This is a table of the ranks and insignia of the Canadian Armed Forces. As the Canadian Armed Forces is officially bilingual, the French language ranks are presented following the English (in italics).

Commander-in-chief insignia

The Commander-in-Chief of the Canadian Armed Forces () rank insignia is a special sleeve braid embellished with the crest of the Royal arms of Canada and this same embroidered crest is worn on the shoulder straps.

The rank insignia for the commander-in-chief.

Officer rank insignia

The rank insignia for commissioned officers for the navy, army, and air force.

Non-commissioned member (NCM) rank insignia

The following are the rank insignia for non-commissioned members for the navy, army and air force respectively.

NCM rank insignia for the rank of petty officer 1st class/warrant officer and above are worn on the lower sleeve, while those for the rank of petty officer 2nd class/sergeant and below are worn on the upper sleeve. The Royal Canadian Navy has directed its personnel to use the English rank titles for OR-1 through OR-5, but they are not yet legally in force pursuant to the National Defence Act, as they are not yet updated in the King's Regulations and Orders issued by the governor-in-council.

Appointments
The rank insignia for NCM appointments.

Rank slip-ons

The tables above describe the rank insignia worn on the service dress jacket. On DEU shirts, sweaters, and outerwear; and operational dress shirts and jackets, rank insignia are worn on slip-ons with the word "Canada" or a regimental/branch title embroidered underneath. Flag/general officers' slip-ons include only the crown, crossed sabre and baton, and maple leaves worn on the shoulder straps; they do not include the braid worn on the sleeve. Army NCM slip-ons for DEU shirts, sweaters, and outerwear display only the word "Canada" or a regimental/branch title, rank insignia being worn instead as enamelled metal pins on collar points or lapels.

Service stripes

From 1955 to 1968, Militia personnel were permitted to wear service insignia on the right jacket sleeve. There were one to five silver chevrons on drab backing for every two years of service or a maple leaf in silver thread on a drab cloth circle to represent 10 years of service. Chevron points were worn either up or down; even official documents and photos were confused on the matter. Further awards after 10 years were believed covered by the Canadian Forces Decoration, which was awarded after 12 years and a clasp added for every 10 years afterwards.

Qualifying service could include prior active service in the active reserves of the Royal Canadian Navy and Royal Canadian Air Force or the regular or territorial forces of a fellow Commonwealth member nation. Service in Canadian Army reserve forces units (like the regular reserve, supplementary reserve and reserve militia) did not count. The awarding of Service Stripes ceased in 1968 after the unification of the Canadian Armed Forces.

Canadian Army distinctive corps insignia

Every branch or corps of the Canadian Army uses a distinctive colour. Applicable only to officers, they are indicated by coloured borders of rank insignia on DEU shirt and sweater slip-ons and on mess dress.

Distinctive rank names

Some branches and regiments use distinctive job titles for privates (trained) in those regiments:

Additionally, the Royal Regiment of Canadian Artillery uses "bombardier" for corporals and "master bombardier" for master corporal. In the Guard regiments, warrant officers are known as "colour sergeants" and second lieutenants are known as "ensigns".

Evolution of Royal Canadian Navy rank and insignia

When the Royal Canadian Navy was established in 1910, it kept with Royal Navy traditions and adopted sleeve braid with an executive curl for rank insignia. "Wavy" sleeve braid was adopted for the Royal Canadian Naval Volunteer Reserve (RCNVR) and rings of narrow interwoven gold lace for the Royal Canadian Navy Reserve (RCNR). Other variations in rank insignia included sky blue lace with a diamond shaped loop for officers of the Women's Royal Canadian Naval Service, and warranted Royal Canadian Sea Cadet Corps officers, who had a small anchor in place of the executive curl.

Following the Second World War, the Royal Canadian Navy was reorganized with a single reserve component. In 1946, the distinctive wavy gold braid of the reserves gave way to the straight braided executive curl of the regular force until 1968. With the integration of the Canadian Forces the sea element was designated as Canadian Forces Maritime Command. Unembellished straight braid became the common rank insignia for officers of both the regular and reserve forces. The executive curl appeared only on navy mess dress.

On 5 March 2010, the Canadian House of Commons passed a motion (moved by Guy Lauzon) recommending the executive curl be reinstated on the Canadian navy uniform. Subsequently, in recognition of the Canadian Naval centennial, Peter MacKay, Minister of National Defence, authorized the use of the executive curl for the Canadian Navy on 2 May 2010. The insignia became effective on 11 June 2010, on the occasion of the Pacific Canadian Naval International Fleet Review parade of nations in Victoria, B.C.

More than 54 countries, including Canada and 18 other of the 22 Commonwealth navies, use the insignia. Most navies that do not use the executive curl insignia, such as the United States Navy and the French Navy, substitute a star or other national device above the top row of lace.

Timeline of changes (sleeves only)

Evolution of Canadian Army ranks and insignia

Prior to unification in 1968, the Canadian Army used rank insignia identical to the British Army. When the universal CF green uniform was adopted at unification, Land Command, like the other services, used gold braid sleeve stripes as rank insignia. When distinctive environmental uniforms were adopted in the mid-1980s, the army retained the green uniform with gold stripes.

On 8 July 2013, Minister of National Defence Peter MacKay announced the intention to reintroduce a more traditional style Canadian Army officers' rank insignia. Instead of the sleeve stripe rank insignia used since unification, officers would use the older St Edward's Crown and Star of the Order of the Bath insignia, commonly called "pips and crowns". Gorget patches were also restored for officers of the rank of colonel or higher. The new insignia for officers, instead of using the current British rank insignia for brigadier (used in the Canadian Army until 1968), had the pre-1920 brigadier-general insignia (crossed sabre and baton) instead.

On 2 April 2016, the Commander of the Canadian Army announced that general officers would revert to the unification-era rank insignia worn between 1968 and 2013. This rank insignia is based on the shoulder board rank insignia of Royal Canadian Navy flag officers. The rank insignia of general officers now consists of a crown, crossed sabre and baton, and a series of maple leaves on shoulder straps. Additionally, general officers wear one broad gold band on each of the lower sleeves of the service dress tunic.

On the centenary of the Battle of Vimy Ridge, 9 April 2017, the Bath Star pip was replaced by the "Vimy Star". It depicts a maple leaf and is surrounded by the Latin motto  ("we stand on guard for thee"). Commissioned officers of the household guard regiments (Governor General's Foot Guards, Canadian Grenadier Guards, and Governor General's Horse Guards), plus Army personnel stationed to the seasonal Ceremonial Guard, use the Guards Star in place of the Vimy Star on their shoulder boards.

Timeline of changes

Evolution of Royal Canadian Air Force rank and insignia

Canadian Air Force ranks and insignia originally were taken from the Royal Air Force practice. Upon unification, the Air Command used identical ranks and insignia as the Land Command. When Air-specific blue DEUs were introduced, the gold rank insignia were retained.

In April 2015, the Royal Canadian Air Force adopted new rank insignia reminiscent of the pre-unification RCAF system. The new officer rank insignia uses pearl-grey-on-black rank stripes instead of gold. Non-commissioned members (NCMs) rank insignia is pearl grey instead of gold. The colour gold found elsewhere on the uniform was also changed to pearl-grey. The air force rank of private, formerly indicated by one chevron, became aviator (Fr: aviateur), and is indicated by a horizontally-aligned two-bladed propeller. All other ranks titles remain as they were.

Timeline of changes

Mess dress

Contrary to the Royal Canadian Navy and the Canadian Army, mess dress uniform ranks for officers of the Royal Canadian Air Force follow the naval pattern, without the executive curl. General officers do not wear shoulder straps with this order of dress.

See also

 Former ranks of the Canadian Forces
 Historic Royal Canadian Air Force ranks (1924–1968)
 Ranks and insignia of NATO
 List of comparative military ranks
 Comparative army officer ranks of the Americas
 Uniforms of the Canadian Armed Forces
 Cadets Canada Elemental Ranks

Notes

References

External links

 Canadian Armed Forces ranks and appointment insignia – official site with images of rank insignia for Navy, Army and Air Force.

Canada and the Commonwealth of Nations
Canadian Armed Forces

Canada

Canadian Armed Forces ranks and insignia


La batalla del Estrecho de Makassar, también conocida como la acción del Estrecho de Madura, la acción del Norte del Estrecho de Lombok y la batalla del Mar de Flores, fue una batalla naval de la Guerra del Pacífico en la Segunda Guerra Mundial. La batalla se inició cuando una flota del Comando Americano-Británico-Holandés-Australiano (ABDACOM) bajo el mando del contraalmirante Karel Doorman que se encontraba en camino a interceptar un convoy de invasión japonés camino a Surabaya fue atacada por 36 y 24 bombarderos medianos Mitsubishi G4M "Betty" y Mitsubishi G3M "Nell", respectivamente, obligando a la flota a retirarse.

La batalla tomó lugar en el Mar de Bali, más cerca de las Islas Kangean que del Estrecho de Makassar. Además, esta batalla no debe confundirse con la batalla Naval de Balikpapan que tuvo lugar el 24 de enero de 1942 y en algunas ocasiones también es conocida como la batalla del Estrecho de Makassar.

Antecedentes
A finales de enero, las fuerzas japonesas habían conquistado las costas norte y oeste de Borneo y gran parte de las Islas Molucas. En la costa oeste de Borneo, las tropas japonesas habían ocupado las instalaciones de producción de petróleo y los puertos de Balikpapan y Tarakan, y en las Islas Célebes las ciudades de Manado y Kendari también habían caído en manos de Japón. Para ganar un control completo del estrecho de Makassar, los japoneses debían capturar las ciudades de Makassar y Banjarmasin.

El 1 de febrero los comandantes aliados recibieron información de un avión de reconocimiento: en Balikpapan, una fuera de invasión japonesa que consistía de 20 buques de transporte de tropas, tres cruceros y diez destructores se estaba preparando para salir. El 2 de febrero el almirante Thomas C. Hart, el vicealmirante Conrad Helfrich, el contraalmirante William A. Glassford y el comodoro John Collins se reunieron en Palembang; y la sugerencia de Helfrich de formar un grupo de ataque fue aprobada. El grupo se formó al día siguiente bajo el mando del contraalmirante Karel Doorman, y comenzó abasteciéndose en las Islas Gili, al sur de Madura.

Las fuerzas de ABDACOM consistían en cuatro cruceros (el HLMNS De Ruyter, el HNLMS Tromp, el , y el USS Marblehead) escoltados por siete destructores (HNLMS Banckert, HNLMS Piet Hein, HNLMS Van Ghent, USS Barker, USS Bulmer, USS Edwards y USS Stewart).

La Batalla
En la mañana del 3 de febrero, la fuerza de asalto del ABDACOM fue avistada por un escuadrón de aproximadamente 30 bombarderos japoneses que se encontraban en camino a Surabaya. Siete de los bombarderos mostraron especial interés en la fuerza de asalto y comenzaron a volar en círculos sobre los barcos. Inicialmente, los buques se dispersaron a aguas profundas, pero los aviones se fueron sin atacar, y el grupo continuó con su toma de suministros.

Aproximadamente a la media noche los navíos zarparon hacia Meinderts Droogte (Arrecife de Meinderts; actualmente Karang Mas), cerca de la punta noreste de Java. El último barco llegó aproximadamente a las 05:00 el 4 de febrero. A las 09:30, el grupo de asalto recibió información que la fuerza de invasión japonesa había sido avistada en camino a Surabaya. En la mañana del 4 de febrero, la fuerza de asalto de ABDACOM zarpó hacia el estrecho de Makassar, en búsqueda de los buques japoneses, los cuales habían sido avistados pasando por allí e incluían tres cruceros y 18 destructores que escoltaban transportes y otros navíos bajo el mando del Contraalmirante Takeo Takagi.

A las 09:49, cuando la fuerza de Doorman se encontraba al sur de las Islas Kangean, los marineros del ABDACOM avistaron bombarderos japoneses en el este. Los aviones japoneses estaban volando en cuatro formaciones en "v" a una altitud aproximada de 5000 metros.

Los aviones atacaron los cruceros aliados. El primero en ser bombardeado fue el Marblehead, y las bombas cayeron más o menos a 80 metros al frente del navío. Durante una segunda ronda de ataques, Marblehead reicbió dos impactos en forma directa y uno cercano que también causó daño. Los impactos directos penetraron la cubierta, matando a 15 miembros de la tripulación y destruyendo la habilidad del navío de maniobrar; luego de esto el Marblehead solo podía navegar en círculos. El impacto cercano también hizo un agujero de aproximadamente 3x1 metro cerca del fondo del barco. Los ataques subsiguientes al Marblehead fueron menos intensos.

El USS Houston evadió las bombas en un principio, pero sufrió un fuerte impacto durante una ronda final de ataques; una bomba cayó en la cubierta cerca de la torreta de la popa, matando a 48 marineros. Los cañones traseros fueron inhabilitados del todo luego de esto.

Luego de alcanzar con los bombardeos al Houston y al Marblehead, los aviones se enfocaron en De Ruyter, que evadió cuatro ataques y solo sufrió daños menores al control de fuego de sus cañones de 40 mm.

Aproximadamente a las 13:00, Doorman ordenó que sus navíos regresen hacia el oeste y le dio a entender a Hart que sin apoyo de aviones de caza sería imposible avanzar hacia el Estrecho de Makassar debido a la amenaza de los bombarderos. Houston y Tromp ya habían pasado el Estrecho de Alas y se encontraban al sur del estrecho. Marblehead y los cinco destructores estadounidenses fueron hacia el sur a través del Estrecho de Lombok. De Ruyter y los destructores holandeses también se quedaron con el Marblehead hasta el Estrecho de Lombok. Ambos cruceros estadounidenses se dirigieron a Tjilatjap para ser reparados y que sus heridos reciban atención médica.

Eventos posteriores y consecuencias
Los pilotos japoneses reportaron haber hundido tres cruceros durante el ataque: un crucero clase Augusta, un crucero clase Tromp y un crucero clase Java. Sin embargo, ninguno de esos navíos estuvieron presentes en la batalla y solo Marblehead y Houston fueron dañados.

En Tjilatjap, Houston y Marblehead transfirieron a sus heridos a un hospital y enterraron a sus muertos. Marblehead no entraba en el dique seco, pero el agujero en su coraza fue reparado en forma temporal, y el buque zarpó hacia la costa este de Estados Unidos (pasando por Ceilán y Sudáfrica) para ser reparado. Houston pudo continuar su servicio en la flota del ABDACOM.

La retirada de la fuerza de asalto llevó a que los japoneses tomen control del Estrecho de Makassar y por ende consoliden su control sobre la región occidental de las Indias Orientales Neerlandesas.

Notas

Referencias
 Bezemer, K. W. L. Zij Vochten Op De Zeven Zeeën. 5th ed. Utrecht: W. de Haan N.V., 1964. 243-247

 Muir, Dan Orden de batalla - Batalla del Estrecho de Makassar (1942) (en inglés)

Estrecho de Makassar
Estrecho de Makassar
Estrecho de Makassar
Estrecho de Makassar
Estrecho de Makassar
Estrecho de Makassar
Países Bajos en 1942
1942
Historia de Indonesia

Batalla del estrecho de Makassar


Liselotte Ebnet, auch Ammann-Ebnet (* 11. Februar 1932; † 25. September 2009 in München) war eine deutsche Operetten- und Musicalsängerin in der Stimmlage Sopran und Mezzosopran, sowie  Schauspielerin und Synchronsprecherin.

Leben und Wirken
Nach ihrer Gesangs- und Schauspielausbildung spielte sie an verschiedenen kleineren deutschen (Musik-)Bühnen. 1956 wurde Ebnet festes Ensemblemitglied am Staatstheater am Gärtnerplatz. Dort avancierte sie schnell zu einem Publikumsliebling. Dem Theater gehörte sie bis 1980 an. Sie spielte an der Seite von Sári Barabás, Elisabeth Biebl, Dorothea Chryst, Harry Friedauer, Ferry Gruber, Rosl Schwaiger u. a. m.

Die Künstlerin gastierte 1955 bei den Donaueschinger Musiktage und sang am 22. Oktober 1956 in Stuttgart bei der Uraufführung von Le petit Savoyard, von Wilhelm Killmayer. 1966 wirkte sie bei den Wiener Festwochen mit. Sie sang den Rafael in der Operette Prinzessin von Traperunt von Jacques Offenbach und den Oerstus in Die schöne Helena. Im Theater an der Wien sowie am Theater am Gärtnerplatz verkörperte Ebnet die Anna in dem Musical Der König und ich. Neben Gretel Hartung und Hella Puhlmann spielte sie im Gärtnerplatztheater in der Erstaufführung (6. Februar 1962) der Oper Lysistrate nach Aristophanes, Text und Musik von Paul Kont. Die umstrittene Oper erlebte nur zwei Aufführungen.  Äußerst positive Kritik erhielt Ebnet 1971 für die Partie des Prinzen Orlofsky in der Operette Die Fledermaus am Staatstheater am Gärtnerplatz.

Die zur Kammerschauspielerin ernannte Künstlerin wirkte in einigen Filmen mit und betätigte sich noch als Synchronsprecherin. So synchronisierte sie beispielsweise Yvonne Sanson in dem Film Heiße Küste (1958).

Liselotte Ebnet war die dritte Ehefrau des Schauspielers Lukas Ammann. Das Ehepaar, das 1959 heiratete, hatte einen Sohn, der im Alter von sechs Jahren nach einem Sturz vom Balkon starb.

Diskografie (Auswahl)
 Der König und ich, Label: Philips 1966
 Und der Himmel hängt voller Geigen, Label: Sonocord 1982 (2. Schallplatte)
 Viktoria und ihr Husar/Blume von Hawai, Label: Eurodisc 1990
 Das Feuerwerk, Label: Hamburger Archiv für Gesangskunst

Filmografie (Auswahl)
 1971: Tatort – Mordverdacht

Literatur
 Bayerisches Staatstheater am Gärtnerplatz (Hrsg.): Festschrift: 100 Jahre Staatstheater am Gärtnerplatz, München 1965

Weblinks

Einzelnachweise

Filmschauspieler
Theaterschauspieler
Sänger klassischer Musik
Deutscher
Synchronsprecher
Geboren 1932
Gestorben 2009
Frau

Liselotte Ebnet


Prince Paul of Yugoslavia, also known as Paul Karađorđević (, English transliteration: Paul Karageorgevich; 27 April 1893 – 14 September 1976), was prince regent of the Kingdom of Yugoslavia during the minority of King Peter II. Paul was a first cousin of Peter's father, Alexander I.

Early life
Prince Paul of Yugoslavia was the only son of Prince Arsen of Serbia, younger brother of King Peter I, and of Princess and Countess Aurora Pavlovna Demidova, a granddaughter on one side of the Swedish speaking Finnish philanthropist Aurora Karamzin and her Russian husband Prince and Count Pavel Nikolaievich Demidov and on the other of the Russian Prince Peter Troubetzkoy and his wife, Elisabeth Esperovna, by birth a Princess Belosselsky-Belozersky. The House of Karađorđević was in exile with Serbia being ruled by their archenemies, the House of Obrenović. Paul grew up in Geneva and was raised as a lonely and abandoned child in the household of his uncle, Petar Karađorđević. The long and bloody vendetta between the Houses of Obrenović and Karađorđević that started in 1817 ended in 1903 when a military coup d'etat saw the last Obrenović king, Alexander overthrown and hacked to death in his bedchamber. Petar Karađorđević returned to Serbia to become King Petar I. Paul followed his uncle and arrived in Serbia for the first time in 1903. In 1912, he made the decision to attend the University of Oxford, which was most unusual as the Serbian elite preferred to be educated in either Paris or St. Petersburg.

Paul was educated at Christ Church, Oxford, where he was a member of the exclusive Bullingdon Club – a dining club notorious for its wealthy members, grand banquets and boisterous rituals. Cultivated like his closest friends Prince George, Duke of Kent, and Sir Henry Channon, his outlook on life was said to be British. Paul often said that he "felt like an Englishman". Channon called Paul "the person I have loved most". For a time, Paul and Channon lived together in a house in London together with another of Channon's lovers Lord Gage.  A cultured and easy-going bon vivant who inspired much affection from his friends, Paul when not associating with the British aristocracy collected paintings by Monet, Titian and van Gogh.

Despite the fact that it was the Austrian empire that declared war on Serbia on 28 July 1914, Paul only joined the Royal Serbian Army in November 1914, serving for six months before returning to Britain in May 1915. Paul returned to service with the Royal Serbian Army, which was now in exile in Greece in January-April 1917 before again returning to Britain. His military record during both of his tours of duty was described as "undistinguished" as Paul found he was not cut out to be a soldier. Paul argued that he could be at most service to Serbia by being in London, where he served as a lobbyist for Serbia.

Paul lived in London from 1919 to 1924 and only infrequently visited Belgrade. During his time in London, he was the proverbial "life of the party" who enjoyed socialising with the British elite at parties in London or in various country houses. In 1923 he married Princess Olga of Greece and Denmark, a sister of Princess Marina, Duchess of Kent. The Duke of York (the future King George VI), was the best man at his wedding in Belgrade. In January 1924, he returned to Yugoslavia. Paul's cousin, King Alexander, seems to have in mind installing him in some sort of vice-regal position in Zagreb to govern the Croats, but whatever the plans may have been turned out to be moot. Alexander enjoyed Paul's company, finding him to be a witty conversationalist with a "breath of vision" and a "cool intellect". However, the king decided that Paul was too sympathetic towards Croat complaints about the unitary state created by the 1921 constitution, and decided not to give him the position in Zagreb, much to Paul's frustration.

Through careful never to openly criticise the constitution, Paul sympathised with the Croat demand to turn Yugoslavia into a federation, and felt that many Serb politicians were being unrealistic in expecting that Croat discontent would just dissolve of its own accord if given enough time.  Paul found his palace at Dedinje to be gloomy, causing him to relocate to a villa in Slovenia, where he felt more at home, and where he took up his time with his ever expanding art collection and raising his family. Besides for art, Paul's interests were reading, fishing and hunting. Whenever there was a major art show in London, Paris, Munich, Florence, Rome and Vienna, Paul almost invariably was present both to admire the art and purchase paintings for his collection.

Appointment as Regent of Yugoslavia

On 9 October 1934 Vlado Chernozemski assassinated Paul's first-cousin, King Alexander I of Yugoslavia, in Marseille in France, and Prince Paul took the regency, as Alexander had stipulated in his Will that on his death a council of regents chaired by Paul should govern until Alexander's son Peter II came of age. Late on the afternoon of 9 October, Paul received a telephone call with the news that king had been assassinated, and that he was to go to the royal palace at once. Alexander had survived two previous assassination attempts, and had hinted that if he should die, that Paul was to serve as regent. Upon arriving at the royal palace, Paul was met by the prime minister, Nikola Uzunović, and the commander of the Royal Guard, General Petar Živković. The three men opened up the safe that contained the royal will whose terms stated that Paul was to serve as the regent until the new king Peter II came of age in September 1941.

Prince Paul, far more than Alexander, was Yugoslav rather than Serb in outlook, and unlike Alexander, he was inclined much more toward democracy. In its broadest outline, his domestic policy worked to eliminate the heritage of the Alexandrine dictatorship's centralism, censorship, and military control, and to pacify the country by solving the Serb-Croat problem. Paul wanted to achieve a Serb-Croat reconciliation, but also felt for a considerable period of time that he had the duty to hand over the kingdom to Peter more or less unchanged when he reached his maturity, and thus was unwilling to entertain constitutional changes. Trifković wrote that: "By both instinct and personal development, Pavle was averse both to autocratic rule and militarism."

As Prince Regent, Paul possessed very broad powers, but he was much less inclined to exercise these powers, leading Yugoslavia in the years 1934–41 to be labelled "a dictatorship without a dictator". Paul had been thrust into a position of power that he did not want by Alexander's assassination (which was why Alexander had chosen him in his will to serve as a regent, knowing he would never try to seize the throne from his son), and throughout his regency he gave the impression that ruling Yugoslavia was a burden to him.

A French diplomat described Paul as a man whose "incontestable qualities of character, balance, and taste...Oxonian dilettantism and charm, which he exercised on his visitors, were useless in the present circumstances and in a country where arguments of might are the only ones which count". British historian D. C. Watt noted that Paul's "nerves tended to betray him under stress and that he was by nature inclined to yield to pressure rather than withstand it". Married to a Greek princess and intensely Anglophile and Hellenophile, Paul distrusted Fascist Italy and Nazi Germany.

The heavy losses taken by Serbia in World War I made Paul very averse to engaging in another war and led him to favoring neutralist policies despite Yugoslavia's alliance with France. During the First World War, Serbia had proportionally taken the heaviest losses; one out of five Serbs who were alive in 1914 were dead by 1918. The French police investigation of King Alexander's assassination had established firm evidence that the assassins had been armed by the governments of Italy and Hungary, which was shared with Yugoslavia. Furthermore, the forged Czechoslovak passports that had allowed the assassins to travel to France had come from Hungary, and the assassins had telephoned Ante Pavelić, who was living in Rome at the time. However, the French premier Pierre Laval-who was seeking an alliance with Italy-made it very clear to Paul that France would not support Yugoslavia if it chose to make an issue of Italian involvement in the assassination of the king, saying that the most Yugoslavia could do was to blame Hungary. The way that the French were prepared to disregard Yugoslav concerns about the regicide for the sake of better relations with Italy soured Paul on the French alliance.

Stojadinović years
On 24 June 1935, Paul appointed Milan Stojadinović as prime minister, with a mandate to deal with the Great Depression and find a solution to the "Croat question". Stojadinović believed that the solution to the Great Depression were closer economic ties with Germany, which had more people than what it could feed and lacked many of the raw materials necessary for a modern industrial economy. As Germany needed both food and raw materials such as iron, bauxite, copper and manganese, Yugoslav exports of both agricultural products and of minerals to the Reich bloomed from 1935 onward, leading to an economic revival and to placing Yugoslavia in the German economic sphere of influence.

Yugoslavia had signed a treaty of alliance with France in 1927, while the Rhineland was still occupied by France, and during Franco-Yugoslav staff talks, it was promised that France would take the offensive into western Germany if Germany should start another war. As long as the Rhineland remained a demilitarized zone, there was always the possibility of the French launching an offensive into western Germany, which reassured Yugoslavia. The American historian Gerhard Weinberg wrote that the demilitarized status of the Rhineland the Treaty of Versailles had imposed was "the single most important guarantee of peace in Europe" for as long as the Rhineland was demilitarized, it was impossible for Germany to attack any of France's allies in Eastern Europe without exposing itself to the risk of a devastating French offensive into western Germany.

The remilitarization of the Rhineland on 7 March 1936 meant that Germany started building the West Wall along its border with France, which ended any hope of a French offensive into western Germany. On 15–20 June 1936, the chiefs of staff of the Little Entente (Romania, Czechoslovakia and Yugoslavia) met in Bucharest to discuss their plans now that the Rhineland was re-militarized. The gloomy conclusion of the Bucharest meeting was that France was not a factor in Eastern Europe, and henceforward there were only two great powers in Eastern Europe, namely the Soviet Union and Germany, and the victory of either in another war would mean the end of their independence.

Despite his pro-British and pro-French feelings, Paul believed in the aftermath of the remilitarization of the Rhineland that Yugoslavia needed to tilt its foreign policy towards Germany. Likewise, the Hoare–Laval Pact of 1935 and British attempts to improve Anglo-Italian relations such as the "Gentlemen's Agreement" of 1937 and the Easter Accords of 1938 caused Paul to believe the British were willing to sacrifice Yugoslavia for the sake of better relations with Italy. Stojadinović, who openly admired Fascist Italy and Nazi Germany, made a major diplomatic push with the tacit support of the Prince Regent for better relations with the fascist states in the winter of 1936-37.

Without informing France, Czechoslovakia or Romania, Stojadinović signed an agreement with Italy on 25 March 1937 that badly weakened the Little Entente. Just before Stojadinović had signed the treaty, Paul let the British minister in Belgrade, Ronald Campbell, know of what was being planned. Paul seems to have believed that if Yugoslavia was seen as falling within the Italian sphere of influence, that might prompt a British response to pull Yugoslavia in the other direction. The agreements with Italy very much alarmed the French who sent out Marshal Maurice Gamelin to visit Belgrade in September 1937, followed by the Foreign Minister Yvon Delbos in December 1937, who in both cases sought reassurances that Yugoslavia was not abandoning its alliance with France. Stojadinović's foreign policies were unpopular, at least with the Serbs. When President Edvard Beneš of Czechoslovakia visited Belgrade, he was greeted by enthusiastic crowds cheering him, which was seen as a sign that public opinion was still attached to the traditional alliances. Stojadinović, supported by Paul, believed that an Anglo-German rapprochement was the best way to save the peace, accepting that an international order established by the Treaty of Versailles was doomed, and that the best way of saving the peace would be to make concessions to the Reich without letting Germany dominate Europe too much. At a Little Entente summit at King Carol II's summer residence at Sinaia in August 1937, Paul and Stojadinović pressed Beneš to end Czechoslovakia's alliance with the Soviet Union, complaining it upset the Germans too much. At the same time, Yugoslav diplomats tried to effect a German-Czechoslovak rapprochement, telling the Germans that Beneš had only signed the alliance with the Soviet Union out of fear, and suggested that if the Germans stopped making threats against Czechoslovakia, then perhaps Beneš could be persuaded to abrogate the alliance. Through Paul had supported Stojadinović up to this point, in about late 1937 he started to express concern about the prime minister who spoke of having Yugoslavia join the Axis powers as he felt that Stojadinović was alienating Yugoslavia's traditional allies too much.

During the Sudetenland crisis, Stojadinović leaned in a pro-Axis position while Campbell reported that much of the Yugoslav officer corps sympathized with Yugoslavia's ally Czechoslovakia, and implied that a coup d'etat was possible if Stojadinović declared neutrality. Terrance Shone, the first secretary at the British legation in Belgrade reported that Serbian public opinion was very pro-Czechoslovak and expected Yugoslavia to go to war if its ally were attacked. Paul was described as being relieved by the Munich Agreement, which ended the possibility of a war that would had placed his country in a dilemma.

In January 1939, Stojadinović had told the Italian Foreign Minister Count Galeazzo Ciano of his wish to turn his Yugoslav Radical Union into the only legal party, saying he wanted to establish a fascist dictatorship that carries out a pro-Italian foreign policy "to find a balanced situation and security within the framework of the Axis". Stojadinović and Ciano discussed the possibility of dividing up Albania, a plan immediately vetoed by Paul who complained that in his opinion Yugoslavia already had too many Albanians (whose loyalty to Yugoslavia was questionable) and adding more would be unhelpful. At the same time, the Croat deputies in the skupshtina (parliament) called on foreign powers to intervene to give the Croats "liberty of choice and destiny", accusing Stojadinović of being a tyrant.

Danzig crisis: countdown to war
On 4 February 1939, Paul dismissed Stojadinović as prime minister and at that point the Yugoslav tilt towards the Axis was stopped. After dismissing Stojadinović, Paul rejected an Italian appeal to support the Italian annexation of Albania. On 15 March 1939, Germany occupied the Czech half of the rump state of Czecho-Slovakia (as Czechoslovakia had been renamed in October 1938), turning it into the Protectorate of Bohemia and Moravia. The fact that the Reich extinguished the independence of Czecho-Slovakia despite the way in which Emil Hácha and the rest of the leaders had endeavoured to carry out a slavishly pro-German foreign policy, came as a considerable shock to Paul.

Later, when the Italians annexed Albania on Easter weekend 1939, Paul declined to make a protest, which severely strained relations with Yugoslavia's Balkan Pact ally Turkey, which protested most vehemently against the annexation of a Muslim-majority nation with which the Turks had historically close ties. The Italian annexation of Albania led to Italy controlling both sides of the Strait of Otranto, and thus allowed the Italians to cut Yugoslavia off from access to the rest of the world. On 12 May 1939, Britain and Turkey issued a joint declaration promising "to ensure the establishment of security in the Balkans". As Paul was about to make a state visit to Italy, he found the statement from the Turkish ambassador in Belgrade suggesting that Yugoslavia work with Turkey in the spirit of the Anglo-Turkish declaration to resist any further Italian advances in the Balkans very poorly timed and made it clear that he wanted nothing to do with the Turkish proposal.

Paul backed a plan floated by Turkish Foreign Minister Şükrü Saracoğlu for Bulgaria to join the Balkan Pact and, in a letter, urged King Carol II of Romania to cede part of the Dobruja region as the price of Bulgaria joining the Balkan Pact. In his letter, Paul stressed the importance of stopping Italy from invading more Balkan nations, which required getting the Bulgarians out of the Italian sphere of influence (King Boris III of Bulgaria was married to the daughter of King Victor Emmanuel III of Italy). He wrote that he wanted the Bulgarians "off my back" to allow the Yugoslavs and Greeks to focus on countering the Italians, who were now building up their forces in their new colony of Albania. Unlike the Hungarians, whom Paul felt would never abandon their claims against Yugoslavia, the Bulgarians were felt to be more tractable.

After Germany and Italy, Hungary was the nation that Paul worried about the most as he noted that Danube river valley ran down from the Hungarian plain straight to Belgrade. At the same time, Yugoslavia began staff talks with Greece with the aim of resisting an Italian invasion of either nation. A major problem for Yugoslavia was the lack of modern weapons together with the money to pay for them. Watt wrote that "Paul's tactics were aimed at winning credits and securing arms deliveries wherever he could, in Berlin, Paris or London". After talking to Raymond Brugère, the French minister in Belgrade, the latter promised the prince regent that he would fly to Paris personally to lobby for Yugoslavia.

On 29 June 1939, it was that announced that the Bank Seligmann of Paris was going to make a loan of 600 million francs to Yugoslavia that was to be spent on weapons for the Yugoslav military. The Germans had broken the Yugoslav diplomatic codes and were well aware of Paul's attempts to play off the Axis powers against the Allied powers to secure the best deal for Yugoslavia; Paul's salvation in 1939 rested with the fact that Germany was about to invade Poland and needed raw materials from Yugoslavia like bauxite and copper to keep the German armaments industry going. After Hitler had the decision to launch Fall Weiss (Case White), the invasion of Poland, the Reich wanted two things from Yugoslavia, namely an agreement to supply Germany with all the necessary raw materials and that Yugoslavia not only refuse to join the British-inspired "peace front" but also formally aligned its diplomacy with the Axis powers.

In 1939, Prince Paul, as acting head of state, accepted an official invitation from Adolf Hitler and spent nine days in Berlin. During his visit to Berlin, a massive effort was made to persuade Paul to not join the "peace front" that was meant to "contain" Germany. Paul was greeted by Hitler at the train station in Berlin, was made the guest of honor at a reception and dinner at the Reich Chancellery, visited the Potsdam military base, saw a gala performance of Wagner at the Berlin opera, and reviewed two major military parades meant to impress upon him the power of the Reich. For the first part of his trip, Paul stayed at Bellevue Palace, an old imperial palace and then for the last three days, at Göring's estate at Carinhall. Despite all the pomp, Paul during his visit to Germany repeatedly refused the demands made by his hosts to sign an economic agreement that would have turned Yugoslavia into a German economic colony or some overt pro-Axis gesture like pulling Yugoslavia out of the League of Nations and signing the Anti-Comintern Pact. The German foreign minister Joachim von Ribbentrop called Paul a "log" (a German slang term meaning somebody who is very stupid) while Hitler was very angry that despite all the lavish hospitality the only concession Paul made was to slightly readjust the exchange rate between the Reichsmark and the Dinar. In return for readjusting the exchange rate, Paul forced the Germans to finally deliver some of the aircraft that Yugoslavia had paid for in advance in 1938, but the Germans kept finding excuses not to deliver. During his visit to Berlin, Paul repeatedly refused to have Yugoslavia leave the League of Nations and sign the Anti-Comintern Pact.

While he was in Germany, Paul dispatched General Petar Pešić on a secret mission to Paris and London to find out what were the Anglo-French plans in the event of a war. Pešić told Lord Gort of the British General Staff and French Marshal Maurice Gamelin that Yugoslavia would declare neutrality if Germany invaded Poland but would be willing to enter the war for the Allies the moment that the Mediterranean Sea and the Adriatic Sea came under Allied operational control. Pešić argued that from the Allied viewpoint that Yugoslav neutrality could be advantageous in the sense that Yugoslavia at present could not stop the German Wehrmacht from occupying the country if Hitler so desired, which would allow the Germans to exploit all of the crucial raw materials of Yugoslavia, but if Yugoslavia remained neutral and entered the war when the Allies could support it, then raw materials would be permanently denied to the Germans.

Pešić found that the French, who preferred that fighting take place in anywhere but France, were far more interested in having Yugoslavia enter the conflict if the Danzig Crisis led to a war than were the British. From Gamelin, he learned the French were already planning on having the Army of the Levant commanded by Maxime Weygand land at Thessaloniki to march up the Balkans to link up with the Yugoslavs and the Romanians to aid the Poles. In May 1939, Yugoslavia changed its diplomatic codes, which stopped both the Italians and Germans from reading the Yugoslav codes. The same month, when Romanian Foreign Minister Grigore Gafencu visited Belgrade, Paul spoke to him of his wish for both Yugoslavia and Romania to have closer ties with Britain.

Despite repeated pressure from both the German and Italian ministers in Belgrade, Paul refused their demand for Yugoslavia to leave the League of Nations as a symbolic move to show that Yugoslavia was now associated with the Axis states. As Germany and Japan had both left the League of Nations in 1933 while Italy had left the League in 1937, the Axis powers always attached immense symbolic importance to having other nations leaving the League as showing diplomatic alignment with them.

In June 1939, Paul warned the American ambassador to Yugoslavia that the Forschungsamt (research office – German cryptanalytic intelligence agency) was reading all of the diplomatic cables going into and out of Belgrade, including the American ones, and the ambassador should be careful what information he cabled back to Washington, DC. On 15 July 1939, Paul left Belgrade to visit London with a stop over in Paris to see Pešić.

From Pešić, Paul learned that he had the impression that on one hand, the French were keen to start a second front in the Balkans in the event of war while on the other hand that the French Navy would play only a defensive role, guarding convoys from Algeria to France. In London, Paul advocated that Britain launch a "preemptive war" against Italy, saying that if Italy were knocked out, then Yugoslavia would definitely move closer to Britain. Paul ordered that the Yugoslav National Bank's gold reserves be transferred to London as a sign of his faith in Britain.

He told his British hosts that Yugoslavia was not ready to join the "peace front" yet but was moving in that direction. Paul also told Foreign Secretary Lord Halifax that Paul would use his influence with the more hesitant Balkan Pact nations, Romania and Greece, to try to bring them into the "peace front". During the same visit, he was installed as a Stranger Knight Companion of the Garter, the most important British order of chivalry, by King George VI, which greatly offended Hitler, who complained that Paul's heart was with the British. During his talks with Lord Halifax in London, Paul received elusive replies to his demands for a British "preemptive war" against Italy as Paul contended that as long as the Regia Marina existed, there was always the possibility of Yugoslavia being cut off from Britain and France. Both Prime Minister Neville Chamberlain and Lord Halifax regarded Italian Prime Minister Benito Mussolini as the more moderate and reasonable of the fascist leaders and that, despite signing the Pact of Steel in May, he might still be "peeled off" from his alliance with Germany. Paul's fears of the Regia Marina were confirmed in June 1940 when Italy entered the war and caused the British to start supplying Egypt via the long way around Africa on the Cape of Good Hope route as the danger of Italian air and naval attacks made crossing the central Mediterranean too dangerous, the only exception being supply convoys for Malta.

Fearful of being cut off, Paul advocated to Halifax that if Britain ended up declaring war on Germany as a result of the latter invading Poland, then Britain should immediately launch air and naval attacks to destroy the Regia Marina and the Regia Aeronautica regardless if Italy was neutral or not. It was Paul's belief that even if Mussolini declared neutrality at first, he would inevitably that he would come into the war on Germany's side at some point. Paul very much wanted an Anglo-French landing at the Greek city of Thessaloniki in the event of war, as he believed that to be the only way that Yugoslavia could resist a German invasion. Paul also expressed his hope that the British would include the Soviet Union the proposed "peace front" as the best way of deterring Germany from invading Poland. While Paul was visiting London, Yugoslav Finance Minister Vojin Đuričić was in Paris and signed there on 14 July an agreement with Prime Minister Édouard Daladier for France to sell Yugoslavia anti-aircraft guns, trucks, howitzers, anti-tank guns, machine guns, tanks and tank transporters.

As the Danzig Crisis pushed Europe to the brink of war, Vladko Maček of the Croatian Peasant Party became convinced of the necessity of "throwing a bridge across the abyss which separated Serb from Croat". Paul supported Prime Minister Dragiša Cvetković's efforts to reach an understanding with Maček, despite his wish to hand over Yugoslavia unchanged to King Peter when he reached his majority, since Paul felt that an end to the Serb-Croat dispute was the best way to allow Yugoslavia to survive the coming storm. On 20 August 1939, the Cvetković-Maček Agreement set up the Banovina of Croatia to be ruled by a ban (governor) responsible to the king and a sabor (parliament) in Zagreb. The central government retained control of the monarchy, foreign affairs, national defence, foreign trade, commerce, transport, public security, religion, mining, weights and measures, insurance and education policy, but Croatia was to have its own legislature in Zagreb with a separate budget. The sporazum (agreement) granted broad autonomy to Croatia, and partitioned Bosnia and Herzegovina as the government agreed to Maček's demand for all of the Croats in Yugoslavia to live under the authority of the Croatian banovina. The sporazum was popular with moderate Croat opinion, but it was extremely unpopular with the Bosnian Muslims, who objected to the partition of Bosnia-Herzegovina. Likewise, Serbs was outraged by that the sporazum had "abandoned" the prečani Serbs in Bosnia and the Krajina region to Croat rule. The charge that Paul and Cvetković had "sold out" to the Croats with the sporazum made them unpopular with the Serbs, and if it did not cause the coup d'état of 26 March 1941, it certainly was an essential prerequisite for the coup. Finally, the Slovenes demanded for a similar degree of autonomy to be granted to them.

On 26 August 1939, as the Danzig Crisis moved towards its climax, Paul, in a letter to Lord Halifax, once again urged that Britain launch a "preemptive war" against Italy if Germany invaded Poland. Paul warned if Germany conquered Poland, Italy would sooner or later enter the war, and if that happened, the Italian forces in Albania with support from Bulgaria would be used to threaten the other Balkan states. Paul concluded in that case "a rot throughout the Balkans" would follow as the other Balkan states together with Turkey would turn towards Germany to protect them from Italy. Sir Ronald Campbell, the British minister in Belgrade, in a cable to Lord Halifax wrote that Paul was "in the last stages of despair". Halifax wrote on the margin on Paul's letter that he was suffering from manic-depression again. Brugère, who very much liked Paul, proved more sympathetic and, in a dispatch to Paris, urged for France to land a force at Thessaloniki if Germany invaded Poland. The French proved supportive of the idea of landing at Thessaloniki, but Allied strategy was determined by an Inter-Allied War Council, and the British were stoutly opposed to the French plans for a "second front" in the Balkans. The news of the Ribbentrop-Molotov Pact was an especially bitter blow for Paul, as it ensured that the two strongest powers in Eastern Europe would be working together, and it ended the regent's hopes of an Anglo-French alliance, which might finally rid Yugoslavia of the constant Italian efforts to undermine national unity.

Second World War
When the Second World War broke out in September 1939 by the German invasion of Poland, Yugoslavia declared its neutrality. During the Phoney War, Paul arranged for Yugoslavia to step up deliveries of copper to Germany in exchanges for promises that Germany would finally deliver arms that Yugoslavia had paid for in advance but for which Germany kept finding excuses not to deliver. Germany also wanted Yugoslavia to refuse to join the British-inspired "peace front" and even for it to align its diplomacy formally with the Axis powers. In his sympathies, Paul preferred for France and Britain to win the war, but he was markedly afraid of the Wehrmacht. Paul repeatedly pressed for a revival of the Salonika Front strategy of First World War by arguing that if French and British forces landed at Thessaloniki, which would place them in a position to aid Yugoslavia, he might lean more towards the Allies. During the Phoney War, a popular if erroneous rumour in Croatia that Paul was planning to enter the war on the Allied side and send Croat regiments to man the Maginot Line in France increased support for Croat separatism.

Such was Paul's desperation for a counterbalance to Germany that he even turned towards the Soviet Union. Vasily Strandtman, the Russian chargé d'affaires at the legation in Belgrade in 1914, finally closed the legation in October 1939 under strong pressure from the Yugoslav government. In May 1940, an economic agreement was signed with the Soviet Union, and in June 1940, Yugoslavia finally established diplomatic relations with Moscow, being one of the last European states to recognize the Soviet Union. In December 1940 and again in March 1941, Paul attempted to have Yugoslavia buy modern military equipment from the Soviet Union.

On 4 March 1941, Paul met with Adolf Hitler at the Berghof high up in the Bavarian Alps. Hitler told Paul that he already decided to invade Greece and in exchange for the Wehrmacht being granted transit rights through Yugoslavia was willing to assign Thessaloniki to Yugoslavia after the expected conquest of Greece. Paul refused the offer and said that as his wife was Greek, he could not permit Yugoslavia to be used as a base for aggression against Greece. Paul also admitted that his sympathies were with Britain and stated to sign the Tripartite Pact would lead to his overthrow. General Franz Halder, the chief of the Germany Army Staff who attended the meeting, wrote in his diary: "No positive results. No intention to join the Tripartite Pact". On 6 March 1941, Paul called a meeting of the Yugoslav Crown Council at which Pešić stated his opinion as a soldier that the Royal Yugoslav Army could not stop a German invasion, and the best that could be hoped for was to hold out for six weeks in the mountains of Bosnia. The next day, Yugoslav Foreign Minister Aleksandar Cincar-Marković approached Victor von Heeren, the German minister in Belgrade, and said that Yugoslavia was willing to sign the Tripartite Pact if no transit rights allowing the Wehrmacht to invade Greece from Yugoslavia were granted and said that Paul could not in good conscience allow Yugoslavia to be used as a base for war against his wife's homeland.

On 25 March 1941, the Yugoslav government signed the Axis Tripartite Pact with significant reservations, as three notes were appended. The first note obliged the Axis powers to respect the territorial integrity and sovereignty of Yugoslavia. In the second note, the Axis powers promised not to ask Yugoslavia for any military assistance, and in the third note, they promised not to ask permission to move military forces across Yugoslav territory during the war. Nonetheless, the signing of the pact did not sit well with several elements of the Royal Yugoslav Army. On 27 March 1941, two days after Yugoslavia had signed the Tripartite Pact, Yugoslav military figures with British support forcibly removed Paul from power and declared King Peter II of age. German and Italian forces invaded the country ten days later.

Exile

For the remainder of the war, Prince Paul was kept, with his family, under house arrest by the British in Kenya. Paul and his family arrived at Oserian, the former home of Lord Erroll on the shores of Lake Naivasha on 28 April 1941. The Oserian was in a state of disrepair as the earl had been murdered earlier in 1941 and Princess Olga called it "a complete nightmare". Paul and his family were under house arrest, being forbidden to leave grounds of the Oserian. The British newspapers vilified Paul by depicting him as a Nazi sympathizer despite his Anglophile tendencies.

His sister-in-law, the Duchess of Kent, and her husband, the Duke of Kent, appealed to Winston Churchill in the hope of allowing Paul and his wife, Princess Olga, to take refuge in Britain. However, Churchill rejected the request in no uncertain manner since he viewed Paul as a traitor and war criminal. After the Duke of Kent's death in 1942, Churchill relented to King George's insistence and allowed Olga to fly to London to comfort her sister but without her husband, who had been extremely close to the late Duke. One of Paul's old friends, the South African Prime Minister, Jan Smuts, lobbied Churchill to release Paul, who was finally freed in 1944 and was allowed to settle in Johannesburg. Smuts granted Paul and his family asylum. Smuts lost the 1948 South African general election to D. F. Malan of the National Party, which was less sympathetic towards Paul being in South Africa.

Paul lived in South Africa until 1949, when he moved to Paris. Paul always spent his summers at his villa in Tuscany, the Villa Demidoff, where his neighbor was his old friend, the wealthy American art historian and art dealer, Bernard Berenson. Berenson had long maintained his home at his Tuscan villa, I Tatti. As Berenson was one of the richest and most influential figures in the art world, Paul was able to continue with adding to his art collection. The British art historian John Pope-Hennessy, who once had lunch with Berenson and Paul, wrote: "I found Princess Olga's guttural manner rather disconcerting, but Prince Paul I liked from the beginning".

The postwar Communist authorities in Yugoslavia had Prince Paul proclaimed an enemy of the state, barred him from ever returning to Yugoslavia and confiscated all of his property in Yugoslavia.

Prince Paul was the father of Princess Elizabeth, Prince Alexander, and Prince Nikola, and was the grandfather of the American author Christina Oxenberg and American actress Catherine Oxenberg.

Burial

Prince Paul died in Paris on 14 September 1976, aged 83 and was buried at the Bois-de-Vaux Cemetery in Lausanne, Switzerland.

Prince Paul was rehabilitated by the Serbian courts in 2011 and on 6 October 2012 was reburied at the family crypt of Oplenac, near Topola in central Serbia, together with his wife Olga and son Nikola.

Further research
Princess Elizabeth, his only daughter, obtained information from the British Special Operations Executive files in the Foreign Office in London and published them in Belgrade in the 1990 edition of the Serbian-language biography of her father. The original book, Paul of Yugoslavia: Britain's Maligned Friend, was written by Neil Balfour, the first being published by Eaglet Publishing in London in 1980.

In 1967, the diaries of the Conservative MP Henry "Chips" Channon were published but were heavily censored, as homosexuality was still illegal in Britain, and many of the people named in the diaries were still alive, which exposed the publishers to the risk of libel suits. In February 2021, the first part of the uncensored version of Channon's diaries were published, which caused a stir as Channon wrote of having homosexual relations with numerous well-known men (among them the playwright Terence Rattigan), and it was strongly implied that Paul had been Channon's lover.

The Serbian historian Srdja Trifković wrote that Paul a tragic figure: "Prince Pavle of Yugoslavia is a figure both unique and uniquely tragic in modern Serbian history. His was the story of a perennial outsider; a sophisticated art-lover thrust into the murky world of Balkan politics; an incorrigible Anglophile forced into unsavory deals with England's enemies; a gentleman in a world of perfidious rogues. Always at pains to square the demands of personal integrity with those of the 'art of the possible', he was ultimately unloved in Belgrade, mistrusted in Berlin and scorned in London."

Art collections
Prince Paul, together with King Alexander I of Yugoslavia, collected, donated and dedicated a large number of art works to Serbia and the Serbian people, including foreign masterpieces. There are especially significant Italian, French and Dutch/Flemish pieces. Most of the works are in the National Museum of Serbia, including work by artists such as Rubens, Renoir, Monet, Titian, Van Gogh and Paul Gauguin.

Honours

Ancestry

References

Sources

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External links

Yugoslav princes
Karađorđević dynasty
20th-century regents
Extra Knights Companion of the Garter
Honorary Knights Grand Cross of the Royal Victorian Order
1893 births
1976 deaths
Leaders ousted by a coup
World War II political leaders
Serbian art collectors
Serbian philanthropists
Serbian people of Russian descent
Russian people of Finnish descent
Russian people of Swedish descent
Royalty from Saint Petersburg
Burials at the Mausoleum of the Royal House of Karađorđević, Oplenac
Royal reburials
Yugoslav anti-communists
Recipients of the Order of the Yugoslav Crown
Serbian exiles
Collars of the Order of the White Lion
Recipients of the Order of the White Eagle (Poland)
Bullingdon Club members

Prince Paul of Yugoslavia


An Phaius fragilis in uska species han Liliopsida nga ginhulagway ni Louis Otho Otto Williams. An Phaius fragilis in nahilalakip ha genus nga Phaius, ngan familia nga Orchidaceae.

Mabibilngan ini ha Philippines. Waray hini subspecies nga nakalista.

Mga kasarigan

Mga sumpay ha gawas

Phaius

Phaius fragilis


Suzana Lazović (født 28. januar 1992 i Podgorica) er en tidligere kvindelig montenegrinsk håndboldspiller, som optrådte for det montenegrinske landshold. Hun deltog ved VM i håndbold 2011 i Brasilien.

Meritter med landsholdet
  OL 2012:
  EM 2012:

Referencer

Eksterne henvisninger

Håndboldspillere fra Montenegro
Personer fra Podgorica
Håndboldspillere ved sommer-OL 2012
Håndboldspillere ved sommer-OL 2016
Olympiske sølvmedaljevindere fra Montenegro
Medaljevindere ved sommer-OL 2012

Suzana Lazović


Z'har, en inglés (Un)Lucky  es una película rodada en Argelia en el año 2009 por la cineasta Fatma Zohra Zamoum que también interviene en la película

Sinopsis
Alia es una fotógrafa parisina que viaje desde Túnez a Constantina (Argelia) para visitar a su padre enfermo. Cherif es escritor y acaba de enterarse por el periódico de que ha muerto. Les lleva un taxista acostumbrado a recorrer la distancia que separa Túnez de Constantina. 2007. Fatma Zohra Zamoum le pide a su hermano que le acompañe para localizar los exteriores de la película. Está empeñada en rodarla porque trata de la violencia que sacudió Argelia durante los años 90. El equipo inicia entonces un viaje de casi 2.000 kilómetros que verá nacer una hipótesis de ficción o un sueño de ficción durante el que los protagonistas se conocen. Pero la película no encuentra financiación. ¿Cómo construir una ficción cuando todo está en contra?

Premios
 International Film Festival of Kerala (India) 2009, nominada
Dubai International Film Festiva 2009, nominada
 Pune International Film Festival (India)
 Famafest (Portugal)
 Festival Cinema Africano
 AsI
 América Latina de Milano (Italia)
 Festival Indie Lisboa (Portugal)

Referencias

Z'har


La escupiña grabada, almejón o bolo (Venus verrucosa) es una especie de molusco bivalvo de la familia Veneridae.

Descripción
La concha de la escupiña grabada es robusta, de forma redondeada y con dos valvas muy convexas; se caracteriza por presentar fuertes costillas laminares concéntricas, paralelas al borde ventral, que muestran unas verrugas alrededor de los bordes posterior y anterior. Su coloración va del blanco al amarillo pardusco.

Distribución y hábitat
Es un molusco marino que se encuentra en el mar Mediterráneo y el océano Atlántico, desde Irlanda hasta el cabo de Buena Esperanza (Sudáfrica). Habita en fondos lodosos y arenosos, habitualmente enterrado, pero con sus largos sifones al descubierto para poder respirar.

Comportamiento
Sus costumbres y reproducción son similares a las de las otras especies de su familia. La época de desove tiene lugar entre abril y mayo. Puede dar pequeños saltos con su pie dactiliforme.

Referencias

Veneridae
Moluscos del océano Atlántico
Moluscos del mar Mediterráneo
Animales descritos en 1758
Taxones descritos por Carlos Linneo

Venus verrucosa


Me Too er et globalt internetfænomen fra 2017 og frem, hvor især kvinder har afsløret og delt seksuelle krænkelser via de sociale medier under hashtagget #MeToo (bogstaveligt også jeg eller også mig). Hashtagget spredte sig viralt fra oktober 2017. Bevægelsen har vakt en meget stor debat om køn og ligestilling. Selve begrebet blev første gang lanceret i 2006 af Tarana Burke, en amerikansk borgerrettighedsaktivist og advokat.

MeToo benyttes til at oplyse om eller beskylde personer for seksuel chikane eller seksuelle overgreb. Hashtagget blev populært i kølvandet på anklager om seksuelle overgreb begået af filmproduceren Harvey Weinstein.

Fænomenet #MeToo blev af det amerikanske magasin TIME udpeget til "Årets person" i 2017.<ref>[https://www.theguardian.com/media/2017/dec/06/metoo-movement-named-time-magazines-person-of-the-year #MeToo movement named Time magazines Person of the Year, theguardian.com, 6. december 2017]</ref>

I Danmark har #metoo-bevægelsen medført ændring på mange arbejdspladser, hvor der nu er etableret mere tydelige og konsekvente regler for at håndtere chikanerende adfærd. Som Djøffs formand bemærker: "Mange har fulgt med i debatten de seneste år, og jeg hæfter mig særligt ved, at et stort flertal synes, at det øgede fokus på at ikke overskride andres grænser er positivt."

I kølvandet på den nye samtykkelov har flere personer end nogensinde før anmeldt overgreb, hvilket har bidraget til en reduktion af det skjulte omfang - eller 'mørketallet' - af overgreb. Ifølge befolkningsundersøgelsen fra projekt Sexus har 11,3% af kvinder oplevet et seksuelt overgreb, og ifølge tal fra Justitsministeriets seneste offerundersøgelse viser,3,4% svarer, at de har været udsat for voldtægt inden for de seneste fem år. Dette svarer til, at omkring 12.000 danske kvinder årligt udsættes for voldtægt eller voldtægtsforsøg.

#metoo er blevet omtalt som "historisk" og et "feministisk nybrud", men også som en "heksejagt" og "folkedomstol". I en dansk meningsmåling, som TV 2 lavede i 2018 i samarbejde med Megafon blandt 1229 respondenter, så omkring lige mange #metoobevægelsens betydning som positiv og som negativ. I en senere meningsmåling, som Megafon i 2021 lavede for Politiken, mente ca. to tredjedele af de adspurgte, at #MeToo havde været vigtig for en øget forståelse mellem kønnene, men mange savnede nuancer og trak sig, når debatten blev polariseret.

I 2021 undersøgte Sex og Samfunds unges holdning til #metoo og samtykke og viste, at samtykkeloven har forøget unges bevidsthed om samtykke i seksuelle situationer, bidraget til en kulturændring, og øget trygheden ved voldtægtsanmeldelse. Dog er utilfredshed over den offentlige debats mangel på nuance uden gråzoner udbredt blandt de unge.

 Skandinavien (2018)
Flere end 1100 mænd og kvinder i den danske film- og teaterbranche har i januar 2018 underskrevet et manifest under navnet #TimesUp (dansk: tiden er gået eller det er på tide), der kræver en ændret holdning mod sexisme, krænkelser og overgreb i branchen. Også i Danmarks nabolande kom flere hundrede beskyldninger frem, ikke mindst i Sverige hvor afsløringer i avisen Dagens Nyheter førte til en skandale i Det Svenske Akademi og efterfølgende en voldtægtsdom til den indflydelsesrige såkaldte kulturprofil, Jean-Claude Arnault."Svensk kulturprofil får to års fængsel for voldtægt". dr.dk. 1. oktober 2018. Hentet 3. januar 2021.. I 2018 kritiserede meningsdanneren Anders Fogh Jensen offentligt me too og forsvarede en verden, "hvor praktikanten får et klap bagi", hvilket fremkaldte mange vrede reaktioner.

 Benny Fredriksson (2017-2019)
#Metoo var tidligt blevet kritiseret for at være en folkedomstol, hvor navngivne anklagede mænd ikke får tiltrækkelig mulighed for at forsvare sig. Et eksempel er svenskeren Benny Frederiksson, der begik selvmord, efter at anonyme kilder blandet andet havde anklaget ham for at true en ansat til at få en abort. Flere af anklagerne blev senere tilbagevist.

Benny Fredriksson var kunstnerisk leder af Parkteatern og ensembleleder ved Stockholms Stadsteater, før han i marts 2002 blev instruktør og teaterchef for Stockholms stadsteater.  Mellem juli 2013 og december 2017 var Benny Fredriksson administrerende direktør for Stockholms Stadsteater AB, som driver Kulturhuset Stadsteatern. Efter 16 år som administrerende direktør forlod Fredriksson i december 2017 teatret efter en hård, men anonym kritik i medierne under Metoo-kampagnen i efteråret  rettet mod hans ledelsesstil. 17. marts 2018 begik Fredriksson  selvmord under en rejse i Australien. SVT blev dømt i Granskningsnämnden for et af sine indslag om sagen Ifølge hans hustru Anne Sofie von Otter led Fredriksson af en dyb depression som følge af artiklerne. Von Otter anklagede medierne for at overdrive påstande om uønsket adfærd under Metoo kampagnen, og at lægge pornografiske undertoner blev en strategi for medierne for at tiltrække læsere  I marts 2019 blev Aftonbladet kritiseret af Pressens Opinionsnämnd for dets artikler om sagen."Uthängd!" (pdf), mediestudier.se, 23. juni 2018. Hentet 23. juni 2020.

 Sofie Linde starter anden bølge i Danmark (2020)
I Danmark igangsatte tv-vært Sofie Lindes tale ved ZULU Comedy Galla Showet 27. august 2020 en anden bølge af MeToo. I talen fortalte Linde om sine oplevelser i tv-branchen med manglende ligeløn mellem hende og Blachman og ikke mindst sexchikane og krænkelser på Danmarks Radio under en julefrokost 13 år tidligere, da hun lige var startet, 18 år gammel. Sofie Linde har senere beklaget at hun talte forkert om sin alder, da det blev opdaget at hun rent faktisk var 19 år gammel. Hvad angår Sofie Lindes løn, har programdirektør Lotte Lindegaard, der forhandlede løn med Linde, forsvaret sig med, at hun ikke lønner efter køn, men at Linde og Blachman varetog meget forskellige opgaver i X Factor.

Sofie Linde har ikke ville sætte navn på den såkaldte tv-kanon, hun har beskyldt for at komme med seksuelle trusler, da hun lige var begyndt som børne-tv-vært på DR, og efter Linde satte fokus med sin oplevelse har 701 medie kvinder henvendt sig med en støtteerklæring,  senere har 50 kvinder mere meldt sig samt 7 mænd i debat om chikane og krænkelser i arbejdsmiljø.

Bølgen bidrog til at De Radikales politiske leder Morten Østergaard og Københavns overborgmester Frank Jensen trådte tilbage pga. gamle sager om seksuelle krænkelser og grænseoverskridende adfærd - i Frank Jensens tilfælde gentagne krænkelser gennem hans 30 år i politik.

Tv-stationen TV 2 igangsætte en undersøgelse af sexisme og kulturen på tv-stationen, der førte til, at de to mange-årige værtsprofiler Jens Gaardbo og Jes Dorph-Petersen blev taget af skærmen. Det, som kostede Jes Dorph-Petersen jobbet på tv 2 som vært på 'Go' aften Live', drejede sig om to sager, der medførte beskyldninger om seksuelle krænkelser og vold. En sag var fra 2001,  og handlede om Dorph-Petersens forhold til en praktikant, Therese Philipsen, hvor Philipsen hævdede at han havde "lagt en hånd over hendes mund, givet hende en lussing og presset hende ned på en briks, hvor han angiveligt tiltvang sig sex med hende",Pedersen, M.S. (2021) To kvinder står frem om sager, der kostede Jes Dorph jobbet: - Det var væmmeligt og voldsomt. TV 2, 29. november 2021. Hentet 25. august 2022. hvad der i nogle medier blev omtalt som voldtægt.Hilstrøm, C. (2021) Massiv kritik af vært på Aftenshowet efter Jes Dorph-interview. Berlingske, 7. januar 2021. Hentet 25. august 2022. Dog har Jes Dorph selv og et vidne afvist beskyldningerne. Den anden sag var fra 2003. Her skulle Dorph-Petersen og en anden mandlig kollega have lagt op til sex, som kvinden afviste.

I juli 2021 stod en række kvinder frem og beskyldte politikeren Naser Khader for seksuelle krænkelser og grænseoverskridende adfærd, hændelserne som kvinderne beskriver i artikel, skulle være sket i årene fra 1999 til 2019.  I august 2021 blev Naser Khader ekskluderet fra Det Konservative Folkeparti på baggrund af beskyldningerne og en igangværende advokatundersøgelse.

I december 2021 trådte chefredaktør på B.T., Michael Dyrby øjeblikkeligt tilbage efter en lang række afsløringer om seksuelt krænkende adfærd.

 Johnny Depp og Amber Heard (2018-2022)
Efter at have ansøgt om skilsmisse fra Johnny Depp i maj 2016 påstod skuespillerinden Amber Heard, at Depp under deres forhold havde misbrugt hende fysisk. Depp anlagde en sag om ærekrænkelse i Storbritannien mod The Sun's udgivere over en artikel fra 2018, der påstod, at han var en "wife beater" (hustrumishandler). . Depp tabte sin retssag ved Londons High Court of Justice, efter at en dommer havde fastslået, at 12 af de 14 påståede hændelser med vold i hjemmet havde fundet sted, og at Heards påstande om misbrug var "i det væsentlige sande".

I december 2018 offentliggjorde Heard en kommentar i The Washington Post'', hvori der stod, at hun havde kæmpet imod seksuel vold og var blevet en offentlig person, der repræsenterede vold i hjemmet. Selvom hun ikke eksplicit navngav Depp i kommentaren, indgav Depp en ærekrænkelsessag mod hende i Virginia. I Virginia-sagen forsøgte Depps advokater at modbevise Heards påstande over for en jury, idet de hævdede, at det var hende, og ikke hendes eksmand, der havde været misbrugeren i forholdet.. Virginia-retssagen blev livestreamet og skabte enorm offentlig interesse. Sociale medieplatforme bød på betydelig støtte til Depp og kritik af Heard, hvor videoer med hashtag #JusticeForJohnnyDepp opnåede over 18 milliarder visninger på TikTok ved retssagens afslutning. Der opstod en konsensus på nettet om, at Heard løj, og hendes vidnesbyrd blev bredt latterliggjort.

Juryen fandt at Heards med sine udtalelser havde ærekrænket Depp og det med ondt forsæt, og den tilkendte ham 10 millioner dollars i kompenserende skader og 5 millioner dollars i skadeserstatning (sidstnævnte reduceret til 350.000 dollars i henhold til Virginias lov), mens den tildelte Heard 2 millioner dollars i kompenserende skader. for et modkrav om, at Depps tidligere advokat havde ærekrænket hende.

Retssagen skabte debat og satte fokus på nuancer i diskussionen omkring partnervold og #metoo

Hashtags på andre sprog
 Arabisk: أنا_كمان# (da:Ogsåmig)
 , Fransk-talende områder: #MoiAussi (da: OgsåMig)
 Engelsk-talende lande: #MeToo
 : #balanceTonPorc (da: AngivDitSvin)
 : #QuellaVoltaChe (da: DenGangDa)
 : גםאנחנו# (en: UsToo)
 : #meToo (en: MeToo)
 : #我也是 (en: MeToo)
 : #YoTambién (en: MeToo)
 : #나도 (en: MeToo)
 : #EnaZeda
 : #TôiCũngVậy (en: MeToo)

Referencer

Sociale netværk
Feminisme
Maskulinisme

Me Too


Băieții de la tonomat (titlul original: în ) este un film muzical
(subgenul musicarello, apărut în anii '50) din anul 1959 regizat de Lucio Fulci, având ca interpreți Mario Carotenuto, Elke Sommer și Anthony Steffen. Titlul filmului este luat după titlul cântecului lui Adriano Celentano Ragazzi del Juke-Box, de pe fața B al discului de  45 rpm (pe fața A având cântecul Il tuo bacio è come un rock).

Conținut

Tânăra fiică a unui șef de casă de înregistrări, cu toate că a primit din partea tatălui "arest la domiciliu", ajută promovarea unei formații de muzică care interpreta muzica preferată de tineri.

Distribuție
 Mario Carotenuto – Cesari (șeful Casei de înregistrări)
 Elke Sommer – Giulia Cesari (fiica lui)
 Antonio De Teffè – Paolo Macelloni
 Giacomo Furia – Gennarino
 Yvette Masson – Maria Davanzale
 Fred Buscaglione – Fred
 Adriano Celentano – Adriano
 Betty Curtis – Betty Dorys
 Gianni Meccia – Jimmy
 Tony Dallara – Tony Bellaria
 Mara Fiè – fata de la club
 Giuliano Mancini – Jimmy
 Karin Well – fata de la club
 Umberto D'Orsi
 Enzo Garinei
 Ornella Vanoni

Vezi și
 Listă de filme străine până în 1989

Note

Legături externe

Filme din 1959
Filme italiene
Filme în limba italiană
Filme regizate de Lucio Fulci
Filme musicarello
Filme alb-negru
Filme Lux Film

Băieții de la tonomat


PL-11 is a high-level machine-oriented programming language for the PDP-11, developed by R.D. Russell of CERN in 1971. Written in Fortran IV, it is similar to PL360 and is cross-compiled on other machines.

PL-11 was originally developed as part of the Omega project, a particle physics facility operational at CERN (Geneva, Switzerland) during the 1970s. The first version was written for the CII 10070, a clone of the XDS Sigma 7 built in France. Towards the end of the 1970s it was ported to the IBM 370/168, then part of CERN's computer centre.

A report describing the language is available from CERN.

References

Procedural programming languages
Programming languages created in 1971
CERN software

PL-11


Can't Buy a Thrill is the debut studio album by American rock band Steely Dan, released by ABC Records in November 1972. It was written by band members Walter Becker and Donald Fagen, and recorded in August 1972 at the Village Recorder in West Los Angeles, California, with producer Gary Katz. The album is one of Steely Dan's most stylistically eclectic, encompassing the sounds of soft rock, folk rock, jazz-rock and pop, alongside philosophical, elliptical lyrics.

A commercial success, in the United States the album peaked at number 17 on the Billboard albums chart, bolstered by the popular singles "Do It Again" and "Reelin' In the Years", and was eventually certified Platinum by the Recording Industry Association of America (RIAA). It was also met with positive reviews, and has appeared on many retrospective "greatest albums" lists, including Colin Larkin's All Time Top 1000 Albums (2000) and Rolling Stone magazine's "500 Greatest Albums of All Time" (2003).

Recording
Steely Dan recorded the album in August 1972 at the Village Recorder in Los Angeles. Two songs recorded during the Can't Buy a Thrill sessions were left off the album and released as a single: "Dallas" b/w "Sail the Waterway". This is the only Steely Dan album to include David Palmer as a lead vocalist, having been recruited after Donald Fagen expressed concerns over singing live.  Drummer Jim Hodder contributes lead vocals on one song, "Midnite Cruiser" (sometimes spelled "Midnight Cruiser"); he also sang "Dallas". By the time recording of the next album began, the band and producer Gary Katz had convinced Fagen to assume the full lead vocalist role.

Music and lyrics
According to writers Marjorie Galen and Gordon Matthews, Can't Buy a Thrill features an upbeat soft rock style. Music journalist Paul Lester said it incorporates mambo, swing, jazz, and Latin musical elements. Music critic Stephen Thomas Erlewine noted that "there are very few of the jazz flourishes that came to distinguish their [later] albums", but added that the first single from the album, "Do It Again", incorporates a tight Latin jazz beat, while the second single, "Reelin' In the Years", features jazzy guitar solos and harmonies. Robert Christgau described "Do It Again" as a toned-down mambo song with "tragic" lyrics about a "compulsive" loser.

"Fire in the Hole", which features "angry, strident piano" by Fagen, takes its title from a phrase used by American soldiers in Vietnam, and alludes to the many students who evaded the draft in the late 1960s and early 1970s (Becker and Fagen included).

Title and packaging
The title of the album is a reference to the opening line of the Bob Dylan song "It Takes a Lot to Laugh, It Takes a Train to Cry". The album cover features a photomontage by Robert Lockart. It includes an image of a line of prostitutes standing in a red-light area in Rouen, France, waiting for clients, which was chosen because of its relevance to the album title. In the liner notes to a reissue of The Royal Scam (1976),  Walter Becker and Donald Fagen jokingly claimed that The Royal Scam possessed "the most hideous album cover of the seventies, bar none (excepting perhaps Can't Buy a Thrill)." The cover was banned in Francisco Franco's Spain and replaced by a photograph of the band playing in concert.

Release
Can't Buy a Thrill was released in the United States by ABC Records in November 1972, and in the United Kingdom by Probe Records in January 1973. The album was released in a two-channel stereo mix, as well as in a four-channel quadraphonic mix.

The album peaked at number 17 on the Billboard Top LPs & Tape chart, and Dunhill Records reissued the album in the U.S. on August 22, 1973. On May 31, 1973, Can't Buy a Thrill was certified Gold by the Recording Industry Association of America (RIAA), recognizing the shipment of 500,000 copies in the U.S.; it was certified Platinum on September 7, 1993, recognizing the shipment of 1,000,000 copies.

Critical reception

Reviewing the album in November 1972 for Rolling Stone, James Isaacs said Can't Buy a Thrill is "distinguished by three top-level cuts and scattered moments of inspiration," but felt the band occasionally sounded "limp". In his review for Creem, Robert Christgau deemed the package "A hit single with a good album attached", and said he found the lyrics "oblique, even philosophical [...] as befit a band named after a dildo in a William Burroughs novel." In Christgau's Record Guide: Rock Albums of the Seventies (1981), Christgau expounded on his original praise, writing: "Think of the Dan as the first post-boogie band: the beat swings more than it blasts or blisters, the chord changes defy our primitive subconscious expectations, and the lyrics underline their own difficulty—as well as the difficulty of the reality to which they refer—with arbitrary personal allusions, most of which are ruses."

In a retrospective review for BBC Music, Paul Lester said the album is so "fully-formed [...] that you would scarcely believe that it's their debut", and contains "tightly constructed songs with dazzling hooks, clever, cryptic lyrics, and vocals that offer teasing critiques for those that want them." Writing for AllMusic, Stephen Thomas Erlewine said the songs on the album "subvert traditional conventions" and are "tightly constructed, with interlocking chords and gracefully interwoven melodies, buoyed by clever, cryptic lyrics", but criticized the contributions of vocalist David Palmer, writing that he "oversings the handful of tracks where he takes the lead", which caused Becker and Fagen to temper "their wildest impulses with mainstream pop techniques." In a review included in The Rolling Stone Album Guide (2004), Rob Sheffield was somewhat less impressed by the album, calling it "mellow folk rock" that was "softened" by Palmer, who "sounds like he's nervous about where his wallet is".

Can't Buy a Thrill has appeared on many retrospective "greatest albums" lists. In 2000, it was voted number 207 in Colin Larkin's book All Time Top 1000 Albums. In 2003, it was ranked number 238 on Rolling Stones list of the "500 Greatest Albums of All Time"; it was number 240 on the 2012 update of the list, and number 168 on the 2020 version. Based on such rankings, the aggregate website Acclaimed Music lists Can't Buy a Thrill as the 557th-most acclaimed album in history, as well as the 154th-most acclaimed album from the 1970s, and the 13th-most acclaimed from 1972. The album was also included in the book 1001 Albums You Must Hear Before You Die.

Track listing

Personnel

Steely Dan
 Jeff "Skunk" Baxter – guitar, pedal steel guitar, spoken Spanish (the end of track 5)
 Walter Becker – electric bass guitar, co-lead vocals (10), backing vocals
 Denny Dias – guitar, electric sitar
 Donald Fagen – piano, electric piano, plastic organ (YC-30), lead vocals (all except 2,4,8), backing vocals
 Jim Hodder – drums, percussion, lead vocals (4), backing vocals
 David Palmer – lead vocals (2,8), co-lead vocals (5,9,10), backing vocals

Additional musicians
 Elliott Randall – lead guitar (3,6)
 Victor Feldman – percussion
 Jerome Richardson – tenor saxophone (2)
 Snooky Young – flugelhorn (2)
 Clydie King, Sherlie Matthews, Venetta Fields – backing vocals (3,8)

Production
 Gary Katz – producer
 Roger Nichols – engineer
 Tim Weston – assistant engineer
 Doug Sax – mastering engineer
 Robert Lockart – cover design
 Tristan Fabriani (Walter Becker & Donald Fagen) – liner notes

Reissue
 Walter Becker, Donald Fagen – producers
 Roger Nichols – remastering engineer
 Vartan – art direction
 Red Herring Design/NYC – design
 Daniel Levitin – consultant

Charts

Album

Singles

References

Notes

Bibliography

External links
 Complete lyrics

Steely Dan albums
1972 debut albums
ABC Records albums
Albums produced by Gary Katz

Can't Buy a Thrill


Poplar River may refer to:

Canada
Manitoba
Poplar River (Manitoba)
Poplar River First Nation, a First Nation community astride the river in Manitoba
Ontario
Kenora District
Poplar River (Atikameg River), part of the Kapiskau River system
Poplar River (Fawn River), in the Severn River system
Poplar River (Manitoba) (the upper reaches of which are in Ontario)
Poplar River (Nipissing District), in Nipissing District, part of the French River system
Poplar River (Montana–Saskatchewan), a tributary of the Missouri River in Saskatchewan in Canada and Montana in the United States
United States
Poplar River (Lake Superior), Minnesota
Poplar River (Lost River), Minnesota
Poplar River (Montana–Saskatchewan), a tributary of the Missouri River in Saskatchewan in Canada and Montana in the United States

Poplar River


Andi Lila (n. 12 februarie 1986) este un fotbalist albanez care joacă pe postul de mijlocaș defensiv pentru clubul grec PAS Giannina și pentru echipa națională a Albaniei. Este un jucător versatil, jucând în prima parte a carierei pe postul de fundaș dreapta și pe cel de fundaș stânga, dar în ultimii ani el a jucat ca mijlocaș defensiv, precum și mijlocaș dreapta.

Lila și-a început cariera cu Besa Kavajë, unde și-a făcut debutul în 2002 la vârsta de 16 ani și a devenit rapid titular, forma bună aducându-i în ianuarie 2007 un transfer la clubul grec Iraklis. S-a întors la Besa Kavajë după ce nu a reușit să se adapteze la Iraklis și a devenit în scurt timp căpitanul clubului, obținând locul al treilea în Superliga din Albania înainte de a se transfera la KF Tirana după doar un an înapoi la Kavajë. El a fost favoritul fanilor la KF Tirana în timpul celor trei ani petrecuți la club, și a câștigat titlul de Superliga albaneză în primul său sezon acolo, ajutându-i să ajungă în finala Cupei Albaniei pe care echipa sa a pierdut-o. Ultimul său meci la echipă a venit în finala Cupei Albaniei din 2011, pe care echipa sa a pierdut-o la penaltiuri, după care s-a transferat din nou în Grecia, de această dată la PAS Giannina.

El s-a stabilit repede în primul unsprezece al celor de la PAS Giannina și și-a ajutat echipa să termine la mijlocul clasamentului în primul său sezon în Grecia și apoi să ajungă în playoff-ul Superligii în al doilea sezon la club, terminând în treilea sezon în partea inferioară a clasamentului. El a intrat fost împrumutat la echipa de Seria A, Parma, în sezonul 2014-2015, dar nu a putut ajuta clubul să scape de retrogradare și s-a întors la PAS Giannina în urma falimentului lui Parma. După întoarcerea sa, el a încercat să-și recâștige locul în prima echipă și a fost folosit mai mult ca rezervă în campionat.

Lila a reprezentat Albania la categoriile sub 17 ani, sub 19 ani, sub 21 ani și la naționala mare. El și-a făcut debutul internațional la seniori în 2007 împotriva României și de atunci a jucat în 68 de meciuri, dar nu a marcat niciun gol. El a devenit titular în naționala Albaniei chiar în 2010, sub comanda lui Josip Kuže, și a început, de asemenea, să joace și aici pe poziția de mijlocaș defensiv. Sub Gianni De Biasi a jucat mai mult ca mijlocaș dreapta și ca extremă dreapta din 2014 și a ajutat Albania să se califice la primul său turneu internațional major, Euro 2016. El a fost, de asemenea, implicat în infamul meci dintre Serbia și Albania din 14 octombrie 2014, care a fost abandonat și în urma căruia Albania a obținut o victorie la masa verde în dauna Serbiei.

Cariera pe echipe

Besa Kavajë
Lila și-a început cariera la clubul din orașul său natal, Besa Kavajë. El și-a făcut debutul pentru club în sezonul 2002-2003 în Superliga din Albania pe 14 decembrie 2002 într-un meci din deplasare împotriva lui Teuta Durrës. Lila a intrat la pauză din postura de rezervă, înlocuindu-l pe Ervin Bardhi. A fost un debut nefericit pentru tânărul Lila, deoarece partida s-a încheiat cu scorul de 5-0 pentru Teuta Durrës.

Iraklis
Forma bună arătată de Lila pe flancul drept al apărării i-a deschis drumul pentru un transfer la clubul grec Iraklis în ianuarie 2007, unde s-a alăturat colegilor săi albanezi Enea Koliçi, Elvis Kaja și Indrit Fortuzi. În ciuda faptului că visul său de a juca în străinătate a devenit o realitate, Lila nu a reușit să se adapteze în Grecia și după doar 6 luni și 3 meciuri a revenit la Besa Kavajë.

Întoarcerea la Besa Kavajë
După întoarcerea sa, a devenit căpitanul echipei. În sezonul 2007-2008 a jucat în 26 de partide fără să înscrie vreun gol. Echipa a fost, de asemenea, învinsă în Supercupa Albaniei din 2007 de către Tirana. Lila a jucat meciul final cu Besa în Cupa Intertoto împotriva lui Grasshopper, care s-a terminat cu o înfrângere scor 0-3.

Tirana

Lila a fost transferat de Tirana, la 21 iulie 2008, după ce el și agentul său Sokol Haxhia au fost ajuns la înțelegere cu președintele clubului, Refik Halili. Primul său meci ca jucător al Tiranei a fost cel din deschiderea al sezonului împotriva lui Vllaznia Shkodër, în care a jucat 90 de minute, scor 0-0. A marcat primul gol pentru echipă la 14 septembrie în cel de-al treilea meci, în derby-ul capitalei împotriva lui Partizani Tirana, marcând golul câștigător.

Lila a marcat și în următoarea etapă, care a avut loc pe 20 septembrie 2008 împotriva lui Apolonia Fier în minutul 28 al meciului. Pe parcursul întregului sezon 2008-2009 a devenit titularul postului de fundaș dreapta și a jucat 29 de meciuri, demonstrând că are calități ofensive, înscriind în total patru goluri în campionat. Tirana a încheiat campionatul câștigând cel de-al 24 titlu din istorie, având cu patru puncte mai mult decât ocupanta locului secund, Vllaznia Shkodër. Tirana a intrat, de asemenea, în finala Cupei Albaniei 2008-2009, unde alb-albaștrii au fost învinși cu 2-1 de Flamurtari Vlorë, într-un meci în care Lila a fost rezervă neutilizată.

Lila a început cel de-al doilea sezon cu Tirana pe 15 iulie 2009, făcându-și debutul european cu Tirana împotriva lui Stabæk în primul tur al Ligii Campionilor 2009-2010. A fost titular și în returul pierdut de Tirana, scor 4-0 la Telenor Arena, fiind eliminată din competiție cu 1-5 la general. Ulterior, pe 16 august, Lila a câștigat cel de-al doilea trofeu la Tirana, Supercupa Albaniei, ajutându-și echipa să o învingă pe Flamurtari Vlorë cu 1-0 pe stadionul Qemal Stafa.

PAS Giannina
Lila a fost transferat de echipa greacă PAS Giannina la 24 iunie 2011 pentru 200.000 € plus bonusuri, semnând un contract pe trei ani.

El a primit tricoul cu numărul 3 și și-a făcut debutul competițional pe 27 august într-o remiză albă împotriva lui Aris Salonic în săptămâna de deschidere a Superligii Greciei. În primul său sezon la Ajax din Epirus, Lila a jucat în 21 de meciuri de campionat, fără să marcheze goluri, iar echipa sa a terminat pe locul 8 în campionat. Cu 8 cartonașe galbene, Lila a fost al doilea jucător ca număr de cartonașe din cadrul echipei.

Lila a început cel de-al doilea sezon pe 25 august 2012 jucând în partida scor 0-0 cu Platanias de pe stadionul Zosimades. El și-a făcut prima sa apariție în Cupa Greciei pe 29 noiembrie în victoria cu 1-0 împotriva lui Panserraikos în manșa tur a rundei a treia. Primele sale goluri marcate pentru club au venit mai târziu pe data de 8 decembrie, atunci când echipa sa a câștigat cu 0-2 cu Kerkyra. Cel de-al doilea gol al sezonului a venit pe 24 ianuarie în anul următor, în a doua etapă a Cupei Greciei la fotbal împotriva lui Fostiras, echipa sa câștigând cu 2-3 și progresând în sferturile de finală. El a încheiat al doilea sezon în Grecia jucând 35 de meciuri în campionat și cupă, în timp ce PAS Giannina a terminat pe locul 5 în campionat și a fost eliminată de Olympiakos în sferturile de finală ale Cupei. Din nou, a fost al doilea jucător cu cele mai multe cartonașe primite.

La 12 iulie 2014, Lila a declarat chiar că contractul său cu PAS Giannina s-a încheiat, permițându-i să semneze un contract cu echipa croată HNK Rijeka, însă, în cele din urmă, a renunțat la idee și a semnat un nou contract pe trei ani contract cu PAS Giannina.

Împrumutul la Parma
La 28 decembrie 2014, Lila a împrumutat la echipa Serie A Parma. Transferul a devenit oficial la 1 ianuarie 2015, când fereastra de transfer a fost redeschisă. În timpul prezentării, Lila a declarat că visul său de a juca în Seria A a devenit realitate, adăugând că Seria A este cel mai bun campionat din lume. Unsprezece zile mai târziu, clubul a anunțat că jucătorul a fost împrumutat și nu cumpărat direct (păstrând o opțiune de cumpărare) din cauza dificultăților financiare continue ale clubului.

El a debutat pentru Parma la 14 ianuarie 2015, începând cu meciul din Coppa Italia împotriva lui Cagliari. După 13 minute, însă, Lila a ieșit accidentat de pe teren având o problemă musculară la nivelul coapsei. În primul său meci de după accidentare, Lila a marcat primul său gol pentru Parma împotriva lui Sassuolo pe 15 martie 2015; a jucat din primul minut, meciul terminându-se cu o înfrângere de 4-1 pentru Gialloblù.

Întoarcerea la PAS Giannina
După ce împrumutul la Parma s-a încheiat, Lila a refuzat inițial să se întoarcă cu speranța de a-și găsi un nou club în Serie A. Apoi a început să se antreneze cu echipa albaneză Skënderbeu Korçë în primele zile ale lui august 2015 pentru a se menține în formă. După aceasta, Lila a părăsit echipa pentru a se întoarce la PAS Giannina pentru noul sezon, unde i s-a acordat înapoi tricoul cu numărul 3.

El a jucat în cel de-al o sutălea meci în Superligă din Grecia pe 24 ianuarie 2016, jucând 70 de minute în victoria cu 0-2 împotriva lui Atromitos.

Lila a început sezonul 2016-2017, făcându-și debutul în Europa League la 14 iulie 2016, în primul tur preliminar cu Cotei BK, în care echipa sa a obținut o victorie confortabilă scor 3-0. El a jucat de asemenea în returul care a avut loc o săptămână mai târziu, când PAS Giannina a câștigat în prelungiri după ce în timpul regulamentar scorul era 3-0. Lila a încheiat campania europeană după numai 4 meciuri, după ce echipa sa a fost eliminată de AZ Alkmaar în a doua rundă de calificare.

La 25 martie 2017, Lila a fost înregistrat bătându-și joc de un preot grec, în timp ce se afla în cantonamentul naționalei. Acest lucru a făcut clubul să-i propună desfacerea contractului. Trei zile mai târziu, a reacționat și și-a cerut scuze pentru incident, declarând că comportamentul său a fost "extrem de inadecvat". Lila s-a dus apoi să se întâlnească cu preotul și să-i ceară scuze personal, oferindu-i, de asemenea, un dar. La 1 aprilie, a fost lăsat pe bancă în remiza scor 1-1 împotriva lui Xanthi. El a revenit în echipa de start patru zile mai târziu jucând 64 de minute în înfrângerea cu 3-0 la Veria și a marcat primul gol al sezonului, în remiza cu 1-1 împotriva lui AEK Atena în etapa a treizecea. El a încheiat al șaselea sezon la echipă cu 22 de meciuri jucate în toate competițiile.

Cariera internațională

Lila a fost chemată pentru prima oară la echipa națională a Albaniei de către Otto Baric la sfârșitul anului 2007; meciurile bune făcute ca fundaș dreapta pentru Besa Kavajë în Superliga din Albania l-au convins pe selecționerul croat să-l convoace. El a debutat pentru echipa de seniori în calificările la Euro 2008 împotriva României la București, la 21 noiembrie 2007. Lila a început meciul ca fundaș dreapta și a jucat în total 90 de minute. Cu toate acestea, nu a fost un debut fericit, deoarece meciul s-a încheiat cu 6-1 pentru România, iar antrenorul care l-a debutat pe tânărul fundaș la echipa de seniori și-a dat demisia din funcția de antrenor al echipei naționale a Albaniei la doar o oră după fluierul final.

Următorul antrenor al echipei naționale a fost încântat, de asemenea, de jocul lui Lila și acest lucru i-a adus convocarea din partea lui Arie Haan la primul său meci la cârma Albaniei, în amicalul cu Polonia de pe 27 mai 2008. Lila a început meciul din postura de titular, dar a fost înlocuit la pauză cu Endrit Vrapi. Meciul s-a încheiat cu o înfrângere scor 1-0, dar albanezii au jucat bine după primirea golului în minutul 3. Andi Lila a reușit să joace alte două meciuri sub Arie Haan, într-un amical împotriva Liechtensteinului și un meci de calificare la Campionatul Mondial din 2010 împotriva Maltei. În ambele meciuri a intrat din postura de rezervă.

Lila a fost titular în campania de calificare de succes a Albaniei la Campionatul European din 2016. El a jucat în ultimele 15 minute ale meciului de deschidere a Grupei I cu Portugalia în care Albania a realizat un rezultat istoric, câștigând cu 1-0 pe Estádio Municipal, fiind prima victorie obținută vreodată împotriva "Selecao das Quinas". Mai târziu, în octombrie 2014, Lila a fost protagonistul unei altercații în meciul cu Serbia, partidă care a reprezentat, de asemenea, cea de-a 50-a selecție a sa; el a jucat ca titular până în minutul 42 într-un meci care avea să fie amânat din cauza fanilor sârbi care aruncau cu torțe pe teren. El, împreună cu alți jucători albanezi, au fost atacați de huliganii sârbi care au aruncat pe teren cu scaune și alte obiecte. Inițial, UEFA a acordat victoria la masa verde Serbiei, scor 3-0, dar i-au fost scăzute trei puncte, ceea ce le-a făcut atât pe Serbia, cât și pe Albania, să se adreseze Curții de Arbitraj Sportiv care la 10 iulie 2015 a acordat Albaniei victoria la masa verde și cu Serbia rămânând cu deducerea de trei puncte.

După ce a câștigat cu 3-0 pe stadionul republican Vazgen Sargsian împotriva Armeniei la 11 octombrie 2015, Albania s-a calificat în premieră la UEFA Euro 2016, terminând pe locul al doilea în Grupa I cu 14 puncte. De asemenea, a fost prima lor apariție la un turneu de fotbal major. La data de 21 mai 2016, Lila a fost numit în lotul lărgit al Albaniei de 27 de jucători pentru UEFA Euro 2016 și în lotul definitiv de 23 de jucători care au luat parte la UEFA Euro 2016 pe 31 mai.

Lila a fost rezervă neutilizată în meciul de deschidere a grupei A împotriva Elveției, în care Albania a fost învinsă cu 0-1. Prima sa apariție la Campionatul European a avut loc pe 16 iunie, împotriva gazdei Franța care a câștigat meciul cu 2-0 în ultimele minute. Lila a jucat, de asemenea, ca titular în ultimul meci al grupei împotriva României, în timp ce Albania a câștigat cu 1-0 obținând prima victorie la un turneu final. A fost prima victorie obținută de Albania într-un meci cu România din 1948. Albania a terminat grupa pe poziția a treia cu trei puncte și cu golaveraj -2; ea s-a clasat pe ultimul loc dintre echipele clasate pe locul trei, ceea ce a dus la eliminarea echipei sale din competiție.

Viața personală
Este căsătorit cu Ornela Lila și a devenit tată pentru prima dată la 20 martie 2015, când soția Lilii a dat naștere fiului său, numit Ayan. La 16 iulie 2015, Lila a fost primit titlul de "Cetățean de onoare al orașului Kavajei" pentru protejarea simbolurilor naționale și pentru contribuția sa la fotbalul albanez.

Statistici privind cariera

Club

 Începând cu data de 12 martie 2018

Internațional

 Începând cu 20 noiembrie 2018

Titluri

Club

 Albania Superliga: 2008-2009
 Cupa Albaniei: 2010-2011

Decorații

 Cetățean de onoare al orașului Kavajë: 2015

Referințe

Legături externe

 Andi Lila - Profil Euro 2016 la FSHF.org

Fotbaliști internaționali albanezi
Mijlocași
Fundași
Fotbaliști albanezi
Oameni în viață
Nașteri în 1986

Andi Lila


Mohamed Traoré, né en  en Guinée, est un juriste et homme politique guinéen.

Il est membre du Conseil national de la transition de 2010 de Guinée de 2010 à 2013 puis de celui de 2021 à partir du  en tant que représentant des organisations socio-professionnelles.

Notes et références

Voir aussi

Articles connexes
 Conseil national de la transition (Guinée, 2010)
 Conseil national de la transition (Guinée, 2021)

Naissance en Guinée
Naissance en 1968
Étudiant de l'université Gamal-Abdel-Nasser de Conakry
Membre du Conseil national de transition guinéen de 2010
Membre du Conseil national de transition guinéen de 2021

Mohamed Traoré