Candomblé () is an African diasporic religion that developed in Brazil during the 19th century. It arose through a process of syncretism between several of the traditional religions of West Africa, especially those of the Yoruba, Bantu, and Gbe. There is some influence from the Roman Catholic form of Christianity. There is no central authority in control of Candomblé, which is organized around autonomous terreiros (houses).

Candomblé involves the veneration of spirits known as orixás. Deriving their names and attributes from traditional West African deities, they are equated with Roman Catholic saints. Various myths are told about these orixás, which are regarded as subservient to a transcendent creator deity, Oludumaré. Each individual is believed to have a tutelary orixá who has been connected to them since before birth and who informs their personality. An initiatory tradition, Candomblé's members usually meet in temples known as terreiros run by priests called babalorixás and priestesses called ialorixás. A central ritual involves practitioners drumming, singing, and dancing to encourage an orixá to possess one of their members. They believe that through this possessed individual, they can communicate directly with a deity. Offerings to the orixás include fruit and sacrificed animals. Offerings are also given to a range of other spirits, including boiadero, preto velho, caboclos, and the spirits of the dead, the egun. Several forms of divination are utilized to decipher messages from the orixás. Healing rituals and the preparation of amulets and herbal remedies and baths, also play a prominent role.

Candomblé developed among Afro-Brazilian communities amid the Atlantic slave trade of the 16th to 19th centuries. It arose through the blending of the traditional religions brought to Brazil by enslaved West and Central Africans, the majority of them Yoruba, Fon, and Bantu, and the Roman Catholic teachings of the Portuguese colonialists who then controlled the area. It primarily coalesced in the Bahia region during the 19th century. Following Brazil's independence from Portugal, the constitution of 1891 enshrined freedom of religion in the country, although Candomblé remained marginalized by the Roman Catholic establishment, which typically associated it with criminality. In the 20th century, growing emigration from Bahia spread Candomblé both throughout Brazil and abroad. The late 20th century saw growing links between Candomblé and related traditions in West Africa and the Americas, such as Cuban Santería and Haitian Vodou. Since the late 20th century, some practitioners have emphasized a re-Africanization process to remove Roman Catholic influences and create forms of Candomblé closer to traditional West African religion.

Each terreiro is autonomous although can be divided into distinct denominations, known as nations, based on which traditional West African belief system has been its primary influence. The most prominent nations are the Ketu, Jeje, and Angola. There are nearly 170,000 practitioners in Brazil, although smaller communities exist elsewhere, especially other parts of South America. Both in Brazil and abroad Candomblé has spread beyond its Afro-Brazilian origins and is practiced by individuals of various ethnicities.

Definition and terminology

Candomblé is a religion. The anthropologist Paul Christopher Johnson stated that, "at its most basic level", Candomblé can be defined as "the practice of exchange with orixás"; the scholar Joana Bahia called it "the religion of the orishas." Johnson also defined it as "a Brazilian redaction of West African religions recreated in the radically new context of a nineteenth-century Catholic slave colony." The term Candomblé  probably derived from a kandombele, a Bantu-derived term for dances, which also developed into the term Candombe, used to describe a dance style among African-descended communities in Argentina and Uruguay.

It is an Afro-Brazilian religion, and more broadly an African American religion or a "neo-African" religion.
Various religions in the Americas arose through the blending of West African traditions with Roman Catholicism; due to their shared origins, Cuban Santería and Haitian Vodou have been described as "sister religions" of Candomblé. In Brazil, it was Yoruba traditional religion which eventually became dominant over Afro-Brazilian religion.

Candomblé is not the only Afro-Brazilian religion. It is closely related to Umbanda, which also worships the orixás. Formed in Rio de Janeiro in the 1920s, Umbanda is usually more open and public than Candomblé, and is less Africanised, for instance using Portuguese rather than African languages for its songs. The term "Umbandomblé" is sometimes applied to groups merging elements of both traditions, although this is rarely embraced by practitioners themselves. Omolocô was founded in Rio de Janeiro as an intermediate religion between Candomblé and Umbanda. Also associated primarily with Rio are the Afro-Brazilian religions of Quimbanda and Macumba, associated with lesser spirits than the orixás. Candomblé has also been influenced by Spiritism, although many Spiritists are keen to distinguish their tradition from Afro-Brazilian religions. Scholars often regard these different Afro-Brazilian traditions as existing on a continuum rather than being firmly distinct from each other. In practice, Afro-Brazilian religions often mix, rather than existing in pure forms.

Candomblé divides into different traditions known as nacões (nations). The three most prominent are Ketu (Queto) or Nagô, Jeje (Gege) or Mina-Jeje, and Angola or Congo-Angola; others include the Ijexá and Caboclo. Each derives particular influence from a particular African language group; Ketu uses Yoruba, Jeje uses Ewe, and the Angola draws from the Bantu language group. Each nation has its own lexicon, chants, deities, sacred objects, and traditional knowledge, informed by its ethno-linguistic origins. Although originating among ethnic differences, this has largely eroded over time, with members drawn to different nations for reasons other than ethnic heritage.
As of 2012, the Nagô nation has been described as the largest. The Angola nation is sometimes characterised as being the most syncretic.

Candomblé is not institutionalised, with there being no central authority in the religion to determine doctrine and orthodoxy. It is heterogenous, and has no central sacred text or dogma.
There is regional variation in the beliefs and practices of Candomblé. Each lineage or community of practitioners is autonomous, approaching the religion in ways informed by their tradition and the choices of their leader. Some practitioners also refer to it as a form of science.

Practitioners

Candomblé's followers are sometimes called povo de santo (people of saint), or candomblecistas. An individual who has taken steps toward initiation but not yet undergone this process is termed an abiã.
A newer initiate is known as an iaô, and an elder initiate is known as an ebomi.
In Candomblé, a male priest is known as a babalorixá, a female priestess as iyalorixá, or alternatively as a makota or nêngua. The choice of term used can indicate which nation a person belongs to.

Most adherents of Candomblé also practice Roman Catholicism, and some priests and priestesses will not initiate anyone into Candomblé who is not a baptised Roman Catholic. Some attend both Candomblé rituals and Evangelical Protestant services. Syncretism can be observed in other ways. The anthropologist Jim Wafer observed a Brazilian practitioner who included a statue of the Mahayana Buddhist deity Hotei on their altar, while Arnaud Halloy encountered a Belgian terreiro whose head was incorporating characters from Welsh and Slavic mythologies in their practice, and the scholar Joana Bahia found practitioners in Germany who also practiced Buddhism and various New Age practices.

Beliefs

Knowledge about Candomblé's beliefs and practices is referred to as the fundamentos (foundations"), and is guarded by practitioners.
Yoruba terminology predominates widely, even across terreiros of other nations.

Olorun and the orixás

In Candomblé, the supreme deity is called Olorun or Olodumare. This entity is regarded as the creator of everything but as being distant and unapproachable. Olorun is thus not specifically worshipped in Candomblé.

The Orixás

Candomblé focuses on the worship of spirits termed orixás (or orishas) or santos ("saints"). The males are termed aborôs, the females iabás. These have been varyingly conceived as ancestral figures, or embodiments of forces of nature. Around 12 orixás are well-developed figures in the Candomblé pantheon and recognized by most practitioners. Although usually given Yoruba names, in the Jeje nation they are instead given Fon names.

The orixás are believed to mediate between humanity and Olorun. The orixás are understood as being morally ambiguous, each with their own virtues and flaws; they are sometimes in conflict with other orixás.
In Candomblé, the relationship between the orixás and humanity is seen as being one of interdependence, with practitioners seeking to build harmonious relationships with these deities, thus securing their protection. Each orixá is associated with specific colours, foods, animals, and minerals, favoring certain offerings. Each orixá is associated with a particular day of the week; the priesthood also states that each year is governed by a specific orixá who will influence the events taking place within it. Their personalities are informed by a key conceptual opposition in Candomblé, that of the cool versus the hot.

Oxalá is the chief orixá, depicted as a frail old man who walks with a pachorô sceptre as a walking stick. Practitioners commonly believe that Olorun tasked him with creating humanity. In some accounts, all of the junior orixás are the children of Oxalá and one of his two wives, Nanã and Iemanjá. This trio are associated with water; Oxalá with fresh water, Nanã with the rain, and Iemanjá with the ocean. Other accounts present this cosmogony differently, for instance by claiming that Oxalá fathered all other orixás alone, having created the world from a mingau pudding. An alternative claim among practitioners is that Nanã is the grandmother of Oxalá and the mother of Iemanjá, the latter becoming both mother and wife to Oxalá.

Xangô is the orixá associated with thunder and lightning; one of his wives is Obá, a warrior who has only one ear. Ogum is the orixá of battle and of iron, often depicted with a machete; her companion is Oxóssi, the male orixá of the hunt and forest. Obaluaiê or Omolu is the orixá associated with infectious disease and its cure, while Osanyin is associated with leaves, herbs, and herbal knowledge. Oya is the orixá of wind and storms. Oxumaré is regarded as both male and female and is portrayed as a serpent or a rainbow. Oxum is the orixá of love, beauty, wealth and luxury, and is associated with fresh water, fish, mermaids, and butterflies. She is married to Ifa, regarded as the orixá of divination. Tempo is the orixá of time; originating in the Angola nation, he is associated with trees. Due to the link with trees, he is sometimes equated with the Ketu-Nagô orixá Loko. The orixá Exú is regarded as a capricious trickster; as the guardian of entrances, he facilitates contact between humanity and the other orixá, thus usually being honoured and fed first in any ritual. His ritual paraphernalia is often kept separate from that of other orixás, while the entrances to most terreiros will have a clay head, decorated with cowries or nails, that represents Exu and is given offerings.

Each orixá equates with a Roman Catholic saint. This may have begun as a subterfuge to retain the worship of African deities under European rule, although such syncretisms could have already been occurring in Africa prior to the Atlantic slave trade. From the later 20th century, some practitioners have attempted to distance the orixás from the saints as a means of re-emphasising the religion's West African origins. Robert A. Voeks observed that it was the priesthood and more formally educated practitioners who preferred to distinguish the orixás from the saints, whereas less formally educated adherents tended not to.
In Candomblé altars, the orixás are often represented with images and statues of Roman Catholic saints. For instance, Oxalá has been conflated with Our Lord of Bonfim, Oxum with Our Lady of the Immaculate Conception, and Ogum with St Anthony of Padua. Due to his association with time, Tempo is sometimes equated with the Christian idea of the Holy Spirit.

The orixás are regarded as having different aspects, known as marcas ("types" or "qualities"), each of which may have an individual name. Child forms of the orixás are termed erês. They are deemed the most uncontrollable spirits of all, associated with obscenities and pranks. The child forms of orixás have specific names; the erê of Oxalá is for instance called Ebozingo ("Little Ebô") and Pombinho ("Little Dove").
The material image of an orixá is called an igbá.

Relationships with the orixá

Candomblé teaches that everyone is linked to a particular orixá, the identity of whom can be ascertained through divination. This orixá is described as being dono da cabeça: the owner or master of the person's head. It is believed that they have an influence on the person's personality and social interactions. The gender of this tutelary orixá is not necessarily the same as their human's; non-heterosexuality is sometimes viewed, in a non-negative light, as being caused by a mismatch between the gender of an individual and the gender of their orixá. Failing to identify one's orixá is sometimes interpreted as the cause of various types of mental illness by practitioners. Depending on the orixá in question, an initiate may choose to avoid or to engage in certain activities, such as not eating specific foods or wearing specific colours. Some practitioners also believe that there are other orixá who could be linked to an individual; a second is known as the juntó, while a third is called the adjuntó, the tojuntó, or the dijuntó. Some believe that an individual can also have a fourth orixá, inherited from a deceased relative.

Exus, caboclos, and erês

Candomblé teaches the existence of spirits other than the orixás. One of these spirit groups are the exus, sometimes termed exuas when female, or exu-mirims when children. They are deemed closer to humanity than the orixás and thus more accessible. In ritual contexts, the exus are often regarded as the "slaves" of the orixás. In common parlance they are often described as "devils", but in Candomblé are not regarded as a force for absolute evil but rather thought capable of both good and bad acts. Practitioners believe that the exus can "open" or "close" the "roads" of fate in one's life, bringing about both help and harm. Candomblé teaches that the exus can be induced to do a practitioner's bidding, although need to be carefully controlled.

Also present in Candomblé are the caboclos, the name of which probably derives from the Tupi language term kari'boka ("deriving from the white"). These spirits come in two main forms: boiadeiros ("cowboys" or "backwoodsmen") and indigenous peoples of the Americas. In rarer cases, caboclos are linked to other contexts, portrayed as being from the sea or from foreign countries such as Italy or Japan. Almost exclusively portrayed as male, the caboclos are believed to dwell in a forest land called Aruanda, which is also inhabited by flying snake-like reptiles called cainanas. The caboclos favor beer, whereas the exus prefer wine and hard liquor, especially cachaça; the caboclos are also characterised as smoking cigars. Those practitioners who have tried to "re-Africanize" Candomblé since the late 20th century have tended to reject the caboclos as being of non-African derivation.

Birth and the dead

Candomblé espouses a cosmology largely borrowed from Yoruba traditional religion. The realm of the spirits is termed orun; the material world of humanity is called aiê (or aiye). Orun is believed to divide into nine levels. Death is personified in the figure of Iku. A person's inner head, in which their tutelary orixá is believed to reside, is called the ori.

The spirits of the dead are called eguns or egums. The recently deceased are termed aparacá, while after they have been "educated" by receiving sacrifices they become babá. Precautions are taken regarding these entities, for they have the power to harm the living. Sometimes they will seek to help a living individual but inadvertently harm them. Contact with the egun is accompanied by rituals to neutralise their harmful power or pollution. The contra-egum is an armband made of plaited raffia which is sometimes worn to ward off these dead spirits. Typically discouraged in Candomblé, possession by egums is considered rare, but does happen. Many Candomblé groups have prohibitions on allowing possession by the dead, deeming it spiritually polluting, a viewpoint that distinguishes Candomblé from Umbanda.
After death, the egun can enter orun, although the level they reach depends on the spiritual growth they attained in life.

Axé
Candomblé teaches the existence of a force called ashe or axé, a central concept in Yoruba-derived traditions. Walker described axé as "the spiritual force of the universe", Bahia called it "sacred force," Wafer termed it "vital force", while Voeks favored "vital energy". Johnson characterised it as "a creative spiritual force with real material effects."

Practitioners believe axé can move around, but can also be  concentrated in specific objects, such as leaves and roots, or in specific body parts, especially blood, which is deemed to contain axé in its most concentrated form. Humans can accumulate axé, but also either lose it or transfer it. Specific rituals and obligations are believed to maintain and enhance a person's axé, while other ritual acts are designed to attract or share this force.

Dendê is a sacred palm oil that is used in Candomblé to cook ritual meals, that is considered to be a materializes form of axé.

Morality, ethics, and gender roles

Candomblé generally has no fixed ethical precepts that it expects practitioners to follow, although its teachings influence the lives of its adherents. Rather than stressing a dichotomy between good and evil, emphasis is placed on achieving equilibrium between competing forces. Problems that arise in a person's life are often interpreted as resulting from a disharmony in an individual's relationship with their orixá; harmony is ensured by following the orixá's euó (taboos) regarding issues like food, drink, and colors. Relationships are rooted in reciprocal obligations.

Male/female polarity is a recurring theme throughout Candomblé. Many roles within Candomblé are linked to members of a specific gender. For instance, both animal sacrifice and the shaving of an initiate's head are usually reserved for male practitioners, while female practitioners are typically responsible for domestic duties in maintaining the ritual space. Such divisions mirror broader gender norms in Brazilian society. Taboos are also placed on women while menstruating. However, women can still wield significant power as the heads of the terreiros, with most terreiros in Bahia being led by women; some have called it a female-dominated religion. The prominent place of priestesses within Candomblé has led observers like the anthropologist Ruth Landes to describe it as a matriarchal religion, although such a characterisation has been disputed.

There is evidence that Candomblé is more accepting of sexual and gender non-conformity than mainstream Brazilian society. Although many male priests in the religion have been heterosexual, there is a pervasive stereotype that Candomblé's male practitioners are homosexual. Gay men have described the religion as a more welcoming environment than forms of Christianity practiced in Brazil. They for instance have cited stories of relationships between male orixás, such as Oxôssi and Ossain, as affirming male same-sex attraction. Some practitioners have involved themselves in political causes including environmentalism, indigenous rights, and the Black Power movement.

Practices

Johnson noted that Candomblé was a "ritual-centric" religion, whose practitioners often regard it as a religion "of right practice instead of right doctrine", in that performing its rituals correctly is deemed more important that believing in the orixás. Johnson noted that Candomblé devoted "little attention" to "abstract theologizing". Rituals are often focused on pragmatic needs regarding issues such as prosperity, health, love, and fecundity; they often begin long after the advertised starting time.
Those engaging in Candomblé include various initiates of varying degrees and non-initiates who may attend events and approach initiates seeking help with various problems. Johnson characterised Candomblé as a secret society, as it makes use of secrecy. It is organized around a rigid hierarchy.

Houses of Worship

Candomblé is practiced in buildings called terreiros ("houses"), ilês, or ilê orixás.
Ranging in size from small houses to large compounds, some are well-known and wealthy, but most are smaller examples of what Roger Bastide called "proleterian candomblés." These may be concealed, so as not to attract the attention of opponents. Each terreiro is independent and operates autonomously, often disbanding when their chief priest or priestess dies. A terreiro's importance is generally regarded as being proportional to the number of initiates and clients that it has.

Terreiros consists of a series of rooms, some off-limits to non-initiates. They contain an altar to the deities, a space to perform ceremonies, and accommodation for the priests or priestesses. The floor is deemed sacred, consecrated to the tutelary orixá of the house. The bakisse is the "room of the saints", a storeroom containing both ritual paraphernalia and the assentamentos of the orixás, while the roncó ("retreat room") or camarinha is used during initiations.

One room, the barracão ("big shed"), is where public rituals, including acts of divination, take place; terreiros lacking a barracão may use a yard for public rituals. The peji, or shrines to deities, will often be located around the perimeter of the barracão. The terreiro will often have a cumeeira, a central pole in the structure believed to link humanity's world with that of the orixá. This stands above the entoto ("foundation") of the terreiro, a space which is periodically "fed" with offerings. The terreiro's enclosure may have a tree dedicated to Tempo, onto which strips of white cloth have been affixed, as well as a place set aside for the souls of the dead, termed the balé, which is usually at the back of the terreiro grounds.
Most venerate between twelve and twenty orixás.

Priesthood and congregation
A priestess running a terreiro is a mâe de santo (mother of saints), a priest who does so is a pai de santo (father of saints). They are responsible for all important functions, including educating novices, adjudicating disputes, and providing healing and divination services; it is these latter services that many rely on as their primary income. Not constrained by external religious authorities, these "parents of saints" often exert considerable control over their initiates, who are expected to submit to their authority; conflicts between these "parents" and their initiates are nevertheless common. The head priest and priestess is assisted by others, including the "little mother", the iyakekerê or mãa pequena, and the "little father". Other roles in the terreiro include the iyabase, who prepares food for the orixás, and the alabê (musical director). The initiates, called the filhos (sons) and filhas de santo (daughters of the saints), assist as cooks, cleaners, and gardeners. The ogã are male members, often not initiated, whose role is largely honorific, consisting largely of contributing financially.

The terreiro's members are regarded as a "family" and its initiates consider each one another to be 'brothers' and 'sisters' in the orixá (irmãos de santo). Sexual or romantic relations between terreiro members is usually forbidden, although happen nevertheless. Being initiated connects an individual to the historical lineage of the terreiro; this lineage is linked to the axé of the terreiro, an axé that can be transferred from a mother-terreiro to a new one being established. The founders of a terreiro are called essas.

The community of a terreiro is called an egbé. There can be enmity between terreiros, for they compete with one another for members, and defection of individuals from one to another is common.
Public ceremonies take place at the terreiros where both initiates and non-initiates can attend to celebrate the orixás. At these, food is offered to specific orichas while the rest is shared among participants, with the latter thereby gaining some of the axé of the orichas. These public rites are both preceded and succeeded by a range of private ritual acts.
Most of the rituals that take place at the terreiros are private and open only to initiates. Walker believed that it was these that represented "the real core of the religious life of the Candomblé community."

African-derived terms are used in ritual contexts, although do not exceed one thousand words. In general, words of Yoruba origin predominate in the Nagô-Ketu nations, those from Ewe-Fon languages are most common in Jeje nations, and words from the Bantu languages dominate the Angola nation.
Yoruba is used as a ritual language, although few practitioners understand the meanings of these Yoruba words. There are no specific sacred texts.
Ritual objects are regarded as loci and accumulators of axé, although this supply needs replenishing at various intervals. Each terreiro is also regarded as having its own axé, which is strengthened by the number of initiates it has and the number of rituals it carries out.

Priests and priestesses are regarded as intermediaries between the orixás and humanity. Becoming initiated implies a relationship of mutual responsibility between the new initiate and the orixás.
Some evidence suggests that the proportion of female priestesses grew over the course of the 20th century.

The orixá are "seated" within objects in the terreiro. These are then stored, either all together in one room or, if space permits, in separate rooms. Women initiates who do not enter trance but assist those who do are called ekedi; their male counterparts are termed ogan.
A prostration before the priest or priestess, or before someone possessed by an orixá, is termed a dobalé; prostrating before one's mother or father of the saint is called iká.

Shrines and otás

An altar to the orixás is called a peji. It contains an assemblage of objects termed the assentamento ("seat") or assento of the orixá, regarded as their house. This usually consists of various items placed within an enamel, earthenware, or wooden vessel, itself often wrapped in a cloth. The key part of the assentamento is a sacred stone known as an otá. This otá possesses axé, and thus requires feeding. Different orixa are associated with different kinds of stone; those from the ocean or rivers are for instance linked to Oxum and Iemanjá, while those believed to have fallen from the sky are linked to Xangô. Practitioners are expected to find them, rather than buy them. They will then be ritually consecrated, being washed, given offerings, and "seated" in a vessel.

Alongside the otás, vessels often contain ferramentos, or metal objects associated with specific orixá, cowrie shells, bracelets called idés, animal body parts, statues of the associated Roman Catholic saints, and a mix of water, honey, and herbal preparations. They may also include hair from the initiate to whom they belong. The assentamento can be stored in the home, or inside the terreiro's bakisse room, which is only opened by the priestess or priest in charge. There, the assentamentos of the initiates may be arranged on a multi-level altar, which is decorated with ribbons, colored lights, and flowers.

Ritual objects are sanctified with a herbal infusion called amaci.
Practitioners believe that in giving blood to their ritual paraphernalia it renews the axé of these objects. In Brazil, various stores specialise in paraphernalia required in Camdomblé.

Offerings and animal sacrifice

Offerings are known as ebós, and are believed to generate axé which then gives the orixá the power to aid their worshippers. Material offered to the orixás or lesser spirits in these ebós include food, drink, fowl, and money; when animal sacrifice is not involved, a food offering is termed a comida seca. When a ceremony starts, practitioners typically provide a padé, or propitiatory offering, to the orixá Exu. Food is offered to the orixá, often being placed at an appropriate location in the landscape; offerings to Oxum are for instance often placed by a freshwater stream. Specific foodstuffs are associated with each orixá; a mix of okra with rice or manioc meal, known as amalá, is considered a favourite of Xangô, Obá, and Iansã. When placed in the terreiro, food is typically left in place for between one and three days, sufficient time for the orixá to consume the essence of the food. The ritual payment of money, often accompanying the sacrifices, is termed dinheiro do chão ("money for the floor"). As part of this, money is placed onto the floor and often splattered with blood, before being divided among the participants of the rite.

Candomblé entails the sacrifice of animals to orixás, exus, caboclos, and eguns, which is called matanças. The individual who conducts the sacrifice is known as an axogun (or axogum) or sometimes as a faca (knife). Species typically used are chickens, guinea fowl, white doves, and goats. The animal will often have its neck cut with a knife, or in the case of birds, its head severed. After the animal is killed, its blood is spilled onto the altar; its organs are then often removed and placed around the "seat" of the orixá. Following the sacrifice, is it common for divination to be performed to determine if the sacrifice has been accepted by the spirits. Other body parts will then be consumed by the participants of the rite; the exception is if the sacrifice was for eguns, which is instead left to rot or placed in a river. Some of the food may then be taken away, to be left in the forest, thrown into a body of water, or placed at a crossroads; this is referred to as "suspending a sacrifice".

Bird sacrifices are sometimes performed not as an offering, but as part of a ritual cleansing; the bird will sometimes be wiped over the human requiring cleansing; it will then have its legs, wings, and finally its neck broken. In these cases, the bird is not then eaten.
Outside Brazil, practitioners have faced challenges in performing animal sacrifice; in Germany, for instance, it is banned by law.

Initiation

Practicing Candomblé requires initiation, and the religion is structured around a hierarchical system of initiations. To be initiated is referred to as feito, while the process of initiation is termed fazer cabeça ("to make the head") or fazer o santo ("making the saint").
Initiates in Candomblé are known as filhos de santo ("children of the saints"). At their initiation, they are given a new name, the nome de santo (saint's name), which usually indicates the identity of their tutelary orixá. Many individuals arrive at Candomblé through problems in their lives, such as sickness. A priest or priestess will use divination to determine the cause of the problem and its remedy, sometimes revealing that initiation into the religion will fix the issue. Many feel that an orixa has demanded their initiation, with it being their obrigação ("duty"). If a group of individuals are being initiated together, they are termed a barco ("boat"). Initiation is very expensive.

The length of the initiatory process varies between Candomblé houses but usually lasts from a few weeks to a few months. The initiate is first brought to the terreiro, where they are left for a period of relaxation, the descanso, so that they might become 'cool', as opposed to 'hot'. They will be dressed in white clothing; a small bell may be attached to them to alert others if they leave the terreiro. One of the first acts during the initiatory process is to give the initiate a string of beads associated with their orixá. The necklace is colored according to the tutelary orixá of the initiate; white for Oxalá, dark blue for Ogum, or red and white for Xangô, for instance. These beads will be washed and sprinkled with the blood of a sacrificed animal. These beads are sometimes perceived as protecting the wearer from harm.

The initiate is then secluded in a room in the terreiro called the roncô, during which time they are termed an îao. In the roncô, they sleep on a straw mat, eating only bland food; often they will not be permitted to speak. During this period they are taught the various details of their associated orixá, such as its likes and dislikes and the appropriate drum rhythms and dances that invoke that deity. The time spent in isolation varies, although three weeks is typical. They will be bathed in water mixed with herbs, especially their head, which will then be shaved.

The initiate is then taken into a neighbouring room, where altars have been set up. A drummer plays while pre-existing initiates sing praise songs. Animals are sacrificed, including from a four-legged animal, and some of the blood may be touched on parts of the initiate's body. The initiate's head is then shaved and two cuts made into the apex of it with a razor; a mix of animal blood and herbs may be added to the incisions. This is done to allow the orixá entry into the head. A cone of wax, the adoxu, is then placed on the wound to stem the bleeding; the head will then be wrapped in cloth. Depending on the terreiro, cuts may also be made on the tip of the initiate's tongue, on their back, upper arms, thighs, buttocks, and the soles of their feet. With the incisions made, the orixá is "seated" within the individual's head during the assentar o santo ritual.

Following the initiation, the new initiate may be presented to the rest of the community through a public "coming-out" ceremony, the saida. Along with their white clothes, their body will be covered in white spots. During this, they may be expected to give the name of the marca of their tutelary orixá, which they are supposed to have discovered via a dream. In the panán, the initiate is symbolically re-taught mundane tasks, a ritual sometimes followed by an auction in which the initiate is symbolically sold to their spouse or a member of their family, a reference to the era of slavery. On the following Friday, they are expected to attend mass in a Roman Catholic church, known as the romaria. Finally, a senior member of the terreiro will lead the initiate, still wearing white, back to their home.
Over the course of the following year, the initiate may conduct further "obligations" to build their relationship with the orixá.

Candomblé includes a number of additional, graded initiations, which are expected to take place one year, three years, and then seven years after the original initiatory ceremony. Over the course of this they are expected to learn to receive all of their tutelary orixa. Those who have performed seven years of initiatory rituals are called ebomi or ebame. At the end of the seven years, they "receive the decá" from their initiator, being given a tray of ritual objects; this enables them to go and form their own temple. In practice, many adherents cannot afford to pay for these ceremonies at the specified time and they instead take place many years after.

Possession

Music and dance is a fundamental element of Candomblé. The drumming will often take place all night. Participants are expected to wear white, with women wearing skirts. Three main types of drum are employed, the largest being the rum, the middle-sized being the rumpi, and the smallest being the lé. These drums are understood as living and need to be fed. The head drummer is known as the alabê. Many terreiros maintain that women should not be involved in this ritual drumming, although others reject this tradition. In some rituals, practitioners will drink a concoction containing jurema, a mildly hallucinogenic plant, which is sometimes mixed with the blood of sacrificed animals.

The state of vertigo signalling the onset of trance is known as barravento. As the trance begins, practitioners often experience a body spasm termed the arrepio ("shiver").
Practitioners believe that when an individual is possessed by a spirit, they have no control over the latter's actions.
Within Candomblé, it is regarded as a privilege to be possessed by an orixá. A common Bahian way of referring to the possession is receber ("to receive"). As it entails being "mounted", being possessed is regarded as being a symbolically female role. For this reason, many heterosexual men refuse initiation into Candomblé; some believe that involvement in these rites can turn a man homosexual. Among practitioners, it is sometimes claimed that in the past men did not take part in the dances that lead to possession. Often, those believed possessed by an orixá will not eat, drink, or smoke, emphasising their aristocratic disposition, and that they will also rarely if ever speak. When they dance, it will often be stylized and controlled. Many terreiros prohibit photography of those undergoing a possession trance.

After an individual becomes possessed, they may be led into an anteroom to be dressed in clothes associated with the possessing orixá; this usually includes brightly colored dresses, regardless of the gender of those involved. Those possessed by Ogun will for instance often be given a metal helmet and axe, while those possessed by Oxum wear a crowd and carry a sword and the abebé fan.
Practitioners may fully prostrate themselves before the possessed.
Those possessed by an orixá may deliver predictions and prophecies.
The style of speech adopted by the possessed will be influenced by the type of spirit believed to be possessing them. Those deemed to be possessed by caboclos will often smoke cigars, and sometimes place gunpowder into the palm of their hand, which they then light with their cigar to cause an explosion.
A false trance is known as an equê. Those who do not go into a trance are known as ogâs if male, and equedes if female.

Public festivals

Although details of the liturgical calendar vary among terreiros, Candomblé features a yearly cycle of festivals or feasts to the orixás. These are sometimes private and sometimes open to the public. These are typically held on the Roman Catholic saint's day associated with the saint linked to a particular orixá. The main festival season begins in September, with the feast of Oxala, and continues through to February, when the feast of Yemanja takes place.

In some cases, Candomblé festivals have become widely popular with the public, especially those of Oxala and Yemanja. Hundreds of thousands of people congregate at the beach on Yemanja's Day (2 February), where they often load offerings to her onto boats, which then take them out into the water and cast them overboard.
Festivals for the caboclos usually take place on 2 July, the day which marks Bahia's independence from Portugal.

Some terreiros hold public festivals for both the orixás and the caboclos, although some only hold them for one of these two categories of spirit. Public festivals for exus are rarer. The tone of the event differs depending on which spirit category is being honoured; those for the orixás have more of a fixed structure and a greater formality, while those for the caboclos are more spontaneous and have greater interaction between the spirits and the human participants.
In the Nagô-Jeje nation, the Waters of Oxala ritual is performed at the start of the liturgical year; it involves bringing fresh water, sometimes from a well, to the terreiro to purify and replenish the assamentos.

Divination

Priests and priestesses engage in divination, which often proves a key source of income for them.
The most common form of divination in Brazil is the dilogun or jogo dos buzios ("shell game"), which is performed by both men and women. It entails throwing cowrie shells onto the floor and then interpreting answers from the sides onto which they have landed. It is common for 16 shells to be thrown, and then a further four to confirm the answer provided by the first throwing. Each configuration of shells is associated with certain odu, or mythological stories. The specific odu is then interpreted as having pertinence for the client's situation.

Another common divinatory practice involves slicing an onion in two and dropping the pieces to the ground drawing conclusions from the face onto which they fall; alternatively a kola nut may be cut into quarters and read in the same way. Ifá is another divinatory system practised by the Yoruba people, specifically by male initiates called babalawos;  however, by the start of the 21st century this was characterised as being either extinct, or very rare in Brazil.

Healing
Healing rituals form an important part of Candomblé. When acting in a healing capacity, practitioners are often called curandeiros. Priests and priestesses may offer healing for a wide range of conditions, ranging from obesity and hair loss to pneumonia and cancer.

Candomblé teaches that many personal problems are caused by a disequilibrium with the spirit world. Thus, staying healthy can be ensured through ensuring a state of equilibrium with the orixás, avoiding excess, and following lessons imparted in the religion's mythological tales. A sick person is regarded as having an "open" body that is vulnerable to harmful influences and lacks axé. The religion teaches that ailments may be a punishment from the orixás, or that a spirit of the dead may attach itself to an individual or even possess them, thus causing harm. It is also believed that humans can cause harm to others via supernatural means, either inadvertently, through the mau-olhado (evil eye), or through witchcraft and cursing, which practitioners seek to counter.

Individuals will often approach a priest or priestess seeking a remedy to a problem in their life, such as sickness. The priest or priestess will use divination to ascertain the cause and remedy. The first step in the healing process is the limpeza, or spiritual cleansing. This will often entail providing an offering to a particular orixá or lesser spirit; a sacudimento (leaf whipping), whereby certain leaves are wiped over the patient's body; or an abô (leaf bath), during which they are washed in water infused with various herbs and other ingredients. Healing the patient may also necessitate their initiation into the religion. Another type of ceremony is known as the bori. This entails placing food on the individual's head to feed the orixá that is believed to partially reside within the cranium. This may be conducted to bolster the individual's health and well-being or to give them additional strength before an important undertaking. Another is the "cleansing of the body" rite, designed to remove an egum that is troubling an individual. In the troca da cobeça rite, the sickness is transferred to another, especially an animal that is then killed. The healer may also recommend that the sick person seek help from a medical professional like a doctor.

Candomblé healers are often well versed in herbalism. Herbs are deemed to contain axé which needs to be appropriately awakened, but if improperly harvested can lose potency. The leaves used should be fresh, not dried, and often picked late at night or early in the morning to ensure their maximum potency. They are often purchased from one of the casas de folhas ("houses of leaves") in markets, but if taken from the forest, permission should be sought from the overseeing orixá and offerings left, such as coins, honey, or tobacco. These may then be rubbed directly only the sick person, or brewed into a chá tea or other medicinal concoction; practitioners may also produce pó (powder), which may have a variety of uses, from healing to harming or attracting someone's romantic attention.
Historically, terreiros could retain African medical traditions, where they would have hybridized with Native American and European traditions. An individual knowledgeable about leaves is called a mâo de ofá.

Like many other Brazilians, Candomblé will often wear amulets, sometimes concealed beneath clothing to avoid unwanted attention. Common examples are horns or the figa, a fist with the thumb in inserted between the index and middle finger. A patuá consists of a small cloth pouch containing various objects, plant parts, and texts. Sprigs of the arruda or laranja-da-terra plants may also be carried on the body to protect against the evil eye. Specific plants, associated with a particular orixá, are often kept by doorways to prevent the entry of negative forces.

Funerals and the dead

Following a senior practitioner's death, their fellow terreiro members will conduct axexé, a series of rituals which transform the deceased into an ancestral spirit of the terreiro's own pantheon. This ensures that they do not become a potentially dangerous wandering spirit. A wide range of offerings, including sacrificed animals, are given both to the dead individual and to accompanying orixás and other spirits during the axexé. A Roman Catholic mass will also be performed.

History

Candomblé formed in the early part of the nineteenth century. Although African religions had been present in Brazil since the early 16th century, Johnson noted that Candomblé, as "an organized, structured liturgy and community of practice called Candomblé" only arose later.

Origins

Candomblé originated among enslaved Africans transplanted to Brazil during the Atlantic slave trade. Slavery was widespread in West Africa; most slaves were prisoners of war captured in conflicts with neighbouring groups, although some were convicted criminals or those in debt. African slaves first arrived in Brazil in the 1530s, and were present in Bahia by the 1550s. Over the course of the trade, around four million Africans were transported to Brazil, an area that received more enslaved Africans than any other part of the Americas. Within Brazil itself, these Africans were most concentrated in Bahia.

In the 16th century, most of the enslaved came from the Guinea coast, but by the 17th century Angola and Congo populations had become dominant. Then, between 1775 and 1850, the majority of slaves were Yoruba and Dahomean, coming from the Gulf of Benin, largely in what is now Benin and Nigeria. Priests of the Oyo Empire were likely among the enslaved when the latter was attacked by Fulani and Fon groups. As the last wave of slaves, these Yoruba and Dahomean people became numerically dominant among Afro-Brazilians, resulting in their traditional cosmology becoming ascendant over that of longer established communities. On being brought to Brazil, these slaves were divided into "nations", primarily on their port of embarkation rather than their original etho-cultural identities. This process meant that Africans of different cultural backgrounds, regions, and religions were thrown together under a unifying term such as "Nagô", the latter used for those exported from the Bight of Benin.

Transportation merged deities venerated in different regions in Africa as part of the same pantheon. Whereas in Africa, people had generally venerated deities associated with their specific region, these commitments were broken up by enslavement and transportation. Of the thousands of orishas venerated in West Africa, this was cut down to a much smaller pantheon in Brazil. Which deities continued to be venerated probably depended on their continued relevance in the new Brazilian context. Orisha associated with agriculture were abandoned, probably because slaves had little reason to protect the harvests of slave-owners.
By the 18th century, accounts of African-derived rituals performed in Brazil were common, at which point they were referred to generically as calundu, a term of Bantu origin. A 17th and 18th century ritual that incorporated drumming and spiritual possession, known as a Calundu, is believed to be an influence of Candomble's drumming works.

The Roman Catholic nature of Brazilian colonial society, which allowed for a cult of saints, may have permitted greater leeway for the survival of traditional African religions than were available in Protestant-dominant areas of the Americas.
Many of the slaves learned to classify their orixás in relation to the Roman Catholic saints and the calendar of saints' days. There is no evidence that the slaves simply used the cult of saints to conceal orixá worship, but rather that devotees understood the two pantheons as comprising similar figures with similar abilities to fix certain problems. Some ecclesiastical figures in the Roman Catholic Church saw the syncretisation as a positive step in the process of converting the Africans to Christianity. The Christian teaching provided to enslaved Africans was often rudimentary. Among slave owners, there was also a belief that allowing the slaves to continue their traditional religions would allow old enmities between different African communities to persevere, thus making it less likely the slaves would unify and turn against the slave-owners. It was also thought that allowing the slaves to take part in their traditional customs would expend energies that might otherwise be directed toward rebellion. However, as steps were taken to convert the African populations to Christianity in Brazil, many Africans had been converted before being brought to the Americas. In Brazil, enslaved Africans and their descendants were also exposed to ceremonial magic practices from Iberia.

19th century

After enslaved Africans successfully led the Haitian Revolution, there were growing fears about similar slave revolts in Brazil. The 1820s and 1830s saw increased police repression of African-derived religions in Brazil. Laws introduced in 1822 allowed police to shut down batuques, or drumming ceremonies among the African population. It was during this period that the Engenho Velho ("Old Sugar Mill") terreiro was established; it was from this group that most Nagô terreiros descended. Various records indicated that Creoles and Whites were also sometimes taking part in the rites which the police were suppressing.

In 1822, Brazil declared itself independent of Portugal. Under British pressure, the Brazilian government passed the Quieróz law of 1850 which abolished the slave trade, although not slavery itself. In 1885 all slaves over the age of 60 were declared free, and in 1888 slavery was abolished. Although now free, life for Brazil's former slaves rarely improved. Various emancipated Yoruba began trading between Brazil and West Africa, and a significant role in the creation of Candomblé were several African freemen who were affluent and sent their children to be educated in Lagos. The first terreiros formed in early 19th-century Bahia.
One of the oldest terreiros was the Ilê Axé Iyá Nassô Oká in Salvador, established by Marcelina da Silva, a freed African woman; this was probably active by the 1830s.

Brazil's first republican constitution was produced in 1891; based on the constitutions of France and the United States, it enshrined freedom of religion. However, Afro-Brazilian religious traditions continued to face legal issues; the Penal Code of 1890 had included prohibitions on Spiritism, magic, talismans, and much herbal medicine, impacting Candomblé. The authorities continued to shut down terreiros, claiming they were a threat to public health. The late 19th century saw the first terreiros open in Rio de Janeiro, a city then seeing a rapid expansion in its population. The period also saw various upper-class white Brazilians seeking out Candomblé.

20th and 21st centuries

Candomblé became increasingly public in the 1930s, partly because Brazilians were increasingly encouraged to perceive themselves as part of a multi-racial, mixed society in the midst of President Getúlio Vargas' Estado Novo project. Vargas approved the presidential Law Decree 1202, which recognized the legitimacy of terreiros and allowed them to practice. The Penal Code of 1940 gave additional protections to some terreiros.

By 1940, Johnson argued, Candomblé in its contemporary form was discernible. The 1930s saw a proliferation of academic studies on Candomblé by scholars like Raimundo Nina Rodrigues, Edison Carneiro, and Ruth Landes, with 20th-century studies focusing largely on the Nagô tradition. The growing literature, both scholarly and popular, helped document Candomblé but also contributed to its greater standardisation. The religion spread to new areas of Brazil during the 20th century. In São Paulo, for instance, there were virtually no Candomblé terreiros until the 1960s, reflecting the very small Afro-Brazilian population there, although this grew rapidly, to the extent that there were around 2500 terreiros in the city in the late 1980s and over 4000 by the end of the 1990s. Some practitioners became increasingly well known; the priestess Mãe Menininha do Gantois became nationally recognised, sometimes regarded as a symbol of Brazil. She had made efforts to improve the image of her terreiro, establishing an administrative directorate to facilitate public relations in 1926. During the 20th century, various organizations emerged to represent the terreiros, notably the Bahian Federation of the Afro-Brazilian Cults, the National Institute and Supreme Sacerdotal Organ of Afro-Brazilian Culture and Tradition, and the Conference of the Tradition and Culture of the Orixás.

By the late 20th century, Candomblé was increasingly respectable within Brazil. This was fuelled by well-educated Afro-Brazilians embracing their cultural heritage, by increased Brazilian trade with West Africa, and by the growing number of intellectual and white initiates. By the early 21st century, tourist literature increasingly portrayed Candomblé as an intrinsic part of Brazilian culture, especially in Salvador. References to the religion's beliefs became more apparent in Brazilian society; Varig Airlines for instance used the tagline "Fly with Axé." When the Internet emerged, various terreiros set up their own websites, while footage of Candomblé rituals were distributed through YouTube.

In the closing decades of the 20th century, some practitioners sought to remove Roman Catholic-influenced aspects from the religion to return it to its West African roots. In 1983, the prominent priestess Mãe Stella Azevedo for instance called on adherents to renounce all Roman Catholic saints and transform Candomblé into a more purely African tradition. Many of those emphasising this Afrocentric perspective were white middle-class practitioners, who re-emphasised Africa as a new source of authority because they had little standing with the predominantly Afro-Brazilian Bahian Candomblé establishment. Many terreiros distinguished themselves from this approach, arguing that to abandon the Roman Catholic elements would be to abandon an important part of their religious ancestry. The 2000s also saw growing opposition from Evangelical Protestants, including a rise in physical attacks on practitioners and terreiros; Candomblé practitioners responded with marches against religious intolerance from 2004 onward, with the first national march taking place in Salvador in 2009. In 2023, President Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva signed a law establishing 21 March as the National Day of Traditions of African Roots and Candomblé Nations.

Demographics
In 2010, there were a recorded 167,363 practitioners in Brazil. One census report indicated that around 1.3 percent of Brazil's population identified as Candomblé followers. This likely reflects only the number of initiates, with a larger body of non-initiates sometimes attending ceremonies or consulting initiates for healing and other services.
The religion has also established a presence abroad, initially in other parts of South America like Argentina and Uruguay, and from the 1970s in Portugal. Since then, Candomblé has appeared elsewhere in Europe, including in Spain, France, Belgium, Italy, Germany, Austria, and Switzerland. In Brazil, Candomblé is a largely urban phenomenon. It is generally found among the poor, although there are terreiros whose membership is largely middle-class or upper-class. The religion's membership is more diverse in southern Brazil, where there are large numbers of white and middle-class followers. Most practitioners are poorer, black women; various anthropologists have observed a far higher number of females than males in the terreiros they studied. Women dominate in the Ketu nation, although men instead dominate the Angola and Jeje nations. Despite its Afro-Brazilian origins, Candomblé has attracted those from other ethnic backgrounds; by the 1950s it was being described as a religion of mulattos and whites as well as blacks, while in a country like Germany it has attracted white followers with no Brazilian heritage.

It has also been claimed that Candomblé offers a sense of empowerment to people who are societally marginalised; some practitioners have cited its tolerance of homosexuality as part of its appeal, especially in contrast to evangelical Christianity's typical condemnation of same-sex sexual activity. Male practitioners are often stereotyped as being gay, and it has attracted many male homosexuals as practitioners; in Rio de Janeiro for example the gay male community has had longstanding links with the terreiros, which have often been seen as part of a gay social network. Many gay men who have joined have cited it as offering a more welcoming atmosphere to them than other religious traditions active in Brazil. Various lesbians have also been identified as practitioners, although the anthropologist Andrea Stevenson Allen argued that they rarely received the same level of affirmation from the religion as their gay male counterparts.

Many practitioners of Candomblé already have a family link to the tradition, with their parents or other elder relatives being initiates. Others convert to the movement without having had any family connections; some of those who convert to Candomblé have already explored Pentecostalism, Spiritism, or Umbanda; some Umbandists feel that they can go "deeper" by moving towards Candomblé. Many describe having been ill or plagued with misfortune prior to being initiated into Candomblé, having determined through divination that their ailments would cease if they did so.
Johnson noted that Candomblé appears to appeal to those who identify strongly with an African heritage; some black people in Germany have been attracted to it because they feel it is a more authentically African religion than the forms of Christianity and Islam now dominant across Africa.
Some like that it makes them feel part of a community.

The religion's "core area of practice" lies in the city of Salvador and surrounding area. A 1997 census by the Bahian Federation of Afro-Brazilian Religions recorded 1,144 terreiros active in the city. Within Brazil, Candomblé's influence is most pervasive in Bahia, and practitioners in Rio de Janeiro and Sâo Paulo often regard Bahian terreiros as being more authentic, with deeper fundamentos. It is "most widely practiced" in the Bahian city of Salvador, a settlement that practitioners sometimes regard as a holy city. Several thousand terreiros exist in Salvador, resulting in it being called "Black Rome." In Bahia, it is the Nagô nation that has the largest number of houses and practitioners.

Although lineages are independent, practitioners have formed umbrella organisations, called "federations", in most Brazilian states. These represent practitioners in their dealings with the government and society more broadly. They have also established a national organisation, the Conference of the Tradition and Culture of the Orixás (CONTOC), through which to represent their interests.

Reception and influence

In the early 21st century, the anthropologist Lindsay Hale described Candomblé as "a treasured symbol of Brazilian cultural identity and an icon of African Diaspora culture and politics".

Since the 1960s, Candomblé has featured in various films, such as The Given Word (1962) and The Amulet of Ogum (1974), as well as documentaries like Geraldo Sarno's Iaô (1974). The Brazilian novelist Jorge Amado makes repeated references to Candomblé throughout his work. In the 1980s, the American writer Toni Morrison visited Brazil to learn more about Candomblé. She subsequently combined ideas from Candomblé with those of Gnosticism in her depiction of the religion pursued by "The Convent", an all-female community in her 1991 novel Paradise.
Themes from the religion have also been included in the work of Brazilian filmmaker Glauber Rocha. References to the religion also appeared in Brazilian popular music. For instance, Maria Bethânia and Gal Costa's song "Prayer to Mãe Menininha" made it into the country's chart.

Candomblé has been described as a much maligned religion. Practitioners have often encountered intolerance and religious discrimination; terreiros have sometimes been physically attacked. More extreme hostile views of Candomblé have regarded it as devil worship, while milder critical views see it as superstition that attracts the simple-minded and desperate. Brazil's Roman Catholics have mixed opinions of Candomblé, with some expressing tolerance and others expressing hostility to the presence of Candomblé practitioners at mass. Evangelical and Pentecostal groups present themselves as avowed enemies of Candomblé, regarding it as diabolical and targeting it as part of their "spiritual war" against Satan. Those denigrating Candomblé often refer to it with the term macumba, typically used for harmful sorcery. Leaders of terreiros are often stereotyped as greedy and conniving. Candomblé practitioners sometimes abandon the religion for forms of Christianity; in certain cases, they later return to Candomblé.

Johnson noted that many academics who have studied Candomblé have sought to portray it in the best light possible, so as to counter racist and primitivist stereotypes about Afro-Brazilians. Academic studies have in turn influenced the way that the religion is practices, helping to establish "correct practice" among divergent groups. Many terreiros own copies of academic studies of Candomblé by scholars such as Pierre Verger, Roger Bastide, and Juana Elbein dos Santos. Various practitioners own books on Candomblé and other Afro-American religions, including those written in languages they cannot understand, as a mean of presenting an image of authority.

Although objects associated with Candomblé were initially found only in police museums, thus underscoring the stereotypical association between the religion and criminality, as it gained greater public acceptance such objects eventually came to be featured in museums devoted to folklore and Afro-Brazilian culture. From the 1990s onward, practitioners began establishing their own museum displays within their terreiros. For instance, the bedroom of the famous Candomblé priestess Mãe Menininha do Gantois, located within her Bahia terreiro, was converted into a memorial in 1992 and then formally recognised as a heritage site in 2002. Candomblé practitioners have also lobbied other museums to change the way that the latter display items associated with the religion. For instance, practitioners successfully called upon the Museum of the City of Salvador to remove some otá stones from public display, arguing that according to the regulations of the religion such items should never be visible to the public.

References

Citations

Sources

Further reading

 Carneiro, Edison.  "The Structure of African Cults in Bahia"  Civilzacao Brasileira, Rio de Janeiro. 1936–37.

 Gordon, Jacob U.  " Yoruba Cosmology And Culture in Brazil: A Study of African Survivals in the New World." Journal of Black Studies, Vol.10, No 2. (December 1979): P. 231- 244
 Herskovits, Melville J.  "The Social Organization of the Afrobrazilian Candomble."  Proceedings of the Congress São Paulo, 1955.
Jensen, Tina Gudrun. 1999. Discourses on Afro-Brazilian Religion: from de-Africanization to re-Africanization. In Latin American Religion in Motion. eds. Christian Smith and Joshua Prokopy, New York: Routledge, 265–283.

 Matory, J. Lorand.  "Gendered Agendas: The Secrets Scholars Keep about Yoruba-Atlantic Religion."  Gender & History 15, no. 3 (November 2003): p. 409–439."
 Omari-Tunkara, Mikelle S. "Manipulating the Sacred: Yoruba Art, Ritual, and Resistance in Brazilian Candomble". 2005 – Wayne State University Press.
 Parés, Luis Nicolau. 2013. The Formation of Candomblé: Vodun History and Ritual in Brazil. Translated by Richard Vernon. Chapel Hill, NC: University of North Carolina Press. .
 Reis, João José. "Candomblé in Nineteenth-Century Bahia: Priests, Followers, Clients" in Rethinking the African Diaspora:The Making of a Black Atlantic World in the Bight of Benin and Brazil Mann, Kristina and Bay, Edna G. Ed. Geu Heuman and James Walvin. 2001-Frank Cass
 Reis, João José. Slave Rebellion in Brazil:The Muslim Uprising of 1835 in Bahia (Baltimore and London:The Johns Hopkins University Press,1995).

 .
 McGowan, Chris and Pessanha, Ricardo. "The Brazilian Sound: Samba, Bossa Nova and the Popular Music of Brazil." 1998. 2nd edition. Temple University Press.

External links

 A practitioners english Guide to Candomblé /

Portuguese
 Afro-Brazil Museum Index
 – February 2: Feast Day at Sea

French
 Prefaces of Berger's book

Religious syncretism

Candomblé


Paul Monash (* 14. Juni 1917 in Harlem, New York City; † 14. Januar 2003 in Los Angeles, Kalifornien)  war ein US-amerikanischer Drehbuchautor und Filmproduzent.

Leben
Paul Monash wurde als Sohn der Stummfilmschauspielerin Rhoda Melrose in Harlem, New York geboren und wuchs später in der Bronx auf. Später erhielt er seinen Bachelor-Abschluss an der University of Wisconsin–Madison und seinen Master an der Columbia University. Als aufstrebender Schriftsteller schloss er sich später der United States Merchant Marine an und fuhr durchs Land. Er war auf der Suche nach dem richtigen Material, um die Great American Novel zu schreiben. Während des Zweiten Weltkriegs schrieb er für die United States Army und anschließend war er drei Jahre lang im Greenwich Village, um die richtige Geschichte zu finden. Es folgten weitere Jahre in Paris, wo er sich der Kunst hingab. Zwar fand er das richtige Material, aber nicht die richtigen Worte, sodass er seine veröffentlichten Roman How brave we live nicht als erfolgreich ansah.

Allerdings begann er für das Radio zu schreiben und konnte mit einem Drehbuch für die Fernsehserie Foreign Intrigue seinen Start in der Fernsehlandschaft feiern. Es folgten mehrere Drehbücher für weitere Serien und das Drehbuch zu dem Film Operation Manhunt , bevor er mit Filmen wie Extrablatt, Im Westen nichts Neues und Stalin größere Erfolge als Drehbuchautor schaffte. Parallel dazu war er auch als Filmproduzent tätig und produzierte Filme wie Zwei Banditen, Carrie – Des Satans jüngste Tochter und Big Trouble in Little China.

Im Jahr 2000 wurde er mit dem Laurel Award der Writers Guild of America für sein Lebenswerk ausgezeichnet. Er meinte dazu, dass er lediglich bedauert, nie den großen Roman geschrieben zu haben.

Filmografie (Auswahl)
 1952: Foreign Intrigue (Fernsehserie, fünf Episoden)
 1957: Steig aus bei 43000 (Bailout at 43,000)
 1954: Operation Manhunt
 1958: Safeknacker Nr. 1 (The Safecracker)
 1958: Strich durch die Rechnung (The Gun Runners)
 1959: Al Capone kehrt zurück (The Scarface Mob)
 1962: Gangsterschlacht (The Crimebusters)
 1968: Die Todesfalle (Deadfall)
 1969: Zwei Banditen (Butch Cassidy and the Sundance Kid)
 1972: Schlachthof 5 (Slaughterhouse-Five)
 1973: Die Freunde von Eddie Coyle (The Friends of Eddie Coyle)
 1974: Extrablatt (The Front Page)
 1976: Carrie – Des Satans jüngste Tochter (Carrie)
 1979: Brennen muss Salem (Salem's Lot)
 1979: Im Westen nichts Neues (All Quiet on the Western Front)
 1981: Am Ende des Weges (The Day the Loving Stopped)
 1984: V – Die außerirdischen Besucher kommen (V, Fernsehserie, eine Episode)
 1986: Big Trouble in Little China
 1992: Stalin
 1993: Der Killer Kodex (Killer Rules)
 1995: Kingfish (Kingfish: A Story of Huey P. Long)
 1997: Wallace
 1999: Carrie 2 – Die Rache (The Rage: Carrie 2)

Werke
 1950: How brave we live (Verlag: Charles Scribner's Sons)

Auszeichnungen (Auswahl)
Humanitas-Preis
 1998: Auszeichnung in der Kategorie "PBS/Cable Category" für George Wallace
 1999: Nominierung in der Kategorie "60 Minute Category" für Rescuers: Stories of Courage: Two Couples

Emmy
 1958: Auszeichnung in der Kategorie "Best Teleplay Writing - Half Hour or Less" für Schlitz Playhouse of Stars
 1993: Nominierung in der Kategorie "Outstanding Individual Achievement in Writing in a Miniseries or a Special" für Stalin

Edgar Allan Poe Award
1980: Nominierung in der Kategorie "Bester Fernsehfilm oder Miniserie" für Brennen muss Salem

Weblinks

 Paul Monash (Interview)

Einzelnachweise

Drehbuchautor
Filmproduzent
Emmy-Preisträger
US-Amerikaner
Geboren 1917
Gestorben 2003
Mann

Paul Monash


كاليمنوس: (باليونانية: Κάλυμνος)، (بالإنجليزية:Kalymnos)، هو اسم لجزيرة وبلدية يونانية وأيضاً اسم أكبر بلدة ضمن هذه الجزيرة.

تقع الجزيرة ضمن بحر إيجة، في جنوب شرق اليونان وهي تشكل جزءاً من أرخبيل الدوديكانيسيا. تتبع إدارياً لمقاطعة ذوذيكانيسيا والتي تشكل جزءاً من إقليم جنوب إيجة الإداري.

الموقع والسكان
{{خريطة مواقع|اليونان|label=كاليمنوس</small>|lat=36.98|long=26.98|caption=موقع كاليمنوس}}
تقع الجزيرة ضمن أرخبيل الدوديكانيسيا الذي يوازي السواحل التركية الجنوبية الغربية، تبعد كاليمنوس مسافة (15) كم فقط عن الساحل التركي، وتقع إلى الجنوب منها جزيرة كوس، وإلى الشمال جزيرة ليروس، وتقع بلدة كاليمنوس (مركز الجزيرة) والتي تسمى أيضاً بوثيا (Pothia) على الساحل الجنوبي للجزيرة.

تبلغ مساحة الجزيرة حوالي 134.5 كم2، ويبلغ ارتفاع أعلى نقطة فيها (678) م.

يبلغ عدد سكان الجزيرة حوالي (16.5) ألف نسمة، بينما يبلغ عدد سكان بلدة كاليمنوس مركز هذه الجزيرة (10) آلاف نسمة (تعداد السكان لعام 2001).

تتشكل أرضها من الحجر الكلسي (الجيري)، مع وجود آثار للطف البركاني تعود لبركان قديم، ساحل الجزيرة عديم الانتظام، ويشكل العديد من الأجوان، الخلجان والرؤوس مع البحر. توجد ضمنها ثلاث سلاسل جبلية تمتد من الشمال الغربي باتجاه الجنوب الشرقي.

 أرخبيل كاليمنوس

تحيط بكاليمنوس العديد من الجزر الصغيرة والتي تشكل معها جزءاً متكاملاً من أرخبيل الدوديكانيسيا (الجزر الإثنا عشر)، وأهم هذه الجزر:

-تيلندوس (Telendos): التي يقال أنها انفصلت عن كاليمنوس إثر هزة أرضية عنيفة حدثت عام (544) م.

-بسيريموس (Pserimos): وتقع إلى الشرق من كاليمنوس، مباشرةً مقابل الساحل الـتركي.

بالإضافة إلى جزيرة كالوليمنوس (Kalolimnos) وبلاتي (Plati)، والعديد من الجزر الصغيرة غير المأهولة الأخرى (8 جزر).

 بلدات وقرى كاليمنوس

تقع بلدات وقرى كاليمنوس ضمن الواديين اللذان تشكلهما سلاسل الجزيرة الثلاث، وأيضاً ضمن السواحل ذات الطبيعة السهلة.

وأهم بلدات الجزيرة:

-ضمن وادي بوثيا-خورا : بلدة خورا (3,000) نسمة، وتقع في وسط الوادي وهي المركز التاريخي للجزيرة، بلدة كاليمنوس (بوثيا) (10,000) نسمة وهي مركز الجزيرة والميناء التاريخي لها.-بلدة بانورموس (1,400) نسمة وتقع في أقصى غرب الوادي.

-ضمن وادي فاثيس (Vathys): قرية فاثيس (600) نسمة.

-على سواحل الجزيرة: أغلب هذه القرى الساحلية أصبحت عبارة عن منتجعات سياحية منتشرة على طول الجزيرة وأهمها –إمبوريو (Emporeio) على الطرف الشمالي للجزيرة، -ميرتييس (Myrties) على الساحل الغربي –فوثيني (Vothini) على الساحل الجنوبي.

إدارياً تشكل الجزيرة كلها مع الجزر الصغيرة المحيطة بها بلدية واحدة هي بلدية كاليمنوس والتي تكون بلدة كاليمنوس (بوثيا) مركزاً لها.

 التاريخ

 التسمية والميثولوجيا

يعود أصل اسم الجزيرة إلى كاليدنا (Kalydna) والذي يعود لـ (كاليدنوس) (Kalydnos) ابن السماء في الميثولوجيا الإغريقية والذي تطور لاحقاً إلى كاليمنا (Kalymna) في القرن الأول قبل الميلاد، ثم إلى كاليمنوس (Kalymnos).

وقد ذكرها هومير في الإلياذة عندما أشار إلى مشاركة كاليمنوس مع كوس، نيسيروس، كاسوس وكارباثوس في الحرب ضد طروادة من خلال إرسالها لـ 30 سفينة حرب.

 التاريخ القديم

بحسب الكشفيات الأثرية، فإن أقدم وجود بشري في الجزيرة يعود للعصر النيوليثي. وكجارتها الجنوبية (جزيرة كوس) فقد قطنها الكاريون لاحقاً الذين قدموا من ساحل آسيا الصغرى المقابل.

سقطت الجزيرة بيد الفرس خلال الحروب الإغريقية-الفارسية، ولكن الأثينيون استردوها لاحقاً. احتلها الفرس مرة أخرى واستمر هذا الأمر إلى أن قام الإسكندر المقدوني بإخراجهم منها، وشهدت بعد ذلك وبسبب موقعها الجغرافي بعض مراحل الصراع بين خلفاء الإسكندر فأصبحت من أملاك بطليموس حاكم مصر.

أصبحت خلال الفترة الـرومانية تشكل جزءاً من مقاطعة الجزر الإيجية، وقد أعفاها الإمبراطور أغريبينا من الضرائب.

 الفترة البيزنطية والقرون الوسطى

انتشرت المسيحية في الجزيرة منذ وقت مبكر بسبب قربها من الساحل الغربي للأناضول ويقال أن بولس الرسول قد رسا فيها وقام بوعظ سكانها، وبنيت فيها العديد من الكنائس القديمة المنمقة. أصبحت لاحقاً جزءاً من الإمبراطورية البيزنطية، وفي تلك الفترة تعرضت لزلزال عنيف عام (554) م. أدى إلى تشريد سكانها، وغرق بلدة ميرتييس (Myrties) القديمة، وانفصال جزيرة تيلندوس الحالية عن كاليمنوس.

تعرضت الجزيرة لاحقاًً خلال تلك الفترة بدءاً من القرن السابع لغزوات العرب الأمر الذي أجبر سكانها على هجر الساحل والاحتماء بالجبال الداخلية.

 الفترة الإفرنجية والعثمانية

احتلت تنظيمات فرسان القديس يوحنا الصليبية الجزيرة بدءاً من العام (1310) م. وقد قام هؤلاء ببناء حصنين جديدين في الجزيرة بالإضافة إلى ترميمهم للقلعة البيزنطية القديمة، وذلك من أجل مواجهة الخطر التركي المتزايد في تلك الفترة. وقد سيطر فرسان يوحنا على كل الجزر من ليروس إلى كاستيللوريزو وكان مركزهم في رودس.

استطاع العثمانيون فتح الجزيرة عام (1532) م. وخلال كل الفترة العثمانية، حافظت الجزيرة نوعاً ما على استقلاليتها، ولم يحدث فيها أي استيطان عثماني (على عكس مناطق اليونان الأخرى)، ولكنه وفي نفس الوقت لم يسمح للسكان باستيراد أي شيء من خارج الجزيرة الأمر الذي أجبرهم على الاعتماد فقط على جزيرتهم وما تنتجه من موارد قليلة.

 التاريخ الحديث

حدثت بالقرب من الجزيرة عام (1821) م. معركة بحرية بين الأسطول العثماني وسفن بحرية يونانية، وكانت هذه المعركة جزءاً من حرب استقلال اليونان، انتصر اليونانيون في هذه المعركة ولكن العثمانيين استعادوا السيطرة على الجزيرة خلال فترة وجيزة واستمر هذا الأمر لفترة (88) سنة حتى العام (1912) عندما احتلتها القوات الإيطالية بعد الحرب التركية-الإيطالية عام (1912).

بقيت الجزيرة بيد الإيطاليين الذين استخدموها كقاعدة لهم خلال الحرب العالمية الثانية، إلى العام (1947) م عندما تنازلت إيطاليا عن كل جزر الدوديكانيسيا لليونان.

 المعالم الأساسية

تنتشر المعالم المهمة في كل أنحاء الجزيرة وخاصة ضمن الوادي التي تقع ضمنه بلدة كاليمنوس (مركز الجزيرة) وأهم هذه المعالم:

-حرم أبوللو: كان المركز الديني والسياسي لكاليمنوس القديمة، توجد ضمنه معابد لأبوللو وأسكليبيوس إله الطب في الميثولوجيا الإغريقية، استخدمت حجاره المرمرية لاحقاً في بناء كنائس الجزيرة. يقع المعبد على مسافة (3) كيلومتر عن مركز بلدة كاليمنوس وعلى أطراف بلدة خورا (Chora) التي تشكل امتداد عمراني واحد مع بلدة كاليمنوس (بوثيا).

-قلعة خريسوخيريا (Chrysocheria): وهي القلعة البيزنطية القديمة (الكاسترو) والتي جددت على يد فرسان القديس يوحنا وهي تقع على قمة جبل مشرف على بلدتي كاليمنوس وخورا.

-قلعة خورا (Chora): وهو حصن بيزنطي قديم يقع على قمة جبل على الطرف الأخر من الوادي بشكل مقابل لقلعة خريسوخيريا، يشرف هذا الحصن على بلدة خورا.

-كنيسة باناغيا هاريتوميني (Panaghia Haritomeni)، وكنيسة خريستوس تو ييروساليم (Hristos tou Ierousalem) وهما أهم معابد الجزيرة توجدان في خورا (المركز التاريخي للجزيرة)، وتعود الثانية للقرن السادس للميلاد.

-متحف كاليمنوس الأركيولوجي، ومتحف عالم البحار ويوجدان في بلدة كاليمنوس (بوثيا).

ومن المعالم التي تقع في أنحاء أخرى في الجزيرة:

-معاقل فيلاكيس (Filakyes): وهي تحصينات هلنستية تشرف على وادي فاثيس، -قلعة إمبولاس (Empolas) التي تحمي نفس الوادي، -حصن كاستراكي (Kastraki)، -ميناء ريناس' القديم (Rinas'')، وهو أفضل موقع أثري يعود للفترة المسيحية المبكرة في كل اليونان.

هذا بالإضافة إلى الآثار الموجودة في جزيرة تيلندوس والتي كانت ضمنها المدينة الكلاسيكية في الجزيرة قبل حدوث الزلزال.

متفرقات
 لا تعتبر الجزيرة «سياحية» مقارنةً بالجزر اليونانية الأخرى مثل ميكونوس وَسانتوريني، ولكنها تعتمد بشكل كبير على السياحة كمورد مهم للدخل.
 اعتمدت الجزيرة تاريخياً على البحر كمصدر دخل أساسي فقد كانت المركز الأهم لاستخراج الإسفنج من البحر، أما الموارد الزراعية فهي قليلة بسبب طبيعة الجزيرة القاسية وأهمها الحمضيات.

مراجع

وصلات خارجية
 موقع المدينة الرسمي

كاليمنوس
أعضاء الاتحاد الديلي
براكين اليونان
بلديات جنوب إيجة
جزر اليونان
جزر جنوب إيجة
دوديكانيسيا
مدن اليونان

كاليمنوس


Murat Yalçın (d. 24 Mart 1970, İstanbul), Öykücü.

İstanbul Üniversitesi Psikoloji Bölümü'nü bitirdi. Yapı Kredi Yayınlarında edebiyat ve  Kitap-lık Dergisi editörü.

Kitapları

 Aşkımumya (1995)
 Hafif Metro Günleri (1998)
 İma Kılavuzu (2003)
 Şen Saat (2006)
 Kesik Hava (2009)
 Karga Zarif (2012)
 İçimde Oğuz Atay ile Orhan Gencebay İkizi Yaşıyor (2013)
 Kontrol Kalemi (2015)
 Pera Mera (2017)
Dayı Parçası (2020)
Oralı Olmamak (2020)

Ödülleri
2017 Yunus Nadi Öykü Ödülü (Pera Mera)
2009 Türkiye Yazarlar Birliği Yılın Hikâye Kitabı (Kesik Hava)

Kaynakça

Türk yazarlar
Resim aranan yazarlar
Yunus Nadi Ödülü sahipleri

Murat Yalçın


Bjergsted Skov  er en privat skov, der ligger på Midtsjælland ved Jyderup mellem Kalundborg og Holbæk.
Skoven hænger sammen med Stokkebjerg Skov, og Grevindeskov, og er i dag et rekreativt område for borgere i Jyderup og omegn.

Skoven er i dag gennemskåret af Nordvestbanen der går mellem Kalundborg via Holbæk til Roskilde, samt Skovvejen, (primærrute 23) som er en fire sporet motortrafikvej mellem Holbæk og Kalundborg.

Vejdirektoratet er i gang med at planlægge at opgradere Skovvejen fra en motortrafikvej til motorvej (Kalundborgmotorvejen), der skal går mellem Holbæk og Kalundborg.

Privatskove i Danmark
Holbæk Kommunes geografi
Kalundborg Kommunes geografi

Bjergsted Skov


الخردل الفارسي هو نوع من أنواع الأعشاب واسعة الانتشار من جنس لبيديوم (lepidium) وبخاصة لبيديوم ساتيفم (L.sativum) الذي يزرع في الحدائق ويستعمل في السلطة.

أعشاب حقيقية

خردل فارسي


Aceasta este o listă a atentatelor teroriste reușite sau eșuate de pe teritoriul României din secolul al XX-lea până în prezent. În această listă nu vor fi incluse asasinările politice ( Lista oamenilor asasinați de legionari ) sau crimele organizate, ci doar acțiunile care au fost catalogate ca și ,,acte teroriste''.

Definiția terorismului
Prin terorism, conform art.1 din Legea nr. 535 din 25 noiembrie 2004 (actualizat la zi prin legea nr. 58 din 8 aprilie 2019) privind prevenirea și combaterea terorismului înțelegem:

,,Terorismul reprezintă acele acțiuni, inacțiuni, precum și amenințări cu privire la acestea, care prezintă pericol public, afectează viața, integritatea corporală sau sănătatea oamenilor, factorii materiali, relațiile internaționale ale statelor, securitatea națională sau internațională, sunt motivate politic, religios sau ideologic și sunt săvârșite în unul din următoarele scopuri:

a) intimidarea populației sau a unui segment al acesteia, prin producerea unui puternic impact psihologic;

b) constrângerea nelegitimă a unei autorități publice ori organizații internaționale să îndeplinească, să nu îndeplinească sau să se abțină de la îndeplinirea unui anumit act;

c) destabilizarea gravă sau distrugerea structurilor politice fundamentale, constituționale, economice ori sociale ale unui stat sau organizații internaționale;

Atentate teroriste reușite pe teritoriul României
 1920, 8 decembrie - Atentatul din Senatul României din 1920 prin instalarea și amorsarea unei bombe artizanale plasată în sala Senatului României, de către un grup anarhist-terorist format din evrei comuniști de extremă stângă. Atentatul trebuia să ducă la o "ridicare a maselor" și la haos, la răsturnarea monarhiei și la instalarea unui regim Bolșevic în Romania. Atacul a fost pus la care de către Max Goldstein (conducătorul grupului), Saul Osias și Leon Lichtblau.

Explozia i-a ucis pe Ministrul Justiție, Dimitrie Greceanu, pe senatorii Demetriu Radu și Spirea Gheorghiu. În urma atentatului  au fost și răniți printre care președintele Senatului, Constantin Coandă, episcopul ortodox Nifon Nicolescu și episcopul ortodox Roman Ciorogariu.

În octombrie 1921, Goldstein a fost arestat în timp ce încerca să intre clandestin în România venind de la Ruse (Bulgaria), iar pe 28 iunie 1922 a fost condamnat la muncă forțată pe viață. Ceilalți inculpați au fost condamnați la pedepse între o lună și 10 ani de muncă forțată.

1921, 13 decembrie - Bombardarea Palatului Bolgrad  a reprezentat unul dintre cele mai mortale atentate din istoria Europei.
Pe această dată, o bombă a fost aruncată în Palatul Siguranței din Bolgrad, România (azi în Ucraina). În urma acestui atentat au murit 100 de oameni, soldați și ofițeri de poliție. Se suspectează că teroriștii ar fi fost separatiști basarabeni.

 1924, 15-18 septembrie - Rebeliunea din satul Tatar Bunar a fost o operațiune teroristă efectuată în Basarabia (pe vremea aceea parte din România) de un grup de separatiști comuniști.

După ce, pe 12 septembrie, au prădat satul Nicolaevca din județul Ismail, jefuind și dând foc caselor țăranilor și primăriei și ucigându-l pe primar și pe soția sa, agitatorii de peste Nistru au ajuns în satul Tatar Bunar. Acolo ei au tăiat firele de comunicații și au oprit poșta, izolând satul, și au proclamat alipirea Basarabiei la Uniunea Sovietică. Țăranii care n-au vrut să coopereze au fost uciși. În tot acest timp, artileria rusă făcea exerciții de tragere pe malul fluviului, pentru a intimida populația. După 3 zile trupele române preiau controlul satului. Atacatorii fug, dar sunt în final prinși și arestați.

1984, 4 decembrie - Asasinarea viceconsulului Ambasadei Iordaniei Azmi Al-Mufti la București a reprezentat singura situație în istoria antiteroristă națională în care structurile specializate nu au surprins amenințarea înainte de a se materializa. Viceconsulul a fost împușcat mortal de Ahmad Mohammed Ali Al-Hersh, un iordanian de origine palestiniană aflat la studii în România, la ordinele organizației teroriste palestiniene Fatah, ce dorea să dea un avertisment statelor pe care le considera ostile poporului palestinian. În 1985, atacatorul a fost condamnat la 20 de ani de închisoare.

1985, 26 mai - Atentatul cu bomba de la Grozăvești două dispozitive explozive improvizate au fost amplasate sub două mașini parcate în fața căminelor studențești din complexul studențesc Grozăvești din București. Atentatul a fost pus la cale de patru adepți ai Frăției Musulmane și viza studenți sirieni din România, considerați dușmani ai organizației.

Forțele USLA au intervenit rapid pentru a gestiona situația și a evita rănirea studenților. Primul pas a constat în devierea circulației și evacuarea căminelor și a imobilelor din apropiere. În timp ce ofițerii USLA studiau una dintre bombe, au observat că aceasta avea incorporate două siguranțe de dezamorsare. Chiar dacă nu dispuneau de suportul tehnic necesar, un superior din Departamentul Securității Statului le-a ordonat să neutralizeze dispozitivul.

Din păcate, demersul a avut urmări tragice, soldându-se cu moartea celor doi ofițeri USLA: locotenent colonel Donner P. Alecsandru (50 de ani) și căpitan Vidrean I. Ion (33 ani). Ulterior, prin utilizarea de tehnică specializată, cel de-al doilea dispozitiv a fost dezamorsat, fără a se mai înregistra victime.

2002, 06 noiembrie - Atentatul cu grenada de la Liceul Jean Monnet a fost comis de către Dragoș Ciupercescu, primul român condamnat pentru terorism. În noaptea de 10 spre 11 august 2002, bărbatul a furat, din depozitul de muniții al UM 01348 din București, șapte grenade de mâna defensive tip F1, zece focoase destinate acestui tip de muniție și 144 de cartușe calibrul 7,65 pentru pistolul Carpați Md. 1974.

În 6 noiembrie 2002, Ciupercescu a detonat pe trotuarul din fața Liceului "Jean Monnet", din Capitală, una dintre grenadele sustrase, rănind cinci elevi. Câteva zile mai târziu, pe 14 martie 2003, a amplasat o altă grenadă pe o alee frecventată din Parcul Cișmigiu, dar grenada nu a explodat. A fost arestat la 24 martie 2003, iar la 13 octombrie 2003, a fost trimis în judecată de procurorii militari.

În 2007 a fost condamnat definitiv la 18 ani de închisoare pentru  furt calificat, rupere de sigilii, nerespectarea regimului armelor și munițiilor, nerespectarea regimului materiilor explozive, tentativă la infracțiunea de omor calificat, tentativă la infracțiunea de omor deosebit de grav, distrugere și acte de terorism.

Atentate teroriste eșuate pe teritoriul României
 1973 - Atentatul asupra Ambasadei Israelului de la Bucuresti de către organizatia terorista palestiniana Septembrie Negru. Departamentul Securității Statului au recrutat ca informator un palestinian de origine siriană al cărui frate făcea parte din organizația teroristă menționată mai sus. Acesta a furnizat informații cu privire la arme care au fost introduse in țară, la Giurgiu, iar într-o săptămână urma să atace Ambasada Israelului din România, împreuna cu un grup întreg de palestinieni. Grupul a fost filat, iar după ce s-au cazat la un hotel de pe Calea Victoriei din București au fost abordați de către ofițerii de securitate.

Conform spusele colonelului (r) Botofei din cadrul DSS: "Au fost cooperanți și i-am făcut să renunțe la acțiune: s-au dus pe lângă Ambasada Israelului și au văzut ce forțe erau acolo, ce dispozitive erau și au comunicat prin Iugoslavia ca este imposibil a se acționeze".

Gruparea a fost dusă la la graniță cu Republica Populară Bulgaria, la Giurgiu și au fost lăsați să plece.

1975, 24 august - doi membri ai organizației teroriste germane Rote Armee Fraktion au intrat în România. Înainte de sosirea acestora, ofițerii antiteroriști au aflat că teroriștii intenționează să execute un atac și dispun de armamentul necesar pentru a-și pune planurile în aplicare. În baza informațiilor furnizate de ofițerii antiteroriști, organele competente au realizat o percheziție asupra autoturismului celor doi teroriști. În mașina pe care o conduceau au fost găsite documente false, arme, grenade, explozivi plastici și alte materiale periculoase. Cei doi urmau să se întâlnească cu un palestinian care făcea parte din conducerea organizației Septembrie Negru, pentru a preda armamentul și a organiza un atac terorist. Armamentul a fost confiscat, iar cetățenii germani au fost scoși din țară și declarați persoane indezirabile pentru România.

1977, 19 noiembrie - Ocuparea Ambasadei Egiptului de la Bucuresti  prin forță de un grup format din aproximativ 100 de studenți irakieni, situația necesitând intervenția Detașamentului Special de Intervenție  Antiteroristă. Incidentul a debutat în momentul în care șoferul unui autobuz a fost forțat de către studenții irakieni aflați în autovehicul să oprească în fața clădirii ambasadei, aflată la intersecția dintre bd.Dacia și str. Polonă. Câțiva irakieni au coborât din autobuz, restul alăturându-li-se pe jos. În decurs de câteva secunde, aceștia au escaladat gardul dinspre bulevard și au pătruns cu forța în interior. Modalitatea concertată în care au acționat a evidențiat o riguroasă planificare a atacului. Alertat imediat, detașamentul de luptători antiteroriști a sosit cu două echipaje la locul evenimentului și în doar câteva minute a reținut mare parte din studenții irakieni, punând capăt atacului. Intervenția nu s-a soldat cu victime, acțiunea antiteroristă derulându-se fără să se tragă nici un foc de armă.

1983 - Zborul București-Damasc/Siria  Autoritățile române au identificat doi cetățeni libanezi care au intrat în România cu acte de călătorie false (pașapoartele erau turcești, iar vizele erau obținute în scop turistic). În urma demersurilor informative derulate de USLA, a fost rapid stabilită apartenența acestora la o organizație teroristă arabă și scopul real al vizitei celor doi: indivizii intenționau să se îmbarce într-o aeronavă cu ruta București - Damasc , să amplaseze bombe incendiare la bordul avionului și, după aterizarea în Damasc, să le declanșeze cu ajutorul unei telecomenzi. Cei doi teroriști au fost reținuți, declarați indezirabili pentru România și expulzați.

1991 - Atentatul asupra ambasadorului indian Julio Francis Ribeiro de către un comando indian format din patru indivizi aparținând organizației teroriste indiene Babbar Khalsa. Atentatul a avut loc în timp ce ambasadorul se plimba cu soția sa pe un bulevard din nordul Capitalei. Cei patru teroriști s-au deplasat la locul atentatului cu un autoturism cu numere de înmatriculare românești pentru a nu atrage atenția asupra lor. În momentul în care atacatorii s-au apropiat de soții Ribeiro, doi dintre aceștia au coborât din mașină și au deschis focul asupra lor. Echipa ce asigura protecția antiteroristă de la distanță a intervenit rapid și i-a salvat pe cei doi. Unul dintre atacatori a fost ucis, doi au fost arestați, iar un al patrulea a reușit să scape. Asupra atacatorilor au fost găsite automate Kalașnikov, o armă semiautomată și cartușe.

1992, aprilie - Dispozitivul exploziv din Parcul Herastrau (Parcul Regele Mihai I al României) este cea mai puternică bombă artizanală dezamorsată de specialiștii români. Dispozitivul avea șase kilograme de exploziv plastic C4 și aproximativ  2.000 de bile de oțel de 11 milimetri diametru. Bomba a fost amplasată în portbagajul unui autoturism Citroen parcat pe aleea de acces către restaurantul Pescăruș din parcul respectiv si era alimentată de la bateria mașinii și acționată cu o telecomandă radio. Există suspiciuni că dispozitivul a fost creat de către un cetățean de origine iraniană, iar ținta principală era atunci un cetățean irakian, cunoscut drept un apropiat al regimului de la Bagdad.

1993 - Intervenția BAT la Ambasada Sudanului din București unde un grup de protestatari format din 15 studenți sudanezi sechestraseră personalul diplomatic. Pe durata incidentului, protestatarii au aruncat cocktail-uri Molotov în interiorul ambasadei. Echipele de intervenție au executat asaltul și au reușit să evacueze personalul diplomatic, studenții sudanezi fiind reținuți și predați organelor de aplicare a legii.

1999, februarie - Dispozitivul exploziv din benzinăria ''Istanbul Petrol'' din București de pe șoseaua Bucuresti-Giurgiu se afla într-o mașină abandonată. Există suspiciunea că dispozitivul a fost plasat de către Partidul Muncitorilor din Kurdistan, catalogat drept organizație teroristă. Ținta: proprietarul benzinăriei, un cetățean turc, a declarat în fata anchetatorilor că "ar fi avut probleme cu PKK pentru că nu și-ar fi plătit la timp taxele datorate organizației". Explozia ar fi avut efecte devastatoare dacă nu era dezamorsată, datorită locației în care era amplasată (benzinăria).

 2000, 8 aprilie - Dispozitivul exploziv din fața localului "Irish Pub" din Piața Universității din București se afla sub o mașină parcată în fața localului. Dispozitiv improvizat de tip țeavă cu diametrul de aproximativ opt centimetri, umplut cu exploziv plastic (Semtex) și telecomandat prin radio, era plasat chiar sub scaunul șoferului. Există suspiciunea că dispozitivul a fost plasat de către Partidul Muncitorilor din Kurdistan, catalogat drept organizație teroristă Ținta: proprietarul mașinii, un cetățean turc de origine kurdă, rudă a unuia dintre liderii filialei din România a PKK. Explozia ar fi avut efecte devastatoare dacă nu era dezamorsată, datorită locației în care era amplasată, fiind o zonă aglomerată și plină de turiști

2006, 27 iunie - Atentatul cu mașină-capcană din Timiș a fost dejugat de către forțele Serviciul Român de Informații (Brigada Antiteroristă). În urma unei monitorizări de doi ani, autoritățile române l-au capturat pe Lesch Florian Ioan la 35 km distanță de Timișoara, orașul în care intenționa să detoneze telecomandat mașina-capcană pe care o conducea și în care plasase un IED construit în urma consultării unor schițe de pe internet (două butelii cu gaz metan și un telefon mobil la a cărui sonerie era atașat un aprinzător electric de aragaz). În cursul anchetei post incident s-a stabilit că bomba era funcțională și în cazul detonării, ar fi provocat distrugeri substanțiale. Lesch Florian Ioan s-a convertit la islam la finalul anilor  ́90 și s-a autoradicalizat sub influența internetului. Acesta a promovat în cercul său de relații și pe internet mesaje extremiste și îndemnuri la acțiune împotriva României, motivate de implicarea militară a țării în lupta împotriva terorismului internațional. În 2008, atacatorul a fost condamnat definitiv la 12 ani de închisoare pentru acte de terorism. Mai este cunoscut ca și teroristul în șlapi.

2012, 13 decembrie - Atentatul asupra diplomatului britanic care a fost oprit de către Serviciul Român de Inforrmații (Brigada Antiteroristă)  au dejucat un atac asupra unui diplomat al ambasadei britanice la București ce urma să fie comis de un irakian, rezident în Finlanda, sub motivația "invaziei occidentale" din Irak. În baza comportamentului suspect manifestat, individul a fost reținut de cadrele autoritățiile române în apropierea ambasadei Marii Britanii, în momentul în care intenționa să acționeze. Atacatorul, care avea asupra sa arma albă cu care urma să săvârșească fapta, fusese implicat în trecut în acțiuni teroriste în Irak și dispunea de pregătire militară care i-ar fi permis să execute atacul în cazul în care nu ar fi fost surprins de cadrele Brigăzii.

2013, 8 iulie - Atentatul de la Universitatea din Iași  a fost săvârșit de către Constantin Oliver Stan, cetățean român cu probleme psihice neafiliat unei organizații teroriste a încercat să detoneze un exploziv improvizat pe care îl avea asupra sa într-o sală de curs a Facultății de Telecomunicații din cadrul Universității "Alexandru Ioan Cuza" din Iași, în timpul examenului de licență. La nivelul comunității de intelligence din România acesta nu este considerat terorist, însă a acționat în baza unui modus operandi specific terorist.

Individul, fost student al Facultății de Electronică și Telecomunicații din Iași, a intrat într-o sală în care se aflau 45 de studenți și patru profesori și a anunțat că are asupra sa o bombă pe care o va detona dacă nu vine poliția să discute cu el. În timp ce persoanele aflate în sală încercau să îl convingă să renunțe la demers, într-un moment de agitație, acesta a acționat accidental dispozitivul, care nu a explodat din cauza confecționării deficitare a mecanismului de declanșare. Doi dintre studenți l-au imobilizat și au chemat autoritățile care l-au reținut.

Dispozitivul artizanal (IED) avea la bază un proiectil neexplodat din Primul Război Mondial la care era atașată o capsă pirotehnică declanșabilă printr-un sistem mecanic. De asemenea, acesta avea asupra sa 12 litri de benzină.

În prezent, atacatorul, care fusese diagnosticat întrecut cu schizofrenie-paranoidă, se află într-un spital de psihiatrie cu regim de penitenciar.

Atentate care au fost inițial considerate ca fiind "teroriste"
1995, 9 martie -  Mașină capcană care a explodat în fața Palatului de Justiție din Suceava  în care un polițist a fost ucis și alți cinci au fost răniți de explozia. Ministrul de Interne din acea perioada, Doru Ioan Tărăcilă, dupa producerea incidentului a declarat ca: ,,actul terorist de tip mafiot care s-a produs la Suceava reprezintă, prin consecințele sale, "un atentat la adresa democrației, a statului de drept și a forțelor de ordine publică''. Ulterior, s-a aflat că explozia a fost comandată de o soție infidelă care vâna averea soțului.

În mai puțin de 24 de ore autoritățile au reușit să-i aresteze pe suspecți și să prezinte filmul evenimentelor. Totul a pornit de la procesul de divorț dintre soții Adrian și Veta Borș. Căsătoriți în 1986, cei doi au avut o căsnicie cu numeroase probleme. Acuzând infidelitatea soției, Adrian Borș a cerut divorțul. Cum proprietar în acte pe bunurile familiei era doar bărbatul, Veta Borș pus la cale asasinarea soțului pentru a rămâne cu toată averea: trei autoturisme, o moară, o cârciumă în Praxia, hanul "Dolce Vita" din Boroaia, un apartament, o casă la țară.

În noaptea de 8 spre 9 martie 1995, cu ajutorul Ionelei Pădureț, ospătar la "Dolce Vita", Neculai Pralea ( un recidivist, condamnat în trecut pentru dezertare și tentativă de trecere ilegală a frontierei ) instalează bomba artizanală sub mașina lui Adrian Borș, un Opel Kadett, parcată în fața blocului în care locuia.

  Dispozitivul era compus din 200 de grame de dinamită, o capsă electrică și o baterie Varta, toate introduse într-o cutie de dimensiunile 30x15x25 centimetri, prevăzută cu un magnet care a fixat-o pe caroseria mașinii. Bomba avea un fir liber, neizolat, lăsat astfel în mod deliberat pentru a produce contactul electric la cel mai mic balans al mașinii.

  Deși joi, până la amiază când a parcat lângă Tribunal, bărbatul s-a plimbat cu mașina prin tot orașul, explozia nu s-a declanșat. La tribunal, Adrian Borș a văzut bomba și a alertat colegii care au intervenit cu un echipaj de pirotehniști.

  Locotenentul major Mihai Alupoae a desfăcut bomba de sub autoturism și crezând că a dezarmat-o a încercat să o transporte la autospeciala echipajului de pirotehniști. A fost avertizat un coleg despre firul desprins, a așezat bomba pe carosabil, moment în care s-a produs explozia. Mihai Alupoae a murit pe loc, fiind răniți grav lt.maj. Gheorghe Muraru și cpt. Dan Frăsineanu, și ușor col. Ioan Tcaciuc, subofițerii Ioan Abuhăencei și Constantin Todiraș și ținta atacului, proprietarul autoturismului, Adrian Borș.

  Suspecții au fost prinși în doar câteva ore. Veta Borș a fost condamnată la 20 de ani de închisoare, iar ceilalți trei complici au primit închisoare pe viață. Neculai Pralea (33 ani) a fost acuzat de omor calificat și tentativă la omor, Veta Borș (33 ani) de instigare la omor, iar Ionela Pădureț (18 ani) și Vasile Ungureanu, zis Torpilă, au fost acuzați de complicitate la infracțiunea de omor calificat.

2001, 5 noiembrie - Grenada amplasată în mașină ofițerului de poliție din Focșani/Vrancea a rămas un mister până in prezent. Tentativă eșuată de a asasina ofițerul de poliție Nicolae Lupu din cadrul Biroului Economic Focșani a fost clasată ca și act de terorism, din cauza urmărilor care s-ar fi putut întâmpla dacă se declanșa grenada. Arma   ofensivă, de producție rusească a fost fixata in partea din fata dreapta pe lonjeron cu o banda adeziva. De inelul pirghiei de siguranta a fost legata o sfoara din materiale sintetic, iar celalalt capat al sforii a fost legat de una din paletele ventilatorului, astfel incit la pornirea motorului trebuia sa se declanseze explozia prin smulgerea cuiului de siguranta. Deflagratia nu s-a produs pentru ca inelul de siguranta, confectionat dintr-un metal moale, s-a desfacut, cuiul percutor raminind fixat in pozitia initiala. În cauza s-au aflat în primă fază șase suspecți, printre care și doi cetățeni din Republica Moldova, care au fost dați în urmărire generală.

 2015, 1 decembrie - "Atentatul cu bombă" de parada de 1 Decembrie cu ocazia zilei naționale a României, se presupune că un lider al Mișcării de Tineret 64 (HVIM) ar fi intenționat să detoneze un dispozitiv exploziv la Târgu Secuiesc. În urma acestui atentat, Beke István Attila a fost suspectat de terorism și arestat pentru 30 de zile. Înalta Curte de Casație si Justiție i-a condamnat definitiv pe Beke István Attila și Szőcs Zoltán la câte cinci ani de închisoare pentru infracțiunea de acte de terorism.

Note

Legături externe

Listă de atentate teroriste în România