 ن فأصبحت بعد هذا التاريخ بلدية تابعة لدائرة كرزاز بولاية بشار.......
تقع بلدية بني يخلف جنوب ولاية بشار بحوالي 310 كم وهي تتوسط ولاية بشار وولاية أدرار،

جغرافية
تبلغ مساحتها حوالي . وعدد سكانها الإجمالي .
وتمتاز بلدية بني يخلف بموقعها الإستراتيجي الهام والجداب فهي بين سلسلة جبلية وكتبان رملية ذهبية ويتوسطها مجرى الواد - واد الساورة-.
والذي يزيدها جمالا وبهاءا واحات النخيل الجدابة، كما أنها تحافظ على بعض العادات والتقاليد التي تتجلى في المناسبات المحلية المختلفة والأعياد الدينية وتحوي منطقة بني يخلف بعض القصور الدالة على قدم البلاد مثل : الحوش والمناصرة والقصر القديم والجويمع.

المناخ
يظهر الجدول التالي التغييرات المناخية على مدار السنة لبني يخلف:

مراجع

بني يخلف

بني يخلف (ولاية بشار)


Socorro is a Portuguese-Spanish noun meaning "help" or "relief" (cf. succor). It may also refer to:

Places

 Socorro, São Paulo, a city in São Paulo state, Brazil
 Socorro (district of São Paulo), a district in São Paulo city, Brazil
 Socorro River, a river in Rio Grande do Sul state in southern Brazil
 Socorro Island, an older name for Guamblin Island, Chile
 Socorro, Santander, a town and municipality in Santander Department, Colombia
 Socorro Province, in the former country of Gran Colombia
 Socorro, Goa, a village in Goa, India
 Socorro Island (Isla Socorro), Mexico
 Socorro, Surigao del Norte, Philippines, a municipality
 Socorro, Oriental Mindoro, Philippines, a municipality
 Socorro, a barangay of Quezon City
 Socorro (Lisbon), a parish in Portugal
 Socorro, New Mexico, a city in the United States
 Socorro County, New Mexico
 Socorro, Texas, a city in the United States
 El Socorro (disambiguation), multiple uses
 Socorro do Piauí, Brazil

People

 Héctor Socorro (1912–1980), Cuban footballer
 Juan Carlos Socorro (born 1972), Venezuelan footballer
 Socorro Acioli (born 1975), Brazilian author
 Socorro Santiago (born 1951), American actress
 Socorro Tellado Lopez (1927–2009), Spanish author
 Socorro Venegas (born 1972), Mexican writer
 Vilma Socorro Martínez (born 1943), American diplomat

Animals

 Socorro blenny
 Socorro dove
 Socorro elf owl
 Socorro isopod (Socorro sowbug)
 Socorro mockingbird
 Socorro parakeet
 Socorro springsnail
 Socorro towhee
 Socorro wren

Other uses

 Socorro (TransMilenio), a mass transit station in Bogotá, Colombia
 Church of Our Lord of Socorro, Ponte de Lima, Portugal
 socorro, a breakpad server written in Python
 Socorro Nobre, a 1995 documentary film
 Socorro Rojo Internacional, International Red Aid
 Socorro Rojo del P.O.U.M., a Spanish aid society during the 1930s civil war
 "Socorro", a song by Brazilian singer Bruno Sutter off his 2015 album Bruno Sutter

Socorro


Bravski Vaganac (Bosanski Petrovac, BiH), naseljeno mjesto u općini Bosanski Petrovac, BiH
 Bravski Vaganac (Petrovac, BiH), naseljeno mjesto u općini Petrovac, BiH

Bravski Vaganac


Die britische Unterhauswahl 1970 fand am 18. Juni 1970 statt. Bei der Wahl wurden die Abgeordneten für das Unterhaus (House of Commons) neu bestimmt.

Wahlsystem
Gewählt wurde nach dem einfachen Mehrheitswahlsystem. Eine Sperrklausel gab es nicht.

Wichtige Parteiführer

Wahlergebnis
Wahlsieger wurde die Conservative Party mit 46,4 Prozent der Stimmen. Sie erreichte mit 330 von 630 Sitzen die absolute Mehrheit. Wahlverlierer hingegen war die bisher regierende Labour Party. Sie musste den größten Stimmenverlust bei der Wahl hinnehmen und verlor dadurch ihre bisherige absolute Mehrheit.

Siehe auch
 Politisches System des Vereinigten Königreichs

Einzelnachweise

1970
Vereinigtes Konigreich #Unterhaus

Britische Unterhauswahl 1970


El Club Atlético Once Tigres es un club de fútbol de la ciudad de 9 de Julio, en la provincia de Buenos Aires, Argentina. Fue fundado el 17 de septiembre de 1941 y se desempeñó en el Torneo Federal B, cuarta división del fútbol argentino, luego de haber logrado el ascenso al vencer al Alvear Foot-Ball Club de La Pampa.
En su primera temporada en el Torneo Argentino B fue la revelación de dicho torneo ganando la zona 2 con 47 puntos, producto de 13 victorias, 8 empates y 7 derrotas. Después de esta primera fase quedó eliminado en la segunda instancia con dos partidos ganados, uno empatado y tres perdidos, aunque consiguió el objetivo de permanecer en la categoría.

Jugadores

Plantilla 2017

Palmarés
 Torneo del Interior (1): 2011

 Liga Nuevejuliense de fútbol (15): 1946, 1948, 1967, 1976, 1979, 1983, 1985, 1999, 2001, 2004, 2006, 2008, 2009, 2010, 2011.

 Torneo de la Unión Deportiva (1): 2006.

Véase también

 Fútbol en Argentina

Referencias

Equipos de fútbol de ligas regionales de Argentina
Clubes de la provincia de Buenos Aires indirectamente afiliados a la AFA
Equipos de fútbol fundados en 1941
Nueve de Julio (Buenos Aires)

Club Atlético Once Tigres


Tilbury Fort, also known historically as the Thermitage Bulwark and the West Tilbury Blockhouse, is an artillery fort on the north bank of the River Thames in England. The earliest version of the fort, comprising a small blockhouse with artillery covering the river, was constructed by King Henry VIII to protect London against attack from France as part of his Device programme. It was reinforced during the 1588 Spanish Armada invasion scare, after which it was reinforced with earthwork bastion, and Parliamentary forces used it to help secure the capital during the English Civil War of the 1640s. Following naval raids during the Anglo-Dutch Wars, the fort was enlarged by Sir Bernard de Gomme from 1670 onwards to form a star-shaped defensive work, with angular bastions, water-filled moats and two lines of guns facing onto the river.

In addition to protecting the Thames, in the 18th century Tilbury also began to be used a transit depot and for storing gunpowder. It continued to be essential for the defence of the capital and a new artillery battery was added in the south-east corner during the Napoleonic Wars. The fort became decreasingly significant as a defensive structure as military technology developed in the 19th century. It was redeveloped to hold heavy artillery after 1868, providing a second line of defence along the river, but further changes in technology meant that it had become obsolete by the end of the century. Instead Tilbury became a strategic depot, forming a logistical hub for storing and moving troops and materiel throughout the First World War. The fort had only a limited role in the Second World War and was demobilised in 1950.

Tilbury Fort is now operated by the charity English Heritage Trust as a tourist attraction, receiving 16,154 visitors in 2014. Many of the more modern military features were demolished during the 1950s, with further restoration work taking place during the 1970s ahead of the site opening to the public in 1983. The 17th-century defences are considered by the historian Paul Pattison to be the "best surviving example of their kind in Britain", and the fort includes the only surviving early 18th century gunpowder magazines in Britain.

History

16th century

The first permanent fortification at Tilbury in Essex was built as a consequence of international tensions between England, France and the Holy Roman Empire in the final years of the reign of King Henry VIII. Traditionally the Crown had left coastal defences to the local lords and communities, only taking a modest role in building and maintaining fortifications, and while France and the Empire remained in conflict with one another, maritime raids were common but an actual invasion of England seemed unlikely. Basic defences, based around simple blockhouses and towers, existed in the south-west and along the Sussex coast, with a few more impressive works in the north of England, but in general the fortifications were very limited in scale.

In 1533, Henry broke with Pope Paul III in order to annul the long-standing marriage to his wife, Catherine of Aragon, and remarry. Catherine was the aunt of Charles V, the Holy Roman Emperor, and he took the annulment as a personal insult. This resulted in France and the Empire declaring an alliance against Henry in 1538, and the Pope encouraging the two countries to attack England. An invasion of England appeared certain. In response, Henry issued an order, called a "device", in 1539, giving instructions for the "defence of the realm in time of invasion" and the construction of forts along the English coastline.

The River Thames was strategically important, as the city of London and the newly constructed royal dockyards of Deptford and Woolwich were vulnerable to seaborne attacks arriving up the estuary, which was a major maritime route, carrying 80 per cent of England's exports. At the mouth of the estuary, the Thames narrowed considerably, forming a natural hub for communications: the "Long Ferry" took passengers into the capital, and the "Cross Ferry" moved traffic across the river. This was also the first point that an invasion force would be able to easily disembark along the Thames, as before this point the mudflats along the sides of the estuary would have made landings difficult. Temporary defences had been constructed at Tilbury as early as the 14th and 15th centuries, although little is known about their design.

Under the King's new programme of work, the Thames was protected with a mutually reinforcing network of blockhouses at Gravesend, Milton, and Higham on the south side of the river, and West and East Tilbury on the opposite bank. West Tilbury Blockhouse, part of the inner line, was initially called the "Thermitage Bulwark", because it was on the site of a hermitage dissolved by the King in 1536. It was designed by James Nedeham and Christopher Morice, supported by three overseers; prior to the work, the estimated cost had been given as £211, allowing for stone, timber, 150,000 bricks and  of chalk. The D-shaped blockhouse was curved at the front, with two storeys of gun-ports, and probably had additional gun platforms stretching along the river on either side of it; ancillary buildings were placed at the rear and the whole site was protected by a rampart and a ditch, with extensive marshlands and creeks giving additional protection to the east. It was initially commanded by Captain Francis Grant and his deputy, and garrisoned with a porter, two soldiers and four gunners, equipped with up to five artillery pieces including a demi-cannon and sakers.

The invasion threat passed and in 1553 all of the blockhouses were ordered to return their guns; Milton and Higham were demolished. In the summer of 1588, however, there was a fresh threat of invasion by the Spanish Armada. An army was mobilised to protect the mouth of the estuary and emergency improvements to the fortifications at Tilbury Blockhouse were made by Robert Dudley, the Earl of Leicester. Queen Elizabeth I visited the fort by barge on 8 August 1588 and rode in procession to the nearby army camp, where she gave a speech to the assembled forces. Fears of invasion continued even after the defeat of the Armada, and over the course of the next year the Italian engineer, Federigo Giambelli, reinforced the blockhouse with probably two concentric earthwork ramparts, with ditches and a palisade. A boom was stretched across the river to Gravesend at a cost of £305.

17th century

In the early 1600s, England was at peace with France and Spain and as a result the coastal defences received little attention; surveys reported multiple problems with Tilbury Fort including flooding caused by the estuary tides, and ferry passengers and animals making their way uninvited into the fort. In 1642 civil war broke out between the supporters of King Charles I and those of Parliament. Tilbury was controlled by Parliament, who placed the Tilbury and Gravesend forts under the command of a military governor, using them to control traffic entering London and to search for spies; it saw no military action during the war. Tilbury remained in use during the interregnum, having a garrison of three officers and sixty-six men in 1651.

After Charles II was restored to the throne in 1660, he began a wide-ranging programme of work on the coastal defences. The Dutch fleet then attacked up the Thames in June 1667, but were deterred from going further for fear of the Tilbury and Gravesend fortifications. In reality, the forts were poorly prepared to resist a Dutch attack; at Tilbury there were only two guns ready for action. The Dutch struck the English fleet at Medway instead, giving enough time for the government to improve the defences along the Thames and mount 80 guns on the forts. In the wake of the conflict, the King instructed his Chief Engineer, a Dutchman called Sir Bernard de Gomme, to develop Tilbury Fort's defences further.

De Gomme prepared several plans for the King in 1665; a further iteration of the designs was submitted in 1670 and given royal approval. Work began the same year but it took until 1685 to complete the project. The work was carried out by skilled contractors, who were supplemented by large teams of pressed men brought in from across the region; during 1671, up to 256 workers were employed on the site. Around 3,000 timber piles had to be brought from Norway for the project in 1671 to support the foundations in the marshy ground. The resources needed for the King's multiple defence projects became stretched, and one of the planned bastions at Tilbury, originally planned to face the river, was cancelled in 1681, in part to save money. The total cost of the project is unknown, but was significantly more than the original estimate of £47,000.

The result was a large, five-sided, star-shaped fort with four angular bastions, revetted in brick, with an outer curtain of defences, including two moats and a redoubt; two new gatehouses defended the entrance from the north. Two gun lines of gun platforms, facing the river, stretched alongside either the side of the fort. The Henrician blockhouse was incorporated into the defences, but the Elizabethan earthworks were destroyed. The interior of the fort was raised up above the level of the marshes to prevent flooding, and barracks and other buildings were constructed inside. The writer John Evelyn praised the new fort as "a Royal work indeede". Further work after 1694 replaced the wooden gun platforms alongside the river with more durable stone equivalents.

18th–19th centuries

By the start of the 18th century, Tilbury Fort was one of the most powerful in Britain. The number of artillery guns varied; in 1715 there were 17 demi-cannon and 26 culverins mounted on the west gun platform, and 31 demi-cannons and one culverin on the east; the following year there were reported to be 161 guns in total at the fort, although 92 of these were in poor repair and inoperable.

In addition to its role in protecting the Thames, the fort had various military uses during the 18th century. From 1716 onwards, the Board of Ordnance began to use it as a gunpowder depot; there were safety restrictions on moving gunpowder in and out of the London docks, so Tilbury was used instead. Two large magazines were built, able to hold 3,600 barrels of powder each, and the old blockhouse and other buildings were converted to act as further magazines. Eventually the fort could hold more than 19,000 barrels of gunpowder. It was also used as a transit depot for soldiers and, after the Jacobite rising of 1745, as a prison to hold 268 Highlander prisoners of war. The Jacobite prisoners were kept in the gunpowder magazines and 45 died from typhus before they were sent on to London for trial.

The living conditions at the fort were poor. It was surrounded by marshes, with a poor road network, and the garrison had to survive on collected rainwater. A trader called a sutler built a house inside the southern entrance, growing vegetables within the south-west bastion and enjoying an effective monopoly on selling food to the soldiers. New barracks for the officers and enlisted men were rebuilt in 1772, but the officers often preferred to live across the river in the more urban setting of Gravesend, near the military headquarters there. A cricket match in 1776 between men from the Kentish and Essex sides of the Thames reportedly ended in bloodshed when guns were seized from the guardroom; newspapers recounted how an Essex man and a sergeant were shot dead, and a soldier was bayonetted, before both sides fled the scene. It is uncertain how accurate the newspaper account was, although the historians Andrew Saunders and Charles Kightly give it some credence.

During the American Revolutionary War there were fears of a French attack on London. In 1780, the Army carried out a practice attack on the fort with 5,000 soldiers, but there were less than 60 guns left at the fort and many of these were in poor condition. Thomas Hyde Page inspected Tilbury in 1788 and reported that the defences facing the Thames were seriously inadequate. As a consequence, a new battery was built in the south-east corner of the defences, armed with 32-pounders (14.5 kg) pointing down-river, and a new battery, New Tavern Fort, was built along the river to the east. Fears continued during the French Revolutionary and Napoleonic Wars and smaller batteries were constructed further up the river in 1794. Tilbury continued to be an essential part of the capital's defences because of its control of the crossing point on the Thames, and the guns were upgraded with new traversing platforms; the Gravesend Volunteer Artillery was formed to man the forts on both sides of the river. During the invasion scare of 1803, the Royal Trinity House Volunteer Artillery manned ten armed hulks placed across the river as a barrier at Tilbury.

The size of the garrison varied during the first half of the century, but in 1830 the fort had space for 15 officers and 150 enlisted men. Despite the construction of a new range of facilities in 1809, the living conditions of the soldiers remained poor, with four men sharing each of the two-bed rooms in the barracks, and no running water on the site. During the 19th century, a pump was installed to bring water up from a well  below the surface. Nationwide investigations into the standard of Army barracks during 1857 led to investment in better facilities at Tilbury; piped water was run into the site in 1877, and improved amenities and sanitation were installed after 1880.

By the 1850s, the advent of steam ships meant that enemy vessels could sail up the Thames far more quickly than before, reducing the time available for forts to intercept them. Rifled guns and turret-mounted weapons and new armour-plating meant that enemy warships could fire on forts such as Tilbury from downstream more easily while being protected from their guns. Fears of an potential invasion by Napoleon III of France led to the establishment Royal Commission on the Defence of the United Kingdom in 1859. The Commission reported the following year and recommended that new, more powerful forts be built further downstream, with defences such as Tilbury Fort forming a second-line of defence. Work began on strengthening Tilbury in 1868, under the direction of the then Captain Charles Gordon, focusing on adding heavier gun positions able to fire upstream to support the new forts. The west, north-east and east bastions and the south-east curtain wall were altered to house thirteen rifled muzzle-loading guns, protected by brick walls, earthworks and iron shields. Initially 7-ton, 7-inch (7,112 kg, 17 cm) guns were deployed but these were upgraded to 9-inch (22 cm) weapons by 1888, supported by a heavier 25-ton, 11-inch (25,401 kg, 27 cm) gun. The old Tudor block-house was destroyed to make way for the new guns.

Naval and defensive technology continued to improve over the next few decades, rendering Tilbury Fort's bastion design out-moded. The government considered the defences further down the Thames to be sufficient and Tilbury was therefore not improved; it was largely redundant as a defensive fortification by the end of the century, although still in use as a strategic depot. From 1889 onwards it formed a mobilisation centre to support a mobile strike force in the event of an invasion, part of the wider London Defence Scheme, and large storage buildings were built across the site to store materiel.

20th–21st centuries

Fresh concerns grew that the Thames might be vulnerable to attack from torpedo boats and armoured cruisers, and in 1903 four quick-firing 12-pounder, 12 cwt (5.4 kg, 50.8 kg) guns were positioned on Tilbury's south-east curtain wall, supplemented in 1904 by two 6-inch (15 cm) breech loading guns. In 1905, however, the government decided that the Royal Navy and the forts downstream gave sufficient protection for the capital and removed the artillery, leaving only machine-guns in place.

Tilbury continued to function as a mobilisation store and, after the outbreak of the First World War, it was used to house up to 300 transit soldiers and to supply the new army camps established at Purfleet and Belhus Mansion. It was initially manned by the 2nd Battalion of the Royal Dublin Fusiliers until 1916, and by various reserve units for the rest of the war. The fort itself was used to store munitions while a depot for remounts was built just to the west; a pontoon bridge was built across the Thames for troop movements, guarded by the fort's guns. Until 1917, also used to house the headquarters of several infantry battalions. Electric lighting was installed, and a narrow-gauge railway and a steam crane on the quay were added to help to move material in and out of the fort. After the Zeppelin raids of June 1915, anti-aircraft guns and searchlights mounted at the fort and they played a role in the shooting down of the German Navy Zeppelin, L15, although it is disputed as to which site in the area fired the shell that brought down the airship.

During the inter-war years, the government concluded that the fort was no longer militarily useful and there were unsuccessful attempts to sell it off for development. During the Second World War, the fort initially housed an improvised anti-aircraft operations room, controlling the defences of the Thames and Medway (North) Gun Zone between 1939 and 1940. Trenches were dug across the surrounding area to prevent an airborne attack. The enlisted barracks and the facilities block, as well as probably the sutler's house, were bombed and damaged, being demolished after the war. The fort was transferred out of military use relatively early in the post-war period, and in 1950 the Ministry of Works took over the site. Restoration work took place in the 1970, including the construction of replica wooden bridges. It was opened to the public in 1982.

In the 21st century, the fort is controlled by English Heritage and operated as a tourist attraction, receiving 16,154 visitors in 2014. The site is protected under UK law as a scheduled monument, with the officers' barracks a grade II* listed building.

Architecture

Tilbury Fort remains largely unaltered from its reconstruction in the late 17th century under the direction of Sir Bernard de Gomme, with some 19th century additions. It was designed in a predominantly Dutch style, with a ring of outer and inner defences intended to allow the fort to attack hostile warships, while being protected from attack from the land. The heritage agency Historic England describes it as "England's most spectacular" example of a late 17th-century fort, and the historian Paul Pattison considers the defences the "best surviving example of their kind in Britain".

Outer defences

The outer defences comprise outer and inner water-filled moats, fed by the Thames and separated by a ring of defensive ramparts. The inner moat is  wide but relatively shallow and the banks have been repeatedly strengthened with piles to protect them from erosion. The fort is entered from the north through a triangular defensive work known as a redan, with a redoubt to defend the entrance. A causeway links the redan to the outer defences, which form a complex pattern of ramparts, protecting a covered way stretching around the defensive line. There are bastions on the north-west and north-east corners, and two triangular spurs, originally equipped with cannons, project from the defences on the west and east sides, with assembly points for infantry soldiers on the inside.

A replica wooden bridge runs from the outer defences over the water to an island called a ravelin, which is in turn linked to the inner defences by another replica bridge, protected with two drawbridges. The ravelin formed a physical barrier to incoming artillery fire aimed at the entrance to the inner defences and could also have directed fire against enemy forces that breached the outer defensive line.

On the south side of the outer defences, facing the river, are the West and East Lines of gun positions. These were built in the 18th century and have been subject to considerable erosion and silting; 12 of the original 14 gun positions on the West Line remain but only one of the East Line has survived. In between the lines is a quay, designed to allow the delivery of supplies from the Thames, and the remains of the tracks from the narrow gauge railway built during the First World War. A sluice gate in the south-west corner managed the water in the moats, and allowed them to be drained completely should the surfaces begin to freeze over in winter and provide an advantage to any attackers. To the west of the outer defences is the World's End pub, originally the local ferry house, dating from 1788.

Inner defences
The inner defences largely follow a pentagonal design, with four defensive bastions positioned around a central parade ground. From the south, the fort is entered through the Water Gate. This two-storeyed gatehouse dates from the late 17th century with a monumental stone facade featuring carved displays of classical and 17th-century weapons; when first built, the now-empty niche at the front probably held a statue of King Charles II. The building originally acted a house for the master gunner. Most of the inside of the fort is taken up by the parade ground, an area covering . The central parade ground was raised to its current height in the 17th and 19th centuries using chalk and dirt, and by the early 20th century much of it was occupied by four large warehouses, since destroyed.

Moving east from the Water Gate, the south-eastern curtain defences and the south-east bastion were rebuilt at the start of the 20th century to hold emplacements for four quick-firing guns and two 6-inch (15 cm) guns, with tunnels linking to an underground magazine. Four artillery pieces, dating from 1898 to 1942, are on display. Facing the parade ground are the officers' quarters, a terrace of houses probably dating in its current form to the late 18th century, with a stables at the northern end, originally used to hold the commandant's horses. It now holds the Bernard Truss collection of military memorabilia. The north-east bastion was redesigned after 1868 and contains an earth-covered magazine, as well as emplacements for 9-inch (22 cm) rifled muzzle loading guns.

On the north side of the parade are two early 18th century magazines, altered in the 19th century. These were specially designed to avoid the use of iron, which might have generated sparks and set off an explosion, instead being built using wood and copper; they are the only remaining examples of their type in Britain. The Landport Gate lies behind the magazines, and has a gatehouse, called the Dead House, above the passageway leading into the interior of the fort. Past the north-west bastion, the soldiers' barracks would have stood opposite those of the officers', but was destroyed after the war and only the foundations of the building remain. The south-west magazine also holds a covered magazine, similar to that in the north-east bastion. Just to the west of the Water Gate is the fort's guardhouse and chapel, dating from the late 17th century and one of the oldest surviving places of worship within a British artillery fortress.

Notes

References

Bibliography

  Original 1960 edition  available online.

External links

English Heritage's visitor page

Device Forts
Forts in Essex
Napoleonic war forts in England
19th-century forts in England
17th-century forts in England
English Heritage sites in Essex
Buildings and structures in Thurrock
Museums in Essex
Military and war museums in England
Forts on the River Thames
1539 establishments in England
Tilbury

Tilbury Fort


Državna cesta Novog Meksika br. 185 (eng. New Mexico State Road 185, NM 185), državna cesta u američkoj saveznoj državi Novom Meksiku. Duga je 56,966 km. Održava ju NMDOT. Proteže se kroz okrug Doña Ana. Važnija križanja su s NM 320, NM 158, kod Radium Springsa s NM 157 (na I-25 i US 85), NM 140 (na I-25 i US 85), NM 154 i NM 26. Južni izlaz je na US Route 70 u Novom Meksiku u Las Crucesu, gdje je i sjeverni izlaz s Državne ceste Novog Meksika br. 188. Sjeverni izlaz s NM 185 je u Hatchu, gdje je zapadni izlaz s državne ceste Novog Meksika br. 154 i na državnu cestu Novog Meksika br. 26. Državna cesta Novog Meksika br. 185 nekad je bila dijelom trase US Route 85 kroz Novi Meksiko.

Izvori

Novi Meksiko
Cestovna infrastruktura u SAD-u
Ceste

Državna cesta Novog Meksika br. 185


La reacción de McFadyen–Stevens es una reacción química descrita como una descomposición térmica catalizada por una base de acilsulfonilhidrazidas a aldehídos.

Dudman ha desarrollado una alternativa con un reactivo de hidrazida.

Mecanismo de reacción
El mecanismo de la reacción de McFadyen–Stevens sigue investigándose. Dos grupos de investigadores han propuesto de manera independiente un mecanismo de fragmentación heterolítica El mecanismo implica la desprotonación de la acilsulfonamida seguida de una migración 1,2 de un protón para dar el alcóxido (3). La fragmentación del alcóxido da como resultado el aldehído (4), nitrógeno gaseoso, y un ion arilsulfinato (5).

Martin y colaboradores han propuesto un mecanismo distinto, el cual implica la formación de un acilnitreno.

Referencias

Reacciones orgánicas

Reacción de McFadyen-Stevens


Als Bodenpunkt wird im Vermessungswesen ein Mess- oder Festpunkt bezeichnet, dessen Oberkante im Bodenniveau oder nur wenige Zentimeter darüber liegt. Der Begriff ist in die technische Praxis eingegangen, um solche beschädigungssicher vermarkten Punkte von anderen zu unterscheiden, z. B. von Kirchtürmen oder Turmbolzen, Triangulationspfeilern oder TP-Steinen, Stangensignalen, an Gebäuden angebrachten Gabel- bzw. Messpunkten oder die meist 10–30 cm hohen Grenzsteinen.

Ein Bodenpunkt kann auf verschiedene Weise vermarkt sein:
 im Gebirge als Felsmarke (eingemeißeltes Kreuz),
 in flacheren Gebieten als bodengleich eingegrabener Vermessungs- oder KT-Stein (wie er im früheren Österreich-Ungarn genannt wird),
 in der Stadtvermessung und bei Bauprojekten als Schraubbolzen,
 als Metallstift oder Nagel (meist mit Beschriftung "Vermessungspunkt" oder rotem Farbring),
 bei Absteckungen auch einfach mit einem fest eingeschlagenen Holzpflock.
Der Hauptvorteil von Bodenpunkten ist besserer Schutz vor Erosion und sonstiger Beschädigung, ein Nachteil allerdings, dass sie oft rasch überwachsen werden und ihre Suche dann schwieriger ist und Grabarbeiten erfordern kann. Zur raschen und sicheren Auffindung ist in solchen Fällen eine Punktbeschreibung mit Lageskizze und genauen Sperrmaßen hilfreich.

Die Einmessung solcher Bodenpunkte erfolgt üblicherweise mit dem Theodolit (Winkel- und Streckenmessung) relativ zu anderen Festpunkten, aber auch mit Differenz-GPS, und bei geringen Ansprüchen mit Alignement oder dem Maßband.

Geodäsie

Bodenpunkt (Geodäsie)


Farah er en by i det sydvestlige Afghanistan, med et indbyggertal på ca. . Byen er hovedstad i en provins af samme navn.

Byer i Afghanistan

Farah (Afghanistan)