A relative clause is a clause that modifies a noun or noun phrase and uses some grammatical device to indicate that one of the arguments in the relative clause refers to the noun or noun phrase. For example, in the sentence I met a man who wasn't too sure of himself, the subordinate clause who wasn't too sure of himself is a relative clause since it modifies the noun man and uses the pronoun who to indicate that the same "man" is referred to in the subordinate clause (in this case as its subject).

In many European languages, relative clauses are introduced by a special class of pronouns called relative pronouns, such as who in the example just given. In other languages, relative clauses may be marked in different ways: they may be introduced by a special class of conjunctions called relativizers, the main verb of the relative clause may appear in a special morphological variant, or a relative clause may be indicated by word order alone. In some languages, more than one of these mechanisms may be possible.

Types

Bound and free
A bound relative clause, the type most often considered, qualifies an explicit element (usually a noun or noun phrase) appearing in the main clause, and refers back to that element by means of some explicit or implicit device within the relative clause.

The relative clause may also function as an embedded clause within a main (or higher-level) clause, thereby forming a matrix sentence. The noun in the main clause that the relative clause modifies is called the head noun, or (particularly when referred back to by a relative pronoun) the antecedent.

For example, in the English sentence "The person whom I saw yesterday went home", the relative clause "whom I saw yesterday" modifies the head noun person, and the relative pronoun whom refers back to the referent of that noun. The sentence is equivalent to the following two sentences: "I saw a person yesterday. The person went home." The shared argument need not fulfill the same role in both clauses; in this example the same person is referred to by the subject of the matrix clause, but the direct object of the relative clause.

A free relative clause (or fused relative), on the other hand, does not have an explicit antecedent external to itself. Instead, the relative clause itself takes the place of an argument in the matrix clause. For example, in the English sentence "I like what I see", the clause what I see is a free relative clause, because it has no antecedent, but itself serves as the object of the verb like in the main clause. Alternatively, one could argue that the free relative clause has a zero as its antecedent.

Restrictive and non-restrictive

Bound relative clauses may or may not be restrictive. A restrictive relative clause is a relative clause that functions as a restrictive modifier. A non-restrictive relative clause is a relative clause that is not a restrictive relative clause. Whereas a non-restrictive or non-defining relative clause merely provides supplementary information, a restrictive or defining relative clause modifies the meaning of its head word (restricts its possible referent). For example:
The person who lives in this house has not been seen for days. This contains the restrictive relative clause who lives in this house, which modifies the meaning of person and is essential to the sentence. If this clause were omitted, it would no longer be known which person is being referred to, and the remaining part would not really make sense.
The mayor, who lives in this house, has not been seen for days. This contains a non-restrictive relative clause since this provides supplementary information about the mayor but is not essential to the sentence. If this clause were omitted, it would still be known who is meant (the mayor), and the remaining part would still make sense.

In speaking, it is natural to make slight pauses around non-restrictive clauses, and in English this is shown in writing by commas (as in the examples). However, many languages distinguish the two types of relative clauses in this way only in speaking, not in writing. Another difference in English is that only restrictive relative clauses may be introduced with that or use the "zero" relative pronoun (see English relative clauses for details).

A non-restrictive relative clause may have a whole sentence as its antecedent rather than a specific noun phrase; for example:
The cat was allowed on the bed, which annoyed the dog.
Here, which refers not to the bed or the cat but to the entire proposition expressed in the main clause, namely the situation of the cat being allowed on the bed.

Finite and non-finite
Relative clauses may be either finite clauses (as in the examples above) or non-finite clauses. An example of a non-finite relative clause in English is the infinitive clause on whom to rely, in the sentence "She is the person on whom to rely".

Formation methods
Languages differ in many ways in how relative clauses are expressed:
How the role of the shared noun phrase is indicated in the embedded clause.
How the two clauses are joined together.
Where the embedded clause is placed relative to the head noun (in the process indicating which noun phrase in the main clause is modified).

For example, the English sentence "The person that I saw yesterday went home" can be described as follows:
The role of the shared noun in the embedded clause is indicated by gapping; that is, a gap is left in the object position after "saw", implying that the shared noun phrase ("the person") is to be understood to fill that gap and to serve as the object of the verb "saw".
The clauses are joined by the complementizer "that".
The embedded clause is placed after the head noun "the person".

The following sentences indicate various possibilities (only some of which are grammatical in English):
"The person [that I saw yesterday] went home". (A complementizer linking the two clauses with a gapping strategy indicating the role of the shared noun in the embedded clause. One possibility in English. Very common cross-linguistically.)
"The person [I saw yesterday] went home". (Gapping strategy, with no word joining the clauses—also known as a reduced relative clause. One possibility in English. Used in Arabic when the head noun is indefinite, as in "a person" instead of "the person".)
"The person [whom I saw yesterday] went home". (A relative pronoun indicating the role of the shared noun in the embedded clause—in this case, the direct object. Used in formal English, as in Latin, German or Russian.)
"The person [seen by me yesterday] went home". (A reduced relative clause, in this case passivized. One possibility in English.)
"The person [that I saw him yesterday] went home". (A complementizer linking the two sentences with a resumptive pronoun indicating the role of the shared noun in the embedded clause, as in Arabic, Hebrew or Persian.)
"The person [that him I saw yesterday] went home". (Similar to the previous, but with the resumptive pronoun fronted. This occurs in modern Greek and as one possibility in modern Hebrew; the combination that him of complementizer and resumptive pronoun behaves similar to a unitary relative pronoun.)
"The [I saw yesterday]'s person went home". (Preceding relative clause with gapping and use of a possessive particle—as normally used in a genitive construction—to link the relative clause to the head noun. This occurs in many Sino-Tibetan languages and possibly developed from "relative clause + noun" > "nominalized clause + noun" > "genitive construction".)
"The [I saw yesterday] person went home". (Preceding relative clause with gapping and no linking word, as in Japanese or Mongolian.)
"The person [of my seeing yesterday] went home". (Nominalized relative clause, as in Turkish.)
"[Which person I saw yesterday], that person went home". (A correlative structure, as in Hindi.)
"[I saw the person yesterday] went home." (An unreduced, internally headed relative clause, as in Tibetan or Navajo.)

Strategies for indicating the role of the shared noun in the relative clause
There are four main strategies for indicating the role of the shared noun phrase in the embedded clause. These are typically listed in order of the degree to which the noun in the relative clause has been reduced, from most to least:

 Gap strategy or gapped relative clause
 Relative pronoun
 Pronoun retention
 Nonreduction

Gapped relative clause
In this strategy, there is simply a gap in the relative clause where the shared noun would go. This is normal in English, for example, and also in Chinese and Japanese. This is the most common type of relative clause, especially in verb-final languages with prenominal relative clauses, but is also widespread among languages with postnominal externally headed relative clauses.

There may or may not be any marker used to join the relative and main clauses. (Languages with a case-marked relative pronoun are technically not considered to employ the gapping strategy even though they do in fact have a gap, since the case of the relative pronoun indicates the role of the shared noun.) Often the form of the verb is different from that in main clauses and is to some degree nominalized, as in Turkish and in English reduced relative clauses.

In non-verb-final languages, apart from languages like Thai and Vietnamese with very strong politeness distinctions in their grammars, gapped relative clauses tend, however, to be restricted to positions high up in the accessibility hierarchy. With obliques and genitives, non-verb-final languages that do not have politeness restrictions on pronoun use tend to use pronoun retention. English is unusual in that all roles in the embedded clause can be indicated by gapping: e.g. "I saw the person who is my friend", but also (in progressively less accessible positions cross-linguistically, according to the accessibility hierarchy described below) "... who I know", "... who I gave a book to", "... who I spoke with", "... who I run slower than". Usually, languages with gapping disallow it beyond a certain level in the accessibility hierarchy, and switch to a different strategy at this point. Classical Arabic, for example, only allows gapping in the subject and sometimes the direct object; beyond that, a resumptive pronoun must be used. Some languages have no allowed strategies at all past a certain point—e.g. in many Austronesian languages, such as Tagalog, all relative clauses must have the shared noun serving the subject role in the embedded clause. In these languages, relative clauses with shared nouns serving "disallowed" roles can be expressed by passivizing the embedded sentence, thereby moving the noun in the embedded sentence into the subject position. This, for example, would transform "The person who I gave a book to" into "The person who was given a book by me". Generally, languages such as this "conspire" to implement general relativization by allowing passivization from all positions — hence a sentence equivalent to "The person who is run slower than by me" is grammatical. Gapping is often used in conjunction with case-marked relative pronouns (since the relative pronoun indicates the case role in the embedded clause), but this is not necessary (e.g. Chinese and Japanese both using gapping in conjunction with an indeclinable complementizer).

Relative pronoun type
This is a type of gapped relative clause, but is distinguished by the fact that the role of the shared noun in the embedded clause is indicated indirectly by the case marking of the marker (the relative pronoun) used to join the main and embedded clauses. All languages which use relative pronouns have them in clause-initial position: though one could conceivably imagine a clause-final relative pronoun analogous to an adverbial subordinator in that position, they are unknown.

Some languages have what are described as "relative pronouns" (in that they agree with some properties of the head noun, such as number and gender) but which do not actually indicate the case role of the shared noun in the embedded clause. Classical Arabic has "relative pronouns" which are case-marked, but which agree in case with the head noun. Case-marked relative pronouns in the strict sense are almost entirely confined to European languages, where they are widespread except among the Celtic family and Indo-Aryan family. The influence of Spanish has led to their adaption by a very small number of Native American languages, of which the best known are the Keresan languages.

Pronoun retention type
In this type, the position relativized is indicated by means of a personal pronoun in the same syntactic position as would ordinarily be occupied by a noun phrase of that type in the main clause—known as a resumptive pronoun. It is equivalent to saying "The woman who I saw her yesterday went home". Pronoun retention is very frequently used for relativization of inaccessible positions on the accessibility hierarchy. In Persian and Classical Arabic, for example, resumptive pronouns are required when the embedded role is other than the subject or direct object, and optional in the case of the direct object. Resumptive pronouns are common in non-verb-final languages of Africa and Asia, and also used by the Celtic languages of northwest Europe and Romanian ("Omul pe care l-am văzut ieri a mers acasă"/"The man who I saw him yesterday went home"). They also occur in deeply embedded positions in English, as in "That's the girl that I don't know what she did", although this is sometimes considered non-standard.

Only a very small number of languages, of which the best known is Yoruba, have pronoun retention as their sole grammatical type of relative clause.

Nonreduction type
In the nonreduction type, unlike the other three, the shared noun occurs as a full-fledged noun phrase in the embedded clause, which has the form of a full independent clause. Typically, it is the head noun in the main clause that is reduced or missing. Some languages use relative clauses of this type with the normal strategy of embedding the relative clause next to the head noun. These languages are said to have internally headed relative clauses, which would be similar to the (ungrammatical) English structure "[You see the girl over there] is my friend" or "I took [you see the girl over there] out on a date". This is used, for example, in Navajo, which uses a special relative verb (as with some other Native American languages).

A second strategy is the correlative-clause strategy used by Hindi and other Indo-Aryan languages, as well as Bambara. This strategy is equivalent to saying "Which girl you see over there, she is my daughter" or "Which knife I killed my friend with, the police found that knife". It is "correlative" because of the corresponding "which ... that ..." demonstratives or "which ... she/he/it ..." pronouns, which indicate the respective nouns being equated. The shared noun can either be repeated entirely in the main clause or reduced to a pronoun. There is no need to front the shared noun in such a sentence. For example, in the second example above, Hindi would actually say something equivalent to "I killed my friend with which knife, the police found that knife".

Dialects of some European languages, such as Italian, do use the nonreduction type in forms that could be glossed in English as "The person just passed us by, she introduced me to the chancellor here."

In general, however, nonreduction is restricted to verb-final languages, though it is more common among those that are head-marking.

Strategies for joining the relative clause to the main clause
The following are some of the common strategies for joining the two clauses:
Use of an indeclinable particle (specifically, a relativizer) inserted into the sentence, placed next to the modified noun; the embedded clause is likewise inserted into the appropriate position, typically placed on the other side of the complementizer. This strategy is very common and arguably occurs in English with the word that ("the woman that I saw"), though this interpretation of "that" as something other than a relative pronoun is controversial (see below). In the modern varieties of Arabic (using illi placed after the modified noun); in Chinese (using de placed before the modified noun).
Use of a relative pronoun. Prototypically, a relative pronoun agrees with the head noun in gender, number, definiteness, animacy, etc., but adopts the case that the shared noun assumes in the embedded, not matrix, clause. This is the case in a number of conservative European languages, such as Latin, German and Russian. Many languages also have similar linking words commonly termed "relative pronouns" that agree in some way with the head noun, but do not adopt the case role of the embedded clause. In English, for example, the use of who vs. which agrees with the animacy of the head noun, but there is no case agreement except in the formal English contrast who vs. whom. Similarly, in Classical Arabic, there is a relative pronoun that agrees in number, gender, definiteness and case with the head noun (rather than taking the case role of the noun in the embedded clause). Languages with prototypical relative pronouns typically use the gapping strategy for indicating the role in the embedded clause, since the relative pronoun itself indicates the role by its case. (Classical Arabic, where the case marking indicates something else, uses a resumptive pronoun.) Some linguists prefer to use the term relative pronoun only for the prototypical cases (but in this case it is unclear what to call the non-prototypical cases).
Directly inserting the embedded clause in the matrix clause at the appropriate position, with no word used to join them. This is common, for example, in English (cf. "The person I saw yesterday went home"), and is used in Classical Arabic in relative clauses that modify indefinite nouns.
By nominalizing the relative clause (e.g. converting it to a participial construction). Generally, no relative pronoun or complementizer is used. This occurs, for example, in reduced relative clauses in English (e.g. "The person seen by me yesterday went home" or "The person planning to go home soon is my friend"). Formal German makes common use of such participial relative clauses, which can become extremely long. This is also the normal strategy in Turkish, which has sentences equivalent to "I ate the potato of Hasan's giving to Sina" (in place of "I ate the potato that Hasan gave to Sina"). This can be viewed as a situation in which the "complementizer" is attached to the verb of the embedded clause (e.g. in English, "-ing" or "-ed" can be viewed as a type of complementizer).

Position of the head noun with respect to the relative clause
The positioning of a relative clause before or after a head noun is related to the more general concept of branching in linguistics. Languages that place relative clauses after their head noun (so-called head-initial or VO languages) generally also have adjectives and genitive modifiers following the head noun, as well as verbs preceding their objects. French, Spanish and Arabic are prototypical languages of this sort. Languages that place relative clauses before their head noun (so-called head-final or OV languages) generally also have adjectives and genitive modifiers preceding the head noun, as well as verbs following their objects. Turkish and Japanese are prototypical languages of this sort. Not all languages fit so easily into these categories. English, for example, is generally head-first, but has adjectives preceding their head nouns, and genitive constructions with both preceding and following modifiers ("the friend of my father" vs. "my father's friend"). Chinese has the VO order, with verb preceding object, but otherwise is generally head-final.

Various possibilities for ordering are:
Relative clause following the head noun, as in English, French or Arabic.
Relative clause preceding the head noun, as in Turkish, Japanese, or Chinese.
Head noun within the relative clause (an internally headed relative clause). An example of such a language is Navajo. These languages are said to have nonreduced relative clauses. These languages have a structure equivalent to "[I saw the person yesterday] went home".
Adjoined relative clause. These languages have the relative clause completely outside the main clause, and use a correlative structure to link the two. These languages also have nonreduced relative clauses. Hindi, the most well-known such language, has a structure similar to "Which person I saw yesterday, that person went home" or (without fronting of the relativized noun in the relative clause) "I saw which person yesterday, that person went home". Another example is Warlpiri, which constructs relative clauses of a form similar to "I saw the man yesterday, which he was going home". However, it is sometimes said these languages have no relative clauses at all, since the sentences of this form can equally well translate as "I saw the man who was going home yesterday" or "I saw the man yesterday when/while he was going home".

Accessibility hierarchy
The antecedent of the relative clause (that is, the noun that is modified by it) can in theory be the subject of the main clause, or its object, or any other verb argument. In many languages, however, especially rigidly left-branching, dependent-marking languages with prenominal relative clauses, there are major restrictions on the role the antecedent may have in the relative clause.

Edward Keenan and Bernard Comrie noted that these roles can be ranked cross-linguistically in the following order from most accessible to least accessible:

Subject > Direct Object > Indirect Object > Oblique > Genitive > Object of comparative

Ergative–absolutive languages have a similar hierarchy:

Absolutive > Ergative > Indirect Object > etc. (same as above)

This order is called the accessibility hierarchy. If a language can relativize positions lower in the accessibility hierarchy, it can always relativize positions higher up, but not vice versa. For example, Malagasy can relativize only subject and Chukchi only absolutive arguments, whilst Basque can relativize absolutives, ergatives and indirect objects, but not obliques or genitives or objects of comparatives. Similar hierarchies have been proposed in other circumstances, e.g. for pronominal reflexes.

English can relativize all positions in the hierarchy. Here are some examples of the NP and relative clause usage from English:

Some other examples:

Languages that cannot relativize directly on noun phrases low in the accessibility hierarchy can sometimes use alternative voices to "raise" the relevant noun phrase so that it can be relativized. The most common example is the use of applicative voices to relativize obliques, but in such languages as Chukchi antipassives are used to raise ergative arguments to absolutive.

For example, a language that can relativize only subjects could say this:
The girl [who likes me] came to visit.
But not:
The girl [whom I like] came to visit.
The girl [whom I gave a rose to] came to visit.
The girl [whom I watched a movie with] came to visit.
The girl [whose father I know] came to visit.
The girl [whom I know the father of] came to visit. (equivalent to previous)
The girl [whom I am taller than] came to visit.
These languages might form an equivalent sentence by passivization:
The girl [who was liked by me] came to visit.
The girl [who was given a rose by me] came to visit.
The girl [who was watched a movie with by me] came to visit.
The girl [who was known the father of by me] came to visit.
The girl [who was been taller than by me] came to visit.
These passivized sentences get progressively more ungrammatical in English as they move down the accessibility hierarchy; the last two, in particular, are so ungrammatical as to be almost unparsable by English speakers. But languages with severe restrictions on which roles can be relativized are precisely those that can passivize almost any position, and hence the last two sentences would be normal in those languages.

A further example is languages that can relativize only subjects and direct objects. Hence the following would be possible:
The girl [who I like] came to visit.
The other ungrammatical examples above would still be ungrammatical. These languages often allow an oblique object to be moved to the direct object slot by the use of the so-called applicative voice, much as the passive voice moves an oblique object to the subject position. The above examples expressed in an applicative voice might be similar to the following (in not necessarily grammatical English):
The girl [who I gave a rose] came to visit.
The girl [who I with-watched a movie] came to visit.
The girl [who I (of-)know the father] came to visit.
The girl [who I out-tall] came to visit.

Modern grammars may use the accessibility hierarchy to order productions—e.g. in Head-Driven Phrase Structure Grammar the hierarchy corresponds to the order of elements on the subcat list, and interacts with other principles in explanations of binding facts. The hierarchy also figures in
Lexical Functional Grammar, where it is known as Syntactic Rank or the Relational Hierarchy.

Examples

Indo-European languages

English

In English, a relative clause follows the noun it modifies. It is generally indicated by a relative pronoun at the start of the clause, although sometimes simply by word order. If the relative pronoun is the object of the verb in the relative clause, it comes at the beginning of the clause even though it would come at the end of an independent clause ("She is the woman whom I saw", not "She is the woman I saw whom").

The choice of relative pronoun can be affected by whether the clause modifies a human or non-human noun, by whether the clause is restrictive or not, and by the role (subject, direct object, or the like) of the relative pronoun in the relative clause.

For a human antecedent, "who", "whom", or "that" is usually used ("She is the person who saw me", "He is the person whom I saw", "He is the person that I saw"). For a non-human antecedent, only "that" or "which" is used.
For a non-human antecedent in a non-restrictive clause, only "which" is used ("The tree, which fell, is over there"); while either "which" or "that" may be used in a restrictive clause ("The tree which fell is over there", "The tree that fell is over there")but some styles and prescriptive grammars require the use of "that" in the restrictive context.
Of the relative pronoun pair "who" and "whom", the subjective case form ("who") is used if it is the subject of the relative clause ("She is the police officer who saw me"); and, in formal usage, the objective case form ("whom") if it is the object of the verb or preposition in the relative clause ("She is the police officer whom I saw", "She is the police officer whom I talked to", "She is the officer to whom I talked"); but in informal usage "whom" is often replaced by "who".

In English, as in some other languages (such as French; see below), non-restrictive relative clauses are set off with commas, but restrictive ones are not:

"I met a woman and a man yesterday. The woman, who had a thick French accent, was very tall." (non-restrictive—does not narrow down who is being talked about)
"I met two women yesterday, one with a thick French accent and one with a mild Italian one. The woman who had the thick French accent was very tall." (restrictive—adds information about who is being referred to)

The status of "that" as a relative pronoun is not universally agreed. Traditional grammars treat "that" as a relative pronoun, but not all contemporary grammars do: e.g. the Cambridge Grammar of the English Language (pp. 1056–7) makes a case for treating "that" as a subordinator instead of a relative pronoun; and the British National Corpus treats "that" as a subordinating conjunction even when it introduces relative clauses. One motivation for the different treatment of "that" is that there are differences between "that" and "which" (e.g., one can say "in which" but not "in that", etc.).

French
The system of relative pronouns in French is as complicated as, but similar in many ways to, the system in English.

When the pronoun is to act as the direct object of the relative clause,  is generally used, although , which is inflected for grammatical gender and number, is sometimes used in order to give more precision. For example, any of the following is correct and would translate to "I talked to his/her father and mother, whom I already knew":

However, in the first sentence, "whom I already knew" refers only to the mother; in the second, it refers to both parents; and in the third, as in the English sentence, it could refer either only to the mother, or to both parents.

When the pronoun is to act as the subject of the relative clause,  is generally used, though as before,  may be used instead for greater precision. (This is less common than the use of  with direct objects, however, since verbs in French often reflect the grammatical number of their subjects.)

Contrary to English, the relative pronoun can never be omitted in French, not even when the relative clause is embedded in another relative clause.
Here is what I think Ø happened.
 (literally: "Here is what I think that happened.")

When the pronoun is to act in a possessive sense, where the preposition de (of/from) would normally be used, the pronoun  ("whose") is used, but does not act as a determiner for the noun "possessed":

 ("I spoke with a woman whose son I work with." - lit., "I spoke with a woman of whom the son is my colleague.")

This construction is also used in non-possessive cases where the pronoun replaces an object marked by :

 ("That's the man of whom I spoke.")

More generally, in modern French,  can signal the topic of the following clause, without replacing anything in this clause:

 ("That's a man about whom I believe that he must make a lot of money.")

When the pronoun is to act as the object of a preposition (other than when  is used),  is generally used, though  can be used if the antecedent is human.

 ("These are people that can be depended on.") [literally: "on whom one can depend"]

 ("This is a table on which you can put a lot of things".)
*C'est une table sur qui on peut mettre beaucoup de choses.

There exists a further complication when the antecedent is a non-human indefinite pronoun. In that case,  cannot be used because it must agree in gender with its head, and an indefinite pronoun has no gender. Instead, , which usually means "what", is used.
 ("This is obviously something that he has thought a lot about .")
*C'est manifestement quelque chose à laquelle il a beaucoup réfléchi.

The same happens when the antecedent is an entire clause, also lacking gender.
 ("He told me to get lost, to which I replied that ...")

The preposition always appears before the pronoun, and the prepositions  and  (at/to) contract with  to form  and , or with  to form  and .

German
Aside from their highly inflected forms, German relative pronouns are less complicated than English. There are two varieties. The more common one is based on the definite article der, die, das, but with distinctive forms in the genitive (dessen, deren) and in the dative plural (denen). Historically this is related to English that. The second, which is more literary and used for emphasis, is the relative use of welcher, welche, welches, comparable with English which. As in most Germanic languages, including Old English, both of these varieties inflect according to gender, case and number. They take their gender and number from the noun which they modify, but the case from their function in their own clause.

Das Haus, in dem ich wohne, ist sehr alt.
The house in which I live is very old.

The relative pronoun dem is neuter singular to agree with Haus, but dative because it follows a preposition in its own clause. On the same basis, it would be possible to substitute the pronoun welchem.

However, German uses the uninflecting was ('what') as a relative pronoun when the antecedent is alles, etwas or nichts ('everything', 'something', 'nothing').

Alles, was Jack macht, gelingt ihm.
Everything that Jack does is a success.

In German, all relative clauses are marked with commas.

Alternatively, particularly in formal registers, participles (both active and passive) can be used to embed relative clauses in adjectival phrases:

Die von ihm in jenem Stil gemalten Bilder sind sehr begehrt
The pictures he painted in that style are highly sought after
Die Regierung möchte diese im letzten Jahr eher langsam wachsende Industrie weiter fördern
The government would like to further promote this industry, which has grown rather slowly over the last year.

Unlike English, which only permits relatively small participle phrases in adjectival positions (typically just the participle and adverbs), and disallows the use of direct objects for active participles, German sentences of this sort can embed clauses of arbitrary complexity.

Spanish

Latin
In Latin, relative clauses follow the noun phrases they modify, and are always introduced using relative pronouns. Relative pronouns, like other pronouns in Latin, agree with their antecedents in gender and number, but not in case: a relative pronoun's case reflects its role in the relative clause it introduces, while its antecedent's case reflects the antecedent's role in the clause that contains the relative clause. (Nonetheless, it is possible for the pronoun and antecedent to be in the same case.) For example:

Urbēs, quae sunt magnae, videntur. (The cities, which are large, are being seen.)Urbēs, quās vīdī, erant magnae. (The cities, which I saw, were large.)

In the former example, urbēs and quae both function as subjects in their respective clauses, so both are in the nominative case; and due to gender and number agreement, both are feminine and plural. In the latter example, both are still feminine and plural, and urbēs is still in the nominative case, but quae has been replaced by quās, its accusative-case counterpart, to reflect its role as the direct object of vīdī.

For more information on the forms of Latin relative pronouns, see the section on relative pronouns in the article on Latin declension.

Ancient Greek
Ancient Greek follows (almost) the same rules as Latin.

However, there is a phenomenon in Ancient Greek called case attraction, where the case of the relative pronoun can be "attracted" to the case of its antecedent.

In this example, although the relative pronoun should be in the accusative case, as the object of "obtain", it is attracted to the genitive case of its antecedent ("of the freedom...").

The Ancient Greek relative pronoun ὅς, ἥ, ὅ (hós, hḗ, hó) is unrelated to the Latin word, since it derives from Proto-Indo-European : in Proto-Greek, y before a vowel usually changed to h (debuccalization). Cognates include Sanskrit relative pronouns yas, yā, yad (where o changed to short a).

The Greek definite article ὁ, ἡ, τό (ho, hē, tó) has a different origin, since it is related to the Sanskrit demonstrative sa, sā and Latin is-tud.

Information that in English would be encoded with relative clauses could be represented with complex participles in Ancient Greek. This was made particularly expressive by the rich suite of participles available, with active and passive participles in present, past and future tenses. This is called the attributive participle.

Serbo-Croatian
Serbo-Croatian uses exactly the same principle as Latin does. The following sentences are the Latin examples translated to Serbo-Croatian (the same sentences apply to the Croatian, Serbian, Bosnian, and Montenegrin standard variants of the pluricentric language):

In the first sentence, koji is in the nominative, and in the second koje is in the accusative. Both words are two case forms of the same relative pronoun, that is inflicted for gender (here: masculine), number (here: plural), and case.

An alternative relativizing strategy is the use of the non-declinable word što 'that' to introduce a relative clause. This word is used together with a resumptive pronoun, i.e. a personal pronoun that agrees in gender and number with the antecedent, while its case form depends on its function in the relative clause. The resumptive pronoun never appears in subject function.

Relative clauses are relatively frequent in modern Serbo-Croatian since they have expanded as attributes at the expense of the participles performing that function. The most frequently used relative pronoun is koji. There are several ongoing changes concerning koji. One of them is the spread of the genitive-accusative syncretism to the masculine inanimate of the pronoun. The cause lies in the necessity to disambiguate the subject and the object by morphological means. The nominative-accusative syncretism of the form koji is inadequate, so the genitive form kojeg is preferred:

Celtic languages

The Celtic languages (at least the modern Insular Celtic languages) distinguish two types of relative clause: direct relative clauses and indirect relative clauses. A direct relative clause is used where the relativized element is the subject or the direct object of its clause (e.g. "the man who saw me", "the man whom I saw"), while an indirect relative clause is used where the relativized element is a genitival (e.g. "the man whose daughter is in the hospital") or is the object of a preposition (e.g. "the man to whom I gave the book"). Direct relative clauses are formed with a relative pronoun (unmarked for case) at the beginning; a gap (in terms of syntactic theory, a trace, indicated by (t) in the examples below) is left in the relative clause at the pronoun's expected position.

Irish

Welsh

The direct relative particle "a" is not used with "mae" ("is") in Welsh; instead the form "sydd" or "sy'" is used:

There is also a defective verb "piau" (usually lenited to "biau"), corresponding to "who own(s)":

Indirect relative clauses are formed with a relativizer at the beginning; the relativized element remains in situ in the relative clause.

Irish

Welsh

Although both the Irish relative pronoun and the relativizer are 'a', the relative pronoun triggers lenition of a following consonant, while the relativizer triggers eclipsis (see Irish initial mutations).

Both direct and indirect relative particles can be used simply for emphasis, often in answer to a question or as a way of disagreeing with a statement. For instance, the Welsh example above, "y dyn a welais" means not only "the man whom I saw", but also "it was the man (and not anyone else) I saw"; and "y dyn y rhois y llyfr iddo" can likewise mean "it was the man (and not anyone else) to whom I gave the book".

Semitic languages

Hebrew
In Biblical Hebrew, relative clauses were headed with the word asher, which could be either a relative pronoun or a relativizer. In later times, asher became interchangeable with the prefix she- (which is also used as a conjunction, with the sense of English that), and in Modern Hebrew, this use of she- is much more common than asher, except in some formal, archaic, or poetic writing. In meaning, the two are interchangeable; they are used regardless of whether the clause is modifying a human, regardless of their grammatical case in the relative clause, and regardless of whether the clause is restrictive.

Further, because Hebrew does not generally use its word for is, she- is used to distinguish adjective phrases used in epithet from adjective phrases used in attribution:Ha-kise l'-yad-ekh. ("The chair is next to you." - lit., "The-chair [is] next-to-you.")Ha-kise she-l'-yad-ekh shavur. ("The chair next to you is broken."—lit., "The-chair that-[is]-next-to-you [is] broken.")

(This use of she- does not occur with simple adjectives, as Hebrew has a different way of making that distinction. For example, Ha-kise adom means "The chair [is] red," while Ha-kis'e ha-adom shavur means "The red chair is broken"—literally, "The chair the red [is] broken.")

Since 1994, the official rules of Modern Hebrew (as determined by the Academy of the Hebrew Language) have stated that relative clauses are to be punctuated in Hebrew the same way as in English (described above). That is, non-restrictive clauses are to be set off with commas, while restrictive clauses are not:Ha-kise, she-at yoshevet alav, shavur. ("The chair, which you are sitting on, is broken.")Ha-kise she-at yoshevet alav shavur. ("The chair that you are sitting on is broken.")

Nonetheless, many speakers of Modern Hebrew still use the pre-1994 rules, which were based on the German rules (described above). Except for the simple adjective-phrase clauses described above, these speakers set off all relative clauses, restrictive or not, with commas:Ha-kise, she-at yoshevet alav, shavur. ("The chair that you are sitting on is broken," or "The chair, which you are sitting on, is broken.")

One major difference between relative clauses in Hebrew and those in (for example) English is that in Hebrew, what might be called the "regular" pronoun is not always suppressed in the relative clause. To reuse the prior example:Ha-kise, she-at yoshevet alav, shavur. (lit., "The chair, which you are sitting on it, [is] broken.")

More specifically, if this pronoun is the subject of the relative clause, it is always suppressed. If it is the direct object, then it is usually suppressed, though it is also correct to leave it in. (If it is suppressed, then the special preposition et, used to mark the direct object, is suppressed as well.) If it is the object of a preposition, it must be left in, because in Hebrew—unlike in English—a preposition cannot appear without its object. When the pronoun is left in, she- might more properly be called a relativizer than a relative pronoun.

The Hebrew relativizer she- 'that' "might be a shortened form of the Hebrew relativizer 'asher 'that', which is related to Akkadian 'ashru 'place' (cf. Semitic *'athar). Alternatively, Hebrew 'asher derived from she-, or it was a convergence of Proto-Semitic dhu (cf. Aramaic dī) and 'asher [...] Whereas Israeli she- functions both as complementizer and relativizer, ashér can only function as a relativize."

Arabic

Literary Arabic
In Modern Standard and Classical Arabic there is a relative pronoun (in Arabic:  ) allaḏī (masculine singular), feminine singular allatī, masculine plural allaḏīna, feminine plural allawātī, masculine dual allaḏānī (nominative) / allaḏayni (accusative and genitive), feminine dual allatānī (nom.) / allataynī (acc. and gen.).

Its usage has two specific rules: it agrees with the antecedent in gender, number and case, and it is used only if the antecedent is definite. If the antecedent is indefinite, no relative pronoun is used. The former is called jumlat sila (conjunctive sentence) while the latter is called jumlat sifa (descriptive sentence).

Colloquial Arabic
In Colloquial Arabic the multiple forms of the relative pronoun have been levelled in favour of a single form, a simple conjunction, which in most dialects is illi, and is never omitted. So in Palestinian Arabic the above sentences would be:

 alwalad illi shuftō fi (a)ssaff embārih ghāyeb alyōm hāda walad illi shuftō fi (a)ssaff embārihAs in Hebrew, the regular pronoun referring to the antecedent is repeated in the relative clause - literally, "the boy whom I saw him in class..." (the -hu in ra'aituhu and the -ō in shuftō). The rules of suppression in Arabic are identical to those of Hebrew: obligatory suppression in the case that the pronoun is the subject of the relative clause, obligatory retention in the case that the pronoun is the object of a preposition, and at the discretion of the speaker if the pronoun is the direct object. The only difference from Hebrew is that, in the case of the direct object, it is preferable to retain the pronoun rather than suppress it.

Japonic languages

Japanese
Japanese does not employ relative pronouns to relate relative clauses to their antecedents. Instead, the relative clause directly modifies the noun phrase as an attributive verb, occupying the same syntactic space as an attributive adjective (before the noun phrase).

In fact, since so-called i-adjectives in Japanese are technically intransitive stative verbs, it can be argued that the structure of the first example (with an adjective) is the same as the others. A number of "adjectival" meanings, in Japanese, are customarily shown with relative clauses consisting solely of a verb or a verb complex:

Often confusing to speakers of languages which use relative pronouns are relative clauses which would in their own languages require a preposition with the pronoun to indicate the semantic relationship among the constituent parts of the phrase.

Here, the preposition "in" is missing from the Japanese ("missing" in the sense that the corresponding postposition would be used with the main clause verb in Japanese) Common sense indicates what the meaning is in this case, but the "missing preposition" can sometimes create ambiguity.

In this case, (1) is the context-free interpretation of choice, but (2) is possible with the proper context.

Without more context, both (1) and (2) are equally viable interpretations of the Japanese.

Caucasian languages

Georgian
In Georgian, there are two strategies for forming relative clauses. The first is similar to that of English or Latin: the modified noun is followed by a relativizer that inflects for its embedded case and may take a postposition. The relativized noun may be preceded by a determiner.

A second, more colloquial, strategy is marked by the invariant particle რომ rom. This particle is generally the second word of the clause, and since it does not decline, is often followed by the appropriately cased third-person pronoun to show the relativized noun's role in the embedded clause. A determiner precedes the relativized noun, which is also usually preceded by the clause as a whole.

Such relative clauses may be internally headed. In such cases, the modified noun moves into the clause, taking the appropriate declension for its role therein (thus eliminating the need for the third person pronouns in the above examples), and leaves behind the determiner (which now functions as a pronoun) in the matrix clause.

Austronesian languages

Indonesian
Indonesian, a zero-copula language that does not mark verb tense, allows a variety of types of relative clause, normally restrictive. They are usually introduced by the relative pronoun yang, which stands for "who"/"which"/"what"/"that".Yang is not allowed as the object of a relative clause, so that Indonesian cannot exactly reproduce structures such as "the house that Jack built". Instead, a passive form of construction must be used:

Relative clauses with no antecedent to yang are possible:

Tagalog
Tagalog uses the gapping strategy to form relative clauses, with the complementizer, na / =ng 'that', separating the head, which is the noun being modified, from the actual relative clause. In (1a) below, lalaki 'man' serves as the head, while nagbigay ng bigas sa bata 'gave rice to the child' is the relative clause.

The gap inside the relative clause corresponds to the position that the noun acting as the head would have normally taken, had it been in a declarative sentence. In (1a), the gap is in subject position within the relative clause. This corresponds to the subject position occupied by ang lalaki 'the man' in the declarative sentence in (1b).

There is a constraint in Tagalog on the position from which a noun can be relativized and in which a gap can appear: A noun has to be the subject within the relative clause in order for it to be relativized. The phrases in (2) are ungrammatical because the nouns that have been relativized are not the subjects of their respective relative clauses. In (2a), the gap is in direct object position, while in (2b), the gap is in indirect object position.

The correct Tagalog translations for the intended meanings in (2) are found in (3), where the verbs have been passivized in order to raise the logical direct object in (3a) and the logical indirect object in (3b) to subject position. (Tagalog can have more than one passive voice form for any given verb.)

Tagalog relative clauses can be left-headed, as in (1a) and (3), right-headed, as in (4), or internally headed, as in (5).

In (4), the head, lalaki 'man', is found after or to the right of the relative clause, nagbigay ng bigas sa bata 'gave rice to the child'. In (5), the head is found in some position inside the relative clause. When the head appears to the right of or internally to the relative clause, the complementizer appears to the left of the head. When the head surfaces to the left of the relative clause, the complementizer surfaces to the right of the head.

There are exceptions to the subjects-only constraint to relativization mentioned above. The first involves relativizing the possessor of a noun phrase within the relative clause.

In (6), the head, bata 'child', is the owner of the injured finger. The phrase ang daliri 'the finger' is the subject of the verb, nasugatan 'was injured'.

Another exception involves relativizing the oblique noun phrase.

When an oblique noun phrase is relativized, as in (7a), na 'that', the complementizer that separates the head from the relative clause, is optional. The relative clause itself is also composed differently. In the examples in (1a), and in (3) to (6), the relative clauses are simple declaratives that contain a gap. However, the relative clause in (7a) looks more like an indirect question, complete with the interrogative complementizer, kung 'if', and a pre-verbally positioned WH-word like saan 'where', as in (7b). The sentence in (7c) is the declarative version of the relative clause in (7a), illustrating where the head, ospital 'hospital', would have been "before" relativization. The question in (7d) shows the direct question version of the subordinate indirect question in (7b).

Hawaiian

Relative clauses in Hawaiian are avoided unless they are short.

If in English a relative clause would have a copula and an adjective, in Hawaiian the antecedent is simply modified by the adjective: "The honest man" instead of "the man who is honest". If the English relative clause would have a copula and a noun, in Hawaiian an appositive is used instead: "Paul, an apostle" instead of "Paul, who was an apostle".

If the English relative pronoun would be the subject of an intransitive or passive verb, in Hawaiian a participle is used instead of a full relative clause: "the people fallen" instead of "the people who fell"; "the thing given" instead of "the thing that was given". But when the relative clause's antecedent is a person, the English relative pronoun would be the subject of the relative clause, and the relative clause's verb is active and transitive, a relative clause is used and it begins with the relative pronoun nana: The one who me (past) sent = "the one who sent me".

If in English a relative pronoun would be the object of a relative clause, in Hawaiian the possessive form is used so as to treat the antecedent as something possessed: the things of me to have seen = "the things that I saw"; Here is theirs to have seen = This is what they saw".

Andean languages

Aymara

Chinese

Mandarin

In Mandarin Chinese, the relative clause is similar to other adjectival phrases in that it precedes the noun that it modifies, and ends with the relative particle de (的). If the relative clause is missing a subject but contains an object (in other words, if the verb is transitive), the main-clause noun is the implied subject of the relative clause:

If the object but not the subject is missing from the relative clause, the main-clause noun is the implied object of the relative clause:

If both the subject and the object are missing from the relative clause, then the main-clause noun could either be the implied subject or the implied object of the relative clause; sometimes which is intended is clear from the context, especially when the subject or object of the verb must be human and the other must be non-human:

But sometimes ambiguity arises when it is not clear from the context whether the main-clause noun is intended as the subject or the object of the relative clause:

However, the first meaning (in which the main-clause noun is the subject) is usually intended, as the second can be unambiguously stated using a passive voice marker:

Sometimes a relative clause has both a subject and an object specified, in which case the main-clause noun is the implied object of an implied preposition in the relative clause:

It is also possible to include the preposition explicitly in the relative clause, but in that case it takes a pronoun object (a personal pronoun with the function of a relative pronoun):

Free relative clauses are formed in the same way, omitting the modified noun after the particle de. As with bound relative clauses, ambiguity may arise; for example,  "eat (particle)" may mean "that which is eaten", i.e. "food", or "those who eat".

Creoles

Hawaiian Creole English

In Hawaiian Creole English, an English-based creole also called Hawaiian Pidgin or simply Pidgin, relative clauses work in a way that is similar to, but not identical to, the way they work in English. As in English, a relative pronoun that serves as the object of the verb in the relative clause can optionally be omitted: For example,

can also be expressed with the relative pronoun omitted, as

However, relative pronouns serving as the subject of a relative clause show more flexibility than in English; they can be included, as is mandatory in English, they can be omitted, or they can be replaced by another pronoun. For example, all of the following can occur and all mean the same thing:

Gullah

In Gullah, an English-based creole spoken along the southeastern coast of the United States, no relative pronoun is normally used for the subject of a relative clause. For example:

See also
Long-distance dependencies
Reduced relative clause

References

Rodney Huddleston and Geoffrey K. Pullum (2002). The Cambridge Grammar of the English Language. Cambridge; New York: Cambridge University Press. .
A.J.Thomson & A.V.Martinet (4th edition 1986). A Practical English Grammar''. Oxford University Press. . §72-85. (For the basic "rules" of the English relative pronoun in a presentation suitable for foreign learners.)
 Keenan & Comrie, "Data on the Noun Phrase Accessibility Hierarchy", Language, vol. 55, No. 2 (Jun., 1979), pp. 333–351

External links
SIL Glossary of linguistic terms - What is a relative clause?
Relative Clause: Does it specify which one? Or does it just describe the one and only?
Using relative clauses, by Jennifer Frost

Linguistic typology
Syntax
Generative syntax
Clauses
Grammatical construction types

Relative clause


الكيل والمكيال اسم يعم جميع ما تعاير به المكيلات فمكيال على وزن مفعال والكيل اصله مصدر كالطعام يكيل كيلا بمعنى وزن.
وكانت مكايل عدة في العصور الإسلامية منها: مد، القسط، كيلجة، صاع، مختوم، مكوك، حجاجي، فرق، ويبة، هشاميُّ، قفيز، عرق، مكتل، مدي، إردب، جريب، الوَسِق، الكُرُّ.قنقل، الحِلاب، العًسًّ، النصيف، السّندرة، الفالج أو الفلج،الرطل، الملحم، القباع، المن والمنى، زيادي (مكيال), خالدي (مكيال), قب.
ثم هناك بعض الموازين مع اجزاءها وهي ميزان، قيراط، دانق، درهم، دينار، نواة، نش، اوقية، رطل، من، منى، قنطار، بهار، مثقال.

الكيل في القرآن الكريم
 قال تعالى:«إذا كالوهم أو وزنوهم يُخسرون» (سورة المطففين: 3)
 وقال تعالى: «وأوفوا الكيل إذا كلتم وزنوا بالقسطاس المستقيم» (سورة الإسراء: 35).
 وقال تعالى «وأوفوا الكيل والميزان بالقسط» (سورة الانعام: 152).

المصدر
حقيقة الدينار والدرهم والصاع والمد لأبي العباس أحمد العزفي السبتي.

مكاييل شرعية

الكيل


Sonorama 2012, o Sonorama Ribera 2012, fue la XV edición del Festival Sonorama, llevada a cabo en la ciudad de Aranda de Duero (Provincia de Burgos, España), a mediados de agosto de 2012, y organizada por la Asociación Cultural, y sin ánimo de lucro, "Art de Troya". Hubo más de 40.000 asistentes al festival, durante los 4 días de duración.

 Lugar: Recinto Ferial y Centro histórico.
 Fecha: 9, 10, 11 y 12 de agosto.
 Características:

Se sucedieron más de un centenar de conciertos en los numerosos escenarios, durante los 4 días de festival. El Escenario de la Plaza del Trigo propició, de nuevo, dos momentos relevantes del festival, el concierto de Sidonie que pidió expresamente actuar en ese escenario y el domingo 12 de agosto Xoel López dio un concierto sorpresa en el mismo escenario, coincidiendo con el día de su cumpleaños.

Entre las bandas asistentes destacaron:

Cartel Internacional:
 The Dandy Warhols (Estados Unidos)
 Calle 13 (Puerto Rico)
 Kakkmaddafakka (Noruega)
 The Primitives (Inglaterra)
 Sunshine Brothers (Australia)
 The Gift  (Portugal)
 Instituto Mexicano del Sonido (México)
 Gaoler's Daughter (Inglaterra)
 M. Alfonso (Cuba)
 Meneo (Guatemala)

Cartel Nacional  (por orden alfabético):
 Algarrobo (banda)
 Analogic (banda)
 Anni B Sweet
 Apple Fly (banda)
 Arsel Randez
 Bicycle thief
 Capitán Sunrise
 Checopolaco
 Chema Rey DJ
 Cooper
 Corizonas (Los Coronas + Arizona Baby)
 Defensa verbal
 Dinero (banda)
 Eisbär
 El Columpio Asesino
 El lado oscuro de la broca
 El mago suplente DJ´s Show
 Eladio y los seres queridos
 Ellos
 Eme dj + Meneo
 Eric Fuentes & el mal
 Fuel Fandango
 Grotèsque
 Havalina
 Hiperpotamus
 Igloo
 Independance Club Djs
 Jenny James (banda)
 Jero Romero (The Sunday Drivers)
 Kenedy (banda)
 La Casa Azul
 La M.O.D.A.
 Los Chicos (banda)
 Los Enemigos
 Los Nastys
 Los Noviembre
 Los Vengadores
 Love of lesbian
 Luis Brea
 Lüger
 Maika Makovski
 Mañana (banda)
 Marcus, Doo & The secret family
 Musselman (banda)
 My dear flotsam
 Napoleón Solo
 Neuman
 Niño Burbuja
 No band for lluvia
 Novedades Carminha
 Odio París
 Ornamento y delito
 Paper Boats on Fire
 Partido (banda)
 Pasado imperfecto (banda)
 Pin & Pon DJ´s
 PLV Havoc
 Polock
 Rebeca Jiménez
 Redneck Surfers
 Rita Tell
 Ross (banda)
 Ruidoblanco
 Russian Red
 Screams through the silence
 Señorita Nocte
 Shane
 Sidonie
 Smile
 Stalemate
 Superframe Vdjs
 Telephunken (banda)
 Templeton
 The Birkins
 The Bright
 The Cabriolets (Bimba Bosé)
 The Gordotones
 The Magnetics
 The Monomes
 The New Cossacks
 The Noises
 The Pepper Pots
 The Pibons
 The Trunks
 The Wildborns
 The Young Dreamer
 Tourmalet
 Tuco y los definitivos
 Vetusta Morla
 We Are England Dj´s
 We Are Standard
 Willy Naves
 Xoel López
 Zirrosis
 Zodiacs
 entre otros...

Véase también
 Sonorama
 Aranda de Duero

Enlaces externos
 Sonorama: Noticias y vídeos en RTVE.es
 Web oficial del Festival Sonorama
 Perfil Facebook del festival

Referencias

Sonorama
España en 2012

Sonorama 2012


List of English words of Scots origin is a list of English language words of Scots origin. See also "List of English words of Scottish Gaelic origin", which contains many words which were borrowed via Highland Scots.

BlackmailA form of extortion carried out by the Border Reivers, borrowed into English with less violent connotations.
blatant
Bonspiel
caddie or caddy
cannyAlso Northern English. From English can in older sense of "to know how."
clanBorrowed from Gaelic clann (family, stock, off-spring).
convene Borrowed from French convenir, from Latin convenire.
cosy
firthDerived from Old Icelandic fjǫrdic (see fjord)
glamourMeaning magic, enchantment, spell. From English grammar and Scottish gramarye (occult learning or scholarship).
gloamingMiddle English (Scots) gloming, from Old English glomung "twilight", from OE glom
golf
glengarry(or Glengarry bonnet) A brimless Scottish cap with a crease running down the crown, often with ribbons at the back. Named after the title of the clan chief Alexander Ranaldson MacDonell of Glengarry (1771–1828), who invented it.
gumptionCommon sense or shrewdness.
halloween
haver or haiverTo talk nonsense. Scottish and North English dialect.
laddieA boy.
lassieA girl.
linksSandy, rolling ground, from Old English hlinc (ridge).
pernicketyFrom pernicky.
minging literally "stinking", from Scots "to ming".
plaidFrom Gaelic plaide or simply a development of ply, to fold, giving plied then plaid after the Scots pronunciation.
ponyBorrowed from obsolete French poulenet (little foal) from Latin pullāmen.
raid
sconeProbably from Dutch schoon.
shinnyPond or street hockey in Canada. From an alternative name for the Scots sport shinty.
skulduggeryFrom Scots sculduddery
tweedCloth being woven in a twilled rather than a plain pattern. from tweel
weeSmall, tiny, minute.
wow Exclamation
wraith

See also
 List of English words of Scottish Gaelic origin
 Lists of English words of international origin

References

Scots
English words of Scots origin
English words of Scots origin

List of English words of Scots origin


Anatol Neamțu (n. 20 februarie 1954, Lunga, Florești – d. 8 ianuarie 2010, Chișinău) a fost un chitarist, interpret vocal, compozitor și orchestrator din Republica Moldova.

Biografie
S-a născut într-o familie de agricultori, fiind al treilea copil dintre cei patru frați și două surori. A studiat la școala medie din satul natal. Din copilărie și-a descoperit talentul de pictor, realizand portrete de o fidelitate fotografică, dar s-a molipsit de la fratele său mai mare Petre Neamțu, ulterior dirijor de orchestră de muzică populară, de dragostea pentru muzică, lăsând pictura în umbră. Anatol și-a urmat fratele la Chișinău, dorind să studieze la Colegiul Ștefan Neaga. Cum nu avea studii muzicale primare, i s-a permis să intre doar la țambal, instrument care însă nu-i plăcea.

În timpul studenției a stat la gazdă, apoi la cămin, împreună cu Liviu Știrbu, care, deși studia vioara, cânta deja bine și la chitară. Așa Anatol Neamțu a devenit chitarist, luând lecții de la colegul său de cameră. Cum Liviu Știrbu cânta la dancingul "Улыбка" (Zâmbet) de lângă Valea Morilor din Chișinău și se întâmpla să plece pentru perioade mai lungi din oraș, l-a lâsat pe Anatol Neamțu să-l înlocuiască.  Fiind timid din fire, Anatol cu greu a acceptat această încercare a capacităților sale de chitarist, dar în scurt timp a prins curaj, a obținut experiența necesară și a devenit cunoscut în tot Chișinăul ca un chitarist cu gust, cu un sunet aparte al chitarei. La acel dancing, unicul în oraș în acea  vreme, se aduna tineretul din tot orașul, adesea veneau și muzicanți să asculte cine și ce mai cântă. Astfel acolo l-a auzit Mihai Dolgan, care reînvia formația NOROC cu o nouă denumire - CONTEMPORANUL și la invitat în colectiv. Abandonând țambalul, ulterior Anatol a revenit la Colegiul Ștefan Neaga, absolvindu-l la clasa de cobză.

În afară de CONTEMPORANUL a cântat în componența formației Bucuria și în alte colective muzicale. A aprticipat la înregistrările de studio cu foarte mulți artiști basarabeni, iar în ultima perioadă a vieții a înregistrat și un album de muzică proprie.

A decedat prematur, ca urmare a unei operații de extirpare a unei tumori cerebrale. Deși operația a fost considerată reușită, peste mai puțin de două săptămâni un tromb i-a curmat viața.

Despre
 Алекс Гаина: АНАТОЛУ НЯМЦУ- 50

Legături externe
 PRO/TV Moldova - Anatol Neamțu condus pe ultiumul drum
 Timpul: Anatol Neamțu, un mare artist, a plecat ca sa ramână

Nașteri pe 20 februarie
Nașteri în 1954
Decese pe 8 ianuarie
Decese în 2008
Compozitori moldoveni
Chitariști moldoveni
Moldoveni
Muzicieni moldoveni

Anatol Neamțu


Dedeli, Samsun ilinin Bafra ilçesine bağlı bir mahalledir.

Coğrafya
Samsun iline 57, Bafra ilçesine 6 km. uzaklıktadır.

Nüfus

Kaynakça

Dış bağlantılar
 Yerelnet

Bafra'nın mahalleleri

Dedeli, Bafra


هذه الصفحة تتكلم عن المنطقة في كتابات تولكين، أما عن الموجودة في الميثولوجيا النوردية انظر مدكارد

الأرض الوسطى  هي المكان الذي تدور فيه أغلب روايات ج. ر. ر. تولكين. يصفها تولكين بأنّها تقع في أرضنا هذه ولكن في ماضي افتراضي بعيد قبل بدء التاريخ.

تاريخ الأرض الوسطي ينقسم إلى عدّة عصور. تقع أحداث روايتي الهوبيت وسيد الخواتم عند نهاية العصر الثالث.

حجر الأركنستون
حجر الأركنستون سماه ثرور بـجوهرة الملك، الأركنستون يُعرف أيضًا بـقلب الجبل، الأركنستون يمتص كل الضوء المسلَّط عليه وهو غاية في الجمال وهو الحجر الذي قد ينتمي للجواهر الثلاث سلمارل والتي تلعب دورًا محوريًّا في قصص ج. ر. ر. تولكين عن تكوُّن البشر والجن والأقزام.

عند هجوم التنين سمَوْغ أراد الملك ثرور المحافظة على كنز الأقزام الثمين الأركنستون إلَّا أن سمَوْغ باغته فسقط حجر الأركنستون منه فأراد ثرور الإمساك به إلَّا أن ثورين أمسك بجده قبل أن يفتك التنين به

عند قتل التنين قام ثورين مع رفاقه الأقزام بالبحث عن حجر الأركنستون إلَّا أنَّهم لم يعلموا بأن الحجر مخبَّأ لدى بيلبو وعندما رفض ثورين تقاسم ثروة إيربور مع الجني ثراندويل وعند مخالفة بيلبو لرأي ثورين وبعد نقاش دار بينهما طُرد بيلبو باجنز خارج الجبل الوحيد فأخذ الأركنستون إلى الجن

وبعد أن أتت الحرب وأُصيب ثورين بجراحٍ عميقة سبَّبت موته وقُتل معه فيلي وكيلي
دُفن الأركنستون مع ثورين

اللغة السوداء

اللغة السوداء أنشأها سيد الظلام ساورون في موردور ليتحدث هو وجميع أتباعه بلغة واحدة ولكي تمحو بعض اللغات كالأوركية ولذلك يتحدث الأورك مع بعضهم البعض باللغة السوداء فاللغة الأوركية قد انقرضَت

هناك إشارة في روايات ج. ر. ر. تولكين بتواجد لغات كثيرة في الأرض الوسطى (مثل: كيرث إيثيل وهي الأبجدية الرونية، والتي أشير إليها بأنَّها كانت تُستخدم في لغة الأقزام القديمة) ولكن جميع هذه اللغات انقرضَت تقريبًا إلَّا أن بعض الناس القلائل يُتقنها (مثل: السيد إلروند) واللغات المعروفة في الأرض الوسطى هم ثلاث لغات فقط:
 اللغة السوداء (يستخدمها الأورك غالبًا)
 اللغة العادية (هي التي يتحدث بها الغالبيَّة وهي اللغة التي نتحدث بها أو اللغة التي تُترجم لنا وهي في الغالب اللغة الإنجليزية)
 اللغة الجنِّيَّة (يستخدمها الجن ويُتقنها البعض)

الجماعات التي ظهرت

المناطق
 ديل.
 إيربور: معقل ثرور وهي مملكة تقع في أقصى الشرق استوطنها الأقزام منذ القدم، أهمّ معالمها الجبل الوحيد الذي يعتبر قلعة الملك.
 ساكفيل.
 غابة إيست فراذينج.
 بري.
 إيريد لوين: هي نفسها منطقة الجبال الزرقاء التي فرَّ إليها الأقزام بقيادة الأمير ثورين بعد طردهم من مملكتهم إيربور ، تقع نحو الغرب قليلًا منها.
 التلال الحديدية: منطقة يستوطنها الأقزام، تقع على الشمال والشرق من إيربور، اكتسبت اسمها من غناها بالحديد، فصارت تُعرف أيضا بمقاتليها الأشداء، يحكمها دين قريب ثورين.
 الشاير: مقاطعة يسكنها الهوبيت وتُزال من الأحداث وهي تقع في الشمال الغربي من القارة.
 جبل الضفادع.
 موريا: تُعرف أيضا بـخازام دوم، أقدم ممالك الأقزام، بناها زعيم الأقزام دورين تحت الجبل الرئيسي في سلسلة جبال الضباب، سكنها الأقزام ونقَّبوا فيها عميقًا عن حجارة «الميثريل» حتى أيقظوا المخلوق بالروغ الذي دمّرها، فأخلاها الأقزام وهجروها.
 الوادي المخفي.
 إيتنمور: المنطقة التي جاء منها الغيلان.
 غوندولين.
 الغابة الخضراء: غابة توجد بها القلعة القديمة حيث يسكن مستحضر الأرواح.
 دول غولدور: معناها هضبة السحر الأسود، كانت قلعة شخصية لـسيد الظلام يمارس فيها سحره الأسود تحت اسم مستحضر الأرواح.
 وادي إيملادريس : يُعرف باسم محلي ريفنديل.
 غوندولين.
 الطريق الشرقي العظيم.
 موردور: معقل ساورون سيد الظلام، اختارها لأنها تتشكل أساسًا من جبال بركانية شاهقة، أغلب أراضيها بور يغطيها الغبار البركاني الناتج عن بركان جبل الهلاك وهناك صُنع خاتم القوة.
 أنغمار : هي المملكة التي أسَّسها الملك الساحر في الشمال ليُضعف قوَّة مملكة البشر في الشمال أرنور.
 رودور : مملكة نشأت بعد تفكك المملكة العظيمة أرنور إلى ثلاثة ممالك، وتعتبر رودور أصغرها. يسكنها البشر والهوبيت والجن.
 نهر بروينن.

السيوف

الألغاز

عندما اعتُقِل الأقزام في بلدة الغوبلن، الغوبلن لم ينتبهوا جميعهم إلى بيلبو ما عدا أحد الغوبلن انتبه لـبيلبو عندما جاء له الغوبلن وبعد ابتعاد جميع الغوبلن الآخرين، بيلبو شَهر سيفه المضيء فهاجمه الغوبلن وبيلبو لم يستطع مهاجمته فسقط الاثنان لأسفل بلدة الغوبلن. وهناك شاهد بيلبو باجنز غولوم يأكل الغوبلن، عندها رأى غولوم بيلبو وبعد مناقشة طويلة اتفقا على التالي «سيلعبان لعبة ألغاز. إذا فاز بيلبو، غولوم سيدلُّه على طريق الخروج وإذا خسر بيلبو، غولوم سيأكله كلَّه!».

باجنز بدأ بطرح اللغز الأول «ثلاثون خيلًا بيضاء على تلة حمراء أولًا يسقطون، وثم الأثر يتركون وبعد ذلك يسكنون» فأجاب غولوم «الأسنان»

بعدها غولوم طَرح اللغز «تبكي، بلا صوت ترفرف بلا أجنحة تعض بلا أسنان تُتمتم بلا أفواه» فأجاب باجنز «الرياح»

باجنز طَرح اللغز التالي «صندوق بلا زوايا، وبلا مفتاح يخبِّئ كنزًا ذهبيًّا» فأجاب غولوم «البيض»

بعد ذلك طَرح غولوم اللغز التالي «جميع الأشياء تتوقف بدونه الطيور، والوحوش، والأشجار، والأزهار يسلخ الحديد، يقضم الفولاذ يسحق الصخور إلى فتات» فأجاب باجنز «الزمن»

النبوءة

ما شجَّع الأقزام على استعادة ديارهم هي نبوءتهم «عندما تعود الطيور إلى إيربور عهد الوحش سينتهي» وكانت النبوءة تُشير إلى عوْدة الغربان

المصطلحات

مراجع

عوالم خيالية
قارات خيالية

الأرض الوسطى


Tiemponuevo es una banda chilena fundada en 1965 en la ciudad de Valparaíso, que aún realiza esporádicas presentaciones en vivo en Alemania, país en el que residen sus integrantes, y al que se fueron por primera vez debido al exilio producto de la dictadura militar en Chile. Son uno de los exponentes de la Nueva Canción Chilena. Fueron más activos durante la segunda mitad de la década de 1960, y a ellos se deben las canciones «Hemos dicho basta» y «No nos moverán».

Música y política
Activistas políticos durante el período de la Unidad Popular, apoyaron el gobierno socialista de Salvador Allende y realizaron múltiples giras por Latinoamérica y Europa representando sus ideales políticos. También participaron en la banda sonora de las películas chilenas Ya no basta con rezar de Aldo Francia, estrenada en el Festival de Cannes en 1973. y Con estas manos, de Carlos Böker, además de los documentales Informes Miguel Littin y Anda, recorre el país.

En septiembre de 1973, luego del Golpe de Estado en Chile de 1973 fueron exiliados del país, producto del inicio de la dictadura militar. Primero se fueron a la ciudad de Buenos Aires del país vecino, donde grabaron y lanzaron ese mismo año su cuarto álbum Por Chile, venceremos. En marzo de 1974, al no poder garantizar Argentina la seguridad de sus miembros, se fueron a la República Democrática Alemana, donde se radicaron definitivamente, comenzando una activa etapa de giras internacionales y grabaciones para programas de televisión, montajes teatrales, películas y documentales. Actualmente, Roberto Rivera, director de la banda, es el único de los miembros fundadores que continúan en Tiemponuevo. La inclusión de los músicos peruanos Carlos Mejía y David Sandoval significó, por otra parte, un fortalecimiento de su sonido latinoamericano.

Integrantes

Activos
 Roberto Rivera: guitarra, quena, canto y dirección
 Luis González: canto y percusión
 David Sandoval: guitarra
 Carlos Mejía: guitarra, charango, zampoñas, quena y canto

Antiguos
 Raúl Sánchez
 Sergio Sánchez
 Aníbal Granado
 Patricio Padilla

Discografía
La discografía no exhaustiva de la banda es la siguiente.

Oficiales
  1970 - Tiemponuevo
  1970 - Tiemponuevo
  1971 - Ahora es Tiemponuevo
  1973 - Por Chile, venceremos (junto a Payo Grondona)
  Conjunto de música popular
  1971 - Desde el corazón de Chile... (América Hoy, LOF 017)
  Abbiamo detto basta
  Dit Is Tiempo Nuevo (Vrije Muziek, DCP 115 DF) - (junto a Payo Grondona)
  Rumbo a la libertad
  La larga carrera (Der lange Lauf)

Sencillos
 1971 - Hemos dicho basta / Polka infantil
 1971 - Nuestro camino / Me volverás a encontrar
 1971 - Contra viento y temporal / Canta conmigo
 1972 - El que no salta es momio / Mujer
 1972 - D.F.L. / La segunda independencia

Colectivos
 1971 - El cantar tiene sentido
 1972 - La nueva canción chilena
 1973 - Chants de luttes du Chili
 1983 - 2 Latinamkerikanischer Volksmusikfestival - Zürich 1983
 2003 - Nueva Canción Chilena. Antología definitiva

Referencias

Enlaces externos
Sitio web oficial

Cantautores de la Nueva canción
Grupos de folclore de Chile
Grupos de música de los años 1960
Chilenos exiliados de la dictadura militar
Cuartetos de música de Chile
Grupos de música de Valparaíso

Tiemponuevo


هنا قائمة ببطولات أستراليا المفتوحة لسنة 1987:

الكبار

فردي رجال

 ستيفان إدبرغ هزم  بات كاش, 6-3, 6-4, 3-6, 5-7, 6-3

فردي سيدات

 هانا ماندليكوفا هزم  مارتينا نافراتيلوفا, 7-5, 7-6

زوجي رجال

 ستيفان إدبرغ و أندرياس جارايد هزم  بيتر دوهان و لاوري واردر, 6-4, 6-4, 7-6

زوجي سيدات

 مارتينا نافراتيلوفا و بام شرايفر هزم  زينا غاريسن و لوري ماكنايل, 6-1, 6-0

زوجي مختلط
 زينا غاريسن و شيروود ستيوارت

مراجع

أحداث يناير 1987 الرياضية في أوقيانوسيا
بطولات أستراليا المفتوحة حسب السنة
ملبورن في عقد 1980
كرة المضرب في 1987
كرة مضرب أسترالية في 1987
أحداث يناير 1987 الرياضية في أستراليا

أستراليا المفتوحة 1987


ACS Viitorul Pandurii Târgu Jiu, cunoscut sub numele de Viitorul Pandurii sau Viitorul Târgu Jiu, este un club de fotbal din Târgu Jiu, România, ce evoluează în prezent în . Între 2017 și 2019, echipa și-a jucat meciurile acasă la Petroșani, iar din vara lui 2019, s-a mutat la Drobeta Turnu-Severin.

Istorie
Viitorul  Târgu Jiu a fost înființat în anul 1998 sub numele de AS Șirineasa și a jucat aproape toată istoria sa la nivel județean, în ligile a IV-a și Liga a V-a ale județului Vâlcea. La sfârșitul sezonului 2015-2016, echipa a fost campioană a județului Vâlcea și a câștigat barajul de promovare cu campioana județului Dolj, Tractorul Cetate cu scorul general de 5-4 și a promovat în Liga a III-a, pentru prima dată în istoria clubului.

Primul sezon de Liga a III-a a fost unul foarte dificil, cu probleme financiare și prestații modeste, care au dus echipa în zona retrogradării înainte de pauza de iarnă. În perioada de transferuri de iarnă, CS Șirineasa a transferat întreaga echipă a clubului desființat CSM Râmnicu Vâlcea, dar echipa tot nu și-a găsit ritmul, terminând pe locul al 13-lea și retrogradând în Liga a IV-a după doar un sezon.

În vara anului 2017 însă, deoarece locurile de Liga a III-a nu au putut fi completate cu echipe promovate de la nivel județean, clubul a fost invitat de Federația Română de Fotbal să se înscrie din nou în Liga a III-a. Clubul a acceptat și a fost preluat de omul de afaceri Nicolae Sarcină, care a vrut întâi să schimbe numele echipei în Energeticianul Târgu Jiu dar ulterior a mutat echipa din Șirineasa la Petroșani. În sezonul 2017-2018, Sarcină a investit sume peste nivelul ligii a III-a și a adus jucători cu experiență în prima ligă, cum ar fi portarul Mihai Mincă și atacantul Florin Costea, și a obținut la pas primul loc în serie și promovarea în Liga a II-a. Denumirea de Energeticianul, înregistrată tardiv în vara lui 2017, a fost oficializată la 17 iulie 2018.

Întrucât Nicolae Sarcină deținea și echipa Luceafărul Oradea în Liga a II-a 2018-2019, clubul ACS Poli Timișoara a contestat dreptul lor de participare la competiție, dar nu a avut succes. Energeticianul a retrogradat de pe cea mai înaltă poziție retrogradabilă în sezonul 2018–2019, dar Sarcină a așteptat până la începerea noului sezon, în speranța că se vor retrage alte echipe; cum aceasta nu s-a întâmplat, a retras echipa Luceafărul Oradea, iar echipa Energeticianul a luat numele de Viitorul-Pandurii, ceea ce a atras contestații atât din partea echipei Pandurii Târgu Jiu, cât și din partea clubului de Liga I FC Viitorul.

Stadion

Stadionul Comunal
Între 1998 și 2007, atunci când echipa era cunoscută sub denumirile de AS Șirineasa și CS Șirineasa, aceasta își desfășura jocurile de acasă pe Stadionul Comunal, un stadion de 1.000 de locuri din Șirineasa, județul Vâlcea.

Stadionul Jiul
Începând cu 2017, echipa încă denumită CS Șirineasa a fost mutată de noul proprietar de la Șirineasa la Petroșani și a început să dispute partidele de pe teren propriu pe Stadionul Jiul, o arenă cu o capacitate de peste 15.000 de spectatori.

Parcurs competițional

Palmares
 Liga a III-a
 Câștigătoare (1): 2017-2018

 Liga a IV-a - Vâlcea
 Câștigătoare (1): 2015-2016

Jucători

Note

Cluburi de fotbal din Gorj

ACS Viitorul Pandurii Târgu Jiu


Anésio Frota Aguiar, mais conhecido como Frota Aguiar, (Camocim, 7 de agosto de 1901 – Rio de Janeiro, 30 de novembro de 1996) foi um advogado, delegado de polícia e político brasileiro, outrora deputado federal pelo Rio de Janeiro.

Dados biográficos
Filho de Francisco Felinto de Aguiar e Rosa Frota Aguiar. Advogado formado na Faculdade de Direito da Universidade do Estado do Rio de Janeiro em 1929, participou da Revolução de 1930 e a seguir foi nomeado delegado de polícia. Antes fora comerciário e trabalhou na Estrada de Ferro Central do Brasil.

Candidato a deputado federal pelo PSD do Ceará em 1945, figurou apenas numa suplência. Após migrar para o PTB foi eleito vereador pela cidade do Rio de Janeiro (então Distrito Federal) em 1947 e nesse mesmo partido foi suplente de deputado federal em 1950. Convocado a exercer o mandato de forma intermitente, foi relator da primeira Comissão Parlamentar de Inquérito na história do Congresso Nacional criada para investigar empréstimos do Banco do Brasil ao jornal Ultima Hora, criado por Samuel Wainer para apoiar o segundo governo de Getúlio Vargas. Efetivado após a morte de Mário Altino, migrou para a UDN, foi reeleito em 1954 e voltou para a suplência no pleito seguinte.

Eleito deputado estadual pelo novo estado da Guanabara em 1960, foi reeleito em 1962 e ingressou no MDB quando o Regime Militar de 1964 impôs o bipartidarismo renovando o mandato em 1966. Derrotado no pleito que viria a seguir, assumiu a presidência do Instituto de Previdência do Estado da Guanabara por escolha do governador Chagas Freitas. Eleito deputado estadual em em 1974, passou a representar o estado do Rio de Janeiro a partir de 15 de março de 1975, não sendo reeleito em 1978.

Irmão de Manuel Vilebaldo da Frota Aguiar e Raimundo Elísio Frota Aguiar, deputados estaduais pelo Ceará.

Naturais de Camocim
Deputados federais do Brasil pelo Distrito Federal (1891–1960)
Deputados estaduais da Guanabara
Deputados estaduais do Rio de Janeiro
Vereadores da cidade do Rio de Janeiro

Anésio Frota Aguiar


පුජකවරයකු වු නිකලස් කොපර්නිකස් බොලොඤ්ඤ විශ්ව විද්‍යාලයෙන් නීතියත් පාදුවා විශ්ව විද්‍යාලයෙන් වෛද්‍ය ශාස්ත්‍රයත් හැදෑරීය
ප්‍රවීන් භාතිය
මො මහානාම මහා විද්‍යාලය
8 ශ්‍රේණිය
මොනරාගල

කොපර්නික්ස් ගේ සූර්ය කේන්ද්‍රවාදය


Feriha Cansel (7 Temmuz 1944, Lefkoşa - 2 Eylül 1983, İzmir), Türk oyuncu.

Hayatı
Türk sinemasının seks filmleri furyasına girdiği 1974-1978 yıllarında yıldızı parlamış bir sinema oyunucusudur. Kariyerine daha olağan filmlerde, çoğu kez şuh kadınları oynayarak başlamışsa da zamanla "B" tipi erotik filmlerin vazgeçilmez oyuncularından biri haline gelmiştir. Bu konumuyla Zerrin Egeliler, Arzu Okay, Zerrin Doğan, Figen Han gibi aktrislerle aynı kulvardadır

1944 yılında Lefkoşa'da doğan Feri Cansel sonradan Birleşik Krallık vatandaşı olmuştur. Türkiye'ye geldikten sonra daha kolay iş bulabilmek için bir apartman görevlisi ile bir formalite evliliği yapmıştır. 1960'lı yıllar ve 1970'li yıllarda günün koşullarına uygun piyasa filmlerinde rol aldıktan sonra, ismini 1970'lerde erotik filmlerle duyurmuştur. Erkeksi tavırları, küfrün eksik olmadığı konuşma tarzı ile "Kasımpaşalı Emmanuelle" olarak lanse edilmiştir.

Özel hayatı ve ölümü
Zümrüt Cansel`in annesi olan Feri Cansel, 2 Eylül 1983 tarihinde Lefkoşa'da nişanlısı Melih Ük tarafından öldürüldü.

Filmografisi

Erotik

 1974: Ah Deme Oh De – Konuk oyuncu
 1975: Deli Deli Tepeli
 1975: Hasan Almaz Basan Alır
 1975: Hoppala
 1975: Kadınlar
 1975: Malın Gözü Kadınlar
 1975: Sev Doya Doya
 1975: Trafik Cemal – Konuk oyuncu
 1975: Ye Beni Mahmut
 1976: Beş Dakikada Beşiktaş
 1976: Kadın Çapkın Olunca
 1976: Profesyonel
 1977: Al Gülüm Ver Gülüm
 1977: Ava Giden Avlanır / On Çok Çok İyi
 1978: Kendin Pişir Kendin Ye
 1979: Aşk Kadını
 1979: Kasımpaşalı Emmanuel
 1979: Leyla, Necla, Mücella
 1979: Şaşırtma Beni

Diğerleri

 1967: Bekar Odası
 1967: Evlat Uğruna
 1968: Dev Adam
 1968: Erikler Çiçek Açtı
 1968: Nilgün
 1968: Ömrümün Tek Gecesi
 1969: Aşk Mabudesi
 1969: Bir Çirkin Adam
 1969: Cilveli Kız
 1969: Demir Pençe Korsan Adam
 1969: Hayat Kavgası
 1969: Hüzünlü Aşk
 1969: Izdırap Şarkısı
 1969: Kınalı Keklik
 1969: Kurşunların Kanunu
 1969: Malkoçoğlu Akıncılar Geliyor
 1969: Ömercik Babasının Oğlu
 1969: Turist Ömer Arabistan'da
 1969: Vatansızlar
 1969: Yılan Soyu
 1970: Malkoçoğlu Cem Sultan
 1970: Adım Kan Soyadım Silah
 1970: Ali İle Veli
 1970: Casus Kıran
 1970: Demir Yumruk Devler Geliyor
 1970: Erkek Gibi Ölenler
 1970: Erkeklik Öldü Mü Abiler
 1970: Fıstık Gibi
 1970: Hippi Perihan
 1970: İki Cesur Adam
 1970: Kördüğüm
 1970: Kan ve Tabanca
 1970: Kanıma Kan İsterim
 1970: Kızım Sana Emanet
 1970: Ölüm Çemberi
 1970: Son Söz Benim
 1970: Turist Ömer Yamyamlar Arasında
 1970: Üç Kral Serseri
 1971: Ali Baba ve Kırk Haramiler
 1971: Asya'nın Tek Atlısı Baybars
 1971: Ayıpettin Şemsettin
 1971: Belanın Kralı
 1971: Dadaloğlu
 1971: Gizli Aşk
 1971: Gönül Hırsızı
 1971: Her Kurşuna Bir Ölü
 1971: İdamlık
 1971: İşte Deve İşte Hendek
 1971: Jilet Kazım
 1971: Kadifeden Kesesi
 1971: Kadırgalı Ali
 1971: Kanunsuz Sokak
 1971: Kara Cellat
 1971: Kavanoz Dipli Dünya
 1971: Kötüler Affedilmez
 1971: Krallar Kralı Hüdaverdi
 1971: Kurşunla Selamlarım
 1971: Mezarını Kaz Beni Bekle
 1971: Ölümden Korkmuyorum
 1971: Silahlar Susmasın
 1971: Turist Ömer Boğa Güreşçisi
 1971: Yırtık Niyazi
 1972: Akma Tuna (Estergon'un Fethi)
 1972: Aşk Ve Cinayet Meleği
 1972: Aslanların Ölümü
 1972: Cevriye'nin Kızları
 1972: Elveda Meyhaneci
 1972: Estergon Kalesi
 1972: Kahpe Tuzağı
 1972: Karmen
 1972: Kırk Yalan Memiş
 1972: Kurban
 1972: Oğlum
 1972: Ölmek Var Dönmek Yok
 1972: Tövbekâr
 1972: Yıldırım Ajan
 1973: Balıkçı Osman
 1973: Ben Böyle Doğdum
 1973: Büyük Şamata
 1973: Helâl Sana Behçet
 1973: Ölüm Satanlar
 1974: Dört Hergele
 1974: Kara Murat Ölüm Emri
 1974: Ne Hakem
 1974: Zindan
 1975: Ah Bu Kadınlar
 1975: Hesap Günü
 1975: Sarı Necmiye
 1976: Kurban Olayım
 1978: Taşı Toprağı Altın Şehir
 1982: Gözüm Gibi Sevdim

Kaynakça

Dış bağlantılar

Türk kadın pornografik film oyuncuları
1944 doğumlular
Lefkoşa doğumlular
1983 yılında ölenler

Kıbrıs Türkü sinema oyuncuları
Türk kadın sinema oyuncuları
Kıbrıs Türkü asıllı Britanyalılar
Britanya asıllı Türkler
Türk cinayet kurbanları
İzmir'de ölenler
Türkiye'de ateşli silahtan ölenler
20. yüzyılda Türk kadın oyuncular

Feri Cansel


رينو 3 هي سيارة من إنتاج مجموعة رينو تم إنتاجها في العامين 1961 م و1962 م وهي كانت النسخة الأقل كلفة لسيارة الرينو 4 (آر 4)، تم إنتاج 2.571 سيارة منها بيع معظمها بفرنسا تم تصدير بعضها إلى البلدان الأخرى ولكنها صنفت هناك تحت اسم رينو 4، وسبب هذا الإدراج يرجع إلى تشابه تصميم السيارتين رينو 3 ورينو 4.

مواصفات عامة

تصميم السيارة مشابهة جدا لتصميم سيارة رينو 4 ولكن في رينو 3 تم استخدام محرك ذي قوة أقل (3 سيلندر - 603 سي سي) كما أن هيكلها افتقد إلى النافذة الثالثة الخلفية المثلثة الشكل، وافتقد أيضا إلى الشبكة الأمامية للسيارة، وإلى الإطارات الداخلية للأبواب، لم يستعمل في تصميمها الكروم كما ولم يتم إضافة جهاز التدفئة المروحية إليها.

معلومات إضافية

كانت تأمل مجموعة رينو من إنتاجها لهذا التصميم الأولي إتاحة الفرصة لزبائنها بالحصول على تصميم مشابه للسيارة الجديدة رينو 4 التي كانت تنوي إصدارها لاحقا ولكن بكلفة أقل كما أنها عمدت إلى الاستغناء عن النافذة الثالثة رغبة منها في تخفيض الضرائب على زبائنها وذلك حسب القانون الفرنسي، ولكن ولأن السيارة المنتظرة (رينو 4) لم يكن سعرها أعلى بكثير من رينو 3 لذا فقد بقي اقتنائها مقتصرا على زمرة معينة من الزبائن.

تصنيف السيارة

تم تصنيف السيارة على أنها سيارة اقتصادية ذات حجم صغير وهي مندرجة تحت التصنيفات التالية:
 سوبرميني حسب التصنيف البريطاني.
 ب-سيغمنت حسب التصنيف الأوربي.
 صب كومباك حسب التصنيف الجنوب أمريكي.

و يعود هذا التصنيف إلى الميزانية المنخفضة في صنع هذه السيارة بالإضافة إلى كونها لا ترتقي إلى صنف السيارات العائلية بسبب التعديلات التي تم إجرائها عليها. وهكذا فيمكن القول بان رينو 3 هي سيارة السوبرميني من رينو 4.

رينو 3
3
سيارات صغيرة
رينو 3
سيارات عقد 1960
سيارات عقد 1970
سيارات عقد 1980
سيارات عقد 1990
فان
هاتشباك

رينو 3


An estate sale or estate liquidation is a sale or auction to dispose of a substantial portion of the materials owned by a person who is recently deceased or who must dispose of their personal property to facilitate a move.

Reasons for an estate sale
The most common reasons for an estate sale is the death of the property owner, and the consequent need to quickly liquidate the deceased's belongings for any number of reasons:
The survivors/heirs may have no interest in the bulk of the personal belongings left by the deceased
The survivors/heirs may simply lack space to keep the belongings
The survivors/heirs cannot agree to the disposition of tangible property, and thus a court has ordered the goods to be sold, with the proceeds to be divided among the survivors (after payment of the estate's debts)
The will of the deceased may have mandated a sale of assets, or the assets may have to be sold in order to pay all or part of the estate's debts

An estate sale may also occur because the property owner will be moving or has moved into a new residence where they will be unable to keep their property, such as an assisted living facility, a retirement community, a rest home, or the home of a family member, or in the event of divorce, foreclosure, or relocation.

Conduct
Estate sales are usually conducted by a professional, for a percentage of the revenues. The liquidator may also charge the estate for the costs to give the sale, including advertising, marketing, research, labor, security, refreshments and other fees incurred in giving a successful sale.

Depending on the jurisdiction, estate sales run by professional firms may be required to obtain a permit for the sale (as may also be required to conduct a garage sale) and to collect sales tax on the items sold (or otherwise determine the tax-exempt status of a buyer), and may also be limited as to advertising (for example, on the number and placement of signs along streets).

The presence of a professional liquidator may be necessary because the scope of the process is likely to be overwhelming to the survivors. The liquidator has knowledge and experience with pricing items, and general value knowledge of all types of household goods and personal property value, and the specialist's experience in disposing of unsold goods in an unsentimental manner after the sale. These professionals often take a percentage of the net proceeds, anywhere from 25% to 50%.

Admittance procedure
Since many people may attend, not all people may be able to fit into the confines of the house at the same time.

The crowd thus may be controlled by a numbered sign-up sheet by the door or the issuance of 'numbers.'  Typically the estate sale company will hand out numbered pieces of paper early on the first day to the people waiting in line. This is both a courtesy so that people may wait in their vehicles during inclement weather until the posted start time, and a way to prevent a 'mad rush' for the door when the sale begins. The holder of the sale will then call for the first 10 or 20 numbers. These people are admitted and they get first choice at the items. As they eventually leave, the next numbers are called and admitted. This way the company can control the number of people inside what is typically a cramped house.

Street numbers
Typically one will see in an advertisement of an estate sale, "street numbers honored" or "street numbers not honored."  Street numbers are slips of paper that are generated by customers, usually dealers. These "street" numbers are then exchanged for the real, official numbered slips of paper handed out by the estate sale company.

Liquidators can also choose to not honor any street numbers handed out by customers.  In cases such as this, the liquidator will have wording in their ad such as "street numbers not honored" or "only our numbers honored".  Liquidators will typically do this in order to avoid any customer problems or issues that arise since the street number system is open to abuse.

Sign-up sheet
Another method to control entry to the sale is a sign-up sheet, which can be as simple as a blank piece of paper taped to the front door of the estate.  On this paper, customers write their names on the sheet, and when the sale begins, customers are called in to enter the sale, starting with the first name on the sheet.  Like street numbers, this is also open to abuse.

See also
Estate liquidation
Garage sale

References

External links

Contexts for auctions
Non-store retailing
Retail formats

fr:Vide-greniers
nl:Vrijmarkt

Estate sale


تشارلز فرانسيس ريختر   (26 أبريل 1900 - 30 سبتمبر 1985) هو عالم زلازل وفيزيائي أمريكي. وريختر معروف بأنه مخترع مقياس ريختر، والذي كان ولا زال يستخدم لقياس قوة الزلازل.

طفولته وتعلمه
وُلد ريختر في أوفربيك في ولاية أوهايو. امتلك ريختر أصولًا ألمانية إذ جاء جده الأكبر من بادن بادن (بادن فورتمبيرغ في ألمانيا) في عام 1848 بسبب عدم الاستقرار السياسي. والد ريختر هو فريدريك ويليام ووالدته ليليان آنا (كينسينجر) ريختر، انفصلا عندما كان صغيرًا جدًا. نشأ مع جده من والدته، والذي نقل الأسرة (بما في ذلك والدته) إلى لوس أنجلوس في عام 1909. التحق بعد تخرجه من مدرسة لوس أنجلوس الثانوية بجامعة ستانفورد وحصل على شهادته الجامعية في عام 1920. بدأ في عام 1928 العمل على شهادة دكتوراه في الفيزياء النظرية من معهد كاليفورنيا للتكنولوجيا، وعُرض عليه لكن قبل أن ينتهي منها منصب في معهد كارنيجي في واشنطن. أحب علم الزلازل (دراسة الزلازل والأمواج التي تنتجها في الأرض). عمل بعد ذلك في مختبر الزلازل الجديد في باسادينا تحت إشراف بينو غوتنبرغ. طور ريختر وغوتنبرغ في عام 1932 مقياسًا للأحجام النسبية لمصادر الزلازل سُمي مقياس ريختر. عاد في عام 1937 إلى معهد كاليفورنيا للتكنولوجيا حيث قضى بقية حياته المهنية، وأصبح في النهاية أستاذ علم الزلازل في عام 1952.

حياته المهنية
ذهب ريختر للعمل في معهد كارنيجي في واشنطن في عام 1927 بعد أن عرض عليه روبرت ميليكان منصب معيد هناك، حيث بدأ التعاون مع بينو غوتنبرغ. أراد مختبر الزلازل في معهد كاليفورنيا للتكنولوجيا البدء في نشر تقارير منتظمة عن الزلازل في جنوب كاليفورنيا وكان بحاجة كبيرة لنظام قياس قوة الزلازل لإنجاز هذه التقارير. ابتكر ريختر وجوتنبرج المقياس الذي أصبح معروفًا بمقياس ريختر تلبيةً لهذه الحاجة، والذي يعتمد على قياس كمية إزاحة الأرض بواسطة الموجات الزلزالية.

صمم العالمان جهاز قياس الزلازل لقياس هذه الإزاحة ووضعا مقياسًا لوغاريتميًا لقياس الشدة. جاء وصف الحجم لهذا القياس من اهتمام ريختر منذ طفولته في علم الفلك (يقيس علماء الفلك النجوم بكتلتها). كانت مساهمة غوتنبرغ كبيرة لكن كرهه للمقابلات ساهم في ترك اسمه خارج العمل. تبنى علماء الزلازل المقياس بعد نشره في عام 1935 بسرعة لاستخدامه في قياس شدة الزلازل.

بقي ريختر في معهد كارنيجي حتى عام 1936 عندما حصل على وظيفة في معهد كاليفورنيا للتكنولوجيا، حيث عمل مع غوتنبرغ. نشر غوتنبرغ وريختر كتاب الزلازل الأرضية في عام 1941. وتعتبر الطبعة المنقحة التي نشرت في عام 1954 مرجعًا أساسيًا في هذا المجال.

أصبح ريختر أستاذًا في معهد كاليفورنيا للتكنولوجيا في عام 1952. ونشر في عام 1958 كتاب علم الزلازل الأساسي بناءً على ملاحظاته التدريسية الجامعية. نادرًا ما نشر ريختر في المجلات العلمية التي يراجعها الأقران، لذلك يعتبر الكتاب أهم مساهماته في علم الزلازل. أمضى ريختر عامي 1959 و1960 في اليابان كباحث في برنامج فولبرايت. انخرط في ذلك الوقت من حياته المهنية في مجال هندسة الزلازل من خلال تطوير قوانين البناء للمناطق المعرضة للزلازل. أزالت حكومة مدينة لوس أنجلوس العديد من الزخارف والبروزات من المباني في الستينيات نتيجة لحملات التوعية التي قام بها ريختر.

ذكرت المدينة أن تحذيرات ريختر كانت مهمة في منع العديد من الوفيات بعد زلزال سان فرناندو عام 1971.  تقاعد ريختر عام 1970.

مقياس ريختر
في الوقت الذي بدأ فيه ريختر العمل مع غوتنبرغ كانت الطريقة الوحيدة لتقييم الصدمات هي مقياس طوره الكاهن والجيولوجي الإيطالي جوسيب ميركالي في عام 1902. يستخدم مقياس ميركالي الأرقام الرومانية ويصنف الزلازل من المرحلة الأولى إلى الثانية عشر اعتمادًا على كيفية استجابة المباني والناس للهزة. تصنف الهزة التي جعلت الثريات تتأرجح على أنها I أو II على هذا المقياس، في حين أن الزلازل التي دمرت مباني ضخمة وأحدثت حالة من الذعر في مدينة مزدحمة قد تُصنف X. كانت المشكلة الواضحة في مقياس ميركالي اعتماده على مدى قوة تشييد المبنى. كما كان من الصعب على مقياس ميركالي تقييم الزلازل التي حدثت في المناطق النائية ذات الكثافة السكانية المنخفضة.

انظر أيضا

 مقياس ريختر

مراجع

وصلات خارجية

 مقابلة مع تشارلز ريشتر
 اقتباسات تشارلز ريشتر

أشخاص من مقاطعة بوتلر (أوهايو)
أعضاء هيئة تدريس معهد كاليفورنيا للتقنية
أمريكيون من أصل ألماني
خريجو جامعة جنوب كاليفورنيا
خريجو جامعة ستانفورد
خريجو معهد كاليفورنيا للتقنية
علماء زلازل أمريكيون
متعرون أمريكيون
ملحدون أمريكيون
مواليد 1900
مواليد في إشبيلية
وفيات 1985
وفيات في باسادينا (كاليفورنيا)

تشارلز فرانسيس ريختر


Péter Bacsó () a fost un producător, scenarist și regizor de film maghiar, premiat cu Premiul Kossuth și Premiul Balázs Béla.

Biografie

Filmografie selectivă

Regizor
 1964 (Nyáron egyszerü)
 1965 Prea târziu (Szerelmes biciklisták)
 1967 (Nyár a hegyen)
 1969 Martorul (A Tanú)
 1972 (Forró vizet a kopaszra!)
 1973 A treia încercare (Harmadik nekifutás)
 1983 (Te rongyos élet)
 1988 Titania, Titania (Titánia, Titánia, avagy a dublörök éjszakája)
 1994 Din nou martor (Megint tanú)

Scenarist
 1949 (Szabóné)
 1956 12 rezultate exacte (Mese a 12 találatról)
 1958 Édes Anna, regia: Zoltán Fábri
 1963 Două reprize în iad (Két félidö a pokolban), regia: Zoltán Fábri
 1965 Prea târziu (Szerelmes biciklisták)
 1983 (Te rongyos élet)
 1988 Titania, Titania (Titánia, Titánia, avagy a dublörök éjszakája)
 1994 Din nou martor (Megint tanú)

Producător
 1984 Trebuie să-ți joci rolul (Lily in Love), regia: Károly Makk
 1990 (Magyar rekviem), regia: Károly Makk

Premii

Vezi și
 Listă de filme străine până în 1989

Note

Legături externe

Nașteri în 1928
Decese în 2009
Regizori maghiari
Scenariști maghiari
Oameni din Cașovia

Péter Bacsó


ويليام موريس (William Morris؛ 24 مارس 1834 - 3 أكتوبر 1896) معماري، مرمم، ومصمم للأثاث والمنسوجات، وفنان، وكاتب اشتراكي إنجليزي.

ولد موريس في والتايمستو في شرق لندن، وتعلم في مارلبورو وأكسفورد. في 1856، أصبح متعلماً عند المعماري جورج إدموند ستريت. في السنة نفسها أنشأ مجلة أكسفورد وكامبردج، والتي كانت مخرجاً لشعره وتطوير نظرياته حول مهارة الصنعة اليدوية في الفنون التزيينية. في 1861 أسس موريس شركة تصميم بالشراكة مع الفنان إدوارد بورن جونز، والشاعر والفنان دانتي غابريل روزسيتي، والتي كان لها تأثيراً عميقاً على زينة الكنائس والبيوت حتى بداية القرن العشرين.

كتب ونشر موريس الشعر، والقصص، وترجمات النصوص القديمة من القرون الوسطى طوال حياته. تتضمن أفضل أعماله المعروفة: «دفاع جينيفير وقصائد أخرى» (1858)، و«الجنة الدنيوية» (1868 إلى 1870)، و«حلم جون بول» (1988)، و«أخبار ليست من أي مكان» (1890)، و«البئر في نهاية العالم» (1896). كان موريس شخصية مهمة مع ظهور الاشتراكية في بريطانيا العظمى، فقد أسس الاتحاد الاشتراكي في 1884، لكنه اختلف مع الحركة في بعض الأهداف والطرق مع نهاية ذلك العقد. كرس معظم بقية حياته لصحافة كيلمسكوت الذي أسسها في 1891.

مراجع

وصلات خارجية

ويليام موريس
أصحاب أعمال إنجليز في القرن 19
اشتراكيون إنجليز
اشتراكيون بريطانيون
اشتراكيون تحرريون
بيئيون بريطانيون
خريجو كلية إكستر (أكسفورد)
دعاة الجمهورية في المملكة المتحدة
روائيون إنجليز
روائيون فيكتوريون
شعراء الملحمة
شعراء إنجليز في القرن 19
شعراء بريطانيون
شعراء فيكتوريون
شيوعيون إنجليز
شيوعيون بريطانيون
شيوعيون لاسلطويون
طابعو حروف إنجليز
طباعون إنجليز
كتاب باللغة الإنجليزية
كتاب فنتازيا إنجليز
كتاب قصة قصيرة بريطانيون في القرن 19
كتاب قصة قصيرة ذكور إنجليز
كتاب ماركسيون
كتاب مقالات بريطانيون
لاسلطويون بريطانيون
ليبرتاريون إنجليز
ماركسيون إنجليز
ماركسيون بريطانيون
مترجمون من هوميروس
مصممو جرافيك بريطانيون
مصممون إنجليز
معماريون إنجليز في القرن 19
معماريون من إسكس
معماريون من إيسيكس
ملحدون إنجليز
منظرون تحرريون
مواليد 1834
مؤسسو أحزاب سياسية بريطانيون
مؤلفون فنانون
وفيات 1896
وفيات في لندن

ويليام موريس


Allied er en film fra 2016 instrueret af Robert Zemeckis efter manuskript af Steven Knight. Brad Pitt, Marion Cotillard, Lizzy Caplan, Matthew Goode og Jared Harris spiller hovedrollerne i filmen.

Medvirkende
 Brad Pitt som Max Vatan
 Marion Cotillard som Marianne Beausejour
 Jared Harris som Frank Heslop
 Matthew Goode som Guy Sangster
 Lizzy Caplan som Bridget Vatan
 August Diehl som Hobar
 Camille Cottin som Monique
 Anton Lesser som Emmanuel Lombard
 Daniel Betts som George Kavanagh
 Marion Bailey som Fru Sinclair

Kilde

Eksterne links

Amerikanske film fra 2016
Thrillerfilm fra USA
Krigsfilm fra USA

Allied (film)