Arthur Harry Moore (July 3, 1877 – November 18, 1952) was an American attorney and politician of the Democratic Party who served three nonconsecutive three-year terms as governor of New Jersey (1926–1929, 1932–1935, and 1938–1941). He is the longest-served modern governor of New Jersey and the only one elected to three terms. He also served a partial term as United States Senator from 1935 to 1938, before stepping down to begin his third term as governor.

Early life
Arthur Harry Moore was born in the Lafayette section of Jersey City, New Jersey on July 3, 1877. His parents were Robert White Moore and Martha (née McCoomb) Moore, of Scots-Irish descent.

Moore, known as "Red," dropped out of local public schools to become a clerk at age thirteen. In his spare time, he continued his education at the Cooper Union in New York City and developed proficiency in bookkeeping and typing.

Early political involvement
Moore became involved in local Democratic politics at an early age, developing a reputation for public speaking and the sobriquet, "the boy orator of Lafayette."

In 1907, Moore's longtime friend H. Otto Wittpenn was elected as mayor of Jersey City, and Moore entered City Hall as his personal secretary. In 1911, following the death of Hudson County party leader Robert Davis, Moore assumed his post as city collector.

Jersey City Commissioner

In 1913, Jersey City adopted the commission form of government, and Moore ran successfully for an inaugural seat on the five-man governing body. As director of Parks and Public Property, he promoted recreational facilities and opportunities for city youth, particularly handicapped children. In 1931, the A. Harry Moore School in Jersey City was designed to specifically meet the needs of handicapped children. He also formed an alliance with fellow commissioner Frank Hague which would lead both men to statewide power.

In 1916, Wittpenn unsuccessfully ran for the governorship and retired from politics. Hague ran to succeed him as mayor and Moore formalized their alliance by leading his slate of commission candidates. The Hague slate swept the 1917, 1921, and 1925 municipal elections; Hague would remain as mayor for thirty years. Moore also entered law at this period, attending evening classes at the New Jersey Law School in Newark (now Rutgers Law School). He passed the state bar exam in 1922 and received an LL.B. in 1924.

Governor of New Jersey

1925 election
As a leading figure in Jersey City, Moore was scouted as a candidate for governor as early as 1921. With Hague secure in control of the state party, he chose 1925 to secure Moore's easy nomination for governor.

Moore ran in the general election as a "wringing wet" candidate, opposed to ongoing Prohibition policies against alcohol. His opponent, Morris County state senator Arthur Whitney, ran with the support of the Anti-Saloon League. In addition to Prohibition, Republicans attacked the alleged menace of "Hagueism" in state government. On election day, Moore carried only three counties, but the 103,995 vote plurality he received in Hudson gave him a comfortable victory.

First term in office: 1926–29
With Hague as his benefactor, Moore's primary role as governor was to deliver patronage to the Hudson County machine. After the election, Moore told the press, "You can say for me that in patronage matters I am strictly organization." However, he had to cooperate with the New Jersey Senate, which remained strongly Republican and had broad advise and consent powers, on most appointments. This proved little trouble; Moore generally took a conservative approach and received a positive reception from the Republican legislature.

In 1927, Moore did conflict with the legislature in efforts to provide sufficient potable water for North Jersey. As a proponent of home rule, Moore recommended that municipalities resolve the problem themselves or via inter-municipal cooperation. The legislature favored a constitutional amendment authorizing regional water supply districts controlled by the state, but Moore's view won out in a November 1927 referendum.

A spot of agreement between the legislature and governor was land use control. After the United States Supreme Court decision Village of Euclid v. Ambler Realty Co., the legislature proposed that the state constitution be amended to allow municipalities to exercise zoning authority; Moore and Hague approved, campaigned for the amendment, and saw it ratified by the voters.

Moore also oversaw transportation reform efforts, led by his eventual successor Morgan F. Larson, including the establishment of a new highway construction program. Though Moore favored modernization, he vetoed a gasoline tax bill to fund the program as an undue burden on the taxpayers. The bill eventually became law, coupled with a $30 million bond issue. Under Moore's authority and with the efforts of New York governor Al Smith, New York City became more connected to New Jersey. The Holland Tunnel, Goethals Bridge, Outerbridge Crossing were dedicated, and construction began on the George Washington Bridge.

In response to rising crime and disorder, especially at night clubs, Moore called for an expansion of the state police force, which had been established in 1921. Moore also received national attention as a result of the sensational 1922 Hall-Mills murder case. In 1926, he appointed Alexander Simpson as special prosecutor. Simpson's failure to convict Frances Noel Stevens Hall and her brothers for the murder of Hall's husband and his lover was an embarrassment to Moore and the state.

Out of office
In 1928, Moore was barred from seeking a second consecutive term in office. The Hague machine was finally stalled in the election of Morgan F. Larson, though Larson's nomination was supported by Hague to block a more aggressive anti-machine candidate, Robert Carey. With Herbert Hoover atop the ticket, Republicans won a landslide in New Jersey.

Larson's victory had a silver lining for Moore; when the Great Depression hit the state in 1929, the Republican Party was in complete control of the state and received the blame for the economic collapse that followed. Moore maintained a public profile during Larson's term in office, following a rigorous speaking schedule, continuing his involvement in fraternal organizations, and hosting a weekly radio program on station WOR. By the end of 1930, Moore had established himself as the obvious choice for governor in 1931.

1931 election

By 1931, Moore was a polished campaigner. He emphasized patriotic and religious themes ("the broad generalities of the eternal verities") and added amusing and emotional ancedotes. He focused his attacks on President Hoover and Governor Larson, blaming them for the ongoing economic misery. To counter, Republican nominee David Baird Jr. resorted to accusations of "Hagueism."

In a much improved showing, Moore carried all but four counties; Baird received a majority only in his native Camden. Moore's plurality of 230,053 votes and 57.8% of the vote were the largest yet recorded in the state's history.

Second term: 1932–35

Moore's second term in office was focused on economic recovery. He maintained his conservative approach, calling for the reduction or postponement of expenditures to enable local governments and the private sector to regenerate. The 1932 legislature gave him discretionary power to curb spending, and he dramatically reduced appropriations from $34.5MM to $20.7MM by 1934. He reduced funding for state programs, especially highway construction, in favor of municipal aid and direct relief to the impoverished.

His second term drew Moore's philosophy into conflict with Franklin D. Roosevelt's New Deal program, which called for greater government spending and a firmer role for government authority in the regulation of the economy. Nevertheless, Moore vigorously lobbied to ensure that New Jersey receive its share of public works projects and federal relief funds.

Moore attempted to take advantage of the emergency to reorganize state and local government but was unsuccessful. He offered proposals to overhaul state courts, to add a home rule amendment to the constitution, to place state bureaucracy under firmer executive control, and to adopt a sales or income tax as a permanent revenue base. His only successful proposal was a statute to modernize municipal finance.

Moore was also tasked with implementing the new Alcoholic Beverage Control Commissions, designed to preserve some elements of Prohibition after its national repeal.

As in his first term, Moore was involved in overseeing a high-profile criminal case: the kidnapping of Charles A. Lindbergh Jr. from East Amwell. Lindbergh Jr. was the son of famed aviator Charles Lindbergh and the grandson of the late U.S. Senator Dwight Morrow. The case instantly received international attention. Moore also personally directed rescue efforts off Perth Amboy after the sinking of the SS Morro Castle in 1934.

United States Senator: 1935–1938

1934 election

Alongside his gubernatorial duties, Moore ran for the United States Senate in 1934 at Hague's insistence. Despite a strong year for New Jersey Republicans, which included the election of Harold G. Hoffman as Moore's successor, Moore was easily elected to Washington.

Term in office
Moore spent only three years in Washington; they were largely unhappy. He referred to the Senate as "a cave of winds" and was ill at ease as a partisan supporter of the New Deal, especially as President Roosevelt pursued more welfare state programs. He voted against the Social Security Act (the lone Democrat to do so), the public utility holding company bill, and the 1935 amendments to the Agricultural Adjustment Act and opposed the Judicial Procedures Reform Bill of 1937.

His focus remained bringing federal projects to New Jersey and Jersey City in particular, including Jersey City Medical Center and Roosevelt Stadium.

Third term as Governor: 1938–1941

1937 election

In 1937, Moore accepted Hague's invitation to run for the governorship a third time. His opponent was Reverend Lester H. Clee of Essex County, a relative of Moore's by marriage. Despite the candidates' personal acquaintance, the 1937 election was bitter and hard-fought. Moore defended himself from charges that he was opposed to the New Deal and Roosevelt; he survived thanks to another large plurality from Hudson County.

Clee alleged voter fraud, a claim which would hang over Moore's final term. Hague stymied various court cases and efforts by the state legislature to investigate the claims. In 1940, when an investigating committee of the United States Senate attempted to reopen the controversy, it discovered that the Hudson County poll books had been burned.

Term in office
During Moore's final term in office, his principal concern was again economic recovery. Moore continued to divert road funds toward direct relief, especially work relief in the form of federally subsidized highway and water facility projects. In 1939, he attempted to pass a $60-million highway bond issue; the Republican legislature instead opted for a $21-million issue which was ratified by voter referendum.

Moore also promoted tax reform as railroad taxes, a major source of revenue for over a century, declined. Moore proposed a broad-bsed replacement tax but the legislature, believing that new taxes would weaken the recovery, opposed him. Instead, pari-mutuel betting was legalized via referendum, with horse betting expected to make up the lost revenue.

In addition to the ongoing state and federal investigations into voter fraud, Moore damaged his reputation and popularity by appointing Hague's son to the Court of Errors and Appeals, the state's highest court, in 1939.

World War II began in the second half of Moore's term and was the focus of his final years in office. He established the Governor's Emergency Committee, the first state civil defense agency in the nation, by executive order. He also oversaw the development and training of the national guard and, in his final months, the administration of the nation's first peacetime draft.

In January 1941, Moore left office for the final time, to be succeeded by Secretary of the Navy Charles Edison.

Later life and death
After retiring as governor, Moore resumed his legal practice in Jersey City.

Hague attempted to recruit Moore to run for governor in 1943, but Moore adamantly refused. Hague instead ran mayor Vincent J. Murphy of Newark, who was defeated by Walter Evans Edge. The election briefly led to a split between Moore and Hague, but they had reconciled by 1944, and Moore was selected as a delegate to the 1944 Democratic National Convention.

In 1945, Governor Edge appointed Moore to a vacancy on the State Board of Education.

In his final years, Moore maintained a residence in his old Lafayette neighborhood but spent most of his time at a summer home in Mount Airy, where he enjoyed horseback riding. He remained busy with law, service on corporate boards, and speaking engagements.

His final major political involvement was as campaign manager for Elmer H. Wene, the Democratic nominee for Governor in 1949. In the same year, the Hague machine in Jersey City finally collapsed.

Death
Moore died on November 18, 1952, at the age of 75, in Branchburg Township, New Jersey, when he suffered a stroke while driving with his wife and ran his car off the highway. His wife Jennie was only slightly injured in the crash. He was buried at Bayview – New York Bay Cemetery in Jersey City.

Personal life
Moore married Jennie Hastings Stevens, a neighbor, on March 28, 1911. They had no children. Moore taught the men's bible class at Lafayette Reformed Church, while Jennie taught Sunday school.

See also
List of governors of New Jersey

Notes

References

Further reading

External links

1877 births
1952 deaths
Democratic Party governors of New Jersey
Politicians from Jersey City, New Jersey
Rutgers University alumni
Cooper Union alumni
Burials at Bayview – New York Bay Cemetery
Democratic Party United States senators from New Jersey
Road incident deaths in New Jersey

A. Harry Moore


Gökçeağaçsakızı, Sinop ilinin Boyabat ilçesine bağlı bir köydür.

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Köyün adı, 1487 yılı kayıtlarında Sakız Büki olarak geçmektedir.

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Köy, Sinop il merkezine 117 km, Boyabat ilçe merkezine 27 km uzaklıktadır. Köy yakınlarındaki Kartaltepe mevkiinde bir antik dönem yerleşim alanı bulunur.

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Kaynakça

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Gökçeağaçsakızı


Efter hemmelig ordre eller den er pingeling er en dansk stumfilm fra 1920, der er instrueret af Robert Storm Petersen (Storm P).

Handling
Fortekst siger" Velkommen til Ping klubben". I starten en animation, som efterfølges af real optagelser af Storm P,. der blandt andet tegner pingviner i zoo. Man har forsøgt at lave en handling i filmen: Storm P. mødes med en mand, de går til zoo, mand mødes med Storm P. foran zoo, de gør nogle tegn med hænderne. Storm P. får et stykke papir, som senere leveres til mand af hund (måske Storm P's hund Grog).

Referencer

Eksterne henvisninger

Danske film fra 1920

Stumfilm fra Danmark
Kortfilm fra Danmark
Storm P


Recardães Portekiz'de Águeda belediyesine bağlı olan, 7,72 km2 yüzölçümüne sahip, 3321 nüfuslu (2001) bir bucaktır (Portekizce: freguesia).

Águeda'nın bucakları

Recardães


Le sit-in d'El Kamour () est un mouvement de protestations qui ont lieu dans la région pétrolière d'El Kamour dans le gouvernorat de Tataouine, au sud de la Tunisie, durant la période du  au , date à laquelle un accord est signé entre le gouvernement et les manifestants.

L'appellation attribuée à ce mouvement de contestation fait écho à la route d'El Kamour qu'empruntent les compagnies pétrolières pour se ravitailler en pétrole et le transporter vers le port de Zarzis. Le mouvement se déclenche pour réclamer le développement, la création d'emplois et une meilleure gestion des richesses naturelles de la région.

Causes

Causes sociales
Les principales raisons de l'escalade des tensions dans le sud de la Tunisie et du sit-in de jeunes dans la région d'El Kamour sont liées à leur revendication de leur droit au travail et de l'égalité entre eux et le reste des jeunes du pays, d'autant plus que leur région abrite des richesses naturelles plus importantes que plusieurs autres régions, et étant donné les difficultés quotidiennes que vivent les habitants à cause d'une infrastructure en mauvais état, un manque d'administrations et d'installations publiques et les difficultés du climat naturel saharien.

Par la suite, les revendications évoluent pour inclure un appel au développement par l'imposition d'un principe de participation des compagnies pétrolières dans le développement de la région qui souffre d'un manque d'attention malgré son importance économique, surtout dans le domaine de l'énergie.

Par ailleurs, un groupe de militants soutenant le mouvement appelle à nationaliser les ressources naturelles, en particulier le pétrole, ou au moins de publier ce qu'ils considèrent comme les  de ces richesses naturelles, ce qui constitue une continuité du mouvement  qui débute en 2015 et qui s'est peu à peu estompé par la suite.

Causes politiques
Certaines personnalités, syndicats et partis politiques soutiennent ce mouvement dont l'Union générale tunisienne du travail, Hizb el-Harak, Ennahdha, Afek Tounes, Al Joumhouri, Al Amal et le Front populaire, tandis que des personnalités telles que Safi Saïd, ancien candidat à l'élection présidentielle de 2014, et Hamma Hammami, porte-parole du Front populaire, appelle à nationaliser les ressources naturelles.

Déroulement

23 au 28 avril
Le , un groupe d'environ  du gouvernorat de Tataouine se rendent dans la région d'El Kamour pour bloquer les routes et empêcher les voitures et les camions des sociétés pétrolières installées dans le désert de se ravitailler en pétrole pour faire pression sur le gouvernement. Ils installent par ailleurs des tentes, ce qui marque le début du sit-in.

Le , des manifestants ferment une station de pompage de pétrole dans le but de provoquer une escalade des tensions et des manifestations à la suite du silence du gouvernement.

Accompagné d'une délégation de ministres et secrétaires d'État, le chef du gouvernement Youssef Chahed se rend le  à Tataouine pour négocier avec les représentants régionaux des partis et de la société civile, et annoncer des projets de développement. Les négociations échouent néanmoins et les manifestations s'intensifient.

En manque d'approvisionnement en eaux et en nourriture, les employés du site pétrolier appellent le  les manifestants à dégager les routes pour leur permettre de résoudre la situation. Les manifestants laissent alors passer des voitures et des bus affectés pour évacuer les ouvriers des champs pétroliers. L'évacuation de près de 700 ouvriers s'achève au soir du 29 avril.

1 au 15 mai
En plus de l'aide sanitaire et alimentaire dont bénéficient les manifestations dès le premier jour, ils reçoivent de l'aide financière de la part de Tunisiens de l'étranger.

Les manifestants rejettent la proposition du gouvernement qui prévoient le recrutement de plusieurs ouvriers et l'augmentation des budgets, estimant que celles-ci ne sont pas suffisamment à la hauteur de ce qu'ils réclament par leur sit-in.

Le , des personnes originaires de Tataouine mais résidant à Paris effectuent une manifestation pacifique de soutien durant laquelle ils demandent au gouvernement d'assumer ses responsabilités et de donner son droit à la région en matière d'emploi et de développement. Le lendemain, des citoyens de Tataouine organisent une manifestation pour soutenir le sit-in et les revendications.

Le , les protestataires publient une liste finale des revendications du sit-in, portant sur :

 la création de  dans les sociétés pétrolières ;
 la création de  dans la société d'environnement et de jardinage ;
 l'attribution de  de dinars au profit du fonds de développement régional.

Le président de la République Béji Caïd Essebsi prononce le  un discours au palais des congrès de Tunis dans lequel il réagit aux évènements du sit-in et expose le manque d'objectif des protestataires, appelant toutefois au dialogue. Par ailleurs, il annonce que l'armée sera chargée de sécuriser les établissements publics vitaux pour l'économie nationale, dont les établissements et champs pétroliers. Ces déclarations sont dénoncées par les manifestants ainsi que par certains de leurs soutiens, à l'instar du secrétaire général de l'Union générale tunisienne du travail, Noureddine Taboubi.

Le gouvernement, représenté par le ministre de la Formation professionnelle et de l'Emploi, Imed Hammami, présente le  aux protestataires une nouvelle proposition consistant à :
 recruter  dans les compagnies pétrolières ;
 recruter  dans la société d'environnement, plantation et jardinage durant les années 2017 et 2018 ;
 créer un fonds de développement régional de 50 millions de dinars annuels.

16 au 22 mai
Le , la proposition ministérielle est présentée au vote des participants du sit-in dont une majorité décide d'accepter l'accord. Cependant, un certain nombre de manifestants refusent de se soumettre à cette proposition et déplacent l'emplacement du sit-in. La réunion de négociation entre le gouvernement et la coordination du sit-in s'achève finalement sans un accord définitif, et le sit-in reprend donc près de la station de pompage de pétrole.

Le , cinq manifestants opposés à la dernière offre gouvernementale entament une grève de la faim et accordent au gouvernement 48 heures pour satisfaire leurs revendications, menaçant d'une escalade et d'une grève générale si le gouvernement n'agit pas dans les temps.

Le , des manifestants tentent d'accéder à la station de pompage pour la fermer alors que celle-ci est protégée par l'armée. Malgré des tirs de sommation de l'armée, les protestataires parviennent à fermer la station sans accrochages. Des renforts de l'armée sont envoyés par la suite.

Le lendemain, le ministère de la Défense annonce qu'un ingénieur de la société pétrolière est appelé pour remettre en marche la vanne après que la pression d'extraction ait été baissée. Le chef du gouvernement ordonne également la protection des sites de production et appelle les gouverneurs à faire preuve de plus de fermeté en ce qui concerne le blocage. De nouveaux renforts sont d'ailleurs envoyés à l'emplacement du sit-in qui est à nouveau sécurisé par la garde nationale. Après la remise en marche du site de pompage, des manifestations se déclenchent durant la nuit dans le gouvernorat pour soutenir le sit-in.

Le , des manifestations se déroulent à Tataouine et dans des villes voisines qui se transforment rapidement en affrontements entre les manifestants et les forces de l'ordre. Les manifestants s'introduisent dans le siège du gouvernorat et incendient les districts de sûreté et la garde nationale. Les forces de l'ordre utilisent des gaz lacrymogènes pour disperser les manifestants. Ces affrontements entraîne le décès du manifestant Anouar Sokrafi et plusieurs blessures dans les deux camps. Une vanne reliant le champ pétrolier d'El Borma à la station d'El Kamour est fermée par la société d'exploitation pétrolière à la suite d'actes de sabotage.

Le , une grève générale est organisée dans la ville de Douz. Des marches protestataires ont également lieu en soutien au sit-in au centre de Tunis et à Sidi Bouzid.

L'homme d'affaires Chafik Jarraya et l'ancien candidat à l'élection présidentielle Yassine Chennoufi sont arrêtés sous l'accusation de corruption et d'atteinte à la sécurité de l'État ; ils sont suspectés d'être impliqués dans les évènements d'El Kamour.

Le , le coordinateur du sit-in déclare durant une intervention à la radio que leurs manifestations sont pacifiques et que les violences produites durant la journée du 22 mai ne sont pas représentatives du mouvement, et qu'il ne s'agit que de saboteurs déterminés à salir l'image du sit-in. Il exprime également la colère des manifestants face à l'insouciance du gouvernement à l'égard des funérailles du manifestant décédé et annonce que les protestataires le vengeront dans le cadre de la loi.

Tentative ratée de levée du sit-in
Un important déploiement des forces de l'ordre intervient le  pour essayer de lever le sit-in, ce qui entraîne la mort d'un manifestant écrasé par un véhicule de la garde nationale et de graves blessures chez un autre. Cela aggrave la situation et génère des mouvements d'attaque et de retraite entre les manifestants et les forces de l'ordre, qui sont forcées à quitter leurs positions.

Le , le gouverneur de Tataouine Mohamed Ali Barhoumi présente sa démission.

Résolution de la crise

Négociations
Dès le début des manifestations, le , une délégation ministérielle du gouvernement, composée du ministre des Affaires sociales Mohamed Trabelsi, du ministre chargé des relations avec le Parlement Iyed Dahmani et du secrétaire d'État chargé de l'Économie numérique Habib Debbabi, ainsi que de députés du gouvernorat tentent de trouver des solutions à la crise.

Quelques jours après, le , le chef du gouvernement Youssef Chahed effectue une visite dans le gouvernorat accompagné d'une autre délégation ministérielle composée du ministre de l'Emploi Imed Hammami, du ministre du Commerce Zied Ladhari, du ministre des Affaires sociales, de la ministre de l'Énergie, des Mines et des Énergies renouvelables Hela Cheikhrouhou, du ministre du Développement et de la Coopération internationale Fadhel Abdelkefi et de la secrétaire d'État à la Formation professionnelle chargée de l'Initiative privée Sayida Ounissi. Durant cette visite, il négocie directement avec les manifestants au siège du gouvernorat, et annonce 64 nouvelles mesures en faveur de la région, mais les représentants des protestataires les refusent.

Après le décès du manifestant Anouar Sokrafi, le ministre de la Défense Farhat Horchani se déplace chez la famille de la victime pour présenter ses condoléances. Une délégation d'Ennahdha composée notamment d'Ali Larayedh, Abdelkrim Harouni et Noureddine Bhiri effectue aussi le déplacement pour présenter leurs condoléances et discuter avec des manifestants. Une délégation de la commission parlementaire de défense et de sécurité présidée par Abdellatif Mekki se rend également dans le gouvernorat pour dialoguer avec les manifestants et essayer de calmer la situation. Quelques mois après le décès de Sokrafi, un groupe de manifestants installent une plaque commémorative à son nom dans le lieu où il a été mortellement touché à El Kamour.

Durant la nuit du 15 au , des négociations sont organisées au siège du gouvernorat de Tataouine entre le ministre de l'Emploi et de la Formation professionnelle, en tant que représentant du gouvernement et responsable du dossier des négociations, le gouverneur de Tataouine Adel Ouerghi et des députés du gouvernorat, avec la médiation du secrétaire général de l'Union générale tunisienne du travail (UGTT), Noureddine Taboubi, pour garantir l'accord avec les représentants du sit-in d'El Kamour.

Accord final

Les deux parties finissent par obtenir un accord au matin du , signé par le ministre, le gouverneur et le secrétaire général de l'UGTT d'un côté, et par le père d'Anouar Sokrafi, décédé durant le sit-in, en tant représentant des manifestants de l'autre. Les clauses de l'accord sont les suivantes :

 Recrutement d'un membre de la famille du martyr Anouar Sakrafi et d'un membre de la famille du blessé Abdallah Elaway ;
 Reprise immédiate de la production et réouverture immédiate de la station de pompage de pétrole ;
 Levée du sit-in dans la station et réouverture de la route d'El Kamour ;
 Recrutement de  dans la société d'environnement, plantation et jardinage ( en 2017, ( en 2018 et 500 en 2019) ;
 Recrutement de  au sein des compagnies pétrolières ( en 2017 et 500 en 2018) ;
 Affectation d'un budget de 80 millions de dinars tunisiens par année à un fonds de développement et d'investissement à Tataouine ;
 Renoncement par l'État de poursuivre les sit-inneurs.

Références

Liens internes
 Transition démocratique en Tunisie

Liens externes
 .
 .

Histoire contemporaine de la Tunisie
2017 en Tunisie

Sit-in d'El Kamour


Zvonimir Pribanić (Skradnik, Ogulin, 1925. – 25. svibnja 2008.), hrvatski emigrantski kulturni djelatnik i organizator iz Skradnika.

Životopis
Rodio se u Skradniku, u velikoj obitelji, decimiranoj ratom. Usred rata završio je godine 1943. tenkističku školu i s 18 godina postao dragovoljcem 1. Gorskog zdruga. Malo poslije toga postaso je dragovoljac 1. Hrvatske udarne divizije motornih vozila. Kao mladi vojnik uvjerio se u ratne strahote. Službovao je 18 mjeseci. Na Bleiburgu se našao dan prije formalne predaje Hrvata Englezima, 14. svibnja 1945. godine. Bio je dio pratnje generala Nardellija. To mu je pružilo uvid u posljednja zbivanja prije formalne predaje. U pratnji je bio sve do generalova uhićenja. Bio dionik Križnog puta. Kao zarobljenik prebačen je u Šoštanj kraj Maribora, pa u Ljubljanu, Petrovaradin, Novi Sad i Zemun, i onda vlakom pod policijskom paskom vraćen u Zagreb. Svjedočio je teškim događajima kad je ljudsko dostojanstvo dovedeno na najnižu razinu.
1954. je kolektivnom vizom izašao iz Titove totalitarne države, otišao u Njemačku u München na izložbu automobila. Ondje je zatražio azil. Prvo mu ga nisu odobrili, a onda ipak jesu nakon čega je otputovao u SAD preko Hamburga. Iste je godine preselio s obitelji u Cleveland, pa u Milwaukee i na koncu u Kaliforniju gdje je sreo prijatelje. Bio je dugogodišnji član Hrvatske zajednice u Sjevernoj Kaliforniji. Odmah je postao član Hrvatskog doma i članom Hrvatske župe u San Franciscu. Sljedećih 50 godina osnovao je ili sudjelovao u raznim hrvatskim projektima i organizacijama: Veterani Hrvatskog domobrana, Dominican College Series, raznih hrvatskih nogometnih klubova, American Bicentennial Program, televizijski programi na kanalim 2, 20 i 36, Hrvatska plesna skupina Matija Gubec, Hrvatsko narodno vijeće, Hrvatska katolička zajednica, Hrvatska bratska zajednica (u vrijeme kad je rad u njoj nosio negativnije političke implikacije nego poslije). 27 godina bio je u Hrvatskom radio programu u San Franciscu. Suosnivač hrvatske župe u San Joseu. Sudionik brojnih prosvjeda i demonstracija u Kaliforniji i Washingtonu.
Jedan od četvorice osnivača Hrvatske izvještajne službe u Kaliforniji. Djelovanjem te službe pokrenuto je tiskanje revije na engleskom Američki Hrvat, brojne knjige, pamfleti, monografije, profesionalni studiji, nastupi na hrvatskom i na španjolskom na televiziji. Osobno je Pribanić zaslužan da je Hrvatska dobila Michaela McAdamsa za prijatelja, koji je od 1971. postao neumorni promicatelj hrvatske samostalnosti i slobode, koji je iza sebe ostavio mnoštvo radova. Pribanić je organizirao akciju kad je pri posjetu gradonačelnici San Francisca Dianne Feinstain, današnjoj senatorici savezne države Kalifornije, proglašen Hrvatski dan, a na vijećnici je izvješena hrvatska zastava. Sudjelovao je u proklamaciji hrvatske državnosti koju je potpisao ondašnji kalifornijski guverner, poslije predsjednik SAD Ronald Reagan.
Pribanić je posjetio Hrvatsku kad je bila u ratu, i ratnu zonu iza Oštarija, nedaleko mu od rodnog mjesta. Sa suprugom je sponzorirao obitelji hrvatskih branitelja.
Umro je 2008. godine. Sveta misa služena je u hrvatskoj župi Uznesenja Marijina u San Joseu u Kaliforniji.

Izvori

Hrvati u SAD-u
Hrvatska politička emigracija (1945. – 1989.)

Zvonimir Pribanić


Francis Russell "Frank" O'Hara (March 27, 1926 – July 25, 1966) was an American writer, poet, and art critic. A curator at the Museum of Modern Art, O'Hara became prominent in New York City's art world. O'Hara is regarded as a leading figure in the New York School, an informal group of artists, writers, and musicians who drew inspiration from jazz, surrealism, abstract expressionism, action painting, and contemporary avant-garde art movements.

O'Hara's poetry is personal in tone and content, and has been described as sounding "like entries in a diary". Poet and critic Mark Doty has said O'Hara's poetry is "urbane, ironic, sometimes genuinely celebratory and often wildly funny" containing "material and associations alien to academic verse" such as "the camp icons of movie stars of the twenties and thirties, the daily landscape of social activity in Manhattan, jazz music, telephone calls from friends". O'Hara's writing sought to capture in his poetry the immediacy of life, feeling that poetry should be "between two persons instead of two pages."

The Selected Poems of Frank O'Hara edited by Donald Allen (Knopf, 1971), the first of several posthumous collections, shared the 1972 National Book Award for Poetry. Brad Gooch's City Poet is the first substantial biography on O'Hara.

Early life and education
Frank O'Hara, the son of Russell Joseph O'Hara and Katherine (née Broderick), was born on March 27, 1926, at Maryland General Hospital, Baltimore and grew up in Grafton, Massachusetts. He attended St. John's High School. He grew up believing he had been born in June, but in fact had been born in March - his parents disguised his true date of birth because he was conceived out of wedlock. He studied piano at the New England Conservatory in Boston from 1941 to 1944 and served in the U.S. Navy in the South Pacific and Japan as a sonarman on the destroyer USS Nicholas during World War II.

With the funding made available to veterans he attended Harvard University, where artist and writer Edward Gorey was his roommate. O'Hara was heavily influenced by visual art and by contemporary music, which was his first love (he remained a fine piano player all his life and would shock new partners by suddenly playing music by Sergei Rachmaninoff when visiting them). His favorite poets were Pierre Reverdy, Arthur Rimbaud, Stéphane Mallarmé, Boris Pasternak, and Vladimir Mayakovsky. While at Harvard, O'Hara met John Ashbery and began publishing poems in the Harvard Advocate. Despite his love of music, O'Hara changed his major and was graduated from Harvard in 1950 with a degree in English.

He attended graduate school at the University of Michigan in Ann Arbor. While at Michigan, he won a Hopwood Award and received his master's degree in English literature in 1951.

Early career
In the autumn of 1951, O'Hara moved into an apartment in New York City with Joe LeSueur, who was his roommate and sometime lover for the next 11 years. It was during this time that he began teaching at The New School.

O'Hara was active in the art world, working as a reviewer for ARTnews, and in 1960 was assistant curator of painting and sculpture exhibitions for the Museum of Modern Art. He was a friend of the artists Norman Bluhm, Mike Goldberg, Grace Hartigan, Alex Katz, Willem de Kooning, Joan Mitchell, and Larry Rivers.

Poetry
While O'Hara's poetry is generally autobiographical, it tends to be based on his observations of New York life rather than exploring his past. In his introduction to The Collected Poems of Frank O'Hara, Donald Allen says "that Frank O'Hara tended to think of his poems as a record of his life is apparent in much of his work." O'Hara discussed this aspect of his poetry in a statement for Donald Allen's The New American Poetry:

What is happening to me, allowing for lies and exaggerations which I try to avoid, goes into my poems. I don't think my experiences are clarified or made beautiful for myself or anyone else, they are just there in whatever form I can find them. . .My formal "stance" is found at the crossroads where what I know and can't get meets what is left of that I know and can bear without hatred. . .It may be that poetry makes life's nebulous events tangible to me and restores their detail; or conversely that poetry brings forth the intangible quality of incidents which are all too concrete and circumstantial. Or each on specific occasions, or both all the time.

His initial time in the Navy, during his basic training at Sampson Naval Training Center in upstate New York, along with earlier years spent at St. John's High School began to shape a distinguished style of solitary observation that would later inform his poems. Immersed in regimented daily routine, first Catholic school then the Navy, he was able to separate himself from the situation and make witty and often singular studies. Sometimes these were cataloged for use in later writing, or, perhaps more often, put into letters. This skill of scrutinizing and recording during the bustle and churn of daily life would, later, be one of the important aspects that shaped O'Hara as an urban poet writing off the cuff.

Among his friends, O'Hara was known to treat poetry dismissively, as something to be done only in the moment. John Ashbery says he witnessed O'Hara "Dashing the poems off at odd moments – in his office at the Museum of Modern Art, in the street at lunchtime or even in a room full of people – he would then put them away in drawers and cartons and half forget them."

In the summer of 1951, O'Hara read a manifesto in The Kenyon Review written by the poet, novelist and anarchistic social critic Paul Goodman. In the essay, Goodman argues that the postwar American "advanced guard" writers must articulate the deep-seated, personal disquiet felt across the culture but left unvoiced. The essay encouraged O'Hara to write poetry that was embarrassing in its directness, and even seen as hostile to literary standards then in place. O'Hara's poetry began to erase poetry's cautious border between what is public and what is private.

In 1959, he wrote a mock manifesto (originally published in the magazine Yūgen in 1961) called Personism: A Manifesto, in which he explains his position on formal structure: "I don't ... like rhythm, assonance, all that stuff. You just go on your nerve. If someone's chasing you down the street with a knife you just run, you don't turn around and shout, 'Give it up! I was a track star for Mineola Prep.'" He says, in response to academic overemphasis on form, "As for measure and other technical apparatus, that's just common sense: if you're going to buy a pair of pants you want them to be tight enough so everyone will want to go to bed with you. There's nothing metaphysical about it." He claims that on August 27, 1959, while talking to LeRoi Jones, he founded a movement called Personism which may be "the death of literature as we know it."

He says,

It does not have to do with personality or intimacy, far from it! But to give you a vague idea, one of its minimal aspects is to address itself to one person (other than the poet himself), thus evoking overtones of love without destroying love's life-giving vulgarity, and sustaining the poet's feelings toward the poem while preventing love from distracting him into feeling about the person.

His poetry shows the influence of abstract expressionism, surrealism, Russian poetry, and poets associated with French symbolism. Ashbery says, "The poetry that meant the most to him when he began writing was either French – Rimbaud, Mallarmé, the Surrealists: poets who speak the language of every day into the reader's dream – or Russian – Pasternak and especially Mayakovsky, for whom he picked up what James Schuyler has called the 'intimate yell.'" As part of the New York School of poetry, O'Hara to some degree encapsulated the compositional philosophy of New York School painters.

Ashbery says, "Frank O'Hara's concept of the poem as the chronicle of the creative act that produces it was strengthened by his intimate experience of Pollock's, Kline's, and de Kooning's great paintings of the late '40s and early '50s and of the imaginative realism of painters like Jane Freilicher and Larry Rivers."

O'Hara was also influenced by William Carlos Williams, so much so that he lists Williams (along with Hart Crane and Walt Whitman) as one of three poets who were "better than the movies." According to Marjorie Perloff in her book Frank O'Hara, Poet among Painters, he and Williams both use everyday language and simple statements split at irregular intervals. Perloff points out the similarities between O'Hara's "Autobiographia Literaria" and Williams's "Invocation and Conclusion". At the end of "Autobiographia Literaria", the speaker says, "And here I am, the/center of all beauty!/writing these poems!/Imagine!" Similarly, Williams at the end of "Invocation and Conclusion" says, "Now look at me!" These lines show a shared interest in the self as an individual who can only be himself in isolation. A similar idea is expressed in a line from Williams's "Danse Russe": "Who shall say I am not/ the happy genius of my household?"

Personal life

Frank O'Hara, who was gay, met Joe LeSueur in 1951, and the two maintained a relationship until 1965, living together on and off from 1955 to 1965.

From 1959 to 1963, the two lived at 441 East 9th Street in the East Village. Known throughout his life for his extreme sociability, passion, and warmth, O'Hara had hundreds of friends and lovers throughout his life, many from the New York art and poetry worlds. Soon after arriving in New York, he was employed at the Museum of Modern Art, selling postcards at the admissions desk, and began to write seriously.

O'Hara met longtime partner Vincent Warren in the summer of 1959. Warren, a Canadian ballet dancer, was the inspiration for several of O'Hara's poems, including "Poem (A la Recherche d'Gertrude Stein)", "Les Luths", "Poem (So many echoes in my head)", and "Having a Coke With You". Warren died on October 25, 2017, 51 years after O'Hara's death.

Death

In the early morning hours of July 24, 1966, O'Hara was struck by the driver of a jeep on the Fire Island beach, after the beach taxi in which he had been riding with a group of friends broke down in the dark. He died the next day at age 40 of a ruptured liver at Bayview Hospital in Mastic Beach, Long Island. Attempts to bring negligent homicide charges against 23-year-old driver Kenneth L. Ruzicka were unsuccessful; many of O'Hara's friends felt the local police had conducted a lax investigation to protect one of their own locals. O'Hara was buried in Green River Cemetery on Long Island. The painter Larry Rivers, a longtime friend and lover, delivered one of the eulogies, along with Bill Berkson, Edwin Denby, and René d'Harnoncourt.

In popular culture

In music
In First Aid Kit's song "To A Poet", there is the lyric, "But Frank put it best when he said 'you can't plan on the heart'", a reference to O'Hara's poem, "My Heart".

In Martha's song "1967, I Miss You, I'm Lonely", the lyric, "I look at you and I am confident that I'd rather look at you than all the portraits in existence in the world, except possibly O'Hara by Grace Hartigan," references both O'Hara's poem, "Having a Coke With You", and Grace Hartigan's portrait of O'Hara.

Rilo Kiley's 2004 album More Adventurous is titled after a line in O'Hara's poem "Meditations in an Emergency": "Each time my heart is broken it makes me feel more adventurous..." The title track references the same line: "I read with every broken heart, we should become more adventurous"

Frankie Cosmos's music is influenced by O'Hara's works, visible in two of her albums, Zentropy and Next Thing. Greta Kline has stated that her stage name derived from the poet.

In film
In the 2011 film Beastly, the lovestruck main characters read O'Hara's poem "Having a Coke with You" aloud to each other.

In literature
O'Hara is a minor character in William Boyd's 2002 novel Any Human Heart.

O'Hara's Lunch Poems is the basis of Paul Legault's Lunch Poems 2.

In television
In the season 1 episode of the HBO series Bored to Death, "The Case of the Missing Screenplay", the main character loses a screenplay written by Jim Jarmusch about the life of Frank O'Hara.

In the last episode of the series Normal people, based on Sally Rooney's homonimous novel, Connell's gift for Marianne's birthday is said to be a Frank O'Hara's collection of poetry.

Several episodes of Mad Men (season 2) reference O'Hara's collection of poetry, Meditations in an Emergency. The first episode shows a character reading from it over lunch in a bar (recalling O'Hara's 1964 collection Lunch Poems) as does the last episode, which uses the book's title as its episode title. In the twelfth episode, Don Draper finds his copy of Meditations in an Emergency in Anna Draper's home in California.

In plays
The poetry of Frank O'Hara features prominently in Rachel Bonds's 2017 play At the Old Place.

Landmarks
On June 10, 2014, a plaque was unveiled outside one of O'Hara's New York City residences, at 441 East Ninth Street. Poets Tony Towle, who inherited the apartment from O'Hara, and Edmund Berrigan read his works at the event.

Bibliography

Books published during his lifetime
 A City Winter and Other Poems. Two Drawings by Larry Rivers. (New York: Tibor de Nagy Gallery Editions, 1951 [sic, i.e. 1952])
 Oranges: 12 pastorals. (New York: Tibor de Nagy Gallery Editions, 1953; New York: Angel Hair Books, 1969)
 Meditations in an Emergency. (New York: Grove Press, 1957; 1967)
 Second Avenue. Cover drawing by Larry Rivers. (New York: Totem Press in Association with Corinth Books, 1960)
 Odes. Prints by Michael Goldberg. (New York: Tiber Press, 1960)
 Lunch Poems. (San Francisco, CA: City Lights Books, The Pocket Poets Series (No. 19), 1964)
 Love Poems (Tentative Title). (New York: Tibor de Nagy Gallery Editions, 1965)

Posthumous works
 In Memory of My Feelings, commemorative volume illustrated by 30 U.S. artists and edited by Bill Berkson (New York: The Museum of Modern Art, 1967)
 The Collected Poems of Frank O'Hara. Edited by Donald Allen with an introduction by John Ashbery (1st ed. New York: Knopf, 1971; Berkeley: University of California Press, 1995) —shared the National Book Award with Howard Moss, Selected Poems
 The Selected Poems of Frank O'Hara. Edited by Donald Allen (New York: Knopf, 1974; Vintage Books, 1974)
 Standing Still and Walking in New York. Edited by Donald Allen (Bolinas, Calif: Grey Fox Press; Berkeley, Calif: distributed by Bookpeople, 1975)
 Early Writing. Edited by Donald Allen (Bolinas, Calif: Grey Fox; Berkeley: distributed by Bookpeople, 1977)
 Poems Retrieved. Edited by Donald Allen (Bolinas, Calif: Grey Fox Press; Berkeley, Calif: distributed by Bookpeople, 1977)
 Selected Plays. Edited by Ron Padgett, Joan Simon, and Anne Waldman (1st ed. New York: Full Court Press, 1978)
 Amorous Nightmares of Delay: Selected Plays. (Baltimore, MD: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1997)
 Selected Poems. Edited by Mark Ford (New York: Knopf, 2008)
Poems Retrieved (City Lights, 2013)
Lunch Poems. 50th Anniversary Edition (City Lights, 2014)

Exhibitions
 Jackson Pollock. (New York: George Braziller, Inc. 1959)
 New Spanish painting and sculpture. (New York: The Museum of Modern Art, 1960)
 Robert Motherwell: with selections from the artist's writings. by Frank O'Hara (New York: The Museum of Modern Art, 1965)
 Nakian. (New York: The Museum of Modern Art, 1966)
 Art Chronicles, 1954–1966. (New York: G. Braziller, 1975)

On O'Hara
 Frank O'Hara: Poet Among Painters by Marjorie Perloff (New York: G. Braziller, 1977; 1st paperback ed. Austin: University of Texas Press, 1979; Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press, with a new introduction, 1998)
 Frank O'Hara by Alan Feldman (Boston: Twayne Publishers, 1979 ... frontispiece photo of Frank O'Hara c. by Richard Moore)
 Frank O'Hara: A Comprehensive Bibliography by Alexander Smith, Jr. (New York: Garland, 1979; 2nd print. corrected, 1980)
 Homage to Frank O'Hara. edited by Bill Berkson and Joe LeSueur, cover by Jane Freilicher (originally published as Big Sky 11/12 in April, 1978; rev. ed. Berkeley: Creative Arts Book Company, 1980)
 Art with the touch of a poet: Frank O'Hara. exhibit companion compiled by Hildegard Cummings (Storrs, Conn. : The William Benton Museum of Art, University of Connecticut, 1983 ... January 24-March 13, 1983)
 Frank O'Hara: To Be True To A City edited by Jim Elledge (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1990)
 City Poet: The Life and Times of Frank O'Hara by Brad Gooch (1st ed. New York: Knopf, 1993; New York: HarperPerennial, 1994)
 In Memory of My Feelings: Frank O'Hara and American Art by Russell Ferguson (Los Angeles: The Museum of Contemporary Art, Los Angeles / University of California Press, 1999)
 Hyperscapes in the Poetry of Frank O'Hara: Difference, Homosexuality, Topography by Hazel Smith (Liverpool University Press, Liverpool, 2000)
 Digressions on Some Poems by Frank O'Hara by Joe LeSueur (New York: Farrar, Straus and Giroux, 2003).
 Frank O'Hara: The Poetics of Coterie by Lytle Shaw (Iowa City: University of Iowa Press, 2006)

Painting
 Alice Neel, Frank O'Hara, (1960), 85.7 x 40.6 x 2.5 cm, National Portrait Gallery, Smithsonian Institution
 Larry Rivers, O'Hara Nude with Boots (1954), 97" x 53", Larry Rivers Foundation
 Jasper Johns, In Memory of My Feelings - Frank O'Hara (1961), 40 1/4" x 60", MCA, Chicago
 Wynn Chamberlain, Poets (Clothed), Poets (Naked), (1964), Earl McGrath collection.
 Alfred Leslie, a link to The Death Cycle, (1966), - The Death of Frank O'Hara
Grace Hartigan, Frank O'Hara, 1926-1966, (1966), 80 1/8 x 80 in. (203.4 x 203.2 cm), Smithsonian American Art Museum, Gift of Grace Hartigan.

See also

 LGBT culture in New York City
 List of LGBT people from New York City

References

External links

 Official website
 Frank O'Hara Papers in the Museum of Modern Art Archives
 Frank O'Hara at Academy of American Poets

1926 births
1966 deaths
American art critics
American art curators
United States Navy personnel of World War II
American modernist poets
American gay writers
American LGBT poets
LGBT people from Maryland
LGBT people from New York (state)
National Book Award winners
New York School poets
People associated with the Museum of Modern Art (New York City)
Pedestrian road incident deaths
Road incident deaths in New York (state)
Writers from Baltimore
Writers from Greenwich Village
University of Michigan alumni
20th-century American poets
Harvard Advocate alumni
Burials at Green River Cemetery
Hopwood Award winners
United States Navy sailors
Gay poets

Frank O'Hara


مركز الأميرة هيا الثقافي يقع في منطقة الشميساني، تشرف عليه الأميرة هيا وهو مركز ثقافي وترفيهي للأطفال إذ يوجد فيه شاشة كبيرة يُعرض فيها معلومات علمية للأطفال. وهناك أيضاً ألعاب ترفيهية ثقافية آلية.

مراجع

بدأ مركز هيا الثقافي خدماته على الجمهور سنة 1976 هدية من الشاه الإيراني للملك حسين بن طلال بمناسبة مولد سمو الأميرة هيا، يخدم المركز الأطفال من سن 6 إلى 13 سنة أقسام مركز هيا الثقافي: المسرح (دراما، مسرح دمى، مسرح الظل)و الفن (رسم خط عربي وزخرفة صناعة الدمى والخزف)المكتبة (قراءة الكتب، الحكواتي وعرض DVD للقصص العالمية) القبة الفلكية ومدينة السير ومكتبة المايكروسوفت للحاسوب.
يستقبل مركز هيا الثقافي الأطفال من خلال الانشطة المتوفرة فيه حيث يتم استقبال الاعضاء في عطلتي الصيف والشتاء مقابل اشتراك رمزي يدفع للعضوية ويتضمن البرنامج الصيفي والشتوي العديد من الانشطة والدورات الخاصة بالفئة العمرية المخدومة من قبل المركز يشرف على الدورات والاعضاءالعديد من الاساتذة والمشرفين المختصين.
يفتتح المركز أبوابه امام زواره من الساعة 8:30 صباحاُ وحتى الساعة 6:00 مساءً

انظر أيضًا
 لما عازر

مراكز ترفيهية في عمان

مركز الأميرة هيا الثقافي


جامع التوبة أحد مساجد مدينة دمشق في سوريا يقع في منطقة ومحلة العقيبة في دمشق القديمة.

بناء الجامع والتسمية
تم بناء الجامع في عهد الملك الأشرف موسى ابن الملك العادل سنة 632هـ، وسمي جامع التوبة بهذا الاسم كما ذكر في كتاب (منادمة الأطلال) ويقول الكاتب كان محل الجامع خان يعرف بخان الزنجاري والخان في الماضي هو بمثابة الفندق اليوم. وكان خارج سور دمشق يعني خارج البلدة، وفي الخان «خان الزنجاري» كانت تقترف المنكرات فتعزف فيه الموسيقى وتغني المغنيات وترقص الراقصات ويباع الشراب وتقام فيه السهرات والاحتفالات. ثم إن الله تاب على صاحبه فأنشأ مكانه جامعاً وأسماه التوبة أو أن الملك الأشرف أمر بهدم الخان وبناء مسجد مكانه.

ممن تولى خطبة الجمعة فيه ابن سلطان العلماء، العز بن عبد السلام، يحيى بن العز بن عبد السلام. وكثير غيره من أكابر العلماء ومشهوريهم.
ولجامع التوبة ماض عريق في العلم والقراءة من ذلك آل الحلوني الذين حفظوا القراءة في الشام، ومنهم آل البرهاني الذي تولوا الخطابة والتدريس والإمامة مدة طويلة تقرب من مائتي عام ومازلو إلى الآن. والداخل إلى الجامع يجد على جداره الشرقي لوحة بأسماء العلماء المتأخرى ن الذين تولوا مهام الإمامة والخطابة والتدريس الطنطاوي والميداني ودبس وزيت والحفار والمحاميد والبرهاني حوالي أربعة.

يتولى مهام التدريس فيه اليوم العلامة الشيخ محمد هشام البرهاني ويتولى مهام الخطابة الشيخ محمد ياسر برهاني وفيه نشاط قرآني جيد يرعاه الشيخ محمد هشام البرهاني ويشرف عليه الشيخ عدنان شيخ الحدادين والشيخ خالد العلبي.والشيخ هشام برهاني هو شيخ الطريقة الشاذلية الدرقاوية وهو خليفة الشيخ أحمد الحبال الرفاعي ويقام فيه في كل يوم اثنين بعد الفجر مجلس الصلاة على النبي صلى الله عليه وسلم الذي كان شيخه العارف بالله الشيخ أحمد الحبال الرفاعي شيخ مجالس الصلاة على النبي  والآن تحت اشراف خليفته الشيخ محمد هشام البرهاني ويعتبر جامع التوبة من أهم المدراس الدينية في الوطن العربي ودرس فيه الكثير من علماء العصر وكان فيه شيوخ القراء آل الحلواني

دمشق القديمة
مساجد دمشق

جامع التوبة


Aileen Celeste Gómez (Caracas, 16 de septiembre de 1979), es una actriz y modelo venezolana que se hizo conocer en la telenovela Mi gorda bella.

Biografía

Aileen mide 1,60 m de altura. Gómez, quien ha sido denominada como 'La Catira', también desempeña su labor en el modelaje. Heredó su talento de su bisabuela con quien actuó en teatros de Portugal. Gómez también heredó la apariencia física su abuela y de su madre. Tiene dos hermanas más jóvenes que ella llamadas Kimberly y Kevelyn.

En el 2001 realizó un reality show de deportes extremos en Venevisión junto con Alex Barrios y Desirée Ortiz llamado Toda Acción. Este programa fue conducido por Marianne Suárez. Actualmente reside en Barcelona, España.

Filmografía

Telenovelas
 Jugando a ganar (1998) .... Michael
 Calypso (1999) .... Clara Rosa
 La niña de mis ojos (2001) .... Sandra
 Mi gorda bella (2002–2003) .... Ariadna Villanueva
 La Cuaima (2003-2004) .... Verónica
 Natalia de 8 a 9 (película) (2004) Ingrid Mososqué
 Mujer con pantalones (2004) .... Esther Paulini
 Por todo lo alto (2006) .... Victoria Bermúdez de Torres
 Decisiones (2007) .... Luisa (Colombia-USA)
 Nadie me dirá cómo quererte (2008-2009) .... Cristina Iturbe
 El ángel del acordeón (2008) .... Gabriela
 Alborada carmesí (2009) .... Amelia
 La viuda joven (2011) .... Vanessa Humboldt
 NPS (2011) .... Tatiana Jiurcovich
 Dulce amargo (2012-2013) María Fernanda Agüero "Mafe"

Referencias

Enlaces externos
 Biografía de Aileen Celeste

 Biografía de Aileen Celeste en

Actores de televisión de Venezuela
Modelos femeninas de Venezuela
Modelos afrovenezolanos

Aileen Celeste Gómez


An Dendrochilum spathaceum in uska species han Liliopsida nga ginhulagway ni Heinrich Gustav Reichenbach. An Dendrochilum spathaceum in nahilalakip ha genus nga Dendrochilum, ngan familia nga Orchidaceae.

Mabibilngan ini ha Jawa. Waray hini subspecies nga nakalista.

Mga kasarigan

Dendrochilum

Dendrochilum spathaceum


Knight Ridder  was an American media company, specializing in newspaper and Internet publishing. Until it was bought by McClatchy on June 27, 2006, it was the second largest newspaper publisher in the United States, with 32 daily newspaper brands sold. Its headquarters were located in San Jose, California.

History

Origins
The corporate ancestors of Knight Ridder were Knight Newspapers, Inc. and Ridder Publications, Inc. The first company was founded by John S. Knight upon inheriting control of the Akron Beacon Journal from his father, Charles Landon Knight, in 1933; the second company was founded by Herman Ridder when he acquired the , a German language newspaper, in 1892. As anti-German sentiment increased in the interwar period, Ridder successfully transitioned into English language publishing by acquiring The Journal of Commerce in 1926.

Both companies went public in 1969 and merged on July 11, 1974. For a brief time, the combined company was the largest newspaper publisher in the United States.

At its peak
Knight Ridder had a long history of innovation in technology. It was the first newspaper publisher to experiment with videotex when it launched its Viewtron system in 1983. After investing six years of research and $50 million into the service, Knight Ridder shut down Viewtron in 1986 when the service's interactivity features proved more popular than news delivery.

Knight-Ridder purchased Dialog Information Services Inc. from Lockheed Corporation in August 1988. In October 1988, the company placed its eight broadcast television stations up for sale to reduce debt and to pay for the purchase of Dialog.

In 1997, when Tony Ridder was CEO, it bought four newspapers from The Walt Disney Company formerly owned by Capital Cities Communications, after Disney's purchase of Cap Cities mainly for the ABC television network (The Kansas City Star, Fort Worth Star-Telegram, Belleville News-Democrat and (Wilkes-Barre) Times Leader for $1.65 billion. It was, at the time, the most expensive newspaper acquisition in history.

For most of its existence, the company was based in Miami, with headquarters on the top floor of the Miami Herald building. In 1998, Knight Ridder relocated its headquarters from Miami to San Jose, Calif.; there, that city's Mercury News—the first daily newspaper to regularly publish its full content online—was booming along with the rest of Silicon Valley. The internet division had been established there three years earlier. The company rented several floors in a downtown high-rise as its new corporate base.

In November 2005, the company announced plans for "strategic initiatives," which involved the possible sale of the company. This came after three major institutional shareholders publicly urged management to put the company up for sale. At the time, the company had a higher profit margin than many Fortune 500 companies, including ExxonMobil.

Iraq War
In the run-up to the 2003 invasion of Iraq, Knight Ridder DC Bureau reporters Jonathan Landay and Warren Strobel wrote a series of articles critical of purported intelligence suggesting links between Saddam Hussein, the obtainment of weapons of mass destruction, and Al-Qaeda, citing anonymous sources.

Landay and Strobel's stories ran counter to reports by The New York Times, The Washington Post and other national publications, resulting in some newspapers within Knight-Ridder chain refusing to run the two reporter's stories. After the war and the discrediting of many initial news reports written and carried by others, Strobel and Landay received the Raymond Clapper Memorial Award from the Senate Press Gallery on February 5, 2004, for their coverage.

The Huffington Post headlined the two as "the reporting team that got Iraq right". The Columbia Journalism Review described the reporting as "unequaled by the Bigfoots working at higher-visibility outlets such as the New York Times, the Washington Post, the Wall Street Journal and the Los Angeles Times".

Later after the war, their work was featured in Bill Moyers' PBS documentary "Buying The War" and was dramatized in the 2017 film Shock and Awe.

Purchase by McClatchy
On March 13, 2006, The McClatchy Company announced its agreement to purchase Knight Ridder for a purchase price of $6.5 billion in cash, stock and debt. The deal gave McClatchy 32 daily newspapers in 29 markets, with a total circulation of 3.3 million. However, for various reasons, McClatchy decided immediately to resell twelve of these papers.

On April 26, 2006, McClatchy announced it was selling the San Jose Mercury News, Contra Costa Times, Monterey Herald, and St. Paul Pioneer Press to MediaNews Group (with backing from the Hearst Corporation) for $1 billion.

List of newspapers
Daily newspapers owned by Knight Ridder and its predecessors – listed alphabetically by place of publication – included:

 The American News (Aberdeen, South Dakota), 1928–2006
 Akron Beacon Journal (Akron, Ohio), 1903–2006
 Belleville News-Democrat (Belleville, Illinois), 1997–2006
 The Bellingham Herald (Bellingham, Washington), 2005–2006
 Sun Herald (Biloxi, Mississippi), 1986–2006
 Boca Raton News (Boca Raton, Florida), 1969–1997
 The Idaho Statesman (Boise, Idaho), 2005–2006
 The Daily Camera (Boulder, Colorado), 1969–1997
 The Herald (Bradenton) (Bradenton, Florida), 1973–2006
 The Charlotte Observer (Charlotte, North Carolina), 1955–2006
 Chicago Daily News (Chicago, Illinois), 1944–1959
 The State (Columbia, South Carolina), 1986–2006
 Columbus Ledger-Enquirer (Columbus, Georgia), 1973–2006
 Detroit Free Press (Detroit, Michigan), 1940–2005
 Duluth News Tribune (Duluth, Minnesota), 1936–2006
 The News-Sentinel (Fort Wayne, Indiana), 1980–2006
 Fort Worth Star-Telegram (Fort Worth, Texas), 1997–2006
 The Post-Tribune (Gary, Indiana), 1966–1998
 Grand Forks Herald (Grand Forks, North Dakota), 1929–2006
 The Kansas City Star (Kansas City, Missouri), 1997–2006
 Lexington Herald-Leader (Lexington, Kentucky), 1973–2006
 Long Beach Press-Telegram (Long Beach, California), 1952–1997
 The Telegraph (Macon, Georgia), 1969–2006
 Florida Keys Keynoter (Marathon, Florida), 1956-2006
 The Miami Herald (Miami, Florida), 1937–2006
 El Nuevo Herald (Miami, Florida), 1977–2006
 The Monterey County Herald (Monterey, California), 1997–2006
 The Sun News (Myrtle Beach, South Carolina), 1986–2006
 The Journal of Commerce (New York City), 1926–1995
 The Olathe News (Olathe, Kansas), 2000–2006
 The Olympian (Olympia, Washington), 2005–2006
 Palo Alto Daily News (Palo Alto, California), 2005–2006
 Pasadena Star-News (Pasadena, California), 1956–1989
 Philadelphia Daily News (Philadelphia, Pennsylvania), 1969–2006
 The Philadelphia Inquirer (Philadelphia, Pennsylvania), 1969–2006
 St. Paul Pioneer Press (St. Paul, Minnesota), 1927–2006
 San Jose Mercury News (San Jose, California), 1952–2006
 The Tribune (San Luis Obispo, California), 1997–2006
 Centre Daily Times (State College, Pennsylvania), 1979–2006
 Tallahassee Democrat (Tallahassee, Florida), 1965–2005
 Contra Costa Times (Walnut Creek, California), 1995–2006
 The Wichita Eagle (Wichita, Kansas), 1973–2006
 Times Leader (Wilkes-Barre, Pennsylvania), 1997–2006

Knight Ridder-owned companies
A list of companies that were at one time or another owned by Knight Ridder:
 Vu/Text: 1982–1996. Merged with PressLink to become MediaStream.
 PressLink: ??–1996. Merged with Vu/Text to become MediaStream.
 MediaStream: 1996–2001. Acquired by NewsBank
 DataStar: Acquired from Radio Schweiz Ltd., merged with Dialog to form Knight Ridder Information
 Dialog (online database): Merged with DataStar to form Knight Ridder Information
 Knight Ridder Information: ??–1997, Acquired by MAID, later by Thomson
 Knight Ridder Financial Inc: 1985–1996. Acquired by Global Financial trading as Bridge Data.
 RealCities Network: 2004–2006. RealCities was a portal/hub website for Knight-Ridder group. It was absorbed with The McClatchy Company into McClatchy Interactive and sold to Chicago-based Centro in 2008.

Knight Ridder-owned television stations
Knight Newspapers entered broadcasting in 1946 via the purchase of minority ownership stakes in WQAM in Miami, WIND in Chicago, and WAKR in Akron; all three stations were in markets served by a Knight newspaper. The minority stake in WAKR's parent company, Summit Radio, also included the establishment of WAKR-TV (channel 49), as well as WAKR-FM (97.5) and six radio stations purchased in Dayton, Ohio, Dallas, Texas, and Denver, Colorado. WAKR-TV was built and signed on by Summit on July 23, 1953, as the Akron market's ABC affiliate, moving to channel 23 on December 1, 1967. Knight Ridder divested its stake in Summit Radio by 1977; a planned merger between the two entities in 1968 failed to be consummated.

In 1954, Ridder Newspapers launched WDSM-TV in Superior, Wisconsin, serving the Duluth, Minnesota market. Initially a CBS affiliate, it switched to its present NBC affiliation a year and a half after the station's launch. It was spun off after Ridder's merger with Knight Newspapers, Inc.

From 1956 to 1962, Knight and the Cox publishing family jointly operated Biscayne Television, which owned NBC affiliate WCKT in Miami, Florida, as well as WCKR radio, which this entity purchased from Cox; Knight sold off WQAM to a third party as part of Biscayne's formation. Revelations of improper behavior and underhanded tactics by Biscayne and National Airlines (which signed on WPST-TV, also in Miami) to secure their licenses, along with ethics violations within the FCC itself, resulted in the licenses for both stations being revoked. A replacement license for WCKT was granted in 1960 to Sunbeam Television, the lone bidder for the prior license not to have engaged in any unethical behavior; Biscayne sold to Sunbeam WCKT's non-license assets: the studios, intellectual property and all off- and on-air personnel for the new station, which took the WCKT name for continuity. Cox repurchased WCKR, reviving that station's prior WIOD call sign.

Following the divestment of their stake in Summit Radio, Knight Ridder acquired Poole Broadcasting, which consisted of WJRT-TV in Flint, Michigan, WTEN in Albany, New York and its satellite WCDC in Adams, Massachusetts, and WPRI-TV in Providence, Rhode Island. Immediately after the acquisition of these stations was finalized, Knight Ridder cut a corporate affiliation deal with ABC, switching then-CBS affiliates WTEN/WCDC and WPRI (the latter of which eventually rejoined CBS) to ABC (WJRT was already affiliated with ABC when the affiliation deal was made). As part of the deal, Poole Broadcasting would eventually become Knight Ridder Broadcasting. Knight Ridder would acquire several television stations in medium-sized markets during the 1980s, including three stations owned by The Detroit News which the Gannett Company—which purchased the newspaper in 1986—could not keep due to Federal Communications Commission regulations on media cross-ownership and/or television duopolies then in effect. (None of Knight Ridder's later acquisitions changed their network affiliations under Knight Ridder ownership; for example, then-NBC affiliate WALA-TV in Mobile, Alabama remained an NBC affiliate when it was owned by Knight Ridder and would switch to Fox several years after Knight Ridder sold the station.)

In early 1989, Knight Ridder announced its exit from broadcasting, selling all of its stations to separate buyers; the sales were finalized in the summer and early fall of that year. This deal was made in order to reduce their debt loads from the proceedings. One of the stations, WALA-TV went to Burnham Broadcasting for $40 million, while WKRN would go to Young Broadcasting for $50 million, KOLD-TV to News-Press & Gazette Company for an undisclosed price, and two television stations WPRI and WTKR to Narragansett Television L.P. for $150 million on February 18, 1989. This was followed by the following month with the sale of KTVY-TV to WHO-TV owner Palmer Communications, for $50 million. WTEN was the next-to-last station to be sold, going to Young Broadcasting for $38 million, and WJRT would eventually becoming the final Knight Ridder station, to be sold to SJL Broadcasting for $39 million.

Media

• Shock and Awe, 2018 film about a group of journalists at Knight Ridder's Washington Bureau who investigate the reasons behind the Bush Administration's 2003 invasion of Iraq.

Notable people
 Lee Hills

References

Further reading

External links

 Knight Ridder - Chronology (Archive)
 Knight Ridder Washington Bureau

Knight Ridder
McClatchy
1933 establishments in Ohio
2006 disestablishments in California
Companies based in San Jose, California
Defunct companies based in the San Francisco Bay Area
Defunct broadcasting companies of the United States
Defunct financial data vendors
Mass media companies established in 1933
Mass media companies disestablished in 2006
Mass media in the San Francisco Bay Area
Ridder family
2006 mergers and acquisitions
1933 establishments in California

Knight Ridder


Nuestro Padre Jesús Redentor Cautivo o simplemente Cautivo de Utrera es una imagen que representa a Jesús de Nazaret y que evoca el pasaje del evangelio en el cual Jesús queda cautivo y abandonado por sus discípulos. Se venera en la parroquia de Santiago El Mayor y es el titular de la Hermandad del Redentor Cautivo en Utrera (Sevilla) España.

Autoría de la imagen
Cuando la hermandad adquirió la actual imagen, la primitiva pasó a la Hermandad de Nuestro Padre Jesús Cautivo del Coronil y hoy en día se custodia en el Convento de las Reverendas Madres Carmelitas de Utrera.
La actual imagen del Redentor Cautivo, de estilo barroco, se contrató con José Paz Vélez el 30 de junio de 1957, siendo bendecida el 5 de enero de 1958. Realizó por primera vez la estación de penitencia en la Semana Santa de ese año.
La imagen evoca el pasaje evangélico en que Jesús queda solo, maniatado y cautivo, tras ser abandono de sus discípulos, la misma presenta un acusado gesto expresivo de gran realismo que lo aproxima al espíritu naturalista de la imaginería sevillana.

Cultos
En honor de Nuestro Padre Jesús se celebra un triduo solemne, terminando el primer viernes de marzo, con función solemne de comunión general y besapié de la sagrada imagen. Hace su estación de penitencia en la noche del Jueves Santo de la Semana Santa de Utrera.

Véase también
 Semana Santa en Utrera
 Nuestro Padre Jesús de la Salud

Referencias

Utrera
Semana Santa en la provincia de Sevilla
Advocaciones de Cristo en España
Esculturas de Jesucristo en España

Nuestro Padre Jesús Redentor Cautivo (Utrera)


El Movimiento Nacional para la Liberación del Azawad (MNLA, del francés Mouvement national de libération de l'Azawad) es una organización político-militar que se fraguó a partir de la fusión de Movimiento Nacional del Azawad (MNA, en francés Mouvement national de l'Azawad) y Movimiento Touareg en el Norte de Malí (MTNM, francés Mouvement touareg du Nord-Mali).  Se trata de una organización que aglutina a los rebeldes tuareg, protagonista de la rebelión tuareg de 2012 que reivindica la independencia de la parte septentrional de Malí, conocida como Azawad.

Historia

Orígenes
El Movimiento Nacional del Azawad (MNA), creado en noviembre de 2010 y que se define como "una organización política de Azawad que defiende y pone en valor la política pacífica para lograr los objetivos legítimos de recuperar todos los derechos históricos despojados de la población del Azawad ", y el Movimiento Tuareg del Norte de Mali (MTNM), un movimiento que lideró las rebeliones de 2006 a 2009, se fusionó el 16 de octubre de 2011 para crear el MNLA. Varios grupos de ex rebeldes tuareg que huyeron de Malí en la década de 1990 para alistarse en el ejército libio de Muammar Gaddafi se unieron al movimiento tras la caída del régimen libio en 2011. Trajeron consigo una gran cantidad de armas, reactivando el conflicto para la autodeterminación del Azawad.

A pesar de su deseo de reunir a todas las comunidades de Azawad, el MNLA solo federa genuinamente a unas pocas tribus tuareg, especialmente en el este y noreste de Mali; principalmente los idnanes, los imididaghans, los chamanamasses, los daoussahaks y parte de los ifoghas. Muy pocos árabes, Peuls y Songhai se unen al movimiento.

Reivindicaciones e ideología
El objetivo del MNLA es la autodeterminación del Azawad. Abiertamente a favor de la independencia en 2012, sus posiciones evolucionaron en 2013 hacia el autonomismo tras el cambio en el equilibrio de poder.

Además, el MNLA afirma ser un "movimiento político-militar para todo el pueblo de Azawad", mientras que el gobierno maliense, y el de Francia, considera que representa solo una parte de la población del territorio afectado.

Ideológicamente, el MNLA afirma rechazar el islamismo, pero el término "secularismo", aunque a veces se usa, no es unánime dentro del movimiento. Sin embargo, el 19 de marzo de 2012, después del fracaso de un acuerdo con Ansar Dine, el buró político del MNLA declaró que "la República por la que estamos luchando se basa en los principios de democracia y laicismo".

El 13 de febrero de 2013, en un comunicado de prensa, el MNLA afirmó "no cuestionar las fronteras internacionalmente reconocidas de Malí al tiempo que recordaba claramente la existencia de Azawad como entidad" Esto marca un cambio de posición sobre el estado deseado de Azawad. Anteriormente, solo quería independizarse de Mali. Hoy, el MNLA está haciendo una concesión, sugiere una autonomía simple, autogestión del norte de Malí, pero aún integrada en el territorio de Malí. Además, para permitir el proceso de negociación, se requiere el nombramiento de "un negociador neutral, reconocido internacionalmente" y aprobado por el gobierno central y él mismo. Al mismo tiempo, hizo un llamamiento al estado de Malí a través de consultas para "fijar las condiciones para el ejercicio de la autoridad, la administración y el desarrollo de Azawad". Además, ante la preocupación por la situación de la población de Azawad, solicitó un rápido progreso en términos de acceso a la salud, el agua, la electricidad y los alimentos. y educación. Finalmente, también pidió "la apertura de una investigación internacional independiente para arrojar luz sobre todos los crímenes cometidos por el ejército maliense desde 1963 hasta la actualidad en las poblaciones de Azawad". Para ello, "apoya la solicitud de Human Rights Watch de una comisión internacional independiente de investigación".

Organización
En febrero de 2012, el MNLA anunció20 la formación de un Consejo Ejecutivo compuesto por:

 Bilal Ag Acherif: secretario general del MNLA, recibido en París por varios diplomáticos franceses para solicitar apoyo material para luchar contra los islamistas de AQMI y MUJAO;

 Mohamed Ag Tahado: Presidente de la Junta Asesora de MNLA;

 Abdoulkarim Ag matafa: presidente del consejo revolucionario del MNLA;

 Mahmoud Ag Ghali: presidente del buró político;

 Hamma Ag Sid'Ahmed: portavoz responsable de las relaciones externas;

 Mohamed Ag Najem: jefe de gabinete, ex coronel del ejército libio y que tiene equipo avanzado26;

 Moussa Ag Acharatoumane: oficial de derechos humanos;

 Bekay Ag Hamed: oficial de comunicaciones;

 Nina Wallet Intalou: responsable de educación y formación;

 El escritor y actor tuareg Moussa Ag Assarid se une al MNLA27 como portavoz.

Los principales oficiales del MNLA son los coroneles Bouna Ag Attiyoub, Machkanani Ag Balla, Assalat Ag Habi, Iba Ag Moussa, Mbarek Ag Akly, Al Ghabass Ag Hamed'Ahmed, Adghaymar Ag Alhousseiny, Intallah Ag Assayid.

Los otros ejecutivos de este movimiento son Ambéry Ag Rhissa, Hassane Fagaga y Mossa Ag Attaher.

Efectivos
Al comienzo de la rebelión en enero de 2012, el MNLA reivindicó que tenía 1,000 hombres, incluidos 400 ex soldados de Gadafi, seis meses después, aseguró que tenía 10,000 combatientes.

A mediados de junio de 2012, el coronel del MNLA Intallah Ag Assai declaró que el movimiento tenía 9,000 hombres en todo el Azawad. El mismo mes, Bilal Ag Acherif, secretario general del movimiento, reclamó 10.000 combatientes.

Según el Ministerio de Defensa de Malí, al menos 500 hombres de la Guardia Nacional, todos tuaregs, desertaron en 2012 para unirse a las filas del MNLA.

En abril de 2012, Lamine Ag Billal, capitán del MNLA, dijo que al menos 3.000 combatientes tuareg de Libia se habían unido al norte de Malí después de la caída del régimen de Gadafi. La mayoría, dijo, se unió al MNLA y se opuso a que Iyad Ag Ghali liderara el movimiento.

En diciembre de 2012, mientras los yihadistas expulsaban al MNLA de las ciudades del norte de Malí, el secretario general Bilal Ag Acherif afirmó que su movimiento tiene cuatro bases alrededor de Léré, Gao, Ménaka y Tinzawatène, donde están acantonados 1,000 combatientes. Agrega: "varios hombres han regresado a casa después de los combates a principios de año, pero todavía están listos para regresar, para responder al llamamiento del movimiento".

Según Jean-Christophe Notin, con fuentes militares francesas, el MNLA tenía 1.500 hombres a principios de 2013.

En junio de 2015, Hama Ag Sid'Ahmed, portavoz del MNLA, dijo que el movimiento tenía 3.000 combatientes.

En un informe de marzo de 2016 de la MINUSMA se estimó que el MNLA contaba con 2.000 hombres.

Contexto histórico: las "rebeliones tuareg"
El conflicto emprendido desde principios de 2012 por el MNLA es parte de una serie de insurrecciones generalmente llamadas "rebeliones tuareg", que han opuesto a ciertos miembros del pueblo tuareg a los gobiernos de Malí y Níger.

Desde 1916, ha habido varios conflictos principales:

 La rebelión tuareg de 1916-1917 en Níger;

 La rebelión tuareg de 1962-1964 en Malí, generalmente llamada la "primera rebelión tuareg", que fue muy reprimida por el ejército maliense. El movimiento también quedó muy debilitado por las sequías de la década de 1970;

 La rebelión tuareg de 1990-1996 en Mali y Níger. Comenzó en 1990, dos años después de la creación del Movimiento Popular para la Liberación del Azawad. En Malí, un primer período de conflicto (octubre-diciembre de 1990) llevó a la firma de los acuerdos de Tamanrasset en 1991 y el pacto nacional en 1992, pero que no marcó el final de las hostilidades. Los conflictos reaparecieron en 1994-1995 y la paz finalmente se selló el 27 de marzo de 1996 en Tombuctú durante la ceremonia de la Llama de la Paz, durante la cual los rebeldes tuareg quemaron 3.000 armas utilizadas durante la rebelión;

 La rebelión tuareg de 2006 en Malí, que culminó con los acuerdos de Argel (firmados el 4 de julio de 2006);

 La rebelión tuareg de 2007-2009, en Níger y Malí;

 La rebelión tuareg de 2012 iniciada por el MNLA en Malí.

Rebelión de 2012

La rebelión armada tuareg comenzó el 17 de enero de 2012.  Controla la región de Kidal rápidamente desde el mes de marzo. Posteriormente avanzan hacia las regiones de Gao y de Tombuctú.

Un mes más tarde el Estado de Malí anuncia su retirada de la ciudad de Gao que cae en manos de los rebeldes el 31 de marzo de 2012. Tombuctú la última ciudad bajo contról del gobierno de Malí al norte del río Níger caerá el 1 de abril de 2012.

Según fuentes de los rebeldes, en tan solo dos meses se habían hecho con el control del 70% del norte del país.  La revuelta había provocado hasta entonces cerca de 200.000 desplazados, y se habían registrado combates en las ciudades de Lere, Ménaka, Aguelhok y Tessalit.

Debido a la incapacidad del gobierno del presidente Amadou Toumani Toure por controlar a los rebeldes, los militares de Malí protagonizaron en la capital, Bamako, un golpe de Estado el 21 de marzo de 2012, haciéndose con el control del país y cerrando las fronteras.

El 2 de abril de 2012, el buró político intentó tranquilizar a los países vecinos de Malí en estos términos: "Aseguramos a los estados vecinos, a las poblaciones de la subregión y a la comunidad internacional que la liberación del Azawad contribuirá a fortalecer la seguridad , desarrollo y paz para una mejor integración de los pueblos, las culturas y una mejor estabilidad en la zona saharo-saheliana".

Después de la captura de las tres ciudades principales del norte, el MNLA declara un alto el fuego unilateral el jueves 5 de abril de 2012, un día antes de la declaración de independencia de Azawad, el 6 de abril de 2012. Esta declaración de independencia es rechazada por unanimidad por la Comunidad Económica de los Estados del África Occidental (CEDEAO) y toda la comunidad internacional (incluidos Francia y los Estados Unidos) el mismo día.

Enfrentamientos internos
En mayo de 2012 el MNLA y Ansar Dine iniciaron negociaciones acordando crear una Asamblea Consultiva en la que la tendencia islamista ocuparía dos tercios de los escaños, reafirmando la sharia como base legal del país.

El 27 de mayo de 2012, el MNLA y Ansar Dine anunciaron que se habían fusionado para formar un "Consejo de Estado Islámico de Transición". Esta unión es desconcertante e implica algunas preguntas, ya que las dos organizaciones tienen objetivos diferentes: uno lucha por un estado secular e independiente, el otro está a favor de la aplicación de la ley coránica y el control de la población con la instrumentalización del Islam. Esta asociación se interpreta como una alianza de circunstancias, que beneficia al grupo Ansar Dine, porque según Philippe Hugon, director de investigación en el Instituto de Relaciones Internacionales y Estratégicas (IRIS), "El MNLA es mucho más débil, mucho menos rico y organizado que Ansar Dine ". Por lo tanto, la estrategia de Ansar Dine es ahorrar tiempo y terreno para poder expulsar posteriormente al MNLA.

En el mes de  junio se registraron enfrentamientos armados entre miembros del MNLA y el AQMI en las inmediaciones de Tombuctú. El 3 de junio de 2012, las fuerzas de Ansar Dine expulsaron a las fuerzas del MNLA de Tombuctú. Tras la toma de la ciudad, Ag Ghaly repudió en un discurso a la rebelión tuareg nacionalista y dijo que la única motivación de sus hombres era la del Islam. El 13 de junio, las fuerzas del MNLA intentaron sin éxito retomar la ciudad.

Los días 28 y 29 de junio de 2012, la CEDEAO se reunió en Costa de Marfil para planificar el despliegue de una fuerza de intervención militar de 3.000 hombres, si las negociaciones con los grupos armados fracasaban. El objetivo es el cese de las hostilidades para restaurar la integridad territorial de Malí y permitirle hacer una transición política.

A finales de junio de 2012, el MNLA ya no estaba en una posición de fortaleza, perdió el control total de sus territorios conquistados, en beneficio de los movimientos salafistas como Ansar Dine, AQMI o MUJAO.

En diciembre de 2012, el MNLA expulsado por sus antiguos aliados comenzó las negociaciones de paz con Bamako. Ahora defiende la autonomía de Azawad y ya no la independencia de Mali.

Reorganización
El 14 de enero de 2013, poco después de iniciarse la Intervención militar en Malí por parte de Francia y otros países en apoyo del gobierno maliense y contra los antiguos aliados del MNLA, el grupo independentista declaró que lucharía contra el terrorismo islámico al lado de los franceses y del gobierno maliense.  El MNLA declara que está listo para brindar apoyo al ejército francés, realizando "trabajos de campo". Afirma que tiene hombres, armas y que "sobre todo, quiere liberar al Azawad". Además, esta asistencia del MNLA parece ser útil y no despreciable según Philippe Hugon, porque cree que "su apoyo y su conocimiento del terreno son esenciales para el ejército de Malí y la fuerza internacional".

El 28 de enero de 2013, el MNLA anunció que se había apoderado de la ciudad de Kidal y su región, que estaban en manos de los islamistas.

A finales de enero de 2013, tras la creación del Movimiento Islámico del Azawad, el MNLA se muestra reticente hacia este nuevo movimiento considerando que reúne a "la mayoría de los ex líderes de Ansar Dine, con la excepción de su fundador Iyad Ag Ghali". En consecuencia, se pregunta si esta organización realmente ha "renunciado a la ley islámica" y sus objetivos iniciales. El MNLA tiene como objetivo ser el único baluarte contra los "grupos fundamentalistas" y, por lo tanto, ser un interlocutor confiable y convincente para futuras negociaciones con el poder central de Bamako.

El 4 de febrero de 2013, el MNLA arrestó a dos personas influyentes cerca de la frontera con Argelia, Mohamed Moussa Ag Mouhamed (Ansar Dine) y Oumeïni Ould Baba Akhmed (MUJAO), y los entregó a las fuerzas francesas. Esta captura subraya el compromiso del MNLA de luchar contra los grupos islamistas, así como la cooperación con el ejército francés, pero no solo. Al mismo tiempo, según algunos análisis, busca reconstruir su credibilidad y confiabilidad a nivel internacional porque nadie ha olvidado su alianza efímera con el grupo Ansar Dine en mayo de 2012.

El 8 de febrero de 2013, el fiscal de la República de Malí, Daniel Tessogué, emite órdenes de arresto contra los líderes de los grupos islamistas (AQMI, MUJAO y Ansar Dine) pero también contra miembros del MNLA. Se les acusa de "terrorismo, sedición, crímenes contra la seguridad interna del estado, la integridad del territorio nacional por la guerra, el uso ilegal de la fuerza armada, la devastación pública y el saqueo, crímenes y delitos de carácter racial, regionalista y religioso, narcotráfico internacional ". Estas órdenes de arresto, especialmente de militanes del MNLA, muestran que Bamako ya no tiene interés dialogar con este movimiento cambiando su posición. Desde que el MNLA se hizo cargo de ciudades en el norte de Malí, como Kidal o Tessalit, al tiempo que impidió la presencia del ejército de Malí las autoridades recibieron presiones no solo de la población sino de organizaciones políticas y militares.

Los días 27 y 28 de febrero de 2013, la CEDEAO celebra en Yamoussoukro una reunión y plantea el desarme del MNLA para que pueda haber un "diálogo intermaliano". Sin embargo, el MNLA se niega a desarmarse de inmediato, poniendo la condición de su desarme al establecimiento de un diálogo con Bamako y la firma de una "hoja de ruta"

El 6 de marzo de 2013, en un comunicado de prensa, el MNLA indicó que se negó a desarmarse porque temía que el ejército de Malí pudiera cometer "abusos múltiples" y "crímenes masivos" en las poblaciones civiles de Azawad, y que "Son sus únicas fuerzas armadas las que protegen y aseguran a las poblaciones del Azawad donde sea que estén presentes". En esta perspectiva, el MNLA intenta interpelar a la comunidad internacional sobre el destino de los tuaregs en Malí, quienes podrían ser asimilados a islamistas, terroristas y quienes podrían ser en estos casos víctimas de secuestros y ejecuciones sumarias 60. En consecuencia, en las ciudades que controla con las fuerzas francesas y chadianas, como Kidal o Tessalit, el MNLA rechaza la presencia del ejército maliense porque estas ciudades están formadas principalmente por touareg y, por lo tanto, podrían ser objeto de abusos.  Al no permitir que el ejército de Malí se estableciera allí, el MNLA planteó un obstáculo importante que impide la reconciliación entre la comunidad tuareg y el gobierno central de Bamako. Esto constituye un problema que deberá resolverse para poder restablecer la integridad territorial de Malí a largo plazo.

El 27 de marzo de 2013, el MNLA anunció el nombramiento de un gobernador en Kidal para "reorganizar administrativamente esta región" y "garantizar aún más la continuidad de la administración". Esta ciudad que está bajo su control, es objeto de tensión con el poder central de Bamako. Además, el gobierno de Malí sobre el terreno dice que este nombramiento no tiene base legal porque, según el portavoz del gobierno, Manga Dembélé, "los gobernadores en Malí son nombrados por decretos adoptados en el Consejo de Ministros" y que "Cualquier otro nombramiento [...] que pretenda nombrar un gobernador [...] es totalmente incompetente para hacerlo ".

El 4 de abril de 2013, dos tuareg, que se cree próximos al MNLA, fueron arrestados por la policía y gendarmes malienses en Ménaka. Dado que las tropas francesas se retiraron de esta ciudad, para ir más al norte de Malí, ahora está bajo el control del ejército de Malí y los soldados nigerinos. Se considera que el arresto fue organizado solo por tropas malienses. Según análisis, este acto de los agentes de seguridad malienses atestigua el clima de tensión que permanece entre el gobierno de Bamako y el MNLA.

El 24 de abril de 2013, el MNLA celebró una conferencia de prensa en París. Una acción que se interpreta como la persistencia del MNLA en rechazar su desarme, y rechaza la celebración de las elecciones presidenciales, programadas para julio de 2013. Las autoridades francesas que apoyan al MNLA con el objetivo de expulsar a los islamistas del norte de Malí y favorecer su integración en el juego político pidieron al MNLA que se desarmara y aceptara las elecciones, para permitir un diálogo intermaliense. Francia parece estar en un punto muerto porque a primera vista parece no tener medios reales de presión sobre el MNLA.

En cuanto al MNLA, en su defensa, considera que no ha habido negociaciones con representantes del gobierno de Bamako y con la comunidad internacional para proporcionarle garantías suficientes. Además, destaca otra condición; quiere que los refugiados regresen al territorio.

En abril de 2013, el MNLA controlaba la ciudad de Kidal con soldados franceses, chadianos y miembros del MIA (Movimiento Islámico de Azawad). El MNLA se considera "en un estado de beligerancia" con el poder central de Bamako.

Cuestionamiento desde Bamako del MNLA
El 31 de enero de 2013, el presidente interino de Malí, Dioncounda Traoré, sostuvo que el MNLA seguía siendo el único interlocutor, con el que era posible el diálogo, con el objetivo de permitir negociaciones políticas, con la condición de que este rechazara "sus reclamos territoriales". " Esta declaración del presidente de Malí, por lo tanto, descarta cualquier alianza con la escisión del grupo Ansar Dine, el Movimiento Islámico del Azawad.

El 3 de febrero de 2013, el Presidente de la República de Níger, Mahamadou Issoufou, declaró en Radio France International que "el MNLA no es representativo del pueblo tuareg" debido a la inmensidad de la comunidad tuareg. En consecuencia, juzga que este movimiento es una minoría. Además, según él, debe abandonar las armas para permitir "la restauración de la integridad de Malí".

Financiación
En 2012, durante la guerra de Malí, Catar fue acusado por Le Canard enchaîné, quien recurriría a una fuente del DRM, de financiar el MNLA en Malí, así como AQMI, MUJAO y Ansar Dine, a través de la Media Luna Roja de Catar, la única organización humanitaria autorizada para operar en territorios controlados por yihadistas en el norte de Mali. En octubre de 2012, la DGSE negó, sin embargo, la presencia de fuerzas especiales o agentes cataríes en Mali. El historiador Jean-Christophe Notin también duda de que Catar haya brindado apoyo a los grupos armados malienses e indica que, según una fuente cercana a la DGSE: "nunca se han aportado pruebas de una transferencia de fondos de su parte hacia los yihadistas ".

Acuerdos con el gobierno de Malí de 2015
En junio de 2015 se firma un nuevo Acuerdo de Argel poniendo en valor las particularidades culturales y sociales de la región. También se establecen acuerdos militares. En Kidal no hay ejército de Malí y hay un solo representante del gobierno representante de la Coordinación de los Movimientos del Azawad (CMA).

En diciembre de 2019 el MNLA celebró un nuevo congreso. Las relaciones con el gobierno de Bamako continúan tensas pero la situación se mantiene con la mediación de la MINUSMA.

Referencias

Véase también
 Batalla de Gao

Enlaces externos
Sitio web del MNLA
La rebelión tuareg en Malí un estudio del conflicto y su impacto en la región de África Occidental. Zoumana Diaraba Keita. San Luis Potosí. 2012
La rebelión tuareg en Malí. Política Internacional

Política de Malí
Azawad
Nacionalismo azawadí
Movimientos de liberación nacional
Guerrillas
Grupos rebeldes en Malí
Movimiento de independencia tuareg
Organizaciones fundadas en 2011


McPherson Township ist der Name folgender Townships in den Vereinigten Staaten:

* McPherson Township (McPherson County, Kansas)
 McPherson Township (Sherman County, Kansas)
 McPherson Township (Minnesota)
 McPherson Township (Oklahoma)

McPherson Township


Nogueira adını taşıyan Portekiz'de yerleşim birimleri:

 Nogueira - Braga belediyesinde bucak.
 Nogueira - Bragança belediyesinde bucak.
 Nogueira - Lousada belediyesinde bucak.
 Nogueira - Maia belediyesinde bucak.
 Nogueira - Ponte da Barca belediyesinde bucak.
 Nogueira - Viana do Castelo belediyesinde bucak.
 Nogueira - Vila Nova de Cerveira belediyesinde bucak.
 Nogueira - Vila Real belediyesinde bucak.

Nogueira


was a town located in Nishikasugai District, Aichi Prefecture, Japan.

As of 2003, the town had an estimated population of 16,531 and a density of 4,919.94 persons per km². The total area was 3.36 km².

On July 7, 2005, Nishibiwajima, along with the towns of Kiyosu (former) and Shinkawa (all from Nishikasugai District), was merged to create the city of Kiyosu.

Dissolved municipalities of Aichi Prefecture
Kiyosu, Aichi

Nishibiwajima


Imeni Sverdlova () est une Commune urbaine du raïon de Vsevolojsk de l'oblast de Léningrad, en Russie.

Géographie
Imeni Sverdlova est située sur la rive droite du fleuve Neva, au sud-est du centre de Saint-Pétersbourg et en face d'Oust-Ijora.

Population
Recensements (*) ou estimations de la population :

Références

Voir aussi

Liens externes

Articles connexes

Raïon de Vsevolojsk
Commune urbaine dans l'oblast de Léningrad

Imeni Sverdlova


لاعب كرة قدم يمني من مواليد 1987 .

انتقل إلى السعودية وهو صغير وبرز موهبته بشكل واضح في سن الرابعة عشر ليتم اختياره من قبل نادي الربيع السعودي ليمثله حتى عام 2004 ، ليعود بعدها إلى نادي التلال اليمني وينخرط في صفوفه حتى عام 2008 ، وقد كان يلقب بـ علي كاس بين أقرانه وحتى من زملاءه اللاعبين.

أشاد به عدد كبير من المدربين السعوديين ومنهم علي كميخ وخالد القروني، واللاعب يجيد اللعب في مركز المحور الهجومي.

و قد كانت هنالك محاولات لضمه لمنتخب اليمن لكرة القدم في عام 2009 ليشارك في كأس الخليج بعمان ، و لكنه رفض الانضمام إليهم.

لاعبو كرة قدم يمنيون
مواليد 1987
أشخاص يحتمل أن يكونوا أحياء
لاعبو الدوري اليمني
لاعبو نادي التلال

علي زين


«Manseque / Canción de amor» es un sencillo del cantautor chileno Ángel Parra, hijo de Violeta Parra, lanzado en 1969 bajo el sello que creó junto a su hermana Isabel, Peña de los Parra, y distribuido por el sello DICAP. El lado A pertenece a su álbum lanzado el año anterior, Al mundo-niño, le canto, mientras que el lado B abre el disco Canciones de amor y muerte, lanzado el año siguiente.

Lista de canciones

Referencias

Sencillos de 1969
Sencillos de Discoteca del Cantar Popular
Sencillos de Ángel Parra
Canciones en español

Manseque / Canción de amor


La Autopista George Parks (oficialmente como la Interestatal A4 y Ruta 3) y conocida en inglés como George Parks Highway es una carretera estatal ubicada en el estado de Alaska. La autopista inicia en el Norte en la Autopista Glenn cerca de Palmer hacia el Norte en las autopistas Steese y Richardson en Fairbanks. La autopista tiene una longitud de 520 km (323 mi). La Autopista George Parks también forma parte de la Ruta de Alaska 3.

Mantenimiento
Al igual que las carreteras estatales, las carreteras federales, la Autopista George Parks es administrada y mantenida por el Departamento de Transporte y Servicios Públicos de Alaska por sus siglas en inglés DOT&PF.

Localidades principales
La Autopista George Parks es atravesada por las siguientes localidades.
Wasilla, milla 42 (km 68)
Big Lake, vía Big Lake Road, milla 52 (km 84)
Houston, milla 57 (km 92)
Willow, milla 69 (km 111)
Hatcher Pass, vía Hatcher Pass Road, milla 71 (km 115)
Talkeetna, vía Talkeetna Spur Road, milla 99 (km 159)
Trapper Creek, milla 115 (km 185)
Parque Estatal Denali, millas 132–169 (km 212–272)
Cantwell, milla 210 (km 338)
Denali National Park entrance, milla 237 (km 382)
Healy, milla 249 (km 400)
Anderson y Clear Air Force Station, milla 284 (km 456)
Nenana, milla 304 (km 490)
Ester, milla 352 (km 566)
Fairbanks, milla 358 (km 576)

Véase también

Referencias

Enlaces externos

 Página oficial de DOT&PF
 Lista de Autopistas por estado

Carreteras estatales de Alaska
Transporte de Anchorage
A-4

Autopista George Parks


L'Hôpital Starship () est un hôpital public pour enfants situé à Auckland, en Nouvelle-Zélande. Ouvert le , il a été l'un des premiers hôpitaux pour enfants construits à cet effet en Nouvelle-Zélande, et est le plus grand établissement de ce type dans le pays . Bien qu'il s'agisse d'un établissement distinct, il est situé sur le même terrain de la région de Grafton  que l'hôpital municipal d'Auckland à Auckland City et est adjacent à la .

Starship Children's Health traite plus de  patients par an (exercice 2005/2006), dont environ un quart sont des patients hospitalisés. Starship est également un important centre d'enseignement médical, leader de la Nouvelle-Zélande dans la formation et la recherche pédiatriques. L'hôpital a reçu le  2005 pour ses programmes de sécurité des médicaments.

Installations

Personnalité
Le bâtiment principal de Starship a ouvert ses portes le  sur le terrain de l'hôpital de la ville d'Auckland. Son nom a été choisi pour plaire aux enfants et aux jeunes et pour refléter la conception du bâtiment. Le bâtiment dispose d'un atrium central éclairé par la lumière naturelle et conçu sur le thème de la forêt tropicale avec une aire de jeux. Chacun de ses cinq niveaux est peint d'une couleur différente, avec une signification symbolique : bleu océan pour l'océan Pacifique ; orange pour la terre; bleu pour le ciel ; jaune pour le soleil; et rose pour la santé.

Installations médicales
Les installations comprennent des services aux patients hospitalisés et ambulatoires ainsi que des services communautaires tels que le service communautaire de santé infantile et d'invalidité, Safekids et les soins pédiatriques à domicile. Le bâtiment compte neuf salles et une capacité de 219 lits. Outre le bâtiment principal, Starship possède des cliniques externes pour la région d'Auckland à Tamaki, West Auckland et North Shore, ainsi qu'à environ 45 cliniques de proximité à travers le pays.

L'hôpital Starship est le principal centre de traumatologie pour enfants de la région d'Auckland et le centre tertiaire de traumatologie majeur pour enfants du Northland, d'Auckland et du nord de la région de Waikato.

Autres
Le groupe de bénévoles  exploite une station de radio hospitalière et rend visite aux enfants avec des jeux et des animations en soirée. L'hôpital comprend un certain nombre de points de vente d'aliments et un dépanneur. Auparavant, il possédait également une franchise McDonald's, mais celle-ci a été fermée en 2005 après huit ans d'exploitation, l'entreprise citant une opération très marginale comme raison principale. Certains militants anti- obésité ont également considéré que le restaurant de restauration rapide transmettait un message erroné, bien que la franchise ait noté qu'elle avait étendu son menu au-delà de sa sélection normale pour inclure des choix tels que des céréales.

Références

Liens externes

 Bienvenue sur Starship Children's Health et Starship Foundation (site officiel de l'hôpital)

Hôpital en Nouvelle-Zélande
Auckland
Fondation en 1991

Hôpital Starship