Sabri Kiraz (1918, İstanbul - 12 Ocak 1985), Türk futbolcu ve teknik direktör.

Futbolculuk kariyeri
Fenerbahçe genç takımında yetişti. Sarı-Lacivertlilerin kalesini koruduktan sonra çalıştırıcılık yaptı.

Teknik direktörlük kariyeri
1966-1968 arası Bursaspor, 1971-1972 arası Fenerbahçe'de teknik direktörlük yaptı. Ayrıca Zonguldakspor ve Göztepe'yi de çalıştırmıştır. Bu kulüplerin dışında bir kez A millî takım teknik direktörlüğü görevinde bulundu (1978-1980). Türkiye Futbol Federasyonu Eğitim Dairesi'nde görev yaptı.

Başarıları

Kulüp

Dış bağlantılar

1918 doğumlular
1985 yılında ölenler
Türk erkek futbolcular
Resim aranan futbolcular
Fenerbahçe SK futbolcuları
Süper Lig futbolcuları
Türk teknik direktörler
İstanbulspor teknik direktörleri
Vefa SK teknik direktörleri
Fenerbahçe teknik direktörleri
Bursaspor teknik direktörleri
Kayserispor teknik direktörleri
Türkiye millî futbol takımı teknik direktörleri
Süper Lig teknik direktörleri
1. Lig teknik direktörleri
1. Lig şampiyonluğu kazanan teknik direktörler
Karacaahmet Mezarlığı'na defnedilenler
Ankara Keçiörengücü SK teknik direktörleri
Fenerspor teknik direktörleri
Kaleci futbolcular

Sabri Kiraz


An estimated 84,532 South Koreans were taken to North Korea during the Korean War. In addition, South Korean statistics claim that, since the Korean Armistice Agreement in 1953, about 3,800 people have been abducted by North Korea (the vast majority in the late 1970s), 489 of whom were still being held in 2006.

Terminology
South Korean abductees by North Korea are categorized into two groups, wartime abductees and post-war abductees.

Wartime abductees
Koreans from the south who were kidnapped to the north against their wishes during the 1950–53 Korean War and died there or are still being detained in North Korea are called wartime abductees or Korean War abductees. Most of them were already educated or skilled, such as politicians, government officials, scholars, educators, doctors, judicial officials, journalists, or businessmen. According to testimonies by remaining family members, most abductions were carried out by North Korean soldiers who had specific names and identification in hand when they showed up at people's homes. This is an indication that the abductions were carried out intentionally and in an organized manner.

Post-war abductees
South Koreans who were kidnapped by North Korean agents in the South Korean territory or foreign countries after the armistice was signed in 1953 are known as post-war abductees. Most of them were captured while fishing near the Korean Demilitarized Zone (DMZ), but some were abducted by North Korean agents in South Korea. North Korea continued to abduct South Koreans into the 2000s, as is shown by the cases of the Reverend Kim Dong-shik (), who was abducted on January 16, 2000, and Jin Gyeong-suk (), a North Korean defector to South Korea who was abducted on August 8, 2004, when she had returned to the China-North Korea border region using her South Korean passport.

Background
During wartime, North Korea kidnapped South Koreans to increase its human capacity for rehabilitation after the war. It recruited intelligentsia who were exhausted in North Korea and kidnapped those needed for post-war rehabilitation, technical specialists, and laborers. There was an intention to drain the intelligentsia of South Korean society, exacerbate societal confusion, and promote communization of South Korea by making post-war rehabilitation difficult due to the shortage of technical specialists and youth. They also had the intention to guise the abductions as voluntary entry for the advancement of their political system.

In his Complete Works, Volume IV, dated July 31, 1946, North Korean leader Kim Il Sung wrote: "In regards to bringing Southern Chosun's intelligentsia, not only do we need to search out all Northern Chosun's intelligentsia in order to solve the issue of a shortage of intelligentsia, but we also have to bring Southern Chosun's intelligentsia."

In the case of post-war abductees, Yoichi Shimada, a Fukui University professor in Japan, states that North Korea appeared to abduct foreign citizens to:
 eliminate witnesses who happened to run into North Korean agents in action
 steal victims' identities and infiltrate agents back into the countries concerned
 force abductees to teach their local language and customs to North Korean agents
 brainwash them into secret agents; the fishermen hardly had access to valuable intelligence, but they still could be trained as spies and sent back to the South
 use abductees' expertise or special skills
 use abductees as spouses for unusual residents in North Korea, especially lone foreigners such as defectors or other abductees

These six patterns are not mutually exclusive. Especially numbers 2, 3, and 4 derive from Kim Jong Il's secret order of 1976 to use foreign nationals more systematically and thereby improve the quality of North Korean spy activities, contributing to his "localization of spy education."

Further, better-educated people could be employed by the institutions responsible for waging propaganda campaigns against the South in, say, their broadcast facilities.

North Korea's position about the abduction issue
North Korea has shown different positions on the abduction issue.

Regarding the alleged abduction of Japanese nationals, on September 17, 2002, the North Korean Government officially admitted to the kidnapping of 13 Japanese citizens at a meeting between North Korean leader Kim Jong Il and Japanese Prime Minister Junichiro Koizumi.

As for the South Korean abduction issue, North Korea has consistently claimed that there are no South Korean abductees in North Korea. After the Armistice in 1953, North Korea refused the release of South Korean wartime abductees despite a provision allowing civilian abductees to return home in Article III of the Korean War Armistice Agreement, a document signed by representatives from the United States, North Korea, and China. Instead, North Korea only returned 19 foreigners to the South.

In regards to the post-war abductees, North Korea insists that the South Koreans defected to North Korea, and remain there of their own free will, but refuses to allow South Korean relatives to communicate with them. Despite the testimonies of former abductees who have escaped from the North on their own, North Korea has held fast to the existing position: "There are no South Korean abductees and we cannot confirm their existence." The former husband of Japanese abductee Megumi Yokota, himself a suspected abductee from the South, was allowed to meet his South Korean mother in 2006, but Yokota's parents called the meeting a publicity stunt by North Korea, meant to isolate his daughter from her Japanese family, as the man has now remarried a native North Korean and has a son with her.

Inter-Korean talks held
The Seoul government has clarified that resolving the Korean War POW and abductee issue is not only part of the Korean government's basic responsibility for protecting its citizens but one of the highest priorities. But despite the South Korean government's official urging for the North Korean government to deal with the abduction issue, there have been no substantial results so far. Since the inter-Korean Summit held in 2000, the South and the North dealt with the abduction issue at the talks; the second South–North Summit, inter-Korean Prime Minister talk, and rounds of ministerial-level or inter-Korean Red Cross talks.

 On June 15, 2000, at the first South–North Summit, South Korean President Kim Dae-jung and his North Korean counterpart, Kim Jong Il, agreed to settle humanitarian issues as early as possible, including the exchange of visiting groups of separated families and relatives. But from the words and phrases of their agreement, or June 15th North–South Joint Declaration, there were no references to the abductee issue.
 In the same year, South Korea repatriated 63 convicted Communist spies and thereafter provided billions of dollars' worth of aid and trade to the North. But it has been reluctant to challenge North Korea's denials that it had abducted any South Koreans — even though Kim Jong Il admitted in 2002 that North Korea had kidnapped thirteen Japanese citizens and released five.
 On June 24, 2005, at the fifteenth round of Inter-Korean Ministerial Talks held in Seoul, the South and the North agreed to hold the sixth round of inter-Korean Red Cross talks to consult about humanitarian issues including confirmation of the fates and whereabouts of the missing people during Korean War.
 During the sixth round of inter-Korean Red Cross talks held in August 2005, the South and the North discussed the issue of confirming the fates and whereabouts of missing people during the Korean War but produced no concrete results.
 During the eighth round of inter-Korean Red Cross talks held in April 2007, both Koreas agreed on "the framework of family reunion meetings", cooperating and addressing the issue regarding those who have been missing "during or after" the Korean War. It seemed to be a more realistic approach but also showed that North Korea was still refusing to admit any cases of abduction of South Koreans.
 At the second South–North Summit, on October 4, 2007, Roh Moo-hyun raised the prisoners of war (POW) and abduction issue to Kim Jong Il, but he failed to achieve a settlement because Kim Jong Il did not respond.
 First inter-Korean PM talks in November 2007 and ninth round of inter-Korean Red Cross talks (in November 2007) reconfirmed the agreement of 8th round of Red Cross talks.

Substitution way: including the category of separated families
Because North Korea has been denying the existence of abductees and POWs on its territory, since November 2000, the South Korean government has been trying to resolve the issue through a more realistic approach of including the abductees and POWs in the category of separated families. By doing so, families of POWs or abductees also could participate in the normal reunion events that were organized for families separated by the war.
As a result of these efforts, a total of 38 families of abductees and POWs were able to meet their family members in North Korea, and the fates of 88 people were confirmed.

In contrast with the official policies, the 2014 United Nations Report of the commission of inquiry on human rights in the DPRK states that the South Korean government has not been willing to raise the issue with North Korea, thinking of the abductions in political rather than humanitarian terms. Further, the report says that "Well over 200,000 persons who were taken from other countries to the DPRK may have potentially become victims of enforced disappearance, as defined in the Declaration for the Protection of All Persons from Enforced Disappearance" and "Most post-war abductee family members that have applied to attend a separated family reunion have received notification at the life status verification stage of the process, that their loved one has since deceased or their life status cannot be verified. Given the high level of surveillance on those of South Korean origin, and the nature of DPRK monitoring in society in general, from the Inmin-wiwon-oei (regional level) down to the Inminban (Neighbourhood Watch), the Commission finds it difficult to believe that life status verification is not possible in the DPRK."

The law concerning abductees
Separately from talks with North Korea, the South Korean government enacted on April 2, 2007, the "Law for the Victims of Abduction to the North in the Post-War Years (or, the law concerning the assistance and compensation for the abducted persons since the Korean War Armistice Agreement)". Based on this law, the abducted persons, upon return to South Korea, will be entitled to receive assistance and, together with their family members, will be entitled to compensation for the human rights infringements sustained during the period. By this law, on October 16, 2007, the South Korean government formed the "Committee for the Compensation of the Victims of Abduction to the North."

Number of abductees

Wartime abduction
Owing to the special situation of wartime, the exact number of Korean War abductees is difficult to determine. There are considerable differences in the numbers cited in various published documents and statistics. Overall range of the numbers is from 2,438 to 84,532. When the Korean National Red Cross set a special re-registration period to compile a list of missing people or the so-called "displaced people" in 1956, a total of 7,031 people registered. On February 26, 1957, the South delivered the list of 7,034 people to the North through the International Federation of Red Cross (IFRC). But according to the survey of "Korean War Abductees' Family Union" in March 2002, its number amounts to 94,700.

Post-war abduction
After the Korean War or during the Cold War period, a total of 3,795 people have been abducted and taken to North Korea. Subsequently, through the South Korean government's protests and various efforts via the Korean National Red Cross, 3,309 people have returned to South Korea. And six persons have recently escaped from the North and returned to the South Korea on their own. A total of 480 South Korean abductees remain in North Korea against their will (as of December 2007).
Below chart shows status of abducted persons by year.

Major abduction cases

Status of abducted and detained persons

Fishermen
On May 28, 1955, a South Korean fishing boat, the Daesung-ho, with a crew of ten fishermen, was hijacked by North Korean authorities. Since then, North Korean agents have hijacked numerous South Korean ships and kidnapped the seamen and fishermen aboard the vessels. In total, 3,696 fishermen and 120-plus fishing boats were seized by North Korea.

After strong protests from South Korean government, North Korea has repatriated 3,262 fishermen. An additional six fishermen have returned home to South Korea on their own between 2000 and 2007. But a total of 427 fishermen are still held in North Korea.

High school students
Five South Korean high school students disappeared in 1977 and 1978. They had been regarded as missing people. But in the late 1990s, through the testimonies of North Korean spies in South Korea, it was discovered that they were working in North Korea as instructors, teaching the basics of South Korean lifestyle to would-be undercover Northern operatives. It has been known that among them was the husband of Japanese abductee Yokota Megumi, Kim Young-nam.

South Korean Navy personnel
On June 5, 1970, North Korean patrol boats seized a South Korean broadcast vessel with 20 crew on board off the west coast near the military demarcation line. The vessel was standing guard for South Korean fishing boats.

Korean Air Lines airplane hijacking

In December 1969, North Korean agents hijacked a South Korean airliner YS-11 to Wonsan en route from Kangnung to Seoul with 51 persons aboard; in February 1970, 39 of the crew and passengers were released. The remaining 11 were still detained in North Korea. Eventually, two stewardesses became announcers of the North Korean propaganda broadcasts that target South Korean audiences.

Abductions abroad

In February 1978, South Korean actress Choi Eun-hee and her film director husband Shin Sang-ok were kidnapped in Hong Kong and taken to Pyongyang. They were abducted on the orders of Kim Jong Il, the son of North Korean President Kim Il Sung, who wanted to use them to improve the North Korean film industry. Shin attempted to escape and spent five years in a re-education camp, before being reunited with his wife. While living in North Korea, Shin made the monster movie Pulgasari. In April 1984, South Korean government officials stated that the kidnappees were working in North Korea producing propaganda films that glorified Kim Il Sung and Kim Jong Il. The couple escaped to the United States in 1986 while on a filming assignment in Vienna.

In the 1990s most abductions of this sort took place in China, and their victims were political activists, missionaries, and real or suspected South Korean spies. All these abductions occurred in the Chinese North-East, near the borders of North Korea.
 In January 2000, South Korean, Reverend Kim Dong-shik, a legal resident of the United States, was reported missing in Yanji, northeastern China. Kim is reported to have been actively involved since 1995 in evangelical work among North Korean escapees/refugees in Yanji, Jilin Province, China. In October 2000, South Korea's National Intelligence Service reportedly confirmed that Kim was kidnapped by North Koreans in Yanbian, China, on February 1, 2000. In April 2005, the Seoul Central District Court convicted Chinese citizen Ryu Young-hwa of assisting North Korean agents in the abduction of Kim.
 In July 1995, a team of three North Korean agents and their two Korean-Chinese collaborators in Jilin abducted a South Korean pastor, Reverend Ahn Seung-woon, in southern Manchuria. Pyongyang claimed that Ahn defected voluntarily. But a Chinese court convicted a North Korean citizen of masterminding the abduction of Ahn and deported the agent to North Korea in July 1997 following a two-year prison term.

North Korean abductions have not been limited to northeast Asia and many documented abductees have been kidnapped while abroad, making the issue of serious concern to the international community.
 On April 5, 1971, Yu Sung-gun, a South Korean diplomat stationed at the South Korean embassy in West Germany, was abducted by North Koreans while in West Berlin.
 In June 1979, North Korean agents abducted South Korean teacher Ko Sang-moon in Norway, who had taken a taxi and stated his destination was "Embassy of Korea" but the driver took him to the embassy of the wrong country.
 In August 1987, Lee Chae-hwan, a South Korean student enrolled in the United States at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology was abducted by North Koreans while on a visit to Austria.

See also

Abduction of Shin Sang-ok and Choi Eun-hee
Human rights in North Korea
Korean War POWs detained in North Korea
North Korea–South Korea relations
North Korean abductions of Japanese citizens

References

UN report of the commission of inquiry on human rights in the DPRK
 (Archived here)
 (Archived here)

External links
Committee for Human Rights in North Korea: Taken! North Korea's Criminal Abduction of Citizens of Other Countries
Lost in Purgatory: The Story of South Korean Abductees
Korean War Abductees' Family Union(6.25전쟁납북인사가족협의회)
Abductees' Family Union (납북자가족모임)
North Korea Freedom Coalition: "THE LIST" of North Korean Refugees & Humanitarian Workers Seized by Chinese Authorities – List of people repatriated or abducted from China

Korean migration
Kidnappings
Violence in South Korea
Human rights abuses in North Korea
North Korea–South Korea relations
North Korean abductions

North Korean abductions of South Koreans


O Partido da Prosperidade (em amárico: ብልጽግና ፓርቲ), também conhecido pelo acrônimo PP, é um partido político etíope fundado oficialmente em  como sucessor legal da histórica Frente Democrática Revolucionária Popular do Povo Etíope (FDRPE), coalizão política hegemônica no cenário político nacional desde o fim da Guerra Civil da Etiópia em 1991, mantendo-se dessa forma como a força política dominante da política etíope. Seu presidente, Abiy Ahmed Ali, é o atual primeiro-ministro do país desde 2018.

Histórico
A FDRPE, que tem suas raízes em um antigo movimento rebelde marxista-leninista, tem sido a força política de vanguarda na Etiópia desde que chegou ao poder em 1991.

Era formado por quatro partidos desiguais, cada um supostamente representando um grupo étnico dominante no país: a Frente Popular de Libertação do Tigré (FPLT), a Organização Democrática dos Povos Oromo (OPDO), o Movimento Nacional Democrático Amhara (ANDM) e o Movimento Democrático Nacional do Sul (SEPDM).

Apesar de suas reivindicações de ser um instrumento revolucionário eficaz para promover os interesses de grupos étnicos marginalizados, a FDRPE sempre foi uma miscelânea de grupos étnicos que serviram aos interesses de seu membro mais dominante, a FPLT, e governou a Etiópia com firmeza por quase três décadas.

Uma das razões pelas quais a Etiópia adotou uma ordem federal multiétnica em 1994 foi porque haviam clivagens étnicos politicamente salientes que receberam eloquentes endossos teóricos e políticos, particularmente desde a década de 1960. A identidade étnica e o nacionalismo étnico passaram a ser o modo predominante de mobilização e organização política não apenas porque a FDRPE escolheu tal arranjo, mas também por causa da relação assimétrica de desigualdade e dominação entre grupos étnicos no país. A formação do PP ocorre em um momento em que esses clivagens étnicos são pronunciadas e as demandas centrais dos grupos étnicos da Etiópia por autonomia política e justiça cultural permanecem sem solução.

Controvérsias
Desde que se tornou líder da coalizão e primeiro-ministro da Etiópia em , Abiy Ahmed Ali tentou conferir uma nova identidade à FDRPE para melhorar sua imagem pública, desgastada tanto no país quanto no exterior. Mas logo ficou claro que reformas superficiais não poderiam resolver a crise de legitimidade da FDRPE e resolver suas contradições internas. Assim, após uma série de tentativas de alto nível, porém bastante superficiais, de reconstruir a imagem fraturada do partido, Ahmed Ali optou pela opção mais radical: dissolver às quatro unidades constituintes da coalizão e formar um único partido nacional.

Três dos quatro partidos étnicos da coalizão, OPDO, ANDM e SEPDM, votaram esmagadoramente para fundir-se ao novo partido, enquanto a FPLT, criadora desses partidos e fundadora da coalizão, rejeitou a ideia, classificando-a como "ilegal e reacionária". Com a criação do PP, os três partidos étnicos deixarão de existir como entidades políticas distintas, e seus associações serão mescladas. Mais importante ainda, o PP não será o representante direto de nenhum grupo étnico em particular. Em vez disso, tentará ser um partido nacional abrangente que fala por todo o povo etíope.

À primeira vista, o fim da FDRPE e a criação do PP como um partido pan-etíope parece um passo positivo para unir um país há muito dividido. Mas, em uma análise mais detalhada, fica claro que os arquitetos da mudança falharam em levar em conta uma série de questões constitucionais, ideológicas e representativas que poderiam questionar a legitimidade política e a capacidade representativa do partido recém-formado.

Geralmente, a fusão de partidos ou movimentos políticos que há muito são aliados não causa uma mudança significativa no ambiente político em que estão inseridos. A FDRPE, porém, arquitetada sob os auspícios da FPLT no final da década de 1980 para expandir seu capital político e minar outros partidos políticos mais autônomos, fomentou embates entre eles para manter-se no poder. Essa política autoritária eliminou as condições para a política coletiva e impediu o surgimento de uma organização política viável e confiável que pudesse oferecer uma alternativa séria.

Ao avançar na criação do PP, Ahmed Ali defendeu que a unificação da coalizão política em um único partido garantiria uma maior capacidade política para resolver os muitos problemas profundos do país. Tal decisão política dividiu profundamente a sociedade etíope: para uns, o surgimento de um partido nacional unificado consistiria em um passo histórico em direção à unidade nacional e à coesão social. Entre as forças políticas que apoiam o Partido da Prosperidade estão os nacionalistas etíopes, um bloco político em rápido declínio que via a manutenção da FDRPE e a ordem federal multiétnica, que concede direitos de autogoverno a grupos étnicos maiores dentro de seus respectivos estados, como a fonte dos principais problemas políticos do país.

Para outros, a fusão de partidos que representavam grupos étnicos heterogêneos em um único partido nacional marcaria um regresso ao passado centralizador e homogeneizador da Etiópia. As forças políticas autodeclaradas federalistas têm essa visão, assim como indivíduos que têm um forte apego à sua identidade étnica. Eles acreditam que as comunidades étnicas da Etiópia têm o direito de serem representadas na federação por partidos que levam seus nomes e colocam seus interesses primeiro.

De fato, muitos etíopes que vivem fora da capital, Adis Abeba, têm um forte apego às suas comunidades étnicas e acreditam que os grupos étnicos devem ter o direito de determinar seu estatuto político, econômico e cultural sem qualquer interferência externa, incluindo o direito de serem julgados e serem educados em sua própria língua. Eles querem pertencer a uma política etíope mais ampla, ao mesmo tempo, em que preservam sua identidade e caráter únicos. Para eles, o PP ameaça minar as conquistas das últimas três décadas em termos de autonomia cultural, política e lança as bases estruturais para um Estado unitário que lhes roubaria a dignidade e a autonomia.

Há também etíopes que se opõem à fusão porque acreditam que não é o momento certo. Eles apontam para que o nacionalismo étnico ainda é o modo dominante de mobilização política no país e argumentam que formar um partido nacional antes de abordar as demandas políticas centrais de grupos étnicos historicamente marginalizados e antes de completar a transição democrática, arriscaria levar o país à beira de um abismo.

Resultados eleitorais

Partidos políticos da Etiópia
Partidos políticos fundados em 2019

Partido da Prosperidade


Lavoçkin La-5 (Rusça: Лавочкин Ла-5, İngilizce: Lavochkin La-5) Sovyet yapımı II. Dünya Savaşı avcı uçağıdır. LaGG3'ün geliştirilmiş versiyonudur.

Tasarım özellikleri
La-5'ler Sovyet Hava Kuvvetlerinin hızlı bir avcı uçağına ihtiyaç duymasından dolayı yapılmıştır. LaGG'ler tasarım olarak iyi uçaklardı ama yeteri derecede motor gücüne sahip değildiler ve Alman uçakları karşısında zayıf kalıyorlardı. Zaten savaştan önce LaGG'lerin yapılan testlerde yetersiz bir uçak olduğu ortaya çıkmıştı. 1942'lerin başlarında Semyon Lavoçkin ve Vilademir Gorbunov adlı tasarımcılar bu uçaklara Şivetsov ASh-82 radyal motorunu taktılar. LaGG'lerdeki yekpâre tahta tasarımı değiştirmediler. İlk yapılan testler çok başarılı oldu ve bir diğer Sovyet avcı uçağı Yak-7'leri açık farkla geride bıraktı. Birkaç hafta sonra pilotların görüşünü daha da genişletmek için gövdenin arka kısmı alçaltıldı. Uçağın başarısını gören Stalin tüm fabrikalarını bu uçağı üretmekle görevlendirdi. Sonraları uçağın adı LaG-5 diye değiştirildi sonra ise La-5 diye anılmaya başlandı.

La-5'ler Alman avcı uçaklarına yüksek irtifalarda yeniliyorlardı ama alçak irtifada Alman avcılarını çok rahat alt edebiliyorlardı. Genelde Doğu Cephesindeki hava savaşları 5.000 metrenini altında gerçekleştiği için Sovyet uçakları daha başarılı oluyordu. Stalingrad savunmasında başarılı oldukları için Stalingrad'ın tahtadan kurtarıcısı adını aldı.

Sonraları La-5'lerin motorları enjeksiyonlu motorlarla değiştirildi ve bu uçaklar La-5FN adını aldı. Sonraları bu uçaklar iyice geliştirilerek La-7 oldular. La-7'ler savaş sonrası da birçok Doğu Bloku ülkesinde hizmette kaldı.

II. Dünya Savaşı'nda kullanılan uçaklar
Rus savaş uçakları

Lavoçkin La-5


Software-ul SnatchBot este o unealtă gratuită pentru crearea de chatbot, bazată în cloud și destinată rețelelor sociale.

Istoric
Fondată în 2015 de către Henri Ben Ezra și Avi Ben Ezra, SnatchBot este una dintre noile companii de tehnologie provenite din Herzliya Pituach, Israel.

În iulie 2017, Snatchbot a sponsorizat Summitul Chatbot care a avut loc în Berlin, Germania. Până în decembrie 2017, peste 30 de milioane de utilizatori finali interacționaseră cu chatboți construiți pe platforma SnatchBot.

Servicii
SnatchBot îi ajută pe utilizatori să construiască boți pentru Facebook Messenger, Skype, Slack, SMS, Twitter și alte platforme de socializare. SnatchBot oferă, de asemenea, modele gratuite de Prelucrarea limbajului natural. Împreună cu uneltele de Învățare Programată ale companiei, platforma permite crearea de chatboți care pot analiza intențiile utilizatorilor.

Vezi și
Facebook Messenger

Referințe

Servicii sociale online
Freeware

SnatchBot


<noinclude>
UFC Fight Night: Holohan vs. Smolka (også kendt som UFC Fight Night 76) var et MMA-stævne, produceret af Ultimate Fighting Championship, der blev afholdt den 10. april 2016 i 3Arena i Dublin i Irland.

Baggrund
Dette stævne det tredje organisationen afholdte i Dublin efterfulgt af UFC 93 i januar 2009 og UFC Fight Night: McGregor vs. Brandao i july 2014.

I hovedkampen besejrede amerikanske Louis Smolka, irske Paddy Holohan via Submission (rear-naked choke) i 2. omgang efter 4 minutter og 9 sekunder.

Til stævnet kæmpede danske Nicolas Dalby sin anden UFC-kamp hvor han mødte engelske Darren Till i en weltervægtkamp. De var begge ubesejrede og kampen resulterede i en uafgjort med dommerstemmerne: 29–28, 28–28, 28–28. De vandt begge Fight of the Night for deres indsats.

Bonus awards
De følgende kæmpere blev belønnet med $50,000 bonuser:
 Fight of the Night: Nicolas Dalby vs. Darren Till
 Performance of the Night: Neil Seery and Tom Breese

International tv-transmittering

Referencer

Eksterne henvisninger
 UFC Fight Night UFC.com
 UFC Fight Night 86 - Rothwell vs. Dos Santos Sherdog.com

UFC Fight Night
Mixed martial arts

UFC Fight Night: Holohan vs. Smolka


W73 peut faire référence à :
 Autres formes de noyade et submersion précisées, d'après la classification internationale des maladies ;
 W73, une ogive atomique américaine.

Voir aussi
 Sigles d'une lettre suivie de deux chiffres

W73 (homonymie)


Myotis er en slægt af flagermus i familien barnæser.

Udseende
Arterne når en kropslængde (hoved og krop) på 35 til 100 mm og en halelængde på 28 til 65 mm. Underarmen bliver 28 til 70 mm lang. Små arter som Myotis siligorensis vejer bare 2,3 til 2,6 g og store arter som stor museøre (Myotis myotis) vejer 18 til 45 g. Oftest er pelsen på oversiden brunlig og på undersiden noget lysere. Nogle arter skifter i årets løb mellem en lysere og en mørkere pels. Visse arter er mere orange eller har en hvidlig underside.

Levevis
Slægtens medlemmer forekommer i mange forskellige biotoper. Nogle arter foretrækker nåleskove, andre tør buskvegetation og en tredje gruppe findes især i fugtige områder. Hvilepladsen er oftest en grotte. Desuden anvendes huller i træer, tæt vegetation og steder som er skabt af mennesker. Afhængig af arten dannes ved hvilepladsen mindre flokke eller store kolonier med flere tusind medlemmer.

Flere arter som om sommeren lever i tempererede områder vandrer før vinteren til varmere egne. Desuden findes flere arter som går i vinterdvale.

De fleste medlemmer jager insekter. Nogle arter har desuden spindlere, tusindben eller små fisk som føde. Myotis vivesi flyver undertiden over havet nær kysten for at fange krebsdyr og småfisk.

Hos arter som lever i tempererede regioner sker parringen normalt om efteråret. Hannens sæd gemmes i hunnens kønsdele og æggets befrugtning sker om foråret. Forskellige arter som lever i troperne kan parre sig hele året og nogle arter som Myotis albescens kan have to kuld per år. Drægtigheden varer 50 til 70 dage, hvorefter oftest en unge fødes. Hos Myotis austroriparius er tvillinger mere hyppige. Hunner af flere arter fra slægten danner før ungernes fødsel egne kolonier som er adskilte fra hannerne.

Generelt lever slægtens medlemmer maksimalt 6 til 7 år. Visse individer kan dog blive meget ældre. Enkelte individer af Myotis lucifugus er for eksempel blevet cirka 30 år.

Tandformlen for slægten lyder 2133/3133. Dermed har Myotis-arterne det maksimale antal tænder blandt flagermus, nemlig 38.

Udbredelse
Slægten Myotis er den artrigeste og mest udbredte flagermusslægt i verden. Udbredelsesområdet strækker sig over alle kontinenter. Den forekommer dog ikke i Arktis og på mange oceaniske øer.

Arter
Der findes omkring 100 arter i slægten Myotis. Blandt disse er:

 Myotis nattereri (Frynseflagermus)
 Myotis brandti (Brandts flagermus)
 Myotis mystacinus (Skægflagermus)
 Myotis dasycneme (Damflagermus)
 Myotis daubentoni (Vandflagermus)
 Myotis bechsteini (Bechsteins flagermus)
 Myotis myotis (Stor museøre)

Billeder

Noter

Eksterne henvisninger

Småflagermus

Myotis


Cleromancy is a form of sortition (casting of lots) in which an outcome is determined by means that normally would be considered random, such as the rolling of dice (astragalomancy), but that are sometimes believed to reveal the will of a deity.

In classical civilization
In ancient Rome fortunes were told through the casting of lots or sortes.

In Judaic and Christian tradition

Casting of lots (, ) is mentioned 47 times in the Bible. Some examples in the Hebrew Bible of the casting of lots as a means of determining God's will:
 In the Book of Leviticus , God commanded Moses, "And Aaron shall cast lots upon the two goats; one lot for the , and the other lot for the scapegoat." One goat will be sacrificed as a sin offering, while the scapegoat is loaded up with the sins of the people and sent into the wilderness.
 According to Numbers , Moses allocated territory to the tribes of Israel according to each tribe's male population and by lot.
 In Joshua 7:14, a guilty party (Achan) is found by lot.
 In the Book of Joshua , Joshua says, "Ye shall therefore describe the land into seven parts, and bring the description hither to me, that I may cast lots for you here before the  our God." The Hebrews took this action to know God's will as to the dividing of the land between the seven tribes of Israel who had not yet "received their inheritance" (Joshua 18:2).
 In the First Book of Samuel , lots are used to determine that it was Jonathan, Saul's son, who broke the oath that Saul made, "Cursed be the man that eateth any food until evening, that I may be avenged on mine enemies" (1 Samuel 14:24).
 In the Book of Jonah , the desperate sailors cast lots to see whose god was responsible for creating the storm: "Then the sailors said to each other, 'Come, let us cast lots to find out who is responsible for this calamity.' They cast lots and the lot fell on Jonah."

Other places in the Hebrew Bible relevant to divination include:
 Book of Proverbs : "The lot is cast into the lap, but its every decision is from Yahweh" and : "The lot settles disputes, and keeps strong ones apart."
 Book of Leviticus  KJV "... neither shall you practice enchantment, nor observe times." The original Hebrew word for enchantment, as found in Strong's Concordance, is pronounced naw-khash'''. The translation given by Strong's is "to practice divination, divine, observe signs, learn by experience, diligently observe, practice fortunetelling, take as an omen"; and "1. to practice divination 2. to observe the signs or omens". Times in the original Hebrew is pronounced aw-nan'. Its translation in Strong's is "to make appear, produce, bring (clouds), to practise soothsaying, conjure;" and "1. to observe times, practice soothsaying or spiritism or magic or augury or witchcraft 2. soothsayer, enchanter, sorceress, diviner, fortune-teller, barbarian...". In the Hebrew-Interlinear Bible, the verse reads, "not you shall augur and not you shall consult cloud".
 Deuteronomy  "let no one be found among you who [qasam qesem], performs [onan], [nahash], or [kashaph]. qasam qesem literally means distributes distributions, and may possibly refer to cleromancy. Kashaph seems to mean mutter, although the Septuagint renders the same phrase as pharmakia (poison), so it may refer to magic potions.
 In the Book of Esther, Haman casts lots to decide the date on which to exterminate the Jews of Shushan; the Jewish festival of Purim commemorates the subsequent chain of events.
 In I Chronicles  guard duties are assigned by lot.
 To Christian doctrine, perhaps the most significant ancient Hebrew mention of lots occurs in the Book of Psalms,  "They divide my garments among them, and for my clothing they cast lots." This came to be regarded as a prophecy connecting that psalm and the one that follows to the crucifixion and resurrection of Jesus, since all four gospels (for example, John ) tell of the Roman soldiers at Jesus's crucifixion casting lots to see who would take possession of his clothing. That final act of profanation became the central theme of The Robe, a 1953 film starring Richard Burton.

A notable example in the New Testament occurs in the Acts of the Apostles  where the eleven remaining apostles cast lots to determine whether to select Matthias, or Barsabbas (surnamed Justus) to replace Judas.

The Eastern Orthodox Church still occasionally uses this method of selection. In 1917, Metropolitan Tikhon became Patriarch of Moscow by the drawing of lots. The Coptic Orthodox Church uses drawing lots to choose the Coptic pope, most recently done in November 2012 to choose Pope Tawadros II. German Pietist Christians in the 18th century often followed the New Testament precedent of drawing lots to determine the will of God. They often did so by selecting a random Bible passage. The most extensive use of drawing of lots in the Pietist tradition may have come with Count von Zinzendorf and the Moravian Brethren of Herrnhut, who drew lots for many purposes, including selection of church sites, approval of missionaries, the election of bishops, and many others. This practice was greatly curtailed after the General Synod of the worldwide Moravian Unity in 1818 and finally discontinued in the 1880s. Many Amish customarily select ordinary preachers by lot. (Note that the Greek word for "lot" (kleros) serves as the etymological root for English words like "cleric" and "clergy" as well as for "cleromancy".)

In Germania

Tacitus, in Chapter X of his Germania (circa 98 AD), describes casting lots as a practice used by the Germanic tribes. He states:

"To divination and casting of lots, they pay attention beyond any other people. Their method of casting lots is a simple one: they cut a branch from a fruit-bearing tree and divide it into small pieces which they mark with certain distinctive signs and scatter at random onto a white cloth. Then, the priest of the community if the lots are consulted publicly, or the father of the family if it is done privately, after invoking the gods and with eyes raised to heaven, picks up three pieces, one at a time, and interprets them according to the signs previously marked upon them."

In the ninth century Anskar, a Frankish missionary and later bishop of Hamburg-Bremen, observed the same practice several times in the decision-making process of the Danish peoples. In this version, the chips were believed to determine the support or otherwise of gods, whether Christian or Norse, for a course of action or act. For example, in one case a Swedish man feared he had offended a god and asked a soothsayer to cast lots to find out which god. The soothsayer determined that the Christian god had taken offence; the Swede later found a book that his son had stolen from Bishop Gautbert in his house.

In Asian culture

In ancient China, and especially in Chinese folk religion, various means of divination through random means are employed, such as qiúqiān (求簽). In Japan, omikuji is one form of drawing lots.

I Ching divination, which dates from early China, has played a major role in Chinese culture and philosophy for more than two thousand years. The I Ching tradition descended in part from the oracle bone divination system that was used by rulers in the Shang dynasty, and grew over time into a rich literary wisdom tradition that was closely tied to the philosophy of yin and yang. I Ching practice is widespread throughout East Asia, and commonly involves the use of coins or (traditionally) sticks of yarrow.

In South India, the custom of ritualistically tossing sea shells (sozhi) and interpreting the results based on the positions of the shells is prevalent, predominantly in the state of Kerala.

In West African culture

In Yoruba and Yoruba-inspired religions, babalawos use variations on a common type of cleromancy called Ifá divination. Ifá divination is performed by "pounding ikin"—transferring consecrated oil palm kernels from one hand to another to create a pattern of eight to sixteen marks called "Odù" onto a tray of iyerosun, or consecrated termite dust from the Irosun tree. The casting itself is called Dafá'' in Yoruba language speaking areas in West Africa. Similar to I Ching, this form of divination forms a binary-like series of eight broken or unbroken pairs. This allows for 256 combinations, each of which references sets of tonal poems that contain a structure that includes various issues, problems and adversities and the prescriptions of offerings to correct them.

In M'ikmaq tradition

The game of Waltes is a form of cleromancy practiced by traditional Mi'kmaq and preserved since colonial potlache law, the Indian Act and residential schools in Canada. It is played with a bowl, six bone dice, and a counting stick. Three sticks are grandmothers and one the grandfather.

See also

 Astragalomancy
 List of spirituality-related topics
 Magic 8-Ball
 Urim and Thummim
 John Cage
 Sortition

References

External links
 Halliday, Greek Divination (1913), full online edition. Chapter 10 is on Kleromancy.

Divination

Cleromancy


José Carlos Lippi (Teresópolis, 1944 – Teresópolis, 5 de setembro de 2020) foi um comentarista esportivo, radialista, futebolista e treinador de futebol brasileiro. Um dos criadores do jornal local O Diário de Teresópolis, Lippi ficou famoso na internet depois de perder a paciência ao vivo no programa Esporte Cidade da TV Cidade, quando afirmou que "esse programa tá uma porra" e deixou o estúdio de gravação depois que seu colega de apresentação, Marcelo Rocha, não lhe deu tempo suficiente para comentar os tópicos discutidos.

Biografia
Nascido em 1944 na cidade de Teresópolis, Rio de Janeiro, foi futebolista (atuando como zagueiro) e campeão de diversos clubes. Foi também treinador do Teresópolis Futebol Clube e da Seleção Teresopolitana de Futebol e vice-presidiu a Liga Teresopolitana de Desportos. Passou por vários veículos de comunicação como comentarista esportivo, incluindo Rádio Teresópolis, Rádio Geração 2000, Teresópolis Jornal, Gazeta de Teresópolis, TVT e TV Cidade, além de fundar o jornal O Diário de Teresópolis.

Durante sua carreira, José Carlos Lippi se destacou como apresentador do programa Esporte Cidade na TV Cidade, onde trabalhava junto com Marcelo Rocha. Em um episódio específico em 7 de outubro de 2013, Marcelo não permitiu que Lippi tivesse tempo suficiente para analisar os tópicos discutidos. Frustrado com a situação, Lippi expressou sua insatisfação ao vivo, declarando: "Eu sou obrigado a falar que este programa aqui tá uma porra". Ele então deixou o estúdio imediatamente após sua declaração. A situação, exibida ao vivo pela televisão, foi listado no "Top 5" do Custe o Que Custar (CQC) e tornou se um dos principais memes da Internet brasileiros.

Morte
Na manhã de 5 de setembro de 2020, Lippi se sentiu indisposto enquanto caminhava e deu entrada na Unidade de Pronto Atendimento (UPA) de Teresópolis, onde morreu vítima de um infarto. Até então, era casado com Almerinda, pai de seis filhos e avô de dezesseis netos.

Prêmios
Ao longo de sua carreira, recebeu os seguintes prêmios:

 Troféu Bola de Ouro;
 Título benemérito da Federação de Futebol do Estado do Rio de Janeiro;
 Medalha George March;
 Personalidade Negra do Estado do Rio;
 Diário 10 Anos.

Jornalistas do estado do Rio de Janeiro
Radialistas do estado do Rio de Janeiro
Apresentadores de televisão do estado do Rio de Janeiro
Futebolistas do estado do Rio de Janeiro
Treinadores de futebol do Rio de Janeiro
Comentaristas esportivos do Brasil
Fenômenos da Internet no Brasil
Mortes por infarto agudo do miocárdio
Naturais de Teresópolis

José Carlos Lippi


India é o quarto álbum de estúdio da cantora Gal Costa, lançado em 1973 pela Philips Records. Traz canções, conhecidas em sua voz, de compositores e outros intérpretes relacionados à carreira de Gal: "India", "Volta" e "Desafinado". Foi um sucesso de venda de discos, sendo consolidado até hoje como um dos discos mais vendidos de Gal.

O Show Índia
"Índia" foi lançado em 1973, e é o resultado do show de mesmo nome, que Gal Costa vinha apresentando em várias cidades do país. Assim como o show anterior, "Gal a Todo Vapor", que resultou no disco homônimo, o show "Índia" também foi dirigido por Waly Salomão, e como em tudo da carreira de Gal Costa que tinha a mão do poeta baiano resultou em verdadeiras obras primas, tanto disco quanto show, produzido por Guilherme Araújo, foram momentos importantíssimos da trajetória de Gal. Logo na capa, uma grande polêmica: a foto em close do sexo da cantora, somente com uma tanga vermelha, e na contracapa duas fotos de Gal fantasiada como índia, com os seios a mostra. O resultado foi o disco ser um dos (muitos) censurados do ano, tendo sido vendido nas lojas coberto por um invólucro preto. Outra censurada do disco foi a música "Presente cotidiano" de Luiz Melodia, que não pode ser veiculada via rádio. Mais polêmica: Gal Costa, uma típica cantora zona-sul, ídolo de universitários e intelectuais, cometendo a ousadia de gravar uma das músicas consideradas mais bregas da MPB: a versão em português da guarânia paraguaia "Índia", clássico sertanejo gravado originalmente pela dupla Cascatinha e Inhana, numa época em que as patrulhas ideológicas e musicais eram muito mais acirrada. O disco é repleto de características hoje comuns em artistas alternativos, como a mistura de música brega com roupagem moderna (no caso de "Índia", uma orquestra dirigida por Rogério Duprat), canções com influência da poesia concreta ("Relance" e "Pontos de luz"), folclore ("Milho verde") e clássicos da MPB ("Volta" e "Desafinado").

Censura na capa
O disco/show "Índia", teve uma grande sucesso, porém, acompanhados de muitas polêmicas. Logo na capa do LP, tinha uma foto em close da cantora, somente com uma tanga vermelha, e na contracapa duas fotos de Gal fantasiada como índia, com os seios a mostra. O resultado disso, foi que as vendas só aumentaram. Foi originalmente censurado pela ditadura militar brasileira, mas a arte completa foi lançada por Costa em 2015. Ela declarou em seu Instagram: "Para nossa alegria, inclusive a minha".

Recepção

Faixas

Ficha técnica
Adaptado de AllMusic.

 Guilherme Araújo — produção
 Edú Mello e Souza — direção de estúdio
 Luigi Hoffer — técnico, mixagem
 Marcus Vinicius — técnico, mixagem
 Ary Carvalhaes — mixagem
 Gilberto Gil — direção musical, violão, violão de 12 cordas
 António Guerreiro — fotografia
 Waly Salomão — obra de arte
 Dominguinhos — acordeão
 Toninho Horta — guitarra elétrica
 Luiz Alves — contrabaixo
 Roberto Silva — bateria
 Chico Batera — percussão e efeitos especiais
 Rogério Duprat — arranjo
 Arthur Verocai — arranjo
 Mario Tavares — strings
 Tenório Jr. — órgão
 Roberto Menescal — violão
 Wagner Tiso — órgão
 Chacal — percussão
 Antônio Carlos Jobim — compositor
 Jards Macalé — compositor
 Luiz Melodia — compositor
 Newton Mendonça — compositor
 Lupicínio Rodrigues — compositor
 José Asunción Flores — compositor

Álbuns de Gal Costa
Gal Costa
Gal Costa
Álbuns em língua portuguesa
Álbuns de capas controversas

Índia (álbum)


Prvi opijumski rat bio je rat između Velike Britanije i Kine od 1839. do 1842. Rat je vođen s ciljem, da Kina uvozi britanski opijum. Britanija je izvozila 1,4 milijuna kilograma opijuma u Kinu. Taj rat se smatra početkom europske hegemonije prema Kini. Sukob je započeo dugu povijest kineske sumnjičavosti prema Zapadu, što se još uvijek osjeća u Istočnoj Aziji.

Pozadina
Za vrijeme 19. stoljeća, Europljanima je bilo jako unosna trgovina s Kinom. Unosna je bila i za kineske trgovce. U Kini su postojala trgovačka ograničenja, pa je međunarodna trgovina bila dopuštena jedino preko grada Kantona. Zbog toga nije bilo ekonomično trgovati robom male vrijednosti. Trgovina se zasnivala na luksuznoj robi, kao što je čaj (Kina je izvozila za Britaniju) i srebro, koje je Kina uvozila. Pored toga značajni su bili i neki specijalni metali, koji su se koristili u Kini. Britanija je svoju valutu zasnivala na zlatnom standardu od 18. stoljeća, pa je srebro kupovala u kontinentalnoj Europi, da bi snabdijevala Kinu. To je bilo prilično skupo za Britaniju prije demonetarizacije srebra u Njemačkoj 1870. Britanci su tražili drugu unosnu robu za trgovinu s Kinom i otkrili su opijum, koji se proizvodio u Britanskoj Indiji. Od 1821. do 1837. pet puta se povećao izvoz droga u Kinu. Britanija je izvozila velike količine opijuma od 1781. Droga se proizvodila u Bengalu i Malvi u Indiji i prodavala se pod uvjetom, da se prodaje britanskim trgovcima za Kinu. Cijelu prodaju i proizvodnju opijuma vodila je Britanska istočnoindijska kompanija.

Kineska vlada je uočila da srebro odlazi iz zemlje i da je 2 milijuna Kineza postalo ovisno od drogi. Britanci su prodavali 1400 tona opijuma Kinezima, koji su odlučili zaustaviti trgovinu opijumom. Visoko rangirani kineski službenik Lin Cesju napisao je pismo engleskoj kraljici upozoravajući na problem te u svibnju 1839. naredio da se unište sve zalihe opijuma. Međutim britanski mornari pobunili su se u srpnju 1839., uništili su jedan hram i ubili su jednoga Kineza, koji ih je pokušao zaustaviti. Kinezi su tražili mornare da im sude, a britanska vlada se pozivala na ekstrateritorijalnost, što znači da im samo britanski sudovi mogu suditi. Sudio im je britanski sud u Kantonu i pustio ih je.

Kineska vlada je tražila da britanski trgovci potpišu ugovoru da neće trgovati opijumom i da ako to učine da mogu biti osuđeni na smrt i da im mogu suditi kineski sudovi. Glavni britanski nadglednik trgovine s Kinom Charles Elliot je poslije toga naredio Britancima da se povuku iz Kine i zabranio je trgovinu s Kinezima. Pojedini trgovci, koji nisu trgovali opijumom bili su spremni da potpišu ugovor, koji su Kinezi tražili i tako su slabili britansku trgovačku poziciju.

Rat

Pripremajući se za rat, Britanci su 23. kolovoza 1839. zauzeli Hong Kong, koji je tada bio manje mjesto. Krajem listopada u Kinu je stigao brod Thomas Cotts, koji je bio vlasništvo kvekera, a oni nisu trgovali opijumom. Njihov kapetan Smith je vjerovao da je Charles Elliot prekoračio ovlaštenja zabranjujući Britancima trgovinu s Kinom. Da bi spriječio ostale britanske brodove da se oglušuju na naređenje o prestanku trgovine s Kinom, Charles Elliot je naredio blokadu Biserne rijeke. Borbe su počele 3. studenoga 1839., kada je britanski brod Royal Saxon pokušao otploviti do Kine. Britanci su ispalili upozoravajući plotun, a kineska flota se umiješala u pokušaju da zaštiti britanski trgovački brod.

Elliot je naredio svim brodovima da se povuku prema blizini Makaoa, međutim trgovačkim brodovima je više odgovarala luka Hong Konga. Ipak sljedećih dana britanska mornarica se pokazala mnogo boljom i potopili su mnogo kineskih brodova. Elliot je tijekom 1840. molio portugalskog guvernera Makaoa da pusti da istovaruju svoje brodove u Makauu, a da će im Britanci zauzvrat dobro platiti. Guverner Makaoa je odbio jer se plašio da će Kina prekinuti opskrbu Makaoa hranom i ostalim potrepštinama. Kineski car je 14. siječnja 1840. tražio da svi stranci u Kini prestanu pomagati Britance.

Britanska vlada i Britanska istočnoindijska kompanija odlučile su napasti Kanton, a vojni troškovi padaju na trošak vlade. U lipnju 1840. stigla je u Guangdong iz Singapura sila od 15 većih brodova, 4 parne topovnjače i 25 manjih brodova s 4000 marinaca. James Bremer je predvodio marince i zahtijevao da kineska vlada nadoknadi troškove, koje su Britanci imali zbog prekida trgovine. Kinezi su to odbili, pa su Britanci napali. Ušće Biserne rijeke Kinezi su jako dobro branili, pa je britanska flota krenula sjeverno do Xiamena.

Britanci su tijekom 1841. zauzeli tvrđave, koje su branile ušće Biserne rijeke, između Hong Konga i Kantona. Do siječnje 1842., Britanci su kontrolirali uzvišenja oko Kantona i pobijedili su Kineze kod Nigboa i kod Činghaja. Do sredine 1842., Britanci su pobijedili Kineze na ušću druge velike rijeke Jangce i zauzeli su Šangaj. Kineska vlada se pokazala nesposobnom da se nosi sa zapadnim silama, bilo politički, bilo vojno. Rat je završio u kolovozu 1842. kada je Kina potpisala ugovor iz Nankinga.

Ugovor
Po ugovoru iz Nankinga:
 Britanci su dobili ekstrateritorijalni status.
 Hong Kong je pripao Velikoj Britaniji.
 Trgovačke luke Kanton, Xiamen, Fuzhou, Šangaj i Ningbo su otvorene za sve trgovce.
 Kineska vlada je plaćala reparacije za uništeni opijum i ratne troškove.

Posljedice
Lakoća s kojom je Britanska istočnoindijska kompanija pobijedila Kinu utjecala je na ugled Kine i kineske dinastije. To je posve sigurno dovelo do Tajupeške pobune (1850. – 1864). Uspjeh u ratu omogućio je Britancima da nastave trgovati opijumom s Kinom.

Kineska vojna povijest
Povijest Hong Konga
Povijest Ujedinjenog Kraljevstva (1707. – 1914.)

Prvi opijumski rat


(titlu original: Bad Times at the El Royale) este un film american din 2018 co-produs și regizat de Drew Goddard. Este creat în genurile neo-noir thriller. Rolurile principale au fost interpretate de actorii Jeff Bridges, Cynthia Erivo, Dakota Johnson, Jon Hamm, Cailee Spaeny, Lewis Pullman, Nick Offerman și Chris Hemsworth. Scenariul este scris de Goddard.

A avut premiera la Fantastic Fest la 27 septembrie 2018.

Prezentare

Are loc în anul 1969 și prezintă șapte străini și secretele lor întunecate, în timp ce petrec o noapte la un hotel dubios împărțit în două de granița dintre statele americane California și Nevada.

Distribuție
 Jeff Bridges - Donald "Dock" O'Kelly / Daniel Flynn, un tâlhar care se îmbracă ca preot.
 Cynthia Erivo- Darlene Sweet, o cântăreață care se zbate pentru afirmare.
 Dakota Johnson - Emily Summerspring, o femeie care încearcă să-și salveze sora din cultul lui Billy.
 Hannah Zirke - tânăra Emily
 Jon Hamm - Dwight Broadbeck / Seymour 'Laramie' Sullivan, un agent sub acoperire al FBI, care se prezintă ca vânzător de bunuri de uz casnic.
 Cailee Spaeny - Rose Summerspring, sora Emiliei și complicele lui Billy Lee.
 Charlotte Mosby - tânăra Rose
 Lewis Pullman - Miles Miller,  fost lunetist în războiul din Vietnam și acum este unicul angajat lăsat la hotelul El Royale.
 Austin Abell - tânărul Miles
 Chris Hemsworth - Billy Lee, liderul carismatic al unui cult
 Nick Offerman - Felix O'Kelly,  fratele lui Dock și partenerul lui de infracțiuni.
 Xavier Dolan - s Buddy Sunday,  un producător de muzică care o concediază pe Darlene din cauza reducerilor bugetare.
 Shea Whigham - Dr. Woodbury Laurence, medicul închisorii care îl diagnostichează pe Dock O'Kelly.
 Mark O'Brien - Larsen Rogers, complicele lui Dock și Felix.
 Charles Halford - Sammy Wilds, colegul lui Dock din celula de la închisoare.
 Jim O'Heir - Milton Wyrick, prezentatorul la spectacolul lui Darlene din Reno.
 Manny Jacinto - Waring "Wade" Espiritu, membru al cultului lui Billy Lee.
 Alvina August - Vesta Shears, o cântăreață care o înlocuiește pe Darlene.
 Gerry Nairn - Paul Kraemer, un reporter.
William B. Davis -  judecătorul Gordon Hoffman, cel care îl condamnă pe Dock.

Producție
Filmările au început la 29 ianuarie 2018 în Vancouver, British Columbia. În februarie s-a filmat în Burnaby.
Hotelul El Royale din film este asemănător cu fostul hotel denumit Cal Neva Lodge & Casino. Cheltuielile de producție s-au ridicat la 32 milioane $.

Lansare și primire
A avut încasări de 31,6 milioane $. Bad Times at the El Royale a avut premiera la Fantastic Fest la 27 septembrie 2018 și în cinematografele SUA la 12 octombrie 2018. Încasările au fost puțin mai mici decât bugetul filmului, a fost lădudat de criticii de film pentru jocul actorilor și pentru scenariul și regia lui Goddard, însă unii critici au fost nemulțumiți de durata prea mare a filmului, de 142 de minute.

Note

Legături externe

Vezi și

Filme din 2018
Filme americane
Filme în limba engleză
Filme regizate de Drew Goddard
Filme noirFilme de mister
Filme neo-noirFilme 20th Century Fox
Filme dramatice americaneFilme despre moarte
Filme thriller din anii 2010

Vremuri grele la El Royale


Mohadžer-6 ili Qods Mohajer-6  je ISTAR bespilotna letjelica sposobna nositi multispektralnu nadzornu opremu i/ili do četiri precizno navođena streljiva. Deset ih je proizvedeno od veljače 2018. za kopnene snage IRGC-a.

Mohadžer-6 je ušao u serijsku proizvodnju u veljači 2018. Kao i drugi članovi obitelji, Mohadžer-6 izrađen je od kompozita.

Dizajn

Mohadžer-6 ima pravokutni trup, nagore ukošen nos, dvostruku repnu granu, horizontalni stabilizator postavljen na vrhu, nezakrivljene vrhove krila, ravna krila postavljena visoko i na stražnjoj strani tijela, te usisnike zraka na vrhu i dnu motora. Za razliku od ostalih varijanti iz porodice Mohadžer, ovaj ima trokraki propeler. Mohadžer-6 ima raspon krila od 10 metara i dugačak je 7 metara.  Po obliku je sličan modelu Selex ES Falco .

Mohadžer-6 ima fiksni stajni trap u obliku tricikla, koji je doživio promjene između ceremonije otkrivanja 2017. i masovne proizvodnje 2018., možda kako bi se prilagodio većoj težini. Lansira se i vraća uzlijetanjem/slijetanjem na uzletno-sletnu stazu.

Ima naprijed okrenutu fiksnu kameru  za navigaciju i gimbal za laserski daljinomjer i multispektralne IR i elektrooptičke slike vidljivog svjetla. Mohadžer-6 ima tri antene, dvije na lijevom krilu i jednu na desnom, te Pitotovu cijev na nosu.

Mohadžer-6 ima dvije glavne varijante. Varijanta A ima dvije pričvrsne točke za naoružanje, po jednu ispod svakog krila, od kojih svaka može nositi jednu Qaem TV / IR-navođenu raketu ili jednu Almas raketu. B varijanta ima 4 pričvrsne točke za naoružanje, s 2 ispod svakog krila koji nose iste tipove projektila. Ima sustav autopilota sposoban za automatsko polijetanje i slijetanje. Osim toga, Iran ga opisuje kao sposobnog za opremanje elektroničkim mjerama podrške, ometanjem komunikacija ili opremom za elektroničko ratovanje.

Performanse
Mohadžer-6 ima maksimalnu masu pri uzlijetanju od 600/670 kg i može nositi 100/150 kg naoružanja, ovisno o modelu. Također, zemaljska kontrolna stanica Mohadžer-6 ima domet od 200/500 km. Letjelica ima najveću brzinu od 200 km/h, izdržljivost od 12 sati i gornju visinu od 4800/5400 metara.

Više izvora navodi da Mohadžer-6 proizvodi Qodsov dugogodišnji rival, Iran Aircraft Manufacturing Industrial Company (HESA),  iako ga je  dizajnirao Qods Aviation. I Qods i HESA su podružnice Iranske državne organizacije Aerospace Industries.

Tehnički podaci

Opće karakteristike

 Posada: 2 člana po zemaljskoj kontrolnoj stanici
 Duljina: 7,5 m
 Raspon krila: 10 m
 Maks. masa pri polijetanju: 600/670 kg
 Nosivost: 100/150 kg
 Pogon: 1 × 115 KS vodom hlađeni 4-taktni motor s unutarnjim izgaranjem (proizveden u HESA)
 Propeler: 3 kraka
 Vrsta goriva: benzin

Performanse

 Najveća brzina: 200 km/h
 Brzina krstarenja: 130 km/h (70 čvorova)
 Radijus djelovanja : 2000/2400 km
 Domet zemaljske komunikacije: 200-500 kilometara
 Radna granica: 7.600 m
 Radna visina: 4.876/5.486 m
 Izdržljivost: 12 sati

Naoružanje

 Nosivost: 40 kg
 4 ovjesne točke za naoružanje za navođene projektile ili bombe ispod krila i 2 utora ispod glavnog trupa.

Operativna povijest
Mohadžer-6 koristile su (ili koriste) ruske snage za navođenje dronova samoubojica Geran-2 do njihovih ciljeva u regiji Odese tijekom ruske invazije na Ukrajinu.

Ukrajinski branitelji uspjeli su uhvatiti Mohadžer-6 gotovo neoštećen. Ispod krila je bila bomba Qaem-5.

Izvori

Iranske vojne bespilotne letjelice

Qods Mohadžer-6


An Xanthosoma brasiliense in uska species han Liliopsida nga syahan ginhulagway ni René Louiche Desfontaines, ngan ginhatag han pagkayana nga asya nga ngaran ni Adolf Engler. An Xanthosoma brasiliense in nahilalakip ha genus nga Xanthosoma, ngan familia nga Araceae. Waray hini subspecies nga nakalista.

Mga kasarigan

Mga sumpay ha gawas

Xanthosoma

Xanthosoma brasiliense


An Carex ploettneriana in uska species han Liliopsida nga ginhulagway ni Rudolf Beyer. An Carex ploettneriana in nahilalakip ha genus nga Carex, ngan familia nga Cyperaceae. Waray hini subspecies nga nakalista.

Mga kasarigan

Carex

Carex ploettneriana


København - en by i forvandling er en dansk dokumentarfilm fra 1962 instrueret af Helge Ernst efter eget manuskript.

Handling
En film, der forsøger at lade byen København fortælle sin egen historie, som den afspejles i et bykvarter, i de enkelte bygninger og i deres udsmykninger. Ved at påvise fortidens mønster i nutidens bybillede anskueliggør filmen kontinuiteten i byens forvandling gennem tiderne.

Referencer

Eksterne henvisninger

Dokumentarfilm fra Danmark
Danske film fra 1962
Kultur i København
Danske film omhandlende København i 1900-tallet

København - en by i forvandling


العرضة هي ضرب من ضروب الفن الشعبي في شبه الجزيرة العربية يصطف فيها الراقصون في صفين متقابلين وغالبا ما يكون عددهم قريبا من العشرين، تتناغم رقصاتهم مع الإيقاعات اليدوية والأهازيج التي يطلقونها، وسميت حربية لأن أشعارها وارتجازاتها غالبا ما تتغنى بالحرب والفروسية، والأسلحة.

انظر أيضًا

 عرضة نجدية
 عرضة جنوبية

مراجع

تراث السعودية العسكري
تراث عربي
تراث شعبي سعودي

حربية (تراث)


Daniel Lønborg Thøgersen (født 8. januar 2000) er en dansk fodboldspiller, der spiller for Esbjerg fB.

Klubkarriere
Daniel Thøgersen startede med at spille fodbold som 7-årig i Brabrand IF, hvor hans far Michael Thøgersen var træner. Han skiftede som U/12-spiller til AGF, hvor han gennemgik en positiv udvikling, som blev belønnet med en ungdomskontrakt i 2015.

I sommeren 2017 blev Thøgersen sammen med Sebastian Hausner rykket op på AGF's førsteholdstrup.

Han blev den 2. september 2019 på sommertransfervinduets sidste dag udlejet til Næstved Boldklub, der på kontraktindgåelsestidspunktet spillede i 1. division. Han skrev under på en aftale gældende for den resterende del af 2019.

I foråret 2020 var Thøgersen udlejet til Kolding IF, og ved lejemålets afslutning skiftede han til klubben på permanent basis.

Landsholdskarriere
Thøgersen har været inde omkring de danske landshold fra U/16- til U/19-landsholdet.

Referencer

Eksterne henvisninger
 Daniel Thøgersen  på agf.dk

Fodboldspillere fra Danmark
Fodboldspillere fra Brabrand IF
Fodboldspillere fra AGF
Fodboldspillere fra Næstved BK
Fodboldspillere fra Kolding IF

Daniel Thøgersen


The Glasgow and South Western Railway (G&SWR) was a railway company in Scotland. It served a triangular area of south-west Scotland between Glasgow, Stranraer and Carlisle. It was formed on 28 October 1850 by the merger of two earlier railways, the Glasgow, Paisley, Kilmarnock and Ayr Railway and the Glasgow, Dumfries and Carlisle Railway. Already established in Ayrshire, it consolidated its position there and extended southwards, eventually reaching Stranraer. Its main business was mineral traffic, especially coal, and passengers, but its more southerly territory was very thinly populated and local traffic, passenger and goods, was limited, while operationally parts of its network were difficult.

It later formed an alliance with the English Midland Railway and ran express passenger trains from Glasgow to London with that company, in competition with the Caledonian Railway and its English partner, the London and North Western Railway, who had an easier route. In 1923 the G&SWR formed a constituent of the London Midland and Scottish Railway group.

Much of the network remains active at the present day; Glasgow commuting particularly has developed, and parts of the network have been electrified. Many of the earlier mineral workings, and branches constructed to serve them, have ceased, and many local passenger stations in rural areas have closed.

In 1921 the G&SWR had  of line (calculated as single track extent plus sidings) and the company's capital was about £19 million.

History

Before the G&SWR
In the early 1830s, there were already several mineral railways operating in Scotland; local in extent, they were mostly built to serve coal mines and other mineral activity. The successful operation of the Liverpool and Manchester Railway as an inter-city line, and then the Grand Junction Railway reaching northwards, caused railway promoters in the west of Scotland to consider that one day, there might be a through railway line to London.

The Glasgow, Paisley, Kilmarnock and Ayr Railway (GPK&AR) was authorised in 1838, and opened its line to Ayr in 1840. It was a locomotive railway, and in due time it opened its branch line from Dalry to Kilmarnock, with the intention of extending to Carlisle to meet up with whatever railway might reach that city from the south. The GPK&AR had anticipated constructing its authorised line and then the extension, but by 1846 there was a frenzy of competing schemes that threatened to destroy the Company's core business. Few of these were realistic, but the GPK&AR itself felt obliged to promote numerous branches, many of them tactical, in order to keep competing schemes out. This period of railway promotion was followed by a slump, when money was difficult to come by, and these factors prevented the GPK&AR from bringing its Carlisle extension into reality.

Enthusiasm for a connection to English railways continued, however, and was intensified by the promotion of other schemes to link central Scotland and England. Interests friendly to the GPK&AR formed the Glasgow, Dumfries and Carlisle Railway (GD&CR) to extend from the southern extremity of the GPK&AR to Carlisle; their route became known as the Nithsdale Route. Opposing promoters put forward a so-called central line via Carstairs and Beattock, that had the advantage of a shorter mileage, and the capacity to serve Edinburgh directly, but the disadvantage of much heavier gradients and running through a less populous area. This route became known as the Annandale Route.

The GD&CR was authorised by Act of Parliament, but the rival Caledonian Railway (CR) had already had authorisation for building its line on the Annandale route; the GD&CR's financial position led it to abandon its intention of building an independent line to Carlisle, and it altered its plan so as to join the CR at Gretna Junction, relying on negotiating running powers for its trains to reach Carlisle.

The GD&CR and the GPK&AR formed the definite intention of merging; at first the GD&CR demanded terms that were excessive, particularly as their own financial situation was weak: they were funding construction of their line with money loaned by the GPK&AR. However more realistic expectations emerged later, and by Acts of 1846 and 1847 it was determined that the two companies would merge when the GD&CR had completed construction of its line. The GPK&AR extended as far as Horsecleugh (between Cumnock and New Cumnock) and the GD&CR reached an end-on junction there, completing the through line on 28 October 1850.

The G&SWR formed
Accordingly on 28 October 1850 the G&SWR was formed. Although this was described as a merger, the reality was that the penniless GD&CR was dissolved, its operation was taken over by the GPK&AR, and the latter company changed its name to the G&SWR. The GPK&AR had been working the GD&CR's line for it since it (partially) opened.

The new company had lines:
 from Bridge Street in Glasgow to Ayr; the Ayr station was north of the river, at Newton-on-Ayr), and the section between Bridge Street and Paisley was owned and operated jointly with the Glasgow, Paisley and Greenock Railway; and
 from Dalry Junction to Gretna Junction via Kilmarnock and Dumfries; and
 a number of lines in mineral districts, including the former Kilmarnock and Troon Railway, now upgraded to contemporary technical standards.

The trains on the Dumfries line now ran through to Carlisle, an arrangement having been made with the Caledonian Railway to permit this. However the CR did not encourage the G&SWR and only on 1 March 1851 was a booking clerk given accommodation at Carlisle Citadel passenger station. This was granted on an undertaking that the G&SWR would never interfere with the business of the CR or the Lancaster and Carlisle Railway, and tolls were charged for use of the line from Gretna, and for bulk goods passing through Carlisle, whether transshipped or not. The CR ensured that all traffic between south of Carlisle and Glasgow or Edinburgh was routed over its own line.

The accounts for the first half-year, produced in March 1851, showed gross income for the six months to be £87,186 and a 2¼% dividend was declared. The Company owned 72 engines, 171 passenger coaches, and 2,416 non-passenger vehicles. Good enough as the results were, the long main line to Gretna was not producing much, due to the dominance of competing route of the Caledonian Railway, and business in general declined following the first half-year. A pooling agreement was finalised in 1853 which mitigated some of the worst toll charges, but routing of goods traffic via the CR was made obligatory in many situations. The agreement included a comprehensive limitation on encroachment by either railway into the other's territory.

Expansion by alliance
In the years immediately following the formation of the G&SWR, the shortage of capital meant that no definite steps were taken for further expansion. Local initiatives were encouraged, however, with the G&SWR providing some funding and in most cases working the line when it was completed.

The Ayr and Dalmellington Railway Act was passed on 4 August 1853. At this time the G&SWR Ayr station was north of the River Ayr, and the A&DR was to run from Falkland Junction, a short distance north of the station, and round the east side of the town. The new line had an Ayr passenger station (a temporary structure at first), but it was less convenient than the old terminus; until January 1860 the old G&SWR terminus station continued to be used by some trains. There were important ironworks owned by the Houldsworth family, and ironstone and coal deposits, in the lands near Dalmellington. The independent A&DR company was worked by the G&SWR and later absorbed on 1 August 1858.

On 10 July 1854 the Ayr and Maybole Junction Railway was authorised to reach Maybole by a junction from the Ayr and Dalmellington; the junction was to be called Maybole Junction, but was named Dalrymple Junction when the line opened to goods traffic on 15 May 1856. Passenger opening was delayed until 2 August 1856 because of the Board of Trade Inspecting Officer's dissatisfaction with the works at first. This line too was worked by the G&SWR.

There were discussions of a further extension railway to reach Girvan and develop the harbour there, possibly as a ferry port for Ireland: a Maybole and Girvan Railway was formed in 1855; it got its authorising Act on 14 July 1856. All of these local initiatives received the promise of cash support from the G&SWR. The Maybole and Girvan line opened on 24 May 1860; the old Maybole station, east of Redbrae, was unsuitable for an onward route and was by-passed, the new passenger station being at Culzean Road.

The Ardrossan Railway had long been allied to the G&SWR and by Act of 24 July 1854 it was vested in the G&SWR, effective on 1 August 1854. The line ran between Ardrossan Harbour and Kilwinning, with mineral branches extending further east.

Reaching towards the north of Ireland
The wide space of countryside west of Dumfries and south of Girvan still lacked any rail connection. In 1856 a provisional Castle Douglas and Dumfries Railway (CD&DR) was gaining momentum. It was independently sponsored, although it was seen as a possible first step in opening up the entire region; it was authorised on 21 July 1856. This prompted the G&SWR to relocate the Dumfries station to a point north of St Mary's street; the former "temporary" station was relegated to goods status. The new station opened on 13 September 1859: it was described as "equal if not superior in lightness and beauty to any in Great Britain". The CD&DR line opened on 21 July 1856.

For many years schemes had been put forward to reach Portpatrick. There was a small harbour there and ferry crossings to Donaghadee provided the shortest route to reach the north of Ireland. Mail, cattle, and soldiers had been conveyed that way, but reaching Portpatrick with a railway across difficult and sparsely populated land had been a challenge. Encouraged by the CD&DR authorisation, at the end of 1856 promoters resolved to build a British and Irish Grand Junction Railway, 62 miles (100 km) from Castle Douglas. Government assurances were given about the use of the sea route for mail and improvement of the tiny harbour at Portpatrick, and suddenly rival railways including the English Great Northern Railway were hastening to put up money for a share. With a capital of £460,000, the line looked well supported and got its Act of Parliament on 17 August 1857, retitled the Portpatrick Railway.

The construction, through difficult terrain, went ahead, and as completion became near, the Portpatrick Railway planned the arrangements for the working of its line. The G&SWR were working the CD&DR and offered to work the Portpatrick line for 72% of gross receipts. The G&SWR had recently announced that it worked its own railway for less than 38%, and the Portpatrick line decided the proposed charge was too much; on 28 March 1860 they decided that "the board should retain the working of the line under their own management". The G&SWR had been certain that its terms for working the line would have to be accepted; it had promised a further £40,000 towards the capital cost of the Portpatrick Railway, and on a pretext it now declined to make that payment, further alienating the Portpatrick Railway. The line opened, stoutly independent, on 12 March 1861 as far as Stranraer.

The Government had implied a promise to improve the tiny harbour at Portpatrick and was now delaying; the Portpatrick Railway delayed too, but finally completed the line from Stranraer to Portpatrick on 28 August 1862. Although some use was made of the route, the anticipated major sea crossing never materialised, and in time Stranraer became the more important port.

The Paisley and Renfrew line
Before the existence of the G&SWR, its predecessor, the GPK&AR had acquired the Paisley and Renfrew Railway, a horse-operated railway with track on stone blocks, and the GS&WR acquired this line. By 1866 the primitive technology had become an embarrassment and pressure from the Burgh of Renfrew caused the G&SWR to upgrade the line to locomotive haulage, converting it to standard gauge, and connecting it to the main (joint) line at Greenlaw, east of Paisley, and facing Glasgow. The work was completed by September 1867 and through passenger trains between Glasgow and Renfrew were instituted.

Crossing the Clyde, and a central Glasgow station
As traffic increased, dependency on the Bridge Street station as the G&SWR Glasgow station became ever more strained, and a nominally independent central terminus was proposed; this would involve constructive the first railway bridge over this part of the Clyde—there had previously been no connection across the river in Glasgow. The G&SWR and the Edinburgh and Glasgow Railway were partners, and invited the Caledonian Railway to join in, but the CR declined.

The City of Glasgow Union Railway obtained Parliamentary authorisation on 29 July 1864; the capital was £900,000 with the G&SWR and the E&GR taking one-third of the shares each. (The following year the two existing companies agree to take all the stock themselves.) The line would run from a junction with the Paisley joint line at West Street to Sighthill on the E&GR, with a new passenger station at St Enoch, a large goods station in land vacated by the University of Glasgow and a connection at West Street to the General Terminus goods branch on the bank of the Clyde.

Construction was slow and costs overran heavily; on 12 December 1870 the first trains ran from Shields Road to a temporary central passenger terminus at Dunlop Street. On 1 June 1871 the line was extended to Bellgrove, joining the North British Railway (NBR) there, and forming the north-south connecting link, which was heavily used for transfer goods trains.

It was not until 1 May 1876 that St Enoch station opened and through trains to London ran from there. The station was universally regarded as magnificent, and in 1879 the accompanying St Enoch Hotel, the largest in Scotland, opened too. By now the NBR enthusiasm for a general central passenger station had waned, and the northwards exit from St Enoch station was only used by local G&SWR trains to Springburn. On 29 June 1883 the station and the immediate approach lines were transferred from the CGUR to the G&SWR.

This was followed by partition of the CGUR; the section south and west of College Junction (near High Street, NBR) went to the G&SWR, and the section north and east of Bellgrove went to the NBR. These changes were enacted on 29 June 1883.

In the 1890s it became obvious that expansion of St Enoch was essential, and on 18 August 1898 an Act for the extension of St Enoch station was passed. A second arch roof and six further platforms were built; they were brought into use progressively from 1901. The extension was completed in 1904, at a cost of £2,500,000.

A direct line to Kilmarnock
The GPK&AR had declined to give Kilmarnock a direct route; it opened its line via Dalry in 1843. In 1848 the Glasgow, Barrhead and Neilston Direct Railway (GB&NDR) opened from a South Side terminus in Glasgow. The line was friendly to the Caledonian Railway. In 1865 both the Caledonian Railway and the G&SWR obtained Parliamentary authority to build a line from Glasgow to Kilmarnock. Shareholders of both companies objected to the wasteful duplication, and in 1869 an Act was obtained for the Glasgow, Barrhead and Kilmarnock Joint Railway, owned jointly by both companies, running from Neilston on the GB&NDR. It opened in 1873, with a branch from Lugton to Beith. A connection into the St Enoch line was opened shortly afterwards.

Other new lines proposed, and existing branches absorbed
As well as supporting the City Union line, in 1864 the G&SWR proposed a large number of branch lines, most of them tactical in respect of competition with the Caledonian Railway. This caused considerable disquiet among shareholders—the same was true within the Caledonian company—and some moderation of the proposals took place.  As part of the rapprochement, the G&SWR was granted permanent powers to run between Gretna and Carlisle, for £5,000 a year.

In 1865, four railways were absorbed, effective from 1 August; they were the Bridge of Weir Railway (from Elderslie, opened in 1864), the Maybole and Girvan Railway (described above; it had never made money and had run out of cash to finish the buildings and ancillary works on the line); the Castle Douglas and Dumfries Railway (CD&DR); and the Kirkcudbright Railway. The CD&DR and the Kirkcudbright Railway were now operated as the Kirkcudbright branch as a single unit from Dumfries. The Caledonian Railway was granted running powers between Dumfries and Castle Douglas for trains it ran between Lockerbie and Stranraer.

Reaching Greenock
From the outset, Greenock had been served by the Glasgow, Paisley and Greenock Railway, allied to the Caledonian Railway. The port developed and carried increasing volumes of goods, and passenger traffic for the Clyde ferries grew considerably. The G&SWR wished to secure a share of this valuable traffic, and the Bridge of Weir Railway had been a move in that direction. The friendly Greenock and Ayrshire Railway (G&AR) was heavily supported (£300,000 out of £350,000 share capital) by the G&SWR, and opened its line from Bridge of Weir to its Albert Harbour station at Greenock, in 1869. This gave a quayside transfer to steamers at Greenock, and a price war with the established CR line broke out, eventually resolved with a traffic sharing agreement: the G&SWR received 42.68% of receipts.

In 1872 the G&AR was absorbed by the G&SWR. The Greenock Harbour Trustees further developed Albert Harbour, constructing Princes Pier with extensive berthing facilities for steamers, and the G&SWR renamed their own station Princes Pier in 1875.

Further extension to the harbour facilities took place at the eastern side of Greenock, at Garvel. The G&SWR built a connecting line eastwards from Lynedoch, opening on 5 August 1886. G&SWR trains had to reverse twice to reach the harbour on a steep incline. The branch cost £262,467.

The Annbank lines

In 1870 and the following years, a network of lines was opened connecting Ayr with mineral-bearing districts in east Ayrshire. The first line was from Ayr to Mauchline through Annbank, and this was followed by a long loop from Annbank to Cronberry on the Muirkirk line, and a connection to Holehouse Junction on the Dalmellington route. Although the Mauchline connection facilitated some passenger journeys, mineral traffic was more important than passenger operation on these lines.

Extending to Largs
Ardrossan had long been reached, but the G&SWR wished to extend up the coast to Largs. It experienced resistance at first, the Largs Branch opened in stages between 1878 and 1885, with stations at West Kilbride, Fairlie and Largs.

A Fairlie Pier station was opened: the station roof was built using materials recovered from the temporary Dunlop Street station. Bitter and destructive competition for the ferry traffic to island locations developed.

Portpatrick again—or Stranraer
The G&SWR had reached Girvan in 1860 with the help of allied local companies. Continuing from Girvan to Portpatrick, for the crossing to the north of Ireland was still an aspiration, but this section was the most difficult, and sparsely populated terrain. After some false starts, friendly promoters put forward a Girvan and Portpatrick Junction Railway (G&PJR) obtained an authorising Act on 5 July 1865 to close the gap. Raising money, and carrying out the construction was much more difficult than expected. The railway was to reach Stranraer by joining the Portpatrick Railway at Challoch Junction, continuing over that line for 10 miles (16 km). However the Portpatrick line was being worked by the Caledonian Railway (CR), and the CR was hostile to the G&PJR, which it saw was an ally of the G&SWR.

It took until 5 October 1877 to inaugurate a full passenger service over the line. In the intervening period the supposed advantages of Portpatrick as the ferry port for the north of Ireland had dissipated, and Stranraer was now considered the better port. The G&PJR was financially exhausted and weak, operating a long main line with little local business. The financial situation worsened and the company was taken over by the Ayrshire and Wigtownshire Railway Company (A&WR) on 1 August 1887. The new ownership appears to have been a speculative move, but the A&WR was no more solvent than its predecessor. In 1892 the G&SWR purchased the company for £270,000 (on 20 June). It introduced corridor coaching stock was on the boat trains in 1899.

The Portpatrick Railway (PR) had its established line from Dumfries to Stranraer, also a long line through difficult terrain with little intermediate business, but achieving significantly better financial results. The arrangement with the CR for that company to work the line expired in 1885 and the PR considered who might take up the work. Both the CR and the G&SWR were candidates, and two English railways, the London and North Western Railway and the Midland Railway were interested in extending their influence to Stranraer to capture Irish business.

The Wigtownshire Railway was in effect a branch of the PR, running south from Newton Stewart to connect good quality farming land around Wigtown and the sea ports of Garlieston and Wigtown. Their line was being worked by an independent contractor, Thomas Wheatley and his son.

After considerable negotiation, the decision emerged not to form a further working arrangement for the PR, but instead to merge the PR and the Wigtownshire Railway. The combined network formed the Portpatrick and Wigtownshire Joint Railway, purchased by a consortium of the interested larger companies, the G&SWR, the CR, the MR and the LNWR. The arrangement was ratified on 6 August 1885; the sale value was £491,980. The line was worked by the G&SWR and the CR in tandem.

Paisley Canal, and the Dalry and North Johnstone line
As traffic developed, especially the mix of heavy mineral traffic and passenger trains, line capacity became increasingly a problem. This was particularly the case on the Glasgow and Paisley Joint Line where the traffic of the rival Caledonian Railway had to be dealt with. In 1881 the G&SWR submitted a Parliamentary Bill to drain the defunct Glasgow, Paisley and Johnstone Canal and build a railway on it. The Bill passed, and the G&SWR started work on what became the Paisley Canal Line. The new line left the former City of Glasgow Union Line at Shields Junction, where it joined the Joint Line, and ran via the southern part of Paisley to Elderslie, where it rejoined the Ayr main line. At this time Paisley was enjoying very considerable industrial growth and the new line was able to serve the relevant areas.

Following the route of a contour canal involved many meandering curves, the worst of which were eased by the use of earthworks. The line opened fully on 1 July 1885, and some through passenger trains used the line as well as local and mineral trains. Capitalising on access to industry in Paisley, a spur off the Canal Line to Potterhill was opened in 1886.

In 1894–5, new carriage sidings were constructed at Bellahouston on the Canal Line, while new engine sheds at Corkerhill were constructed, to relieve pressure on the city centre accommodation.

Industry was expanding too in Johnstone, on the north side of the town in areas not served by the main line. As well as mineral extractive industries, there were extensive textile mills along the Black Cart Water, and a short branch line from Cart Junction to Johnstone North was opened in 1896.

The traffic congestion problem was also experienced on the main line between Elderslie and Dalry (where the Kilmarnock line diverged) and the decision was taken to duplicate this section of the route by a new line on the north of the lochs in the Garnock Valley. The scheme upgraded the Johnstone North line, and ran from its terminus (upgraded and relocated) to Brownhill Junction, north of Dalry, by way of Lochwinnoch. This was the Dalry and North Johnstone Line, which opened in 1905. The capacity relief was continued at Dalry by quadrupling the track from Brownhill Junction, and the junction itself was a flying junction, the first in Scotland.

Much more traffic took the diverging route at Elderslie towards Cart Junction—all of the new line traffic, as well as the fast Greenock boat trains—and the opportunity was taken to provide a burrowing junction at Elderslie for this route: when the Ayr main line was built, it crossed the canal by a bridge. The canal was long defunct, and a new line was built passing under the bridge and running to Cart Junction, eliminating the conflicting move. This opened in 1906.

Darvel
In 1896 the Newmilns branch was extended to Darvel. When the Caledonian Railway reached the town from the east in 1905, a non-encroachment agreement was activated and a few miles of line from Darvel to the Lanarkshire county boundary was transferred from the CR to the G&SWR. There was an end-on connection at the county line.

The volume of mineral traffic heading for Troon and Ayr caused congestion in passing through Kilmarnock station, and a by-pass line on the south side of the town opened in 1902. These developments are described in the article Cross-country lines of the Glasgow and South Western Railway.

Linking Paisley and Barrhead
Observing the success of the Paisley Canal and Potterhill lines in serving industry, both the CR and the G&SWR considered lines in the area between Paisley and Barrhead. In 1902 the G&SWR opened the Barrhead Branch from Potterhill to a new Barrhead Central station, with spurs to the GB&KJR route. For a time a circular passenger service was operated from St Enoch via Paisley Canal, Potterhill and Barrhead Central. Usage proved disappointing, and it reverted to a reduced conventional service in 1907, and Barrhead Central closed to passengers in 1917.

Three local lines after 1900
The small industrial town of Catrine had long aspired to a railway connection. Possibly responding to a petition, the G&SWR built a short branch from Brackenhill Junction, south of Mauchline. The Catrine branch opened on 1 September 1903, with a train service operated by a railmotor.

In 1905 the Cairn Valley Light Railway opened, connecting Moniaive with the G&SWR main line just north of Dumfries. It adopted a proprietary signalling system based on Sykes lock and block system. Passenger usage was poor and was hit hard by bus competition, and the line closed to passengers in 1943.

On 17 May 1906 the Maidens and Dunure Light Railway opened. Intended to open up remote coastal settlements between Ayr and Girvan it was promoted with the construction of the luxurious Turnberry Hotel. Through trains from Glasgow were run, and in both World Wars military use was made of the line. Local passenger services were discontinued in 1930, but the link at the Girvan end to Turnberry survived for a short period; at the Ayr end a holiday camp was in use, receiving holidaymakers by train to Heads of Ayr until 1968.

Operations

Brakes
In the earliest days, railways did not have continuous brakes (in which brakes on all or most vehicles in a train could be controlled by the driver). Over the course of time, accidents created pressure for their provision on passenger trains, but the system to be adopted was controversial.

At first the company adopted Smith's simple vacuum brake, but although the equipment was simple, it had the defect that it was inoperable in the event of a train becoming divided, or if the engine apparatus failed. The company decided to change systems: at the end of 1878 the Board of Trade were informed that the G&SWR had six engines operating Smith's brake, and 22 engines operating the Westinghouse brake. The Westinghouse system was much more complicated, but it was an automatic brake.

In this period there was considerable disparity in the systems used on the railways of the country, and compatibility between locomotive and the vehicles of another company, for example on through trains, was a serious issue. The company began to see its future as an ally of the Midland Railway, a large English system using the automatic vacuum brake, and in 1884 decided to convert to that system. There was a lengthy transition period during which compatibility with other companies' rolling stock was a problem.

By the end of 1900 the company had 210 engines fitted with continuous brake equipment, and 97% of passenger mileage was under such conditions.  2,021,266 train miles were run with the automatic vacuum brake, and 69,160 with Westinghouse.

Slip coach
Between 1888 and 1901 the G&SWR operated a slip coach service. The slip coach section was slipped at Irvine off the 4.15 pm St Enoch to Ayr, which ran non-stop from Paisley to Prestwick. The slip section was attached to an Ardrossan to Ayr stopping train, with which it followed the main train. Six-wheel brake vans with end windows were built for the service.

Signalling
Swan, writing for the G&SWRA, described early concentration of signalling and primitive interlocking at Dumfries:

In 1859 the Castle Douglas and Dumfries Railway formed a junction at Dumfries, and at the request of the G&SWR built a brick "lighthouse" or octagonal signalbox at Albany Junction. It opened with two wooden masts built into the castellated telegraph hut, the tallest for running up and down a flag to signify if the main line north to St Enoch was clear and the second one slightly shorter to signal the trains for the Castle Douglas branch.

With the opening of the Lockerbie branch into Dumfries in 1863 the pointsman's tower was removed from the junction beyond Albany Place and was re-erected on the summit of the slope at the deep cutting north of Dumfries station. The Castle Douglas and Lockerbie railways formed junctions with the G&SWR line in the cutting opposite the pointsman's tower.

The Kirkcudbright Advertizer (sic) further reported: The points at the sidings and junctions will be worked from the top of this bank by means of rods and levers. Three semaphore signal posts have been erected at the tower; the central post, which is higher than the others, is for the G&SWR line; that on the eastern side, for the Lockerbie line; and the one on the western side, for the Castle Douglas line. The semaphores for each line will be connected with the levers which work the points, and consequently when the pointsman shifts the points the semaphore is made by the same movement to show the proper signal ... In the night the signals will be by lamp lighted with wax lights.

Shipping
Serving many piers and harbours on the Firth of Clyde it was natural that the G&SWR developed shipping services to the islands and other piers. This traffic increased considerably in the 1870s and excursion traffic also became significant.

Closures
In the 1960s consideration was given to rationalising the railway facilities in Glasgow, and it was decided to concentrate the south-facing passenger services on Glasgow Central station, closing St Enoch. The closure took place in 1966, and for some time the trainshed was used principally as a car park; the roof was demolished in 1975. The site was redeveloped as the St Enoch Centre, which was opened in May 1989.

The Greenock line was shortened to operate only between Elderslie and Kilmacolm in 1966. In 1971 the Princes Pier stub was connected to the Wemyss Bay line at Cartsburn Junction in order to serve the Clyde Port Authority container terminal.

In June 1965 the Port Road between Dumfries and Challoch Junction was closed; Stranraer boat trains were diverted via Mauchline. In 1966 local services were withdrawn from the Dalry to Kilmarnock line; the route closed completely in October 1973 after completion of the West Coast Main Line electrification.

The Paisley Canal Line was closed in January 1983, and the original Paisley Canal station, on the east side of Causeyside Street, was converted into a restaurant. In the 1980s and 1990s the course of the line beyond Paisley was made into a footpath and cycle path. This links Lady Octavia Park in Greenock, through upper Port Glasgow, Kilmacolm and past Quarrier's Village to Paisley. It is part of the Sustrans National Cycle Route linking Edinburgh and Gourock.

The G&SWR network today
The main line of the G&SWR, from Glasgow to Carlisle via Kilmarnock and Dumfries continues to operate at the present day. The line from Glasgow to Stranraer via Ayr also continues in use, together with the branch from Kilwinning to Largs. After a period of closure the Paisley Canal line reopened, operating only between Shields Junction and Paisley Canal. Passenger services are supported by the Strathclyde Partnership for Transport.

See also
 Locomotives of the Glasgow and South Western Railway

References

Notes

Sources

 The Glasgow & South Western Railway Association

External links
 Proposed G&SWR Railway at Hunterston

Pre-grouping British railway companies
London, Midland and Scottish Railway constituents
Companies based in Glasgow
Railway companies established in 1850
Railway companies disestablished in 1923
1850 establishments in Scotland
1923 disestablishments in Scotland
Defunct companies of Scotland
British companies established in 1850
British companies disestablished in 1923

Glasgow and South Western Railway