විලාසිතා ඒජන්සි ස්කෑම්ස්

පරණ ඒජන්සි බිඳ වැටෙන හා නව ඒජන්සි මඟින් ඔවුන්ගේ ස්ථාන ලබා ගන්නා නිරන්තරයෙන් වෙනස් වන කර්මාන්තයේ ඒජන්සියක් සඳහා වූ අවශ්‍යතාවය නිසා ස්කෑම් කලාකරුවන්ට නව, සැකයට බඳුන් නොවන නිරූපිකාවන් ගොදුරු කර ගැනීමට බොහොමයක් අවස්ථා ඇත. නීත්‍යානුකූල නිරූපන ඒජන්සියකට වෙළඳ වටපිටාව ගැන දැනුමක් තිබිය යුතු අතර ඔවුන්ගේ වෙළඳපොළ සඳහා අවංකවම නිරූපිකාවන් ඉදිරිපත් කළ යුතුය. එයට නිරූපිකාවගේ අලෙවිකරණය ද්‍රව්‍ය නිපදවීම සඳහා ඡායාරූපකරුවන්, ග්‍රැෆික් නිර්මාණකරුවන් හා මුද්‍රණකරුවන් සමඟ සබඳතා තිබිය යුතුය.

එක්සත් ජනපදයේ better business වංක ව්‍යාපාර පුහුණු වීම හා ස්කෑම් පවත්වන ඒජන්සිවලට එරෙහිව චෝදනා ගොනු කරයි.

ස්කෑම් කලාකරුවන් හා විශ්වාසය තැබිය නොහැකි ඒජන්සි සාමාන්‍යයෙන් දීර්ඝ කාලීන ගිවිසුම් ඉල්ලා සිටින අතර නිරූපිකාවන් අධි කොමිස් ප්‍රතිශතයකට යොමු කරවීමට හෝ අනවශ්‍ය අයිතිවාසිකම් සඳහා අත්සන් කරවීමට අධි පීඩන උපාය මාර්ග භාවිතා කරයි.

නිරූපන ස්කෑම්වලට එක් උදාහරණයක් වන්නේ තමන්ට වැඩ තිබේ යැයි කියා ගන්නා ඒජන්සියක් සත්‍ය වශයෙන්ම , නිරූපිකාවන් බවට පත්වීමට සිටින අයට ඡායාරූප හා නිරූපන පාඨමාලාවන් විකුණා මුදල් ඉපයීමට තැත් කිරීමයි. නීත්‍යානුකූල ඒජන්සියක් ඒජන්සි කොමිස් මුදලෙන් පිට ආදායම් එකතු කිරීම සිදු නොකළ යුතුය.

ප්‍රමුඛ පෙලේ විලාසිතා නිර්මාණ ආයතන

ප්‍රමුඛ පෙලේ විලාසිතා නිර්මාණ ආයතනයක් ලෙස වර්ගීකරණය කිරීම සඳහා පහත අවශ්‍යතාවයන් සපුරාලිය යුතු වේ.

1) අදාල ආයතනය ලොව ප්‍රමුඛ පෙළේ විලාසිතා කේන්ද්‍රයක පිහිටා තිබිය යුතු වේ.ඊට හේතුව සරල වශයෙන් කිවතොත් වඩාත් ලාභදායී සහ ගෞරවාන්විත විලාසිතා නිර්මාණ කටයුතු සඳහා ඉඩ ප්‍රස්ථාව පවතින්නේ මෙම නගරවල හෙයින් වේ.මෙම කාණ්ඩයට අයත් නගර අතරට නිව්යෝක් , මිලාන් , පැරිස් , ලන්ඩන් , ටෝකියෝ , ටොරොන්ටෝ , සාවෝපෝලෝ සහ බාසිලෝනා යන නගර අයත් වේ.

2) අදාල ආයතනය විලාසිතා ක්ෂේත්‍රය තුළ ගෞරවයට පාත්‍ර වී ඇති ප්‍රසිද්ධ ආයතනයක් විය යුතු අතර එය යහපත් කල් ක්‍රියාවකින් යුතු ආයතනයක්ද විය යුතු වේ. මෙහිදී යහපත් භාවය සම්බන්ධයෙන් වැදගත් වන්නේ අදාළ රටවල විලාසිතා ක්ෂේත්‍රයට අදාළ නිරීක්ෂණ ආයතන , පාලන සංවිධාන ආදියේ මතය වේ. මෙවැනි ආයතන සඳහා උදාහරණ ලෙස එක්සත් ජනපදයේ Better Business Bureau ආයතනය , විලාසිතා නිර්මාණකරුවන්ගේ සංවිධානය සහ නගරයේ විලාසිතා සතිය සංවිධානය කරන කණ්ඩායම පෙන්වා දිය හැකිය.

3) අදාල ආයතනය ඍජුව කිසියම් විලාසිතා නිරූපණ ශිල්පියෙක් වෙත ප්‍රධාන පෙලේ විලාසිතා සැලසුම් ආයතනයක් (උදා- Gucci, Dolce & Gabbana , Calvin Klein , Prada, Valentino & Giorgio Armani ආදිය ) හරහා ලාභදායී සැපයුමක් සිදු කොට තිබිය යුතු වේ.

පහත දැක්වෙන්නේ ලොව ප්‍රමුඛ පෙලේ විලාසිතා නිරූපණ ආයතන අතරින් කිහිපයකි:

 Elite Model Management - නිව්යෝක් නගරය (පැවති පැරීසිය, ප්‍රංශය)
 Ford Models - නිව්යෝක් නගරය
 IMG Models - නිව්යෝක් නගරය
 FTC Publications - නිව්යෝක් නගරය
 Utive Models – චිකාගෝ
Models 1 Agency - ලන්ඩන්
 Storm Model Agency - ලන්ඩන්
 Trump Model Management - නිව්යෝක් නගරය
 WS2M - පැරිස් නගරය
 Wilhelmina Models - නිව්යෝක් නගරය

සටහන්

|Modeling agency -Scams
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{|

විලාසිතා ඒජන්සි


Homo religiosus (în traducere română om religios) este un termen care definește omul ca o ființă religioasă, care acceptă existența unei realități sacre, supranaturale, dincolo de hotarele acestei lumi. În această concepție, religia este considerată o trăsătură naturală a oamenilor.

Autorul expresiei "homo religiosus" a fost istoricul și filozoful neerlandez Gerardus van der Leeuw (1890-1950), care în lucrarea Phänomenologie der Religion (1933) l-a opus termenului "homo negligens": "Putem înțelege, prin urmare, definiția realizată de juristul Masurio Sabino: «religiosus est, quod propter sanctitatem aliquam remotum ac sepistum a nobis est». Iată exact în ceea ce constă sacrul. Folosiți-l întotdeauna: acesta este elementul principal al relației dintre om și supranatural. Etimologia cea mai veridică derivă cuvântul religio din relegere, ce înseamnă a observa, a fi atent; homo religiosus este opusul lui homo negligens."

Potrivit lui Mircea Eliade, omul religios "crede întotdeauna în existența unei realități absolute, sacrul, care transcende această lume, dar care se manifestă în ea și care o sfințește și o face reală". Filozoful român credea că numai un om religios este un om capabil să-și dezvolte întreaga capacitate mentală și să o folosească. Gândirea lui Eliade se caracterizează prin opoziția dintre sacru și profan, prin accentul pus pe epocile arhaice, prin ontologia arhaică ascunsă în spatele tuturor fenomenelor religioase, prin considerarea omului arhaic ca model al omului religios și, în general, prin credința în existența unor arhetipuri de bază și eterne, manifestate sub formă de hierofanii, de simbolistică, de mituri și de ritualuri, prin care omul ia contact cu sacrul și cu manifestările istorico-comparative și fenomenologice ale sacrului în diferite tradiții religioase.

Istoricul și filozoful finlandez Juha Sihvola a afirmat că nu există nicio justificare pentru a susține că oamenii ar fi în mod natural religioși.

Note

Studii despre religie
Sociologia religiilor

Homo religiosus


La gare de Varzay, est une gare ferroviaire, fermée, de la ligne de Saintes à Royan. Elle est située à Varzay en France.

Mise en service en L'immeuble a été inscrit au titre des monuments historiques en 2002.

Situation ferroviaire

Histoire

Le bâtiment est inscrit au titre des monuments historiques par arrêté du .

Patrimoine ferroviaire
Le bâtiment voyageur d'origine est inscrit au titre des monuments historiques par arrêté du .

L'ancien bâtiment voyageurs, désaffecté du service ferroviaire, est devenu une propriété privée. Son style architectural Art déco est similaire à cinq autres bâtiments de gares des années 1910 situés entre Saint-Jean-d'Angély et Royan : Asnières-la-Giraud, Douhet - Écoyeux, Pisany, Saint-Hilaire - Brizambourg et Saint-Romain-de-Benet.

Notes et références

Voir aussi

Articles connexes
 Saintes à Royan
 Liste de gares en France
 Liste des monuments historiques de la Charente-Maritime

Liens externes

Monument historique en Charente-Maritime
Monument historique inscrit en 2002
Varzay
Varzay
Édifice labellisé « Patrimoine du XXe siècle » en Charente-Maritime

Gare de Varzay


{{معلومات الألبوم
| الاسم        = I Am Me - أي أم مي
| الشكل        = ألبوم إستوديو
| النموذج الطويل    =
| الفنان      = آشلي سمبسون
| الغلاف       = Ashlee Simpson I Am Me.jpg
| مقاس الغلاف  =
| التعليق     =
| الإصدار    = 18 أكتوبر 2005
| التسجيل    = 2005
| النوع       = بوب, روك، بوب الشباب
| المدة      =  39:50
| اللغة    = الإنجليزية
| العلامة التجارية       = جيفين
| المخرج    =
| المنتج    = جون شانك، جوردن شور, جو سمبسون
| المراجعات     =
 أول ميوزيك  link
 Billboard  link
 Blender Magazine  link
 الغارديان  link
 رولينغ ستون  link
 سلنت ماغازين  link
| التسلسل الزمني  =
| الألبوم السابق = أتو بيوجرافي  (2004)البلنتل
إهمالا
ورو

| الألبوم الحالي  = أي أم مي  (2005)
| الألبوم التالي  =  بيترسويت ورلد  (2008)
| متنوع        =
}}أي أم مي''  الألبوم الثاني من المغنية العالمية المشهورة آشلي سمبسون. أول سنجل للألبوم كانت بوي فريند، والسنجل الثاني للألبوك كان أل.أو.في.إي. «أي أم مي» صدر في 18 أكتوبر في الولايات المتحدة وأخذ المركز الأول في المبيعات. الألبوم أنتج 3 أغاني في دخلت في المراتب العالية لبيل بورد وأصبحت أغاني شهيرة جدا. سمبسون اشتغلت في هذا الألبوم مع جون شينك وكارا ديوجردي هم نفس الناس الذين اشتغلت معهم في الألبوم الأول أتو بيوجرافي. جون شينك هو الذي أنتج الألبوم. سمبسون ساعدت في كتابة الألبوم مع جون شينك وكارا ديوجردي. في 15 ديسمبر الألبوم حاز على إشطوانة بلاتنيوم. لشحن وتوزيع مايزيد عن 1.000.000 نسخه في أمريكا. في أبريل من 2008 تم جمع إحصائية السنة الجديد وتم بيع فوق 942.994 في آخر السنة باع 1.000.000 كاملة مره أخرى. بعد ذلك أغنية فردية جديدة صدرت بعنوان إنفسيبل والذي قيل بأنها سوف تصبح بألبوم أي أم مي في إعادة صدور نسخة جديدة له، ولكن لم ينفذ شي. في عام 2008 تم صدور أغنية إنفسيبل كأغنية إضافية في ألبوم بيترسويت ورلد.

عن الألبوم

ألبوم أي أم مي صدر بعد 15 أسبوع من الألوبم الأول أتو بيوجرافي. من تصريح آشلي في سنة 2004 قالت سوف أخذ إجازه لمدة شهر. ولكن آشلي لم تأخذ شهر والسبب آشلي قالت: لقد طفشت من الجلوس في المنزل، فتحدثت إلى جون شينك وقلت هل أستطيع أنا آتي إلى الأستديو؟ فوافق في الشغل على الألبوم الثاني.

ألبوم «أي أم مي» ألبوم متنوع من الروك والبوب معا. تم وصفه كألبومها السابق ولكن أكثر روك. وسمبسون بنفسها قالت أريده أن يكون نفس نمط ألبومي الأول. ولكن هناك اختلاف قيل أن أي أم مي مستوحى من الثمنينيات في الحين والأغاني  وسمبسون قالت «أنا أحب الثمنينات» وأيضا قالت «أن أغاني الثمنينات خفيفة وممتعه وأريد أن أضيفها إلى الألبوم».
«أي أم مي» وصف عنه بأنه أقوى من ألبومها السابق أتو بيوجرافي.

لائحة الأغاني

جميع الأغاني تم كتابتها بواسطة آشلي سمبسون، جون شانك. كارا ديوجلادي.

الأغاني الإضافية

 "Kicking and Screaming" – 2:58 [إضافة عالمية]
 "Fall in Love With Me" – 2:58 [إضافة لليابان والمملكة المتحدة]
 "Get Nasty" – 3:16 [لليابان فيط]

مكانة الألبوم

مصادر خارجية

وصلات خارجية

ألبومات 2005
ألبومات آشلي سمبسون
ألبومات باللغة الإنجليزية

أي أم مي


Fjodor Ivanovič Tolbuhin (ruski: Фёдор Иванович Толбухин; 16. lipnja 1894. – 17. listopada 1949.) je bio sovjetski maršal, heroj Sovjetskog Saveza, heroj Narodne Republike Bugarske i narodni heroj Jugoslavije.

Životopis
Fjodor Ivanovič Tolbuhin je rođen 16. lipnja 1894. godine u selu Androki, kraj Jaroslavlja. Podrijetlom je iz obitelji siromašnih seljaka, otac Ivan i majka Ana imali su sedmoro djece. Poslije završene osnovne škole, 1907. umro mu je otac, pa je morao prijeći kod brata u Petrograd, gdje je završio trgovačku školu i izvesno vrijeme radio kao trgovac.

Prvi svjetski rat i Oktobarska revolucija
Kada je započeo Prvi svjetski rat, Fjodor je 1915. godine postao dobrovoljac ruske vojske. Poslije kratkog boravka u vozačkoj školi u Petrogradskoj nastavnoj automobilskoj četi, kao motociklist bio je upućen na sjeverozapadnu bojišnicu, u stožer Šeste pješadijske divizije. Dva mjeseca poslije toga stupio je u časničku školu u Oranienbaumu. Kada je završio skraćeni tečaj, srpnja 1915. godine, promaknut je u čin zastavnika i upućen na raspored u 22. brigadu. Kada su, u svojoj ljetnjoj ofenzivi, Nijemci uspjeli probiti bojišnicu Treće ruske armije u Galiciji, i ubrzo zauzeti Przemyśl, Lavov i znatan dio Galicije, Tolbuhin je polovinom rujna bio prebačen u sastav Devete armije. Naredbom zapovjednika armije, postavljen je za mlađeg časnika u 11. četi, a poslije 11 dana postao je njezin zapovjednik.

Pošto je savezničko zapovjedništvo 1916.. godine tražilo da i Rusija prijeđe u protuofenzivu kako bi olakšali situaciju na zapadnom ratištu, 4. lipnja 1916. postrojbe ruskog Jugozapadne fronte počele su nastupanje prema zapadu. Za potporučnika Tolbuhina ova operacija je bila vrlo značajna, iako nije dala posebne rezultate. Među vojnicima se počeo postupno javljati se protest protiv daljnjeg vođenja rata. U bataljunima i četama pojavili su se boljševički leci s pozivom da se okonča imperijalistički rat. U puku u kome je služio Fjodor, postala su učestala dezerterstva. Februarska revolucija zadesila ga je u 13. pograničnom zamurskom puku, gdje je zapovjedao bataljunom. Na vojničkoj konferenciji bio je izabran u pukovski komitet i sudjelovao u lipanjskom pohodu kada je bio teško ranjen. U rujnu je bio promaknut u čin kapetana i upućen u Omsk, u 37. sibirski puk. Tamo je stigao kada je već bila formirana sovjetska vlast.

U prosincu 1917. godine Tolbuhin je poslan na dvomjesečno odsustvo zbog bolesti. To vrijeme je proveo u rodnom mjestu u Jaroslavskoj guberniji, a u ožujku 1918. godine je demobiliziran.

Nakon oporavka, već krajem lipnja 1919. godine Tolbuhin je stupio u Crvenu armiju i raspoređen je u Štab zapadne bojišnice, a nešto kasnije upućen je na školovanje stožernih časnika. Završio je tečaj i 15. prosinca iste godine imenovan je za pomoćnika načelnika štaba tek formirane 56. streljačke divizije, a nešto kasnije bio je i načelnik njezinog štaba. Za postignute uspjehe u borbi, odlikovan je Ordenom crvene zvijezde.

Međuratno razdoblje
U jesen 1926. godine Fjodor je bio upućen u Vojnu akademiju "Frunze", a 1933. – 1934. završio je i Operativni fakultet. U 1930. godini bio je postavljen za načelnika korpusa, i na toj dužnosti proveo je šest godina. Godinu kasnije, postao je član Komunističke partije SSSR-a.

Pošto su ga zaobišle Staljinove čistke, već u rujnu 1937. godine postavljen je za zapovjednika 72. streljačke divizije u Kijevskom vojnom okrugu.

Drugi svjetski rat

Početak Drugog svetskog rata zatekao ga je na dužnosti načelnika štaba Zakavkaskog vojnog okruga, koji je dobio zadatak da osigura zapadne granice Sovjetskog Saveza, a istovremeno i sjeverne granice Irana, gdje se trebala uspostaviti veza sa savezničkim postrojbama.

Studenog 1941. godine, Zakavkaski vojni okrug bio je preimenovan u Zakavkasku frontu, a Tolbuhin u načelnika Operativnog odjeljenja fronte. Početkom 1942. godine, ofenziva koju je pripremao nije dala željene rezultate, pa je u ožujku 1942. bio oslobođen dužnosti i pozvan u Moskvu na odgovornost.

U ljeto 1942. godine, kada su Nijemci prenijeli težište svojih operacija prema Donskom bazenu i kavkaskoj nafti, Tolbuhin je postavljen za šef štaba na Krimskoj fronti i zapovjednika 57. sovjetske armije u bici za Staljingrad.

Od ožujka 1943. godine Tolbuhin je zapovjednik Južne fronte, zatim zapovjednik Četvrte ukrajinske fronte, a sredinom 1944. godine postavljen je za zapovjednika Treće ukrajinske fronte. Postrojbe pod njegovim zapovjedništvom oslobodile su: Taganrog, Donjeck, Rostovsku oblast, Nikopolj, Krivi Rog, Krim i Sevastopolj, i do sredine kolovoza 1944. izbile na granicu Rumunjske. Pošto su, u suradnji s postrojbama Druge ukrajinske fronte, u Jaško-kišinjevskoj operaciji razbile njemačko-rumunjske snage, postrojbe Treće ukrajinske fronte oslobodile su Bugarsku i, u suradnji s postrojbama Narodnooslobodilačke vojske Jugoslavije, sudjelovale u oslobođenju Beograda i dijela Srbije. Krajem 1944. godine, postrojbe 3. ukrajinske fronte, pod zapovjedništvom Tolbuhina, sudjelovale su u oslobođenju Budimpešte, a početkom 1945. godine u zauzimanju Beča. Dana 8. svibnja 1945. njegove trupe su se susrele s američkim trupama u Donjoj Austriji.

Poslije završetka rata, Tolbuhin je bio zapovjednik Zakavkaskog vojnog okruga i član Vrhovnog sovjeta SSSR-a. Umro je od dijabetesa 17. listopada 1949. godine u Moskvi, a njegova urna je sahranjena u Kremlju.

Počasti i odlikovanja
Maršal Tolbuhin je počasni građanin Sofije (od 1946.) i Beograda (od 1947.). Posthumno je 7. svibnja 1965. godine proglašen za Heroja Sovjetskog Saveza. Odlukom Predsjedništva AVNOJ-a, 31. svibnja 1945. godine odlikovan je Ordenom narodnog heroja Jugoslavije.

Dobio je i brojna sovjetska priznanja: dva puta Orden Lenjina, Orden pobjede, tri Ordena crvene zastave, dva puta Orden Suvorova 1. reda, Orden Kutuzova 1. reda, kao i Orden crvene zvijezde.

Izvori

Literatura
 Narodni heroji Jugoslavije, "Partizanska knjiga" Ljubljana, "Narodna knjiga" Beograd, "Pobjeda" Titograd, 1982. godina

Životopisi, SSSR
Sovjetski vojni zapovjednici u Drugom svjetskom ratu
Heroji Sovjetskog Saveza
Narodni heroji Jugoslavije

Fjodor Tolbuhin


Kuzguncuk İstanbul'un Anadolu yakasında Üsküdar ilçesinde yer alan bir semttir. Boğaziçi'nin Anadolu kıyısında, Üsküdar,  Paşalimanı ile Beylerbeyi arasındaki yerleşme Kuzeybatı-güneydoğu doğrultusunda oluşmuş, Boğaziçi'ne açılan bir vadi içinde gelişmiştir.

Tarih
Kuzguncuk'un eski adının "Hrisokeramos" olduğu ve "Altın Kiremit" anlamına gelen bu adın yerleşmeye, II. İustinos(hd 565-578) tarafından yaptırılmış olan,çatısı altın yaldızlı kiremitlerle kaplı bir kiliseden geldiği yazılmaktadır. Kuzguncuk adının kökeniyle ilgili görüşlerden biri, eskiden "Kosinitza" adıyla anılan semtin, bu adının bozularak "Kuzguncuk" olduğu şeklindedir. Evliya Çelebiye göre ise bu ad, II. Mehmed (Fatih) zamanında (1451-1481) buraya  yerleşmiş "Kuzgun Baba" adlı bir veliden kaynaklanmıştır.

İstanbul'un Asya kesimindeki ilk Musevi yerleşim bölgesi Kuzguncuk'tur. Musevilerin buraya geliş tarihleri bilinmemekle birlikte, 17. yüzyıl kaynaklarında Kuzguncuk'un bir Musevi köyü olarak anıldığı görülmektedir.

Kültür

Kuzguncuk'un Avrupa Musevileri tarafından "Kutsal topraklara varmadan önceki son durak" olarak kabul edildiği ve herhangi bir nedenle vadedilmiş topraklara gidemeyenlerin hiç değilse Kuzguncuk'a yerleşip orada ölmeyi ve gömülmeyi vasiyet ettikleri bilinir. Bu nedenle de, yerleşmede geniş bir Musevi mezarlığı olduğu 17. yüzyıldan itibaren sık sık vurgulanır. Bu tarihlerde Kuzguncuk'ta Museviler dışında Rumların da oturdukları bilinmektedir. Ermeniler ise, buraya 18. yüzyıldan itibaren yerleşmeye başlarlar ve 19. yüzyılda Kuzguncuk'ta oldukça büyük bir grup oluştururlar.

Daha çok gayrimüslim ağırlıklı bir yerleşme niteliği taşıyan Kuzguncuk, Müslüman Osmanlıların rağbet ettiği bir semt olmamıştır. Buna karşın hemen bitişiğindeki Öküz Limanı (Paşalimanı) kesimi, camii, çeşmesi, kayık iskelesi ve bahçeleriyle yalnız Türkler tarafından iskan edilmiştir. Yörenin adının, Rumeli yakasından getirilen öküzlerin Anadolu'ya götürülmek üzere Beşiktaş'tan kayıklarla buraya nakledilmesinden kaynaklandığı sanılmaktadır. Bir diğer ve daha eski ifade ise Boğaziçi'nin eski Yunanca'daki adı olan Bosphorosus (İnek Geçidi) adından gelmektedir.

[İo (Yunanca Ιώ), Yunan mitolojisinde nehir tanrısı İnahos'un kızıdır. İo'dan hoşlanan Zeus, onu eşi Hera'dan gizlemek amacıyla bulutlar arkasına saklar. Ancak Hera yine de şüphelenip olay yerine gelir. Bunun üzerine Zeus kendisini beyaz bir buluta, İo'yu ise bir ineğe çevirir. Aldanmayan Hera, ineği hediye olarak eşinden talep eder. Eşinden uzak tutmak adına onu Argos Panoptis adlı canavarın korumasında bırakır. Ancak Zeus Hermes'i yollayıp Argos'u öldürtür. Bunu başarmak için, Hermes, Argos'un uykuya dalıp 100 gözünden her birinin kapanmasını sağlar. Bunun üzerine Hera, ineğe dönüşmüş İo'yu sürekli rahatsız etmesi bir sinek yollar. Kaçıp İstanbul boğazını (veya o zamanki adı ile "Bosporus" yani öküz geçidi), geçen İo, Prometheus ile karşılaşır. Kafkasya'da zincirlenmiş olan Prometheus, İo'ya gelecekte insan haline kavuşacağını ve onun soyundan Herakles'in geleceğini haber verir. İo oradan Mısır'a geçer ve Zeus tarafından tekrar insana çevrildikten sonra Mısır kralı Telegonus ile evlenir.]

Tarihi bir değeri olan Kuzguncuk Bostanı'nda, kuzguncuk halkı tarafından her yıl Festivaller ve Hıdırellez şenlikleri yapılmaktadır.

İsmet Baba Meyhanesi kuzguncuk mahallesi sakinlerince 1951 yılında kurulmuş olup Kuzguncuk mahallesinin tarihi simgelerindendir. Müdavimler başta Can Yücel olmak üzere günümüzde hâlen birçok sanatçı tarafından ziyaret edilmektedir.

Ulaşım

Kuzguncuk'a ulaşımda, 19. yüzyıl'ın ikinci yarısında özellikle Şirket-i Hayriye vapurlarının önemli etkisi olmuştur. 1865-1866'da çıkan ve Kuzguncuk'ta büyük tahribata yol açan yangın sonrası yapılan iskele, deniz ulaşımını kolaylaştırmıştır.

Kuzguncuk'un gayrimüslim ağırlıklı bir semt olması nedeniyle burada, 19. yüzyılın sonlarına tarihlenen Üryanizade Mescidi ile 1952 tarihli Yeni Cami olmak üzere, yalnız iki cami bulunmaktadır. Üryanizade Mescidi, II. Abdülhamit'in 1876-1909) şeyhülislamlarından Uryanizade Ahmed Esad Efendi tarafından yaptırılmıştır. Şerefesi saçaklı minaresi, İstanbul'daki ahşap minarelerin en zengin ve dikkate değer örneklerinden biridir.

Kuzguncuk sahilinde yer alan yalılardan günümüze kalan görkemli örnek, Fethi Ahmed Paşa Yalısı'dır. İlk sahibi II. Mahmut (1808-1839) ve Abdülmecit (1839-1861) dönemlerinde önemli devlet görevlerinde bulunan Fethi Ahmet Paşa'dır. Harem ve selamlık olmak üzere iki ayrı kısımdan oluşan yalının ardında çam, çınar, köknar ağaçlarının çoğunlukta olduğu büyük bir koru bulunmaktadır. Günümüze yalnız selamlık bölümü kalan yalının korusu, halka açılması ve içinde yapı yapılmaması koşuluyla belediyeye bırakılmıştır.

Kuzguncuk'un köy içi dokusunu, bugüne dek geçirdiği yangınlardan kalabilen ve 19.yy'ın ikinci yarısıyla 20.yy'ın başına tarihlenen sıra evler, tek evler, köşkler ve son dönem apartmanları oluşturmaktadır. 1864 yangını sonrası yapılan ve semtin özgün dokusunu oluşturan, dar parselasyon üzerinde yükselen sıra evler,iki ile dört kat arasında değişmektedir. Bu yapılar ya tümüyle kâgir ya da kâgir zemin kat üzerinde yükselen ahşap üst katlardan oluşmaktadır.

Nüfus
1914'te Kuzguncuk'ta 70 Müslüman, 250 Rum, tepede İcadiye'dekiler de dahil 1.600 Ermeni, 400 Yahudi, 4 yabancı uyruklu hane tespit edilmişti. 1933'te başta Yahudiler, sonra Rum, Türk ve Ermeniler olmak üzere 580 hane ve 4.000 nüfus vardı.

Bugün Kuzguncuk'taki azınlık nüfus yok denecek kadar azdır. Semtten ayrılan geleneksel sakinler nedeniyle evlerin el değiştirmesi, bir kısmının iç ve dış özelliklerinin değişimini de etkilemektedir. 1994 itibarıyla asıl Kuzguncuk nüfusu 4.000 kadardır.

Son dönemlerde Kuzguncuk, İstanbulluların tercih ettikleri bir semt haline gelmiş ve eski evlerin restorasyonu hızlanmıştır. Kuzguncuk, yine de İstanbul'un, geleneksel Boğaziçi köylerinin özelliklerini bir ölçüde taşımayı sürdüren yerleşmelerinden biridir.

Kaynakça

Konuyla ilgili yayınlar
 Amy Mills, Hafızanın Sokakları: İstanbul'da Peyzaj, Hoşgörü ve Ulusal Kimlik, çev. Cem Soydemir, İstanbul, Koç Üniversitesi Yayınları, 2014.

Dış bağlantılar
 Kuzguncuk Portalı

Üsküdar'ın mahalleleri

Kuzguncuk


Philippe Van Parijs (født 23. maj 1951 i Bruxelles) er en belgisk filosof og økonom. Han er bedst kendt som en akademisk fortalere for borgerløn. Van Parijs var stiftende medlem af netværket Basic Income European Network, nu Basic Income Earth Network. Van Parijs er professor ved det økonomiske fakultet og Statskundskab på Katholieke Universiteit Leuven. Han er også en gæsteprofessor ved Harvard University siden 2004.

Studier
Van Parijs studerede filosofi, jura, politisk økonomi, sociologi og lingvistik på Facultés Universitaires Saint-Louis (Bruxelles) og ved universiteterne i Louvain, Oxford, Bielefeld og Berkeley. Han har en doktorgrad i samfundsvidenskab (Louvain, 1977) og Filosofi (Oxford, 1980).

Bibliografi (i udvalg)
 Evolutionary Explanation in the Social Sciences (1981)
 Le Modèle économique et ses rivaux (1990)
 Qu'est-ce qu'une société juste? (1991)
 Marxism Recycled (1993)
 Real Freedom for All (1995)
 Sauver la solidarité (1995)
 Refonder la solidarité (1996)
 Solidariteit voor de XXIste eeuw (1997)
 Ethique économique et sociale (2000, tillsammans med Christian Arnsperger)
 What's Wrong with a Free Lunch? (2001)
 Hacia una concepción de la justicia global (2002)
 L'Allocation universelle (2005, tillsammans med Yannick Vanderborght)
 Cultural Diversity versus Economic Solidarity (utgivare, 2004).

Referencer

Professorer fra Belgien

Philippe Van Parijs


أصيلة قرية سورية تابعة لناحية جب رملة التابعة لمنطقة مصياف في محافظة حماة. بلغ عدد سكانها 21698 نسمة في عام 2011 حسب إحصاء المكتب المركزي للإحصاء.

من أحياءها المحمية والكرم والبيدر والجبل. تطل هذه القرية على سهل العشارنة وسهل الغاب وجبال الساحل السوري حيث تمتاز بإطلالتها الواسعة من تل القرية تشاهد قرية حنجور من الجهة الغربية وتكثر فيها المغائر الكلسية والدولينات. مساكنها القديمة من الحجارة والطين والخشب، والحديثة أسمنتية تمتد على مساحة واسعة. مساحة أراضيها 1700هـ يروى منها 1200هـ. يعتمد معظم سكانها على الزراعة المروية بمياه سد محردة والآبار الارتوازية التي تسهم بقسط وفير في ري المزارع ويمر من القرية قناة من نهر العاصي لري الأراضي الزراعية. ومن المحاصيل في هذة القرية القطن والشوندر والفستق السوداني والبطاطا بالإضافة إلى القمح والخضراوات المختلفة. وتشرب من شبكة مياه نظامية موزعة على المساكن. فيها مدرسة ثانوية وجمعية فلاحية تعاونية. ترتبط بمركز الناحية بطريق مزفتة طولها 5كم وتبعد القرية عن مدينة مصياف حوالي 25 كم شمال شرق.

مراجع

أماكن مأهولة في منطقة مصياف
تجمعات علوية في سوريا
قرى محافظة حماة

أصيلة (حماة)


Emmerich am Rhein (en español áurico, Emerique, en neerlandés: Emmerik (aan de Rijn)) es una ciudad del distrito de Cléveris, en el estado de Renania del Norte-Westfalia, Alemania.

Galerìa

Referencias

Enlaces externos

Localidades de Renania del Norte-Westfalia
Localidades a orillas del río Rin
Ciudades de la Liga Hanseática

Emmerich am Rhein


Omul de fier (în ) este un film polonez din 1981 regizat de Andrzej Wajda. El prezintă protestul sindicatului muncitoresc Solidaritatea și primul său succes în a convinge guvernul polonez să recunoască dreptul muncitorilor de a înființa un sindicat independent.

Filmul continuă povestea lui Maciej Tomczyk, fiul lui Mateusz Birkut, protagonistul filmului Omul de marmură, pe care Wajda îl realizase anterior. Maciej este aici un tânăr muncitor implicat în protestul muncitoresc anticomunist, fiind descris ca "omul care a declanșat greva de la șantierul naval din Gdańsk", iar un ziarist care lucrează pentru postul de radio al regimului comunist primește sarcina de a-l calomnia pe Maciej. Tânărul este în mod clar o trimitere la Lech Wałęsa (care apare în film în propriul său rol).

Omul de fier clarifică sfârșitul ambiguu al Omului de marmură, care nu a detaliat cauza morții lui Mateusz Birkut. Omul de fier afirmă în mod explicit că Mateusz a fost ucis în greva de la șantierul naval din Gdańsk din 1970.

Filmul a fost realizat în scurta perioadă de dezgheț a cenzurii comuniste, care a avut loc între formarea sindicatului Solidaritatea în august 1980 și desființarea lui în decembrie 1981 și, ca atare, este extrem de critic la adresa regimului comunist. Din această cauză a fost interzis în 1981 de către guvernul polonez. Filmul a obținut Palme d'Or și Premiul Juriului Ecumenic la Festivalul de Film de la Cannes din 1981. El a fost, de asemenea, nominalizat la Premiul Oscar pentru cel mai bun film străin.

Rezumat

Acțiunea filmului se petrece la Gdańsk în 1980. Greva muncitorilor de pe șantierul naval continuă, iar un rol important îl are activistul grevist Maciej Tomczyk (interpretat de Jerzy Radziwiłowicz). Directorul adjunct al Radiodifuziunii Poloneze (Janusz Gajos) îl trimite acolo pe redactorul radiofonic Winkel (Marian Opania) pentru a strânge informații compromițătoare despre Tomczyk. Ziaristul este întâmpinat la Gdańsk de un reprezentant al autorităților pe nume Badecki (Franciszek Trzeciak), care înțelege importanța sarcinii sale.

Winkel nu reușește să intre în curtea șantierului, fiind considerat un jurnalist aservit Partidului Comunist. El îl întâlnește totuși în mulțimea din fața porții pe prietenul său Dzidek (Boguslaw Linda), căruia îi facilitase anterior obținerea unui loc de muncă la Televiziunea din Gdańsk. Dzidek îi povestește de Tomczyk, cu care era prieten din liceu. Tatăl lui Tomczyk, Mateusz Birkut (protagonistul filmului Omul de marmură), nu i-ar fi permis fiului său să ia parte la protestele studențești din martie 1968. Sperând să-și facă relații care să-l ajute să intre în curtea șantierului, Winkel o vizitează pe Wiesława Hulewicz (Wiesława Kosmalska), de la care află despre moartea lui Birkut în timpul grevelor din decembrie 1970 și despre căsătoria lui Tomczyk cu Agnes (Krystyna Janda), o tânără regizoare ce lucrase în 1976 la un film despre Birkut.

Ziaristul o vizitează în închisoare pe fosta regizoare, care fusese arestată pentru susținerea grevei. Agnes îi povestește cum l-a întâlnit pe Tomczyk și îi descrie viața grea de familie pe care a avut-o din cauza șicanelor permanente ale organele de securitate. Winkel își dă seama astfel că revendicările protestatarilor sunt juste și decide să nu-și mai realizeze reportajul. În final, o delegație guvernamentală semnează un acord cu Comitetul de Grevă, pe care intenționează să nu-l respecte.

Distribuție
 Jerzy Radziwiłowicz - Maciej Tomczyk / Mateusz Birkut
 Krystyna Janda - Agnieszka
 Marian Opania - Winkel
 Irena Byrska - Matka Hulrwicz
 Wiesława Kosmalska - Wiesława Hulewicz
 Bogusław Linda - Dzidek
 Franciszek Trzeciak - Badecki
 Janusz Gajos - comandantul Z-Ca
 Andrzej Seweryn - căpitanul Wirski
 Marek Kondrat - Grzenda
 Jan Tesarz - comandant
 Jerzy Trela - Antoniak
 Krzysztof Janczar - Kryska
 Krystyna Zachwatowicz - Hanka Tomczyk (trecută pe generic Krystyna Zachwatowicz-Wajda)
 Bogusław Sobczuk - redactor la TVP
 Lech Wałęsa - el-însuși
 Anna Walentynowicz - ea-însăși

Note

Legături externe

Filme din 1981
Filme regizate de Andrzej Wajda
Filme istorice poloneze
Filme în limba poloneză
Filme premiate cu Palme d'Or

Omul de fier


Bath Iron Works er et skibsværft beliggende ved Kennebec River i Bath i delstaten Maine, USA.

Værftet bygger private, kommercielle og militære fartøjer. United States Navy har historisk set været den største kunde.

Det blev grundlagt i 1884 af Thomas W. Hyde. I 1995 blev det købt af General Dynamics, og er nu et datterselskab af General Dynamics Bath Iron Works.

I de seneste år har værftet bygget flere destroyerere i Arleigh Burke-klassen, og er ved at bygge destroyere i den nye Zumwalt-klassen.

Eksterne henvisninger

Bath Iron Works officielle hjemmeside

Skibsværfter i USA
Maine
Etableret i 1884

Bath Iron Works


Yerleşim yerleri
 Gökçek, Evciler - Afyonkarahisar ili Evciler ilçesine bağlı köy
 Gökçek, Elbistan - Kahramanmaraş ili Elbistan ilçesine bağlı mahalle
 Gökçek, Tunceli - Tunceli ili merkez ilçesine bağlı köy

Soyadı "Gökçek" olan kişiler
 Cengiz Gökçek, Türk siyasetçi avukat.
 Fazıl Gökçek, Türk yazar, akademisyen.
 İsmail Gökçek, Türk futbolcu.
 Melih Gökçek, Ankara Büyükşehir Belediye başkanı, eski milletvekili, eski bürokrat.

Adı "Gökçek" olan kişiler
 Gökçek Vederson, Brezilya asıllı Türk futbolcu.

Gökçek


The short ton (abbreviation tn) is a measurement unit equal to . It is commonly used in the United States, where it is known simply as a ton, although the term is ambiguous, the single word being variously used for short, long, and metric ton.

The various tons are defined as units of mass. They are sometimes used as units of  weight, the force exerted by a mass at standard gravity (e.g., short ton-force). One short ton exerts a weight at one standard gravity of 2,000 pound-force (lbf).

United States

In the United States, a short ton is usually known simply as a "ton", without distinguishing it from the tonne (), known there as the "metric ton", or the long ton also known as the "imperial ton" (). There are, however, some U.S. applications where unspecified tons normally mean long tons (for example, naval ships) or metric tons (world grain production figures).

Both the long and short ton are defined as 20 hundredweights, but a hundredweight is  in the US system (short or net hundredweight) and  in the imperial system (long or gross hundredweight).

A short ton–force is .

See also

Tonnage, volume measurement used in maritime shipping, originally based on .

References

Units of mass
Ton, short

Short ton


Andro Carvalho (1980, Santiago de Cuba) é um artista e produtor musical, filho de mãe cubana e pai angolano, mais conhecido pelo nome artístico Conductor.

Percurso
Nasceu em Cuba mas foi em Angola, nomeadamente na Ingombotas (Luanda) que passou a infância. Em 1995, devido à guerra civil que assolava o país, o pai decidiu que Andro devia voltar para Santiago de Cuba. Três anos depois voltou para Luanda. Na altura, a frequentar o ensino secundário, queria enveredar pela medicina mas um estágio num hospital angolano acabou por levar-lo a desistir desse sonho. "Em dois meses vi morrer umas 800 pessoas por cenas estúpidas. Medicina ficou fora de questão", disse em entrevista à revista Notícias Magazine .

Com o objectivo de fazer a faculdade, mudou-se para Lisboa em 1998 e já activo no mundo da música tornou-se presente em créditos de vários discos como NGA, Terrakota e MCK.

Foi também na década de 1990, enquanto estudava no Colégio Elisângela Filomena, em Luanda, que conheceu o rapper e ativista Luaty Beirão, com quem viria a fundar, em 2002, o Conjunto Ngonguenha, juntamente com Leonardo Wawuti e Keita Mayanda .

Em 2006, Kalaf Epalanga, que fazia parte do 1-Uik Project, com João Branko Barbosa e Rui Pité, convidou Conductor para juntar-se ao projeto. Dava-se assim início aos Buraka Som Sistema, a banda popularizada por misturar sonoridades eletrónicas ao Kuduro .

Atualmente, o produtor tem trabalhado em projetos musicais que vão passando pelo Mo'Kubico, a produtora que fundou já desde a altura do Conjunto Ngonguenha. Por lá, já passaram nomes conhecidos dentro das sonoridades urbanas da lusofonia, como Força Suprema, Wet Bed Gang, Valete, Cali John, Bispo, Sara Tavares, Capicua, as angolanas Eva Rap Diva e Pongo ou a cabo-verdiana Nitry  .

Prémios
Nos MTV Europe Music Awards 2007, com os Buraka Som Sistema, Conductor foi nomeado a Melhor Artista Português. Prémio que viriam a vencer um ano depois. Ainda nos MTV Europe Music Awards 2008, o grupo esteve nomeado para Melhor Artista Europeu.

Também com os Buraka Som Sistema, em 2009, Andro Carvalho recebeu um Globo de Ouro, na categoria Grupo do Ano.

Curiosidades
Foi um dos principais produtores do álbum Serviço Público, de Valete .

Produziu o primeiro álbum do rapper e ativista angolano MCK, Trincheira de Ideias (2001), e que misturou pela primeira vez sons tradicionais angolanos e hip hop.

Referências

Nascidos em 1980
Kuduro
Produtores musicais
Músicos de Angola
Buraka Som Sistema

Andro Carvalho


Daytonville bezeichnet mehrere Orte in den Vereinigten Staaten:

 Daytonville (Iowa)
 Daytonville (New York)

Daytonville


Le MFK Gazprom-Iougra Iougorsk (en russe Мини-футбольный клуб Газпром-Югра) est un club de futsal russe fondé en 1993 et basé à Iougorsk.

Histoire

Le club sportif est fondé en 1993 sous le nom de TTG, nom du sponsor Tjumen'TransGaz.

L'équipe débute en Ligue 2 et accède en Ligue 1 (deuxième division russe) où elle remporte immédiatement son groupe et remporte le droit de disputer la Superligue 1995-1996. En Coupe de Russie, le TTG atteint la finale pour la première fois en 1997, où il est battu par le Dina Mosca.

Placée en permanence en tête du classement, l'équipe conclue la saison régulière en 2007-2008 à la deuxième place.

Lors de la saison 2011-12, le club remporte sa première Coupe de Russie contre le Dynamo Moscou.

Malgré plusieurs bonnes positions finales au classement, l'équipe de Jugorsk doit attendre la saison 2014-2015 pour remporter son premier championnat.

Qualifié pour la Coupe UEFA 2015-2016, l'équipe entre au Tour principal et se qualifie pour le Tour élite dont elle remporte le groupe C, donnant accès au final four. L'équipe est alors emmené par Vladislav Shayakhmetov, Robinho, et son meilleur buteur Eder Lima. Après avoir éliminé le tenant du titre Kairat Almaty au tour Élite puis Benfica en demi-finale (4-4  4-3), Ugra Yugorsk bat l'Inter FS en finale à Guadalajara (4-3). Ugra remporte la plus haute compétition continentale de clubs pour sa première participation.

Qualifié pour la Ligue des champions 2018-2019, Ugra Yugorsk entre en jeu au Tour principal et en remporte le groupe 3. L'équipe russe termine ensuite second du groupe B du Tour élite derrière le FC Barcelone et est éliminée à ce stade de la compétition.

Pour la Ligue des champions 2020-2021, les quatre meilleurs pays au coefficient UEFA qualifient deux équipes. Finaliste de son championnat national 2019-2020, Ugra est qualifié en tant que second club russe. Ugra intègre la compétition, disputée en élimination directe à cause du Covid-19, directement en seizièmes de finale. L'équipe russe l'emporte à ce stade chez les Bosniens du FC Salines (2-5). Vainqueur 3-0 du FK Vytis en huitième de finale, le coefficient UEFA d'Ugra lui offre l'Inter FS comme adversaire en quart de finale, à l'entrée de l'exceptionnelle finale à 8. L'équipe russe s'incline 3-0.

Historique du nom
Le club sportif est fondé en 1993 sous le nom de TTG, nom du sponsor Tjumen'TransGaz. Au cours de son histoire, il change plusieurs fois de nom : TTG (1993-1997), TTG Java (1997-2008), TTG Jugra (2008-2010) et enfin Gazprom Jugra.

Palmarès

Titres et trophées

 Coupe de l'UEFA (1)
 Vainqueur : 2016

 Coupe d'Europe des vainqueurs de coupe (1)
 Vainqueur : 2012

 Championnat de Russie (2)
 Champion : 2015, 2018
 Vice-champion : 2008, 2013, 2014, 2016, 2020
 Troisième : 1996, 1997, 2001, 2007, 2009, 2012, 2017

 Coupe de Russie (5)
 Vainqueur : 2012, 2016, 2018, 2019 et 2021
 Finaliste : 1997, 2011, 2014 et 2020

 Urals Cup (2)
 Vainqueur : 2001, 2007

Bilan par saison

Personnalités

Joueurs notables
Dans l'équipe de Russie participant à la première Coupe du monde en 1996, Alexei Evteev joue alors au TTG.

En 2007, , Tiago de Melo Marinho est élu meilleur gardien de but de l'année au Prix FutsalPlanet.

Lors du titre européen de 2016, Ugra compte dans ses rangs Vladislav Shayakhmetov et Andrei Afanasyev, vainqueurs en 2008 avec Sinara Ekaterinburg, et Robinho, également sacré trois ans plus tôt avec Action 21 Charleroi.

Effectif 2021-2022

Notes et références

Notes

Références

Liens externes

Gazprom
Club sportif fondé en 1993
Sport dans l'oblast de Tioumen

MFK Gazprom-Iougra Iougorsk


Berezánskaya  es una stanitsa del raión de Výselki del krai de Krasnodar, en Rusia. Está situada a orillas del río Beisug, 15 km al nordeste de Výselki y 87 km al nordeste de Krasnodar, la capital del krai. Tenía 6 968 habitantes en 2010.

Es cabeza del municipio Berezánskoye, al que pertenecen asimismo Zarechni y Zariá.

Historia

La localidad fue fundada en 1794 como una de los primeros cuarenta asentamientos (kuren) de los cosacos del Mar Negro en el Kubán, con el nombre Berezánskoye. Fue nombrada así por la victoria el 7 de noviembre de 1788 en la guerra contra los turcos en la isla de Berezán.

Composición étnica

De los 6 484 habitantes que tenía en 2002, el 92.9 % era de etnia rusa, el 2.5 % era de etnia ucraniana, el 1.7 % era de etnia armenia, el 1.3 % era de etnia griega, el 0.3 % era de etnia bielorrusa, el 0.2 % era de etnia azerí, el 0.2 % era de etnia tártara, el 0.2 % era de etnia alemana, el 0.1 % era de etnia adigué y el 0.1 % era de etnia georgiana

Transporte

Al este de la localidad pasa la carretera federal M4 Don Moscú-Novorosíisk.

Enlaces externos y referencias

 Este artículo contiene datos geográficos extraídos de Google Earth y el mapa de Rusia de Yandex.ru, accesible desde este enlace.
 Este artículo es en parte una traducción de su correspondiente en la edición en ruso de Wikipedia, Березанская.
 El municipio en el sitio web del raión .
 Panorama de la localidad  en Panoramio.
  en Panoramio.
  en Panoramio.
 Mapa en maps.vlasenko.net .

Localidades del raión de Výselki del krai de Krasnodar
Localidades establecidas en 1794

Berezánskaya


En astronomía, dos objetos en órbita, como por ejemplo planetas, satélites, o asteroides, presentan una conmensurabilidad si el cociente de sus respectivos períodos orbitales puede escribirse bajo la forma de un número racional.

Por ejemplo, los períodos de revolución de Neptuno y de Plutón son conmensurables: su resonancia orbital es de 2:3.

Otro ejemplo, los exoplanetas Gliese 876 b y Gliese 876 c son conmensurables con una relación orbital de 2:1.

Notas y referencias

Véase también
 Resonancia orbital
 Conmensurabilidad

Enlaces externos

Mecánica celeste
Conceptos astronómicos

Conmensurabilidad (astronomía)


Events from the year 1802 in Canada.

Incumbents
Monarch: George III

Federal government
Parliament of Lower Canada: 3rd
Parliament of Upper Canada: 3rd

Governors
Governor of the Canadas: Robert Milnes
Governor of New Brunswick: Thomas Carleton
Governor of Nova Scotia: John Wentworth
Commodore-Governor of Newfoundland: Charles Morice Pole
Governor of St. John's Island: Edmund Fanning

Events
 The Tlingit start resisting Russian incursions into their territory.
 First Nations massacre Russians at Old Sitka; only a few survive.
 Alexander Mackenzie is knighted for his efforts in 1802 and becomes a member of the XY Company.
 Saint Mary's University is founded at Halifax.

Births

January 9 – Catharine Parr Traill, writer (d.1899)
March 4 – Samuel Harrison, farmer, lawyer, mill owner, politician, judge and 1st Joint Premiers of the Province of Canada (d.1867)
May 2 – Étienne Parent, journalist (d.1874)
July 9 – Edmond Baird, cabinet-maker and upholsterer (d.1859)
October 31 – Charles Dickson Archibald, lawyer, businessman and politician (d.1868)

Full date unknown
Henry Sherwood, lawyer, local politician and 4th Premier of Canada West (d.1855)

Deaths
April 3 – Philippe-François de Rastel de Rocheblave, soldier, businessman and political figure in Lower Canada (b. 1727)

References

02

1802 in Canada


Marko Gregur (Koprivnica, 1982.) hrvatski je pisac te doktorand i vanjski asistent Odjela za komunikologiju, medije i novinarstvo Sveučilišta Sjever.

Predsjednik je organizacijskog odjela međunarodnog festivala književnosti Galovićeva jesen. Pokretač je i predsjednik organizacijskog odjela festivala Alpe Jadran Festival mladih pisaca (2016. – 2018.).

Jedan je od pokretača i glavni urednik časopisa za književnost Artikulacije.

Tajnik je Društva hrvatskih književnika.

Životopis
Studirao je i završio studij poslovne ekonomije na Ekonomskom fakultetu u Zagrebu, preddiplomski stručni studij odnosa s javnošću i medija na [[Sveučilište VERN'|Sveučilištu Vern''']], specijalistički studij međunarodnih odnosa i diplomacije na Visokoj školi međunarodnih odnosa i diplomacije Dag Hammarskjöld u Zagrebu te sveučilišni diplomski studij novinarstva na Sveučilištu Sjever.

 Djela
Objavio je knjige:

 Lirska grafomanija, Naklada Ceres, poezija, 2011.
 Peglica u prosincu, DHK PPO, kratke priče, 2012.
 Divan dan za Drinkopoly, Algoritam, kratke priče, 2014.
 Kak je zgorel presvetli Trombetassicz, Hena com, roman, 2017., preveden na slovenski jezik
 Mogla bi se zvati Leda, Hena com, roman, 2018.
 Vošicki, Hena com, roman, 2020.
 Šalaporte, Hena com, roman, 2023.

 Nagrade
Za roman Kak je zgorel presvetli Trombetassicz dobio je nagradu Katarina Patačić kao najbolja knjiga na kajkavskom narječju objavljena te godine.

Roman Mogla bi se zvati Leda bio je u užem izboru za nagradu Gjalski, a objavljen je i kao zvučna knjiga u izdanju Hrvatske knjižnice za slijepe.

Za roman Vošicki dobio je Nagradu Vladimir Nazor i nagradu Fric''.

Izvori

Hrvatski književnici
Dobitnici nagrade Vladimir Nazor

Marko Gregur


«I Wanna Sex You Up» es un sencillo de Color Me Badd del álbum New Jack City, lanzado al mercado el 2 de marzo de 1991 bajo el sello discográfico Giant Records.

Información de la canción
La canción pasó tres semanas en el número uno en la lista de sencillos del Reino Unido y alcanzó el número dos en el Billboard Hot 100. Fue el décimo sencillo más vendido de 1991 en el Reino Unido. Una versión alterna también apareció en la Nueva banda sonora de Jack City, y en 1992 la canción ganó en los Premios Soul Train Music las categorías de Mejor R & B/Soul individual, grupo, banda o dúo y el Soul Train Music Award a la Mejor canción R & B Soul/del Año. El "tic tac del corazón ya no se detienen" soundbite se realiza un muestreo de Doug E. Fresh, "La Di Da Di".La línea de bajo y el "yo te conozco, no voy a cantar esa canción!" cita histórica son la muestra de Betty Wright "Tonight is the Night." El coro es la melodía de la canción de los hermanos Johnson "Strawberry Letter 23 El coro es la melodía de la canción de los hermanos Johnson "Strawberry Letter 23". La canción también se clasificó en el puesto # 40 en la lista de Blender de los "50 peores canciones de la historia"  y en VH1 "100 Grandes Canciones de los 90s".

Canciones
 7" sencillo
 «I Wanna Sex You Up» (master mix) — 4:05
 «I Wanna Sex You Up» (smoothed out mix) — 3:38

 12" maxi sencillo
 «I Wanna Sex You Up» (smoothed out mix) — 3:38
 «I Wanna Sex You Up» (smoothed out - long version) — 5:13
 «I Wanna Sex You Up» (instrumental) — 4:04
 «I Wanna Sex You Up» (master mix) — 4:05
 «I Wanna Sex You Up» (freeze mix) — 4:06

 CD maxi sencillo
 «I Wanna Sex You Up» (smoothed out mix) — 3:39
 «I Wanna Sex You Up» (smoothed out mix - long version) — 5:14
 «I Wanna Sex You Up» (Instrumental) — 4:04
 «I Wanna Sex You Up» (master mix) — 4:05
 «I Wanna Sex You Up» (freeze mix) — 4:07

 Casete
 «I Wanna Sex You Up» (master mix)
 «I Wanna Sex You Up» (smoothed out mix)
 «I Wanna Sex You Up» (master mix)
 «I Wanna Sex You Up» (smoothed out mix)

Personnel
 Coproductor : Howie Tee , Spyderman
 Ingeniero : Angela Piva, Warren Woods
 Mastered by Eddy Schreyer
 Mezcla Dr. Freeze, Howie Tee
 Productor : Dr. Freeze

Posiciones

Mejor posiciones

Fin de año

Certificaciones

Referencias

Sencillos de 1991

I Wanna Sex You Up


The coat of arms of Chile dates from 1834 and was designed by the English artist Charles Wood Taylor (1792–1856). It is made up by a figurative background divided in two equal parts: the top one is blue and the bottom, red. A five pointed white star is in the centre of the shield. This background is supported in one side by a condor, the most significant bird of prey from the Andes, and in the other, by a huemul, a mammal endemic to Chile. Both animals wear golden naval crowns symbolising the heroic deeds of the Chilean Navy in the Pacific Ocean.

The coat of arms is crowned by a three-feathered crest, each feather bearing one colour: blue, white and red. This crest was a symbol of distinction that former presidents of the Republic used to wear on their hats.

Underneath the coat of arms and on the elaborated pedestal, there is a white band with the motto: Por la Razón o la Fuerza ("By reason or force").

This emblem is the last of a series of variations due to diverse circumstances and understandings.

History

The first coat of arms

The first coat of arms was created during the office of President José Miguel Carrera, in 1812. It was designed over an oval in which center was depicted a column representing the Tree of Freedom. On top of this column was a terrestrial globe; over the globe, a lance and a palm leaf crossed and over these two, a star.

Standing, on both sides of the fixture, was the figure of an indigenous woman and a man. On top of everything was written, in Latin, Post Tenebras Lux ("After the Darkness, Light") and at the bottom, Aut Consilio Aut Ense ("By Council or by Sword").

This emblem, like the first Chilean flag, was initially exclusively for army use. In Chile, the Spanish emblems were still used at the time of the Chilean War of Independence. When the Spanish army arrived in Chile in 1813, with the goal of reconquering the country, the first independent emblems were adopted as national symbols.

There are no original representations of this first coat of arms, so its design is open to interpretation. One of the few sources is a description made in the Memoria histórica sobre la Revolución de Chile by Melchor Martínez. Although the version with supporters is the most accepted representation of the coat, other historians have suggested that the coat of arms was oval-shaped, and had also a reverse depicting a sun rising behind mountain with the mottoes Aurora libertatis chilensis ("The beginning of Chilean liberty") and Umbra et nocti, lux et libertas succedunt ("Shadow and night are succeeded by light and liberty").

In 1817, two new coats of arms emerged. The first one, created in June, showed a similar pillar and globe, and the motto Libertad ("Liberty") over them, together with the words Unión y fuerza ("Union and strength") on a black blue field.

Transitory coat of arms

Two years later, on 23 September 1819, a new project for a coat of arms was approved in the Senate. It was a dark blue field, with a column standing on a white marble pedestal in the middle. On top of this column, the new American world with the word "Libertad" (Liberty) over it. Above this sign, a five-pointed star, representing the Province of Santiago. Two similar stars, representing Concepción and Coquimbo, were at each side of the column.

This combination of elements was surrounded by two small branches of laurel with their buds tied with a tricolor ribbon. Around this ribbon, the whole armory of the country was depicted in strict order: cavalry, infantry, dragoons, artillery and bombardiers.

To complete the coat of arms, an indigenous man held it with his hands over his head, while sitting on an American cayman with one foot resting on the Horn of Plenty. The cayman had, in its jaws, the Lion of Castile, whose crown laid fallen on one side and was holding the ripped Spanish flag with its front paws.

This coat of arms was used until 1834, when it was replaced with another one very similar to the current one.

The current coat of arms

In 1832, Joaquín Prieto commissioned the creation of a permanent coat of arms for the Republic. Charles Chatworthy Wood Taylor, an English artist, was designer of the coat that included a field party per fess, blue and red, with a condor and a huemul for supporters and three feathers with the national colors of Chile, that symbolized the feathers that the President and Supreme Director used on their hats as a symbol of power.

In 1920, the motto Por la razón o la fuerza was added to the coat of arms.

Evolution

As part of the Spanish Empire

As an independent nation

References

External links

Sobre los verdaderos simbolos patrios de Chile simbolospatrios.cl
Gallery of Chilean coats of arms

Chile
National symbols of Chile
Chile
Chile
Chile
Chile
Chilean coats of arms
1834 in Chile
Chile

Coat of arms of Chile


Carla Parsi-Bastogi () a fost o scriitoare italiană de literatură științifico-fantastică.

Biografie
A fost autoarea unor povestiri stiințifico-fantastice, scrise începând cu anii 1920 unele dintre ele fiind reeditate sau publicate în anii 1980 de revistele științifico-fantastice Galassia, Nova SF * și Oltre il cielo.

Povestirea Stratagemă temporală a fost, de asemenea, tradusă în limba română în 1973 și inclusă în antologia de science fiction Fantascienza. Povestiri italiene îngrijită de Gianfranco de Turris și Ion Hobana, antologie prezentată la cel de-al 9-lea Festival Internațional al Filmului Științifico-Fantastic de la Triest.

Lucrări scrise

 La leggenda del mare, 1985
 Estrema umanità,
 Primo-Solvang, 1964 în Galassia nr. 41
 Gli specchi, 1965
 Il teatro di Etar, 1969
 Stratagemă temporală (Stratagemma temporale), 1969, în Oltre il Cielo
 La seconda semina, 1972
 Il cane marziano, 1974
 Vrl, 1976
 Il gatto, 1985

Note

Vezi și
 Fantascienza. Povestiri italiene
 Listă de autori de literatură științifico-fantastică

Legături externe
 Carla Parsi-Bastogi pe Fantascienza.com
 Carla Parsi-Bastogi pe The Internet Speculative Fiction Database

Nașteri în 1904
Decese în 1986
Scriitori italieni de literatură științifico-fantastică

Carla Parsi-Bastogi


52293 Mommsen este un asteroid din centura principală de asteroizi.

Descriere
52293 Mommsen este un asteroid din centura principală de asteroizi. A fost descoperit pe  la Tautenburg de Freimut Börngen și Lutz Dieter Schmadel. Asteroidul prezintă o orbită caracterizată de o semiaxă mare de 3,18 ua, o excentricitate de 0,20 și o înclinație de 10,9° în raport cu ecliptica.

Vezi și
 Lista planetelor minore: 52001-53000
 Centura de asteroizi

Referințe

Obiecte astronomice descoperite în 1990
Centura de asteroizi

52293 Mommsen


Joseph Francis James (1857-1897) fue un profesor, botánico, micólogo y algólogo estadounidense. Era hijo del reconocido coleccionista aficionado de fósiles Urías Pierson James, de Cincinnati.

En 1885, asumió en la Institución educativa «New Miami» (futura Universidad de Miami) la cátedra de historia natural, permaneciendo cinco años allí. James publicó numerosos artículos, algunos de ellos con su padre, sobre fósiles locales y sus estratos. James fue despedido por su enseñanza de la teoría de la evolución, un destino conocido por otros geólogos, incluyendo a Edward Orton.

Algunas publicaciones
 1895. Fungi. Contributions from the US National Herbarium 3 (4): 275-276

 "Pollen: Its Development and Use." En Popular Science Monthly 39, julio 1891

 "On the Modes of Distribution of Plants." En Popular Science Monthly 17, julio 1880

 "The Colorado Desert." En Popular Science Monthly 20, enero 1882

  "A Prehistoric Cemetery." En Popular Science Monthly 22, febrero 1883

 "How the Dodder Became a Parasite." En Popular Science Monthly 25, septiembre 1884

 "The Antarctic Ocean." En Popular Science Monthly 29, septiembre 1886

 "The Hickory-Nuts of North America." En Popular Science Monthly 30, noviembre 1886

 "Curiosities of Natural Gas." En Popular Science Monthly 34, abril 1889

 "A Brief History of the Ohio River." En Popular Science Monthly 38, abril 1891

 Libros
 2011. Catalogue of the Flowering Plants, Ferns and Fungi Growing in the Vicinity of Cincinnati. Edición reimpresa de BiblioBazaar, 34 pp. ISBN 1-179-71479-2

 2011. Cephalopoda of the Cincinnati Group... Edición reimpresa de Nabu Press, 28 pp. ISBN 1-247-52105-2

 1894. Collected papers. Volumen 1. 213 pp.

 1889. Uriah Pierson James. 17 pp.

 1888. Monograph of the monticuliporoid corals of the Cincinnati group. Con Uriah Pierson James. Editor U.P. James, 84 pp.

 1885. Progress of vegetation in the Ohio valley. Editor Cincinnati Soc. of Natural History, 117 pp.

 1884. Fucoids of the Cincinnati group. Editor	Cincinnati Soc. of natural history, 166 pp.

 1882. Charles Robert Darwin. Edición reimpresa de Cincinnati Soc. of Natural History, 7 pp.

 1881. Catalogue of the fossils for the Cincinnati group. Editor J. Barclay, 27 pp.

 1881. On the geographical distribution of the indigenous plants of Europe and the northeast United States''. Editor	Society of Natural History. 17 pp.

Referencias

Botánicos de Estados Unidos
Micólogos de Estados Unidos
Algólogos de Estados Unidos
Catedráticos de la Universidad de Miami
Escritores en inglés

Joseph Francis James


රුසියානු උදුන් යනු ආහාර පිසීම සහ නිවාස උණුසුම් කිරීම සඳහා රුසියාව, යුක්‍රේනය සහ බෙලෝරුසියාව යන රටවල සාම්ප්‍රදායකව භාවිතා වූ උදුන් විශේෂයකි.

භාවිතා
ආහාර පිසීම, නිවාස උණුසුම් කිරීමට අමතරව ශීත කාලයේ දී උදුන මත නිදාගැනීමටද හැකිය.

මූලාශ්‍ර

උදුන්

රුසියානු උදුන්


පුරවැසි පත්‍රකලාවේදීන් තම ප්‍රජාව තුළ ක්‍රියාකාරීන් විය හැක. 'ද නවියෝක් ටයම්ස් 'වැන සාම්ප්‍රධායික මාධ්‍ය ආයතනන පවසන්නේ මේනසා වාස්තවිකත්වය ගලිහි යා හැකි බවය. ඔවුන් පවසන්නේ පුවත් වාර්තා කරනයේ සාධාචාර හා සහ සිමා වටහා ගත හැක්‍ෙක වුර්තිය සහ පුහුණු පත්‍රකලාවේදීන්ට පමණක් බවය.
උදාහරණ නිකලස් ලේමන් , වින්සන් මේහර්, ටොම් ගෘබීසින්

රෝඩිස් විශ්වවිද්‍යාලයේ නව මධ්‍ය පරික්ෂනගාරයේ ප්‍රධානින් වින්ස්ටන් මේහර් ලියූ ලිපියක සධාචාරය ,ආර්ථිකය සහ ඥාන විභගය සම්බන්දයෙන් පුරවැසි පත්ත්‍රකලා වේදීන් දක්වන දුරුලවලතා දක්වා ඇත. එහෙත් මෙම ලිපය බොහෝ පාර්ශවල විවේචනයට ලක්ව ඇත.

2005 ටොම් ගෘබිසින් සය ලිපයකින් නව පුරවැසි පත්‍රකලාවේදී  වෙබ් අඩවි දහයක් අධ්‍යාපනය කර අතර බොහෝමයක් ගුණාත්මකභාවය සහ අන්තර්ගතය ප්‍රමාණවත් නොවන බව ඉන් හෙලිවේ. වසරකට පසුව කල විමර්ශනයකින් හෙලිවූයේ හොදම වෙබ් අඩවි කත්තාකරණය අතින් දියුණු වී ලාබා ලබා ලබන තත්වයකට  පවා පත්ව ඇතා බවය. දුරුවලතාව අන්තර්ගතයක් සහිත වෙබ් අඩිවි වඩා වේගනයෙන් විය්‍යාත වූයේ එවා සතුව මූල්‍ය‍ප්‍රතිපාදාන නොමැති බැවිනි.

Presthink වෙබ් අඩවියේ පලවූ ලිපයකින් බැක් ෆෙන්ස්නම් පුරවැසි පත්‍රකලාවේදී  වෙබ් අඩවියක් පිළිබදව විමර්ශනය කෙරුණු අතර එහදී අනාවරනය වුෙණ් පුරවැසි පත්‍රකලාවේදීන් සිටින ගනක් පමණක් මෙයට ඇදි ගොස් බවය.

තවත් සමහරු  පුරවැසි පත්‍රකලාවේදණය යන යෙදුම විවේචනය කරමින් පවසන්නේ පුරවැසියා යන වදනන ජාතියේ රාඡ්‍යය යන සංකල්පය බවයි. ජාතික රාඡ්‍යයක පුරවැසි භාවය නොමැත පුද්ගලයන් මිලයන ගණක් සියටින බැවින් මෙම යෙදුම පටු යෙදුමක්. එසේම මාධ්‍ය ජාත්‍යන්තර කරනය වීම නිසාද මෙම යෙදුම කල්පැන ගය යෙදුමක් ලෙස ල සැලෙක්.එමනිසා බිම්මට්ටමේ මාධ්‍ය ජනතා මධ්‍ය සහභාගිත්ව මාධ්‍ය යන යෙදුම් වඩා උචිත බවට අදහසක්පවති.

පුරවැසි පත්ත්‍රකලා වේදනය විවේචන.


Auricularia (Pierre Bulliard, 1780 atestată de Antoine-Laurent de Jussieu, 1789) este un gen de ciuperci cu peste 30 de specii din încrengătura Basidiomycota în familia Auriculariaceae. Soiurile pot fi comestibile sau necomestibile, dar niciodată otrăvitoare. Se hrănesc saprofitic și parazitar. Tip de specie este Auricularia mesenterica.

Caracteristici comune
 Bureții acestui gen din subclasa Homobasidiomycetae (bureți fără lamele) sunt ciuperci adevărate (bazidiomicete) care se caracterizează prin basidii multicelulare, împărțite longitudinal sau transversal, cu sterigme adesea lungi.
 Culoarea corpului fructifer variază de la albicios peste, galben, portocaliu, gri-maroniu, maroniu, violaceu  până la brun închis și negru-albăstrui. El are de obicei o textură elastică, cauciucată, gelatinoasă sau ceroasă la exemplare tinere, dar uscată, tare și insipidă la cele bătrâne care, umezită, își revin la calitatea originară, fiind în stare crudă fără miros sau gust semnificativ.
 Himenoforul este neted, pliat radial în mod neregulat sau fin verucos. Sporii albi sunt neamilozi, hialini (translucizi), netezi, elipsoidali până fusiformi precum ușor curbați și rotunjiți la capete.

Specii
În Catalogue of Life sunt listate 32 de specii ale acestui gen:

 Auricularia albida (Romell) Rick (1958)
 Auricularia americana (Parmasto & I.Parmasto) Audet, Boulet & Sirard (2003)
 Auricularia auricula-judae (Bull.) Quél. (1886)
Auricularia cornea Ehrenb. (1820)
 Auricularia delicata (Mont.) Henn. (1893)
 Auricularia discensa| Lloyd (1919)
 Auricularia eximia (Berk. & Cooke) Kobayasi (1981)
 Auricularia fibrillifera Kobayasi (1973)
 A. fuscosuccinea (Mont.) Henn. (1893)
 Auricularia goossensiae Beeli (1926)
 Auricularia hainanensis  L.J.Li (1987)
 Auricularia heimuer F.Wu, B.K.Cui & Y.C.Dai (2014)
 Auricularia hispida  Iwade (1944)
 Auricularia hispidula  (Berk.) Farl. (1905)
 Auricularia incrassata Kobayasi (1973)
 Auricularia indica Massee (1914)
 Auricularia mesenterica (Dicks.) Pers. (1822)
 Auricularia minor Kobayasi (1981)
 Auricularia nigricans  (Fr.) Birkebak, Looney & Sánchez-García (2013)
 Auricularia peltata  Lloyd (1922)
 Auricularia polytricha (Mont.) Sacc. (1888)
 Auricularia rosea  Burt (1921)
 Auricularia scissa Looney, Birkebak & Matheny (2013)
 Auricularia semipellucida Kobayasi (1942)
 Auricularia sordescens Ces. (1879)
 Auricularia stellata Lloyd (1922)
 Auricularia subglabra Looney, Birkebak & Matheny (2013)
 A. tenuis (Lév.) Farl. (1905)
 Auricularia thailandica Bandara & K.D.Hyde (2015)
 Auricularia villosula Malysheva (2014)
 Auricularia wrightii  (Berk. & M.A.Curtis) Farl. (1905)
 Auricularia xishaensis L.J.Li (1985)

Specii în imagini

Note

Bibliografie
 Marcel Bon: "Pareys Buch der Pilze", Editura Kosmos, Halberstadt 2012,  ISBN 978-3-440-13447-4
 Bruno Cetto:  "I funghi dal vero", vol. 1-7, Editura Arte Grafiche Saturnia, Trento 1975-1993
 Jean-Louis Lamaison & Jean-Marie Polese: "Der große Pilzatlas", Editura Tandem Verlag GmbH, Potsdam 2012, ISBN 978-3-8427-0483-1
 J. E. și M. Lange: "BLV Bestimmungsbuch - Pilze", Editura BLV Verlagsgesellschaft, München, Berna Viena 1977, ISBN 3-405-11568-2
 Hans E. Laux: "Der große Pilzführer, Editura Kosmos, Halberstadt 2001, ISBN 978-3-440-14530-2
 Meinhard Michael Moser: " Röhrlinge und Blätterpilze - Kleine Kryptogamenflora Mitteleuropas", ediția a 5-ea, vol. 2, Editura Gustav Fischer, Stuttgart 1983

Legături externe

Auricularia
Ciuperci parazite
Ciuperci saprofite
1763 în știință

Auricularia


Batatotalena también conocida como Diva Guhava en la literatura budista, es un sistema de cuevas en Sudagala, a 5 km (3 millas) de distancia de la ciudad de Kuruwita, en la provincia Sabaragamuwa de Sri Lanka.

La cueva mide aproximadamente 15 m (49 pies) de alto, 18 m (59 pies) de ancho y tiene 25 m (82 pies) de longitud, con un total de área para la cueva interna de 6.800 m³ (240.000 pies cúbicos). El acceso a la cueva incluye un recorrido de 400 metros (1.300 pies) desde Sudagala, y una parte adicional de 50 m (160 pies) de subida para llegar a la entrada de la cueva. Aproximadamente 30 m (98 pies) de la cueva están parcialmente sumergidos, y se puede acceder después de 20 m (66 pies) de nado.

Véase también
Geografía de Sri Lanka
Geografía de Asia

Referencias

Cuevas de Sri Lanka
Yacimientos arqueológicos de Sri Lanka

Cueva Batatotalena


The Vargas Era (Portuguese: Era Vargas; ) is the period in the history of Brazil between 1930 and 1945, when the country was governed by president Getúlio Vargas. The period from 1930 to 1937 is known as the Second Brazilian Republic, and the other part of Vargas Era, from 1937 until 1946 is known as the Third Brazilian Republic (or Estado Novo).

The Brazilian Revolution of 1930 marked the end of the First Brazilian Republic. President Washington Luís was deposed; the swearing-in of president-elect Júlio Prestes was blocked, on the grounds that the election had been rigged by his supporters; the 1891 Constitution was abrogated, the National Congress was dissolved and the provisional military junta ceded power to Vargas. Federal intervention in state governments increased and the political landscape was altered by suppressing the traditional oligarchies of São Paulo and Minas Gerais states.

The Vargas Era comprises three successive phases:
the period of the Provisional Government (1930–1934), when Vargas governed by decree as Head of the Provisional Government instituted by the revolution, pending the adoption of a new Constitution.
the period of the Brazilian Constitution of 1934, when a new Constitution was drafted and approved by the Constituent Assembly of 1933–1934 and Vargas, elected by the Constituent Assembly under the transitional provisions of the Constitution, governed as president alongside a democratically elected legislature.
the Estado Novo period (1937–1945), instituted when, in order to perpetuate his rule, Vargas imposed a new, dictatorial Constitution in a coup d'état and shut down the Legislature, ruling Brazil as a dictator.

The deposition of Getúlio Vargas and his Estado Novo regime in 1945 and the subsequent re-democratization of Brazil with the adoption of a new Constitution in 1946 mark the end of the Vargas Era and the beginning of the period known as the Fourth Brazilian Republic.

Downfall of the Old Republic
The tenente rebellions did not mark the revolutionary breakthrough for Brazil's bourgeois social reformers, but the ruling paulista coffee oligarchy could not withstand the economic meltdown of 1929.

Brazil's vulnerability to the Great Depression had its roots in the economy's heavy dependence on foreign markets and loans. Despite limited industrial development in São Paulo, the export of coffee and other agricultural products was still the mainstay of the economy.

Days after the U.S. stock market crash on 29 October 1929 (see Black Tuesday), coffee quotations immediately fell 30% to 60%. and continued to fall. Between 1929 and 1931, coffee prices fell from 22.5 cents per pound to 8 cents per pound. As world trade contracted, the coffee exporters suffered a vast drop in foreign exchange earnings.

The Great Depression possibly had a more dramatic effect on Brazil than on the United States. The collapse of Brazil's valorization (price support) program, a safety net in times of economic crisis, was strongly intertwined with the collapse of the central government, whose base of support resided in the landed oligarchy. The coffee planters had grown dangerously dependent on government valorization. For example, in the aftermath of the recession following World War I, the government was not short of the cash needed to bail out the coffee industry. But between 1929 and 1930, world demand for Brazil's primary products had fallen far too drastically to maintain government revenues. By the end of 1930, Brazil's gold reserves had been depleted, pushing the exchange rate down to a new low. The program for warehoused coffee collapsed altogether.

The government of president Washington Luís faced a deepening balance-of-payments crisis and the coffee growers were stuck with an unsaleable harvest. Since power ultimately rested on a patronage system, wide-scale defections in the delicate balance of regional interests left the regime of Washington Luís vulnerable. Government policies designed to favor foreign interests further exacerbated the crisis, leaving the regime alienated from almost every segment of society.

Following the Wall Street panic, the government attempted to please foreign creditors by maintaining convertibility according to the money principles preached by the foreign bankers and economists who set the terms for Brazil's relations with the world economy, despite lacking any support from a single major sector in Brazilian society.

Despite capital flight, Washington Luís clung to a hard money policy, guaranteeing the convertibility of the Brazilian currency into gold or British sterling. Once the gold and sterling reserves were exhausted amid the collapse of the valorization program, the government was finally forced to suspend convertibility of the currency. Foreign credit had now evaporated.

Rise of Getúlio Vargas
A populist governor of Brazil's southernmost Rio Grande do Sul state, Vargas was a cattle rancher with a doctorate in law and the 1930 presidential candidate of the Liberal Alliance. Vargas was a member of the gaucho-landed oligarchy and had risen through the system of patronage and clientelism, but had a fresh vision of how Brazilian politics could be shaped to support national development. He came from a region with a positivist and populist tradition, and was an economic nationalist who favored industrial development and liberal reforms. Vargas built up political networks, and was attuned to the interests of the rising urban classes. In his early years Vargas even relied on the support of the tenentes of the 1922 rebellion.

Vargas understood that with the breakdown of direct relations between workers and owners in the growing factories of Brazil, workers could become the basis for a new form of political power – populism. Using such insights, he gradually established such mastery over the Brazilian political world that, upon achieving power, he stayed in power for 15 years. During this time, as the stranglehold of the agricultural elites eased, new urban industrial leaders acquired more influence nationally, and the middle class began to show strength.

Aside from the Great Depression and the emergence of the Brazilian bourgeoisie, Brazil's historic dynamic of interregional politics was a significant factor encouraging the alliance that Getúlio Vargas forged during the Revolution of 1930 between the new urban sectors and the landowners hostile to the government in states other than São Paulo.

Along with the urban bourgeois groups, northeastern sugar barons were left with a legacy of longstanding grievances against the paulista coffee oligarchs of the south. Northeastern landowners opposed Washington Luís' 1930 discontinuance of the drought relief projects of his predecessor. The decay of established sugar oligarchies of the northeast had begun dramatically with the severe drought of 1877. The rapid growth of coffee-producing São Paulo state started at the same time. After the abolition of slavery in 1888, Brazil saw a mass exodus of emancipated slaves and other peasants from the northeast to the southeast of the country, thus ensuring a steady supply of cheap labor for the coffee planters.

Under the Old Republic, the politics of café com leite ("coffee with milk)" rested on the domination of the republic's politics by the southeastern states of São Paulo and Minas Gerais, which were Brazil's largest states in terms of population and economy.

Given the grievances with ruling regime in the northeast and Rio Grande do Sul, Getúlio Vargas chose João Pessoa of the northeastern state of Paraíba as his vice-presidential candidate in the 1930 presidential election. With the understanding that the dominance of the landowners in the rural areas was to continue under Liberal Alliance government, the Northeastern oligarchies were thus integrated into the Vargas alliance in a subordinate status via a new political party, the Social Democratic Party (PSD).

As a candidate in 1930, Vargas utilized populist rhetoric to promote middle class concerns, thus opposing the primacy (but not the legitimacy) of the paulista coffee oligarchy and the landed elites, who had little interest in protecting and promoting industry.

However, behind the façade of Vargas' populism lay the intricate nature of his coalition – ever-changing from this point onward. Consequently, these locally dominant regional groups – the gaúchos of Rio Grande do Sul and the sugar barons of the northeast – themselves ushered the new urban groups into the forefront of Brazilian political life in a revolution from above, tilting the balance of the central government in favor of the Liberal Alliance.

Second Brazilian Republic

Vargas' tenuous coalition lacked a coherent program, being committed to a broad vision of "modernization", but little else more definitive. Having to balance such conflicting ideological constituencies, regionalism, and economic interests in such a vast, diverse, and socio-economically varied nation would, thus, not only explain the sole constancy that marked Vargas' long career—abrupt shifts in alliances and ideologies, but also his eventual dictatorship, modeled surprisingly along the lines of European fascism, considering the liberal roots of his regime.

Between 1930 and 1934, Vargas followed a path of social reformism in attempt to reconcile radically diverging interests of his supporters. His policies can best be described collectively as approximating those of fascist Italy under Mussolini, with an increased reliance on populism. Reflecting the influence of the tenentes, he even advocated a program of social welfare and reform similar to New Deal in the United States, prompting U.S. President Franklin Roosevelt to proudly refer to him as "one of two people who invented the New Deal."

Vargas sought to bring Brazil out of the Great Depression through statist-interventionist policies. He satisfied the demands of the rapidly growing urban bourgeois groups, voiced by the new (to Brazil) mass-ideologies of populism and nationalism. Like Roosevelt, his first steps focused on economic stimulus, a program on which all factions could agree.

Favoring a state interventionist policy utilizing tax breaks, lowered duties, and import quotas to expand the domestic industrial base, Vargas linked his pro-middle class policies to nationalism, advocating heavy tariffs to "perfect our manufacturers to the point where it will become unpatriotic to feed or clothe ourselves with imported goods!"

Vargas sought to mediate disputes between labor and capital. For instance, the provisional president quelled a paulista female workers' strike by co-opting much of its platform and requiring their "factory commissions" to use government mediation in the future.

With the northeastern oligarchies now incorporated into the ruling coalition, the government focused on restructuring agriculture. To placate friendly agrarian oligarchs, the modernizing state not only left the impoverished domains of the rural oligarchs untouched, but also helped the sugar barons cement their control over rural Brazil. The peasantry, to the surprise of many accustomed to overlooking Brazil's peripheral regions, was not that servile. Banditry was common. Other forms included messianism, anarchic uprisings, and tax evasion, each of which was already common practice before 1930. The state crushed a wave of banditry in the northeast known as the cangaço, marking the reversal of the drastic but gradual decline of the northeastern latifundios from the 1870s to the 1930 revolution. At the expense of the indigent peasantry—85 percent of the workforce—not only did Vargas renege on his promises of land reforms, he denied agricultural workers in general the working class' gains in labor regulations. Likely to the detriment of that region's long-term economic development, Vargas' static conservatism on matters of the countryside arguably exacerbated the disparities between the impoverished, semi-feudal northeast and the dynamic, urbanized southeast to this day.

Opposition arose among the powerful paulista coffee oligarchs to these unprecedented mass interventionist policies, as well as to the increased centralization of the government, its increasing populist and fascist stance, its protectionist/mercantilist policies (protecting politically favored producers at the expense of consumers) and the increasing dictatorial stance of Vargas himself.

Appeasement of landed interests, traditionally the country's dominant forces, thus required a realignment of his coalition, forcing him to turn against its left wing. After mid-1932 the influence of the tenente group over Vargas rapidly waned, although individual tenentes of moderate tendency continued to hold important positions in the regime. With the ouster of the center-left tenentes from his coalition, his rightward shift would become increasingly pronounced by 1934.

Towards dictatorship

By 1934 Vargas developed what Thomas E. Skidmore and Peter H. Smith called "a legal hybrid" between the regimes of Mussolini's Italy and Salazar's Estado Novo in Portugal. Vargas copied fascist tactics, and shared their rejection of liberal capitalism. He abandoned the arrangements of the "provisional government" (1930–34) which were characterized by social reformism that appeared to favor the generally left wing of his revolutionary coalition, the tenentes.

A conservative insurgency in 1932 was the key turning point to the right. After the July 1932 Constitutionalist Revolution — a thinly-veiled attempt by the paulista coffee oligarchs to retake the central government — Vargas tried to recover support of the landed elites, including the coffee growers, in order to establish a new alliance of power.

The revolt was caused by Vargas' appointment of João Alberto, a center-left tenente as "interventor" (provisional governor) in place of the elected governor of São Paulo. The paulista elite loathed Alberto, resenting his centralization efforts and alarmed by his economic reforms, such as 5% wage increase and the minor distribution of some land to participants of the revolution. Amid threats of revolt, Vargas replaced João Alberto with a civilian from São Paulo, appointed a conservative paulista banker as his minister of finance, and announced a date for the holding of a constituent assembly. This only emboldened coffee oligarchs who launched a revolt in July 1932, which collapsed after three months of armed combat.

Regardless of the attempted revolution, Vargas was determined to maintain his alliance with the original farmer wing of his coalition and to strengthen his ties with the São Paulo establishment. The result was further concessions, alienating the left wings of his coalition. The essential compromise was failing to honor the promises of land reform made during the campaign of 1930. Vargas also pardoned half the bank debts of the coffee planters, who still had a significant grip on the state's electoral machinery, alleviating the crisis stemming from the collapse of the valorization program. To pacify his old paulista adversaries after their failed revolt, he ordered the Bank of Brazil to assume the war bonds issued by the rebel government.

Vargas was also increasingly threatened by pro-communist elements in labor critical of the rural latifundios by 1934, who sought an alliance with the country's peasant majority by backing land reform. Despite the populist rhetoric of the "father of the poor", the gaucho Vargas was ushered into power by planter oligarchies of peripheral regions amid a revolution from above, and was thus in no position to meet communist demands, had he desired to do so.

In 1934, armed with a new constitution drafted with extensive influence from European fascist models, Vargas began reining in even moderate trade unions and turning against the tenentes. His further concessions to the latifundios pushed him toward an alliance with the integralists, Brazil's mobilized fascist movement. Following the end of the provisional presidency, Vargas' regime between 1934 and 1945 was characterized by the co-optation of Brazilian unions through state-run, sham syndicates, and suppression of opposition, particularly leftist opposition.

Suppression of communist movement
Aside from these recent political disputes, long-term trends suggest an atmosphere in São Paulo conducive to ideological extremism. The rapidly changing and industrializing southeast, had been brewing an atmosphere conducive to the growth of European-style mass-movements; the Brazilian Communist Party was established in 1922 and the postwar period witnessed the rise of the country's first waves of general strikes waged by viable trade unions. The Great Depression intensified their strength.

The same Great Depression that had ushered Vargas into power also emboldened calls for social reforms. With the challenges of the Constitutionalist Revolt out of the way, and the looming mass-mobilization of a potential new enemy— the urban proletariat—Vargas grew more concerned with imposing a paternalistic tutelage over the working class, functioning to both control them and co-opt them. Vargas' backers in both urban and rural Brazil would begin to view labor, larger and better organized than directly after the First World War, as an ominous threat.

Vargas could unite with all sectors of the landed elites, however, to stem the communists. With the cangaço thoroughly repressed in the northeast, all segments of the elite – the new bourgeoisie and the landed oligarchs – shifted their well-founded fears toward the trade unionism and socialist sentiments of the burgeoning urban proletariat. The urban proletariat, often composed of immigrants, was from the more European (in terms of population, culture, ideology, and level of industrial development) and more urbanized southeast. In 1934, following the disintegration of Vargas' delicate alliance with labor, Brazil entered "one of the most agitated periods in its political history". According to Skidmore and Smith, Brazil's major cities began to resemble the Nazi-Communist battles in Berlin of 1932–33. By mid-1935 Brazilian politics had been drastically destabilized.

Vargas's attention focused on the rise of two nationally based and highly ideological European-style movements, both committed to European-style mass-mobilization: one pro-communist and the other pro-fascist—one linked to Moscow and the other to Rome and Berlin. The mass-movement intimidating Vargas was the Aliança Nacional Libertadora (ANL), a leftwing popular front launched in 1935 of socialists, communists, and other progressives led by the Communist Party and Luís Carlos Prestes, known as the "knight of hope" of the tenente rebellion (though not a Marxist at the time). A revolutionary forerunner of Che Guevara, Prestes led the futile Prestes Column through the rural Brazilian interior following his participation in the failed 1922 tenente rebellion against the coffee oligarchs. This experience, however, left Prestes, who only died in 1990, and some of his comrades skeptical of armed conflict for the rest of his life. Prestes' well-cultivated skepticism later helped precipitate the 1960s schism between hard-line militant Maoists and orthodox Marxist-Leninists which persists with the Brazilian Communist Party into the 21st century. With center-left tenentes out of the coalition and the left crushed, Vargas turned to the only mobilized base of support on the right, elated by the atrocious, fascist-style crackdown against the ANL. As his coalition moved to the right after 1934, Vargas' ideological character and association with a global ideological orbit remained ambiguous. Integralism, claiming a rapidly growing membership throughout Brazil by 1935, began filling this ideological void, especially among the approximately one million Brazilians of German descent.

Plínio Salgado, a writer and politician, founded Brazilian Integralist Action in October 1933. He adapted Fascist and Nazi symbolism and the Roman salute. It had all the visible elements of European fascism: a green-shirt-uniformed paramilitary organization, street demonstrations, and aggressive rhetoric directly financed in part by the Italian embassy. The integralists borrowed their propaganda campaigns directly from Nazi materials, including the usual traditionalist excoriations of Marxism and liberalism, and espousals of fanatical nationalism, Antisemitism and "Christian virtues". In particular, they drew support from military officers, especially in the navy.

Economic development
The strong parallels between the political economy of Vargas and the European police states thus began to appear by 1934, when a new constitution was enacted with direct fascist influence. After 1934, fascist-style programs would serve two important aims: stimulating industrial growth (under the guise of nationalism and autarchy) and suppressing the working class. Passed on July 16, the Vargas government claimed that the corporatist provisions of the constitution of 1934 would unite all classes in mutual interests—the stated purpose of a similar governing document in Fascist Italy. Actually, this propaganda point had somewhat of a basis in reality. In practice, this meant decimating independent organized labor and attracting the "working class" to the corporative state. Of course, the advance of industry and urbanization enlarged and strengthened the ranks of urban laborers, presenting the need to draw them into some sort of alliance committed to the modernization of Brazil. Vargas, and later Juan Perón in neighboring Argentina, emulated Mussolini's strategy of consolidating power by means of mediating class disputes under the banner of nationalism.

The constitution established a new Chamber of Deputies that placed government authority over the private economy and established a system of corporatism aimed at industrialization and reducing foreign dependency. These provisions essentially designated corporate representatives according to class and profession, organizing industries into state syndicates, but generally maintained private ownership of Brazilian-owned businesses.

The 1934–37 constitution, and especially the Estado Novo afterwards, heightened efforts to centralize authority in Rio de Janeiro and drastically limit provincial autonomy in the traditionally devolved, sprawling nation. This was its more progressive role, seeking to consolidate the 1930 revolution, displacing the institutional power of the paulista coffee oligarchs with a centralist policy that respected local agro-exporting interests, but created the necessary urban economic base for the new urban sectors. The modernizing legacy is firmly evident: state government was to be rationalized and regularized, freed from the grips of coronelismo.

The constitution of 1934 thus established a more direct mechanism for the federal executive to control the economy, pursuing a policy of planning and direct investment for the creation of important industrial complexes. State and mixed public-private companies dominated heavy and infrastructure industries, and private Brazilian capital predominated in manufacturing. There was also a significant growth of direct foreign investment in the 1930s as foreign corporations sought to enlarge their share of the internal market and overcome tariff barriers and exchange problems by establishing branch plants in Brazil. The state thus emphasized the basic sectors of the economy, facing the difficult task of forging a viable capital base for future growth in the first place, including mining, oil, steel, electric power, and chemicals.

Third Brazilian Republic (Estado Novo)

Vargas' four-year term as president under the 1934 Constitution was due to expire in 1938, and he was barred from re-election. However, on 10 November 1937, Vargas made a national radio address denouncing the existence of a communist plot to overthrow the government, called the "Cohen Plan". In reality, however, the Cohen Plan was forged by the government with the objective of creating a favourable atmosphere for Vargas to stay in power, perpetuating his rule and assuming dictatorial powers.

The communists had indeed attempted to take over the Government in November 1935, in a botched coup attempt known as the Communist Uprising. In the wake of the failed communist uprising, the congress had already given greater powers to Vargas, and approved the creation of a "National Security Tribunal" (Tribunal de Segurança Nacional (TSN)), established by a statute adopted on 11 September 1936.

In his address of 10 November 1937, Vargas, invoking the supposed communist threat, decreed a state of emergency and dissolved the Legislature. He also announced the adoption by presidential fiat of a new, severely authoritarian Constitution that effectively placed all governing power in his hands. The 1934 Constitution was thus abolished, and Vargas proclaimed the establishment of a "New State". The short interval was further evidence that the self-coup had been planned well in advance.

Under this dictatorial regime the powers of the National Security Tribunal were streamlined, and it focused on the prosecution of political dissenters. Also, the powers of the police were greatly enhanced, with the establishment of the "Department of Political and Social Order" (Departamento de Ordem Política e Social (DOPS)), a powerful political police and secret service. When created in 1936, the National Security Tribunal was supposed to be a temporary Court, and defendants could file appeals against its judgements to the "Superior Military Court" (Superior Tribunal Militar), Brazil's Court of Appeals for the Armed Forces, which was in turn subordinate to the nation's Supreme Court. Thus, communists and other defendants accused of plotting coups were judged by the military court-martial system (with the National Security Tribunal as the trial court of first instance for those cases), and not by the ordinary courts. With the advent of the Estado Novo regime, the National Security Tribunal became a permanent Court, and became autonomous from the rest of the Court system. It gained authority to adjudicate not only cases of communist conspirators and other coup plotters, but it also tried anyone accused of being subversive or dangerous to the Estado Novo regime. Also, several extrajudicial punishments were inflicted by the police itself (especially the DOPS), without trial.

The 1937 Constitution provided for elections to a new Congress, as well as a referendum to confirm Vargas' actions. However, neither was held — ostensibly due to the dangerous international situation. Instead, under an article of the Constitution that was supposed to be transitional pending new elections, the President assumed legislative as well as executive powers. For all intents and purposes, Vargas ruled for eight years under what amounted to martial law. Also, under the 1937 Constitution, Vargas should have remained President for only six more years (until November 1943; instead—again presumably due to the dangerous international situation—he remained in power until his overthrow in 1945.

The Estado Novo dictatorship also greatly curtailed the autonomy of the Judicial branch, and suppressed the autonomy of the Brazilian States, that were governed by federal interventors, who discharged (on a formally temporary basis), the legislative and executive powers.

In December 1937, one month after the Estado Novo coup, Vargas signed a Decree disbanding all political parties, including the fascist "Brazilian Integralist Action" (Ação Integralista Brasileira (AIB)). The integralists had until then been supportive of Vargas' anti-communist measures. On May 11, 1938, the integralists, angered by the closing of the AIB, invaded the Guanabara Palace, attempting to depose Vargas. This episode is known as Integralist Uprising and was unsuccessful.

Between 1937 and 1945, the duration of the Estado Novo, Vargas gave continuity to the formation of structure and professionalism in the State. Vargas oriented the state to intervene in the economy, promoting economic nationalism. The movement towards a "New State" was significant, in that along with the dismissal of Congress and its political parties, he wanted to recognize the indigenous population. He gained great favour in their eyes, and was called the "Father of the Poor". Besides gaining popularity with them, he provided them with tools to assist them in the improvement of their agrarian lifestyles. He felt that if the country were to progress, the Indians, the very symbol of Brazilianness, should reap the benefits. This was important to establish a unified society. The intention was to form a strong impulse toward industrialization.

In this period, a number of industrial bodies were created:
The "National Oil Advisor" (Conselho Nacional do Petróleo (CNP))
The "Administration Department of Public Service" (Departamento Administrativo do Serviço Público (DASP))
The "National Iron Smelting Company" (Companhia Siderúrgica Nacional (CSN))
The "Rio Doce Valley Company" (Companhia Vale do Rio Doce)
The "São Francisco Hydroelectric Company" (Companhia Hidro-Elétrica do São Francisco)
The "National Motor Plant" (Fábrica Nacional de Motores (FNM))

The Estado Novo had a powerful effect on "Modernist architecture in Brazil" (Arquitetura modernista no Brasil), because it provided sufficient authority to implement urban planning on a large scale in Brazil. Although sufficient wealth was not available to complete the plans, they had a powerful, lasting effect on the cities and their organization. One of the best-planned cities in the world, Curitiba, received its first planning during the Estado Novo. One notable urban planner was Alfred Agache.

A series of measures were used to restrain opposition, such as the nomination of Intervenors for the States and censorship of the media, performed by the "Department of Press and Propaganda" (Departamento de Imprensa e Propaganda (DIP)). This agency also promoted the ideology of the Estado Novo, designed the official propaganda of the government, and tried to direct public opinion.

In 1943, Vargas promulgated the Consolidation of Labor Laws (CLT), guaranteeing that a job would be stable after ten years of service. It also provided weekly rest, regulated the work of minors and women, regulated night-time work and set a working day to eight hours.

Tensions with Argentina

The liberal revolution of 1930 overthrew the oligarchic coffee plantation owners and brought to power an urban middle class that and business interests that promoted industrialization and modernization.  Aggressive promotion of new industry turned around the economy by 1933.  Brazil's leaders in the 1920s and 1930s decided that Argentina's implicit foreign policy goal was to isolate Portuguese-speaking Brazil from Spanish-speaking neighbors, thus facilitating the expansion of Argentine economic and political influence in South America.  Even worse, was the fear that a more powerful Argentine Army would launch a surprise attack on the weaker Brazilian Army. To counter this threat, President Getúlio Vargas forged closer links with the United States. Meanwhile, Argentina moved in the opposite direction. During World War II, Brazil was a staunch ally of the United States and sent an expeditionary force to Europe. The United States provided over $370 million in Lend-Lease grants, in return for free rent on air bases used to transport American soldiers and supplies across the Atlantic, and naval bases for anti-submarine operations.  In sharp contrast, Argentina was officially neutral and at times favored Germany.

World War II

With the start of World War II, in 1939, Vargas maintained neutrality until 1941, when an agreement, proposed by Brazilian foreign relations minister Oswaldo Aranha, was formed between American continental nations to align with any American country in the event of an attack by an external power. Due to this agreement, from Pearl Harbor Brazil's entering the war became just a matter of time. American policy also financed Brazilian iron and steel extraction and placed military bases along the Brazilian North-Northeast coast, headquartered in Natal. With the conquest of Southeast Asia by Japanese troops, Getúlio signed a treaty, the Washington Accords, in 1942, which provisioned the supply of natural rubber from the Amazon to the Allies, resulting in the second rubber boom and the forced migration of many people from the drought-stricken northeast to the heart of Amazônia. These people were known as Soldados da Borracha ("rubber soldiers").

After the sinking of over 25 Brazilian merchant ships by German and Italian submarines throughout 1942, popular mobilization forced the Brazilian government to abandon its passiveness and declare war on Nazi Germany and Fascist Italy in August, 1942. Popular mobilization to make the war declaration effective, with the despatching of Brazilian troops to Europe, continued, but a decision by the Brazilian Government to actually send troops to fight the enemy was only made in January 1943, when Vargas and the U.S. President Franklin Delano Roosevelt met in Natal, where the first official agreement was made to create the Brazilian Expeditionary Force (BEF). In July 1944 the first BEF group was sent to fight in Italy, and, despite being poorly equipped and trained, it accomplished its main missions.

Soon after the war, however, fearing the BEF's popularity and possible political use of the allied victory by some BEF members, the then Brazilian government decided to make demobilization effective, with the BEF still in Italy. Returning to Brazil, its members were also subjected to some restrictions. Civilian veterans were forbidden from wearing military decorations or uniforms in public, while military vets were transferred to regions far from great cities or to border garrisons.

The events related to Brazilian participation in the war and the ending of the conflict in 1945 strengthened pressures in favour of redemocratisation. Although there were some concessions by the regime, such as the setting of a date for presidential elections, amnesty for political prisoners, the freedom to organize political parties, and a commitment to choose a new Constitutional convention, Vargas was not able to retain support for the continuation of his presidency and was deposed by the military in a surprise coup launched from his own War Ministry on October 29, 1945.

Once Vargas was deposed, the military summoned his legal deputy, José Linhares, the President of the Supreme Federal Court (Brazil's chief justice), to assume the Presidency (the office of vice-president had been abolished, and no legislature had been elected under the 1937 Constitution, so that the President of the Supreme Court was the first person in the line of succession). José Linhares immediately summoned elections for president and for a Constituent Assembly. The elections were held in December, 1945, and José Linhares remained in office only until the inauguration of the Assembly and of the elected President (General Eurico Gaspar Dutra) which took place on January 31, 1946. The inauguration marked the end of the Estado Novo and the beginning of the Fourth Brazilian Republic.

See also
Estado Novo (Portugal)
Brazilian Integralism
Second presidency of Getúlio Vargas
Estado Novo (Brazil)

References

Bibliography
 in Portuguese

Brazil Now.Info Estado Novo.
Garfield, Seth. "The Roots of a Plant That Today Is Brazil: Indians and the Nation-State under the Brazilian Estado Novo" Journal of Latin American Studies Vol. 29, No. 3 (Oct., 1997), pp. 747–768

Modern history of Brazil
20th century in Brazil
1930 establishments in Brazil
1945 disestablishments in Brazil
Former countries of the interwar period
Getúlio Vargas

Vargas Era


Die Megalithanlagen von Over Jersdal (auch Over Jerstal) liegen südwestlich von Haderslev und südlich der jütländischen Stadt Vojens sowie nördlich von Over Jersdal in Dänemark. Es handelt sich um zwei Ganggräber und zwei Dolmen, die als Megalithanlagen der Trichterbecherkultur (TBK) zwischen 3500 und 2800 v. Chr. entstanden. Neolithische Monumente sind Ausdruck der Kultur und Ideologie neolithischer Gesellschaften. Ihre Entstehung und Funktion gelten als Kennzeichen der sozialen Entwicklung.

Die beiden Ganggräber liegen in Rundhügeln und wurden im Jahr 1931 untersucht.

Ganggrab 1

Der etwa drei Meter hohe Rundhügel hat 17 m Durchmesser. Der Gang, dessen Steine nahezu komplett fehlen, setzt im Osten an und ist acht Meter lang. Die Nord-Süd orientierte leicht trapezoide Kammer ist drei Meter lang, 1,5 auf 1,4 m breit und 1,6 m hoch. Sie wird aus breitem Zwischenmauerwerk und sechs Trag- und einem übergroßen Deckstein gebildet, dessen Dicke 1,1 m beträgt. Alle Steine befinden sich in situ.

Ganggrab 2
Der 1,75–2,2 m hohe abgeflachte unebene Hügel ist in etwa oval und hat 17–18 m Durchmesser. Der Gang setzt im Osten an, ist 5,60 m lang und am Zugang zur Kammer 0,5 m breit und 1,1 m hoch. Die Nordost-Südwest orientierte Kammer von doppeltrapezoider Form ist 1,6 m hoch, etwa vier Meter lang, mittig 2,25 m breit und an den Enden schmaler. Sie wird aus neun Trag- und zwei Decksteinen gebildet, die sich in situ befinden. Lage:

Runddysse 1

Der Runddysse ist weitgehend zerstört. In dem etwa einen Meter hohen Hügelrest befindet sich eine einen Meter tiefe und etwa 2,5 m lange Grube, in der verbliebene Tragsteine oder deren Reste liegen. Lage:

Runddysse 2
In einem Feld liegen zugewachsen und mit Müll überschüttet die Reste einer kleinen Kammer, von der drei Steine sichtbar sind. Die Nord-Süd orientierte Kammer ist 1,7 m lang, im unteren Bereich 0,9 m breit und 0,60 m hoch. 55.174210N  Longitude: 9.291423ELage:
Im Norden steht ein 0,95 m breiter, 0,40 m dicker und 0,70 m hoher Stein in einer kleinen Schräglage.
Im Osten steht ein 1,45 m breiter, 0,60 m hoher und dicker Stein.
Im Westen ein Stein 1,45 m breit, 0,40 m dick, 0,70 m hoch.
Im Süden, wo der Zugang liegt, ein 1,30 m breiter und 0,80 m hoher, mit Erde bedeckter Stein.
Die Kammer. der der Deckstein und das Zwischenmauerwerk fehlen, wurde ausgegraben, Funde wurden nicht gemacht.
Etwa vier Meter südlich der Kammer liegt ein 0,9 m langer Stein, der wahrscheinlich ein Randstein war.

Siehe auch
 Nordische Megalitharchitektur
 Großsteingräber in Dänemark

Literatur
 Karsten Kjer Michaelsen: Politikens bog om Danmarks oldtid (= Politikens håndbøger.). Politiken, Kopenhagen 2002, ISBN 87-567-6458-8.

Einzelnachweise

Weblinks
Ganggrab 1 (engl.)
Ganggrab 2 (engl.)
Runddysse 1 (engl.)
Runddysse 2 (engl.)
Grabungsgeschichte der Ganggräber (dän.)

Over Jersdal
Over Jersdal
Bauwerk in Haderslev Kommune
Kultbau
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Geographie (Haderslev Kommune)
Grabbau in Europa
Archäologischer Fundplatz in Europa

Megalithanlagen von Over Jersdal