Psychology of religion consists of the application of psychological methods and interpretive frameworks to the diverse contents of religious traditions as well as to both religious and irreligious individuals. The various methods and frameworks can be summarized according to the classic distinction between the natural-scientific and human-scientific approaches. The first cluster amounts to objective, quantitative, and preferably experimental procedures for testing hypotheses about causal connections among the objects of one's study. In contrast, the human-scientific approach accesses the human world of experience using qualitative, phenomenological, and interpretive methods. This approach aims to discern meaningful, rather than causal, connections among the phenomena one seeks to understand.

Psychologists of religion pursue three major projects:
systematic description, especially of religious contents, attitudes, experiences, and expressions
explanation of the origins of religion, both in the history of the human race and in individual lives, taking into account a diversity of influences
mapping out the consequences of religious attitudes and conduct, both for the individual and for society at large.
The psychology of religion first arose as a self-conscious discipline in the late 19th century, but all three of these tasks have a history going back many centuries before that.

Overview
The challenge for the psychology of religion is essentially threefold:
 to provide a thoroughgoing description of the objects of investigation, whether they be shared religious content (e.g., a tradition's ritual observances) or individual experiences, attitudes, or conduct
to account in psychological terms for the rise of such phenomena, whether they be in individual lives
to clarify the outcomes—the fruits, as William James put it—of these phenomena, for individuals, and the larger society. These fruits may be both positive and negative.

The first, descriptive task naturally requires a clarification of one's terms—above all, the word religion. Historians of religion have long underscored the problematic character of this term. They note that its usage over the centuries has changed in significant ways, generally in the direction of reification. The early psychologists of religion were fully aware of these difficulties, typically acknowledging that the definitions they chose were to some degree arbitrary. With the rise of positivistic trends in psychology over the 20th century, especially the demand that all phenomena be operationalized by quantitative procedures, psychologists of religion developed a multitude of scales, most of them developed for use by Protestant Christians.<ref>Hill, P. C., and Hood, R. W., Jr. (Eds.). (1999). Measures of Religiosity." Birmingham, AL: Religious Education Press.</ref> Factor analysis was also brought into play by both psychologists and sociologists of religion, to establish a fixed core of dimensions and a corresponding set of scales. The justification and adequacy of these efforts, especially in the light of constructivist and other postmodern viewpoints, remains a matter of debate.

In the last several decades, especially among clinical psychologists, a preference for the terms "spirituality" and "spiritual" has emerged, along with efforts to distinguish them from "religion" and "religious." Especially in the United States, "religion" has for many become associated with sectarian institutions and their obligatory creeds and rituals, thus giving the word a negative cast; "spirituality," in contrast, is positively constructed as deeply individual and subjective, as a universal capacity to apprehend and accord one's life with higher realities. In fact, "spirituality" has likewise undergone an evolution in the West, from a time when it was essentially a synonym for religion in its original, subjective meaning.
Today, efforts are ongoing to "operationalize" these terms, with little regard for their history in their Western context, and with the apparent realist assumption that underlying them are fixed qualities identifiable using empirical procedures.

Schnitker and Emmons theorized that the understanding of religion as a search for meaning makes implications in the three psychological areas of motivation, cognition and social relationships. The cognitive aspects relate to God and a sense of purpose, the motivational ones to the need to control, and the religious search for meaning is also woven into social communities.

History

 William James
American psychologist and philosopher William James (1842–1910) is regarded by most psychologists of religion as the founder of the field. He served as president of the American Psychological Association, and wrote one of the first psychology textbooks. In the psychology of religion, James' influence endures. His Varieties of Religious Experience is considered to be the classic work in the field, and references to James' ideas are common at professional conferences.

James distinguished between institutional religion and personal religion. Institutional religion refers to the religious group or organization and plays an important part in a society's culture. Personal religion, in which the individual has mystical experience, can be experienced regardless of the culture. James was most interested in understanding personal religious experience.

In studying personal religious experiences, James made a distinction between healthy-minded and sick-souled religiousness. Individuals predisposed to healthy-mindedness tend to ignore the evil in the world and focus on the positive and the good. James used examples of Walt Whitman and the "mind-cure" religious movement to illustrate healthy-mindedness in The Varieties of Religious Experience. In contrast, individuals predisposed to having a sick-souled religion are unable to ignore evil and suffering and need a unifying experience, religious or otherwise, to reconcile good and evil. James included quotations from Leo Tolstoy and John Bunyan to illustrate the sick soul.

William James' hypothesis of pragmatism stems from the efficacy of religion. If an individual believes in and performs religious activities, and those actions happen to work, then that practice appears the proper choice for the individual. However, if the processes of religion have little efficacy, then there is no rationality for continuing the practice.

 Other early theorists

 G. W. F. Hegel
Georg Wilhelm Friedrich Hegel (1770–1831) described all systems of religion, philosophy, and social science as expressions of the basic urge of consciousness to learn about itself and its surroundings, and record its findings and hypotheses. Thus, religion is only a form of that search for knowledge, within which humans record various experiences and reflections. Others, compiling and categorizing these writings in various ways, form the consolidated worldview as articulated by that religion, philosophy, social science, etc. His work The Phenomenology of Spirit was a study of how various types of writing and thinking draw from and re-combine with the individual and group experiences of various places and times, influencing the current forms of knowledge and worldviews that are operative in a population. This activity is the functioning of an incomplete group mind, where each is accessing the recorded wisdom of others. His works often include detailed descriptions of the psychological motivations involved in thought and behavior, e.g., the struggle of a community or nation to know itself and thus correctly govern itself. In Hegel's system, Religion is one of the major repositories of wisdom to be used in these struggles, representing a huge body of recollections from humanity's past in various stages of its development.

 Sigmund Freud

Sigmund Freud (1856–1939) gave explanations of the genesis of religion in his various writings. In Totem and Taboo, he applied the idea of the Oedipus complex (involving unresolved sexual feelings of, for example, a son toward his mother and hostility toward his father) and postulated its emergence in the primordial stage of human development.

In Moses and Monotheism, Freud reconstructed biblical history by his general theory. His ideas were also developed in The Future of an Illusion. When Freud spoke of religion as an illusion, he maintained that it "is a fantasy structure from which a man must be set free if he is to grow to maturity."

Freud views the idea of God as being a version of the father image, and religious belief as at bottom infantile and neurotic. Authoritarian religion, Freud believed, is dysfunctional and alienates man from himself.

 Carl Jung
The Swiss psychoanalyst Carl Jung (1875–1961) adopted a very different posture, one that was more sympathetic to religion and more concerned with a positive appreciation of religious symbolism. Jung considered the question of the metaphysical existence of God to be unanswerable by the psychologist and adopted a kind of agnosticism.

Jung postulated, in addition to the personal unconscious (roughly adopting Freud's concept), the collective unconscious, which is the repository of human experience and which contains "archetypes" (i.e. basic images that are universal in that they recur regardless of culture). The irruption of these images from the unconscious into the realm of consciousness he viewed as the basis of religious experience and often of artistic creativity. Some of Jung's writings have been devoted to elucidating some of the archetypal symbols, and include his work in comparative mythology.

 Alfred Adler
Austrian psychiatrist Alfred Adler (1870–1937), who parted ways with Freud, emphasized the role of goals and motivation in his Individual Psychology. One of Adler's most famous ideas is that we try to compensate for inferiorities that we perceive in ourselves. A lack of power often lies at the root of feelings of inferiority. One way that religion enters into this picture is through our beliefs in God, which are characteristic of our tendency to strive for perfection and superiority. For example, in many religions, God is considered to be perfect and omnipotent, and commands people likewise to be perfect. If we, too, achieve perfection, we become one with God. By identifying with God in this way, we compensate for our imperfections and feelings of inferiority.

Our ideas about God are important indicators of how we view the world. According to Adler, these ideas have changed over time, as our vision of the world – and our place in it – has changed. Consider this example that Adler offers: the traditional belief that people were placed deliberately on earth as God's ultimate creation is being replaced with the idea that people have evolved by natural selection. This coincides with a view of God not as a real being, but as an abstract representation of nature's forces. In this way, our view of God has changed from one that was concrete and specific to one that is more general. From Adler's vantage point, this is a relatively ineffective perception of God because it is so general that it fails to convey a strong sense of direction and purpose.

An important thing for Adler is that God (or the idea of God) motivates people to act and that those actions do have real consequences for ourselves and others. Our view of God is important because it embodies our goals and directs our social interactions.

Compared to science, another social movement, religion is more efficient because it motivates people more effectively. According to Adler, only when science begins to capture the same religious fervor, and promotes the welfare of all segments of society, will the two be more equal in peoples' eyes.

 Gordon Allport
In his 1950 book The Individual and His Religion, Gordon Allport (1897–1967) illustrates how people may use religion in different ways. He makes a distinction between Mature religion andImmature religion. Mature religious sentiment is how Allport characterized the person whose approach to religion is dynamic, open-minded, and able to maintain links between inconsistencies. In contrast, immature religion is self-serving and generally represents the negative stereotypes that people have about religion.

More recently, this distinction has been encapsulated in the terms "intrinsic religion", referring to a genuine, heartfelt devout faith, and "extrinsic religion", referring to a more utilitarian use of religion as a means to an end, such as church attendance to gain social status. These dimensions of religion were measured on the Religious Orientation Scale of Allport and Ross. The third form of religious orientation has been described by Daniel Batson. This refers to treatment of religion as an open-ended search.

More specifically, it has been seen by Batson as comprising a willingness to view religious doubts positively, acceptance that religious orientation can change and existential complexity, the belief that one's religious beliefs should be shaped from personal crises that one has experienced in one's life. Batson refers to extrinsic, intrinsic and quests respectively as religion-as-means, religion-as-end, and religion-as-quest, and measures these constructs on the Religious Life Inventory.

 Erik H. Erikson
Erik Erikson (1902–1994) is best known for his theory of psychological development, which has its roots in the psychoanalytic importance of identity in personality. His biographies of Gandhi and Martin Luther reveal Erikson's positive view of religion. He considered religions to be important influences in successful personality development because they are the primary way that cultures promote the virtues associated with each stage of life. Religious rituals facilitate this development. Erikson's theory has not benefited from systematic empirical study, but it remains an influential and well-regarded theory in the psychological study of religion.

 Erich Fromm
The American scholar Erich Fromm (1900–1980) modified the Freudian theory and produced a more complex account of the functions of religion. In his book Psychoanalysis and Religion he responded to Freud's theories by explaining that part of the modification is viewing the Oedipus complex as based not so much on sexuality as on a "much more profound desire", namely, the childish desire to remain attached to protecting figures. The right religion, in Fromm's estimation, can, in principle, foster an individual's highest potentialities, but religion in practice tends to relapse into being neurotic.

According to Fromm, humans need a stable frame of reference. Religion fills this need. In effect, humans crave answers to questions that no other source of knowledge has an answer to, which only religion may seem to answer. However, a sense of free will must be given for religion to appear healthy. An authoritarian notion of religion appears detrimental.

 Rudolf Otto
Rudolf Otto (1869–1937) was a German Protestant theologian and scholar of comparative religion. Otto's most famous work, The Idea of the Holy (published first in 1917 as Das Heilige), defines the concept of the holy as that which is numinous. Otto explained the numinous as a "non-rational, non-sensory experience or feeling whose primary and immediate object is outside the self." It is a mystery (Latin: mysterium tremendum) that is both fascinating (fascinans) and terrifying at the same time; A mystery that causes trembling and fascination, attempting to explain that inexpressible and perhaps supernatural emotional reaction of wonder drawing us to seemingly ordinary and/or religious experiences of grace. This sense of emotional wonder appears evident at the root of all religious experiences. Through this emotional wonder, we suspend our rational mind for non-rational possibilities.The Idea of the Holy also set out a paradigm for the study of religion that focuses on the need to realize the religious as a non-reducible, original category in its own right. This paradigm was under much attack between approximately 1950 and 1990 but has made a strong comeback since then.

 Modern thinkers
Autobiographal accounts of 20th-century psychology of religion as a field have been supplied by numerous modern psychologists of religion, primarily based in Europe, but also by several US-based psychologists such as Ralph W. Hood and Donald Capps.

 Allen Bergin
Allen Bergin is noted for his 1980 paper "Psychotherapy and Religious Values," which is known as a landmark in scholarly acceptance that religious values do, in practice, influence psychotherapy.Slife, B.D. & Whoolery, M. (2003). Understanding disciplinary significance: The story of Allen Bergin's 1980 article on values. In R. Sternberg (Ed.) The anatomy of impact: What has made the great works of psychology great? Washington, D.C.: American Psychological Association. He received the Distinguished Professional Contributions to Knowledge award from the American Psychological Association in 1989 and was cited as challenging "psychological orthodoxy to emphasize the importance of values and religion in therapy."

Robert A. Emmons
Robert A. Emmons offered a theory of "spiritual strivings" in his 1999 book, The Psychology of Ultimate Concerns. With support from empirical studies, Emmons argued that spiritual strivings foster personality integration because they exist at a higher level of the personality.

Ralph W. Hood Jr.

Ralph W. Hood Jr. is a professor of psychology at the University of Tennessee at Chattanooga. He is a former editor of the Journal for the Scientific Study of Religion and a former co-editor of the Archive for the Psychology of Religion and The International Journal for the Psychology of Religion. He is Past President of Division 36 of the American Psychological Association and a recipient of its William James Award. He has published several hundred articles and book chapters on the psychology of religion and has authored, co-authored, or edited thirteen volumes, all dealing with the psychology of religion.

 Kenneth Pargament
Kenneth Pargament is noted for his book Psychology of Religion and Coping (1997), as well as for a 2007 book on religion and psychotherapy, and a sustained research program on religious coping. He is professor of psychology at Bowling Green State University (Ohio, US), and
has published more than 100 papers on the subject of religion and spirituality in psychology. Pargament led the design of a questionnaire called the "RCOPE" to measure Religious Coping strategies. Pargament has distinguished between three types of styles for coping with stress:
 Collaborative, in which people co-operate with God to deal with stressful events;
 Deferring, in which people leave everything to God; and
 Self-directed, in which people do not rely on God and try exclusively to solve problems by their own efforts. He also describes four major stances toward religion that have been adopted by psychotherapists in their work with clients, which he calls the religiously rejectionist, exclusivist, constructivist, and pluralist stances.Brian J. Zinnbauer & Kenneth I. Pargament (2000). Working with the sacred: Four approaches to religious and spiritual issues in counseling. Journal of Counseling & Development, v78 n2, pp162–171. ISSN 0748-9633

 James Hillman
James Hillman, at the end of his book Re-Visioning Psychology, reverses James' position of viewing religion through psychology, urging instead that we view psychology as a variety of religious experience. He concludes: "Psychology as religion implies imagining all psychological events as effects of Gods in the soul."

 Julian Jaynes
Julian Jaynes, primarily in his book The Origin of Consciousness in the Breakdown of the Bicameral Mind, proposed that religion (and some other psychological phenomena such as hypnosis and schizophrenia) is a remnant of a relatively recent time in human development, prior to the advent of consciousness. Jaynes hypothesized that hallucinated verbal commands helped non-conscious early man to perform tasks promoting human survival. Starting about 10,000 BCE, selective pressures favored the hallucinated verbal commands for social control, and they came to be perceived as an external, rather than internal, voice commanding the person to take some action. These were hence often explained as originating from invisible gods, spirits, ancestors, etc.

 Hypotheses on the role of religion
There are three primary hypotheses on the role of religion in the modern world.

 Secularization
The first hypothesis, secularization, holds that science and technology will take the place of religion. Secularization supports the separation of religion from politics, ethics, and psychology. Taking this position even further, Taylor explains that secularization denies transcendence, divinity, and rationality in religious beliefs.

 Religious transformation
Challenges to the secularization hypothesis led to significant revisions, resulting in the religious transformation hypothesis. This perspective holds that general trends towards individualism and social disintegration will produce changes in religion, making religious practice more individualized and spiritually focused. This in turn is expected to produce more spiritual seeking, although not exclusive to religious institutions. Eclecticism, which draws from multiple religious/spiritual systems and New Age movements are also predicted to result.

 Cultural divide
In response to the religious transformation hypothesis, Ronald Inglehart piloted the renewal of the secularization hypothesis. His argument hinges on the premise that religion develops to fill the human need for security. Therefore, the development of social and economic security in Europe explains its corresponding secularization due to a lack of need for religion. However, religion continues in the third world where social and economic insecurity is rampant. The overall effect is expected to be a growing cultural disparity.

The idea that religiosity arises from the human need for security has also been furthered by studies examining religious beliefs as a compensatory mechanism of control. These studies are motivated by the idea that people are invested in maintaining beliefs in order and structure to prevent beliefs in chaos and randomness.

In the experimental setting, researchers have also tested compensatory control in regard to individuals' perceptions of external systems, such as religion or government. For example, Kay and colleagues found that in a laboratory setting, individuals are more likely to endorse broad external systems (e.g., religion or sociopolitical systems) that impose order and control on their lives when they are induced with lowered levels of personal control. In this study, researchers suggest that when a person's personal control is lessened, their motivation to believe in order is threatened, resulting in compensation of this threat through adherence to other external sources of control.

 Psychometric approaches to religion
Since the 1960s psychologists of religion have used the methodology of psychometrics to assess ways in which a person may be religious. An example is the Religious Orientation Scale of Allport and Ross, which measures how respondents stand on intrinsic and extrinsic religion as described by Allport.
More recent questionnaires include the Age-Universal I-E Scale of Gorsuch and Venable, the Religious Life Inventory of Batson, Schoenrade and Ventis, and the Spiritual Experiences Index-Revised of Genia. The first provides an age-independent measure of Allport and Ross's two religious orientations. The second measures three forms of religious orientation: religion as means (intrinsic), religion as end (extrinsic), and religion as quest. The third assesses spiritual maturity using two factors: Spiritual Support and Spiritual Openness.

Religious orientations and religious dimensions

Some questionnaires, such as the Religious Orientation Scale, relate to different religious orientations, such as intrinsic and extrinsic religiousness, referring to different motivations for religious allegiance. A rather different approach, taken, for example, by Glock and Stark (1965), has been to list different dimensions of religion rather than different religious orientations, which relates to how an individual may manifest different forms of being religious. Glock and Stark's typology described five dimensions of religion – the doctrinal, the intellectual, the ethical-consequential, the ritual, and the experiential. In later works, these authors subdivided the ritual dimension into devotional and public ritual, and also clarified that their distinction of religion along multiple dimensions was not identical to distinguishing religious orientations. Although some psychologists of religion have found it helpful to take a multidimensional approach to religion for the purpose of psychometric scale design, there has been, as Wulff (1997) explains, considerable controversy about whether religion should really be seen as multidimensional.

Questionnaires to assess religious experience
What we call religious experiences can differ greatly. Some reports exist of supernatural happenings that it would be difficult to explain from a rational, scientific point of view. On the other hand, there also exist the sort of testimonies that simply seem to convey a feeling of peace or oneness – something which most of us, religious or not, may possibly relate to. In categorizing religious experiences it is perhaps helpful to look at them as explicable through one of two theories: the objectivist thesis or the subjectivist thesis.

An objectivist would argue that the religious experience is a proof of God's existence. However, others have criticised the reliability of religious experiences. The English philosopher Thomas Hobbes asked how it was possible to tell the difference between talking to God in a dream, and dreaming about talking to God.

The Subjectivist view argues that it is not necessary to think of religious experiences as evidence for the existence of an actual being whom we call God. From this point of view, the important thing is the experience itself and the effect that it has on the individual.

 Developmental approaches to religion

Many have looked at stage models, like those of Jean Piaget and Lawrence Kohlberg, to explain how children develop ideas about God and religion in general.

James Fowler's model
The best-known stage model of spiritual or religious development is that of James W. Fowler, a developmental psychologist at the Candler School of Theology, in his Stages of Faith. He follows Piaget and Kohlberg and has proposed a holistic staged development of faith (or spiritual development) across the lifespan. These stages of faith development were along the lines of Piaget's theory of cognitive development and Kohlberg's stages of moral development.

The book-length study contains six stages of faith development proposed by James Fowler:

 Stage 0 – "Primal or Undifferentiated" faith (birth to 2 years), is characterized by an early learning of the safety of their environment (i.e. warm, safe and secure vs. hurt, neglect and abuse). If consistent nurture is experienced, one will develop a sense of trust and safety about the universe and the divine. Conversely, negative experiences will cause one to develop distrust about the universe and the divine. Transition to the next stage begins with integration of thought and language which facilitates the use of symbols in speech and play.
 Stage 1 – "Intuitive-Projective" faith (ages of three to seven), is characterized by the psyche's unprotected exposure to the Unconscious, and marked by a relative fluidity of thought patterns. Religion is learned mainly through experiences, stories, images, and the people that one comes in contact with.
 Stage 2 – "Mythic-Literal" faith (mostly in school children), is characterized by persons have a strong belief in the justice and reciprocity of the universe, and their deities are almost always anthropomorphic. During this time metaphors and symbolic language are often misunderstood and are taken literally.
 Stage 3 – "Synthetic-Conventional" faith (arising in adolescence; aged 12 to adulthood), is characterized by conformity to authority and the religious development of a personal identity. Any conflicts with one's beliefs are ignored at this stage due to the fear of threat from inconsistencies.
 Stage 4 – "Individuative-Reflective" faith (usually mid-twenties to late thirties), is a stage of angst and struggle. The individual takes personal responsibility for his or her beliefs and feelings. As one is able to reflect on one's own beliefs, there is an openness to a new complexity of faith, but this also increases the awareness of conflicts in one's belief.
 Stage 5 – "Conjunctive" faith (mid-life crisis), acknowledges paradox and transcendence relating reality behind the symbols of inherited systems. The individual resolves conflicts from previous stages by a complex understanding of a multidimensional, interdependent "truth" that cannot be explained by any particular statement.
 Stage 6 – "Universalizing" faith, or what some might call "enlightenment". The individual would treat any person with compassion as he or she views people as from a universal community, and should be treated with universal principles of love and justice.

Fowler's model has inspired a considerable body of empirical research into faith development, although little of such research was ever conducted by Fowler himself. Gary Leak's Faith Development Scale, or FDS, has been subject to factor analysis by Leak.

Other hypotheses
Other theorists in developmental psychology have suggested that religiosity comes naturally to young children. Specifically, children may have a natural-born conception of mind-body dualism, which lends itself to beliefs that the mind may live on after the body dies. In addition, children have a tendency to see agency and human design where there is not, and prefer a creationist explanation of the world even when raised by parents who do not.

Researchers have also investigated attachment system dynamics as a predictor of the religious conversion experience throughout childhood and adolescence. One hypothesis is the correspondence hypothesis, which posits that individuals with secure parental attachment are more likely to experience a gradual conversion experience. Under the correspondence hypothesis, internal working models of a person's attachment figure is thought to perpetuate his or her perception of God as a secure base. Another hypothesis relating attachment style to the conversion experience is the compensation hypothesis, which states that individuals with insecure attachments are more likely to have a sudden conversion experience as they compensate for their insecure attachment relationship by seeking a relationship with God.
Researchers have tested these hypotheses using longitudinal studies and individuals' self narratives of their conversion experience. For example, one study investigating attachment styles and adolescent conversions at Young Life religious summer camps resulted in evidence supporting the correspondence hypothesis through analysis of personal narratives and a prospective longitudinal follow-up of Young Life campers, with mixed results for the compensation hypothesis.

James Alcock summarizes a number of components of what he calls the "God engine," a "number of automatic processes and cognitive biases [that] combine to make supernatural belief the automatic default." These include magical thinking, agency detection,  theory of mind that leads to dualism, the notion that "objects and events [serve] an intentional purpose," etc.

 Evolutionary and cognitive psychology of religion

Evolutionary psychology is based on the hypothesis that, just like the cardiac, pulmonary, urinary, and immune systems, cognition has a functional structure with a genetic basis, and therefore appeared through natural selection. Like other organs and tissues, this functional structure should be universally shared among humans and should solve important problems of survival and reproduction. Evolutionary psychologists seek to understand cognitive processes by understanding the survival and reproductive functions they might serve.

Pascal Boyer is one of the leading figures in the cognitive psychology of religion, a new field of inquiry that is less than fifteen years old, which accounts for the psychological processes that underlie religious thought and practice. In his book Religion Explained, Boyer shows that there is no simple explanation for religious consciousness. Boyer is mainly concerned with explaining the various psychological processes involved in the acquisition and transmission of ideas concerning the gods. Boyer builds on the ideas of cognitive anthropologists Dan Sperber and Scott Atran, who first argued that religious cognition represents a by-product of various evolutionary adaptations, including folk psychology, and purposeful violations of innate expectations about how the world is constructed (for example, bodiless beings with thoughts and emotions) that make religious cognitions striking and memorable.

Religious persons acquire religious ideas and practices through social exposure. The child of a Zen Buddhist will not become an evangelical Christian or a Zulu warrior without the relevant cultural experience. While mere exposure does not cause a particular religious outlook (a person may have been raised a Roman Catholic but leave the church), nevertheless some exposure seems required – this person will never invent Roman Catholicism out of thin air. Boyer says cognitive science can help us to understand the psychological mechanisms that account for these manifest correlations and in so doing enable us to better understand the nature of religious belief and practice.

Boyer moves outside the leading currents in mainstream cognitive psychology and suggests that we can use evolutionary biology to unravel the relevant mental architecture. Our brains are, after all, biological objects, and the best naturalistic account of their development in nature is Darwin's theory of evolution. To the extent that mental architecture exhibits intricate processes and structures, it is plausible to think that this is the result of evolutionary processes working over vast periods of time. Like all biological systems, the mind is optimised to promote survival and reproduction in the evolutionary environment. On this view all specialised cognitive functions broadly serve those reproductive ends.

For Steven Pinker the universal propensity toward religious belief is a genuine scientific puzzle. He thinks that adaptationist explanations for religion do not meet the criteria for adaptations. An alternative explanation is that religious psychology is a by-product of many parts of the mind that originally evolved for other purposes.

 Religion and prayer
Religious practice often manifests itself in some form of prayer. Recent studies have focused specifically on the effects of prayer on health. Measures of prayer and the above measures of spirituality evaluate different characteristics and should not be considered synonymous.

Prayer is fairly prevalent in the United States. About 55% of Americans report praying daily. However, the practice of prayer is more prevalent and practiced more consistently among Americans who perform other religious practices. There are four primary types of prayer in the West. Poloma and Pendleton, utilized factor analysis to delineate these four types of prayer: meditative (more spiritual, silent thinking), ritualistic (reciting), petitionary (making requests to God), and colloquial (general conversing with God). Further scientific study of prayer using factor analysis has revealed three dimensions of prayer. Ladd and Spilka's first factor was awareness of self, inward reaching. Their second and third factors were upward reaching (toward God) and outward reaching (toward others). This study appears to support the contemporary model of prayer as connection (whether to the self, higher being, or others).

Dein and Littlewood (2008) suggest that an individual's prayer life can be viewed on a spectrum ranging from immature to mature. A progression on the scale is characterized by a change in the perspective of the purpose of prayer. Rather than using prayer as a means of changing the reality of a situation, a more mature individual will use prayer to request assistance in coping with immutable problems and draw closer to God or others. This change in perspective has been shown to be associated with an individual's passage through adolescence.

Prayer appears to have health implications. Empirical studies suggest that mindfully reading and reciting the Psalms (from scripture) can help a person calm down and focus. Prayer is also positively correlated with happiness and religious satisfaction. A study conducted by Francis, Robbins, Lewis, and Barnes investigated the relationship between self-reported prayer frequency and measures of psychoticism and neuroticism according to the abbreviated form of the Revised Eysenck Personality Questionnaire (EPQR-A). The study included a sample size of 2306 students attending Protestant and Catholic schools in the highly religious culture of Northern Ireland. The data shows a negative correlation between prayer frequency and psychoticism. The data also shows that, in Catholic students, frequent prayer has a positive correlation to neuroticism scores. Ladd and McIntosh suggest that prayer-related behaviors, such as bowing the head and clasping the hands together in an almost fetal position, are suggestive of "social touch" actions. Prayer in this manner may prepare an individual to carry out positive pro-social behavior after praying, due to factors such as increased blood flow to the head and nasal breathing. Overall, slight health benefits have been found fairly consistently across studies.

Three main pathways to explain this trend have been offered: placebo effect, focus and attitude adjustment, and activation of healing processes. These offerings have been expanded by Breslin and Lewis (2008) who have constructed a five pathway model between prayer and health with the following mediators: physiological, psychological, placebo, social support, and spiritual. The spiritual mediator is a departure from the rest in that its potential for empirical investigation is not currently feasible. Although the conceptualizations of chi, the universal mind, divine intervention, and the like breach the boundaries of scientific observation, they are included in this model as possible links between prayer and health so as to not unnecessarily exclude the supernatural from the broader conversation of psychology and religion.

 Religion and ritual
Another significant form of religious practice is ritual. Religious rituals encompass a wide array of practices, but can be defined as the performance of similar actions and vocal expressions based on prescribed tradition and cultural norms.

Scheff suggests that ritual provides catharsis, emotional purging, through distancing. This emotional distancing enables an individual to experience feelings with an amount of separation, and thus less intensity. However, the conception of religious ritual as an interactive process has since matured and become more scientifically established. From this view, ritual offers a means to catharsis through behaviors that foster connection with others, allowing for emotional expression. This focus on connection contrasts to the separation that seems to underlie Scheff's view.

Additional research suggests the social component of ritual. For instance, findings suggest that ritual performance indicates group commitment and prevents the uncommitted from gaining membership benefits. Ritual may aid in emphasizing moral values that serve as group norms and regulate societies. It may also strengthen commitment to moral convictions and likelihood of upholding these social expectations. Thus, performance of rituals may foster social group stability.

Robert Sapolsky sees a similarity between the rituals accompanying obsessive–compulsive disorder and religious rituals. According to him, religious ritual reduces the tension and anxiety associated with the disorder and provides relief resulting from practicing in a social community.

Religion and personal functioning

Religion and health

There is considerable literature on the relationship between religion and health. More than 3000 empirical studies have examined relationships between religion and health, including more than 1200 in the 20th century, and more than 2000 additional studies between 2000 and 2009.

Psychologists consider that religion may benefit both physical and mental health in various ways, including encouraging healthy lifestyles, providing social support networks and encouraging an optimistic outlook on life; prayer and meditation may also benefit physiological functioning. Nevertheless, religion is not a unique source of health and well-being, and there are benefits to nonreligiosity as well. The journal "American Psychologist" published influential papers on this topic in 2003.
Haber, Jacob and Spangler have considered how different dimensions of religiosity may relate to health benefits in different ways.

Religion and personality

Some studies have examined whether there is a "religious personality." Research suggests that people who identify as religious are more likely to be high agreeableness and conscientiousness. Similarly, people who identify as spiritual are more likely to be high on Extroversion and Openness, although this varied based on the type of spirituality endorsed. However, people endorsing fundamentalist religious beliefs are more likely to be low on Openness.

Religion and prejudice
To investigate the salience of religious beliefs in establishing group identity, researchers have also conducted studies looking at religion and prejudice. Some studies have shown that greater religious attitudes may be significant predictors of negative attitudes towards racial or social outgroups. These effects are often conceptualized under the framework of intergroup bias, where religious individuals favor members of their ingroup (ingroup favoritism) and exhibit disfavor towards members of their outgroup (outgroup derogation). Evidence supporting religious intergroup bias has been supported in multiple religious groups, including non-Christian groups, and is thought to reflect the role of group dynamics in religious identification. Many studies regarding religion and prejudice implement religious priming both in the laboratory and in naturalistic settings with evidence supporting the perpetuation of ingroup favoritism and outgroup derogation in individuals who are high in religiosity.

Recently, reparative or conversion therapy, a religiously motivated process intended to change an individual's sexuality, has been the subject of scrutiny and has been condemned by some governments, LGBT charities, and therapy/counselling professional bodies.

 Religion and drugs

The American psychologist James H. Leuba (1868–1946), in A Psychological Study of Religion, accounts for mystical experience psychologically and physiologically, pointing to analogies with certain drug-induced experiences. Leuba argued forcibly for a naturalistic treatment of religion, which he considered to be necessary if religious psychology were to be looked at scientifically. Shamans all over the world and in different cultures have traditionally used drugs, especially psychedelics, for their religious experiences. In these communities the absorption of drugs leads to dreams (visions) through sensory distortion. The psychedelic experience is often compared to non-ordinary forms of consciousness such as those experienced in meditation, and mystical experiences. Ego dissolution is often described as a key feature of the psychedelic experience.

William James was also interested in mystical experiences from a drug-induced perspective, leading him to make some experiments with nitrous oxide and even peyote. He concludes that while the revelations of the mystic hold true, they hold true only for the mystic; for others they are certainly ideas to be considered, but hold no claim to truth without personal experience of such.

 Religion and mental illness

Although many researchers have brought evidence for a positive role that religion plays in health, others have shown that religious beliefs, practices, and experiences may be linked to mental illnesses of various kinds (mood disorders, personality disorders, and psychiatric disorders). In 2012 a team of psychiatrists, behavioral psychologists, neurologists, and neuropsychiatrists from the Harvard Medical School published research which suggested the development of a new diagnostic category of psychiatric disorders related to religious delusion and hyperreligiosity.

They compared the thoughts and behaviors of the most important figures in the Bible (Abraham, Moses, Jesus Christ, and Paul) with patients affected by mental disorders related to the psychotic spectrum using different clusters of disorders and diagnostic criteria (DSM-IV-TR), and concluded that these Biblical figures "may have had psychotic symptoms that contributed inspiration for their revelations", such as schizophrenia, schizoaffective disorder, manic depression, delusional disorder, delusions of grandeur, auditory-visual hallucinations, paranoia, Geschwind syndrome (Paul especially), and abnormal experiences associated with temporal lobe epilepsy (TLE). The authors suggest that Jesus sought to condemn himself to death ("suicide by proxy").

The research went further and also focused on social models of psychopathology, analyzing new religious movements and charismatic cult leaders such as David Koresh, leader of the Branch Davidians, and Marshall Applewhite, founder of the Heaven's Gate cult. The researchers concluded that "If David Koresh and Marshall Applewhite are appreciated as having psychotic-spectrum beliefs, then the premise becomes untenable that the diagnosis of psychosis must rigidly rely upon an inability to maintain a social group. A subset of individuals with psychotic symptoms appears able to form intense social bonds and communities despite having an extremely distorted view of reality. The existence of a better socially functioning subset of individuals with psychotic-type symptoms is corroborated by research indicating that psychotic-like experiences, including both bizarre and non-bizarre delusion-like beliefs, are frequently found in the general population. This supports the idea that psychotic symptoms likely lie on a continuum."

 Religion and psychotherapy
Clients' religious beliefs are increasingly being considered in psychotherapy with the goal of improving service and effectiveness of treatment. A resulting development was theistic psychotherapy. Conceptually, it consists of theological principles, a theistic view of personality, and a theistic view of psychotherapy. Following an explicit minimizing strategy, therapists attempt to minimize conflict by acknowledging their religious views while being respectful of client's religious views. This is argued to up the potential for therapists to directly utilize religious practices and principles in therapy, such as prayer, forgiveness, and grace. In contrast to such an approach, psychoanalyst Robin S. Brown argues for the extent to which our spiritual commitments remain unconscious. Drawing from the work of Jung, Brown suggests that "our biases can only be suspended in the extent to which they are no longer our biases".

Pastoral psychology
One application of the psychology of religion is in pastoral psychology, the use of psychological findings to improve the pastoral care provided by pastors and other clergy, especially in how they support ordinary members of their congregations. Pastoral psychology is also concerned with improving the practice of chaplains in healthcare and in the military. One major concern of pastoral psychology is to improve the practice of pastoral counseling. Pastoral psychology is a topic of interest for professional journals such as Pastoral Psychology, the Journal of Psychology and Christianity, and the Journal of Psychology and Theology. In 1984, Thomas Oden severely criticized mid-20th-century pastoral care and the pastoral psychology that guided it as having entirely abandoned its classical/traditional sources, and having become overwhelmingly dominated by modern psychological influences from Freud, Rogers, and others. More recently, others have described pastoral psychology as a field that experiences a tension between psychology and theology.

 See also

 References

Bibliography

 Atran, S., In Gods We Trust: The Evolutionary Landscape of Religion, New York, Oxford University Press, 2002.
 Erikson, E., Young man Luther: A Study in Psychoanalysis and History, New York, W. W. Norton, 1958.

 Francis, L.J. & Louden, S.H., The Francis-Louden Mystical Orientation Scale: A Study Among Male Anglican Priests, Research in the Scientific Study of Religion, 2000.

 Hill, P. C. & Pargament, K., Advances in the Conceptualisation and Measurement of Spirituality. American Psychologist, 58, p64–74, 2003.
 Hood, R. W., The Construction and Preliminary Validation of a Measure of Reported Mystical Experience, Journal for the Scientific Study of Religion, 1975.
 Jung, C. G., Modern Man in Search of a Soul, New York, Harcourt Brace, 1933.
 Jung, C. G., Psychology and Religion, Yale University Press, 1962.
 Jung, C. G., Psychology and Religion, Yale Univ. Press, 1992.
 Jung, C. G., Psychology and Western Religion, Princeton Univ. Press, 1984.
 Hood, R. W., The Construction and Preliminary Validation of a Measure of Reported Mystical Experience, Journal for the Scientific Study of Religion, 1975.

 Leuba, J. H., The Psychology of Religious Mysticism, New York, Harcourt, Brace, 1925.
 Leuba, J. H., The Psychological Origin and the Nature of Religion. Wikisource text

 Saroglou, V. (Ed). (2014). Religion, Personality, and Social Behavior. New York: Psychology Press.
 Saroglou, V. (2021). The Psychology of Religion. Routledge (The Psychology of Everything series)
 Miller & Thoresen (2003) American Psychologist
 Powell, L.H., Shahabi, L. & Thoresen, C. (2003). Religion and spirituality.
 Links to physical health. American Psychologist. 58 pp. 36–52

 Wulff, D. M., Psychology of Religion: Classic and Contemporary (2nd ed), New York, Wiley, 1997.

Further reading

 Bendeck Sotillos, S. (Ed.). (2013). Psychology and the Perennial Philosophy: Studies in Comparative Religion. Bloomington, IN: World Wisdom. .
 Fontana, D., Psychology, Religion and Spirituality, Oxford, Blackwell, 2003.
 Fuller, A. R. (1994). Psychology & religion: Eight points of view (3rd ed.). Lanham, MD: Littlefield Adams. .
 Hood, R. W. Jr., Spilka, B., Hunsberger, B., & Gorsuch, R. (1996). The psychology of religion: An empirical approach. New York: Guilford.
 Jones, David., The Psychology of Jesus. Valjean Press: Nashville.
 Kugelmann, Robert., Psychology and Catholicism: Contested Boundaries, Cambridge University Press, 2011
 Loewenthal, K. M., Psychology of Religion: A Short Introduction, Oxford, Oneworld, 2000.
 McNamara, R. (Ed.) (2006), Where God and Science Meet [3 Volumes]: How Brain and Evolutionary Studies Alter Our Understanding of Religion. Westport, CT: Praeger/Greenwood.
 Paloutzian, R. (1996). Invitation to the Psychology of Religion, 2nd Ed. New York: Allyn and Bacon. .
 Meissner, W., Psychoanalysis and Religious Experience, London and New Haven, Yale University Press, 1984.
 Roberts, T. B., and Hruby, P. J. (1995–2002). Religion and Psychoactive Sacraments An Entheogen Chrestomathy. Online archive.
 Tsakiridis, George. Evagrius Ponticus and Cognitive Science: A Look at Moral Evil and the Thoughts. Eugene, OR: Pickwick Publications, 2010.
 Wulff, D. M. (1997). Psychology of religion: Classic and contemporary'' (2nd ed.). New York: John Wiley. .

External links
 Division 36: Society for the Psychology of Religion and Spirituality on the American Psychological Association's official website
 Society for the Psychology of Religion and Spirituality, official website
 International Association for the Scientific Study of Religion
 International Association for the Psychology of Religion
Dictionary App of Psychology of Religion
 Centre for Psychology of Religion, Institute IPSY, Université catholique de Louvain (Belgium)
 Psychology of religion, Department of Historical, Philosophical and Religious studies, Umeå University (Sweden)
 Misplaced Faith?: A theory of supernatural belief as misattribution with Luke Galen
 Religiosity and Emotion
 Psychology of religion pages
 Varieties of Religious Experience, a Study in Human Nature by William James
 Psychology of Religious Doubt
 Psychology of religion in Germany

Religion and mental health

Psychology of religion


Maggie O'Sullivan (born 1951) is a British poet, performer and visual artist associated with the British Poetry Revival.

Life
O'Sullivan was born in Lincoln, England of Irish immigrant parents. She moved to London in 1971 and worked for the BBC until 1988. Her early work appeared in magazines such as Angel Exhaust. She lives in Hebden Bridge, West Yorkshire.

O'Sullivan's work is influenced by Kurt Schwitters, Joseph Beuys, Jerome Rothenberg, Bob Cobbing and Basil Bunting. Her books include An Incomplete Natural History (1984), In the House of the Shaman (1993), Red Shifts (2000) and Palace of Reptiles (2003). She edited out of everywhere: An anthology of contemporary linguistically innovative poetry by women in North America & the UK (1996).

References

External links
Maggie O'Sullivan's website
An essay on O'Sullivan
Review of Palace of Reptiles

1951 births
Living people
English women poets
Modernist women writers
British Poetry Revival
People from Hebden Bridge
21st-century English women writers
21st-century British writers

Maggie O'Sullivan


Aloe macra es una especie de planta suculenta de  aloe. Es endémica de Isla Reunión.

Descripción
Aloe macra con tallo erecto que alcanza hasta 30 centímetros de largo. Las entre once y cincuenta hojas en forma de espada estrechas forman rosetas. La lámina de la hoja es de color verde de 30 a 35 cm de largo y 3 cm de ancho con pequeños dientes rojos en los márgenes. La inflorescencia es simple y consiste en una rama y alcanza una longitud de 30 centímetros.  Las brácteas lanceoladas tiene una longitud de unos 3 milímetros. Las flores son rojizo-anaranjadas y de color amarillo la parte superior. Midene 13 a 14 milímetros de largo. Los estambres no sobresalen fuera de la flor.

Taxonomía
Aloe macra fue descrita por Adrian Hardy Haworth y publicado en Supplementum Plantarum Succulentarum... 45, en el año 1819.

Etimología
Ver: Aloe

macra: epíteto latino que significa "delgado", en referencia a sus troncos delgados.

Sinonimia
 Lomatophyllum macrum (Haw.) Salm-Dyck ex Schult. & Schult.f.
 Phylloma macrum (Haw.) Sweet

Referencias

macra
Flora de Reunión
Plantas descritas en 1819
Plantas descritas por Haworth

Aloe macra


Alexandra "Alex" Margarita Russo es el personaje principal de la serie de Disney Channel Wizards of Waverly Place.
Ganó el puesto de Hechicera/Maga de la familia junto a su hermano mayor, Justin Russo.
Es la hermana mediana y la única descendiente mujer de la familia, Alex es muy astuta y es muy buena cuando se trata de conseguir lo que quiere, es de personalidad rebelde con un fuerte carácter, bromista, perezosa, sarcástica y egoísta. No obstante, Alex, en numerosas ocasiones ha demostrado a lo largo de la serie ser muy noble, sacando a la luz su buen corazón.

Alex Russo es una persona muy inteligente a pesar de no tener éxito en el ámbito de los estudios, todo lo contrario a su hermano mayor, Justin.
Es amante del arte y de la pintura, pasión que regió en su carrera profesional en cuanto a su formación como pintora, tras graduarse en el Instituto.

Alex Russo se convirtió en Maga De La Familia en Wizards of Waverly Place: The Movie. Sin embargo, ésta se muestra infeliz con ese hecho y decide pedir un deseo a través de la "Piedra de los sueños", donde vuelve el tiempo atrás, tornándose nuevamente en aprendiz junto a sus dos hermanos.

Al final de la serie, cuando Justin, el hijo predilecto, gana, Alex demuestra su humanidad e inmenso respeto hacia su familia decidiendo a ayudar a Justin cuando este sufre un fuerte contratiempo, queriendo competir de manera justa.
Finalmente Alex decide conservar su puesto original como Maga De La Familia Russo, manteniendo sus poderes para siempre.

Mantiene una relación sentimental con Mason Greyback, un joven licántropo.

En 2008, a pesar de que el personaje de Alex fue clasificado como «Un Mago En Todo El Material Oficial», AOL la nombró «La Mejor Bruja Interpretada En Veinte Años En Televisión».

Selena Gomez, es una de los dos miembros del reparto que está presente en todos y cada uno de los episodios de la serie junto a David Henrie, quien interpreta al hermano mayor de Alex, Justin Russo, personaje que también ha aparecido en The Suite Life on Deck.

Referencias

Enlaces externos

Wizards of Waverly Place
Héroes de ficción
Italoestadounidenses ficticios
Selena Gomez
Personajes de televisión
Personajes de Disney originarios de televisión
Animadoras ficticias
Magos ficticios
Artistas ficticios
Brujos ficticios
Estudiantes de secundaria ficticios

Alex Russo


Un camino, en sentido lato, designa toda vía de comunicación entre dos puntos; en su sentido restringido y más usado, se aplica a las vías terrestres de comunicación.

Los caminos son mayoritariamente bienes de dominio público de la nación, provincia o municipio, y de aprovechamiento común; si bien pueden ser de propiedad privada. Son frecuentes las discusiones sobre la titularidad de un camino, pues instituciones en ocasiones obvian que sea de propiedad privada o particulares ignoran que sea de dominio público.

Las funciones de la Administración pública con respecto a los caminos pueden reducirse a tres:
 construirlos y repararlos
 conservar su propiedad
 regular el aprovechamiento común

Historia
Es de creer que desde el momento en que los pueblos se fueron relacionando entre sí se fueron estableciendo rutas para facilitar la comunicación, y que se establecerían reglas de policía para su conservación y aseo. Se dice que los persas tuvieron tres caminos principales muy buenos. Según Diodoro de Sicilia, Semíramis estableció por todos sus estados una especie de caminos o vías militares para cuya construcción hizo rebajar colinas, rellenar valles y fosos y formar diques y calzadas elevadas. Justino asegura asimismo que Jerjes empleó sumas considerables para la construcción de caminos públicos.

Antigua Grecia
Heródoto dice que el cuidado de los caminos entre los lacedemonios estaba a cargo de los reyes. En Atenas cuidaba de ellos el senado, y en Tebas y otros pueblos de Grecia confiaban este encargo a los hombres más eminentes. Sin embargo, no parece que entre los griegos este ramo hubiese adelantado con proporción a los otros en que tanto aventajaron a los demás países, como resulta claramente de un pasaje de Estrabón. Este autor dice en el libro 5.° que los griegos miraron con negligencia tres obras por los que los romanos no escatimaron tiempo ni fatigas, a saber, la construcción de las cloacas, de los acueductos y de los caminos o vías públicas. Se justifica además el atraso o indiferencia de los griegos por los caminos al no hacer mención de ellos ninguno de sus autores y porque no llegaron jamás a tener ninguno enlosado. Este adelanto estaba reservado, según dice Isidoro a finales de su libro XV, a los cartagineses, pueblo comerciante que conocía el interés de los viajes y la facilidad de los transportes.

Antigua Roma

Los romanos siguieron su ejemplo y los monumentos o vías que quedan todavía de ellos después de tantos siglos son un testimonio incontestable de su poder y de su gloria. El primer camino que construyeron es considerado el más hermoso de cuantos fabricaron: este es la vía Apia, así llamada por Apio Claudio. En seguida, hicieron construir la vía Aureliana, luego la Flaminia, a las que añadieron otras muchas, de suerte que los caminos espaciosos, sólidos y adornados de milla en milla de columnas de mármol se extendían en todas direcciones desde las extremidades occidentales de Europa y África hasta Asia menor, en una distancia de más de cuarenta mil leguas francesas.

Los romanos construían los caminos con cuatro hiladas o capas de materiales, de las que resultaba una obra solidísima.

la primera, llamada statumen, era de mortero compuesto de arena, cal y toba, y tenía una pulgada de grueso sobre tierra firme;
la segunda capa o cama, que se ponía sobre la primera, era de casquijo y escombro desmenuzado y unido con mortero y se llamaba por los latinos ruclus;
la tercera hilada, que iba sobre la segunda, se componía de calcina o argamasa hecha de arena o toba mezclada con cal, y la llamaban nucleus porque calaba toda la obra;
finalmente, ponían la cuarta capa que estaba en la superficie, compuesta unas veces de piedras duras y sólidas, como se ve en la vía Apia y otras de escombros o de guijarros pequeños, mezclado todo con arena gruesa, como se ve en algunos caminos militares, guardando para las ciudades y sus inmediaciones aquellas piedras de mayor tamaño.

Los grandes caminos de los romanos tenían sesenta pies de ancho.

Los antiguos paganos acostumbraban a poner en los caminos la estatua de Mercurio, como numen tutelar de los viajeros, los cuales al pasar solían tomar una piedra del camino y echarla al pie del simulacro de aquella falsa divinidad, como un acto de adoración. Estas piedras servían después en algunos países para quitar la vida a aquellos que eran condenados a morir apedreados y a esto alude lo que aparece en el cap. XXVI de los Proverbios, de que el que honra y protege a un insensato obra del mismo modo que quien tira su piedra en el montón dedicado a Mercurio.

En España

Competencias

Para la dirección de los asuntos referentes a caminos, Carlos III creó una superintendencia general que agregó a la de Correos y postas. Puso al frente al primer secretario de Estado, determinando su organización y facultades.

En Granada, Jaén y Córdoba todo lo relativo a caminos estaba bajo la dirección de la Junta mayor de Granada, que fue suprimida el 27 de julio de 1804, pasando sus facultades al capitán general, excepto la carretera de Granada a Málaga, que la gestionaba un inspector general.

Posteriormente pasaron las competencias al Ministerio de Fomento.

Clasificación
En los siglos XIX e inicios del XX, existen caminos ordinarios y de hierro (ferrocarriles); a su vez los primeros pueden clasificarse en carreteras y caminos, tomando esta palabra en su acepción más restringida y distinguiendo los caminos vecinales de los rurales y de servicio particular.

Caminos vecinales
Gramaticalmente son los destinados al servicio particular de los vecinos de un pueblo para sus fincas . Pero legalmente, en la frase «caminos vecinales» se comprenden «todos los caminos de dominio público, que no son carreteras nacionales ni provinciales». Respecto a ellos se han seguido sucesivamente tres sistemas:
 el de la Ley de 22 de julio de 1857 que, considerándolos como carreteras de tercer orden destinadas a unir dos o más municipios de una provincia, los puso a cargo del
Estado.
 el de la Ley de 14 de noviembre de 1808, que los dejó a cargo exclusivo de los ayuntamientos
 el sistema mixto: instaurado por la ley de 29 de diciembre de 1876, y seguido por la ley municipal de 1877 y por la Ley y Reglamento de caminos vecinales de 30 de julio de 1904 y 16 de mayo de 1905, respectivamente.

Según la Ley municipal de 2 de octubre de 1877, enmendada por la Ley de 1901 y el Reglamento de 1905 citados, se consideran caminos vecinales los ordinarios de interés público que no estén incluidos en los planes del Estado ni de las provincias, y que figuren en el plan especial de caminos vecinales (art. 1º de la Ley). Son de primer orden los que unen carreteras del Estado o provinciales con estaciones de ferrocarriles, siempre que la longitud no exceda de 10 km, límite que puede ampliarse con ciertas condiciones, hasta 15 km para los caminos que unan carreteras (Real Orden de 19 de octubre de 1909).
Los que unan cabezas de partido judiciales o poblaciones en que haya mercado o fábricas importantes con estaciones de ferrocarriles siempre que la longitud no exceda de 10 km, y los de interés común a dos o más ayuntamientos o que por alguna circunstancia especial afecten al tránsito general de una región importante. Son caminos de segundo orden los que sin estar comprendidos en ninguno de los casos anteriores afecten a un solo ayuntamiento (art. 2º de la Ley)

Para entender en la formación del plan de caminos vecinales, orden de ejecución, construcción, conservación y policía de los mismos, existen:
 Juntas de distrito en las cabezas de partido judiciales (o en la del ayuntamiento si este comprende varios partidos) compuestas del alcalde de la capital de distrito (presidente), seis vocales elegidos por los municipios, dos por las Cámaras agrícolas y dos por las de Comercio (nombrándolos el gobernador si no existieran tales cámaras en el distrito), dos representantes de las corporaciones, empresas, fábricas, industrias, etc., que subvencionen directamente la construcción o conservación de los caminos, si los hubiere, y otros dos designados por la Diputación provincial. Será secretario el funcionario que designe el gobernador provincial a propuesta del ingeniero jefe de obras públicas. La Juta se renueva por mitad cada dos años, excepto el cargo de secretario.

Estas juntas tienen por misión formular el proyecto del plan de caminos que corresponde al distrito, aprovechando para ello los datos existentes en las Jefaturas de obras públicas. Clasificarán los caminos en los dos órdenes y expresarán la anchura, trazado, longitud y coste 8cuando un camino interese a dos o más distritos, procurarán las Juntas ponerse de acuerdo, y si no lo consiguieren, lo incluirá cada uno en su presupuesto expresando los motivos de disconformidad. También será su función revisar el plan cada quinquenio para adaptarlo a las necesidades del tráfico. Presentarán a la Junta provincial el plan anual de obras nuevas. Cuidarán de la conservación, reparación y policía de los de segundo orden. Propondrán a las juntas provinciales las variaciones que en la forma de servicios aconseje la práctica introducir en los reglamentos, y suministrarán a dichas juntas cuantos datos y antecedentes necesiten (arts. 3 y 4 de la ley y 10 a 22 del Reglamento).

Por Real Decreto de 24 de junio de 1908 se declaró que la constitución de estas juntas no era obligatoria, pudiendo ser suprimidas con la autorización del Ministerio de Fomento, aquellas de las establecidas que no cumplieran los antecedentes deberes, y haciéndose las propuestas de caminos en los distritos que no tenían Junta por los municipios, y en su defecto por la Junta provincial z la que pasaban las funciones asignadas a aquellas.
 Juntas provinciales en la capitales de provincia, compuestas por el gobernador civil (presidente), el vicepresidente de la Diputación (vicepresidente) y el ingeniero jefe de obras públicas, como vocales natos; dos diputados provinciales elegidos por la Diputación y que representen distritos diferentes, dos representantes de las Cámaras de Comercio de la provincia y otros dos de las Cámaras agrícolas (aunque solo exista una, y si existieren más de dos, uno por la de la capital y otro por la demás), y un representante pro cada junta de distrito (ostentando la representación de los distritos que no tengan junta o queden si ella, los diputados provinciales), como vocales efectivos; y de un secretario, que lo será el ingeniero de caminos de la provincia que designe el gobernador. El número de vocales puede ampliarse a propuesta de la Junta y previa autorización del Ministerio de Fomento, en caso de que convenga dar representación a cualquier corporación o empresa que auxilie o facilite la construcción o conservación de los caminos. Los vocales electivos se renovarán por bienalmente por mitad dentro de cada representación.

Referencias

Derechos reales
Caminos
Andar

Camino (vía)


Horst Beinlich (né le  à Ollnborg) est un égyptologue allemand.

Carrière
Après avoir obtenu son doctorat en 1974 à Heidelberg et son habilitation en 1983 à Wurtzbourg, il devient professeur à Wurtzbourg. En 2015, il se voit décerner le « Pro Academia Prize » pour ses trente années de travail sur le Livre du Fayoum.

Publications
 en tant qu'éditeur Jochen Hallof, Auf den Spuren des Sobek. Festschrift für Horst Beinlich zum 28. Dezember 2012, (= Studien zu den Ritualszenen altägyptischer Tempel, Band 12), Röll, Dettelbach 2012, .

Liens externes

Index égyptologique
Naissance en décembre 1947
Égyptologue allemand

Horst Beinlich


Bendorf Almanya'nın kuzeyinde Schleswig-Holstein eyaletinde, Rendsburg-Eckernförde iline bağlı bölge. 20.58 km² yüzölçümüne sahiptir. Nüfusu, 30 Eylül 2001 itibarıyla yaklaşık 469 olarak tespit edilmiştir. Belediye Başkanlığı Claus Engel tarafından yürütülmektedir.

Dış bağlantılar
 www.amthanerau-hademarschen.de

Rendsburg-Eckernförde iline bağlı yerleşim birimleri

Bendorf


Le jus de compost est le résultat de la percolation des matières liquides en formation dans un processus de compostage naturel ou accéléré par l'être humain en tas ou dans un composteur.Ce jus ou lixiviat ou percolat est un fertilisant naturel.

Composition
Il contient des éléments organiques, minéraux et micro-organismes acteurs du processus de décomposition : les détritivores. Essentiellement cryptogames et bactéries.

Utilisation
Ce jus peut être récupéré pour utilisation comme fertilisant en épandage ou, filtré, comme pulvérisat sur les parties foliaires des plantes; il sert alors de stimulant des défenses immunitaires par apport de micro-organismes entrant en concurrence avec des germes pathogènes.
Il est possible de développer un jus de compost filtré, et par la même aux propriétés physico-chimiques soutenues, par des techniques mécaniques agricoles: l'extraction de compost.

Extraction
L'extraction de compost est une technique qui utilise du compost, de l'eau et de l'oxygène afin de décupler ses propriétés.
On introduit du compost dans un filet, que l'on fait tremper dans de l'eau. On y apporte de l'air pendant plusieurs heures. Deux variantes principales existent:
avec apport de matières sucrées pour aider les micro-organismes à se développer plus rapidement,
Sans apport de sucres afin de ne pas aider les probables pathogènes apparaissant en fin de processus et pouvant créer un effet voulu contraire.

La première technique favorise la multiplication très rapide, et dure en général environ 24h. Dans ce procédé, certaines fonctions plus dominantes prennent le dessus sur d'autres pourtant utiles et complémentaires dans l'action recherchée.

La deuxième technique s'appuie plutôt sur un développement de la biodiversité des populations présentes dans le milieu afin de créer une chaîne de fonctions enzymatiques plus étendue.
Voir:
jusdecompost.fr
ladynamo.fr
dyn-agri.fr

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Roomba is a series of autonomous robotic vacuum cleaners made by the company iRobot. Introduced in September 2002, they have a set of sensors that enable them to navigate the floor area of a home. These sensors can detect the presence of obstacles, particularly dirty spots on the floor, and steep drops (e.g., to avoid falling down stairs).

As of 2022, iRobot markets models of their 600, i, j, Combo and s9 series, while continuing to provide support and sell accessories for their previous series. Various models have different features, including tangle-free brushes, separate sweep canisters, more powerful vacuums, obstacle avoidance, and performance maps displayed via smartphone apps. Newer high-end models also have a camera, which works in conjunction with onboard mapping and navigation software to systematically cover all floor area, move from room to room, avoid obstacles such as pet waste and charging cables, and find recharging bases and beacons.

Roombas allow some customizability and reprogramming. Parts of some models are interchangeable, allowing owners to mix and match features, or switch to other units for longer battery operation. Additionally, some units can be adapted to perform more creative tasks using an embedded computer in conjunction with the Roomba Open Interface.

Design

Most Roomba models are of a disk shape, measuring  in diameter and  high depending on the mode. The S9 and S9+ robots are D-shaped rather than circular, with the flat part of the D at the front, and are narrower at  wide. A large contact-sensing mechanical bumper is mounted on the front half of all models, with an omnidirectional infrared sensor at its top front center. Most models also have a recessed handle on top.

First- and second-generation Roombas were not compatible with the Virtual Wall, an accessory used to prevent them from entering an area. It projects a pattern of infrared light, which the vacuum detects and treats as a physical wall, prompting it to stop and turn around. Third-generation and newer models are compatible with the Dual Mode Virtual Wall, which, in addition to simulating a straight wall, can create a circular barrier roughly  in diameter. Some 500-, 700- and 800-series models are compatible with the Virtual Wall Lighthouse. It initially confines the vacuum to one area to be cleaned; then, once the vacuum reports the area has been sufficiently cleaned (based on its estimated area), it directs it to proceed to the next space to be cleaned, and contains it there.

Roombas are driven by two independently-operating side wheels, which can drive the Roomba forwards and backwards as well as perform turns of any radius, including 360° turns in place. Rotary encoders on the wheels can detect the rate at which the wheels are spinning so it can determine if they're slipping or stuck, and drop sensors detect if a wheel is too low (such as getting stuck in a vent). An undriven swivel caster (located at the front of most models, and at the back of the D-shaped S series) is used not for steering, as is often believed, but as an additional sensor. It, too, is a rotary encoder; the caster's wheel is half black and half white, and optical sensors detect the change in color as it rotates. This helps detect if the Roomba is stuck or beached (i.e., the drive wheels are spinning, but the Roomba isn't moving).

The cleaning head (brushes and suction area) on Roombas is relatively small. On most models, it is between the two side wheels, and is around  wide; on the S series, it is moved to the flat square part of the D shape near the front where it is wider, but still does not extend the full width of the vehicle. To compensate for this, Roombas have a rotating multi-pronged brush on one side which sweeps debris towards the path of the cleaning head, helping to clean a wider path and to reach into edges and corners.

A Roomba's bumper allows it to sense when it has bumped into an obstacle, after which it will reverse or change paths. Infrared "cliff sensors" on the bottom of the unit similarly prevent them from falling off ledges such as stairways. (These may also trigger a false positive on dark or black colored surfaces, such as some carpets, preventing Roombas from entering or being able to clean those areas.) Third-generation and newer models have additional forward-looking infrared sensors to detect obstacles. These slow down the Roomba when nearing obstacles, to reduce its force of impact. It's also used to clean alongside walls without bumping into the wall repeatedly. This technology is also able to distinguish between hard and soft obstacles.

Most second- and third-generation models and all newer ones have internal acoustic-based dirt sensors that allow them to detect particularly dirty spots and focus on those areas accordingly. Fourth-generation and newer models have an optical sensor located in front of the vacuum bin, allowing detection of wider and smaller messes.

Third-generation and newer models are able to reverse their brushes to escape entangled cords and tassels. All models are designed to be low enough to go under a bed or most other items of furniture. If at any time the unit senses that it has become stuck, is unable to turn its main brushes, no longer senses the floor beneath it, or decides that it has worked its way into a narrow area from which it is unable to escape, it stops and sounds an error to help someone find it. Early models use only flashing lights or a number of beeps to indicate specific problems, while later models use a synthesized voice to announce a problem and a suggested solution. The voice is available in several languages. Models with app capabilities will also communicate the error to the app, which will notify the user via push notification.

Roombas are powered by a user-replaceable rechargeable battery; older models used NiMH batteries, while newer models use lithium-ion batteries, and a few models support both. First-generation models must be recharged from a wall power adapter, while all subsequent models have a self-charging homebase that the unit seeks out at the end of a cleaning session via infrared beacons. Charging takes about three hours. Battery reliability is a frequently mentioned complaint on customer review websites. Battery replacements from iRobot cost a significant fraction of the purchase price of a new Roomba, though compatible third-party batteries are available at a lower price. The iRobot customer support website offers advice on maximizing battery performance and longevity.
Roombas are not designed for deep-pile carpet. Also, the first- and second-generation Roombas can get stuck on rug tassels and electrical cords.

Operation

Control and cleaning

All Roomba models can be operated by manually carrying the Roomba to the room to be cleaned and pressing a button. Third generation and later models can also be operated by pressing the "Clean" button on the top while the Roomba is on the charging base, causing it to reverse off of the base and begin cleaning. Later models introduced several additional operating modes, such as "Spot", which cleans an area of a few feet. Older Roombas had "Max" mode, which cleans endlessly until the battery is depleted. "Dock" mode, introduced with the third generation, instructs the Roomba to seek a charging base for recharging. The availability of the modes varies by model. Many second- and third-generation Roombas, and certain newer models (such as the 880), come packaged with infrared remote controls or special control panels, allowing a human operator to "drive" the Roomba to areas to be specially cleaned. Subsequent Roomba models can be controlled with the iRobot HOME app, where users can start and pause the Roomba, send it back to the charging base, choose time limits for it to run before returning home, and view details about each cleaning job (such as how long the Roomba ran for and how the job ended, such as being completed, canceled or the battery dying.)

The cleaning time depends on room size and, for models equipped with dirt sensors, volume of dirt. First-generation models must be told the room size, while subsequent models either estimate room size by measuring the longest straight-line run they can perform without bumping into an object or create an accurate map of the room.

Non Desktop users can use the iRobot HOME App, although only certain models support 5 GHz. Wi-Fi connected Roombas can also connect to Alexa, Google Home, and other smart home platforms for voice control or use in automation.

Pathing

Starting with the seventh generation, Roombas have an upwards-facing camera and a downward facing infrared floor-tracking sensor which are used to create a map of the floor. This enables them to use a more efficient back-and-forth cleaning pattern, which is faster and more efficient as it ensures more complete coverage without needing to cover an area multiple times. The floor-tracking sensor operates like an optical mouse and can provide precise movement data over small distances, but suffers from integration drift: small errors in measurement which accumulate over time. To rectify this, the upwards-facing camera is used periodically to identify waypoints or "landmarks", coarse points that are used to correct the Roombas' position and map. Some algorithms such as wall following are still used, partly to assist in mapping the floor and also simply to make sure the floor is cleaned along the edge and around obstacles. Unlike other mapping systems like lidar which can operate in complete darkness, Roombas' camera requires some light in the room in order to be able to map it. Starting with the eighth generation, Roombas retain the map after each run, and use subsequent runs to improve the map. Multiple maps can be stored, and users can edit maps to separate and label regions (such as rooms), which can be used to have the Roomba clean only a selected room.

Roombas before the seventh-generation models do not map out the rooms they are cleaning. Instead, iRobot developed a technology called iAdapt Responsive Cleaning Technology. This relies on a few simple algorithms, such as spiraling, room crossing, wall following, and random walk angle changing after bumping into an object or wall. This design is based on MIT researcher and iRobot CTO Rodney Brooks's philosophy that robots should be like insects, equipped with simple control mechanisms tuned to their environments. The result is that although Roombas are effective at cleaning rooms, they take several times longer to do the job than a human would. The Roomba may cover some areas many times, other areas only once or twice, and may miss some areas. However, the random algorithm has been shown to effectively cover rooms of various sizes and configurations, particularly when used repeatedly for maintenance cleaning. (Some users have used long-exposure photography or compositing to create images showing Roombas' coverage of the floor, and have even attached light sources to Roombas to create art using light painting. Some have also noted that doubts about the effectiveness of the random algorithms have been assuaged by multiple reports of Roombas rolling over dog feces and spreading it through the room, which rather unpleasantly illustrate how well the Roomba can cover the floor's area.) Roombas have become a common example of how randomized algorithms can probabilistically succeed even though they cannot absolutely guarantee success on any single run or even after many repeated runs. Compared to competing products available when Roombas were first introduced such as the Electrolux Trilobite, the effectiveness of Roombas' random navigation was on par with (or even more effective than) robotic mapping technology available at the time, and being cheaper to develop and produce, could be offered at a significantly lower price.

When finished cleaning, or when the battery is nearly depleted, Roombas except for first-generation models will try to return to a base if one is detected. Roombas with mapping capability can also recharge and resume a cleaning job, enabling them to clean large areas that take more than one full battery of charge to complete. Roombas except for first-generation models also support scheduling, allowing cleaning to start at the time of day and on days of the week that the owner desires. Most 500-series models support scheduling through buttons on the unit itself, and higher-end models allow the use of a remote control, smartphone app, or smart-home automation integration to program schedules.

Maintenance

Roombas require regular cleaning and maintenance. Because they are smaller and less powerful than large upright vacuums, the dustbin must be emptied frequently (sometimes as often as every single use), and hair and other obstructions must be removed from rollers and brushes more frequently. Some reviewers have complained about this necessity compared to traditional upright vacuums that only need infrequent cleaning and almost no maintenance; however others have countered that the chore is not difficult, and that it takes significantly less time to clean a Roomba than it does to vacuum by hand.

iRobot has been praised for the availability of replacement parts for Roombas, with official parts still being sold for every model including the first-generation Roombas, almost 20 years after their release.

Models

 there have been ten generations of Roomba units. All models have a patented design using pair of brushes or rollers, rotating in opposite directions, to pick up debris from the floor. In some models, the brushes are followed by a squeegee vacuum, which directs the airflow through a narrow slit to increase its speed in order to collect fine dust. A horizontally mounted "side spinner" brush on the right side of the unit sweeps against walls to reach debris not accessible by the main brushes and vacuum. In the first generation, the dirty air passes through the fan before reaching the filter, while later models use a fan-bypass vacuum.

The early generation models were noted for using a random algorithm for achieving a total room coverage.
A small vacuum empties into a removable dustbin, which has rotation brushes to aid collection. The robot is propelled by two knobby rubber wheels at the edges. It has several sensors including a bumper that detects collision and an infrared sensor on top to respond to a "virtual wall". The robot is powered by a rechargeable battery contained in the unit.

First generation: Original series

Introduced in September 2002, the first-generation Roomba had three buttons for room size. The first-generation units comprised the original silver-colored Roomba, the blue Roomba Pro, and the maroon Roomba Pro Elite. The later two models included additional accessories, but all three used the same core robot and cleaning system.

An original Roomba model robotic vacuum is in the collection of the National Museum of American History, which they note as the first successful domestic robot. The robot vacuum is described as being able to change direction when it encounters an obstacle or infrared beam, and is powered by a battery.

Second generation: Discovery and 400 series

The second-generation Roombas ("Discovery", later called 400 series) replaced their predecessors in July 2004, added a larger dust bin, improved software that calculates room size, dirt detection, and fast charging in the home base. Room size is detected automatically based on the longest straight-line path that can be driven; instead of buttons for room size, their buttons are "Clean", "Spot", and "Max".

Roomba budget models (Dirt Dog and Model 401) used a simplified interface (a single "Clean" button) and lacked some of the software-controlled flexibility of other versions. They were less expensive models intended for first-time purchasers. The Roomba Dirt Dog contained sweeping brushes and a larger dust bin, but lacked the vacuum motor, using the space that would be required for the vacuum for additional dust bin volume. It was designed for a home shop or garage environment. The Roomba Model 401 was similar but had a standard-size dust bin and vacuum system. The Dirt Dog was discontinued in 2010.

Third generation: Professional and 500 series

The 500 series was introduced in August 2007 and featured a forward-looking infrared sensor to detect obstacles and reduce speed, a docking command button, improved mechanical components, smoother operation, and a modular design to facilitate part replacement. The Roombas' speed is also increased, which is possible in part because of the sensors to avoid bumping into obstacles too hard. It also introduced customizable decorative face plates. The Roomba 530 included two virtual walls and a charging dock.

This model also included a newer version of the navigation software, now called iAdapt.

There are several types of dust and debris collection bins for the 500 series models. The standard vacuum bin incorporates a squeegee vacuum. The high-capacity sweeper bin does not include a vacuum, but has greater debris capacity. The AeroVac Bin directs suction airflow through the main brushes instead of using a squeegee, which is thought to keep the brushes cleaner.

Fourth generation: 600 series

In August 2012, the 500 series was superseded by the 600 series, which added the AeroVac Bin and advanced cleaning head as standard features. In 2017, iRobot released the 690, which has Wi-Fi connectivity, so it can be started with an app and some personal-assistant software. As of 2023, iRobot continues to market some 600 series models as budget models, with Wi-Fi connectivity.

Fifth generation: 700 series

The 700 series, introduced in May 2011, though largely similar to the 500 and 600 series, included a more robust cleaning system, improved AeroVac Bin with HEPA filter, and improved battery life. Like the 500 series, the 700 series had models with different technologies and accessories. The Roomba 760 was the simplest model, and the Roombas 780 and 790 were the most advanced with both scheduling and a large range of accessories including lighthouses, wireless command center (also compatible with select retrofitted 500-series models), and extra brushes and filters. Besides these two models, Roomba 770 and 782e were available, with scheduling, Dirt Detect, and full bin indicator.

Sixth generation: 800 series

The 800 series, introduced in 2013, is similar to the 700 series and its predecessors, but contains updated technology. The AeroForce Performance Cleaning System, which is five times more powerful than older series, and the iRobot XLife battery are some of the new features. The AeroForce system does away with the large rotating brush, and pulls air between two rubber rollers, thereby getting the vacuum suction closer to the floor. In 2017 iRobot released the 890 with Wi-Fi connectivity that can be started with an app and various personal-assistant software.

Seventh generation: 900 series

The Roomba 980 was released in September 2015, and contains a new visual simultaneous localization and mapping (vSLAM) navigation system, which allows it to clean an entire level of a home more efficiently. The 980 also features Wi-Fi connectivity and an iPhone and Android app. The Roomba 960 was released on August 4, 2016. As of March 29, 2017, 900 series users can receive detailed cleaning maps of their Roomba through the app. The maps show exact areas of clean and dirty spots in the home, allowing the Roomba to know where it needs to spend more time cleaning. However, the maps are not retained between cleaning runs, and each time the Roomba is run it builds a new map from scratch. Push notifications of when the Roomba is finished cleaning is also a new feature. Integration to Amazon's Echo was also announced, launching in spring 2017.

Eighth generation: i series and e series

In September 2018, iRobot introduced a new Roomba series with three models: the premium i7, the less expensive i3, and the more basic e5. Each of these models also having a "plus" version that featured an automatic dirt disposing station which could be emptied. Similarly to the 900 series, the i7 uses vSLAM navigation. This feature retains the map after the Roomba has run, and uses subsequent runs to improve the map. This lets users select which room for Roomba to clean from the iRobot Home app. In September 2020, iRobot released the i3, which is a lower cost robot similar to the i7. The i3 does not use vSLAM navigation but relies on a downward optical encoder and gyroscopes; in addition it does not allow selecting specific rooms. The i7 and i3 are compatible with the Clean Base, a base that empties the Roomba's bin into the Clean Base's internal disposable bag when it docks using a powerful vacuum. iRobot claims that the base can empty the Roomba's bin up to 30 cleaning cycles. The + in some models indicates that it includes the Clean Base. The basic e5 Roomba replaces the 800 series with an improved battery life from 60 to 90 minutes of run time on hardwood floors using a lithium-ion battery. It navigates in random patterns similar to the 6th generation and older robots.

Ninth generation: s series
In late May 2019, iRobot introduced the Roomba s9 and s9+ as the "smartest, most powerful robot vacuum yet". The S series features a newly designed "D" shape and corner brush for optimized edge cleaning deep into corners and along edges. Other new features include an anti-allergen system that traps 99% of pollen, mold and allergens, 40 times the suction compared to the 600 series, 30% wider rubber brushes, and the most advanced navigation system to date. Similar to the I series, the s9+ comes with the self-emptying Clean Base. The S series also includes linking technology that allows the Roomba to communicate wirelessly with other iRobot products, where the Braava Jet M6 can automatically be set to mop after the s9 has finished vacuuming.

Tenth generation: j series
The j7 and j7+ models went on sale in September 2021, debuted Precision Vision: the navigation system that detects and avoids obstacles like power cords and pet waste. The j7 is a direct upgrade to the Roomba i7, with the same overall body design and rated ten times the suction compared to the standard model. iRobot simultaneously removed the i7 from its website.

In September 2022, iRobot announced the Roomba Combo j7+, which is a Roomba j7+ that includes mopping capabilities with a lifting mop. Shipping began on October 4.
On 11 September 2023, iRobot released the Roomba j9+, Combo j9+ and Combo j5. The Roomba j9+ offers 100% more suction compared to other j and i series Roombas. The Roomba Combo j9+ offers an entire new docking station with water tank refill function added. Both j9+, Combo j9 and Combo j5 received new iRobot OS updates. The Combo j5 started shipping at 11 September however Roomba j9+ and Combo j9+ is still pre-order. Shipping starts on 1 October.

Programming

From the earliest models on, Roomba vacuum cleaning robots have been hacked to extend their functionality. The first adaptations were based on a microcontroller that was directly connected to the motor drivers and sensors. Versions manufactured after October 2005 contain an electronic and software interface that allows hackers to more easily control or modify behavior and remotely monitor its sensors. One early application was using the device to map a room. The native code for Roomba is written in a dialect of Lisp.

Models with an interface (400 series since October 2007 plus 500 and 700 series) come with a Mini-DIN connector supporting a serial interface, which is electrically and physically incompatible with standard PC/Mac serial ports and cables. However, third-party adapters are available to access the Roomba's computer via Bluetooth, USB, or RS-232 (PC/Mac serial).  Roombas pre-October 2005 upgraded with the OSMO hacker device allow monitoring many sensors and modifying the unit's behavior. The Roomba Open Interface (OI, formerly Roomba Serial Command Interface) allows programmers and roboticists to create their own enhancements. Several projects are described on Roomba hacking sites.

In response to the growing interest of hackers in their product, the company developed the iRobot Create. In this model the vacuum cleaner motor is replaced by a "cargo bay" for mounting devices like TV cameras, lasers and other robotic parts.  It provides a greatly enhanced 25-pin interface providing both analog and digital bidirectional communication with the hosted device allowing use as the mobile base for completely new robots. Together with a computing platform like a netbook or handheld device with wireless networking, it can be remotely controlled through a network.

See also

 Comparison of domestic robots
 Domestic robot
 Robotic vacuum cleaner
 List of vacuum cleaners
 Indoor positioning system
 Robotic mapping
 Robotics suite
 Scooba (brand)
 Braava

References

External links

 iRobot.com, manufacturer and retailer of Roomba in the United States
 Don't Fear the Robot – description of the invention process, with prototype photos

2002 robots
American inventions
Articles containing video clips
Products introduced in 2002
Home appliance brands
IRobot
Robotic vacuum cleaners

Roomba


Die Saison 1961/62 der Amateuroberliga Niedersachsen war die 13. Saison der höchsten niedersächsischen Amateurliga im Fußball. Sie nahm damals die zweithöchste Ebene im deutschen Ligensystem ein. Meister wurde der SV Arminia Hannover. Arminia, der SSV Delmenhorst und Leu Braunschweig nahmen an der Aufstiegsrunde zur Oberliga Nord teil, wo sich Hannover durchsetzen konnte. Aus der Oberliga Nord stieg Eintracht Nordhorn in die Amateuroberliga Niedersachsen ab.

Die Abstiegsplätze nahmen im Westen der BV Cloppenburg und der TuS Heidkrug sowie die Amateure des VfV Hildesheim und der SC Uelzen 09 ein. Dafür stiegen aus der Amateurliga Niedersachsen Rot-Weiß Damme und der VfL Oldenburg in die Gruppe West und der Goslarer SC 08 und Eintracht Lüneburg in die Gruppe Ost auf. Zur Saison 1962/63 wechselten Borussia Hannover und die SpVgg Preußen Hameln in die Ostgruppe sowie der TuS Celle und der VfB Peine in die Westgruppe.

Tabellen

West

Ost

Entscheidungsspiele um Platz 14

Die punktgleichen Mannschaften aus Göttingen und Uelzen mussten den zweiten Absteiger ausspielen. Das Spiel fand am 13. Mai 1962 im neutralen Peine statt.

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Niedersachsenmeisterschaft

Die beiden Staffelsieger ermittelten in Hin- und Rückspiel den Niedersachsenmeister. Gespielt wurde am 21. und 29. April 1962. Arminia Hannover setzten sich dabei durch.

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Qualifikation zur Qualifikationsrunde zur Oberliga Nord

Die beiden Vizemeister der Amateuroberliga Niedersachsen ermittelten den dritten niedersächsischen Teilnehmer an der Aufstiegsrunde. Die Qualifikation wurde in Hin- und Rückspiel ausgetragen. Die Spiele fanden am 29. April und 6. Mai 1962 statt.

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Aufstiegsrunde zur Amateuroberliga
Die acht Meister der Amateurligen ermittelten im Ligasystem vier Aufsteiger in die Landesliga. Die beiden Gruppensieger und Gruppenzweiten stiegen auf.

Gruppe A

Gruppe B

Literatur

Oberliga-Saison (Fußball, Niedersachsen)
Amateuroberliga Niedersachsen 1961 62

Amateuroberliga Niedersachsen 1961/62