Islamic banking and finance — the industry built around avoiding interest and other financial practices found in violation of sharia (Islamic law) — has been both praised and criticized by observers.

The industry has been praised for turning a "theory" into an industry that has grown to about $2 trillion in size; for attracting banking users whose religious objections have kept them away from conventional banking services, drawing non-Muslim bankers into the field, and (according to other supporters) introducing a more stable, less risky form of finance.

However, the industry has also been criticized for ignoring its "basic philosophy" and moved in the wrong direction over the decades — leading both outsiders and rank and file Muslims to question it. This has happened first by the sidelining the original finance method advocated by promoters — risk-sharing finance — in favor of fixed-markup finance of purchases (particularly murabaha), and then by distorting the rules of that fixed-markup murabaha, effectively delivering conventional cash interest loans following conventional interest rates,
but disguised with "ruses and subterfuges" and burdened with "higher costs, bigger risks".

Other issues/complaints raised include a lack of effort by the industry to help small traders and the poor; the question of how to deal with inflation, late payments, the lack of hedging of currencies and rates or sharia-compliant places to park short term funds for liquidity; the non-Muslim ownership of much of Islamic banking, and the concentration of what ownership is in Muslim hands.

Compliments and defense
According to Muhammad Taqi Usmani, a leading scholar in contemporary Islamic finance, Islamic finance has turned a "theory" into "a reality", "asserting" Islam into international financial markets. It has "enriched" the Islamic legal system with shariah-compliant solutions developed in response to the practical business questions put to it by the industry. Abayomi A. Alawode, head of Islamic finance for the World Bank, praises it as "ethical, sustainable, environmentally- and socially-responsible", emphasizing "financial inclusion and social welfare". Its popularity has drawn conventional banks into Islamic finance in search of Muslim customers.
Positive sum effect
A study on the size and market share of Shariah-compliant Islamic banking in Muslim countries found "strong and consistent empirical evidence" that the development of Islamic banking leads to "higher banking sector development" rather than attracting money and existing customers away from conventional banking as measured by "the amount of private credit or bank deposits scaled to GDP."
Stability
Proponents (such as Zeti Akhtar Aziz, the head of the central bank of Malaysia) have argued that Islamic financial institutions are more stable than conventional banks because they forbid speculation and their two main types banking accounts — "current account" and mudarabah accounts — carry less risk to the bank. This is because in a current account the customer (in theory) earns no return and (in theory) the bank is not supposed to invest the account funds. The alleged stability in a mudarabah account comes from the smaller risk of loan defaults because that risk is shared with the depositor. If the borrower cannot pay back part or all of the money lent to them by the bank, the amount going to the depositor is cut by an equivalent amount, whereas in a conventional bank the depositor is given fixed interest payments whether or not the bank's earnings decline from loan defaults. Ibrahim Warde credits the supervision of Shariah Boards for preventing Islamic banking from following the following conventional banks into the excesses that led to the financial crisis of 2007–2008.
Defence
While the industry has problems and challenges, these can be explained by the
industry's relative youth and its position in the early stages of a "learning curve" that will solve the challenges over time; (In 1993 Ausaf Ahmad defended the industry as early in its transition from conventional banking.)
unless and until the industry operates in an Islamic society and environment it will be hindered by non-Islamic influences and won't "operate in its essence".

Customers and the industry

The majority of Islamic banking clients are found in the Gulf states and in developed countries.
Studies of Islamic banking customer in Malaysia and Pakistan found customer satisfaction was connected to service quality.
A study of Islamic banking customers in Bangladesh found "most customers" between 25–35 years, "highly educated" and having a "durable relationship" with the bank, more knowledgeable about account than financing products.

In series of interviews conducted in 2008 and 2010 with Pakistani banking professionals (conventional and Islamic bankers, Shariah banking advisors, finance-using businessmen, and management consultants), economist Feisal Khan noted many Islamic bankers expressed "cynicism" over the difference or lack thereof between conventional and Islamic bank products, the lack of requirements for external Shariah-compliance audits of Islamic banks in Pakistan, shariah boards lack of awareness of their banks' failure to follow shariah compliant practices in or their power to stop these practices. However this did not deter patronage of the banks by the pious (one of whom explained that if his Islamic bank was not truly shariah compliant, 'The sin is on their head now, not on mine! What I could do, I've done.')

One estimate of customer preference (given by a Pakistani banker) in the Pakistani banking industry, was that about 10% of customers were "strictly conventional banking clients", 20% were strictly Shariah-compliant banking clients, and 70% would prefer Shariah-compliant banking but would use conventional banking if "there was a significant pricing difference". A survey of Islamic and conventional banking customers found Islamic banking customers were more observant (having attended hajj, observing salat, growing a beard, etc.), but also had higher savings account balances than conventional bank customers, were older, better educated, had traveled more overseas, and tended to have a second account at a conventional bank. Another study, using "official data" reported to State Bank of Pakistan, found that for lenders who had taken out both Islamic (Murabaha) financing and conventional loans, the default rate was more than twice as high on the conventional loans. Borrowers were "less likely to default during Ramadan and in big cities if the share of votes to religious-political parties increases, suggesting that religion – either through individual piousness or network effects – may play a role in determining loan default."

Challenges, industry view
"Key challenges" to the Islamic finance industry as a whole — including sukuk — as of 2016 (according to the State of the Global Islamic Economy Report, 2015/16 and the IMF) include
"Low levels" of awareness and understanding of Islamic finance products and services among the public, leading them to not patronize these products and services;
A need for "increased regulatory clarity and harmonization, better cooperation between Islamic and conventional financial standard-setters, and further improvement of supervisory tools", to deal with the "complex financial products and corporate structures" in some countries/jurisdictions brought about by "regulatory and supervisory frameworks" that do not "address the unique risks of the industry";
A "scarcity of Shariah-compliant monetary policy instruments" and a lack of understanding of "the monetary transmission mechanism";
"Underdeveloped" safety nets and resolution frameworks. A lack of complete Islamic deposit insurance systems where premiums are invested in Shariah-compliant assets, or Shariah-compliant "lenders-of-last-resort";
Regulators who "do not always have the capacity (or willingness) to ensure Shariah compliance."

Challenges, questions of shariah compliance

Imitation of conventional finance
A number of supporters (such as Taqi Usmani, D.M. Qureshi, Saleh Abdullah Kamel, Harris Irfan) and skeptics (Muhammad Akram Khan, Muhammad O. Farooq, Feisal Khan, Mahmoud El-Gama, Timur Kuran) of Islamic banking have examined the differences between Islamic and conventional banking and lamented their similarity.

Taqi Usmani argues Islamic banking has "totally" neglected its "basic philosophy", first by ignoring modes of risk-sharing between the financer and the user of finance (Musharaka), in favor of the fixed markup mode of murabahah and ijarah, which in theory should only be used when risk-sharing is impractical. Then by ignoring the rules of murabahah and ijarah themselves, by, for example, using murabahah finance to borrow cash and not even purchasing a commodity in the process, (see also Ignoring required commodities below) or using ijarah (leasing) without the "lessor either assuming "the liability for his ownership" or offering "any usufruct to the lessee".

Interest rate benchmarks have been used to set Islamic "profit" rates so that "the net result is not materially different from interest based transactions". Ignoring basic principles such as these has weakened the case for Islamic Banking "before non-Muslims" and "before the masses especially", who Usmani believes, have now gotten the impression that Islamic banking is "nothing but a matter of twisting documents ...."

In March 2009, Usmani declared that 85% of Sukuk, or Islamic bonds, were "un-Islamic".
(At the time Usmani was chairman of the board of scholars of the Accounting and Auditing Organization for Islamic Financial Institutions, or AAOIFI, which sets standards for the global Islamic Banking industry). Others (Hassan Heikal) have also criticized the authenticity of sukuk.

Another "pioneer" of Islamic banking, D.M. Qureshi, told questioners at a 2005 Islamic banking conference, that `Islamic banking as it stands today is, with all due respect and humility, a labeling industry. Everything that is conventional is being labeled and you say it is Islamic.`

Mohammad Najatuallah Siddiqui, also attacks the tendency to duplicate conventional interest-based financial instruments with certain modifications in terms and phrases, (sukuk for bond and tawarruq for loan, example) which gives a bad name to Islamic finance. One Islamic bank — Lariba — has gone so far as to publish a fatwa from a Sharia committee (whose membership included the widely known Sheikh Yusuf al-Qaradawi) including the statement 'we have reached a consensus that there is no objection to using the term "interest" as an alternative to the term "profit" or "rate of return".'
Practitioners of Islamic Finance aspired "in theory" to prove their finance "was different from the conventional" sort, Siddiqui states, but were actually
"busy searching for ways to make it similar to it. ... Starting sometime during nineteen eighties, Shariah advisors focused mainly on designing Shariah-compliant substitutes for financial products with which market was familiar."

One Muslim banker at Deutsche Bank (Harris Irfan) writing about his efforts to sell Islamic banking products he felt failed to be truly Shariah complaint, complained of feeling like a "charlatan", suffering from "incoherent pietism" and "cognitive dissonance" trying "to squeeze a square peg into a round hole".

A veteran of Islamic economics, Muhammad Akram Khan, criticizes Islamic banking as professing to have "put its business on a basis other than interest" while devising "a whole host ruses and subterfuges to conceal interest."

Mahmoud Amin El-Gamal, and Mohammad Fadel complain of the charging of higher fees in Islamic banking. Fadel characterizes the basis of the industry as the "extraction of fees" for creating a financial product that seems to "comply with the formal requirements of Islamic law", while "retaining all the economic features of that conventional product."

El-Gamal has described modern Islamic finance as "Shari'a arbitrage" (i.e. it uses the price difference between the Islamic and conventional markets — pious Muslims being willing to pay a premium for what they believe to be sharia compliant finance), whereby the bank's Shariah board earns its fees by "finding an appropriate [classical] Arabic name for the Islamic analog product" and uses the name to "justify and lend credibility to the Islamic brand name."

According to Sayyid Tahir, "there is no evidence that the arrangements for the Islamic banks have been developed on some Shariah basis. For example, the formulas for SLR (statutory liquidity requirements), capital adequacy ratio, and risk management standards are same for Islamic banks as those for interest-based banks.`"

According to A. W. Duskuki and Abdelazeem Abozaid, "the only difference" an examiner may find between Islamic and conventional finance is "in the technicalities and legal forms, while in essence, the substance is the same .... In fact Islamic bankers use the same financial computation just like other bankers to calculate present and future values of investments. Hence, at the end of the day, unconvinced Muslim and other critical outsiders, observe that Islamic banks in reality keep interest but just call it by another name, such as commissions or profits ...`"

Saleh Abdullah Kamel, winner of the 1997 IDB Prize in Islamic Banking, is somewhat less critical than others, stating that the industry has only "most" of the characteristics of conventional banking,
 the preferred investment patterns of Islamic banks have become a mix of a loan and an investment. It is a mix which has most of the characteristics of a riba-based loan and the flaws of the Western capitalist system. It fails to highlight the features of Islamic investment based on risk-sharing and real investment. It does not recognize the guarantee of the capital or its return.

Another criticism of imitating conventional banking (made by Mahmoud El-Gama) is that pursuing the "past returns and past trends" of conventional finance, (for example seeking to be the first to offer an "Islamic hedge fund"), offers the large initial profit margins from being the "first-movers" of the financial product (in the Islamic financial industry) and having "access to captive markets and free indirect publicity", which tempt other banks try and follow suit, but often offer limited long-term returns.

Explanations
Skeptics of the industry have proposed explanations for what they see as its failure to provide a true alternative to conventional banking. The pressure on Shari'ah boards to approve the products of institutions that pay their salaries (serving as a sort of modern-day equivalent of the medieval "court ulama") is part of the problem according to M.O. Farooq.

Feisal Khan describes Islamic banking as caught in a "vicious circle" where conventional piety clashes with feasibility. A large market of pious Muslims, inspired by the Islamic revival, seek to finance, invest, and save, in ways that do not use interest and "the standard debt-contract". Efforts to provide truly Shariah-compliant substitute for interest — "participatory" or "profit and loss sharing" financing" — fail because "in most situations" there is an asymmetry of information between in the financer and financee, making this mode of finance unprofitable. Not willing to let this obstacle stand in the way of cashing in on a huge market of pious Muslims, major banks then look "for scholars willing to certify conventional instruments as being Shariah-compliant," rewarding the most accommodating scholars with more business. The result is "a fairly wide" range of financial products and services that "closely" mimic conventional ones, but come with Sharia certification adding an additional layer of transaction costs.

Another explanation offered by Farooq (quoting Mohammad Nejatullah Siddiqi) are the shortcomings of sharia experts. These "generally speaking", do not have adequate training in maqasid (intent or purpose) of shariah, leaving them unable to evaluate the masalih (benefits) and mafasid (harms) of some financial products; nor do they the economic training to conduct the necessary analysis of what the consequences would be of widespread use of complex financial transactions such as tawarruq (which allows cash to be lent to a borrower with "shariah compliance" but with greater complexity and cost than with a conventional loan).

Timur Kuran explains the salience of the Islamic economic foundation of Islamic banking as being "primarily a vehicle for reasserting the primacy of Islam" and only "secondarily a vehicle for radical economic change".

Profit and Loss Sharing and its problems

Islamic banks at least in Saudi Arabia and Egypt have "departed from using profit-loss-sharing (PLS) techniques as a core principle of Islamic banking", according to a 2006 dissertation by Suliman Hamdan Albalawi.
Malaysia has also seen a decline.

One study of which modes of Islamic finance were used most frequently found PLS financing in leading Islamic banks had declined from 17.34% in 1994-6, to only 6.34% of total financing from 2000-2006. "Debt-based contracts" or "debt-like instruments" were far more popular in the sample. 54.42% of financing was on the basis of murabaha, 16.31% on the basis of ijara and 5.60% on the basis of salam and istisna during 2004-6. Another survey of the largest Islamic banks published in 2010 found PLS use ranging from between 0.5% and 21.6%.

Explanations (offered by two authors, Humayon A. Dar and J.R. Presley), for why PLS instruments — namely mudaraba and musharaka financing — have declined to almost negligible proportions include:
 There is a strong incentive for the bank's client to report less profit than is actually earned, because the higher the declared profit, the more of the client's money will go to the financing bank. This puts the use of PLS at a disadvantage to fixed income modes for a bank.
 Property rights in most Muslim countries are not properly defined, which makes the practice of profit-loss sharing difficult.
 The conventional banks Islamic banks compete with are firmly established and have centuries of experience. Islamic banks are not yet sure of their policies and practices and feel restrained in taking unforeseen risks.
 The PLS is not suitable or feasible in many cases such as short-term resource requirement, working capital needs, non-profit-generating projects such as in the education and health sectors.
 In some countries interest is considered a business expenditure and given tax exemption, but profit is taxed as income. Thus clients of the business who obtain funds on a PLS basis have to bear the financial burden in terms of higher taxes they would not if they took out a loan and paid interest.
 There were, (at least as of 2001), no secondary markets for Islamic financial products based on PLS.
 Mudaraba, one of the forms of PLS, provides limited control rights to shareholders of the bank and "creates an imbalance in the governance structure" of PLS. "Shareholders like to have consistent and complementary control system, which is missing in the case of mudaraba financing."

One hurdle the industry have failed to overcome is customer acceptance of periodic losses (the L in PLS) from investment. The characteristic of mudarabah to share banking losses with bank customer/investors has been advanced as a reason why Islamic financial institutions would be more stable than conventional banks. (In its 2015 paper "Islamic Finance: Opportunities, Challenges, and Policy Options", the International Monetary Fund lists ensuring "that profit-sharing investment accounts (PSIA) at Islamic banks [i.e. mudarabah accounts] are treated in a manner that is consistent with financial stability" as "an important regulatory challenge".) Proponents such as Taqi Usmani have preached that "normal trade activities of course result ... in losses from time to time", so the expectation by depositors of steady returns and no risk of loss is an unnatural product of capitalist banking, brought about by its separating finance "from normal trade activities". In several decades of Islamic banking there have been bad debts — even major financial difficulties such as a major embezzlement scandal at Dubai Islamic Bank in 1998.

Yet, as of at least 2004, no bad debt has translated into losses for depositors in an Islamic bank, and "no Islamic bank has ever written-down the value of its depositor's accounts when it has written-down the value of its non-performing assets" for fear of losing depositors.

Aside from disadvantages to lenders, one critic of Islamic banking, Feisal Khan, argues that widespread use of PLS could have severe harm to economies. He notes that if banks took "a direct equity state in every enterprise" as called for in mudaraba and musharaka, credit would contract and central banks would be unable to use the usual ways of expand credit — buying bonds, commercial paper, etc. — to prevent liquidity crisises that arise from time to time in modern economies. While purists such as Usmani are correct that murabaha and other fixed income instruments (that have crowded out PLS) are essentially conventional banking by another name, if they were banned and replaced by the more "authentic" profit and loss sharing, central banks might be helpless to prevent contraction of economies and extreme joblessness.

Murabaha and ignoring required commodities
In addition to ignoring profit and loss sharing in favor of murâbaḥah, the industry has been accused of not properly following shariah regulations of murabahah (mentioned above), by not buying and selling the commodities/inventory that are "a key condition" of shariah-compliance (done when the bank wants to borrow cash rather than to finance a purchase, and though they are an added cost and serve no other function). In 2008 Arabianbusiness.com complained that there are sometimes "no commodities at all, merely cash-flows between banks, brokers and borrowers". Often the commodity is completely irrelevant to the borrower's business and not even enough of the relevant commodities "in existence" in the world "to account for all the transactions taking place". Two other researchers report that for many years multibillion-dollar 'synthetic' murabaha transactions in London took place, where "many doubt the banks truly assume possession, even constructively, of inventory".

Fund mingling
The original Islamic banking proponents called for "keeping distinct accounts for various types of deposits so that return can be assigned to each type". "In practice", according to critic Muhammad Akram Khan, "Islamic financial institutions pool all types of deposits".

Falsification
Critics complain that the compliance with sharia regulations by banks often is nothing more than the taking of the word of the bank or borrower that they have followed compliance rules, with no effective auditing to see if this is true. One observer (L. Al Nasser) complains that "Shariah authorities demonstrate excessive confidence in their subjects when it comes to dealing with parities in the industry", and Shariah audits are needed "to bring about transparency and ensure" that the institutions "deliver what they have committed to their customers". Furthermore, when external Shariah audits are carried out, "many of these auditors frequently complain about the amount of violations that they witness and cannot discuss" because the records they have examined "have been tampered with".

Following conventional (haram) returns
Although Islamic banking forbids interest, its "profit rates" often are benchmarked to interest rates. Islamic banker Harris Irfan states "there is no question" that benchmarks such as LIBOR "continue to be a necessary metric" for Islamic banks, and that the "overwhelming majority of scholars have come to accept this, however imperfect a solution this may seem",
but Muhammad Akram Khan writes that following the conventional banking benchmark LIBOR "defeats the very purpose for which the Islamic financial products were designed and offered" in the first place.

In addition skeptics have complained that the rates of return on accounts in Islamic banks are suspiciously close to those of conventional banks, when (in theory) their different mechanisms should lead to different numbers. A 2014 study (using "the most recent econometric techniques") of the long-term relationship between term-deposit rates at conventional banks and "participation banks" (i.e. Islamic Banks) in Turkey found three of four participation banks term-deposit rates "significantly cointegrated" with those of the conventional banks, and that the "causality" of the Islamic banks rate of return following the conventional banks was "permanent".
Skeptics suggest that this nearness suggests a manipulation of returns by Islamic banks, which are often smaller and less well-established, and feel the need to reassure customers of their financial competitiveness and stability.

Liquidity
Islamic banking and finance has lacked a way to earn a return on funds "parked" for the short term, waiting to be invested, which puts those banks a disadvantage to conventional banks.

Banks/financial institutions must balance liquidity — the ability to convert assets into cash or a cash equivalent quickly in an emergency when their depositors need them without
incurring large losses — with a competitive rate of return on funds. Conventional banks are able to borrow and lend by using the interbank lending market — borrowing to meet liquidity requirements and investing for any duration including very short periods, and thereby optimize their earnings. Calculating the return for any period of time is straightforward — multiplying the loans length by the interest rate.

However, the religiously preferred mode of Islamic finance — profit and loss sharing (PLS) — must wait for the project invested in to come to fruition before profits can be distributed. Since profit or loss cannot be determined for short periods, no return is given on funds deposited for short periods. Islamic financial institutions cannot borrow or lend for short periods to/from the conventional interbank lending market.

The absence of any, or at least sufficient, Islamic Money Market instruments to invest in meant Islamic Banks held, on average, "40% more liquidity" (i.e. non-return paying funds) than their conventional counterparts, as of 2002. The Islamic Financial Services Board found that the "average daily volume of interbank transactions among Islamic financial institutions, between Islamic financial institutions and conventional banks, and between Islamic financial institutions and central banks is very low compared to trades in the conventional money market."
While Muslim countries such as Bahrain, Iran, Malaysia
and Sudan have started to develop an Islamic money market, and have been "issuing securitized papers on the basis of musharaka, mudaraba and ijara", at least as of 2013, the "lack of an appropriate and efficient secondary market" has meant the relative volume of these securities is "much smaller" than on the conventional capital market.

Regarding non-PLS, "debt-based contracts", one study found that "the business model of Islamic banking is changing over the time and moving in a direction where it is acquiring more liquidity risk."

To deal with the problem of earning no return on funds held for the sake of liquidity or because of a lack of investment opportunity, many Islamic financial institutions (such as Islamic Development Bank and the Faisal Islamic Bank of Egypt) have "been explicitly and openly earning interest on their excess funds, often invested in safer, debt-like or debt instruments overseas". Rather than forbidding this, "Shariah-experts have provided the necessary fatwa of Shari'ah-compliance based on the rules of necessities (darurah)". Researchers Frank Vogel and Frank Hayes write,
Scholars in Islamic finance and banking have invoked necessity to permit exceptional relaxations of rules. They have issued fatwas
(opinions) allowing Islamic banks to deposit funds in interest-bearing accounts, particularly in foreign countries, because these banks have no alternative investments at the necessary maturities. Typically, however, they place conditions on such fatwas, such as requiring that the unlawful gains be used for religiously meritorious purposes such as charity, training, or research. Such fatwas are particular to the circumstances in which they are issued.

Social responsibility and emphasis
Following Islamic principles, "Islamic banks were supposed to adopt new financing policies and to explore new channels of investments" to encourage development and raise the standard of living of "small scale traders", but "very few Islamic banks and financial institutions have paid attention to this aspect", Taqi Usmani complains.
Islamic scholar Mohammad Hashim Kamali, laments the focus on short-term financing by Islamic banks which is "largely concerned with the financing of goods already produced, and not with the creation or increase of production capital or with facilities like factories and plants, infrastructure etc."

Muhammad Akram Khan also complains that in its evolution towards convergence with conventional banking, Islamic banking's product development" has imitated conventional banks "rather than establishing "a different type of banking which was aligned to fairness, equitable income distribution, and ethical modes of investment."

Another scholar, (Mahmoud El-Gamal) also regrets that Islamic banking has focused on form rather than substance, and proposes "reorienting the brand name of Islamic finance to emphasize issues of community banking, microfinance, socially responsible investment and the like."

Other non-orthodox economists have been even more critical.

Challenging the basic premise of Islamic banking, Muhammad O. Farooq argues that the "preoccupation" of Islamic banking with the abolition of any and all interest comes at the expense of the "bigger picture" of pursuing economic justice in general, citing the Quranic injunction against concentration of wealth:
"What God has bestowed on his Messenger (and taken away) from the people of the townships — belongs to God — to his Messenger and to kindred and orphans, the needy and the wayfarer; in order that it may not (merely) make a circuit between the wealthy among you. ..."
He wonders if "greed and profit" are not far bigger causes of exploitation than interest on loans, which he argues may not constitute riba in a competitive, regulated market.
Comfortable with political tyranny, patronized by the few wealthy rentier classes in the Muslim world, and increasingly managed by the global financial powerhouses, the Islamic Banking and Finance movement is more than vulnerable to be confined in the realm of rhetoric against exploitation, or worse, inadvertently may even become an instrument of exploitation.The world in reality is full of exploitation: child exploitation, sexual exploitation, labor exploitation, etc. Interest is probably, if any, a small component in accounting for global exploitation. Yet, the proponents of Islamic economics and finance are fixated with interest.

He cites as an example the profit motive of the East India Company that colonized and ruled India at the expense of the Muslim Mughal Empire until 1858 and whose shares were equity not debt instruments. He finds it curious that while polemical works promoting Islamic banking and finance commonly assert that interest on loans exploits the poor and Muslims, there are few if any empirical or focused studies on the subject of exploitation or injustice in Islamic economics. (For example, Farooq complains there is "not a single citation for exploitation or injustice" in two substantial bibliographies on (orthodox) Islamic economics -- Muslim Economic Thinking: A Survey of Contemporary Literature, with "700 entries under 51 subcategories over 115 pages", and Islamic Economics: Annotated Sources in English and Urdu by Muhammad Akram Khan.)

Timur Kuran complains that while Islamic banks in Egypt and other Muslims countries have followed Western banking practices, and have been little help in economic development or job creation, they have not followed the practices of western venture capitalists, which "have financed the global high-tech industry". Since venture capital operates on the same principles as profit and loss sharing (although VC does not avoid haram products), its use could potentially "bring major benefits" to Egypt and other poor Muslims countries seeking economic development.

Lack of shariah uniformity
Most Islamic banks have their own Shariah boards ruling on their bank's policies.
According to researchers Frank Vogel and Frank Hayes, the four schools (Madhhab) of Sunni fiqh (Islamic jurisprudence) have not come closer to agreement in Islamic banking. They apply
"Islamic teachings to business and finance in different ways. Disagreements on specific points of religious law occur both between those four schools
and within them. Furthermore, shari'a boards sometimes change their minds, reversing earlier decisions."

Along with the question raised by Ibrahim Warde of whether boards are "rubber stamping" sharia compliance of the banks that pays their salaries, differences between boards as to what constitutes shariah compliance may eventually present difficulties by "raising doubts in the minds of clients" over whether a given bank is truly shariah compliant, according to Munawar Iqbal and Philip Molyneux. "If Islamic banking is not perceived to be 'Islamic', it will not be long before the existing Islamic banks lose much of their market."

Other challenges and issues

Late payments/Defaults
While in conventional finance late payments/delinquent loans are discouraged by interest continuing to accumulate, in Islamic finance control and management of late accounts has become a "vexing problems", according to Muhammad Akran Khan. Although a number of suggestions have been made to deal with the problem of delinquent loans in Islamic banking  according to Ibrahim Warde,
Islamic banks face a serious problem with late payments, not to speak of outright defaults, since some people take advantage of every dilatory legal and religious device ... In most Islamic countries, various forms of penalties and late fees have been established, only to be outlawed or considered unenforceable. Late fees in particular have been assimilated to riba. As a result, `debtors know that they can pay Islamic banks last since doing so involves no cost`
Warde also complains that "Many businessmen who had borrowed large amounts of money over long periods of time seized the opportunity of
Islamicization to do away with accumulated interest of their debt, by repaying only the principal -- usually a puny sum when years of double-digit inflation were taken into consideration.

Inflation
Inflation is also a problem for financing where Islamic banks have not imitated conventional banking and are truly lending without interest or any other charges. Whether and how to compensate lenders for the erosion of the value of the funds from inflation, has also been called a problem "vexing" Islamic scholars, since finance for businesses will not be forthcoming if a lender loses money by lending. Suggestions include indexing loans (opposed by many scholars as a type of riba and encouraging inflation), denominating loans "in terms of a commodity" such as gold, and further research to find an answer.

Non-Muslim influence
Islamic banking and finance customers are almost all — if not entirely — Muslims. But the majority of financial institutions offering Islamic banking services are Western and owned by non-Muslims. Supporters of Islamic banking have cited this interest of western banks in Islamic banking as evidence of the strong and growing demand for Islamic banking and thus an "achievement of the movement".

However, critics complain these banks lack a deep faith-based commitment to Islamic banking which means
that Muslims employed within these organizations have little input into the actual management, resulting in sometimes well-founded suspicion among the Muslim populace as to the diligence of sharia compliance at these institutions. One conventional Malaysian Bank offering Islamic based investment funds was found to have the majority of these funds invested in the gaming industry; the managers administering these funds were non-Muslim.
that rather than a reflection of the growing strength of Islamic banking, the interest of conventional banks reflects how similar Islamic banking has become to the conventional sort, so that the later can enter Islamic banking without making substantive changes to its practices. El-Gamal wonders if the interest of large non-Muslim banks in Islamic finance is not a result of the profit-driven nature of Islamic finance in practice.
and that these banks will be more likely to withdrawing from the industry when the market takes a downturn. Harris Irfan argues that the lack of ideological commitment to Islamic banking by non-Muslim banks such as Deutsche Bank, has and will lead to their withdrawing from the industry when the market takes a downturn. In early 2011, during the housing bubble collapse, "not a single dedicated Islamic structurer or salesperson remained at Deutsche. Islamic finance had become `a luxury the bank can't afford'" Perhaps in part because of this, in February 2011 Qatar Central Bank ordered conventional lenders "to close down their Islamic operations in the country by the end of the year." The Central Bank insisted it was too much for conventional banks to follow alternative capital adequacy rules for Islamic finance and too "difficult to supervise and monitor both Islamic and conventional operations of commercial banks since depositor fund would get mixed up."

Stability/Risk
Sources differ over whether Islamic banking is more stable and less risky than conventional banking.

Proponents (such as Zeti Akhtar Aziz, the head of the central bank of Malaysia) have argued that Islamic financial institutions are more stable than conventional banks because they forbid speculation and the two main types (in theory) of Islamic banking accounts — "current account" and mudarabah accounts — carry less risk to the bank (as mentioned above).
In a current account the customer earns no return, and (in theory) there is no risk of loss because the bank does not invest the account funds.
In a mudarabah account the Islamic bank carries less risk of loan defaults because it shares that risk with the depositor. If the borrower cannot pay back part or all of the money lent to them by the bank, the amount going to the depositor is cut by an equivalent amount, whereas in a conventional bank the depositor is given fixed interest payments whether or not the bank's earnings decline from loan defaults.

Critics complain that this stability comes at the expense of the stability of the balances of depositors/"partners" (Islamic banks often use the term "partner" instead of "customer" or "depositor") of the profit and loss sharing accounts, and these partners are exposed to risks they would not be subject to in conventional banks.
In addition, according to one critic (Mahmoud A. El-Gamal),
In these institutions, investment-account holders neither have the protection of being creditors of the Islamic financial institution, nor do they have the protection of being equity holders with representation on those institutions' boards of directors. This introduces a host of other well-documented risk factors for the institution ...

On the other hand, Habib Ahmed writing in 2009 shortly after the financial crisis, argues that the practices of Islamic finance have gradually moved closer to conventional finance exposing them to the same dangers of instability.
When the practice of Islamic finance and the environment under which it operates are examined, one can identify trends that are similar to the ones that caused the current crisis.... In the recent past, the Gulf region has witnesses its own episodes of speculation in their stock and real estate markets. Finally, the Islamic financial industry has witnessed rapid growth with innovations of complex Shari'ah compliant financial products. Risks in these new Islamic financial products are complex, as the instruments have multiple types of risks ...

In any event, a few Islamic banks have failed over the decades. In 1988 the Islamic investment house, Ar-Ryan collapsed causing thousands of small investors to lose their savings (they were later reimbursed for their losses by an anonymous Gulf state donor) and dealing a blow to Islamic finance at the time.
In 1998 the management of Bank al Taqwa's failed. with its annual report reporting a "loss of over 23 per cent of principal to both
mudaraba depositors and shareholders". (It was later revealed that management had violated banking rules "invested in one single project more than 60 per cent bank's assets.")

The Ihlas Finance House in Turkey closed in 2001 due to "liquidity problems and financial distress". Faisal Islamic Bank had difficulties and closed its operations in the UK for regulatory reasons.

According to the Economist magazine, "Dubai's debt crisis in 2009 showed that sukuk [Islamic bonds] can help to inflate debt to unsustainable levels."

Recessions
During the financial crisis of 2007–2008, Islamic banks "on average, showed stronger resilience" than conventional banks, but "faced larger losses" when the crisis hit "the real economy," according to a 2010 IMF survey.

At the beginning of the "Great Recession" of 2007-9, Islamic banks were "unscathed", leading to one Islamic banking supporter to write that the collapse of leading Wall Street institutions, particularly Lehman Brothers, "should encourage economists world-wide to focus on Islamic banking and finance as an alternative model." However gradually the effect of the financial downturn moved to the real sector, affecting Islamic banking. According to Ibrahim Warde, `this showed that Islamic finance was not all a panaceas, and that a faith-based system is not automatically immune to the vagaries of the Financial system.`

Concentrated ownership
Concentration of ownership is another danger to the stability of Islamic banking and finance, according to Munawar Iqbal and Philip Molyneux. They write that only
"three or four families own a large percentage of the industry. ... This concentration of ownership could result in substantial financial instability and possible collapse of the industry if anything happens to those families, or the next generation of these families change their priorities. Similarly, the experience of country-wide experiments has also been mostly on the initiatives of rulers not elected through popular votes."

Macroeconomic exposures
"Macroeconomic exposures" of Islamic banks constitute a "ticking time bomb" of a "billions of dollars" in "unhedged currencies and rates", Harris Irafan warns. The difficulty, complexity, and expense of hedging these in the correct Islamic manner is such that as of 2015, the Islamic Development Bank "was hemorrhaging cash as if it were funding a war. It simply couldn't swap dollars for euros or vice versa on an ongoing basis without resorting to the conventional markets." Regional Islamic banks in the Middle East and Malaysia did not have "specialized personnel trained to understand and negotiate Sharia-compliant treasury swaps" and were not willing to hire the consultants who did.

Costs
Muhammad El-Gamal argues that because Islamic financial products imitate conventional financial products but operate in accordance with the rules of shariah, different products will require additional jurist and lawyer fees, "multiple sales, special-purpose vehicles, and documentations of title". In addition there will be costs associated with "the peculiar structure that Islamic banks use for late payment penalties". Consequently, their financing tends to cost more than, and the return on accounts tends to pay less than that of conventional products.

El-Gama also argues that another source of inefficiency/greater expense in Islamic banking and a reason its replications of conventional finance are "always one step behind" new financial products in the conventional industry, is the industry's dependence on "classical "nominate contracts" (murabahah credit sales, ijara leases, etc.). These contracts follow classical texts and were created in a time when financial markets were very limited. They are not equipped to "disentangle various risks" that "modern" financial markets and institutions (such as "money markets, capital markets, options markets, etc.") are designed to. On the other hand, making their contracts/products more efficient, will alienate the pious customer base that believes that contracts/products should follow classical forms.

In one important part of the finance market — home buying — Islamic finance has not been able to compete with conventional finance in at least some countries (UK, Canada, USA), as of 2002 (UK) and 2009 (North America). According to Humayon Dar, the monthly payments, for a shariah compliant "Lease Contract" used by Islamic Investment Banking Unit of Ahli United Bank Kuwait in Britain "are much higher" than equivalent conventional mortgages.
In Canada the cost of Islamic home finance was 100 to 300 basis points higher than conventional home finance, and in the USA 40 to 100 basis points higher, according to Hans Visser. (Visser credits the higher cost of Islamic ijara financing to its higher risk weighting compared to conventional mortgages under Basel I and Basel II international standard of minimum capital requirements for banks.) (In some cases Islamic "profit" rates are the same as conventional mortgage rates but "closing costs will run a few hundred dollars extra.")

According to reports (from 2005 and 2006) by M. Kabir Hassan, efficiency of Murabaha-dominated Islamic banks is not high. "The average cost efficiency" of the banks studied was 74%, whereas "the average profit efficiency" was 84%. "Although Islamic banks are less efficient in containing cost, they are generally efficient in generating profit." A later report on efficiency measures "such as cost, allocative, technical, pure technical and scale", stated that "on average, the Islamic banking industry is relatively less efficient compared to their conventional counterparts in other parts of the world."

Other studies have found Islamic banks somewhat less efficient, on average, than their conventional counterparts in non-Muslim majority parts of the world (measured by comparing banks' revenues with its expenses minus profit paid to depositors),
a study of banks in Malaysia from 1997-2003 and of
and Islamic banks in Turkey from 1999-2001;
In contrast one multi-country study, covering a similar time period (1999-2005) as the studies above, found no "significant differences" in overall efficiency (A study published in 2008 measuring "the cost, revenue and profit efficiency" of 43 Islamic and 37 conventional banks in 21 countries from 1999-2005).

Maturity
"Common explanations offered by" the Islamic finance movement for the Islamic banking industry shortcomings (as mentioned above and according to M.O.Farooq) are that
industry problems and challenges are part of a "learning curve" and will be solved over time;
unless and until the industry operates in an Islamic society and environment it will be hindered by non-Islamic influences and won't "operate in its essence".

While the veracity of the second explanation can not be verified before a complete Islamic society is established, Feisal Khan points out in regard to the first defense that since this it was made in 1993, the industry has not shown much evidence of "learning". In that year critic Timur Kuran
highlighted the industry problems (the basic similarity of Islamic banking in practice to the conventional, the marginalizing of the equity-based, risk-sharing modes and embrace of short-term products and debt-like instruments), and a supporter (Ausaf Ahmad) defended the industry as early in its transition from conventional banking.

Seventeen years later, Ibrahim Warde, an Islamic finance proponent, lamented that "rather than disappearing, murabaha and comparable sale-based products grew significantly and today they constitute the bulk of the activity of most Islamic Banks..."

Most critics of the Islamic banking industry call for further orthodoxy and a redoubling of effort and stricter enforcement of sharia. Some (M.O.Farooq and M.A.Khan), have blamed the industry problems on its condemnation of any and all interest on loans as forbidden riba, and the impracticality of attempting to enforce this prohibition.

See also
 Islamic banking and finance
 Profit and loss sharing
 Islamic economics
 Islamic finance products, services and contracts
 Riba
 Muamalat
 List of Islamic terms in Arabic

References

Notes

Citations

Books, documents, journal articles

Credit
Banking terms

Challenges in Islamic finance


An Anomophysis crenata in uska species han Coleoptera nga syahan ginhulagway ni Fabricius hadton 1801. An Anomophysis crenata in nahilalakip ha genus nga Anomophysis, ngan familia nga Cerambycidae.

Mabibilngan ini ha:
 Laos.
 Myanmar.
 Nepal.
 Sri Lanka.
 Taiwan.

Waray hini subspecies nga nakalista.

Mga kasarigan

Anomophysis

Anomophysis crenata


Kunđevac je naseljeno mjesto u sastavu općine Dubrava, Zagrebačka županija, Republika Hrvatska.

Historija

Do teritorijalne reorganizacije u Hrvatskoj nalazio se u sastavu stare općine Vrbovec.

Stanovništvo

Na popisu stanovništva 2011. godine, Kunđevac je imao 79 stanovnika.

Napomena: Od 1953. do 1981. iskazivano pod imenom Novaki III. Do 1948. podaci su sadržani u naselju Novaki.

Popis 1991.

Na popisu stanovništva 1991. godine, naseljeno mjesto Kunđevac je imalo 106 stanovnika, sljedećeg nacionalnog sastava:

Popis 1910.

Za sastav stanovništva na popisu 1910. godine, pogledati pod: Novaki.

Literatura

  Savezni zavod za statistiku i evidenciju FNRJ i SFRJ, popis stanovništva 1948, 1953, 1961, 1971, 1981. i 1991. godine.
 Knjiga: "Narodnosni i vjerski sastav stanovništva Hrvatske, 1880-1991: po naseljima, autor: Jakov Gelo, izdavač: Državni zavod za statistiku Republike Hrvatske, 1998., , ;

Reference

Vanjski linkovi

Naselja u Hrvatskoj
Naselja u Zagrebačkoj županiji

Kunđevac


ISO 3166-2:FI é o subconjunto de códigos definido em ISO 3166-2, parte do padrão ISO 3166 publicado pela Organização Internacional para Padronização (ISO), para os nomes das principais subdivisões da Finlândia.

Atualmente, o ISO 3166-2 define os códigos das 19 regiões finlandesas (em seis províncias, além das llhas de Aland, conhecidas também apenas como Aland).

Os códigos consistem em duas partes separados por hífen. A primeira parte é FI, o código da Finlândia no ISO 3166-1 alfa-2, e a segunda parte é um código de dois dígitos.

Aland (em finlandês: Ahvenanmaan maakunta; em sueco: Landskapet Åland) é uma região autônoma da Finlândia, que também é uma antiga província, que também possui o seu próprio conjunto de códigos oficiais de país ISO 3166-1m com códigos alfa-2 AX.

Códigos atuais

Códigos ISO 3166 e nomes de subdivisões são listados como publicado pela Maintenance Agency (ISO 3166/MA).

Os códigos ISO 639-1 são usados para representar os nomes de subdivisões nos seguintes idiomas administrativos:
 (fi): finlandês
 (sv): sueco

As subdivisões da Finlândia seguem a ordem do alfabeto finlandês: a–z, å, ä, ö.

Alterações
As seguintes alterações foram anunciadas pela ISO 3166/MA em boletins desde a primeira publicação da ISO 3166-2, em 1998:

Códigos anteriores ao Boletim II-3

Veja também
 Códigos de região FIPS da Finlândia

Ligações externas
 ISO Navegação On-line Plataforma: FI
 Regiões da Finlândia, Statoids.com

03166-2:FI
2:FI
ISO 3166-2:FI
Regiões da Finlândia

ISO 3166-2:FI


アーマーホールディングス(Armor Holdings, Inc)は、アメリカ合衆国の軍用品・軍用車両メーカー。フロリダ州ジャクソンビルに本社を置く。複数の子会社を所有している。

アーマーホールディングスの前身となった会社はAmerican Body Armor and Equipment, Inc.として1969年に設立され、1996年、Armor Holdings, Inc.に改名。
その後2007年8月31日、BAEシステムズに1株あたり88USドル、総額41億USドルで売却され、現在はBAEシステムズに買収されてBAE傘下に収められている。BAE傘下に入った後は社名をBAE Systems AH, Inc.に改名した。

製造するボディアーマーや軍用ヘルメットはアメリカ軍にも正式採用されているほか、MRAPなど軍用車両の開発にもBAEグループの1つとして参加している。

アメリカ合衆国の防衛関連企業
フロリダ州の企業
BAE システムズ

アーマーホールディングス


Carriera
È stato uno dei protagonisti dei successi dell'ASSI Milano negli anni venti: ha giocato con la società milanese dal 1921 al 1927, saltando solo il campionato del 1925 e vincendo cinque scudetti. È stato anche tra i pionieri della nazionale maschile, con cui ha giocato le prime due partite della sua storia sportiva.

Statistiche

Cronologia presenze e punti in Nazionale

Palmarès

ASSI Milano: 1921, 1922, 1924, 1926, 1927

Note

Bibliografia
 Almanacco illustrato del basket '90. Modena, Panini, 1989, p. 407.

Cestisti della Nazionale italiana

Alberto Valera


'n Geurmiddel is 'n voorbereide mengsel wat by kos gevoeg word, tipies nadat dit gaar is, om 'n spesifieke geur aan die dis te gee, om die geur daarvan te verbeter, of om die gereg aan te vul. 'n Tafelspesery of tafelsous is meer spesifiek 'n geurmiddel wat apart van die kos bedien word en deur die persoon wat eet na smaak bygevoeg word.

Geurmiddels word soms bygevoeg voordat dit bedien word, byvoorbeeld in 'n toebroodjie wat gemaak word met tamatiesous, mosterd of mayonnaise . Sommige geurmiddels word tydens die kookproses gebruik om geur of tekstuur by die dis te voeg: braaisous, saamgestelde botter, teriyaki-sous, sojasous, Marmite en suurroom is voorbeelde hiervan.

Heelwat geurmiddels, soos mosterd of tamatiesous, is beskikbaar in pakkies met 'n enkelporsie, gewoonlik wanneer dit saam met wegneem- of kitskosmaaltye voorsien word.

Definisie

Die ware definisie van 'n geurmiddel kan verskil. Sommige definisies sluit speserye en kruie in, insluitende sout en peper, wat dan die term uitruilbaar met 'n term soos spesery-geurmiddel maak. Ander terme beperk die definisie om slegs "voorbereide voedselverbinding(s), wat een of meer speserye bevat, in te sluit, wat na die gaarmaakproses by kos gevoeg word, soos mosterd, tamatiesous of kruisementsous .

Etimologie
Die term geurmiddel kom van die Latynse woord condimentum, wat "speserye, geurmiddels, sous" beteken en ook van die Latynse term condire, wat "bewaar", "piekel" of "geur" beteken. Die term het oorspronklik ingelegde of gepreserveerde kos beskryf, maar die betekenis daarvan het mettertyd verander.

Geskiedenis
Geurmiddels was bekend in Antieke Rome, Indië, Griekeland en China. Daar bestaan 'n mite dat voor voedselpreserveringstegnieke wydverspreid was, skerp speserye en geurmiddels gebruik is om kos smaakliker te maak, maar hierdie bewering kan nie deur enige bewyse of historiese rekord ondersteun word nie. Die Romeine het die geurmiddels garum en liquamen gemaak deur die binnegoed van verskeie visse te maal en dit dan in sout te fermenteer, wat gelei het tot 'n vloeistof wat glutamiensuur bevat, wat dan weer geskik is om die geur van voedsel te verbeter. Die gewildheid van hierdie souse het gelei tot 'n florerende geurmiddelbedryf. Apicius, 'n kookboek gebaseer op vierde en vyfde eeuse kookkuns, bevat 'n afdeling wat uitsluitlik op geurmiddels en speserye fokus.

Mark
In die Verenigde State was die mark vir geurmiddels $5,6 miljard werd in 2010 en dit sou na raming tot $7 miljard teen 2015 gegroei het. Die geurmiddelmark is die tweede grootste in spesialiteitskosse na dié van kaas.

Galery

Verwysings

Geurmiddels
Kruie
Speserye

Geurmiddel


メアリー・パトリシア・カニング・トッド(Mary Patricia Canning Todd, 1922年7月22日 - 2015年9月5日)は、アメリカ・カリフォルニア州サンフランシスコ出身の女子テニス選手。1947年の全仏選手権女子シングルス優勝者で、第2次世界大戦終戦直後のアメリカテニス界を代表する女子選手のひとりとして活動した。旧姓「パトリシア・カニング」(Patricia Canning)といったが、結婚後は2つの姓を併用した。彼女は「パット」(Pat)という愛称で呼ばれたため、テニス文献でも「パット・トッド」(Pat Todd)「パット・カニング・トッド」(Pat Canning Todd)など、様々な呼び名で記載されている。

来歴
パトリシア・カニングの選手経歴は、まだ第2次世界大戦前の1938年全米選手権から始まる。第2次世界大戦の戦時中も、全米選手権だけは途切れることなく開催された。彼女は1940年代初めの早い時期に結婚したが、詳細な情報が残っておらず、全米選手権の女子競技部門(女子シングルス・女子ダブルス・混合ダブルス)の抽選表でもはっきりとは分からない。1942年の全米選手権混合ダブルス部門で、トッドはアレホ・ラッセル(アルゼンチン)とペアを組み、テッド・シュローダー&ルイーズ・ブラフ組に敗れた準優勝があった。終戦の年にあたる1945年、彼女は初めて全米選手権の女子シングルス8強に入る。1946年から他のテニス4大大会も開催が再開され、トッドは全仏選手権やウィンブルドン選手権にも出場し始めた。1946年全米選手権で、彼女は女子シングルスで初の準決勝に進み、女子ダブルスでメアリー・アーノルドと組んで準優勝した。当時の全米選手権女子ダブルスは、1942年から1950年までルイーズ・ブラフ&マーガレット・オズボーン組が「9連覇」していた。トッドは1946年から1948年まで、3年連続でこのペアの壁にぶつかることになる。

1947年の全仏選手権で、トッドは女子シングルス・女子ダブルスの2部門で決勝に進出し、シングルス決勝でドリス・ハートを 6-3, 3-6, 6-4 で破って初優勝した。ハートと組んだ女子ダブルスでは、決勝でブラフ&オズボーン組に敗れた。続くウィンブルドン選手権で、トッドはシングルス準々決勝でシーラ・サマーズ(南アフリカ)に敗れたが、ハートとの女子ダブルスで初優勝を飾り、難敵のブラフ&オズボーン組を 3-6, 6-4, 7-5 で倒した。トッドが女子ダブルス決勝でブラフ&オズボーン組に勝ったのは、この1947年ウィンブルドンだけである。ところが、1948年全仏選手権の女子シングルス準決勝で、トッドは予想外の出来事で「失格」になった。ネリー・アダムソン・ランドリー(フランス)との準決勝を目前に控えて、審判員が予定の試合開始時間を早め、昼食をとっていたトッドに「今すぐ試合を開始しなさい」と告げたという。この大会ではハートとの女子ダブルスと、ヤロスラフ・ドロブニー(当時チェコスロバキア)と組んだ混合ダブルスで優勝したが、女子シングルス準決勝の気まずさが残り、彼女は1949年全仏選手権を出場辞退した。

ハプニングの2年後、トッドは1950年全仏選手権女子シングルス・混合ダブルスの2部門で決勝に勝ち進んだ。3年ぶり2度目の女子シングルス決勝ではドリス・ハートに 4-6, 6-4, 2-6 で敗れ、ビル・タルバートと組んだ混合ダブルスも、直前に決勝戦出場を断念したため、この大会は2部門とも準優勝に終わった。この年はウィンブルドン選手権で初の混合ダブルス準優勝があり、パートナーはジェフ・ブラウン(オーストラリア)と組んだが、ルイーズ・ブラフとエリック・スタージェス(南アフリカ)の組に 9-11, 6-1, 4-6 で敗れた。

トッドの全仏選手権以外の4大大会シングルス成績は、ウィンブルドン選手権は1948年・1949年・1950年・1952年の4度、全米選手権は1946年・1948年の2度ベスト4があり、この両大会では1度も決勝に進めなかった。全豪選手権には1度も出場していない。

パトリシア・カニング・トッドの現役選手時代、第2次世界大戦終戦直後の女子テニス界はアメリカ勢が大半のグランドスラム・タイトルを寡占していた。彼女と同時代の選手には、ルイーズ・ブラフ、マーガレット・オズボーン・デュポン、ドリス・ハートなどがいた。この3人は現役生活を通じて、30を超える4大大会タイトルを獲得した強豪であり(女子シングルス・女子ダブルス・混合ダブルスの総計:ブラフ35勝、オズボーン37勝、ハート35勝)1947年の全仏選手権優勝者トッドでさえ、彼女たちの陰に隠れがちな存在であった。

主な成績
 全仏選手権 女子シングルス:1勝(1947年)/女子ダブルス:1勝(1948年)/混合ダブルス:1勝(1948年)
 ウィンブルドン選手権 女子ダブルス:1勝(1947年)/混合ダブルス準優勝:1950年
 (全米選手権女子ダブルス準優勝4度:1946年-1948年・1951年/混合ダブルス準優勝1度:1942年)

参考文献
 Bud Collins, "Total Tennis: The Ultimate Tennis Encyclopedia" Sport Classic Books, Toronto (2003 Ed.) ISBN 0-9731443-4-3
 Martin Hedges, "The Concise Dictionary of Tennis" (コンサイス・テニス辞書) Mayflower Books Inc., New York (1978) ISBN 0-8317-1765-3

アメリカ合衆国の女子テニス選手
サンフランシスコ出身の人物
1922年生
2015年没

パトリシア・カニング・トッド


An Metacoptops fasciculata in uska species han Coleoptera nga syahan ginhulagway ni Aurivillius hadton 1911. An Metacoptops fasciculata in nahilalakip ha genus nga Metacoptops, ngan familia nga Cerambycidae. Waray hini subspecies nga nakalista.

Mga kasarigan

Metacoptops

Metacoptops fasciculata


Kaliwatan sa alasiwsiw ang Arantia fatidica. Una ning gihulagway ni Carl Stål ni adtong 1873. Ang Arantia fatidica sakop sa kahenera nga Arantia, ug kabanay nga Tettigoniidae. Walay nalista nga matang nga sama niini.

Ang mga gi basihan niini

Insekto
Arantia

Arantia fatidica


Robert Francis Wanzer (født 4. juni 1921, død 23. januar 2016) var en amerikansk basketballspiller og basketballtræner. Han tilbragte hele sin spillerkarriere hos Rochester Royals, og var del af at vinde et mesterskab med holdet i 1951.

College og militærkarriere
Wanzer gik på college ved Seton Hall University. Hans collegetid blev afbrudt af, at han tjente i Stillehavskrigen mellem 1944-45.

Spillerkarriere
Wanzer blev draftet af Basketball Association of America-klubben Rochester Royals i 1948. Klubben var i 1949 del af at danne NBA, og Wanzer spillede i 1951 en central rolle i, at Royals vandt mesterskabet. Han spillede for holdet frem til 1957, og var den første spiller nogensinde i NBA til at skyde 90%+ på frikast i en sæson, da han i 1951-52 sæsonen ramte 90,4% af sine frikast.

Trænerkarriere
Wanzers trænerkarriere begyndte i 1955, hvor han blev spillede træner for Royals. Han stoppede med selv at spille i 1957, men fortsatte som træner for Royals frem til 1959. Han blev i 1963 træner for St. John Fisher University, og trænede 24 sæsoner for holdet, før han i 1987 gik på pension.

Eftermæle
Wanzer blev i 1987 inkluderet i Naismith Memorial Basketball Hall of Fame og hans trøjenummer 9 blev pensioneret af Royals, i dag kendt som Sacramento Kings.

Privat
Wanzer døde den 23. januar 2016 i en alder af 94.

Referencer

Eksterne henvisninger

Personer fra New York City
Basketballspillere fra USA
Basketballspillere fra Rochester Royals
Medlemmer af Naismith Memorial Basketball Hall of Fame

Bobby Wanzer


Sekwitubulus annulatus is an Ediacaran tubular fossil from the Blueflower Formation in Canada.  Sekwitubulus is a monotypic genus, containing only the single species.  S. annulatus is possibly a type of annelid worm.  The name derives from the area the type specimen was found, Sekwi.

References

Ediacaran Northwest Territories
Fossils of Canada

Sekwitubulus


The 2000 Tashkent Open was a women's tennis tournament played on hard courts at the Tashkent Tennis Center in Tashkent, Uzbekistan that was part of the Tier IVa category of the 2000 WTA Tour. It was the second edition of the tournament and was held from 12 June through 18 June 2000. Unseeded Iroda Tulyaganova won the singles title and earned $22,000 first-prize money.

Finals

Singles
 Iroda Tulyaganova defeated  Francesca Schiavone, 6–3, 2–6, 6–3
It was Tulyaganova's first title of her career

Doubles
 Li Na /  Li Ting defeated  Iroda Tulyaganova /  Anna Zaporozhanova, 3–6, 6–2, 6–4

References

External links
 Official website
 ITF tournament edition details
 Tournament draws

Tashkent Open
Tashkent Open
Tashkent Open
Tashkent Open

2000 Tashkent Open


Mihăileni là một xã thuộc hạt Harghita, România. Dân số thời điểm năm 2002 là 2643 người.

Chú thích

Tham khảo

Xem thêm

Xã của hạt Harghita

Mihăileni, Harghita


Kaliwatan sa insekto ang Akainothrips iskae. Una ning gihulagway ni Crespi, Morris ug Laurence A. Mound ni adtong 2004. Ang Akainothrips iskae sakop sa kahenera nga Akainothrips, ug kabanay nga Phlaeothripidae.

Kini nga matang hayop na sabwag sa:
 Ostralya

Walay nalista nga matang nga sama niini.

Ang mga gi basihan niini

Insekto
Insekto sa Ostralya
Akainothrips

Akainothrips iskae


Il sandalo è una calzatura aperta. Lascia il piede in gran parte scoperto e permette quindi un eccellente ricambio d'aria evitando la sudorazione dei piedi. Il sandalo viene considerata una scarpa aperta, anche se solo sulla punta o sul tallone.

Struttura

I sandali sono formati da una suola e da lacci o strisce che servono a tenerli fermi intorno al piede. La suola può essere di diversi materiali: cuoio, gomma, fibre intrecciate come paglia o rafia, materie plastiche. I lacci sono pezzi sagomati o strisce di tessuto, pelle, fibre, gomma o plastica; avvolgono la parte superiore del piede e quella posteriore della caviglia. I sandali infradito vengono tenuti fermi da un laccio che passa tra l'alluce e il secondo dito del piede e che si divide, andando a riattaccarsi alla suola ai suoi lati, formando una sorta di Y.

La chiusura si può ottenere con l'annodatura dei lacci o con mezzi più tecnologici come velcro, fibbie, bottoni e automatici.

I sandali femminili possono essere dotati di tacco e plateau anche molto alti, con colori appariscenti e decorazioni applicate; da calzatura pratica diventano accessori di moda.

Calzatura economica e di facile costruzione, i sandali sono molto diffusi nel terzo mondo, nei paesi di clima caldo o nei periodi caldi.

In alcuni paesi, per esempio in Perù, i sandali sono costruiti con i copertoni usati di auto; alla suola tagliata dal copertone si uniscono con chiodini quattro strisce intrecciate per la tomaia e una posteriore per fermarli alla caviglia. Quelli femminili vengono ornati con dischetti di plastica colorata fermati da un rivetto. Le incisioni praticate sotto la suola e il materiale indistruttibile ne fanno un ottimo strumento per arrampicarsi sulle Ande.

Varianti
Tra i molti tipi di sandali ci sono:
 Sandali a piedi nudi: il termine è improprio perché si tratta di cinghie o gioielli, come cavigliere e anelli per le dita dei piedi, che non hanno suola
 Calighe: classica calzatura militare dell'antica Roma con suola pesante usati come sandali per la marcia; indossato da tutti ranghi incluso il centurione
 Zoccoli: sandali pesanti con una spessa suola tipicamente di legno
 Sandali dei pescatori: come gli occhi di bue in origine per uomini e ragazzi. Le dita sono racchiuse da una serie di fasce di pelle intrecciate longitudinalmente con la cinghia centrale che si trova lungo il collo del piede.  Una cinghia trasversale regolabile o barra è fissata con una fibbia. Il tallone può essere completamente chiuso o allacciato da una singola cinghia unita a croce. Lo stile sembra abbia avuto origine in Francia
 Geta: classica calzatura giapponese con suola in legno tradizionalmente di cryptomeria rialzata da due tasselli, tenuta sul piede con una stringa che divide l'alluce dalle altre dita del piede
 Sandali greci: calzatura tipica della Grecia e del Salento con una suola (generalmente piatta o bassa) fasciata al piede da cinghie intrecciate che attraversano le dita dei piedi e collo del piede, con chiusura intorno alla caviglia. Uno stile simile è talvolta chiamato sandalo gladiatore
 Sandali con tacco: calzatura con plateau e tacchi alti
 Sandali fatti con copertoni o Ho Chi Minh sandal: sandali realizzati e indossati in molti paesi e noti negli Stati Uniti come calzature indossate dalla gente rurale dell'Indocina durante la guerra del Vietnam, da cui deriva il nome
 Huaraches: sandalo piatto messicano in origine realizzato in gomma riciclata usata per strisce minimali
 Sandali di plastica trasparente o Jelly sandals: simili ai sandali dei pescatori ma in PVC e inventati nel 1946 dal francese Jean Dauphant in risposta alla carenza di cuoio nel dopoguerra
 Jipsin: sandalo tradizionale coreano fatto di paglia
 Patten: zoccoli tradizionali medioevali di grandi dimensioni con suola di legno e congegno di metallo che serviva per elevare il piede e aumentare l'altezza camminando sul fango
 Paduka: calzatura tradizionali indiana composta da una suola e un piccolo montante con pomello che si infila tra l'alluce e il secondo dito
 Sandali romani: calzatura tenuta al piede da una tomaia composta da una serie di cinghie equidistanti e inarcate
 Sandali acqua salata o Saltwater sandals: calzatura piatta sviluppata negli anni 1940 per far fronte a carenze di cuoio in tempo di guerra, in primo luogo indossata dai bambini
 Occhi di bue: sandali soprattutto per i bambini, con punta e tallone chiuso
Zōri: sandali giapponesi di cuoio
Sandalo bolognese: sandalo tendenzialmente usato da universitari e militanti comunisti (della nota marca)

Codice della strada
Nel codice della strada precedente a quello in vigore dal 1992 era proibita la guida con calzature non allacciate dietro la caviglia; era vietata la guida con le ciabatte ma non la guida con i sandali. Tale divieto oggi non esiste, rimanendo però l'obbligo di porsi in condizioni di sicurezza prima di mettersi alla guida.

Note

Voci correlate
 Infradito
 Ciabatta
 Paduka

Altri progetti

Collegamenti esterni

Calzature

Sandalo


Nuthanakalva Ramakrishna Reddy (14 January 1936 Village Kelavathi, Chittoor district (Andhra Pradesh) – 14 August 2010) was a leader of Telugu Desam Party from Andhra Pradesh.

Early life

Political career
He served as member of the Lok Sabha representing Chittoor  (Lok Sabha constituency), MLA from Punganur (Assembly constituency). He was elected to 11th, 12th and 13th Lok Sabha. He served as MLA & State Minister from Punganur (Assembly constituency) in 1985, 1989 & 1994 Assembly elections. In 1996 he resigned as MLA and contested as Lok Sabha Member for Chittoor (Lok Sabha constituency) for 11th Lok Sabha elections.

Death
He died after a prolonged illness at the age of 74.

References

India MPs 1996–1997
People from Chittoor  district
1936 births
Living people
Telugu Desam Party politicians
India MPs 1998–1999
India MPs 1999–2004
Lok Sabha members from Andhra Pradesh

Nuthanakalva Ramakrishna Reddy


An Scalenus drescheri in uska species han Coleoptera nga syahan ginhulagway ni Fisher hadton 1936. An Scalenus drescheri in nahilalakip ha genus nga Scalenus, ngan familia nga Cerambycidae.

Mabibilngan ini ha Laos. Waray hini subspecies nga nakalista.

Mga kasarigan

Scalenus

Scalenus drescheri


An Hyphessobrycon auca in uska species han Actinopterygii nga ginhulagway ni Almirón, Casciotta, Bechara ngan Ruiz Diaz hadton 2004. An Hyphessobrycon auca in nahilalakip ha genus nga Hyphessobrycon, ngan familia nga Characidae. Waray hini subspecies nga nakalista.

Mga kasarigan

Mga sumpay ha gawas

Hyphessobrycon

Hyphessobrycon auca


O Al-Fayha Football Club (em árabe: نادي الفيحاء لكرة القدم), é um clube de futebol da Arábia Saudita, da cidade de Al Majma'ah.

Fundado em 1954, disputa a primeira divisão do Campeonato Saudita (Saudi Professional League, em inglês) bem como a copa nacional (King Cup, ou Copa do Rei). Suas cores são o laranja e o azul.

Dentre as campanhas de destaque do clube, estão o título da primeira divisão Saudita (First Division) em 2016-17, bem como o campeonato da segunda divisão nacional (Second Division) em 1984-85 e 2013-14.

Títulos

Al-Fayha Football Club
Clubes de futebol da Arábia Saudita
Clubes de futebol fundados em 1954

Al-Fayha


2K6 Luna (;  – Mặt Trăng) là một tổ hợp tên lửa đường đạn tầm ngắn của Liên Xô. Đạn phản lực của Luna dùng nhiên liệu rắn, không dẫn đường và có khả năng ổn định quay. "2K6" là mã định danh của GRAU. Tên mã định danh NATO là FROG-3 (với đạn tên lửa 3R9) và FROG-5 (với đạn tên lửa 3R10). Từ năm 1965, 2K6 Luna được thay thế bằng các tổ hợp 9K52 Luna-M hiện đại hơn.

Lịch sử thiết kế
Tổ hợp Luna được phát triển tại NII-1 từ năm 1953, dưới sự giám sát của N. P. Mazurov. Luna là thiết kế tiếp sau các thiết kế 2K1 Mars và 2K4 Filin. Trong khi NII-1 chịu trách nhiệm về đạn phản lực, thì xe mang phóng và xe chở đạn-nạp đạn sẽ do TsNII-58 thiết kế. Tên ban đầu của tổ hợp là S-125A "Pion". Năm 1957, mẫu thử của xe phóng (SPU S-123A trên khung gầm Ob'yekt 160), xe chở-tiếp đạn (TZM S-124A trên khung gầm Ob'yekt 161) và đạn phản lực 3R5 đã sẵn sàng cho các thử nghiệm. Các thử nghiệm diễn ra vào năm 1958 tại Kapustin Yar và năm 1959 tại quân khu Transbaikal. Sau các thử nghiệm, đã rút ra kết luận là từ bỏ TZM, để cải tiến SPU và thiết kế lại đạn tên lửa. Từ đây các đạn tên lửa 3R9 và 3R10 đã được phát triển. Quyết định bắt đầu sản xuất hàng loạt được đưa ra vào ngày 29 tháng 12 năm 1959. 5 tổ hợp đầu tiên sẵn sàng vào tháng 1 năm 1960 sau khi các cuộc nghiệm thu nhà nước diễn ra cho đến tháng 3 cùng năm. Năm 1960, tổ hợp Luna được đưa vào trang bị cho Lục quân Liên Xô và phục vụ cho đến năm 1982. Từ năm 1960 tới năm 1964, tổng cộng đã có 432 xe SPU 2P16 được chế tạo. Trong năm đầu tên, 80 xe phóng và 365 đạn tên lửa đã được sản xuất.

Cấu thành của hệ thống
Tổ hợp tên lửa gồm:
 Xe phóng SPU 2P16 (Ob'yekt 160), dựa trên khung gầm một chiếc PT-76B hoán đổi. Trọng lượng chiến đấu là 18 tấn.
 Đạn tên lửa 3R9 với đầu đạn HE thường 3N15 có tần bắn 12 tới 44,6 km.
 Đạn tên lửa 3R10 với đầu đạn hạt nhân 3N14 nặng 400 kg có tầm bắn 10 tới 32,1 km.
 Một xe chở tên lửa 2U663 dựa trên xe ZiL-157V, mang 2 đạn tên lửa.
 Một xe 2U662 để mang và lưu trữ đầu đạn hạt nhân.
 Một cần cẩu di động ADK K52 (trên xe MAZ-502), ADK K61 (trên xe MAZ-200) hoặc 9T31 (trên xe Ural-375).
 Các xe bảo trì PRTB-1, 2U659…
 Xe điều khiển chỉ huy PU-2.
 Bộ huấn luyện với đạn phản lực huấn luyện PV-65 hoặc 3R11 cùng đầu đạn huấn luyện 3N16.

Đã có vài biến thể của xe phóng, ví dụ như 2P21 hay còn gọi là Br-226-II trên xe tải 8x8 ZiL-134 nhưng không được đưa vào trang bị.

FROG-6 theo nguồn phương Tây là tên định danh cho hệ thống huấn luyện dựa trên xe tải PV-65. Nhưng theo các nguồn của Nga thì hệ thống này là mẫu thử của xe phóng Br-226-I dựa trên khung gầm KrAZ-214.

Lịch sử hoạt động
Luna được đưa vào trang bị năm 1960 và phục vụ cho đến năm 1982. Mỗi sư đoàn tăng và súng trường cơ giới hóa có một tiểu đoàn Luna với hai khẩu đội, mỗi khẩu đội có 2 xe 2P16. Trong cuộc khủng hoảng tên lửa Cuba, 12 tổ hợp 2K6 đã được đưa tới Cuba.

Quốc gia sử dụng

  - 24 xe phóng cho hệ thống Luna và Luna-M

Quốc gia từng sử dụng
  – 200 xe 2P16
  - 65 xe 2P16
  - 13 xe 2P16 trong giai đoạn 1962-1977

Tham khảo

Liên kết ngoài
 Military analysis network: FROG-3
 2K6 Luna on Military Russia (in Russian)
 Walkaround of 2P16 with 3R9 rocket in Saratov, on DishModels.ru

Pháo phản lực

2K6 Luna


Micryletta là một chi động vật lưỡng cư trong họ Nhái bầu, thuộc bộ Anura.

Các loài

Tham khảo

Họ Nhái bầu

Micryletta


Mirzoamin Safarov (tg. Мирзоамин Сафаров; ur. 25 lipca 1997) – tadżycki zapaśnik walczący w stylu klasycznym. Brązowy medalista halowych igrzysk azjatyckich w 2017 roku.

Przypisy

Tadżyccy zapaśnicy
Urodzeni w 1997
Ludzie urodzeni w Duszanbe

Mirzoamin Safarov


Kaliwatan sa alibangbang ang Doratopteryx dissemurus. Una ning gihulagway ni Sergius G. Kiriakoff ni adtong 1963. Ang Doratopteryx dissemurus sakop sa kahenera nga Doratopteryx, ug kabanay nga Himantopteridae. Walay nalista nga matang nga sama niini.

Ang mga gi basihan niini

Insekto
Doratopteryx

Doratopteryx dissemurus


Kaliwatan sa alibangbang ang Gyrtothripa simplex. Una ning gihulagway ni Gustaaf Hulstaert ni adtong 1924. Ang Gyrtothripa simplex sakop sa kahenera nga Gyrtothripa, ug kabanay nga Nolidae. Walay nalista nga matang nga sama niini.

Ang mga gi basihan niini

Insekto
Gyrtothripa

Gyrtothripa simplex


Serendibia vagans là một loài chân đều trong họ Philosciidae. Loài này được Taiti & Ferrara miêu tả khoa học năm 2004.

Chú thích

Tham khảo

Serendibia

Serendibia vagans


An Stenolebias in uska genus han Actinopterygii. An Stenolebias in nahilalakip ha familia nga Rivulidae.

An kladograma hini sumala ha Catalogue of Life:

Mga kasarigan

Mga sumpay ha gawas

Stenolebias

Stenolebias


Cneu Pinário Emílio Cicatricula Pompeu Longino (; m. ), conhecido apenas como Cneu Pompeu Longino, foi um senador romano nomeado cônsul sufecto para o nundínio de setembro a outubro de 90 com Lúcio Álbio Pulaieno Polião.

Carreira
A partir dos elementos de seu nome polionímico, Olli Salomies sugeriu que Longino foi adotado. O historiador Arthur Stein sugeriu primeiro que seu pai biológico seria Pompeu Longino, um tribuno militar da Guarda Pretoriana em 69 mencionado no por Tácito, a mesma identificação proposta depois por Ronald Syme. Salomies concordou e acrescentou que o pai adotivo seria Cneu Pinário Emílio Cicatricula, procônsul da África em 80. Syme também propôs, com base no gentílico, que Longino seja oriundo da Gália Narbonense, mas Edward Dabrowa afirma que este mesmo critério também serviria para defender que sua origem seria a Hispânia.

Longino serviu como legado da Judeia entre 85 e 89 ao mesmo tempo que serviu como legado militar da X Fretensis, que na época estava estacionada em Jerusalém. Depois de seu consulado, em 90, Longino foi governador da Mésia Superior entre 93 e 96 e da Panônia entre 97 e 99.

Guerra dácia
Durante a Segunda Guerra Dácia, Trajano nomeou Longino como um de seus generais. Em 105, apesar de algumas vitórias iniciais, a guerra já estava caminhando para um desastre para Decébalo. Apesar disso, Dião Cássio conta que os dácios quase conseguiram, com habilidade e engodos, a morte do imperador. Depois de diversas tentativas fracassadas, Decébalo decidiu convidar Longino para um encontro prometendo fazer tudo o que ele pedisse. Porém, quando Longino apareceu, Decébalo mandou prendê-lo e o interrogou para descobrir os planos de Trajano. Mesmo preso, Longino se recusou a responder. Furioso, Decébalo enviou um mensageiro a Trajano oferecendo trocar Longino pelo território já conquistado pelos romanos e por uma quantia em dinheiro equivalente ao custo da guerra até então. Dião Cássio conta a resposta do imperador: "Uma resposta ambígua foi devolvida, de natureza tal que não levasse Decébalo a acreditar que Trajano considerava Longino nem de grande importância e nem de pouca importância e cujo objetivo era, por um lado, evitar que ele fosse morto e, por outro, que ele fosse preservado à custa de termos excessivos".

Enquanto Decébalo considerava seu próximo passo, Longino executou seu próprio plano. Depois de conseguir veneno suficiente para tirar sua própria vida, ele primeiro buscou ajuda para garantir a segurança de um de seus libertos: ele escreveu uma carta a Trajano implorando para que ele aceitasse os termos oferecidos e convenceu Decébalo a permitir que este liberto a entregasse. Depois que ele partiu, Longino bebeu o veneno na mesma noite e conseguiu se matar. Decébalo enviou um centurião que havia sido capturado com Longino até Trajano oferecendo trocar o corpo de Longino e dez outros prisioneiros pelo liberto de Longino. Segundo Dião Cássio, "Trajano nem o enviou de volta e nem entregou o liberto, considerando sua segurança mais importante para a dignidade do Império do que o sepultamento de Longino".

Ver também

Bibliografia

 Der Neue Pauly. Stuttgart 1999. T. 10. c. 588.

Pinarii
Longinus, Gnaeus Pinarius Aemilius Cicatricula Pompeius
Cônsules do Império Romano
Romanos antigos do século I
Ano de nascimento desconhecido
Nascidos no século I
Ano de morte desconhecido
Mortos no século II
Romanos antigos do século II
Governadores romanos da Judeia
Governadores romanos da Mésia Superior
Governadores romanos da Panônia
Romanos antigos que cometeram suicídio
Guerras Dácias de Trajano


Kaliwatan sa isda ang Leporinus ecuadorensis. Una ning gihulagway ni Eigenmann ug Arthur Wilbur Henn ni adtong 1916. Ang Leporinus ecuadorensis sakop sa kahenera nga Leporinus, ug kabanay nga Anostomidae.

Kini nga matang hayop na sabwag sa:
 Habagatang Amerika
 Ecuador

Walay nalista nga matang nga sama niini.

Ang mga gi basihan niini

Isdangtunay
Isdangtunay sa Habagatang Amerika
Leporinus
Isdangtunay sa Igwador

Leporinus ecuadorensis


Morebilus tambo là một loài nhện trong họ Trochanteriidae. Loài này phân bố ở Queensland.

Chú thích

Tham khảo

Morebilus
Loài đặc hữu của Queensland

Morebilus tambo


An Poropuntius opisthoptera in uska species han Actinopterygii nga syahan ginhulagway ni Wu hadton 1977. An Poropuntius opisthoptera in nahilalakip ha genus nga Poropuntius, ngan familia nga cyprinidae. Ginklasipika han IUCN an species komo kulang hin datos. Waray hini subspecies nga nakalista.

Mga kasarigan

Poropuntius

Poropuntius opisthoptera


Kaliwatan sa murag-anay ang Glyptotermes limulingensis. Una ning gihulagway ni Ping ug Xu ni adtong 1986. Ang Glyptotermes limulingensis sakop sa kahenera nga Glyptotermes, ug kabanay nga Kalotermitidae. Walay nalista nga matang nga sama niini.

Ang mga gi basihan niini

Uk-ok
Glyptotermes

Glyptotermes limulingensis


Thomas Digges (1546 - 24 de agosto de 1595) foi um matemático e astrônomo inglês. Ele foi o primeiro a expor o sistema de Copérnico em inglês, mas descartou a noção de uma concha fixa de estrelas imóveis para postular infinitas estrelas a diferentes distâncias. Ele também foi o primeiro a postular o "paradoxo da noite escura".

Bibliografia

Matemáticos da Inglaterra do século XVI
Astrônomos da Inglaterra
Astrónomos do século XVI
Alunos do Queens' College

Thomas Digges


KTI – codice aeroportuale IATA dell'aeroporto civile di Kratie (Cambogia)

Kti


{{Info/Biografia/Wikidata
|nome            =Egon Sharpe Pearson
|nascimento_data =
|nascimento_local=Hampstead
|morte_data      =
|morte_local     =Midhurst
|nacionalidade   =Britânico
|alma_mater      =Universidade de Cambridge
|conhecido_por   =Método de Neyman–Pearson
|prêmios         =,
Egon Sharpe Pearson, CBE, FRS (Hampstead, 11 de agosto de 1895 - Midhurst, 12 de junho de 1980), foi uma das três crianças e filho de Karl Pearson e como seu pai, um estatístico britânico pioneiro.

Carreira
Egon estudou em Winchester College e Trinity College (Cambridge) e sucedeu ao pai como professor de estatística na University College London e editor do jornal Biometrika. Pearson é mais conhecido por desenvolver o Método de Neyman–Pearson para testes de hipóteses.

Foi presidente da Royal Statistical Society em 1955-1956 e foi laureado com a Medalha Guy de ouro em 1955. Foi nomeado com uma Ordem do Império Britânico em 1946 e foi eleito um Membro da Royal Society em março de 1966.

Trabalhos
 On the Use and Interpretation of certain Test Criteria for the Purposes of Statistical Inference (coautoria de Jerzy Neyman em Biometrika, 1928)
 The History of statistics in the XVIIth and XVIIIth centuries (1929). Versão comentada de uma conferências de seu pai.
 On the Problem of the Most Efficient Tests of Statistical Hypotheses (coautoria de Jerzy Neyman, 1933)

 Karl Pearson : an appreciation of some aspects of his life and work (1938)

 Studies in the history of statistics and probability (coautoria de Maurice George Kendall, 1969)

Links externos

 Egon Sharpe Pearson Papers realizada na University College London (em inglês)
 Obituary by Herbert A. David (obtido em 1º de agosto de 2017) (em inglês)
 Obituary by J. J. O'Connor and E. F. Robertson (obtido em 1 de agosto de 2017) (em inglês)

Matemáticos do Reino Unido do século XX
Membros da Royal Society
Estatísticos da Inglaterra
Matemáticos da Inglaterra
Comendadores da Ordem do Império Britânico
Professores da University College London

Egon Pearson


La gallinella delle Samoa (Gallinula pacifica ()) è un uccello appartenente alla famiglia dei Rallidi.

Distribuzione e habitat
La specie è endemica dell'isola di Savai'i (Samoa).

Conservazione
La IUCN Red List classifica Gallinula pacifica come specie in pericolo critico di estinzione. L'ultima cattura di un esemplare risale al 1873, ma probabili avvistamenti sono avvenuti in epoca più recente e si ritiene che piccole popolazioni possano sopravvivere in aree non facilmente accessibili.

Note

Altri progetti

Collegamenti esterni

Rallidae
Fauna oceaniana

Gallinula pacifica


Gwendolen Fitzalan-Howard, hertuginde af Norfolk, 12. lady Herries af Terregles (født Constable-Maxwell; 11. januar 1877 – 28. august 1945) var gift med sin slægtning Henry Fitzalan-Howard, 15. hertug af Norfolk. Parret fik én søn og tre døtre. Sønnen   Bernard Fitzalan-Howard blev den 16. hertug af Norfolk og den 13. lord af Herries af Terregles.

Eksterne henvisninger

Slægten Howard

Gwendolen Mary Fitzalan-Howard, hertuginde af Norfolk, 12. lady Herries af Terregles


COVID fatigue (COVID-træthed, Coronatræthed)
er følelsen af træthed eller udmatning i forbindelse med de forsigtighedsforanstaltninger der iværksættes over for sygdommen COVID-19 under Coronaviruspandemien i 2019-2020.
Angst eller bekymring fra truslen om at miste økonomisk sikkerhed og eventuelt at få sygdommen spiller begge en rolle i denne type træthedsfølelse.
COVID-træthed har fået folk til ikke at følge myndighedernes retningslinjer eller til at udvikle en mere afslappet holdning, hvilket kan øge deres risiko for selv at få virussen og for at bringe den videre.
Mange mennesker er trætte af nedlukning, lockdown, og ikke at have sædvanlige rutiner.
Højere brug af alkohol og stoffer kan også bidrage til følelsen af træthed.

Da nedlukning blev ophævet i dele af verden, begyndte mange mennesker at ignorere påbud og henstillinger om at blive hjemme. Folk gik til barer og restauranter og medvirkede derved til at sygdommen kunne sprede sig hurtigere.

Motion, samtale og mindre forbrug af medier er måder at modvirke følelsen af træthed.

Se også

 Coronavirus
 SARS-CoV-2
 Senfølger af COVID-19

Noter og referencer
Noter

Referencer

Eksterne henvisninger
 "Forsker i vores adfærd under pandemien: For første gang ser vi tegn på coronatræthed". Befolkningen har ikke ændret adfærd trods høje smittetal, lyder det fra professor. Fra dr.dk/nyheder af Agnete Finnemann Scheel, 9. december 2020
 "Coronatræthed, jul og smitterekord: Epidemien har noget nær perfekte vilkår i øjeblikket " fra Information.dk af Louise Schou Drivsholm, 12. december 2020
 "Hold fast på trods af coronatræthed" fra Politi.dk, Sydøstjyllands Politi. 26. oktober 2020
 Mental health during the COVID-19 pandemic og Pandemic fatigue (enwiki)

COVID-19
Epidemiologi
Sundhed

COVID fatigue


Cugino di Jean-Paul Boëtius, anch'egli calciatore, nel 2006 ha vinto gli Europei Under-21 con la maglia dell'Under-21 olandese.

Carriera

Club

Ajax

Emanuelson, il cui padre Errol era anche un calciatore e giocò per la nazionale surinamense, cresce nel settore giovanile dell'Ajax. Fa il suo esordio in prima squadra e nelle competizioni UEFA per club il 24 febbraio 2005 nella partita di ritorno dei sedicesimi di finale della Coppa UEFA 2004-2005 Auxerre-Ajax (3-1), subentrando al 79º minuto di gioco a Sneijder. Il 10 aprile 2005 debutta in Eredivisie, nella partita vinta 4-2 contro l'AZ Alkmaar. Nella stagione successiva diventa il terzino sinistro titolare e vince la Supercoppa d'Olanda 2005 e la Coppa d'Olanda 2005-2006. Nel 2006 vince anche il premio di talento dell'anno di Amsterdam.

Nella stagione successiva vince ancora sia la Coppa d'Olanda che la Supercoppa, mentre nel 2007-2008 arriva la terza Supercoppa consecutiva.

Nella stagione 2008-2009, con Marco van Basten alla guida dell'Ajax, Emanuelson gioca a sinistra in posizione arretrata, ma successivamente, a causa di alcune lacune difensive e per la sua spiccata propensione offensiva, viene spostato più avanti e gioca da ala. Il 30 novembre 2008 gioca la sua partita numero 150 con l'Ajax.

Milan
Il 23 gennaio 2011 viene acquistato ufficialmente dal Milan a titolo definitivo. Il giocatore olandese, in scadenza di contratto a giugno 2011, firma un triennale che lo lega alla società rossonera fino al 30 giugno 2014. Il Milan lo ha pagato 1,7 milioni di euro più altri  per aver vinto lo scudetto, per un totale di 2,5 milioni di euro.

Il 26 gennaio 2011 esordisce subito da titolare con la maglia del Milan nella sfida contro la , partita valida per i quarti di finale della Coppa Italia 2010-2011 nella quale è stato autore dell'assist per il secondo gol di Pato nel 2-1 finale. Esordisce in Serie A il 29 gennaio 2011 in -Milan, anticipo della 22ª giornata, entrato nel secondo tempo al posto di Alexander Merkel. Segna il suo primo gol con la maglia rossonera il 20 aprile 2011 nelle semifinali di andata di Coppa Italia contro il Palermo, fissando il punteggio sul 2-2. Il 7 maggio 2011 vince il suo primo scudetto con i rossoneri a due giornate dal termine del campionato grazie allo 0-0 contro la .

Il 6 agosto 2011 vince la Supercoppa italiana con il Milan battendo l' a Pechino per 2-1. Il 19 febbraio 2012 segna la prima rete personale in Serie A realizzando il secondo gol rossonero nella partita di campionato vinta per 3-1 in casa del .

Il 3 ottobre seguente segna, su calcio di punizione, il suo primo gol in Champions League con la maglia del Milan, in occasione della partita vinta per 3-2 allo Stadio Petrovskij contro lo Zenit.

Il prestito al Fulham
Il 31 gennaio 2013 viene ceduto in prestito secco fino al termine della stagione al Fulham, club impegnato in Premier League.

Debutta con la maglia della società inglese il 2 febbraio seguente, in occasione del match casalingo perso per 1-0 contro il . Il 19 maggio 2013, nell'ultima giornata di Premier League 2012-2013 contro lo Swansea, segna il primo gol con la maglia del Fulham concludendo la stagione con all'attivo 13 presenze e una rete.

Ritorno al Milan e Roma
Finita la stagione Emanuelson torna al Milan. Fa il suo nuovo esordio con la maglia rossonera in PSV-Milan (1-1), valevole per i play-off di Champions League, giocando l'intero incontro da terzino sinistro. Raccoglie 33 presenze stagionali, ma a fine stagione il Milan non gli rinnova il contratto e il 1º luglio 2014 rimane svincolato.

L'11 luglio 2014 firma un contratto annuale con la . Il 2 settembre non viene inserito nella lista per la Champions League dall'allenatore Rudi Garcia.
Debutta con i giallorossi il 21 settembre seguente, nella vittoria casalinga contro il Cagliari per 2-0, subentrando a Daniele De Rossi. Nella sua esperienza giallorossa, totalizza 2 presenze.

Atalanta ed Hellas Verona
Il 21 gennaio 2015 si trasferisce in prestito all'Atalanta. Fa il suo esordio con i bergamaschi il 1º febbraio nella partita casalinga contro il Cagliari. Con i nerazzurri gioca in tutto 9 partite, lasciando la squadra da svincolato il 30 giugno 2015.

Dall'ottobre dello stesso anno si allena da solo al centro sportivo del Milan in attesa di trovare una squadra.

Il 30 dicembre 2015, da svincolato, si sottopone alle visite mediche con l'Hellas Verona per ufficializzare il suo ingaggio il 4 gennaio 2016. Con 11 presenze in campionato non riesce a evitare la retrocessione del club e a giugno rimane di nuovo svincolato.

Sheffield Wednesday e ritorno in Olanda
Il 6 settembre 2016 viene ingaggiato dallo Sheffield Wednesday in Football League Championship. Subentra, per la prima e unica volta, con i bianco-blu solo il 7 maggio 2017, al minuto 74, al posto di Sam Hutchinson nella sconfitta casalinga contro il Fulham per 1-2. A fine stagione, non rientrando nei progetti della squadra inglese, rimane svincolato.

Il 10 luglio 2017 fa ritorno in Olanda firmando per l'. Alla fine della stagione 2019-2020 rimane svincolato ma, il 29 settembre 2020, sottoscrive un nuovo contratto da semi-professionista con la società olandese. Anche in questa stagione gioca pochi incontri ma il 16 maggio 2021 disputa la sua partita numero 250 in Eredivisie tra Ajax e Utrecht.

Nazionale

Con la nazionale olandese Under-20 partecipa al Mondiali Under-20 del 2005, dove l'Olanda viene eliminata nei quarti di finale dalla  dopo i rigori. Emanuelson disputa 4 partite nella competizione e segna un gol contro l' nella fase a gironi.

Con la nazionale olandese Under-21 vince l'Europeo Under-21 del 2006, al termine dal quale viene inserito nella squadra del torneo in posizione di terzino sinistro.

Nel 2008 prende parte al torneo di calcio delle Olimpiadi di Pechino, dove disputa 4 delle 5 partite (2 nella fase a gironi e altrettante in quella a eliminazione diretta) degli Oranje, estromessi nei quarti di finale dall'.

Il 16 agosto 2006 fa il suo debutto con la nazionale maggiore olandese in un'amichevole contro l'. È tra i 30 preconvocati della nazionale olandese di Marco van Basten per Euro 2008, ma viene escluso il 16 maggio 2008.

In totale conta 17 presenze, senza gol, con la nazionale maggiore. L'ultima è con il ct Louis van Gaal, il 14 novembre 2012, in un'amichevole pareggiata con la  (0-0).

Dopo il ritiro
Dopo non aver più messo piede in campo nella stagione 2021-2022, nell'estate del 2022 diventa assistente di Henk Fraser ricoprendo lo stesso ruolo anche nello .

Ad ottobre torna a giocare accasandosi all'Ajax amatoriale.

L'anno seguente diventa il vice di Dave Vos allo .

Statistiche

Presenze e reti nei club
Statistiche aggiornate al 16 maggio 2021.

Cronologia presenze e reti in nazionale

Palmarès

Club

Ajax: 2005, 2006, 2007

Ajax: 2005-2006, 2006-2007, 2009-2010

Milan: 2010-2011

Milan: 2011

Nazionale

2006

Note

Altri progetti

Collegamenti esterni

Calciatori figli d'arte
Calciatori della Nazionale olandese

Urby Emanuelson


Flugt er en dansk animeret dokumentarfilm fra 2021, der er instrueret af Jonas Poher Rasmussen.

Filmen modtog i februar 2022 tre Oscar-nomineringer for bedste animationsfilm, bedste dokumentar og bedste internationale film. Der er tale om både dansk og Oscar-rekord, da en dansk produktion aldrig før har modtaget så mange nomineringer, og at det aldrig tidligere er sket i Oscar-historien, at samme produktion er blevet nomineret til prisen for bedste animationsfilm, bedste dokumentar og bedste internationale film.

Handling
Amin, en succesfuld dansk akademiker, skal til at tage hul på et nyt kapitel i sit liv: Han skal giftes med sin kæreste, Kasper. Men spøgelser fra Amins turbulente fortid bliver ved med at forfølge ham. Som barn blev han sendt på flugt fra Afghanistan med sin familie. I mere end 20 år har Amin spundet sig ind i bortforklaringer om sin fortid, men nu er hemmeligheden ved at være for tung at bære alene. Han er klar til at tage livtag med fortidens skygger.

Referencer

Eksterne henvisninger

Dokumentarfilm fra Danmark
Animationsfilm fra Danmark
Danske film fra 2021
Dansksprogede film
Engelsksprogede film

Flugt (dokumentarfilm)


McConnaughey is a surname. Notable people with the surname include:

George McConnaughey (c. 1897–1966), chairman of the Federal Communications Commission
Ralph McConnaughey (1889–1966), American baseball player

See also
Matthew McConaughey (born 1969), American actor, director, producer and writer
McConnaughay
McConaughy

McConnaughey


Ralph Garman (føddur 17. november 1964)  er amerikanskur sjónleikari, skemtari og radiovertur, ið er best kendur sum vertur í sendingini The Joe Schmo Show, fyri at leggja rødd til Family Guy, og sum undirhaldandi forteljarin hjá Kevin and Bean morgun show á Los Angeles radio station KROQ-FM. Hann er eisini vertur á Hollywood Babble-On podcast saman við Kevin Smith á SModcast.com, ið hevur givið honum leiklutir í filmum sínum Red State og Tusk.

Keldur

Amerikanskir sjónleikarar
Amerikanskir skemtarar
Føðingar í 1964

Ralph Garman


An Acestrorhynchus maculipinna in uska species han Actinopterygii nga ginhulagway ni Menezes ngan Jacques Géry hadton 1983. An Acestrorhynchus maculipinna in nahilalakip ha genus nga Acestrorhynchus, ngan familia nga Acestrorhynchidae. Ginklasipika han IUCN an species komo diri gud kababarak-an. Waray hini subspecies nga nakalista.

Mga kasarigan

Mga sumpay ha gawas

Acestrorhynchus

Acestrorhynchus maculipinna


Syna Schreiber (born 20 November 1978) is a former professional tennis player from Germany. Up until her marriage in 2003, she competed under her maiden name Syna Schmidle.

Biography
Schreiber was born in Freiburg im Breisgau, the daughter of tennis instructor Wolfram, who began teaching her when she was four.

Aged 14 she received a wildcard into the main draw of a WTA tournament in Leipzig and played her first tour match against Steffi Graf.

In 1997, she won a $25k tournament in Flensburg, and that year reached her career-high ranking of 152 in the world.

As a doubles player, she made WTA Tour semifinals at the 1999 Bol Ladies Open with Barbara Schwartz, and Palermo in 2001, partnering Antonella Serra Zanetti. She won eight doubles titles on the ITF Women's Circuit.

She had her only Grand Slam main-draw appearance at the 2000 US Open, as a qualifier in the women's doubles with Maja Matevžič.

ITF finals

Singles: 9 (3–6)

Doubles: 16 (9–7)

References

External links

1978 births
Living people
German female tennis players
Sportspeople from Freiburg im Breisgau
Tennis people from Baden-Württemberg

Syna Schreiber


Kaliwatan sa alibangbang ang Hellinsia pizarroi. Una ning gihulagway ni Cees Gielis ni adtong 2011. Ang Hellinsia pizarroi sakop sa kahenera nga Hellinsia, ug kabanay nga Pterophoridae.

Kini nga matang hayop na sabwag sa:
 Paraguay
 Ecuador

Walay nalista nga matang nga sama niini.

Ang mga gi basihan niini

Insekto
Hellinsia
Insekto sa Igwador
Insekto sa Paraway

Hellinsia pizarroi


Kaliwatan sa alibangbang ang Ethmia aurifluella. Una ning gihulagway ni Hübner ni adtong 1816. Ang Ethmia aurifluella sakop sa kahenera nga Ethmia, ug kabanay nga Ethmiidae. Walay nalista nga matang nga sama niini.

Ang mga gi basihan niini

Insekto
Ethmia

Ethmia aurifluella


Trigonopsis rufiventris là một loài côn trùng cánh màng trong họ Sphecidae, thuộc chi Trigonopsis. Loài này được Fabricius miêu tả khoa học đầu tiên năm 1804.

Xem thêm
Danh sách các loài trong họ Sphecidae

Chú thích

Tham khảo

Trigonopsis

Trigonopsis rufiventris


An Barilius bakeri in uska species han Actinopterygii nga ginhulagway ni Francis Day hadton 1865. An Barilius bakeri in nahilalakip ha genus nga Barilius, ngan familia nga cyprinidae. Ginklasipika han IUCN an species komo diri gud kababarak-an. Waray hini subspecies nga nakalista.

Mga kasarigan

Mga sumpay ha gawas

Barilius

Barilius bakeri


Rugojoeropsis rugosa là một loài chân đều trong họ Joeropsididae. Loài này được Just miêu tả khoa học năm 2001.

Chú thích

Tham khảo

Rugojoeropsis

Rugojoeropsis rugosa