Blackbirding is the coercion of people through deception or kidnapping to work as slaves or poorly paid labourers in countries distant from their native land. The practice took place on a large scale with the taking of people indigenous to the numerous islands in the Pacific Ocean during the 19th and 20th centuries. These blackbirded people were called Kanakas or South Sea Islanders. They were taken from places such as Papua New Guinea, the Solomon Islands, Vanuatu, Niue, Easter Island, the Gilbert Islands, Tuvalu, Fiji, and the islands of the Bismarck Archipelago amongst others.

The owners, captains, and crews of the ships involved in the acquisition of these labourers were termed blackbirders. The demand for this kind of cheap labour principally came from European colonists in New South Wales, Queensland, Samoa, New Caledonia, Fiji, Tahiti, Hawaii, and New Zealand, as well as plantations in Peru, Mexico, and Guatemala. Labouring on sugar cane, cotton, and coffee plantations in these lands was the main usage of blackbirded labour, but they were also exploited in other industries. Blackbirding ships began operations in the Pacific from the 1840s which continued into the 1930s. Blackbirders from the Americas sought workers for their haciendas and to mine the guano deposits on the Chincha Islands, while the blackbirding trade organised by colonists in places like Queensland, Fiji, and New Caledonia used the labourers at plantations, particularly those producing sugar cane.

Examples of blackbirding outside the South Pacific include the early days of the pearling industry in Western Australia at Nickol Bay and Broome, where Aboriginal Australians were blackbirded from the surrounding areas. Chinese men were blackbirded from Amoy in the 1840s and 50s to work as unskilled labourers in the pearling, gold and farming industries.

Practices similar to blackbirding continue to the present day. One example is the kidnapping and coercion, often at gunpoint, of indigenous peoples in Central America to work as plantation labourers in the region. They are subjected to poor living conditions, are exposed to heavy pesticide loads, and do hard labour for very little pay.

Australia

New South Wales
The first major blackbirding operation in the Pacific was conducted out of Twofold Bay in New South Wales. A shipload of 65 Melanesian labourers arrived in Boyd Town on 16 April 1847 on board Velocity, a vessel under the command of Captain Kirsopp and chartered by Benjamin Boyd. Boyd was a Scottish colonist who wanted cheap labourers to work at his large pastoral leaseholds in the colony of New South Wales. He financed two more procurements of South Sea Islanders, 70 of which arrived in Sydney in September 1847, and another 57 in October of that same year. Many of these Islanders soon absconded from their workplaces and were observed starving and destitute on the streets of Sydney. Reports of violence, kidnap and murder used during the recruitment of these labourers surfaced in 1848 with a closed-door enquiry choosing not to take any action against Boyd or Kirsopp. The experiment of exploiting Melanesian labour was discontinued in Australia until Robert Towns recommenced the practice in Queensland in the early 1860s.

Queensland

The Queensland labour trade in South Sea Islanders, or Kanakas as they were commonly termed, was in operation from 1863 to 1908, a period of 45 years. Some 55,000 to 62,500 were brought to Australia, most being recruited or blackbirded from islands in Melanesia, such as the New Hebrides (now Vanuatu), the Solomon Islands and the islands around New Guinea. Although the process of acquiring these "indentured labourers" varied from violent kidnapping at gunpoint to relatively acceptable negotiation, most of the people affiliated with the trade were regarded as blackbirders. The majority of those taken were male and around one quarter were under the age of sixteen. In total, approximately 15,000 Kanakas died while working in Queensland, a figure which does not include those who died in transit or who were killed in the recruitment process. This represents a mortality rate of at least 30%, which is high considering most were only on three year contracts. It is also similar to the estimated 33% death rate of enslaved Africans in the first three years of being taken to America.

Robert Towns and the first shipments

In 1863, Robert Towns, a British sandalwood and whaling merchant residing in Sydney, wanted to profit from the world-wide cotton shortage due to the American Civil War. He bought a property he named Townsvale on the Logan River south of Brisbane, and planted  of cotton. Towns wanted cheap labour to harvest and prepare the cotton and decided to import Melanesian labour from the Loyalty Islands and the New Hebrides. Captain Grueber together with labour recruiter Henry Ross Lewin aboard Don Juan, brought 73 South Sea Islanders to the port of Brisbane in August 1863. Towns specifically wanted adolescent males. Recruitment and kidnapping was reportedly employed in obtaining these boys. Over the following two years, Towns imported around 400 more Melanesians to Townsvale on one to three year terms of labour. They came on Uncle Tom (Captain Archer Smith) and Black Dog (Captain Linklater). In 1865, Towns obtained large land leases in Far North Queensland and funded the establishment of the port of Townsville. He organised the first importation of South Sea Islander labour to that port in 1866. They came aboard Blue Bell under Captain Edwards. Towns paid his Kanaka labourers in trinkets instead of cash at the end of their working terms. His agent claimed that blackbirded labourers were "savages who did not know the use of money" and therefore did not deserve cash wages. Apart from a small amount of Melanesian labour imported for the beche-de-mer trade around Bowen, Robert Towns was the primary exploiter of blackbirded labour up until 1867.

Expansion and legislation
The high demand for very cheap labour in the sugar and pastoral industries of Queensland, resulted in Towns' main labour recruiter, Henry Ross Lewin, and another recruiter by the name of John Crossley opening their services to other land-owners. In 1867, King Oscar, Spunkie, Fanny Nicholson and Prima Donna returned with close to 1,000 Kanakas who were offloaded in the ports of Brisbane, Bowen and Mackay. This influx, together with information that the recently arrived labourers were being sold for £2 each and that kidnapping was at least partially used during recruitment, raised fears of a burgeoning new slave trade. These fears were realised when French officials in New Caledonia complained that Crossley had stolen half the inhabitants of a village in Lifou, and in 1868 a scandal evolved when Captain McEachern of Syren anchored in Brisbane with 24 dead islander recruits and reports that the remaining ninety on board were taken by force and deception. Despite the controversy, no action was taken against McEachern or Crossley.

Many members of the Queensland government were already either invested in the labour trade or had Kanakas actively working on their land holdings. Therefore, the 1868 legislation on the trade in the form of the Polynesian Labourers Act, that was brought in due to Syren debacle, requiring every ship to be licensed and carry a government agent to observe the recruitment process, was poor in protections and even more poorly enforced.  Government agents were often corrupted by bonuses paid for labourers 'recruited,' or blinded by alcohol, and did little or nothing to prevent sea-captains from tricking islanders on-board or otherwise engaging in kidnapping with violence. The Act also stipulated that the Kanakas were to be contracted for no more than 3 years and be paid £18 for their work. This was an extremely low wage that was only paid at the end of their three years of work. Additionally, a system whereby the Islanders were heavily influenced to buy overpriced goods of poor quality at designated shops before they returned home, robbed them further. The Act, instead of protecting the South Sea Islanders, actually gave legitimacy to a kind of slavery in Queensland.

Certain officials in London were concerned enough with the situation to order a vessel of the Royal Navy based at the Australia Station in Sydney to do a cruise of investigation. In 1869,  under Captain George Palmer managed to intercept a blackbirding ship loaded with Islanders at Fiji.  under command of Captain Daggett and licensed in Queensland to Henry Ross Lewin, was described by Palmer as being fitted out "like an African slaver". Even though there was a government agent on board, the Islanders recruited appeared in poor condition and, having no understanding of English and no interpreter, had little idea of why they were being transported. Palmer seized the ship, freed the Kanakas and arrested both Captain Daggett and the ship's owner Thomas Pritchard for slavery. Daggett and Pritchard were taken to Sydney to be tried but all charges were quickly dismissed and the prisoners discharged. Furthermore, Sir Alfred Stephen, the Chief Justice of the New South Wales Supreme Court found that Captain Palmer had illegally seized Daphne and ordered him to pay reparations to Daggett and Pritchard. No evidence or statements were taken from the Islanders. This decision, which overrode the obvious humanitarian actions of a senior officer of the Royal Navy, gave further legitimacy to the blackbirding trade out of Queensland and allowed it to flourish.  It also constrained the actions by naval commanders when dealing with incidents on the high seas and also crimes against the many missionaries working on the islands.

The Kanaka trade in the 1870s

Recruiting of South Sea Islanders soon became an established industry with labour vessels from across eastern Australia obtaining Kanakas for both the Queensland and Fiji markets. Captains of such ships would get paid about 5 shillings per recruit in "head money" incentives, while the owners of the ships would sell the Kanakas from anywhere between £4 and £20 per head. The Kanakas who were transported on Bobtail Nag had metal discs imprinted with a letter of the alphabet hung around their neck making for easy identification. Maryborough and Brisbane became important centres for the trade with vessels such as Spunkie, Jason and Lyttona making frequent recruiting journeys out of these ports. Reports of blackbirding, kidnap and violence were made against these vessels with Captain Winship of Lyttona being accused of kidnapping and importing Kanaka boys aged between 12 and 15 years for the plantations of George Raff at Caboolture. The Queensland Governor made enquiries and "found that there were a few islanders between fourteen and sixteen years of age, but that they, like all the others who accompanied them, had engaged without any pressure and were perfectly happy and contented". It was alleged by missionaries in the New Hebrides that one crew member of Spunkie murdered two recruits by shooting them, but the immigration agent Charles James Nichols who was on board the vessel denied this occurred. Charges of kidnap were made against Captain John Coath of Jason. Only Captain Coath was brought to trial and, despite being found guilty, he was soon pardoned and allowed to re-enter the recruiting trade. Up to 45 of the Kanakas brought in by Coath died on plantations around the Mary River. Meanwhile, the famous recruiter Henry Ross Lewin was charged with the rape of a pubescent Islander girl. Despite strong evidence, Lewin was acquitted and the girl was later sold in Brisbane for £20.

By the 1870s, South Sea Islanders were being put to work not only in cane-fields along the Queensland coast but were also widely used as shepherds upon the large sheep stations in the interior and as pearl divers in the Torres Strait. They were taken as far west as Hughenden, Normanton and Blackall. In 1876, several Islanders died, one by scurvy, on the 800km journey they were required to make from Rockhampton to Bowen Downs Station. No police report was made and the overseer in charge was only fined £10. Whipping of the Islander labourers was found to be occurring across a number of districts including at the Ravensbourne sheep station, and at the coastal sugar plantations of Nerada and Magnolia owned by Hugh Monckton and Colonel William Feilding respectively. Fatal conflict with the landholders was at times evident, for instance a group of South Sea Islanders murdered Mr Gibbie and Mr Bell, owners of Conway station. One, possibly two of the labourers were shot by Gibbie, while the others were captured by Native Police, one dying while in their custody. When the owners of the properties went bankrupt, the Islanders would often either be abandoned or sold as part of the estate to a new owner. In the Torres Strait, Kanakas were left at isolated pearl fisheries such as the Warrior Reefs for years with little hope of being returned home. In this region, three ships used to procure pearl-shells and beche-de-mer, including Challenge were owned by James Merriman who held the position of Mayor of Sydney.

Poor conditions at the sugar plantations led to regular outbreaks of disease and death. The Maryborough plantations and the labour vessels operating out of that port became notorious for high mortality rates of Kanakas. During the measles epidemic of 1875, ships such as Jason arrived with Islanders either dead or infected with the disease. There were 30 deaths recorded of measles, followed by dysentery. From 1875 to 1880, at least 443 Kanakas died in the Maryborough region from gastrointestinal and pulmonary disease at a rate 10 times above average. The Yengarie, Yarra Yarra and Irrawarra plantations belonging to Robert Cran were particularly bad. An investigation revealed that the Islanders were overworked, underfed, not provided with medical assistance and that the water supply was a stagnant drainage pond. At the port of Mackay, the labour schooner Isabella arrived with half the Kanakas recruited dying on the voyage from dysentery, while Captain John Mackay (after whom the city of Mackay is named), arrived at Rockhampton in Flora with a cargo of Kanakas, of which a considerable number were in a dead or dying condition.

As the blackbirding activities increased and the detrimental results became more understood, resistance by the Islanders to this recruitment system grew. Labour vessels were regularly repelled from landing at many islands by local people. Recruiter, Henry Ross Lewin, was killed at Tanna Island, the crew of May Queen were killed at Pentecost Island, while the captain and crew of Dancing Wave were killed at the Nggela Islands. Blackbirders would sometimes make their vessels look like missionary ships, deceiving then kidnapping local Islanders. This led to violence against the missionaries themselves, the best example being the killing of Anglican missionary John Coleridge Patteson in 1871 at Nukapu. A few days before his death, one of the local men had been killed and five others abducted by crew of Margaret Chessel who pretended to be missionaries. Patteson may also have been killed due to his desire to take the Islanders' children to a distant mission school and that he had disrupted the local patriarchal hierarchy. At other islands blackbirding vessels, such as Mystery under Captain Kilgour, attacked villages, shooting the residents and burning their houses. Ships of the Royal Navy were also called upon to investigate the deeds and deliver appropriate punishment upon islands involved in killings of blackbirding crews and missionaries. For example, HMS Rosario in 1871 whilst investigating the Bishop Patteson murder and other conflicts between islanders, settlers and missionaries as the Commander describes in his book. And later  under Captain de Houghton and  under Commodore John Crawford Wilson conducted several missions in the late 1870s that involved naval bombardment of villages, raids by marines, burning of houses, destruction of crops and the hanging of an Islander from the yardarms. One of these expeditions involved the assistance of the armed crew of the blackbirding vessel Sybil commanded by Captain Satini. Furthermore, two South Sea Islanders were hanged in Maryborough for the rape and attempted murder of a white woman, these being the first legal executions in that town.

Early 1880s: Intense conflict
The violence and death surrounding the Queensland blackbirding trade intensified in the early 1880s. Local communities in the New Hebrides and the Solomon Islands had increased access to modern firearms which made their resistance to the blackbirders more robust. Well known vessels that experienced mortality amongst their crews while attempting to recruit Islanders included Esperanza at Simbo, Pearl at Rendova Island, May Queen at Ambae Island, Stormbird at Tanna, Janet Stewart at Malaita and Isabella at Espiritu Santo amongst others. Officers of Royal Navy warships attempting punitive action were not exempt as targets with Lieutenant Bower and five crew of  being killed in the Nggela Islands and Lieutenant Luckcraft of  being shot dead at Espiritu Santo. Numerous punitive expeditions were carried out by Royal Navy warships based at the Australia Station.  under Captain W.H. Maxwell went on an extensive punitive expedition, shelling and destroying numerous villages, while marines of  executed various Islanders suspected of killing white men. Captain Dawson of  led a mission to Ambae Island, killing a chief suspected of murdering blackbirders, while  went on a "savage-hunting expedition" throughout the Solomon Islands which resulted in no casualties on either side. At Ambrym, the marines of  under Commander Moore, raided and burned down a village in retaliation for the killing of Captain Belbin of the blackbirding ship Borough Belle. Likewise,  patrolled the islands, protecting the crews of blackbirding vessels such as Ceara from mutinies of the labour recruits.

The Age 1882 slave trade exposé
In 1882, the Melbourne newspaper The Age published an eight-part series written by journalist and future physician George E. Morrison, who had sailed, undercover, for the New Hebrides, while posing as crew of the brigantine slave ship, Lavinia, as it  made cargo of Kanakas. "A Cruise in a Queensland Slaver. By a Medical Student" was written in a tone of wonder, expressing "only the mildest criticism"; six months later, Morrison "revised his original assessment", describing details of Lavinia blackbirding operation, and sharply denouncing the slave trade in Queensland. His articles, letters to the editor, and The Age editorials, led to expanded government intervention.

Mid 1880s: Shifting of recruitment from the New Guinea islands
The usual recruiting grounds of the New Hebrides and Solomon Islands became too dangerous and too expensive to obtain labour from. However, the well-populated islands around New Guinea were soon targeted for recruiting as these people were less aware of the blackbirding system and had less access to firearms. A new rush for labour from these islands began, with James Burns and Robert Philp of Burns Philp & Co. purchasing several well-known blackbirding ships to quickly exploit the human resource in this region. Plantation owners such as Robert Cran also bought vessels and made contact with missionaries like Samuel MacFarlane in the New Guinea area to help facilitate the acquisition of cheap workers. Kidnapping, forced recruitment, killings, false payment and the enslavement of children was again the typical practice. Captain William T. Wawn, a famous blackbirder working for the Burns Philp company on the ship Lizzie, freely acknowledged in his memoirs that he took boatloads of young boys with no information given about contracts, pay or the nature of the work. Up to 530 boys were recruited per month from these islands, most of whom were transported to the new large company plantations in Far North Queensland, such as the Victoria Plantation owned by CSR. This phase of the trade was very profitable, with Burns Philp selling each recruit for around £23. Many of them could not speak any English and died on these plantations at a rate of up to 1 in every 5 from disease, violence and neglect.

In April 1883, the Premier of Queensland, Thomas McIlwraith attempted to annex New Guinea to be part of Queensland. This was rejected by the British Colonial Secretary mostly because of fears that it would expose even more of its inhabitants to be forcibly taken to work and possibly die in Queensland. The large influx of New Guinea labourers also sparked concern from white supremacist anti-immigration groups, which led to the election in late 1883 of Samuel Griffith on an anti-Kanaka policy platform. Griffith quickly banned recruitment from the New Guinea islands and spearheaded a number of high-profile criminal cases against blackbirding crews operating in the area. The crew of Alfred Vittery were charged with the murder of South Sea Islanders, while Captain Joseph Davies of Stanley, Captain Millman of Jessie Kelly, Captain Loutit of Ethel as well as the owners of Forest King were all charged with kidnapping. All of these cases, despite strong evidence against them, resulted in acquittal. Charges of neglect resulting in death against plantation managers were also made. For example, Mr Melhuish of the Yeppoon Sugar Plantation was tried, but even though he was found responsible, the judge involved imposed only the minimum £5 fine and wished it could be an even lesser amount. During a riot at the Mackay racetrack, several South Sea Islanders were beaten to death by mounted white men wielding stirrup irons. Only one man, George Goyner, was convicted and received a minor punishment of two months imprisonment.

The Hopeful case, Royal Commission and planter compensation
In 1884, in one specific case, a significant judicial punishment was imposed on the blackbirders. This was in regards to the crew of Hopeful vessel which was owned by Burns Philp. Captain Lewis Shaw and four crew were charged and convicted of kidnapping people from the Bismarck Archipelago, while the recruiter Neil McNeil and the boatswain were charged and convicted of murdering a number of Islanders. The kidnappers received jail terms of 7 to 10 years, while McNeil and the boatswain were sentenced to death, later commuted to life imprisonment. Despite evidence showing that at least 38 Islanders had been killed by Hopeful crew, all the prisoners (except for one who died in jail) were released in 1890 in response to a massive public petition signed by 28,000 Queenslanders. This case sparked a Royal Commission into the recruitment of Islanders from which the Premier of Queensland concluded that it was no better than the African slave trade, and in 1885 the vessel S.S. Victoria was commissioned by the Government of Queensland to return 450 New Guinea Islanders to their homelands. Just like the global slave trade, the plantation owners, instead of being held criminally responsible, were financially compensated by the government for the loss of these returned workers.
Fourteen sugar companies and individual planters including The Colonial Sugar Refining Company and David Adolphus Louis, took the Queensland Government to court to demand financial recompense and were collectively awarded £18,500. This is despite consistent evidence given in court of each plantation recording labourer death rates of up to 60% over the term of their servitude.

The later years of recruiting
Forceful recruitment of South Sea Islanders persisted in the New Guinea region, as well as in the Solomons and the New Hebrides islands, as did the high death rates of these labourers at Queensland plantations. At the Yeppoon Sugar Company, deliberate poisonings of Kanakas also occurred and when this plantation was later put up for sale, the Islander labourers were included as part of the estate. Resistance and conflict also continued. For instance, at Malaita three crew members of the recruiting vessel Young Dick were killed together with about a dozen Islanders in a skirmish, while at Paama a large gun battle between the residents and the crew of Eliza Mary occurred. This ship later sank during a cyclone causing the drowning deaths of 47 Kanakas. The policy of extensive punitive expeditions carried out by the Royal Navy against the Islanders persisted as well. The official report of the lengthy mission of  which bombarded and burnt numerous villages in 1885 was kept secret.  also bombarded numerous villages in punitive expeditions which elicited condemnation from some sections of the media.

Legislation was passed to end the South Sea Islander labour trade in 1890 but it was not effectively enforced and it was officially recommenced in 1892. Reports such as those by Joe Melvin, an investigative journalist who in 1892 joined the crew of Queensland blackbirding ship Helena and found no instances of intimidation or misrepresentation and concluded that the Islanders recruited did so "willingly and cannily", helped the plantation owners secure the resumption of the trade. Helena under Captain A.R. Reynolds, transported Islanders to and from Bundaberg and in this region there was a very large mortality rate of Kanakas in 1892 and 1893. South Sea Islanders made up 50% of all deaths in this period even though they only made up 20% of the total population in the Bundaberg area. The deaths were due to the hard manual labour and diseases such as dysentery, influenza and tuberculosis.

In the 1890s, other important recruiting vessels were Para, Lochiel, Nautilus, Rio Loge, Roderick Dhu and William Manson. Joseph Vos, a well known blackbirder for many years and the captain of William Manson, would use phonographic recordings and enlarged photographs of relatives of Islanders to induce recruits on board his vessel. Vos and his crew were involved in killings, stealing women and setting fire to villages and were charged with kidnapping. However, they were found not guilty and released. Roderick Dhu, a vessel owned by the sugar magnate Robert Cran, was another ship regularly involved in blackbirding investigations and conflict with Islanders. In 1890, it was involved in the shooting of people at Ambae Island, and evidence of kidnapping by the crew was later published. In 1893, conflict with Islanders at Espiritu Santo resulted in the death of a crew member of Roderick Dhu.

Repatriation
In 1901, the government of the newly federated British colonies of Australia legislated the "Regulation, Restriction and Prohibition of the Introduction of Labourers from the Pacific Islands" bill, better known as the Pacific Island Labourers Act 1901. This Act, which was part of a larger White Australia policy, made it illegal to import South Sea Islanders after March 1904 and mandated for the forcible deportation of all Islanders from Australia after 1906. Strong lobbying from Islander residents in Australia forced some exemptions to be made, for example, those who were married to an Australian, who owned land or who had been living for 20 years in Australia were exempt from compulsory repatriation. However, many Islanders were not made aware of these exemptions. Around 4000 to 7500 were deported in the period 1906 to 1908, while approximately 1600 remained in Australia. The Burns Philp company won the contract to deport the Islanders and those taken back to the Solomon Islands were distributed to their home islands by vessels of Lever's Pacific Plantations company. Deported Solomon Islanders who were unable to go to their villages of origin or who were born in Australia, were often put to work in plantations in these islands. In some localities, serious conflict between these workers and white colonists in the Solomon Islands ensued. Around 350 of the South Sea Islanders banished from Queensland were transferred to plantations in Fiji. At least 27 of these died while being transported.

Today, the descendants of those who remained are officially referred to as Australian South Sea Islanders. A 1992 census of Australian South Sea Islanders reported around 10,000 descendants living in Queensland. In the 2016 census, 6830 people in Queensland declared that they were descendants of South Sea Islander labourers.

Seasonal workers in the 21st century
In 2012, the Australian government introduced a seasonal worker scheme under the 416 and 403 visas to bring in Pacific Islander labour to work in the agricultural industry performing tasks such as picking fruit. By 2018, around 17,320 Islanders, mostly from Vanuatu, Fiji and Tonga, had been employed with the majority being placed on farms in Queensland. Workers under this programme have often been subject to working long hours in extreme temperatures and being forced to live in squalid conditions. Poor access to clean water, adequate food and medical assistance has resulted in several deaths. These reports, together with allegations of workers receiving as little as $10 a week after rent and transport deductions, resulted in the "Harvest Trail Inquiry" into the conditions of migrant horticultural workers. This inquiry confirmed widespread exploitation, intimidation and underpayment of workers with at least 55% of employers being non-compliant in regard to payments and conditions. It found many workers were contracted under a "piece rate" of pay with no written agreement and no minimum hourly rate (as is typical for Australian seasonal agricultural workers). Even though some wages were recovered and a number of employers and contractors were fined, the inquiry found that much more regulation was needed. Despite this report, the government expanded the programme in 2018 with the Pacific Labour Scheme which includes three-year contracts. Strong parallels have been drawn with the working conditions observed under this programme to those of blackbirded Pacific Islander labourers in the 19th Century.

The introduction of the Modern Slavery Act 2018 into Australian law was partly based upon concerns of slavery being evident in the Queensland agricultural sector. Some commentators have also drawn parallels between blackbirding and the early 21st-century recruitment of labour under the (unconnected) 457 visa scheme.

Western Australia
The early days of the pearling industry in Western Australia at Nickol Bay and Broome, saw Aboriginal Australians blackbirded from the surrounding areas.  After settlement the Aborigines were used as slave labour in the emerging commercial industry.

During the early 1870s, Francis Cadell became involved in whaling, trading, pearling and blackbirding in North-West Australia. Cadell and others became notorious for their coercion, capture and sale of Aboriginal people as slaves. The slaves were often detained temporarily at camps known as barracoons on Barrow Island,  offshore. In 1875 magistrate Robert Fairbairn was sent to investigate pearling conditions at Shark Bay, following reports that people, described as Malays, employed by Cadell and Charles Broadhurst were unpaid, unable to return home and some had starved to death. Fairbairn held that Cadell had not paid 10 Malays from the time they were engaged at Batavia in 1874 and he was required to pay the 10 Malays plus an additional 4 months wages as amends for the lack of food, totaling £198. 14s. 4d. They received just £16. 16s. from the sale of Cadell's property at Shark Bay as Cadell had left the Colony of Western Australia some months previously. Broadhurst was also found to have underpaid 18 Malays totaling £183. 4s. 2d. however the judgement was set aside by the Supreme Court on the technicality that Broadhurst had not been given proper notice of the claim.

Fiji

Before annexation (1865 to 1874)
The blackbirding era began in Fiji on 5 July 1865 when Ben Pease received the first licence to transport 40 labourers from the New Hebrides to Fiji in order to work on cotton plantations. The American Civil War had cut off the supply of cotton to the international market and cultivation of this cash crop in Fiji was potentially an extremely profitable business. Thousands of Anglo-American and Anglo-Australian planters flocked to Fiji to establish plantations and the demand for cheap labour boomed. Transportation of Kanaka labour to Fiji continued up until 1911 when it became prohibited by law. A probable total of around 45,000 Islanders were taken to work in Fiji during this 46-year period with approximately a quarter of these dying while under their term of labour.

Albert Ross Hovell, son of the noted explorer William Hilton Hovell, was a prominent blackbirder in the early years of the Fijian labour market. In 1867 he was captain of Sea Witch, recruiting men and boys from Tanna and Lifou. The following year, Hovell was in command of Young Australian which was involved in an infamous voyage resulting in charges of murder and slavery being laid. After being recruited, at least three Islanders were shot dead aboard the vessel and the rest sold in Levuka for £1,200. Hovell and his supercargo, Hugo Levinger, were arrested in Sydney in 1869, found guilty by jury and sentenced to death. This was later commuted to life imprisonment but both were discharged from prison only after a couple of years.

In 1868 the Acting British Consul in Fiji, John Bates Thurston, brought only minor regulations upon the trade through the introduction of a licensing system for the labour vessels. Melanesian labourers were generally recruited for a term of three years at a rate of three pounds per year and issued with basic clothing and rations. The payment was half of that offered in Queensland and like that colony was only given at the end of the three-year term usually in the form of poor quality goods rather than cash. Most Melanesians were recruited by combination of deceit and violence, and then locked up in the ship's hold to prevent escape. They were sold in Fiji to the colonists at a rate of £3 to £6 per head for males and £10 to £20 for females. After the expiry of the three-year contract, the government required captains to transport the surviving labourers back to their villages, but many were disembarked at places distant from their homelands.

A notorious incident of the blackbirding trade was the 1871 voyage of the brig Carl, organised by Dr James Patrick Murray, to recruit labourers to work in the plantations of Fiji.  Murray had his men reverse their collars and carry black books, so to appear to be church missionaries.  When islanders were enticed to a religious service, Murray and his men would produce guns and force the islanders onto boats.  During the voyage Murray and his crew shot about 60 islanders.  He was never brought to trial for his actions, as he was given immunity in return for giving evidence against his crew members. The captain of Carl, Joseph Armstrong, along with the mate Charles Dowden were sentenced to death, which was later commuted to life imprisonment.

Some Islanders brought to Fiji against their will demonstrated desperate actions to escape from their situation. Some groups managed to overpower the crews of smaller vessels to take command of these ships and attempt to sail back to their home islands. For example, in late 1871, Islanders aboard Peri being transported to a plantation on a smaller Fijian island, freed themselves, killed most of the crew and took charge of the vessel. Unfortunately, the ship was low in supplies and was blown westward into the open ocean where they spent two months adrift. Eventually, Peri was spotted by Captain John Moresby aboard  near to Hinchinbrook Island off the coast of Queensland. Only thirteen of the original eighty kidnapped Islanders were alive and able to be rescued.

Labour vessels involved in this period of blackbirding for the Fijian market also included Donald McLean under the command of captain McLeod, and Flirt under captain McKenzie who often took people from Erromango. Captain Martin of Wild Duck stole people from Espiritu Santo, while other ships such as Lapwing, Kate Grant, Harriet Armytage and Frolic also participated in the kidnapping trade. The famous blackbirder, Bully Hayes kidnapped Islanders for the Fiji market in his Sydney-registered schooner, Atlantic. Many captains engaged in violent means to obtain the labourers. The crews of  Margaret Chessel, Maria Douglass and Marion Renny were involved in fatal conflict with various Islanders. Captain Finlay McLever of Nukulau was arrested and tried in court for kidnapping and assault but was discharged due to a legal technicality.

The passing of the Pacific Islanders Protection Act in 1872 by the British government was meant to improve the conditions for the Islanders but instead it legitimised the labour trade and the treatment of the blackbirded Islanders upon the Fiji plantations remained appalling. In his 1873 report, the British Consul to Fiji, Edward March, outlined how the labourers were treated as slaves. They were given insufficient food, subjected to regular beatings and sold on to other colonists. If they became rebellious they were either imprisoned by their owners or sentenced by magistrates (who were also plantation owners) to heavy labour. The planters were allowed to inflict punishment and restrain the Islanders as they saw fit and young girls were openly bartered for and sold into sexual slavery. Many workers were not paid and those who survived and were able to return to their home islands were regarded as lucky.

After annexation (1875 to 1911)
The British annexed Fiji in October 1874 and the labour trade in Pacific Islanders continued as before. In 1875, the year of the catastrophic measles epidemic, the chief medical officer in Fiji, Sir William MacGregor, listed a mortality rate of 540 out of every 1,000 Islander labourers. The Governor of Fiji, Sir Arthur Gordon, endorsed not only the procuring of Kanaka labour but became an active organiser in the plan to expand it to include mass importation of indentured coolie workers from India. The establishment of the Western Pacific High Commission in 1877, which was based in Fiji, further legitimised the trade by imposing British authority upon most people living in Melanesia.

Violence and kidnapping persisted with Captain Haddock of Marion Renny shooting people at Makira and burning their villages. Captain John Daly of Heather Belle was convicted of kidnapping and jailed but was soon allowed to leave Fiji and return to Sydney. Many deaths continued to occur upon the blackbirding vessels bound for Fiji, with perhaps the worst example from this period being that which occurred on Stanley. This vessel was chartered by the colonial British government in Fiji to conduct six recruiting voyages for the Fiji labour market. Captain James Lynch was in command and on one of these voyages he ordered 150 recruits to be locked in the ship's hold during an extended period of stormy weather. By the time the ship arrived in Levuka, around fifty Islanders had died from suffocation and neglect. A further ten who were hospitalised were expected to die. Captain Lynch and the crew of Stanley faced no recriminations for this disaster and were soon at sea again recruiting for the government.

This conflict together with competition for Pacific Islander labour from Queensland made recruiting sufficient workers for the Fiji plantations difficult. Beginning in 1879 with the arrival of Leonidas, the transport of Indian indentured labourers to Fiji commenced. However, this coolie labour was more expensive and the market for blackbirded Islander workers remained strong for much of the 1880s. In 1882, the search for new sources of Islander labour expanded firstly to the Line Islands and then to New Britain and New Ireland. The very high death rate of Line Islanders taken for the Fiji market quickly forced the prohibition of taking people from there. Although the death rates of recruits from New Britain and New Ireland were also high, the trade in humans from these islands was allowed to continue. The Colonial Sugar Refining Company made major investments in the Fijian sugar industry around this time with much of the labour being provided by workers from New Britain. Many of the recruits taken from this island on the labour vessel Lord of Isles were put to work on the CSR sugar mill at Nausori. The Fijian labour report for the years 1878 to 1882 revealed that 18 vessels were engaged in the trade, recruiting 7,137 Islanders with 1270 or nearly 20% of these dying while in Fiji. Fijian registered ships involved in the trade at this stage included Winifred, Meg Merrilies, Dauntless and Ovalau.

By 1890, the number of Melanesian labourers declined in preference to imported Indian indentured workers, but they were still being recruited and employed in such places as sugar mills and ports. In 1901, Islanders continued to be sold in Fiji for £15 per head and it was only in 1902 that a system of paying monthly cash wages directly to the workers was proposed. When Islander labourers were expelled from Queensland in 1906, around 350 were transferred to the plantations in Fiji. After the system of recruitment ended in 1911, those who remained in Fiji settled in areas like the region around Suva. Their multi-cultural descendants identify as a distinct community but, to outsiders, their language and culture cannot be distinguished from native Fijians. Descendants of Solomon Islanders have filed land claims to assert their right to traditional settlements in Fiji. A group living at Tamavua-i-Wai in Fiji received a High Court verdict in their favour on 1 February 2007. The court refused a claim by the Seventh-day Adventist Church to force the islanders to vacate the land on which they had been living for seventy years.

French Polynesia
In 1863, British capitalist William Stewart set up the Tahiti Cotton and Coffee Plantation Company at Atimaono on the south-west coast of Tahiti. Initially Stewart used imported Chinese coolie labour but soon shifted to blackbirded Polynesian labour to work the plantation. Bully Hayes, an American ship-captain who achieved notoriety for his activities in the Pacific from the 1850s to the 1870s, arrived in Papeete, Tahiti in December 1868 on his ship Rona with 150 men from Niue. Hayes offered them for sale as indentured labourers. The French Governor of Tahiti, who was invested in the company, used government ships such as Lucene to recruit South Sea Islanders for Stewart. These people were unloaded in a "half-naked and wholly starved" condition and on arrival at the plantation they were treated as slaves. Captain Blackett of the vessel Moaroa, was also chartered by Stewart to acquire labourers. In 1869, Blackett bought 150 Gilbert Islanders from another blackbirding ship for £5 per head. On transferring them to Moaroa, the islanders, including another 150 already imprisoned on the vessel, rebelled killing Blackett and some of the crew. The remaining crew managed to isolate the islanders to a part of the ship and then used explosives to blow them up. Close to 200 people were killed in this incident with Moaroa still able to offload about 60 surviving labourers at Tahiti.

Conditions at the Atimaono plantation were appalling with long hours, heavy labour, poor food and inadequate shelter being provided. Harsh punishment was meted out to those who did not work and sickness was prevalent. The mortality rate for one group of blackbirded labourers at Atimaono was around 80%. William Stewart died in 1873 and the Tahiti Cotton and Coffee Plantation Company went bankrupt a year later.

Another notorious blackbirder was a fellow countryman of Bully Hayes, who was also given the nickname "Bully". Captain  "Bully"  Proctor procured workers for the New Caledonian nickel mines, and who was well known in the 1870s to 1890s, in Noumea, and Samoa. He was master of the Ika Vula and  the Ernestine. He was also known as "Captain One Leg", and would put fear into people by firing his pistol into his wooden leg. He boasted of murdering 15 people, and was notorious for shooting the husband of New Hebridean woman who Proctor was sexually abusing. After an incident on Futuna in 1876 when he assaulted 2 missionaries, he was subdued and removed from the island.

New Caledonia

Blackbirding and recruitment of South Sea Islanders as labourers to the French colony of New Caledonia began in 1865 and lasted until the 1930s. Around 15,000 people were transported during this period, the vast majority coming from the New Hebrides. In 1865 the French colonial government contracted sandalwood merchant Andrew Henry to bring 33 people from Erromango. Henry had previously been involved in sending labourers to Queensland for the cotton plantations of Robert Towns. Another recruiter, John Higginson, entered the trade in 1868, and by 1870, around 720 Islanders had been brought to labour in New Caledonia. A mining boom in 1873 saw a large increase in labour demand and many more ships became involved in the blackbirding trade with 900 Islanders being recruited in 1874 alone. Apart from some early government controls in the 1860s, the recruitment of Islanders was highly unregulated and open to abuse. Children as young as six years old could be legally recruited on lengthy contracts of up to twelve years. These children could also be legally paid at only half the rate of adults and given only half the required rations. Somewhere between a quarter and half of all the Islanders transported and forced to labour at New Caledonia were children.

The blackbirded labourers in New Caledonia worked in the plantation, mining, pastoral, domestic servant and sailing industries. Approximately 33% of these workers died while in New Caledonia and around half of those who survived did not receive any payment for their toil. They were often not returned to their islands of origin and of those who were, about a third died in the first year of returning from poor health acquired from working in terrible conditions at New Caledonia. The labourers were subjected to inadequate food, poor shelter and harsh punishments whilst in New Caledonia. They could be imprisoned for not working to their employer's satisfaction, where the colonial government exploited them further as unpaid prison labour. They were also sold-on and transferred to other colonists upon the death or bankruptcy of their original employer. Well-known blackbirding vessels involved in the labour trade to New Caledonia were Aoba, Annette, Venus, Aurora, Ika Vuka, Idaho, Ambroua and Effie Meikle. Captains and recruiters notorious for kidnap and blackbirding for the New Caledonia market included James Toutant Proctor, "Black Tom", Jean-Louis Villedieu, Martial Briault, Charles Peterson Stuart, Walter Champion, Gabriel Madezo and Captain H. McKenzie. The company Joubert & Carter run by Didier Numa Joubert and Douglas Carter owned many of the blackbirding vessels in the early years of trade. Recruiting to New Caledonia continued well into the 20th Century but at a much lower rate and less violent manner. It was only brought to an end in the 1930s with the approach of World War II.

Mexico and Guatemala
In the late 1880s, a worldwide boom in coffee demand fuelled the expansion of coffee growing in many regions including the south-west of Mexico and in neighbouring Guatemala. This expansion resulted in local labour shortages for the European plantation owners and managers in these areas. William Forsyth, an Englishman with expert knowledge on tropical plantations, promoted a scheme of recruiting people from the Gilbert Islands to counteract the shortage of workers in Mexico and Guatemala. In 1890, Captain Luttrell of the vessel Helen W. Almy was chartered and sent out to the Pacific where he recruited 300 Gilbert Islanders. They were offloaded in Mexico and sent to work at a coffee plantation near Tapachula owned by an American named John Magee. By 1894, despite supposedly having a three-year contract, none had been returned home and only 58 were still living.

In 1891, the barque Tahiti under command of Captain Ferguson was assigned to bring another load of Gilbert Islanders to Tapachula. This ship acquired around 370 islanders including about 100 children. While bringing its human cargo to the Americas, Tahiti suffered storm damage and was forced to anchor in Drakes Bay north of San Francisco. Amid accusations of slavery and blackbirding, Ferguson transferred command of the ship to another officer and abandoned the islanders in what amounted to a floating prison. Repairs were delayed for months and in early 1892, Tahiti was found capsized with all but a few survivors drowned.

Despite this tragedy another ship, Montserrat, was fitted out to contract more Gilbert Islanders, this time for coffee plantations in Guatemala. Ferguson was again employed, but this time as recruiter not as captain. A journalist aboard Montserrat described the recruiting of islanders as clear slavery and even though Royal Navy officers had boarded the vessel for inspection, an understanding existed whereby the authorities intentionally refused to detain the crew of Montserrat. Montserrat sailed to Guatemala with around 470 islanders and once disembarked they were sold for $100 each and force marched 70 miles to the plantations in the highlands. Overwork and disease killed around 200 of them.

Approximately 1,200 Gilbert Islanders were recruited in three shiploads for the Mexican and Guatemalan coffee plantations. Only 250 survived, most of these being returned to their homeland in two voyages in 1896 and 1908. This represented a mortality rate of 80%.

Peru

For several months between 1862 and 1863, crews on Peruvian ships combed the islands of Polynesia, from Easter Island in the eastern Pacific to the Gilbert Islands (now Kiribati) in the west, seeking workers to fill an extreme labour shortage in Peru. Joseph Charles Byrne, an Irish speculator, received financial backing to import South Sea Islanders as indentured workers. Byrne's ship, Adelante, set forth across the Pacific and at Tongareva in the Northern Cook Islands he was able to acquire 253 recruits of which more than half were women and children. Adelante returned to the Peruvian port of Callao where the human cargo were sold off and sent to work as plantation labourers and domestic servants. A considerable profit was made by the scheme's financiers and almost immediately other speculators and ship owners set out to make money on Polynesian labour.

Easter Island mass-kidnapping
At the end of 1862, eight Peruvian ships organised under Captain Marutani of Rosa y Carmen conducted an armed operation at Easter Island where, over several days, the combined crews systematically surrounded villages and captured as many of the Islanders as possible. In these raids and others like them that occurred at Easter Island during this period, 1407 people were taken for the Peruvian labour trade. This represented a third of the island's population. In the following months, Rosa y Carmen together with about 30 other vessels involved in recruiting for Peru, kidnapped or deceptively obtained people throughout Polynesia. Captain Marutani's vessel alone took people from Niue, Samoa and Tokelau, as well as those that he kidnapped from Easter Island.

'Ata mass-kidnapping

In June 1863 about 350 people were living on 'Ata, an atoll in Tonga. Captain Thomas James McGrath of the Tasmanian whaler Grecian, having decided that the new slave trade was more profitable than whaling, went to the atoll and invited the islanders on board for trading. However, once almost half of the population was on board, he ordered the ship's compartments locked, and the ship departed. These 144 people never returned to their homes. Grecian met with a Peruvian slave vessel, General Prim, and the islanders were transferred to this ship which transported them to Callao. Due to new government regulations in Peru against the blackbirding trade, the islanders were not allowed to disembark and remained aboard for many weeks while their repatriation was organised. Finally on 2 October 1863, by which time many of the imprisoned 'Ata people had died or were dying from neglect and disease, a vessel was organised to take them back. However, this ship dumped the Tongans on uninhabited Cocos Island. A month later the Peruvian warship Tumbes went to rescue the remaining 38 survivors and took them to the Peruvian port of Paita, where they probably died.

Deception at Tuvalu
The Rev. A. W. Murray, the earliest European missionary in Tuvalu, described the practices of blackbirders in the Ellice Islands. He said they promised islanders that they would be taught about God while working in coconut oil production, but the slavers' intended destination was the Chincha Islands in Peru. Rev. Murray reported that in 1863, about 180 people were taken from Funafuti and about 200 were taken from Nukulaelae, leaving fewer than 100 of the 300 recorded in 1861 as living on Nukulaelae.

Extreme death rate
The Peruvian labour trade in Polynesians was short-lived, only lasting from 1862 to 1863. In this period an estimated 3,634 Polynesians were recruited. Over 2,000 died from disease, starvation or neglect either aboard the blackbirding ships or at the places of labour they were sent to. The Peruvian government shut down the operation in 1863 and ordered the repatriation of those who survived. A smallpox and dysentery outbreak in Peru accompanied this operation resulting in the death of a further 1,030 Polynesian labourers. Some of the islanders survived long enough to bring these contagious diseases to their home islands causing local epidemics and additional mortality. By 1866, only around 250 of those recruited had survived with about 100 of these remaining in Peru. The death rate was therefore 93%.

Samoa
In the late 1850s, German merchant Johann Cesar VI. Godeffroy, established a trading company based at Apia on the island of Upolu in Samoa. His company, J.C. Godeffroy & Sohn, was able to obtain large tracts of land from the indigenous population at times of civil unrest by selling firearms and exacerbating factional conflict. By 1872, the company owned over 100,000 acres on Upolu and greatly expanded their cotton and other agricultural plantations on the island. Cheap labour was required to work these plantations and the blackbirding operations of the Germans expanded at this time. After initially utilising people from Niue, the company sent labour vessels to the Gilbert Islands and the Nomoi Islands, exploiting food shortages there to recruit numerous people for their plantations in Samoa. Men, women and children of all ages were taken, separated and sent to work in harsh conditions with many succumbing to illness and poor diet.

In 1880 the company became known as Deutsche Handels und Plantagen Gesellschaft (DHPG) and had further expanded their Samoan plantations. Labour recruitment at this stage turned to New Britain, New Ireland and the Solomon Islands. The German blackbirding vessel, Upolu, became well known in the area and was involved in several conflicts with islanders while recruiting. Imported Chinese workers eventually became more favourable but labour recruiting from Melanesian islands continued until at least the transfer of power from the Germans to New Zealand at the start of World War I.

Large British and American plantations which owned blackbirding vessels or exploited blackbirded labour also existed in colonial Samoa. The W & A McArthur Company representing Anglo-Australian interests was one of these and recruiting vessels such as Ubea, Florida and Maria were based in Samoa. In 1880, the crew of the British blackbirding ship, Mary Anderson, was involved in shooting recruits on board, while in 1894 Aele was involved in recruiting starving Gilbert Islanders.

United States

Hawaiian Islands
The sugar industry in the Hawaiian Islands was expanding rapidly during the early 1870s and despite over 50% of all male able-bodied Native Hawaiians being utilised as workers on these plantations, there were an insufficient number to keep up with production. From 1868 to 1872, around 200 people from places such as Tahiti, the Caroline Islands, and the Line Islands were recruited to work on the Hawaiian plantations owned by European colonists. Most of these people died and the operation was considered a failure. However, in 1877 British officials in Hawaii planned a more organised system of Pacific Islander recruitment. Captain H.W. Mist of the Royal Navy was employed to arrange a large shipment of Islanders to be recruited for Hawaii. Mist bought the vessel Stormbird in Sydney and appointed another ex-navy officer, Captain George Jackson, to conduct the expedition. On this first voyage, Stormbird recruited 85 people from Rotuma, Nonouti, Maiana and Tabiteuea. Jackson called in at Pohnpei on the way to Hawaii where he chained up a local headman and shot another trying to attempt a rescue. During the voyage, Jackson had attempted to kidnap at gunpoint a number of young women from Maiana but was interrupted by the presence of another ship.

Stormbird made around another five recruiting voyages involving further violence and kidnapping, mostly sailing to the Gilbert Islands. On one occasion, the government agent aboard the vessel, Henry Freeman, bought a boatload of Gilbert Islanders from another blackbirding vessel named the Sea Waif. By 1880 the labour trade to Hawaii expanded to the New Hebrides. Captain Cadigan of Pomare took people from these islands via night raids, armed attacks and firing cannon at canoes. The death rates of the recruits on board Pomare as they were transported to Hawaii were as high as 20%. Captain Tierney of the labour vessel Hazard was paid by the Planters' Labour and Supply Company of Hawaii $15 per recruit and consequently used much deception in obtaining a profitable quota of human cargo. Other ships involved were Kaluna, Elsinore, Hawaii, Nickolaus, Mana and Allie Rowe. Allie Rowe undertook the last recruiting voyage to the Pacific Islands for the Hawaiian plantations in 1887. This vessel, commanded by Captain Phillips, proceeded illegally without a license and Phillips was also later charged and convicted of kidnap in relation to this final voyage.

From 1868 until the year 1887 when the recruiting of Pacific Islanders to Hawaii was largely replaced with the more cost effective Japanese immigration scheme, some 2,600 Islanders were recruited. From 1880 to 1883 these people were protected by strong government measures which included an appointed Protector of Pacific Islanders, routine checks of worker conditions and the ability of the labourers to take employers to court for maltreatment. These workers, usually on 3 year contracts, were also paid cash wages at the end of each month which amounted from £10 to £16 per annum. In spite of these conditions during these years, the mortality rate of the workers was still over 10% for each year. Outside of these years, where protections were less, the death rate was much higher.

When recruiting ended in 1887, 650 Pacific Islander workers remained or were left abandoned in Hawaii and by 1895 this number had reduced to less than 400. In 1904, 220 mostly Gilbert Islanders continued to live in poverty at Honolulu and at Maui. These people were gathered together and repatriated in that same year to the Gilbert Islands where they faced further destitution in a land they had been absent from for twenty years.

Reverse underground railroad blackbirding
Since colonial times in the United States, the Reverse Underground Railroad existed to capture free African-Americans and fugitive slaves and sell them into slavery, being particularly prevalent in the 19th century after the Atlantic slave trade was outlawed. New York City and Philadelphia were particularly prominent places for these kidnappers to work, causing fear of being kidnapped by anyone to become prevalent.

Representation in popular culture
American author Jack London recounted in his memoir, The Cruise of the Snark (1907), an incident at Langa Langa Lagoon Malaita, Solomon Islands, when the local islanders attacked a "recruiting" ship:

In another passage from the same book, he wrote:
Georges Baudoux's Jean M'Baraï the Trepang Fisherman, a semi-fictional novella, relates the brutal history of the Kanaka trade and highlights 19th century imperial connections between the French and British Pacific. Translated from the original French by Karin Speedy in 2015, it offers a French/New Caledonian perspective on blackbirding in the Pacific, first published in 1919.

Artist Jasmine Togo-Brisby makes art about blackbirding. She is a fourth-generation descendant of slaves who were kidnapped from Vanuatu in 1863. She is currently based in New Zealand, her exhibitions include Bitter Sweet at Te Uru in 2016, and Birds of Passage at the Dunedin School of Art gallery in 2019.

See also
 Coolie
 Reverse Underground Railroad, sometimes known as "blackbirding"
 Roundup (history)
 Shanghaiing

References

Bibliography
 Affeldt, Stefanie. (2014). Consuming Whiteness. Australian Racism and the 'White Sugar' Campaign. Berlin [et al.]: Lit. .
 Corris, Peter. (1973). Passage, Port and Plantation: A History of the Solomon Islands Labour Migration, 1870–1914.  Melbourne, Australia: Melbourne University Press. .
 Docker, E. W. (1981). The Blackbirders: A Brutal Story of the Kanaka Slave-Trade. London: Angus & Robertson.
 Gravelle, Kim. (1979). A History of Fiji. Suva: Fiji Times Limited.
 Horne, Gerald. (2007). The White Pacific: US Imperialism and Black Slavery in the South Seas after the Civil War. Honolulu: University of Hawai'i Press.
 Maude, H. E. (1981). Slavers in Paradise: The Peruvian Slave Trade in Polynesia, 1862–1864 Fiji: Institute of Pacific Studies.
 Shineberg, Dorothy  (1999) The People Trade: Pacific Island Labourers and New Caledonia, 1865–1930 (Pacific Islands Monographs Series)

Further reading

 – Blackbirding on the island of Tanna, in Vanuatu
 Background and history of the South Sea Islanders – Queensland Department of Premier and Cabinet

History of colonialism
Labour history of Australia
History of Australia (1851–1900)
Economic history of Fiji
History of Oceania
European colonisation in Oceania
History of the Solomon Islands
History of Vanuatu
History of sugar
Unfree labour
Slavery in Oceania
Slavery in Australia
Slave trade

Blackbirding


HOME STAR, (also spelled HOMESTAR), informally known as Cash for Caulkers, is a United States government program proposed in November 2009 to encourage economic growth by offering incentives to homeowners and retailers for improving the energy efficiency of existing homes.

Background
In late 2009 there was a broad perception that the United States economy was beginning to recover from the Late-2000s recession. There was a broad perception that government spending authorized by the American Recovery and Reinvestment Act of 2009 had contributed to the recovery, and some desire for the government to do more to encourage job growth and a faster recovery.

In mid-November former president Bill Clinton, and John Doerr of Barack Obama's President's Economic Recovery Advisory Board, proposed different versions of an economic stimulus program by which the government would offer tax incentives to encourage people to improve the energy efficiency of their homes.  Doerr, in public speeches, called the proposal "cash for caulkers". Separately U.S. Representative Peter Welch proposed a system of energy rebates to Rahm Emanuel, Obama's Chief of Staff.  Obama, in turn, proposed the idea as part of a larger new stimulus program, at a speech at the Brookings Institution on December 8, 2009.

The stated goals of the proposed program are to reduce pollution, particularly greenhouse gases, by reducing household energy use, to save consumers money in the long term through lower power bills, and to stimulate American businesses through the money spent on appliances, materials, and installation. Improving the energy efficiency of "fixed infrastructure", which accounts for approximately 40% of all energy use in the United States, is considered the "low hanging fruit" of energy conservation - a step that achieves results relatively inexpensively and does not require any new technologies or changes to production or consumption methods.

The name "Homestar" is a reference to the popular energy star electronic device efficiency rating system, and the nickname "Cash for Caulkers" is a play on the earlier cash for clunkers automobile trade-in incentive.

Structure
As of December 2009, no proposed legislation had been released, and there were few specific details of how the program would be administered, which federal agencies would be involved, or how the tax incentives would be paid (or to whom).  The program is expected to involve preliminary energy audits by private contractor energy experts, who then recommend a series of steps for each homeowner to upgrade their home's energy efficiency.  As proposed the plan was for the government to pay 50% of the cost of each home improvement project through a rebate, tax credit, or funds paid to manufacturers and retailers, up to a maximum of $12,000 (~$ in ) paid for each home.  Alternatively, there was speculation that the federal government might give funds to local governments to run their own programs. There was no limitation on eligibility based on tax bracket or income.

Items under consideration for the program included weatherization of home by installing additional insulation, new doors, and windows, and replacing old appliances with more energy-efficient new ones. Expensive items such as washing machines, dishwashers, refrigerators, air conditioners, and heaters, would be covered.

The program was expected to cost approximately $10 billion over the course of one year, paid for out of unspent Troubled Asset Relief Program funds, and would reduce energy consumption of homes that took full advantage of the program by up to 20%. To become effective it would have to be part of a bill passed by the United States Congress.

See also
 Caulking
 Retrofitting

References

Great Recession in the United States
Presidency of Barack Obama
United States federal housing legislation
United States federal taxation legislation
2009 in American politics
Energy in the United States
Building engineering
Sustainable building
Energy conservation in the United States

HOME STAR


Agrilus auritinctus é uma espécie de inseto do género Agrilus, família Buprestidae, ordem Coleoptera.

Foi descrita cientificamente por Curletti, 2003.

Referências

auritinctus

Agrilus auritinctus


Allai (sardisk: Àllai) er en by og en kommune (comune) i provinsen Oristano i regionen Sardinien i Italien. Byen ligger i 60 meters højde og har 364 indbyggere (2016). Kommunen har et areal på 27,36 km² og grænser til kommunerne Busachi, Fordongianus, Ruinas, Samugheo, Siamanna, Siapiccia og Villaurbana.

Referencer

Henvisninger

Kommuner i provinsen Oristano

Allai


Aralık: Iğdır ilinin bir ilçesidir.

İl merkezine uzaklığı 45 km'dir. Iğdır'ın ve aynı zamanda Türkiye'nin en uç noktasını teşkil eder. Aralık, 14 Kasım 1920'de Rus işgalinden kurtarılmış olup, 1 Nisan 1960 tarihine kadar Iğdır ilçesinin "Başköy" adı ile bucak merkezlerinden birini oluşturmakta iken, bu tarihte "ilçe" yönetim birimi durumuna getirilerek Kars iline bağlanmıştır. 22 köyü bulunmaktadır.

Aralık ilçesi, Iğdır'ın ve Türkiye'nin en doğu uç noktasını teşkil eder. Türkiye'nin üç ülkeyle komşu ve müşterek sınırlarının bulunduğu tek kavşak noktası durumundadır. İlçenin doğusunda 49 km lik sınırı ile İran yer almaktadır. Kuzeyinde 10 km.lik sınırı ile Azerbaycan'a bağlı Nahçıvan Özerk Cumhuriyeti ile 56 km.'lik sınırı ile Ermenistan bulunmaktadır. Batısında Iğdır ili, güneyinde de Büyük ve Küçük Ağrı Dağları ile Doğubayazıt ilçesi yer almaktadır.

Birkaç mezrasının dışında, elektriksiz ve telefonsuz köyün bulunmadığı ilçede, merkezde yeterli içme suyu mevcuttur. İlçede, her yıl düzenlenen nevruz kutlamaları dışında tiyatro, sinema, fuar, panayır gibi kültürel etkinlikler bulunmamaktadır.

Nüfus ve idari yapı
Yüzölçümü 611 km² ve rakımı 825 metre'dir. Merkez ilçe; Aras, Karşıyaka, Karasu, Köprüler ve Ortaköy Mahallesi olmak üzere 5 mahalleden oluşmaktadır. Merkez ilçe belediyesi haricinde belediye teşkilatı bulunmayan ilçenin 21 köyü bulunmakta olup, ilçe merkezi ve köylerde yerleşim genel olarak topludur. Konutlar, genellikle kerpiç ve toprak damlı yapılardan oluşmaktadır. Köylerin bir kısmı Nisan ve Mayıs aylarında yaylalara çıkmakta ve Eylül ayının sonlarına doğru dönmektedirler.

Yönetim

Belediye başkanlığı

Genel seçimler

Dilucu Sınır Kapısı
Dilucu Sınır Kapısı'nın tamamen açık olduğu 1992-2004 yılları arasında Nahçıvan'la yapılan düzenli depo kapsamındaki mazot ticareti dolayısıyla ilçenin sosyo-ekonomik gelişmesinde önemli bir canlanma sağlanmıştır.

Kaynakça

Dış bağlantılar
 Aralık Belediyesi
 Iğdır Valiliği
 İlçenin Koordinatları

Aralık, Iğdır


Mark Duncan, né en 1974, est un nageur sud-africain.

Carrière
Mark Duncan est médaillé d'or du relais 4 x 100 mètres nage libre et médaillé d'argent du 100 mètres nage libre aux Jeux africains de 1995 à Harare.

Il termine troisième du 200 mètres nage libre aux sélections olympiques d'Afrique du Sud à Durban en mars 1996.

Notes et références

Nageur sud-africain
Nageur de nage libre
Médaillé d'or aux Jeux africains
Naissance en 1974

Mark Duncan


Gustav Reinhold Ludwig von Saltzwedel (ou Saltzwedell), né le  à ,  et mort le  à , est un fonctionnaire et homme politique prussien. Il est membre du Parlement de Francfort de 1848 à 1849 et du Reichstag nord-allemand de 1867 à 1871.

Biographie
Fils d'un propriétaire terrien, Saltzwedel est né le  à  près d'Oletzko dans la province de Prusse-Orientale et issu de la famille noble . Après des études de droit à Königsberg puis Berlin de 1827 à 1830, pendant lesquelles il est membre du Corps Littuania, Saltzwedel entre comme stagiaire dans l'administration, d'abord auprès de la  (cour d'appel) de Berlin jusqu'en 1830, puis auprès du district de Gumbinnen. À partir de 1834, il exerce la fonction d' de l' avant de devenir, en 1841, conseiller gouvernemental () auprès du district de Dantzig, où il est notamment responsable des travaux d'amélioration de la forêt de Tuchola. En 1844, il est nommé conférencier et conseiller financier privé auprès du ministère de la Maison royale puis, en 1845,  du district de Gumbinnen.

En 1848, Saltzwedel est élu député au Parlement de Francfort dans la  circonscription de la province de Prusse, représentant l'arrondissement de Gumbinnen. Il prend ses fonctions le 25 mai et rejoint la fraction Casino (centre-droit). Rapporteur de la commission des finances dont il est membre à partir du , il vote pour l'élection du roi de Prusse Frédéric-Guillaume IV comme empereur des Allemands avant de quitter le Parlement le , remplacé par Carl Gamradt. En outre, Saltzwedel est membre pour une mandature de la Chambre des représentants de Prusse en 1849, siégeant au centre-droit, et il fait partie de l'Association allemande pour la liberté du commerce de juin 1848 à mars 1849.

En 1851, Saltzwedel est mis en disponibilité en tant que fonctionnaire et poursuit d'autres activités civiles et politiques. À Königsberg, il est président de la direction des pauvres ruraux () de Prusse-Orientale de 1868 à 1875 ainsi que du conseil d'administration de la chemin de fer du sud de la Prusse-Orientale. Entretemps, il est à nouveau député à la Chambre des représentants de Prusse de 1867 à 1869 et député au Reichstag de la confédération de l'Allemagne du Nord d'août 1867 à mars 1871, représentant la  (Ortelsburg – Sensburg). Dans ces deux assemblées, il rejoint le groupe du Parti conservateur.

Par la suite, après avoir été membre jusqu'en 1875 du tribunal administratif de district de Königsberg, Saltzwedel se retire sur sa propriété domaniale de , dans l', où il meurt le  à 89 ans.

Famille
Saltzwedel se marie le  à Oletzko avec Auguste Zimmermann (1822-1911). Le couple a un fils et trois filles :
 Gustav (né en 1843), Rittmeister ;
 Agnes (1845-1884), mariée en 1866 avec  (1826-1900), lieutenant-général ;
 Hedwig (née en 1847), mariée en 1874 avec Ferdinand  (1841-1895), administrateur de l' ;
 Gertrude (1852-1868).

Bibliographie

  : Zur Erinnerung an das 150-jährige Bundesfest der Littuania: 31. Januar 1829–31. Januar 1979. Munich 1979.

Notes et références

Liens externes

Fonctionnaire prussien
Membre du Parlement de Francfort
Député de la Chambre des représentants de Prusse
Député du Reichstag (confédération de l'Allemagne du Nord)
Naissance en avril 1808
Naissance dans la voïvodie de Varmie-Mazurie
Naissance dans la province de Prusse-Orientale
Décès en juin 1897
Décès dans la voïvodie de Varmie-Mazurie
Décès dans la province de Prusse-Orientale
Décès à 89 ans

Gustav von Saltzwedel


Marc López (født 31. juli 1982) er en spansk tennisspiller. Han repræsenterede sit land under Sommer-OL 2012 i London, hvor han blev slået ud i første runde i double.

Han fik guld ved Sommer-OL 2016.

Kilder

Eksterne henvisninger

Tennisspillere fra Spanien
Personer fra Barcelona
Medaljevindere ved sommer-OL 2016
Olympiske mestre fra Spanien
Olympiske medaljevindere i tennis

Marc López


Ziółkowski (feminine Ziółkowska, plural Ziółkowscy) is a Polish surname.  It is a toponymic surname related to the place named Ziółków. It may refer to:
 Aleksandra Ziolkowska-Boehm (born 1949), Polish author
 Andrew Ziolkowski (1963–1994), Australian politician
 Fabrice Ziolkowski (born 1954), French-American screenwriter, director, producer, and voice director
 Jan M. Ziolkowski (born 1956), American linguist and philosopher
 Janusz Ziółkowski (1924–2000), Polish sociologist
 Jim Ziolkowski, American businessman
 Korczak Ziolkowski (1908–1982), Polish-American designer and sculptor
Marek Ziółkowski (born 1955), Polish diplomat
 Richard W. Ziolkowski, American scientist and engineer
 Ruth Ziolkowski (1926–2014), American director of Crazy Horse Memorial
 Szymon Ziółkowski (born 1976), Polish hammer thrower
 Theodore Ziolkowski (1932–2020), American scholar in German studies and comparative literature

See also

Żółkowski
Żółkiewski

References

Polish-language surnames
Toponymic surnames

Ziółkowski


Expert determination is a historically accepted form of dispute resolution invoked when there is not a formulated dispute in which the parties have defined positions that need to be subjected to arbitration, but rather both parties are in agreement that there is a need for an evaluation.

Process
Expert determination is described as a procedure by which the parties to a dispute (e.g. technical, scientific, or business dispute) appoint an independent and neutral expert to determine the dispute in private. Like arbitration, it allows trade secrets and other sensitive information to be kept out of the public domain. The expert will be a person with specialist or technical knowledge relevant to the dispute. His experience and professional knowledge are expected to help solve the dispute since legal arbitrators or the arbitral tribunal are often unable to resolve technical issues even with the help of expert witnesses. Unlike arbitration, not all of the evidence an expert considers must be presented at a hearing in the presence of the parties.

The practice itself is well established where complex legal institutions either have not developed, or are unavailable, such as tribal societies and criminal organisations.

In the context of modern jurisprudence, the word "expert" appears first in Bottomley v Ambler 1878 38 LT 545, this was however used ambiguously also referring to arbitrators having the qualification of expert. The first mention that distinguishes specifically against the practise of arbitration, and introduces the formula "as an expert and not as an arbitrator" was in Dean v. Prince 1953 Ch. 590 at 591 (misquoted) and subsequently on appeal in the year 1954 1 Ch. 409 at 415. In Contract Law, the parties are free to include a forum selection clause appointing a special referee to resolve specialised but disputed factual issues between them.

The so-called dispute boards, which are commonly used in resolving construction contract disputes, are considered a specialized form of expert determination.

See also
 Conflict resolution research

References

Expert Determination; 4th edition by John Kendall, Clive Freedman and James Farrell, published by Sweet & Maxwell, 2008

Dispute resolution

Expert determination


Svijet

Natjecanja

Svjetska natjecanja

Kontinentska natjecanja

Europska natjecanja
 Od 15. do 22. lipnja – Europsko prvenstvo u košarci u Kairu u Egiptu: prvak Egipat

Osnivanja
 FK Škendija Tetovo, sjevernomakedonski nogometni klub
 UD Las Palmas, španjolski nogometni klub

Rekordi

Nagrade

Ostali događaji

Rođenja

Smrti

Hrvatska i u Hrvata

Natjecanja

Timski športovi

Pojedinačni športovi

Osnivanja
 ŽRK Lokomotiva Zagreb, hrvatski rukometni klub

Rekordi

Nagrade

Ostali događaji

Rođenja

Smrti

Izvori

Vanjske poveznice

Šport u 1949.


was a town located in Kinosaki District, Hyōgo, Japan.

As of 2003, the town had an estimated population of 13,519 and a density of 98.49 persons per km2. The total area was 137.26 km2.

On April 1, 2005, Kasumi, along with the towns of Mikata and Muraoka (both from Mikata District), was merged to create the town of Kami (in Mikata District), and no longer exists as an independent municipality. The portion of Kami that was Kasumi is now known as Kasumi-ku, Kasumi Ward.

Geography

Climate

Popular culture
The popular visual novel and anime franchise Air was set in Kasumi.

Transportation

Train stations
 JR-West
 Sanin Main Line: Kasumi
 Sanin Main Line: Satsu
 Sanin Main Line: Shibayama
 Sanin Main Line: Yoroi
 Sanin Main Line: Amarube

Major roads
Route 178

Attractions

Historical Sites
 Daijyō-ji Temple
 Amarube Viaduct

Other
 Misaki lighthouse A lighthouse in the Japan's highest place.

References

External links
 Official website of Kami in Japanese
 Google map

Dissolved municipalities of Hyōgo Prefecture
Kami, Hyōgo (Mikata)

Kasumi, Hyōgo


Curculionidele (Curculionidae), numite și gărgărițe, trombari sau gândaci cu cioc, este o familie mare de coleoptere cu circa 83.000 de specii cunoscute. Sunt considerate ca cele mai evoluate coleoptere. Una dintre particularitățile morfologice cele mai bătătoare la ochi ale acestui grup, este prelungirea mai mult sau mai puțin accentuată a capului sub formă de rostru, în vârful căruia se găsește gura și aparatul bucal. Această particularitate este o selecție adaptativă la obișnuința de a face găuri cu mandibulele în substrat,  de a face  galerii etc.  Tot în legătură cu aceasta,  tegumentul este foarte dur. Aproape toate sunt fitofage atât în stare larvară cât și ca adult. Prezența unei mari cantități de celuloză a determinat prezența în tubul digestiv a unor simbionte, și anume micetome. Larvele sunt apode. În fauna României au fost identificate peste 800 de specii.

Note

Curculionide


Javorica je umjetno jezero u Hrvatskoj. Nalazi se u Virovitičko-podravskoj županiji, ispod Papuka, u blizini grada Slatine. Ima površinu 147 599 m². Jezero nastalo je u 2006. godini. U jezeru živi šarani, babuške, deverike, linjaci, smuđi i amuri.

Izvori

Umjetna jezera u Hrvatskoj

Javorica


Dior is a French clothing retailer.

Dior may also refer to:
Dior (surname)

People with the given name
 Dior Angus (born 1994), English professional footballer

Music
 "Dior" (song), a song by American rapper Pop Smoke released in 2020
 "Dior", a song by American rapper Moneybagg Yo on his 2019 album 43va Heartless

Fictional characters
 Dior Eluchíl is a fictional character in J. R. R. Tolkien's legendarium, son of Lúthien and Beren, father of Elwing and grandfather of Elrond. Dior is also the name of a Ruling Steward of Gondor, according to the appendices of The Lord of the Rings

See also
 Diores (disambiguation)
 Diors, a village in the Indre department of France
 Lat-Dior, a Damel (king) in nineteenth century Sénégal
 Iann Dior, an American rapper

Dior (disambiguation)


Miss Platnum (născută Ruth Maria Renner; ), cunoscută anterior ca Platnum, este o cântăreață româno-germană, compozitoare și muziciană. În prezent a semnat cu Virgin Records din Germania.

Biografie

Viața timpurie
Platnum s-a născut în Timișoara, România, într-o familie mixtă germano-română, în 1980. La vârsta de opt ani, familia ei s-a mutat în Berlinul de Vest, unde s-a dus la școală în Berlin-Lichterfelde. Mai târziu, ea a luat lecții de canto cu Jocelyn B. Smith și a lucrat ca o cântăreață de fundal pentru Moabeat.

Lucrări
După succesul minor cu albumul de debut, Rock me, care a fost lansat pe 31 ianuarie 2005 la Berlin, la casa de discuri Sonar Kollektiv, Platnum a lansat al doilea album, Chefa, în mai 2007, sub noul ei nume de artist Miss Platnum. Produs de Die Krauts, albumul s-a distins printr-un amestec de hip-hop, soul, R&B, pop și elemente muzicale românești. Primul său hit, Give Me the Food, a ajuns pe locul 20 în Romanian Singles Chart, și a intrat pe locul 63 în German Singles Chart.

Discografie

Albume

EP
 Lila Wolken (2012)
 Hüftgold Berlin (2014)

Single

Note

Legături externe

 Miss Platnum at Discogs.com
 Sonar Kollektiv artist page (as Platnum)
 10 Fragen an Miss Platnum

Nașteri în 1980
Cântărețe germane
Germani originari din România
Oameni în viață
Germani cunoscuți sub pseudonimele folosite

Miss Platnum


James Michael Johnson (f. 30. janúar 1972) er bandarískur stjórnmálamaður frá Louisiana. Johnson er meðlimur í Repúblikanaflokknum og hefur gegnt embætti forseta fulltrúadeildar Bandaríkjaþings frá 25. október 2023. Hann er fyrsti þingforseti landsins sem kemur frá Louisiana. Johnson er jafnframt óreyndasti þingmaður sem hefur verið kjörinn forseti fulltrúadeildarinnar frá árinu 1883.

Æviágrip
Johnson var kjörinn á fulltrúadeild Bandaríkjaþings í fyrsta skipti árið 2016. Þar áður hafði hann setið á ríkisþingi Louisiana og unnið sem lögmaður hjá þrýstihópnum Alliance Defending Freedom, sem hefur þann yfirlýsta tilgang að berjast fyrir réttindum trúaðra. Hópurinn hefur beitt sér gegn réttindum hinsegin fólks og rétti kvenna til þungunarrofs.

Mike Johnson var í hópi þingmanna Repúblikanaflokksins sem neituðu að staðfesta sigur Demókratans Joe Biden á móti sitjandi forsetanum Donald Trump í forsetakosningum Bandaríkjanna árið 2020 vegna upploginna ásakana Trumps um kosningamisferli. Johnson fékk jafnframt um hundrað þingmenn Repúblikanaflokksins til að styðja lögsókn Kens Paxton, dómsmálaráðherra Texas, þar sem farið var fram á það við Hæstarétt Bandaríkjanna að sigur Bidens í fjórum fylkjum yrði ógiltur. Hann gerði þetta þrátt fyrir að lögmaður flokksins hefði tjáð honum að þessar aðgerðir myndu brjóta gegn stjórnarskrá Bandaríkjanna. Hæstiréttur vísaði lögsókninni fljótt frá.

Johnson er álitinn dyggur stuðningsmaður Trumps af harðlínumönnum innan Repúblikanaflokksins en nýtur þó einnig virðingar meðal hófsamari meðlima flokksins.

Johnson var kjörinn forseti fulltrúadeildarinnar af þingmeirihluta Repúblikanaflokksins þann 15. október árið 2023. Fulltrúadeild þingsins hafði þá verið án forseta í um þrjár vikur, eða frá því að Kevin McCarthy var leystur úr embætti vegna óánægju íhaldssömustu þingmanna flokksins með frammistöðu hans. Á undanförnum vikum höfðu Repúblikanar tilnefnt Steve Scalise, Jim Jordan og Tom Emmer þingforsetaefni sitt en þeim hafði öllum mistekist að ávinna sér meirihluta atkvæða þingmanna. Johnson var tilnefndur þingforsetaefni flokksins aðeins fáeinum klukkustundum eftir að Tom Emmer dró sitt framboð til baka vegna gagnrýni frá Trump, fyrrum Bandaríkjaforseta.

Tilvísanir

Forsetar fulltrúadeildar Bandaríkjaþings
Repúblikanar

Mike Johnson


Kirazbucağı, Samsun ilinin Çarşamba ilçesine bağlı bir mahalledir.

Tarihçe
Mahallenin adının nereden geldiği ve geçmişi hakkında bilgi yoktur

Coğrafya
Samsun iline 36 km, Çarşamba ilçesine 2 km uzaklıktadır.

Nüfus

Çarşamba'nın mahalleleri

Kirazbucağı, Çarşamba


Jaime Nomen Torres (Tortosa, Tarragona; 23 de junio de 1960) es un cirujano máxilofacial y astrónomo aficionado español que ha trabajado en los observatorios de La Ametlla de Mar y La Sagra.

Ha descubierto algunos asteroides entre los que se encuentran (24048) Pedroduque, (38671) Verdaguer y (37391) Ebre.

Referencias

Enlaces externos

Descubridores de asteroides
Astrónomos de España del siglo XX
Astrónomos de España del siglo XXI
Nacidos en Tortosa

Jaime Nomen


Kölln-Reisiek er en by og en kommune i det nordlige Tyskland, beliggende i Amt Elmshorn-Land under Kreis Pinneberg. Kreis Pinneberg ligger i den sydlige del af delstaten Slesvig-Holsten.

Geografi
Kommunen ligger nordvest for Hamborg lige øst for Elmshorn. Motorvejen A 23 går gennem kommunen i nord/sydlig retning. En del af kommunens nordgrænse dannes af vandløbet Krückau der løber mod Elben.

Eksterne kilder/henvisninger

 Kommunens websted
 Statistikamt Nord – Bevölkerung der Gemeinden in Schleswig-Holstein 4. Quartal 2014 (XLSX-Data) (Fortschreibung auf Basis des Zensus 2011)

Byer i Slesvig-Holsten
Kommuner i Slesvig-Holsten
Byer i Kreis Pinneberg

Kölln-Reisiek


Izdanja Antibarbarus d.o.o. iz Zagreba je hrvatska izdavačka kuća. Neovisni je nakladnik, osnovan 1993. godine. Član je Zajednice nakladnika i knjižara (ZNK) pri Hrvatskoj gospodarskoj komori, također je član Grupacije nakladnika znanstvene i stručne knjige pri ZNK, te jedan od osnivača Knjižnog bloka – Inicijative za knjigu.

Izdavački profil
Kao nakladnik njeguje specifičan izdavački profil koji obuhvaća društvene i humanističke znanosti, s naglaskom na filozofiju, povijest, povijest umjetnosti, teoriju književnosti, suvremenu političku misao, sociologiju, jezikoslovlje, a objavljuje i esejistiku, publicistiku te lijepu književnost. Do 2018. objavio je više stotina knjiga domaćih i stranih autora, kapitalna djela važna za hrvatski i srednjoeuropski kulturni millieu.

Nagrade
 2011. Nagrada za naučno djelo XXIII. Sajma knjiga i učila u Sarajevu: Predrag Finci IMAGINACIJA
 2010. Državna nagrada za znanost u području društvenih znanosti Mariji Geiger za knjigu S ONU STRANU MONOKULTURE
 2008. Nagrada Ministarstva vanjskih poslova Republike Italije: POVIJEST VENECIJE, grupa autora
 2008. nagrada Istarske županije za prijevod djela o Istri: Maria Lenz Guttenberg: IZGUBLJENI RAJ – BRIJUNI
 2006. nagrada Kiklop za znanstveno-popularnu knjigu godine: Dubravko Škiljan: MAPPA MUNDI
 2005. nagrada Kiklop za knjigu eseja godine: Tonko Maroević: BORGESOV ČITATELJ / Portreti i prikazi
 2003. Nagrada Kruno Prijatelj: Nikola Visković: STABLO I ČOVJEK / Prilog kulturnoj botanici
 2001. Nagrada Petar Brečić: Sibila Petlevski: KAZALIŠTE SUIGRE / Gavellin doprinos teoriji
 2000. Nagrada grada Zagreba: Slobodan Prosperov Novak: POVIJEST HRVATSKE KNJIŽEVNOSTI 1/3
 1995. Nagrada Josip Juraj Strossmayer za najuspješnije znanstveno djelo na hrvatskom jeziku s područja društvenih i humanističkih znanosti: Radoslav Katičić: ILLYRICUM MYTHOLOGICUM
 1993. Goranova nagrada za najbolju knjigu godine: Ranko Marinković: NEVER MORE

Poveznice
Izdavači knjiga u Hrvatskoj

Izvori
Izdanja Antibarbarus
Zajednica nakladnika i knjižara pri Hrvatskoj gospodarskoj komori

Izdavači knjiga u Hrvatskoj

Izdanja Antibarbarus


Os kits de desenvolvimento de jogos ( GDK ou DevKit ) são hardware e software especializados, usados para criar videogames comerciais para consoles de jogos. Eles podem ser acompanhados por ferramentas de desenvolvimento de jogos, licenças especiais de motores de jogos(engines) e outros middlewares para auxiliar no desenvolvimento de videogames. Os GDKs normalmente não estão disponíveis ao público e exigem que os desenvolvedores de jogos façam um contrato, parceria ou programa com o fabricante do hardware para obter acesso ao hardware. Com o passar das gerações de console, os kits de desenvolvimento são geralmente vendidos em sites como o eBay sem repercussões. Isso geralmente ocorre porque os fabricantes de console descontinuam certos programas de desenvolvimento com o passar do tempo.

Visão geral
Na década de 1980, a computação não envolvia modelagem 3D ou qualquer programação complexa devido às limitações do hardware. Isso, combinado com a natureza amadora da programação inicial de jogos de computador, significava que poucos indivíduos ou empresas menores desenvolveriam para consoles. Mesmo quando os consoles se tornaram populares (como o Nintendo Entertainment System), não havia GDK oficial ou disponível publicamente, já que a maioria dos fabricantes de console desenvolvia seus jogos internamente. Por exemplo, a Nintendo tinha equipes internas de desenvolvimento para hardware e software.

Na quinta geração de consoles, kits de desenvolvimento de jogos foram desenvolvidos para encorajar mais desenvolvedores a fazer jogos de console e crescer a indústria de videogames. Os kits de desenvolvimento de jogos começaram como uma maneira simples de os desenvolvedores conectarem seus computadores ao hardware do console, permitindo-lhes compilar software em seu PC e vê-lo rodar diretamente em um console. Depois que a maioria dos GDKs começou a ser acompanhada por software para hardware específico, amadores ou qualquer pessoa não diretamente afiliada a um fabricante de console, teria que desenvolver seus jogos sem o software especializado para acessar recursos exclusivos, como o Kinect do Xbox One ou o Wii U GamePad.

Os kits de desenvolvimento de jogos modernos geralmente vêm com o software especializado e são muito mais formalizados em comparação com os GDKs de gerações anteriores. Nas gerações antigas de jogos de console, os desenvolvedores tinham que fazer seu próprio hardware e programar jogos em vários níveis de programação (como assembly ). Hoje, programas como a Unity 3D fornecem um ambiente de software completo e fabricantes de consoles, como a Nintendo, fornecem hardware de desenvolvimento polido e poderoso por meio de seus programas de desenvolvedor. Outros fabricantes de console até permitem que os consoles para consumidores sejam usados como kits de desenvolvimento, desde que o software de desenvolvimento esteja sendo usado pelo desenvolvedor.

Terceira geração

Nintendo Entertainment System
Por uma parte significativa da vida útil do NES, não havia kit de desenvolvimento oficial. Os desenvolvedores de videogames que criavam jogos para o NES tinham que fazer seus próprios kits de desenvolvimento, como a Rocket Science Production com seu sistema de desenvolvimento chamado de "NES Mission Control". Pelo menos dois programas foram usados em conjunto com o hardware do NES Mission Control; o NESTEST.EXE, que era usado para testar e depurar o hardware de desenvolvimento e o HST.EXE, que era usado para comunicação entre um computador e o hardware de desenvolvimento do NES.

Quarta geração

Super Nintendo Entertainment System
O Super Nintendo Entertainment System usou cartuchos EPROM especializados para o desenvolvimento, além de vários softwares. Semelhante ao NES, os desenvolvedores frequentemente faziam seu próprio software de desenvolvimento ou dependiam de middleware feito por outros desenvolvedores.

Quinta geração

PlayStation
Existem diversas variações do kit de desenvolvimento do PlayStation usadas para a criação de jogos. Uma das variações do kit de desenvolvimento tinha apenas três componentes, enquanto o PlayStation Ultimate Development Kit incluía até 26 componentes, incluindo o kit de desenvolvimento Net Yaroze completo.

A versão Net Yaroze do kit de desenvolvimento era única por ter alguns recursos removidos e outros adicionados em comparação com o kit de desenvolvimento oficial do PlayStation (completo). O hardware Net Yaroze foi projetado para amadores, enquanto os desenvolvedores oficiais teriam acesso aos kits de desenvolvimento oficiais do PlayStation. Havia também uma versão azul do PlayStation feita para desenvolvedores que lia discos gravados para permitir testes rápidos de compilações de seus jogos. Embora existissem CD-Rs oficiais da PlayStation que podiam ser usados com o PlayStation azul, os CD-Rs comuns também eram compatíveis com o sistema.

Nintendo 64/64DD
O kit de desenvolvimento do Nintendo 64 consistia em vários componentes, tanto para o N64 quanto para seu acessório, o N64DD. O principal hardware usado no desenvolvimento de jogos para o N64 foi o Partner-N64 Development Kit, e usou cartuchos altos para o desenvolvimento/teste de jogos em vez dos cartuchos curtos, que eram vendidos com para consumidores. Outro componente de hardware no desenvolvimento do N64 foi o NU64 Flash Gang Writer, que permitia aos desenvolvedores copiar dados de um cartucho para vários cartuchos simultaneamente. Este dispositivo foi usado principalmente para criar cópias de jogos para a imprensa e para testes, e também dependia de cartuchos altos em vez de cartuchos curtos de varejo.

Outras versões do GDK do Nintendo 64 são o conjunto de desenvolvimento SN Systems, bem como o sistema de desenvolvimento SN Maestro 64 Music. O conjunto de desenvolvimento permitia que os desenvolvedores executassem o código de um computador diretamente no console e incluía um pacote de software. O sistema Maestro 64 Music permitia que os desenvolvedores injetassem software de música no console e reproduzissem música por meio do hardware do Nintendo 64. Outra alternativa não oficial para desenvolver jogos para o N64 foi o Doctor V64, fabricado pela Bung Enterprises.

Sexta geração

Dreamcast
As unidades do Sega Dreamcast eram únicas porque usavam discos GD-ROM; discos que continham 1 GB de dados. Isso era um pouco mais do que um CD normal, mas menos do que um DVD. Embora os gravadores de GD-ROM fossem usados por alguns desenvolvedores, já que o Dreamcast era compatível com CDs e a maioria dos jogos não ocupava 1 GB de dados na época, os GD-ROMs permaneceram incomuns, pois os desenvolvedores optaram por usar os CDs, que eram mais facilmente acessíveis, para suas mídias de disco. O console em si era branco, como a versão de varejo do console Dreamcast, mas ao contrário do console de varejo, o console do kit de desenvolvimento parecia um PC de mesa típico dos anos 1990, mas com uma altura mais baixa. A tela de inicialização do console do kit de desenvolvimento também é diferente, pois usa gráficos 3D em vez dos gráficos 2D usados no console de varejo.

PlayStation 2
O console do kit de desenvolvimento para o PS2 parecia um PS2 de varejo, mas era significativamente mais grosso.

Game Cube
O console do kit de desenvolvimento do Nintendo GameCube era branco e tinha o formato de um PC de mesa, com os conectores de controle no lugar onde o leitor de disco óptico normalmente iria.

Xbox
Quando os desenvolvedores estavam criando software para o Xbox original, um protótipo do controle foi usado nos primeiros kits de desenvolvimento. Esse controle era mais fino, tinha lados alongados e usava um cabo USB em vez de um cabo compatível com o conector do Xbox. O console do kit de desenvolvimento tinha o formato de um PC de mesa, era cinza e tinha um círculo verde no centro da frente do console com um X dentro do círculo.

Sétima geração

Xbox 360
A Microsoft gerencia o Programa de Ferramentas e Middleware do Xbox 360, que licencia kits de desenvolvimento (hardware e software) para desenvolvedores de software profissionais que criam ferramentas e tecnologias para jogos. O acesso a este programa requer boas referências na indústria, experiência anterior com ferramentas de jogos e desenvolvimento de middleware, e assinatura de um acordo de confidencialidade.

PlayStation 3
O programa para desenvolvedores do PlayStation permite que desenvolvedores registrados publiquem seus jogos na PlayStation Network, tornando seus jogos acessíveis no PlayStation 3, PlayStation 4, PlayStation Vita e PlayStation TV por meio de um único programa.

Wii
O kit de desenvolvimento do Wii era um pacote de hardware "NDEV" - uma grande caixa preta cheia de hardware de depuração/teste que não se parecia em nada com os consoles Wii brancos e finos, vendidos aos consumidores - e um disco contendo as ferramentas de software do desenvolvedor.

Oitava geração

Xbox One
A Microsoft mantém vários programas de desenvolvimento para pessoas que desejam desenvolver jogos para suas plataformas; ID@Xbox para o desenvolvimento de jogos para Xbox One e o Windows Dev Center para o desenvolvimento de jogos e aplicativos para Windows 8, Windows 8.1, Windows 10 e Xbox One.

 O programa ID@Xbox permite que desenvolvedores de jogos qualificados autopubliquem seus jogos no Xbox One, tenham acesso a middleware gratuito e usem dois kits de hardware de desenvolvimento gratuitamente.
 O Windows Dev Center permite que os desenvolvedores criem aplicativos e jogos nas plataformas: Windows 8, Windows 8.1 e Windows 10 como parte da Plataforma Universal do Windows.

PlayStation 4 e PlayStation Vita
O programa de desenvolvedor do PlayStation permite que desenvolvedores registrados publiquem seus jogos na PlayStation Network, tornando seus jogos acessíveis no PlayStation 3, PlayStation 4, PlayStation Vita e PlayStation TV por meio de um único programa. Os kits de desenvolvimento do PlayStation 4 eram conhecidos como "Orbis", embora esse fosse apenas um codinome. As instituições acadêmicas podem se registrar para receber kits de desenvolvimento do PS4 para uso educacional e não são restritas à região, ao contrário dos membros normais do Programa de Desenvolvimento do PlayStation.

Wii u
A Nintendo mantém um programa de desenvolvimento unificado para as plataformas Wii U e Nintendo 3DS. Este programa de desenvolvimento fornece software e middleware para desenvolvedores e permite que eles autopubliquem seus jogos no Nintendo eShop. Os jogos e aplicativos publicados por meio deste programa são considerados "de terceiros" e não pertencem à Nintendo, permitindo que desenvolvedores independentes publiquem seus jogos em várias plataformas diferentes.

O hardware de desenvolvimento do Wii U consiste em um sistema chamado "CAT-DEV", com os periféricos que o acompanham, como o Display Remote Controller (provavelmente o Wii U GamePad ) e a barra com sensores.

Família Nintendo 3DS
O programa de desenvolvimento da Nintendo permite que os desenvolvedores usem kits de desenvolvimento do Nintendo 3DS e permite que os desenvolvedores autopubliquem seus jogos no Nintendo eShop. Como mencionado na seção sobre o Nintendo Wii U, jogos e aplicativos publicados por meio deste programa são considerados "de terceiros" e não pertencem à Nintendo, permitindo que desenvolvedores independentes publiquem seus jogos em várias plataformas diferentes.

Estranhamente, alguns kits de desenvolvimento do 3DS não rodam jogos de varejo.

Referências

Ligações externas

 http://www.warioworld.com/ - (Site da Nintendo para desenvolvedores)
 https://web.archive.org/web/20130816205156/https://wiiu-developers.nintendo.com/ - (site para desenvolvedores do Nintendo Wii U)
 https://developer.nintendo.com/home - (Portal do Desenvolvedor, da Nintendo)
 http://www.xbox.com/en-US/developers - (Site da Microsoft para desenvolvedores do Xbox One)
 https://dev.windows.com/en-us/programs - (Site do Programa Microsoft Universal Windows Platforms)
 https://www.playstation.com/en-us/develop/ - (Site do Programa de Desenvolvimento do PlayStation)

Hardware de jogos eletrônicos
Desenvolvimento de jogos eletrônicos

Kit de desenvolvimento de jogos