Tribal sovereignty in the United States is the concept of the inherent authority of Indigenous tribes to govern themselves within the borders of the United States.

Originally, the U.S. federal government recognized American Indian tribes as independent nations and came to policy agreements with them via treaties. As the U.S. accelerated its westward expansion, internal political pressure grew for "Indian removal", but the pace of treaty-making grew regardless. The Civil War forged the U.S. into a more centralized and nationalistic country, fueling a "full bore assault on tribal culture and institutions", and pressure for Native Americans to assimilate. In the Indian Appropriations Act of 1871, Congress prohibited any future treaties. This move was steadfastly opposed by Native Americans.

Currently, the U.S. recognizes tribal nations as "domestic dependent nations" and uses its own legal system to define the relationship between the federal, state, and tribal governments.

Native American sovereignty and the Constitution
The United States Constitution mentions Native American tribes three times:

 Article I, Section 2, Clause 3 states that "Representatives and direct Taxes shall be apportioned among the several States ... excluding Indians not taxed." According to Story's Commentaries on the U.S. Constitution, "There were Indians, also, in several, and probably in most, of the states at that period, who were not treated as citizens, and yet, who did not form a part of independent communities or tribes, exercising general sovereignty and powers of government within the boundaries of the states."
 Article I, Section 8 of the Constitution states that "Congress shall have the power to regulate Commerce with foreign nations and among the several states, and with the Indian tribes", determining that Indian tribes were separate from the federal government, the states, and foreign nations; and
 The Fourteenth Amendment, Section 2 amends the apportionment of representatives in Article I, Section 2 above.

These constitutional provisions, and subsequent interpretations by the Supreme Court (see below), are today often summarized in three principles of U.S. Indian law:
 Territorial sovereignty: Tribal authority on Indian land is organic and is not granted by the states in which Indian lands are located.
 Plenary power doctrine: Congress, and not the Executive Branch or Judicial Branch, has ultimate authority with regard to matters affecting the Indian tribes. Federal courts give greater deference to Congress on Indian matters than on other subjects.
 Trust relationship: The federal government has a "duty to protect" the tribes, implying (courts have found) the necessary legislative and executive authorities to effect that duty.

Early history

The Marshall Trilogy, 1823–1832

The Marshall Trilogy is a set of three Supreme Court decisions in the early nineteenth century affirming the legal and political standing of Indian nations.

 Johnson v. McIntosh (1823), holding that private citizens could not purchase lands from Native Americans.
 Cherokee Nation v. Georgia (1831), holding the Cherokee nation dependent, with a relationship to the United States like that of a "ward to its guardian".
 Worcester v. Georgia (1832), which laid out the relationship between tribes and the state and federal governments, stating that the federal government was the sole authority to deal with Indian nations.

Indian Appropriations Act of 1871

Originally, the United States had recognized the Indian Tribes as independent nations, but after the Civil War, the U.S. suddenly changed its approach.

The Indian Appropriations Act of 1871 had two significant sections. First, the Act ended United States recognition of additional Native American tribes or independent nations and prohibited additional treaties. Thus, it required the federal government no longer interact with the various tribes through treaties, but rather through statutes:

The 1871 Act also made it a federal crime to commit murder, manslaughter, rape, assault with intent to kill, arson, burglary, and larceny within any Territory of the United States.

Empowerment of tribal courts, 1883

On April 10, 1883, five years after establishing Indian police powers throughout the various reservations, the Indian Commissioner approved rules for a "court of Indian offenses". The court provided a venue for prosecuting criminal charges but afforded no relief for tribes seeking to resolve civil matters. Another five years later, Congress began providing funds to operate the Indian courts.

While U.S. courts clarified some of the rights and responsibilities of states and the federal government toward the Indian nations within the new nation's first century, it was almost another century before United States courts determined what powers remained vested in the tribal nations. In the interim, as a trustee charged with protecting their interests and property, the federal government was legally entrusted with ownership and administration of the assets, land, water, and treaty rights of the tribal nations.

United States v. Kagama (1886)
The 1871 Act was affirmed in 1886 by the U.S. Supreme Court, in United States v. Kagama, which affirmed that the Congress has plenary power over all Native American tribes within its borders by rationalization that "The power of the general government over these remnants of a race once powerful ... is necessary to their protection as well as to the safety of those among whom they dwell". The Supreme Court affirmed that the U.S. Government "has the right and authority, instead of controlling them by treaties, to govern them by acts of Congress, they being within the geographical limit of the United States. ... The Indians owe no allegiance to a State within which their reservation may be established, and the State gives them no protection."

The General Allotment Act (Dawes Act), 1887

Passed by Congress in 1887, the "Dawes Act" was named for Senator Henry L. Dawes of Massachusetts, Chairman of the Senate's Indian Affairs Committee. It came as another crucial step in attacking the tribal aspect of the Indians of the time. In essence, the act broke up the land of most all tribes into modest parcels to be distributed to Indian families, and those remaining were auctioned off to white purchasers. Indians who accepted the farmland and became "civilized" were made American citizens. But the Act itself proved disastrous for Indians, as much tribal land was lost, and cultural traditions destroyed. Whites benefited the most; for example, when the government made  of Indian lands available in Oklahoma, 50,000 white settlers poured in almost instantly to claim it all (in a period of one day, April 22, 1889).

Evolution of relationships:  The evolution of the relationship between tribal governments and federal governments has been glued together through partnerships and agreements. Also running into problems of course such as finances which also led to not being able to have a stable social and political structure at the helm of these tribes or states.

Twentieth-century developments

Revenue and Indian Citizenship acts, 1924
The Revenue Act of 1924 (), also known as the Mellon tax bill after U.S. Secretary of the Treasury Andrew Mellon, cut federal tax rates and established the U.S. Board of Tax Appeals, which was later renamed the United States Tax Court in 1942. The Revenue Act was applicable to incomes for 1924. The bottom rate, on income under $4,000, fell from 1.5% to 1.125% (both rates are after reduction by the "earned income credit"). A parallel act, the Indian Citizenship Act of 1924 (), granted all non-citizen resident Indians citizenship. Thus the Revenue Act declared that there were no longer any "Indians, not taxed" to be not counted for purposes of United States congressional apportionment. President Calvin Coolidge signed the bill into law.

Indian Reorganization Act, 1934
In 1934 the Indian Reorganization Act, codified as Title 25, Section 476 of the U.S. Code, allowed Indian nations to select from a catalogue of constitutional documents that enumerated powers for tribes and for tribal councils. Though the Act did not specifically recognize the Courts of Indian Offenses, 1934 is widely considered to be the year when tribal authority, rather than United States authority, gave the tribal courts legitimacy. John Collier and Nathan Margold wrote the solicitor's opinion, "Powers of Indian Tribes" which was issued October 25, 1934, and commented on the wording of the Indian Reorganization Act. This opinion stated that sovereign powers inhered in Indian tribes except for where they were restricted by Congress. The opinion stated that "Conquest has brought the Indian tribes under the control of Congress, but except as Congress has expressly restricted or limited the internal powers of sovereignty vested in the Indian tribes such powers are still vested in the respective tribes and may be exercised by their duly constituted organs of government."

Public Law 280, 1953

In 1953, Congress enacted Public Law 280, which gave some states extensive jurisdiction over the criminal and civil controversies involving Indians on Indian lands. Many, especially Indians, continue to believe the law unfair because it imposed a system of laws on the tribal nations without their approval.

In 1965 the United States Court of Appeals for the Ninth Circuit concluded that no law had ever extended provisions of the U.S. Constitution, including the right of habeas corpus, to tribal members brought before tribal courts. Still, the court concluded, "it is pure fiction to say that the Indian courts functioning in the Fort Belknap Indian community are not in part, at least, arms of the federal government. Originally they were created by federal executive and imposed upon the Indian community, and to this day the federal government still maintains a partial control over them." In the end however, the Ninth Circuit limited its decision to the particular reservation in question and stated, "it does not follow from our decision that the tribal court must comply with every constitutional restriction that is applicable to federal or state courts."

While many modern courts in Indian nations today have established full faith and credit with state courts, the nations still have no direct access to U.S. courts. When an Indian nation files suit against a state in U.S. court, they do so with the approval of the Bureau of Indian Affairs. In the modern legal era, the courts and Congress have, however, further refined the often competing jurisdictions of tribal nations, states and the United States in regard to Indian law.

In the 1978 case of Oliphant v. Suquamish Indian Tribe, the Supreme Court, in a 6–2 opinion authored by Justice William Rehnquist, concluded that tribal courts do not have jurisdiction over non-Indians (the Chief Justice of the Supreme Court at that time, Warren Burger, and Justice Thurgood Marshall filed a dissenting opinion). But the case left unanswered some questions, including whether tribal courts could use criminal contempt powers against non-Indians to maintain decorum in the courtroom, or whether tribal courts could subpoena non-Indians.

A 1981 case, Montana v. United States, clarified that tribal nations possess inherent power over their internal affairs, and civil authority over non-members on fee-simple lands within its reservation when their "conduct threatens or has some direct effect on the political integrity, the economic security, or the health or welfare of the tribe."

Other cases of those years precluded states from interfering with tribal nations' sovereignty. Tribal sovereignty is dependent on, and subordinate to, only the federal government, not states, under Washington v. Confederated Tribes of Colville Indian Reservation (1980). Tribes are sovereign over tribal members and tribal land, under United States v. Mazurie (1975).

In Duro v. Reina, , the Supreme Court held that a tribal court does not have criminal jurisdiction over a non-member Indian, but that tribes "also possess their traditional and undisputed power to exclude persons who they deem to be undesirable from tribal lands. ... Tribal law enforcement authorities have the power if necessary, to eject them. Where jurisdiction to try and punish an offender rests outside the tribe, tribal officers may exercise their power to detain and transport him to the proper authorities." In response to this decision, Congress passed the 'Duro Fix', which recognizes the power of tribes to exercise criminal jurisdiction within their reservations over all Indians, including non-members. The Duro Fix was upheld by the Supreme Court in United States v. Lara, .

Iron Crow v. Oglala Sioux Tribe (1956)
In Iron Crow v. Oglala Sioux Tribe, the United States Supreme Court concluded that two Oglala Sioux defendants convicted of adultery under tribal laws, and another challenging a tax from the tribe, were not exempted from the tribal justice system because they had been granted U.S. citizenship. It found that tribes "still possess their inherent sovereignty excepting only when it has been specifically taken from them by treaty or Congressional Act". This means American Indians do not have exactly the same rights of citizenship as other American citizens. The court cited case law from a pre-1924 case that said, "when Indians are prepared to exercise the privileges and bear the burdens of" sui iuris, i.e. of one's own right and not under the power of someone else, "the tribal relation may be dissolved and the national guardianship brought to an end, but it rests with Congress to determine when and how this shall be done, and whether the emancipation shall be complete or only partial" (U.S. v. Nice, 1916). The court further determined, based on the earlier Lone Wolf v. Hitchcock case, that "It is thoroughly established that Congress has plenary authority over Indians." The court held that, "the granting of citizenship in itself did not destroy ... jurisdiction of the Indian tribal courts and ... there was no intention on the part of Congress to do so." The adultery conviction and the power of tribal courts were upheld.

Further, the court held that whilst no law had directly established tribal courts, federal funding "including pay and other expenses of judges of Indian courts" implied that they were legitimate courts.

Tribal governments today

Tribal courts

At the dawn of the 21st century, the powers of tribal courts across the United States varied, depending on whether the tribe was in a Public Law 280 (PL280) state (Alaska, California, Minnesota, Nebraska, Oregon, and Wisconsin).

The U.S. Supreme Court ruled in the 1978 decision Oliphant v. Suquamish Indian Tribe that tribes have no jurisdiction over non-Indians. Tribal courts maintain much criminal jurisdiction over their members, and because of the Duro fix, also over non-member Indians regarding crime on tribal land. The Violence Against Women Reauthorization Act of 2013 expanded the criminal jurisdiction of tribes over non-Indian perpetrators of domestic violence that occur in Indian Country when the victim is Indian.

The 1968 Indian Civil Rights Act limited tribal punishment to one year in jail and a $5,000 fine, but this was expanded by the Tribal Law and Order Act of 2010.

While tribal nations do not enjoy direct access to U.S. courts to bring cases against individual states, as sovereign nations they do enjoy immunity against many lawsuits, unless a plaintiff is granted a waiver by the tribe or by congressional abrogation. The sovereignty extends to tribal enterprises and tribal casinos or gaming commissions. The Indian Civil Rights Act does not allow actions against an Indian tribe in federal court for deprivation of substantive rights, except for habeas corpus proceedings.

Tribal and pueblo governments today launch far-reaching economic ventures, operate growing law enforcement agencies, and adopt codes to govern conduct within their jurisdiction, while the United States retains control over the scope of tribal law making. Laws adopted by Native American governments must also pass the Secretarial Review of the Department of Interior through the Bureau of Indian Affairs.

With crime twice as high on Indian lands, federal funding of tribal courts has been criticized by the United States Commission on Civil Rights and the Government Accountability Office as inadequate to allow them to perform necessary judicial functions, such as hiring officials trained in law, and prosecuting cases neglected by the federal government.

Nation to nation: tribes and the federal government
The United States Constitution specifically mentions American Indians three times. Article I, Section 2, Clause 3 and the Section 2 of the Fourteenth Amendment address the handling of "Indians not taxed" in the apportionment of the seats of the House of Representatives according to population and in so doing suggest that Indians need not be taxed. In Article I Section 8, Clause 3, Congress is empowered to "regulate commerce with foreign nations…states…and with the Indian tribes." Technically, Congress has no more power over Indian nations than it does over individual states. In the 1970s, Native American self-determination replaced Indian termination policy as the official United States policy towards Native Americans. Self-determination promoted the ability of tribes to self-govern and make decisions concerning their people. In dealing with Indian policy, a separate agency, the Bureau of Indian Affairs has been in place since 1824.

The idea that tribes have an inherent right to govern themselves is at the foundation of their constitutional status – the power is not delegated by congressional acts. Congress can, however, limit tribal sovereignty. Unless a treaty or federal statute removes a power, however, the tribe is assumed to possess it. Current federal policy in the United States recognizes this sovereignty and stresses the government-to-government relations between the United States and Federally recognized tribes. However, most Native American land is held in trust by the United States, and federal law still regulates the economic rights of tribal governments and political rights. Tribal jurisdiction over persons and things within tribal borders are often at issue. While tribal criminal jurisdiction over Native Americans is reasonably well settled, tribes are still striving to achieve criminal jurisdiction over non-Native persons who commit crimes in Indian Country. This is largely due to the Supreme Court's ruling in 1978 in Oliphant v. Suquamish Indian Tribe that tribes lack the inherent authority to arrest, try and convict non-Natives who commit crimes on their lands (see below for additional discussion on this point.)

As a result of a pair of treaties in 1830s, two tribal nations (the Cherokee and Choctaw) each have the right to send non-voting members to the United States House of Representatives (similar to a non-state U.S. territory or the federal district); the Choctaw have never exercised their right to do so since they were given the power and the Cherokee had not done so until appointing a delegate in 2019, though this delegate has not been accepted by Congress.

Tribal state relations: sovereign within a sovereign

Another dispute over American Indian government is its sovereignty versus that of the states. The federal U.S. government has always been the government that makes treaties with Indian tribes – not individual states. Article 1, Section 8 of the Constitution states that "Congress shall have the power to regulate Commerce with foreign nations and among the several states, and with the Indian tribes". This determined that Indian tribes were separate from the federal or state governments and that the states did not have power to regulate commerce with the tribes, much less regulate the tribes. The states and tribal nations have clashed over many issues such as Indian gaming, fishing, and hunting. American Indians believed that they had treaties between their ancestors and the United States government, protecting their right to fish, while non-Indians believed the states were responsible for regulating commercial and sports fishing. In the case Menominee Tribe v. United States in 1968, it was ruled that "the establishment of a reservation by treaty, statute or agreement includes an implied right of Indians to hunt and fish on that reservation free of regulation by the state". States have tried to extend their power over the tribes in many other instances, but federal government ruling has continuously ruled in favor of tribal sovereignty. A seminal court case was Worcester v. Georgia. Chief Justice Marshall found that "England had treated the tribes as sovereign and negotiated treaties of alliance with them. The United States followed suit, thus continuing the practice of recognizing tribal sovereignty. When the United States assumed the role of protector of the tribes, it neither denied nor destroyed their sovereignty." As determined in the Supreme Court case United States v. Nice (1916), U.S. citizens are subject to all U.S. laws even if they also have tribal citizenship.

In July 2020, the U.S Supreme Court ruled in McGirt v. Oklahoma that the state of Oklahoma acted outside its jurisdiction when trying a member of the Muscogee (Creek) Nation in 1997 for rape and that the case should have been tried in federal court since Congress had never officially dissolved the reservation in question. The ruling's expansion of jurisdiction sovereignty also opened the possibility for Native Americans to obtain more power in alcohol regulation and casino gambling.

Similar to the promised non-voting tribal delegates in the United States House of Representatives, the Maine House of Representatives maintains three state-level non-voting seats for representatives of the Passamaquoddy, Maliseet, and the Penobscot. Two of the seats are currently not filled in protest over issues of tribal sovereignty and rights.

Tribal sovereignty over land and natural resources
Following industrialization, the 1800s brought many challenges to tribal sovereignty over tribal members' occupied lands in the United States. In 1831, Cherokee Nation v. Georgia established a trust relationship between the United States and tribal territories. This gave the U.S. federal government primary jurisdictional authority over tribal land use, while maintaining tribal members' rights to reside on their land and access its resources. Similarly, in 1841, a treaty between the U.S. federal government and the Mole Lake Band of Sokaogon Chippewa resulted in the Chippewa ceding extensive lands to the U.S., but maintaining usufructuary rights to fishing, hunting, and gathering in perpetuity on all ceded land.

Wartime industry of the early 1900s introduced uranium mining and the need for weapons testing sites, for which the U.S. federal government often selected former and current tribal territories in the southwestern deserts. Uranium mines were constructed upstream of Navajo and Hopi reservations in Arizona and Nevada, measurably contaminating Native American water supply through the 1940s and 1950s with lasting impacts to this day. The Nevada desert was also a common nuclear testing site for the U.S. military through World War II and the Cold War, the closest residents being Navajo Nation members.

In 1970, President Richard Nixon established the federal government's Environmental Protection Agency (EPA). In 1974, the EPA became the first U.S. federal agency to release an Indian Policy, which established the model of environmental federalism operational today. Under this model, the federal EPA sets water, air, and waste disposal standards, but delegates enforcement authority and the opportunity to design stricter environmental regulations to each state. Enforcement authority over Native American territory, however, remains under federal EPA jurisdiction, unless a given tribe applies for and is granted Treatment as State (TAS) status.

With the emergence of environmental justice movements in the United States through the 1990s, President Bill Clinton released executive orders 12898 (1994) and 13007 (1996). EO 12898 affirmed disparate impacts of climate change as stratified by socioeconomic status; EO 13007 ordered the protection of Native American cultural sites. Since the passage of EO 12898 and EO 13007, tribal prosecutors have litigated extensively against the federal government and industry polluters over land use and jurisdiction with varying degrees of success.

In 2007, the U.N. adopted the Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous People ("The Declaration"), despite the United States voting against it along with Australia, New Zealand, and Canada. In 2010, President Barack Obama revisited The Declaration and declared that the U.S. government now supported it; however, as of December 2022, the requirements of The Declaration have still not been adopted into U.S. law. As recently as 2015, the Gold King Mine contaminated three million gallons of water in the Colorado River which serves as drinking water for the Navajo and Hopi downstream. The federal EPA appropriated $156,000 in reparations for Gold King Mine, while the Flint, Michigan water crisis in 2014 received $80 million in federal funds.

A recent challenge faced by Native Americans regarding land and natural resource sovereignty has been posed by the modern real estate market. While Native Nations have made substantial progress in land and resource sovereignty, such authority is limited to land classified as 'Native American owned.' In the private real estate market, however, big industry polluters and hopeful miners have made a practice of buying out individual landowners in Native American residential areas, subsequently using that land to build mines or factories which increase local pollution. There is not regulation or legislation in place to sufficiently curb this practice at the rate necessary to preserve Native American land and natural resources.

List of cases

Cherokee Nation v. Georgia, 30 U.S. (5 Pet.) 1 (1831) (established trust relationship between Native American lands and the U.S. federal government)
United States v. Holiday, 70 U.S. 407 (1866) (holding that a congressional ban on selling liquor to the Indians was constitutional)
Sarlls v. United States, 152 U.S. 570 (1894) (holding that lager beer is not spiritous liquor nor wine within the meaning of those terms as used in Revised Statutes § 2139)
In re Heff, 197 U.S. 488 (1905) (holding that Congress has the power to place the Indians under state law if it chooses, and the ban on selling liquor does not apply to Indians subject to the Allotment acts)
Iron Crow v. Ogallala Sioux Tribe, 129 F. Supp. 15 (1955) (holding that tribes have power to create and change their court system and that power is limited only by Congress, not the courts)
 United States v. Washington (1974) also known as the Boldt Decision (concerning off-reservation fishing rights: holding that Indians had an easement to go through private property to their fishing locations, that the state could not charge Indians a fee to fish, that the state could not discriminate against the tribes in the method of fishing allowed, and that the Indians had a right to a fair and equitable share of the harvest)
Wisconsin Potowatomies of Hannahville Indian Community v. Houston, 393 F. Supp. 719 (holding that tribal law and not state law governs the custody of children domiciled on reservation land)
Oliphant v. Suquamish Indian Tribe, 435 U.S. 191 (1978) (holding that Indian tribal courts do not have inherent criminal jurisdiction to try and to punish non-Indians, and hence may not assume such jurisdiction unless specifically authorized to do so by Congress.)
Merrion v. Jicarilla Apache Tribe, 455 U.S. 130 (1982) (holding that Indian Nations have the power to tax Non-Native Americans based on their power as a nation and treaty rights to exclude others; this right can be curtailed only by Congress.)
American Indian Agricultural Credit Consortium, Inc. v. Fredericks, 551 F. Supp. 1020 (1982) (holding that federal, not state courts have jurisdiction over tribal members)
Maynard v. Narrangansett Indian Tribe, 798 F. Supp. 94 (1992) (holding that tribes have sovereign immunity against state tort claims)
Venetie I.R.A. Council v. Alaska, 798 F. Supp. 94 (holding that tribes have power to recognize and legislate adoptions)
Native American Church v. Navajo Tribal Council, 272 F.2d 131 (holding that the First Amendment does not apply to Indian nations unless it is applied by Congress)
Teague v. Bad River Band, 236 Wis. 2d 384 (2000) (holding that tribal courts deserve full faith and credit since they are the court of an independent sovereign; however, in order to end confusion, cases that are filed in state and tribal courts require consultation of both courts before they are decided.)
Inyo County v. Paiute-Shoshone Indians (U.S. 2003) (holding that tribal sovereignty may override the search and seizure powers of a state)
Sharp v. Murphy 591 U.S. ___ (2020), and McGirt v. Oklahoma 591 U.S. ___ (2020) (holding that if Congress did not expressly disestablish a reservation, the state wherein the reservation lies has no jurisdiction to prosecute crimes involving Indian defendants or Indian victims under the Major Crimes Act)

See also

 Aboriginal title in the United States
 Dawes Act
 Diplomatic recognition
 List of historical unrecognized states and dependencies
 List of states with limited recognition
 Indian country jurisdiction
 Indigenous rights
 Indigenous land rights in Australia
 Indigenous self-government in Canada
 List of Alaska Native tribal entities
 List of federally recognized tribes in the United States
 List of national legal systems
 Māori protest movement in New Zealand
 Native American reservation politics
 Native American self-determination
 Off-reservation trust land
 Political divisions of the United States
 Sovereignty
 List of organizations that self-identify as Native American tribes
 State-recognized tribes in the United States
 Special district (United States)
 United States federal recognition of Native Hawaiians
 Legal status of Hawaii

Notes

References

 Hays, Joel Stanford. "Twisting the Law: Legal Inconsistencies in Andrew Jackson's Treatment of Native-American Sovereignty and State Sovereignty." Journal of Southern Legal History, 21 (no. 1, 2013), 157–92.

External links
 Kussel, Wm. F. Jr. Tribal Sovereignty and Jurisdiction (It's a Matter of Trust)
 The Avalon Project: Treaties Between the United States and Native Americans
 Cherokee Nation v. the State of Georgia, 1831
 Prygoski, Philip J. From Marshall to Marshall: The Supreme Court's Changing Stance on Tribal Sovereignty
 From War to Self Determination, the Bureau of Indian Affairs
 NiiSka, Clara, Indian Courts, A Brief History, parts I, II, and III
 Public Law 280
  – details racism and attack on tribal sovereignty regarding eagle feathers
 San Diego Union Tribune, 17 December 2007: Tribal justice not always fair, critics contend (Tort cases tried in tribal courts)
 Sovereignty Revisited: International Law and Parallel Sovereignty of Indigenous Peoples

Legal systems
Indigenous politics in North America
Native American law

Sovereignty

Tribal sovereignty in the United States


كنيسة القديس نيقولاوس في صافيتا بُنيت عام 1925 على أرض ملك لآل الخوري على الطراز البيزنطي. يومها كانت المنطقة تابعة لأبرشية طرابلس للروم الملكيين الكاثوليك قبل أن تفصل عنها وتستقل لتصبح أبرشية اللاذقية. يخدمها حاليًّا الأب غسان الخوري البولسي

كنائس في سوريا

كنيسة القديس نيقولاوس


El río Torsahttp://www.getamap.net/maps/china/china_(general)/_torsariver/ (en bengalí: তোর্স, Torsā; también transcrito como Torsha, y también conocido como Machu y Amo Chhu) es un río asiático, un afluente del río Brahmaputra que nace en el valle de Chumbi en el Tíbet, China, donde es conocido como Picchu. Fluye a Bután, donde se le conoce como el Amo Chu. Tiene una longitud total de 358 km, de los cuales 113 km están en China, y 145 km en Bután antes de desembocar en la parte norte del estado de Bengala Occidental en la India.

Véase también
 Geografía de Asia
 Geografía de China

Referencias

Enlaces externos
Mapa de localización

Ríos de la vertiente del Índico de China
Ríos de la vertiente del golfo de Bengala de India
Ríos de Bangladés
Ríos de Bután
Ríos del Tíbet
Ríos de Bengala Occidental

Río Torsa


Kmur je planina u općini Foča u BiH. Najviši vrh planine je na 1508 m.

Izvori

Planine u Bosni i Hercegovini
Foča

Kmur


Venedik Cumhuriyeti (İtalyanca: Repubblica di Venezia, Venedikçe: Repùblica Vèneta ya da Repùblica de Venesia), 7. yüzyıl ile 18. yüzyıl arasında İtalya Yarımadası'nda bugünkü Venedik kenti civarında hüküm sürmüş olan bir kent-devleti ve deniz cumhuriyetiydi. Genellikle "En sükunetli" anlamına gelen Serenissima sözcüğüyle anılırdı. MS 697'den MS 1797'ye kadar hüküm sürdü. Müreffeh Venedik şehrinin lagün toplulukları üzerinde yoğunlaşan cumhuriyet, Orta Çağ'da bir ticaret gücü haline geldi ve Rönesans'ta bu konumunu güçlendirdi.

Atlas Okyanusu üzerinden Amerika ve Doğu Hint Adaları'na yeni ticaret yollarının açılması, güçlü bir deniz cumhuriyeti olan Venedik'in düşüşünün başlangıcı oldu. Venedik 19. yüzyılda birleşik İtalya'nın bir parçası haline geldi.

Tarihi
Venedik kenti başlangıçta Bizans İmparatorluğu'nun bir parçasıydı. 7. yüzyılda bağımsız oldu. Orta Çağ'ın ortalarında büyük bir deniz filosu kurarak Akdeniz ülkeleriyle yaptığı ticaret sonucu zengin bir ülke haline geldi. 1204 yılında Konstantinopolis'i (İstanbul) talan eden Dördüncü Haçlı Seferi'nin başını çekti. Venedik bu seferin sonucu olarak Girit adasını eline geçirdi.

1271-1295 yılları arasında Venedikli tüccar Marko Polo ilk defa Avrupa'dan İpek Yolu'nu izleyerek Çin'e kadar ulaştı. Moğol kağanı Kubilay Han'ın huzuruna çıktı ve yolculuklarının öyküsünü bir kitap haline getirdi.

1348 yılında çıkan bir veba salgını Venedik'in nüfusunun yarısının ölmesine neden oldu.

Osmanlı Devleti'nin Yunan Yarımadası, Sırbistan, Arnavutluk, Bosna-Hersek'i fethetmesiyle Venedik birdenbire Osmanlı Devleti'yle deniz ve kara komşusu haline geldi. 1463-1478 arasında süren uzun bir savaş sonunda Venedik Osmanlı Devleti'yle barış anlaşması yapmaya razı oldu. Venedikliler Arnavutluk'ta İşkodra ve Akçahisarı, Ege'de Limni ve Eğriboz adalarını ve Güneybatı Peleponnesos'ta Maina Yarımadası'nı Osmanlılar'a bıraktı. Osmanlılar da Mora, Arnavutluk ve Dalmaçya'da aldıkları Venedik topraklarından bazılarını iki ay içinde iade etmeyi kabul ettiler. Venedikliler iki yıl içinde 100.000 düka altın tazminat ödemeye söz verdiler, ayrıca Osmanlı İmparatorluğu'nda ithalat ve ihracat vergisi ödemeden serbest ticaret yapabilme hakkı için yıllık 10.000 düka ödemeyi de kabul ettiler. Venedik'in Osmanlı başkentinde yaşayan ve iş yapan Venedikliler üzerinde sivil yetkiye sahip bir balyosu İstanbul'da bulundurmasına izin verildi. Ayrıca bu anlaşmanın bir parçası olarak 72. Venedik dükü Giovanni Mocenigo ressam Gentile Bellini'yi Fatih'in tablosunu yapmak üzere İstanbul'a gönderdi.

1489 yılında Venedik donanması Kıbrıs'ı ele geçirdi. Ama 1571 yılında adayı Osmanlı Devleti'ne kaybetti. 1645 yılında Girit'i, 1669'da adadaki Kandiye kalesini, 1718'de de yakın küçük adacıkları Osmanlı Devleti'ne bırakmak zorunda kaldı.

15. ve 16. yüzyıllarda Venedik Cumhuriyeti İtalya yarımadasındaki Floransa, Roma ve Cenova gibi diğer kent-devletlerle birlikte Rönesans döneminin en önemli kentleri arasında yer aldı.1797 yılında Napolyon Bonapart Venedik'i işgal etti ve kenti Avusturya'ya devretti. Böylece Venedik Cumhuriyeti'nin 1100 yıl süren bağımsızlığı sona ermiş oldu. 1866 yılında da kent ilk defa olarak İtalya'nın bir parçası haline geldi.

Devlet yönetimi

Cumhuriyetin ilk yıllarında Venedik Doçe'si ülkeyi otokratik bir şekilde yönetirdi. Sonradan promissione ducale adlı, her doçenin göreve gelmeden ettiği yeminle doçenin gücü azaltıldı. Bununla beraber doçe gücünü 480 patrici aile üyesinden oluşan Venedik Büyük Konseyi ile bölüştü.

1223'de Signoria adı verilen merkezi devlet dairesi oluşturularak doçenin gücü azaltıldı. Signoria devletin siyasi yönetimi konsey şeklinde üstlendi.

Ayrıca bakınız
 Venedik Cumhuriyeti doçeleri listesi
 Onlar Konseyi
 Ceneviz-Venedik savaşları

Kaynakça

Dış bağlantılar

 Ahdnameler ışığında Osmanlı-Venedik diplomatik ilişkileri - Ottoman-Venetian diplomatics, the Ahd-Names (İngilizce), Hans Theunissen, Leiden Üniversitesi, Hollanda, 1998 (Aydınoğlu ve Menteşe Beylikleri ile ilişkiler ile birlikte)

 Pedani, Maria Pia, (2013), "Venedik" TDV İslam Ansiklopedisi Cilt:43 Sayfa:44-47, Online:

Venedik Cumhuriyeti


Ichuac ist ein Dorf auf der Insel Lemuy, die im Süden Chiles in der Región de los Lagos der größeren Insel Chiloé im Osten vorgelagert ist, mit einer Kirche, die von der UNESCO zum Weltkulturerbe erklärt wurde.

Lage
Ichuac, das an der Nordküste der hügeligen Insel Lemuy liegt, bildet mit acht anderen Ortschaften zusammen die Gemeinde (Comuna) Puqueldón mit 4.160 Einwohnern (2002), deren Gebiet die gesamte Insel mit ihren 97 km² Fläche umfasst. Die Entfernung nach Puqueldón, dem größten Ort der Insel und Sitz der Gemeindeverwaltung, beträgt 5 km in östlicher Richtung.

Geschichte
Ichuac wurde bereits 1754 als eine Ortschaft der indigenen Bevölkerung mit einer Kapelle erwähnt und war zeitweise das größte von ursprünglich vier Dörfern der Insel Lemuy. Eine Volkszählung ergab 1787 für die Orte Ichuac, Puqueldón und Aldachildo zusammen 1.395 Einwohner, und 1790 lebten allein in Ichuac 343 Menschen.

Sehenswertes
Ichuac, das bereits 1754 über eine Kapelle verfügte, ist bekannt wegen seiner sehenswerten Holzkirche Iglesia Virgen de Candelaria. Die Kirche wurde gegen Ende des 19. Jahrhunderts in einem neoklassizistischen Stil erbaut, und man verwendete beim Bau hauptsächlich Zypressen- und Lärchenholz. Wie bei allen Holzkirchen der Inseln Lemuy und Chiloé üblich, wurden bei dem Bau der Kirche in Ichuac keine Nägel aus Metall, sondern Nieten aus Holz verwendet, da Metall auf den Inseln Chiloé und Lemuy sehr knapp war.

Die dreischiffige Kirche ist 32 m lang und 13 m breit. Sie hat einen 18 m hohen Giebelreiter mit einem Zeltdach, der – wie im Falle der Kirche in Detif auf der Isla Lemuy – relativ gedrungen und in zwei Teile gegliedert ist. Wie für die Holzkirchen ihrer Art typisch, hat auch die Holzkirche in Ichuac im Bereich der Fassade einen Portikus mit Bögen. In diesem Fall sind fünf Bögen vorhanden, von denen zwei Spitzbögen sind. Im Bereich des Portikus hat die Kirche in Ichuac drei Eingänge mit aus Holz geschnitzten Türen – für jedes der drei Kirchenschiffe einen eigenen, wie es auch bei den meisten der anderen Holzkirchen auf den Inseln Lemuy und Chiloé üblich ist. Im Bereich des Portikus befindet sich eine Uhr, die 3:00 nachmittags anzeigt – die vermutete Uhrzeit des Todes Jesu am Karfreitag. Am Portikus fällt außen ein ungewöhnlicher Fries aus geschnitzten Sternen auf. Im Innern der Kirche sind zwei 1997 restaurierte Gemälde der Namenspatronin Virgen de la Candelaria (1,02 m groß) und des Erzengels Michael (88 cm) besonders beachtenswert.

Der Turm wurde 1950 umgebaut. 1980 erfolgte eine Restaurierung der Kirche, vor allem im Bereich der Seitenschiffe. Am 10. August 1999 wurde die Kirche zum Nationalen Kulturdenkmal erklärt, bevor sie Ende November 2000 in das Weltkulturerbe der UNESCO aufgenommen wurde. Eine weitere Renovierung erfolgte 2004 – Ende 2005.

Das Patronatsfest der Kirche wird jedes Jahr am 2. Februar mit einer Prozession gefeiert. Die Kirchengemeinde gehört zum Bistum San Carlos de Ancud.

Verkehrsverbindungen und Infrastruktur
Die Insel Lemuy ist von Chonchi auf der größeren Insel Chiloé mit einer stündlich verkehrenden Fähre leicht zu erreichen, die Überfahrt dauert nur wenige Minuten.

Von Chulchuy, dem 3 km von Ichuac entfernten Fährhäfen Lemuys, führt eine gute ausgebaute Asphaltstraße über Ichuac nach Puqueldón, dem Verwaltungssitz der Gemeinde. Mehrmals am Tage verkehren Busse zwischen den Orten auf der Insel, einige Male täglich besteht sogar eine Direktverbindung nach Castro, der Hauptstadt der Provinz Chiloé. Der nächstgelegene Flughafen befindet sich in Puerto Montt auf dem chilenischen Festland.

Landwirtschaft – vor allem Viehzucht – und Fischerei sind die Haupterwerbsquellen der Bevölkerung der Insel Lemuy und damit auch von Ichuac. Um das Dorf herum liegen mehrere Farmen. Ichuac verfügt auch über Einkaufsmöglichkeiten des täglichen Bedarfes und über eine Schule.

Weblinks

 Eintrag in der Welterbeliste der UNESCO (englisch)
 Eintrag in der Welterbeliste der UNESCO (französisch)

Einzelnachweise

Ort in Chile
Chiloé-Archipel
Ort in Südamerika

Ichuac


Azione Cattolica Italiana ili samo Azione Cattolica (skr. ACI ili AC), talijanski za Katolička akcija, talijansko je katoličko laičko društvo sa sjedištem u Rimu, koje djeluje u suradnji s Katoličkom Crkvom u Italiji. Službeno je utemeljeno 1904. godine, s korijenima još u rujnu 1867. i osnivanja Talijanskog zbora katoličke mladeži. Talijanska Katolička akcija promiče načela socijalnog nauka Crkve u talijanskom društvu temeljeći svoje djelovanje na četirima načelima: poslušnosti papi odnosno Crkvi, obrazovanju u duhu Crkvenog naučiteljstva, praktičnom življenju katoličanstva u svakodnevnici te darežljivosti i pomaganju (caritá) potrebitima. Krilatica Društva jest »Solidarnost, djelovanje, žrtva«. Na vrhuncu svoga djelovanja 1959. brojila je 3,37 milijuna članova, dok ih danas broji oko milijun.

Literatura
 Azione Cattolica  u mrežnom izdanju Treccanijeve enciklopedije Talijanskog enciklopedijskog instituta

Izvori

Vanjske poveznice
 Službene mrežne stranice

Katoličanstvo u Italiji
Socijalni nauk Katoličke Crkve

Azione Cattolica


Asperula gunnii  es una planta perenne de la familia de las rubiáceas. Es originaria de Australia.

Descripción
Es una hierba perenne ascendente o decumbente, con tallos que alcanzan un tamaño de 20 cm de largo, ± bien ramificados, las crestas visibles, ± escabrosas con pelos cortos, recurvados, entrenudos de 0,5-3 cm de largo. Las hojas y estípulas en verticilos de 5 o 6, rara vez 4 en el ápice, obovadas u oblanceoladas a elípticas, la mayoría de 4-8 mm de largo, 2,5 mm de ancho, el ápice agudo. Las flores en cimas axilares o terminales, con 2  o 3 flores. La corola blanca. Las flores masculinas de 3 mm de largo; las flores femeninas de 2 mm de largo. El fruto 1-2 mm de largo, negro.

Distribución y hábitat
Crece en zonas boscosas y de pastizales, por lo general en sitios húmedos en altitudes más altas, a menudo en los pantanos. Se  encuentra en Nueva Gales del Sur.

Taxonomía
Asperula gunnii fue descrita por Joseph Dalton Hooker y publicado en Hooker's Journal of Botany and Kew Garden Miscellany 6: 463, en el año 1947.
Etimología
Asperula: nombre genérico que significa "un tanto áspero",o bien  "diminutivo de asper"

gunnii: epíteto  otorgado en honor del botánico australiano Ronald Campbell Gunn (1808–1881).
Sinonimia
Asperula gunnii var. curta (Hook.f.) Airy Shaw & Turrill
Galium curtum Hook.f.
Asperula oblanceolata I.Thomps.
Asperula euryphylla Airy Shaw & Turrill
Asperula subsimplex Hook.f.
Asperula tetraphylla (Airy Shaw & Turrill) I.Thomps.

Referencias

Enlaces externos

World Checklist of Rubiaceae
Asperula gunnii (Grimwade Plant Collection)

gunnii
Flora de Australia
Plantas descritas en 1947
Plantas descritas por Hook.f.

Asperula gunnii


الاتحاد المغربي للدراجات النارية هو اتحاد رياضي مغربي، من مؤسسي الاتحاد العربي للدراجات النارية، ويترأسه عبد الله العرائشي الذي يتولى في نفس الوقت مهمة نائب ثان للاتحاد العربي.

منظمات رياضة الدراجات النارية
الرياضة في المغرب حسب الرياضة

الجامعة الملكية المغربية للدراجات النارية


Japanese martial arts refers to the variety of martial arts native to the country of Japan. At least three Japanese terms (budō, bujutsu, and bugei) are used interchangeably with the English phrase Japanese martial arts.

The usage of the term budō (武道) to mean martial arts is a modern one: historically the term meant a way of life encompassing physical, spiritual and moral dimensions with a focus on self-improvement, fulfillment or personal growth. The terms bujutsu (武術) and bugei (武芸) have different meanings from budō, at least historically speaking. Bujutsu refers specifically to the practical application of martial tactics and techniques in actual combat. Bugei refers to the adaptation or refinement of those tactics and techniques to facilitate systematic instruction and dissemination within a formal learning environment.

History

The historical origin of Japanese martial arts can be found in the warrior traditions of the samurai and the caste system that restricted the use of weapons by other members of society. Originally, samurai were expected to be proficient in many weapons, as well as unarmed combat, and attain the highest possible mastery of combat skills.

Ordinarily, the development of combative techniques is intertwined with the tools used to execute those techniques. In a rapidly changing world, those tools are constantly changing, requiring that the techniques to use them be continuously reinvented. The history of Japan is somewhat unusual in its relative isolation. Compared with the rest of the world, the Japanese tools of war evolved slowly. Many people believe that this afforded the warrior class the opportunity to study their weapons in greater depth than other cultures. Nevertheless, the teaching and training of these martial arts did evolve. For example, in the early medieval period, the bow and the spear were emphasized, but during the Tokugawa period (1603–1867 CE), fewer large-scale battles took place, and the sword became the most prestigious weapon. Another trend that developed throughout Japanese history was that of increasing martial specialization as society became more stratified over time.

The martial arts developed or originating in Japan are extraordinarily diverse, with vast differences in training tools, methods, and philosophy across innumerable schools and styles. That said, Japanese martial arts may generally be divided into koryū and gendai budō based on whether they existed prior to or after the Meiji Restoration (1868), respectively. Since gendai budō and koryū often share the same historical origin, one will find various types of martial arts (such as jujutsu, kenjutsu, or naginatajutsu) on both sides of the divide.

A note on the organization of this article; it would be impossible to discuss Japanese martial arts in terms of the thousands of individual schools or styles, such as Ittō-ryū, Daitō-ryū, or Tenshin Shōden Katori Shintō-ryū.  Instead, major sections are divided based on when the art originated (regardless of whether it is still practiced), and subsections are dedicated to the root type of martial art, such as jujutsu (the art of empty-handed combat through use of indirect application of force) or kendo (Japanese sport fencing), wherein notable styles or major differences between styles may be discussed.

Koryū bujutsu

, meaning "traditional school", or "old school", refers specifically to schools of martial arts, originating in Japan, either prior to the beginning of the Meiji Restoration in 1868, or the Haitōrei (Sword Abolishment Edict) in 1876. In modern usage, , meaning military art/science, is typified by its practical application of technique to real-world or battlefield situations.

The term also is used generally to indicate that a particular style or art is "traditional", rather than "modern". However, what it means for an art to be either "traditional" or "modern" is subject to some debate.  As a rule of thumb, the primary purpose of a koryū martial art was for use in war. The most extreme example of a koryū school is one that preserves its traditional, and often ancient, martial practices even in the absence of continuing wars in which to test them. Other koryū schools may have made modifications to their practices that reflect the passage of time (which may or may not have resulted in the loss of "koryū" status in the eyes of its peers).  This is as opposed to "modern" martial arts, whose primary focus is generally upon the self-improvement (mental, physical, or spiritual) of the individual practitioner, with varying degrees of emphasis on the practical application of the martial art for either sport or self-defence purposes.

The following subsections represent not individual schools of martial arts, but rather generic "types" of martial arts. These are generally distinguishable on the basis of their training methodology and equipment, though wide variation still exists within each.

Sumo

, considered by many to be Japan's national sport, has its origins in the distant past. The earliest written records of Japan, which are dated from the 8th century AD, record the first sumo match in 23 BC, occurring specifically at the request of the emperor and continuing until one man was too wounded to continue. Beginning in 728 AD, the Emperor Shōmu (聖武天皇, 701–756) began holding official sumo matches at the annual harvest festivals. This tradition of having matches in the presence of the emperor continued, but gradually spread, with matches also held at Shintō festivals, and sumo training was eventually incorporated into military training.  By the 17th century, sumo was an organized professional sport, open to the public, enjoyed by both the upper class and commoners.

Today, sumo retains much of its traditional trappings, including a referee dressed as a Shintō priest, and a ritual where the competitors clap hands, stomp their feet, and throw salt in the ring prior to each match. To win a match, competitors employ throwing and grappling techniques to force the other man to the ground; the first man to touch the ground with a part of the body other than the bottom of the feet, or touch the ground outside the ring with any part of the body, loses. Six grand tournaments are held annually in Japan, and each professional fighter's name and relative ranking is published after each tournament in an official list, called the banzuke, which is followed religiously by sumo fans.

Jujutsu

, literally translates to "soft skills". However, more accurately, it means the art of using indirect force, such as joint locks or throwing techniques, to defeat an opponent, as opposed to direct force such as a punch or a kick. This is not to imply that jujutsu does not teach or employ strikes, but rather that the art's aim is the ability to use an attacker's force against him or her, and counter-attack where they are weakest or least defended.

Methods of combat included striking (kicking, punching), throwing (body throws, joint-lock throws, unbalance throws), restraining (pinning, strangulating, grappling, wrestling) and weaponry. Defensive tactics included blocking, evading, off balancing, blending and escaping. Minor weapons such as the tantō (短刀; dagger), ryufundo kusari (weighted chain), jutte (十手; helmet-smasher), and kakushi buki (隠武器; secret or disguised weapons) were almost always included in koryū jujutsu.

Most of these were battlefield-based systems to be practiced as companion arts to the more common and vital weapon systems. At the time, these fighting arts went by many different names, including kogusoku, yawara, kumiuchi, and hakuda. In reality, these grappling systems were not really unarmed systems of combat, but are more accurately described as means whereby an unarmed or lightly armed warrior could defeat a heavily armed and armored enemy on the battlefield. Ideally, the samurai would be armed and would not need to rely on such techniques.

In later times, other koryū developed into systems more familiar to the practitioners of the jujutsu commonly seen today. These systems are generally designed to deal with opponents neither wearing armor nor in a battlefield environment. For this reason, they include extensive use of atemi waza (当て身技; vital-striking technique). These tactics would be of little use against an armored opponent on a battlefield. They would, however, be quite valuable to anyone confronting an enemy or opponent during peacetime dressed in normal street attire. Occasionally, inconspicuous weapons such as knives or tessen (鉄扇; iron fans) were included in the curriculum.

Today, jujutsu is practiced in many forms, both ancient and modern. Various methods of jujutsu have been incorporated or synthesized into judo and aikido, as well as being exported throughout the world and transformed into sport wrestling systems, adopted in whole or part by schools of karate or other unrelated martial arts, still practiced as they were centuries ago, or all of the above.

Swordsmanship

Swordsmanship, the art of the sword, has an almost mythological ethos, and is believed by some to be the paramount martial art, surpassing all others. Regardless of the truth of that belief, the sword itself has been the subject of stories and legends through virtually all cultures in which it has been employed as a tool for violence. In Japan, the use of the katana is no different.  Although originally the most important skills of the warrior class were proficiency at horse-riding and shooting the bow, this eventually gave way to swordsmanship. The earliest swords, which can be dated as far back as the Kofun era (3rd and 4th centuries) were primarily straight bladed.  According to legend, curved swords made strong by the famous folding process were first forged by the smith Amakuni Yasutsuna (天國 安綱, c. 700 AD).

The primary development of the sword occurred between 987 AD and 1597 AD. This development is characterized by profound artistry during peaceful eras, and renewed focus on durability, utility, and mass production during the intermittent periods of warfare, most notably civil warfare during the 12th century and the Mongolian invasions during the 13th century (which in particular saw the transition from mostly horseback archery to hand-to-hand ground fighting).

This development of the sword is paralleled by the development of the methods used to wield it. During times of peace, the warriors trained with the sword, and invented new ways to implement it. During war, these theories were tested. After the war ended, those who survived examined what worked and what didn't, and passed their knowledge on. In 1600 AD, Tokugawa Ieyasu (徳川 家康, 1543–1616) gained total control of all of Japan, and the country entered a period of prolonged peace that would last until the Meiji Restoration. During this period, the techniques to use the sword underwent a transition from a primarily utilitarian art for killing, to one encompassing a philosophy of personal development and spiritual perfection.

The terminology used in Japanese swordsmanship is somewhat ambiguous. Many names have been used for various aspects of the art or to encompass the art as a whole.

Kenjutsu

 literally means "the art/science of the sword".  Although the term has been used as a general term for swordsmanship as a whole, in modern times, kenjutsu refers more to the specific aspect of swordsmanship dealing with partnered sword training. It is the oldest form of training and, at its simplest level, consists of two partners with swords drawn, practicing combat drills.  Historically practiced with wooden katana (bokken; 木剣), this most often consists of pre-determined forms, called kata (型), or sometimes called kumitachi (組太刀), and similar to the partner drills practiced in kendo. Among advanced students, kenjutsu training may also include increasing degrees of freestyle practice.

Battōjutsu

, literally meaning "the art/science of drawing a sword", and developed in the mid-15th century, is the aspect of swordsmanship focused upon the efficient draw of the sword, cutting down one's enemy, and returning the sword to its scabbard (saya; 鞘). The term came into use specifically during the Warring States Period (15th–17th centuries).  Closely related to, but predating iaijutsu, battōjutsu training emphasizes defensive counter-attacking.  Battōjutsu training technically incorporates kata, but generally consist of only a few moves, focusing on stepping up to an enemy, drawing, performing one or more cuts, and sheathing the weapon. Battōjutsu exercises tend to lack the elaborateness, as well as the aesthetic considerations of iaijutsu or iaidō kata.  Finally, note that use of the name alone is not dispositive; what is battōjutsu to one school may be iaijutsu to another.

Iaijutsu

, approximately "the art/science of mental presence and immediate reaction", is also the Japanese art of drawing the sword. However, unlike battōjutsu, iaijutsu tends to be technically more complex, and there is a much stronger focus upon perfecting form. The primary technical aspects are smooth, controlled movements of drawing the sword from its scabbard, striking or cutting an opponent, removing blood from the blade, and then replacing the sword in the scabbard.

Naginatajutsu

 is the Japanese art of wielding the naginata, a weapon resembling the medieval European glaive or guisarme. Most naginata practice today is in a modernized form (gendai budō) called the "way of naginata" (naginata-dō) or "new naginata" (atarashii naginata), in which competitions are also held.

However, many koryu maintain naginatajutsu in their curriculum. Also of note, during the late Edo period, naginata were used to train women and ladies in waiting. Thus, most naginatajutsu styles are headed by women and most naginata practitioners in Japan are women. This has led to the impression overseas that naginatajutsu is a martial art that was not used by male warriors. In fact, naginatajutsu was developed in early medieval Japan and for a time was widely used by samurai.

Sōjutsu

 is the Japanese art of fighting with the spear (yari). For most of Japan's history, sōjutsu was practiced extensively by traditional schools. In times of war, it was a primary skill of many soldiers. Today it is a minor art taught in very few schools.

Shinobi no jutsu

Shinobi no jutsu (aka Ninjutsu) was developed by groups of people mainly from Iga, Mie and Kōka, Shiga of Japan who became noted for their skills as infiltrators, scouts, secret agents, and spies.  The training of these shinobi (忍; ninja) involves
espionage, sabotage, disguise, escape, concealment, assassination, archery, medicine, explosives, poisons, and more.

Other koryū martial arts
The early martial art schools of Japan were almost entirely "Sōgō bujutsu", composite martial systems made up of an eclectic collection of skills and tools. With the long peace of the Tokugawa shogunate there was an increase in specialization with many schools identifying themselves with particular major battlefield weapons. However, there were many additional weapons employed by the warriors of feudal Japan, and an art to wielding each. Usually they were studied as secondary or tertiary weapons within a school but there are exceptions, such as the art of wielding the short staff, (jōdō; 杖道) which was the primary art taught by the Shintō Musō-ryū.

Other arts existed to teach military skills other than the use of weaponry. Examples of these include marine skills such as swimming and river-fording (suijutsu; 水術), equestrianism (bajutsu; 馬術), arson and demolition (kajutsu).

Gendai budō

, literally meaning "modern martial way", usually applies to arts founded after the beginning of the Meiji Restoration in 1868. Aikido and judo are examples of gendai budō that were founded in the modern era, while iaidō represents the modernization of a practice that has existed for centuries.

The core difference is, as was explained under "koryū", above, that koryū arts are practiced as they were when their primary utility was for use in warfare, while the primary purpose of gendai budō is for self-improvement, with self-defense as a secondary purpose. Additionally, many of the gendai budō have included a sporting element to them.  Judo and  kendo are both examples of this.

Judo

, literally meaning "gentle way" or "way of softness", is a grappling-based martial art, practiced primarily as a sport. It contains substantially the same emphasis on the personal, spiritual, and physical self-improvement of its practitioners as can be found throughout gendai budō.

Judo was created by Kano Jigoro (嘉納 治五郎 Kanō Jigorō, 1860–1938) at the end of the 19th century.  Kano took the koryū martial arts he learned (specifically Kitō-ryū and Tenjin Shin'yo-ryū jujutsu), and systematically reinvented them into a martial art with an emphasis on freestyle practice (randori) and competition, while removing harmful jujutsu techniques or limiting them to the kata. Kano devised a powerful system of new techniques and training methods, which famously culminated on June 11, 1886, in a tournament that would later be dramatized by celebrated Japanese filmmaker Akira Kurosawa (黒沢 明 Kurosawa Akira, 1910–1998), in the film "Sanshiro Sugata" (1943).

Judo became an Olympic sport in 1964, and has spread throughout the world. Kano Jigoro's original school, the "Kodokan", has students worldwide, and many other schools have been founded by Kano's students.

Kendo

, meaning the "way of the sword", is based on Japanese sword-fighting. It is an evolution of the art of kenjutsu, and its exercises and practice are descended from several particular schools of swordsmanship. The primary technical influence in its development was the kenjutsu school of Ittō-ryū (founded c. 16th century), whose core philosophy revolved around the concept that all strikes in swordsmanship revolve around the technique kiri-oroshi (vertical downward cut).  Kendo really began to take shape with the introduction of bamboo swords, called shinai (竹刀), and the set of lightweight wooden armour, called bōgu (防具), by Naganuma Sirōzaemon Kunisato (長沼 四郎左衛門 国郷, 1688–1767), which allowed for the practice of strikes at full speed and power without risk of injury to the competitors.

Today, virtually the entire practice of kendo is governed by the All Japan Kendo Federation, founded in 1951. Competitions are judged by points, with the first competitor to score two points on their opponent declared the winner. One point may be scored with a successful and properly executed strike to any of several targets: a thrust to the throat, or a strike to the top of the head, sides of the head, sides of the body, or forearms. Practitioners also compete in forms (kata) competitions, using either wooden or blunted metal swords, according to a set of forms promulgated by the AJKF.

Iaidō

, which would be "the way of mental presence and immediate reaction", is nominally the modernization of iaijutsu, but in practice is frequently identical to iaijutsu. The replacement of jutsu (術) with dō (道) is part of the 20th century emphasis upon personal and spiritual development; an evolution that took place in many martial arts. In the case of iaidō, some schools merely changed in name without altering the curriculum, and others embraced the wholesale change from a combat-orientation to spiritual growth. Similar to Kendō, Iaidō is largely practiced under the All Japan Kendo Federation and it's not unusual for a Kendō club to offer Iaidō practice as well.

Aikido

 means "the way to harmony with ki". It is a Japanese martial art developed by Morihei Ueshiba (植芝 盛平 Ueshiba Morihei, 1883 – 1969). The art consists of "striking", "throwing" and "joint locking" techniques and is known for its fluidity and blending with an attacker, rather than meeting "force with force". Emphasis is upon joining with the rhythm and intent of the opponent in order to find the optimal position and timing, when the opponent can be led without force. Aikidō is also known for emphasizing the personal development of its students, reflecting the spiritual background of its founder.

Morihei Ueshiba developed aikido mainly from Daitō-ryū aiki-jūjutsu incorporating training movements such as those for the yari (槍; spear), jō (杖; a short quarterstaff), and perhaps also jūken (銃剣; bayonet). Arguably the strongest influence is that of kenjutsu and in many ways, an aikidō practitioner moves as an empty handed swordsman.

Kyūdō

, which means "way of the bow", is the modern name for Japanese archery. Originally in Japan, kyujutsu, the "art of the bow", was a discipline of the samurai, the Japanese warrior class. The bow is a long range weapon that allowed a military unit to engage an opposing force while it was still far away. If the archers were mounted on horseback, they could be used to even more devastating effect as a mobile weapons platform. Archers were also used in sieges and sea battles.

However, from the 16th century onward, firearms slowly displaced the bow as the dominant battlefield weapon. As the bow lost its significance as a weapon of war, and under the influence of Buddhism, Shinto, Daoism and Confucianism, Japanese archery evolved into kyudō, the "way of the bow". In some schools kyudō is practiced as a highly refined contemplative practice, while in other schools it is practiced as a sport.

Karate

 literally means "empty hand". It is also sometimes called . It was originally called 唐手 ("Chinese hand"), also pronounced 'karate'.

Karate originated in and, is technically, Okinawan, except for Kyokushin (an amalgamation of parts of Shotokan and Gojoryu), formerly known as the Ryūkyū Kingdom, but now a part of present-day Japan. Karate is a fusion of pre-existing Okinawan martial arts, called "te", and Chinese martial arts. It is an art that has been adopted and developed by practitioners on the Japanese main island of Honshu.

Karate's route to Honshu began with Gichin Funakoshi (船越 義珍 Funakoshi Gichin, 1868–1957), who is called the father of karate, and is the founder of Shotokan karate. Although some Okinawan karate practitioners were already living and teaching in Honshū, Funakoshi gave public demonstrations of karate in Tokyo at a physical education exhibition sponsored by the ministry of education in 1917, and again in 1922. As a result, karate training was subsequently incorporated into Japan's public school system. It was also at this time that the white uniforms and the kyū/dan ranking system (both originally implemented by judo's founder, Kano Jigoro) were adopted.

Karate practice is primarily characterized by linear punching and kicking techniques executed from a stable, fixed stance. Many styles of karate practiced today incorporate the forms (kata) originally developed by Funakoshi and his teachers and many different weapons traditionally concealed as farm implements by the peasants of Okinawa. Many karate practitioners also participate in light- and no-contact competitions while some (ex. kyokushin karate) still compete in full-contact competitions with little or no protective gear.

Shorinji Kempo

 is a post-World War II system of self-defense and self-improvement training (行: gyo or discipline) known as the modified version of Shaolin Kung Fu. There are two primary technique categories such as gōhō (剛法; strikes, kicks and blocks) and jūhō (柔法; pins, joint locks and dodges). It was established in 1947 by  who had been in Manchuria during World War II and who on returning to his native Japan after World War II saw the need to overcome the devastation and re-build self-confidence of the Japanese people on a massive scale.

Although Shorinji Kempo was originally introduced in Japan in the late 1940s and 1950s through large scale programmes involving employees of major national organizations (e.g. Japan Railways) it subsequently became popular in many other countries. Today, according to the World Shorinji Kempo Organization (WSKO), there are almost 1.5 million practitioners in 33 countries.

Philosophical and strategic concepts

Aiki

The principle of  is particularly difficult to describe or explain. The most simple translation of aiki, as "joining energy", belies its philosophical depth.  Generally, it is the principle of matching your opponent in order to defeat him. It is this concept of "matching", or "joining", or even "harmonizing" (all valid interpretations of ai) that contains the complexity. One may "match" the opponent in a clash of force, possibly even resulting in a mutual kill. This is not aiki. Aiki is epitomized by the notion of joining physically and mentally with the opponent for the express purpose of avoiding a direct clash of force. In practice, aiki is achieved by first joining with the motion of the opponent (the physical aspect) as well as the intent (the mental portion), then overcoming the will of the opponent, redirecting their motion and intent.

Historically, this principle was used for destructive purposes; to seize an advantage and kill one's opponent. The modern art of aikido is founded upon the principle that the control of the opponent achieved by the successful application of aiki may be used to defeat one's opponent without harming them.

Attitude
Kokoro (心:こころ) is a concept that crosses through many martial arts, but has no single discrete meaning. Literally translating as "heart", in context it can also mean "character" or "attitude." Character is a central concept in karate, and in keeping with the dō nature of modern karate, there is a great emphasis on improving oneself. It is often said that the art of karate is for self-defense; not injuring one's opponent is the highest expression of the art. Some popularly repeated quotes implicating this concept include:

The ultimate aim of Karate lies not in victory or defeat, but in the perfection of the character of its participants.
—Gichin Funakoshi

Budō

A Japanese term for martial art, literally "martial way".

Bushidō

A code of honor for samurai way of life, in principle similar to chivalry but culturally very different. Literally "the way of the warrior", those dedicated to Bushido have exemplary skill with a sword or bow, and can withstand great pain and discomfort. It emphasizes courage, bravery, and loyalty to their lord (daimyō) above all.

Courtesy
Shigeru Egami:

Words that I have often heard are that "everything begins with rei and ends with rei". The word itself, however, can be interpreted in several ways; it is the rei of reigi meaning "etiquette, courtesy, politeness" and it is also the rei of keirei, "salutation" or "bow". The meaning of rei is sometimes explained in terms of kata or katachi ("formal exercises" and "form" or "shape"). It is of prime importance not only in karate but in all modern martial arts. For the purpose in modern martial arts, let us understand rei as the ceremonial bow in which courtesy and decorum are manifest.

He who would follow the way of karate must be courteous, not only in training but in daily life. While humble and gentle, he should never be servile. His performance of the kata should reflect boldness and confidence. This seemingly paradoxical combination of boldness and gentleness leads ultimately to harmony. It is true, as Master Funakoshi used to say, that the spirit of karate would be lost without courtesy.

Kiai

A term describing 'fighting spirit'. In practical use this often refers to the scream or shout made during an attack, used for proper breathing as well as debilitating or distracting the enemy.

Hard and soft methods

There are two underlying strategic methodologies to the application of force in Japanese martial arts. One is the , and the other is the . Implicit in these concepts is their separate but equal and interrelated nature, in keeping with their philosophical relationship to the Chinese principles of yin and yang (Jp.: in and yō).

The hard method is characterized by the direct application of counter-force to an opposing force. In practice, this may be a direct attack, consisting of movement directly towards the opponent, coinciding with a strike towards the opponent. A defensive technique where the defender stands their ground to block or parry (directly opposing the attack by stopping it or knocking it aside) would be an example of a hard method of defense. Hard method techniques are generally conceptualized as being linear.

The soft method is characterized by the indirect application of force, which either avoids or redirects the opposing force. For example, receiving an attack by slipping past it, followed by adding force to the attacker's limb for the purpose of unbalancing an attacker is an example of soft method. Soft method techniques are generally conceptualized as being circular.

These definitions give rise to the often illusory distinction between "hard-style" and "soft-style" martial arts. In truth, most styles technically practice both, regardless of their internal nomenclature. Analyzing the difference in accordance with yin and yang principles, philosophers would assert that the absence of either one would render the practitioner's skills unbalanced or deficient, as yin and yang alone are each only half of a whole.

Openings, initiative and timing

Openings, initiative, and timing are deeply interrelated concepts applicable to self-defense and competitive combat. They each denote different considerations relevant to successfully initiating or countering an attack.

 are the foundation of a successful attack. Although possible to successfully injure an opponent who is ready to receive an attack, it is obviously preferable to attack when and where one's opponent is open. What it means to be open may be as blatant as an opponent becoming tired and lowering their guard (as in physically lowering their hands), or as subtle as a momentary lapse in concentration. In the classical form of combat between masters, each would stand almost entirely motionless until the slightest opening was spotted; only then would they launch as devastating an attack as they could muster, with the goal of incapacitating their opponent with a single blow.

In Japanese martial arts,  is "the decisive moment when a killing action is initiated." There are two types of initiative in Japanese martial arts, , and . Each type of initiative complements the other, and has different advantages and weaknesses. Early initiative is the taking advantage of an opening in an opponent's guard or concentration (see suki, supra). To fully take the early initiative, the attack launched must be with total commitment and lacking in any hesitation, and virtually ignoring the possibility of a counter-attack by the opponent. Late initiative involves an active attempt to induce an attack by the opponent that will create a weakness in the opponent's defenses, often by faking an opening that is too enticing for the opponent to pass up.

All of the above concepts are integrated into the idea of the combat . Maai is a complex concept, incorporating not just the distance between opponents, but also the time it will take to cross the distance,  and angle and rhythm of attack. It is specifically the exact "position" from which one opponent can strike the other, after factoring in the above elements. For example, a faster opponent's maai is farther away than a slower opponent. It is ideal for one opponent to maintain maai while preventing the other from doing so.

The Three Attacks

 Go no sen: meaning "late attack" involves a defensive or counter movement in response to an attack.
 Sen no sen: a defensive initiative launched simultaneously with the attack of the opponent.
 Sensen no sen: an initiative launched in anticipation of an attack where the opponent is fully committed to their attack and thus psychologically beyond the point of no return.

Shuhari
The principle of Shuhari describes the three stages of learning.

States of mind: empty, immovable, remaining, and beginner's

Pedagogy

Schools

Literally meaning "flow" in Japanese, a ryū is a particular school of an art.

Instructors

 is the title used for a teacher, in a similar manner to a college 'Professor' in the United States.  translates as "headmaster" meaning the head of a ryu.

Seniors and juniors

The relationship between  and  is one with its origins not in martial arts, but rather in Japanese and Asian culture generally. It underlies Japanese interpersonal relationships in many contexts, such as business, school, and sports. It has become part of the teaching process in Japanese martial arts schools. A senior student is senior to all students who either began training after him or her, or who they outrank. The role of the senior student is crucial to the indoctrination of the junior students to etiquette, work ethic, and other virtues important to the school. The junior student is expected to treat their seniors with respect, and plays an important role in giving the senior students the opportunity to learn leadership skills. Senior students may or may not teach formal classes, but in every respect their role is as a teacher to the junior students, by example and by providing encouragement.

Ranking systems

There are ultimately two ranking systems in the Japanese martial arts, although some schools have been known to blend these two together.  The older system, usual prior to 1868, was based a series of licenses or menkyo. There were generally very few levels culminating in the license of total transmission (menkyo kaiden; 免許皆伝).

In the modern system, first introduced in the martial arts through judo, students progress by promotion through a series of grades (kyū), followed by a series of degrees (dan), pursuant to formal testing procedures.  Some arts use only white and black belts to distinguish between levels, while others use a progression of colored belts for kyū levels.

Forms

It has often been said that forms (kata) are the backbone of the martial arts. Nevertheless, different schools and styles put a varying amount of emphasis upon their practice.

See also
 Chanbara
 List of Japanese martial arts
 Okinawan martial arts

Sources
 Hall, David A. Encyclopedia of Japanese Martial Arts. Kodansha USA, 2012. .

References

Sports originating in Japan

Japanese martial arts


Dulciurile constituie o parte integrală a bucătăriei sud-asiatice, în India, Bangladesh, Nepal, Pakistan și Sri Lanka existând mii de magazine care se ocupă exclusiv de producția și comercializarea acestora.

India are o tradiție de cultivare a trestiei de zahăr care datează de mii de ani, și procesul de producere al zahărului a fost inventat pe acest subcontinent. Cuvântul zahăr derivă din limba sanscrită (sakhar). Dulciurile indigene ale subcontinentului Indian sunt extrem de numeroase și variate.

Un nume comun al dulciurilor în limbile Indiei este Mithai (मिठाई). Ele sunt confecționate din zahăr, precum și o gamă largă de alte ingrediente precum varii feluri de făină, lapte, fructe sezonale, paste de fructe, semințe proaspete și prăjite, ingrediente fermentate și rădăcini de plante. Dulciurile sunt preparate în varii moduri: kheer se fierbe, burfi se coace, Mysore pak și jalebi se prăjesc, iar kulfi se îngheață. Compoziția și rețele se schimbă în funcție de regiune. Mithai sunt adesea servite alături de mâncare, și au un rol important în festivalurile indiene (e.g. Holi, Diwali, Eid, Raksha Bhandan).

Varietăți (în ordine alfabetică)

Barfani toda
Barfi este făcut din lapte sau lapte condensat și caju sau fistic. Făina folosită variază, în unele cazuri fiind făină de năut (besan). Uneori se adaugă mirodenii precum nucșoara sau extractul de trandafir.

Referințe

Dulciuri

Dulciurile Asiei de Sud


Lochmaben dans le Dumfriesshire était un Burgh royal qui a élu un Commissaire au Parlement d'Écosse et à la Convention des États.

Après les Actes d'Union de 1707, Lochmaben, Annan, Dumfries, Kirkcudbright et Sanquhar  ont formé le district de Dumfries, envoyant un membre à la Chambre des communes de Grande-Bretagne.

Liste des commissaires de burgh

 1661–63, 1665 convention, 1667 convention, 1669–74, 1678 convention, 1681–82: John Johnston de Elshieshields, provost
 1685–86, 1689 convention, 1689–1690: Thomas Kennedy de Hallethes (mort c.1694)
 1695–1702: William Menzies, marchand d'Edinburgh
 1702–07: John Carruthers de Denbie

Références

Article connexe
 Liste des circonscriptions au Parlement d'Écosse au moment de l'Union

Circonscription du Parlement d'Écosse (jusqu'en 1707)
Politique dans le Dumfries and Galloway

Lochmaben (circonscription du Parlement d'Écosse)


Bizantologija ili bizantinistika je disciplina koja proučava povijest i kulturu Bizanta.

Povijest
Početci bizantologije javljaju se u talijanskom humanizmu. Do jakog razvoja dolazi u Francuskoj tijekom 18. stoljeća. Potkraj idućeg stoljeća bizantologija se konstituirala kao suvremena povijesna te filološka disciplina u svim značajnim državama Europe (Engleska, Francuska, Njemačka i Rusija). Također se javljaju stručni časopisi.

Njemački humanist Hieronymus Wolf prvi je počeo izdavati bizantske povijesne spise te ih prevoditi na latinski. U 16. i 17. stoljeću isto čine drugi humanisti u Francuskoj, Italiji, Nizozemskoj i Njemačkoj. Prvi značajni bizantološki rad je Pariški korpus (latinski: Corpus Byzantinae historiae, od 1645.). Taj je rad pregled svih tada poznatih povjesničara te kroničara, s prijevodima njihovih djela na latinski i komentarima. Bizantologiju je kao posebnu znanstvenu disciplinu utemeljio Francuz Charles du Fresne Du Cange. Diplomatiku je osnovao Jean Mabillon, dok je Bernard de Montfaucon osnovao grčku paleografije. Dubrovčanin Anselm Bandur bio je njihov učenik.

Grčki rat za nezavisnost doprinio je oživljavanju interesa za bizantologiju. Godine 1828. u Bonnu je počela izlaziti nova zbirka bizantskih povjesničara i kroničara na latinskom zvana Corpus scriptorum historiae Byzantinae, a bizantsku povijest proučavali su Škot George Finlay, Grk Konstantin Paparigopulos, Nijemac Karl Hopf itd.

Sistematsko proučavanje bizantoloških problema počelo je u zadnjim desetljeća 19. stoljeća u Rusiji te u zemljama Zapadne Europe. Utemeljitelji moderne bizantologiju na području povijesti u Rusiji su Vasilij Grigorjevič Vasiljevski i Fjodor Ivanovič Uspenski, dok je Nikodim Pavlovič Kondakov osnivač na polju arheologije i povijesti umjetnosti.

Od poznatih bizantologa francuski su Alfred Rambaud, Gustave Schlumberger i Charles Diehl, njemački Karl Krumbacher i Johann Heinrich Gelzer, a engleski John Bagnell Bury. U Sjedinjenim Američkim Državama od 1941. godine djeluje bizantološki institut Dumbarton Oaks koji se nalazi u Washingtonu D.C.

U nekim zemlajam jugoistoka Europe razvoj bizantologije bio je povezan s razvojem nacionalne povijesti. U Grčkoj je tako djelovao Spiridon Lambros, u Bugarskoj Vasil Zlatarski i Petăr Mutafčiev, u Rumunjskoj Nicolae Iorga, Nicolae Bănescu i Gheorghe Brătianu, a u Mađarskoj Gyula Moravcsik.

Važna su kritička izdanja tekstova u nizu Bibliotheca Teubneriana u Leipzigu i Collection byzantine de l'Association Guillaume Budé u Parizu, nove zbirke bizantskih povelja (Paul Lemerle, Pariz, i Franz Dölger, München) te časopisi Byzantinische Zeitschrift (München), Byzantion (Bruxelles), Byzantinoslavica (Prag), Revue des études byzantines (Pariz), Dumbarton Oaks Papers''' itd. Godine 1948. u Beogradu je osnovan Vizantološki institut pri SANU. Institut je građu objavljivao u seriji Vizantijski izvori za istoriju naroda Jugoslavije, dok je historiografske radove objavljivao u časopisu Zbornik radova Vizantološkog instituta. Važniji predstavnici srpske bizantologije su Georgij Ostrogorski, Božidar Ferjančić, Ljubomir Maksimović i Ivan Đurić.

 Bizantologija u Hrvatskoj
Zbog važnosti podataka iz djela bizantskih povjesničara za povijest Hrvata, posebice O upravljanju carstvom Konstantina VII. Porfirogeneta, i zbog šestostoljetne prisutnosti bizantske vlasti na istočnoj obali Jadranskog mora te njegovog zaleđa, interes za povijest i historiografiju Bizanta praktički je stalan od početka hrvatske znanstvene historiografije u 18. stoljeću. Ivan Lučić potanko je komentirao podatke iz djela bizantskih autora. Franjo Rački i Ferdo Šišić izdavali su i dijelove tekstova pojedinih bizantskih autora, a Nikola Tomašić preveo je O upravljanju carstvom'' 1918. godine, no njegov je nedovršen prijevod s kasnijim prijevodima drugih autora objavljen tek 1994. godine.

Izvori

Vanjske poveznice

 Bizantologija, Hrvatska enciklopedija

Bizant
Povijesna znanost

Bizantologija


Politika, devlet işlerini düzenleme ve yürütme sanatıyla ilgili özel görüş veya anlayıştır.

Politika şu anlamlara da gelebilir:
 Propaganda
 Sosyalizm

Politika (anlam ayrımı)


La Herencia, Un Llegado de Amor, ou simplesmente La Herencia, é uma telenovela mexicana produzida por Juan Osorio para TelevisaUnivision e foi exibida pelo Las Estrellas de 28 de março a 15 de julho de 2022, substituindo El último rey e sendo substituída por Vencer la ausencia.

É uma adaptação da novela chilena Hijos Del Monte de Víctor Carrasco, cuja adaptação foi feita pela Telemundo em 2011 sob o título Los herederos del Monte e outra feita pela TVI em 2013 com o título Belmonte.

É protagonizada por Michelle Renaud, Matías Novoa, Mauricio Henao e Juan Pablo Gil e antagonizada por Emmanuel Palomares, Daniel Elbittar, Elizabeth Álvarez, Tiaré Scanda, Paulina Matos, Diego de Erice e Sergio Basañez e atuações estelares de Julián Gil, Amaranta Ruíz, Verónica Jaspeado e Gloria Aura, participações dos primeiros atores Juan Carlos Barreto, Roberto Blandón e Rafael Inclán e participações especiais de Leonardo Daniel e Anna Ciocchetti

Sinopse
Os cinco filhos de Catalina Arango e Don Severiano del Monte cresceram em uma próspera fazenda de abacate chamada "Santa Catalina": Juan, Pedro, Mateo, Simón e Lucas. Os cinco irmãos Del Monte foram adotados, pois Catalina Arango não podia ter filhos. Dom Severiano, que sempre quis ter descendentes do sexo masculino, concordou com a adoção. Juan era o maior orgulho de seu pai. Severiano viu nele o digno sucessor de seu legado e não se importou em mostrar sua preferência sobre seus irmãos, principalmente Pedro, gerando uma grande rivalidade entre eles. Simón tem sido o mais próximo de sua mãe, ressentido com Severiano por suas infidelidades. Mateo, o mais relaxado dos irmãos, tem um problema de alcoolismo, que será acentuado por um amor impossível. Lucas, o mais novo dos do Monte, é um jovem influenciador que gosta de mostrar aos seus seguidores a vida no campo, além disso, viverá uma experiência que marcará sua vida.

Nossa história começa quando Don Severiano reúne seus filhos na empresa Del Monte para informá-los que Juan será o novo presidente da empresa. Isso causa reações conflitantes nos filhos Del Monte, especialmente em Pedro, único irmão de sangue de Juan, que expressa seu desagrado de forma categórica pela decisão do pai. Ao mesmo tempo, na Cidade do México, a única filha de sangue de Severiano, Sara Del Monte, luta para abrir caminho em um mundo de homens. Ela é filha de Déborah Portillo, uma mulher ambiciosa e manipuladora que foi uma das amantes de Dom Severiano. Sara cresceu fora da família Del Monte, acreditando que seu pai nunca se interessou por ela, pois a única coisa que ela tem dele é o sobrenome.

Enquanto isso, na fazenda, feliz por ser o novo presidente da empresa, Juan decide formalizar seu compromisso com Julieta Millán, com quem mantém um relacionamento há mais de 10 anos. Julieta esconde um grande segredo: ela teve um relacionamento com Mateo Del Monte. Para Mateo, Julieta é o amor de sua vida, mas a noiva de Juan o fez jurar manter o segredo do que aconteceu entre eles. A chegada de Sara provoca a rejeição dos irmãos, mas ela chamará a atenção de Juan, que não poderá deixar de ver nela todas as qualidades que a revestem. O amor entre Juan e Sara é algo que surge a despeito deles mesmos, mas a ganância e a ambição de Pedro não facilitará para eles, juntamente com o ressentimento de Julieta, que cairá em uma espiral de ciúmes que ameaçará a realização do amor entre Sara e Juan.

Tudo vai ficar mais complicado, porque o testamento tem uma cláusula de condição suspensiva que obriga os seis irmãos a viverem juntos por um ano na Fazenda Santa Catalina, ou então perderão a herança. A herança virá para desenterrar o passado e confrontar Sara com os irmãos Del Monte, que defenderão a terra que os formou, despertando neles sentimentos e ações que nunca imaginaram vivenciar.

Elenco
 Michelle Renaud - Sara del Monte Portillo / Sara Alamillo Portillo
 Matías Novoa - Juan del Monte Arango / Juan Delgado
 Emmanuel Palomares - Simón del Monte Arango
 Daniel Elbittar - Pedro del Monte Arango / Pedro Delgado
 Mauricio Henao - Mateo del Monte Arango
 Juan Pablo Gil - Lucas del Monte Arango / Lucas Contina
 Elizabeth Álvarez - Déborah Portillo Peralta
 Tiaré Scanda - Rosa Gutiérrez de Millán
 Paulina Matos - Julieta Millán Gutiérrez / Julieta del Monte Gutiérrez
 Julián Gil - Próspero Millán Rico
 Juan Carlos Barreto - Modesto Pérez
 Diego de Erice - Cornelio Pérez
 Amaranta Ruiz - Adela Cruz
 Verónica Jaspeado - Bertha Restrepo
 Gloria Aura - Beatriz Hernández
 Mildred Feuchter - Paloma Pérez
 Curiel Cita - Jessica Millán Gutiérrez
 Esmeralda Gómez - Alondra Millán Gutiérrez
 Christian Ramos - Brayan Cruz
 Andre de Regil - Brandon Cruz
 Farah Justiniani - Dulce Pérez
 Andrés Ruanova - Tadeo Pérez Hernández / Tadeo del Monte Hernández
 Sergio Basañez - Dante Alamillo
 Roberto Blandón - Salvador "Chavita" Pérez
 Rafael Inclán - Agustín Cruz
 Ana Ciocchetti - Catalina Arango De del Monte
 Leonardo Daniel - Severiano del Monte
 Lucero Lander - Aurora Delgado
 Tian Altamirano - Amado Contina
 Alberto Pavón - Henry Miller
 Manuel Riguezza - Bruno
 Gina Pedret - Irma
 Zoé Itzayana - Sara del Monte Portillo / Sara Alamillo Portillo (niña)
 Ofito Bastida - Juan del Monte Arango / Juan Delgado (niño)
 Mariano Ramos - Simón del Monte Arango (niño)
 Leo Bastida - Pedro del Monte Arango / Pedro Delgado (niño)
 Héctor Salas - Mateo del Monte Arango (niño)
 Leonardo León - Lucas del Monte Arango / Lucas Contina (niño)

Produção
As filmagens da novela começaram em dezembro de 2021. O primeiro teaser foi exibido em 28 de fevereiro de 2022.

Audiência

Em seu primeiro capítulo a trama estreou com excelente índices, com 3.1 milhões de espectadores. Bateu recorde em seu segundo capítulo, sendo vista por 3.2 milhões de espectadores. Em seu terceiro capitulo superou seu recorde e foi vista por 3.4 milhões de espectadores. Voltou a repetir um novo capítulo exibido em 19 de abril, quando foi visita por 3.4 milhões de espectadores. No capítulo do dia 14 de junho bateu um novo recorde alcançando 3.5 milhões de telespectadores. Registrou um novo recorde no capítulo exibido no dia 22 de junho, quando cravou 3.6 milhões de espectadores. Em sua última semana voltou a registrar um novo recorde, no capítulo exibido em 13 de julho a trama alcançou 3.6 milhões. Em seu último capítulo foi vista por 3.6 milhões de espectadores, repetindo o recorde que havia registrado no dia 22 de junho.

Finalizou com 3.0 milhões de espectadores ao longo dos seus 80 episódios, recuperando em parte o que a série El último rey derrubou do horário.

Ligações externas

!Artigos novos
Telenovelas do México
Telenovelas em espanhol
Telenovelas da Televisa da década de 2020
Programas de televisão do México que estrearam em 2022
Programas de televisão do México encerrados em 2022

La herencia (telenovela)


Vísir er sjávarútgerðarfélag sem leggur áherslu á ábyrgðar veiðar, hátækniveiðar og vörugæði. Þeir eiga góðan flota af togurum útbúnum fyrir línuveiðar, saltfiskvinnslu og frystihús í Grindavík. Heimasíðan þeirra er https://www.visirhf.is/ sem inniheldur köldustu myndir allra tíma.

Vísir (útgerðarfélag)


Giovanni Invernizzi (* 26. August 1931 in Albairate; † 28. Februar 2005 in Mailand) war ein italienischer Fußballspieler und -trainer. Als Aktiver schon lange Zeit bei Inter Mailand spielend, errang er mit dem italienischen Meistertitel der Saison 1970/71 mit diesem Verein als Trainer den Scudetto. Neben Inter coachte er nur noch unterklassige Vereine wie AS Taranto Calcio und Piacenza Calcio.

Spielerkarriere
Giovanni Invernizzi spielte von 1949 bis 1960 für Inter Mailand, in dessen Trikot er zu insgesamt 148 Ligaspielen mit sechs Treffern kam. Zuvor hatte der Abwehrspieler bereits die Jugendabteilungen von Inter besucht. Sein Debüt für Inter Mailand gab er unter Trainer Giulio Cappelli am 30. April 1950 bei einer 0:1-Niederlage gegen den AC Turin. In der Folge konnte er sich jedoch nicht richtig durchsetzen und wurde zur Saison 1950/51 an den CFC Genua ausgeliehen, mit dem er allerdings den Abstieg in die zweitklassige Serie B hinnehmen musste. Von 38 möglichen Saisonspielen machte Invernizzi 22. Danach kehrte er zu Inter Mailand zurück und konnte sich wiederum nicht in der ersten Mannschaft etablieren, die Spielzeit 1951/52 beendete er mit vier Ligaeinsätzen. Es folgten nun zwei Jahre mit Leihgeschäften zur US Triestina beziehungsweise zu Udinese Calcio. Bei diesen zwei Stationen entwickelte sich Giovanni Invernizzi zu einem gestandenen Erstligaprofi, nach seiner Rückkehr nach Mailand avancierte er zum Stammspieler und kam in den folgenden sechs Jahren zu 141 Ligaspielen im Dress der Nerazzurri. Große Erfolge feierte Invernizzi in dieser Zeit aber nicht, er verließ den Verein, da er unter dem neuen Trainer Helenio Herrera nicht mehr zum Zuge kam. Es entwickelte sich in der Folge der Grande Inter, dem in den 1960er-Jahren weltweit Erfolge gelingen sollte.

Im Sommer 1960 ging Giovanni Invernizzi zum AC Turin, wo er ein Jahr lang unter Vertrag stand. Im Stadio Filadelfia kam er nur siebzehn Mal zum Einsatz und belegte mit seiner Mannschaft als Aufsteiger den zwölften Platz in der Serie A 1960/61. Da er nur wenig zum Einsatz kam, wechselte Invernizzi nach Ende der Saison 1960/61 abermals den Klub und spielte fortan für die AC Venedig, der 1961 in die Serie A aufgestiegen war. Mit der Unterstützung Giovanni Invernizzis, der sich in Venedig erneut nicht richtig durchsetzen konnte und nur neun Ligapartien absolvierte, wurde der AC Venedig am Ende Zwölfter und hielt die Klasse. Invernizzi indes zog nach Saisonende weiter und schloss sich dem FC Como an, wo er in den kommenden zwei Jahren seine Laufbahn ausklingen ließ. In zwei Jahren brachte es Giovanni Invernizzi noch einmal zu 47 Ligaspielen für Como.

Im Jahre 1958 wurde Giovanni Invernizzi einmal im Dress der italienischen Fußballnationalmannschaft eingesetzt. Dieses eine Länderspiel machte er in Belfast gegen Nordirland. Da Italien die Qualifikation für die Fußball-Weltmeisterschaft 1958 in Schweden verpasste, blieb Giovanni Invernizzi eine Weltmeisterschaftsteilnahme verwehrt. Auch weitere Länderspiele waren ihm nicht vergönnt.

Trainerkarriere
Einige Jahre nach dem Ende seiner aktiven Laufbahn als Fußballspieler begann Giovanni Invernizzi eine Laufbahn als Trainer. Zunächst bekleidete er das Amt des Coaches der zweiten Mannschaft von Inter Mailand. Als Heriberto Herrera bei Internazionale im November 1970 entlassen wurde, wurde Invernizzi zum neuen Trainer der ersten Mannschaft befördert. Invernizzi führte das Team um Spieler wie Gianfranco Bedin, Jair da Costa und Mario Corso, der unter Herrera nicht mehr berücksichtigt wurde, unter Invernizzi aber gute Leistungen zeigte, zur Meisterschaft. Der Titelgewinn in der Serie A 1970/71 bedeutete für Inter Mailand die bis dato elfte Meisterschaft und sollte für fast zehn Jahre die letzte sein. Im Sommer 1971 endete die Zeit des Grande Inter endgültig, danach konnte man nicht wieder an die Leistungen vergangener Tage anknüpfen. Die Serie A 1971/72 beendete Inter Mailand mit Giovanni Invernizzi als Verantwortlicher an der Seitenlinie nur auf dem fünften Platz, während sich Juventus Turin die italienische Fußballmeisterschaft sicherte. Im Europapokal der Landesmeister 1971/72, für den sich Inter als italienischer Meister 1971 qualifiziert hatte, erreichte man nach Erfolgen gegen AEK Athen aus Griechenland, Borussia Mönchengladbach aus Deutschland, Standard Lüttich aus Belgien sowie Celtic Glasgow aus Schottland das Endspiel, wo man allerdings am aufstrebenden niederländischen Verein Ajax Amsterdam mit 0:2 durch zwei Tore von Johan Cruyff scheiterte.

Die Saison 1972/73 verlief erneut nicht nach den Vorstellungen der Verantwortlichen von Inter Mailand, wofür die Chefetage auch Trainer Giovanni Invernizzi mit verantwortlich machte. Man entließ den Coach im Saisonverlauf nach einer Reihe schlechter Ergebnisse und ersetzte ihn durch Enea Masiero, der jedoch auch nicht den gewünschten Erfolg brachte. Die Saison beendete Inter Mailand erneut nur auf dem fünften Tabellenplatz. Zudem kam das Aus im UEFA-Pokal 1972/73 bereits in der dritten Runde gegen den portugiesischen Vertreter Vitória Setúbal.

Nach seinem Rausschmiss bei Inter Mailand wurde Giovanni Invernizzi schon bald neuer Trainer des Zweitligisten AS Taranto, mit dem er in der Serie B 1973/74 den sechsten Platz belegte und nach der Saison zu Brindisi Sport wechselte. Dort und auch bei seinem letzten Verein als Fußballtrainer, Piacenza Calcio, blieb Giovanni Invernizzi relativ erfolglos. Er beendete seine Laufbahn als Fußballtrainer im Jahre 1976 nach nur sechs Jahren im Job. Danach kehrte er zu Inter Mailand zurück und fungierte als Spielerbeobachter und Scout für den Verein. Giovanni Invernizzi starb am 28. Februar 2005 im Alter von 73 Jahren in einem Mailänder Krankenhaus nach langer Krankheit.

Erfolge
 Italienische Meisterschaft: 1×
 1970/71 mit Inter Mailand

 Endspiel im Europapokal der Landesmeister: 1×
 1971/72 mit Inter Mailand

Weblinks

 Statistik als Inter-Spieler (italienisch)
 Statistik als Inter-Trainer (italienisch)

Fußballnationalspieler (Italien)
Fußballspieler (AC Venedig)
Fußballspieler (CFC Genua)
Fußballspieler (Como 1907)
Fußballspieler (FC Turin)
Fußballspieler (Inter Mailand)
Fußballspieler (Udinese Calcio)
Fußballspieler (US Triestina)
Fußballtrainer (Inter Mailand)
Fußballtrainer (Piacenza Calcio 1919)
Italienischer Meister (Fußball)
Italiener
Geboren 1931
Gestorben 2005
Mann

Giovanni Invernizzi (Fußballspieler, 1931)


San Francesco degli Scarioni je rimokatolička crkva smještena u uskoj ulici, Via Arco Mirelli #19, u središnjem Napulju, Italija. Osnovano je i još uvijek u vlasništvu franjevačkog reda.

Izgradnja današnje crkve započela je 1704. prema nacrtima Giovannija Battiste Naucleria, a dovršena je 1721. Pokrovitelj je bio Leonardo Scarioni, toskanski trgovac koji je 1701. umro bez nasljednika, a obdario je samostan franjevaca iz svojih domovina.

Na pročelju je drveni kip sv. Franje. Na glavnom oltaru (1755.) nalazi se platno s prikazom Krista i Bogorodice kako daju oprost sv. Franji (1773.) Francesca De Mure . U sakristiji je platno s prikazom Razgovora s raspelom svetog Tome (1580.) Marka Laura, koje se drži u luneti s freskama Bogorodice sa svetim Ivanom Krstiteljem i svetim Mihaelom arkanđelom. Glazbene orgulje datiraju iz 1721.

Izvori

Neoklasicističke crkve u Napulju
Katoličke crkve u Napulju
Franjevci u Italiji
Franjevačke crkve

San Francesco degli Scarioni


Kongens hjemkomst med Fionia er en dansk dokumentarfilm fra 1920.

Handling
På kajen venter fremmødte honoratiores, den 21. december 1920, på motorskibet Fionia, der har kongeparret med hjem fra en rejse til London, Paris og Rom. Skibet dukker op i tågen og lægger til kaj. Kongefamilien går ombord for at hilse på kongen. Kong Christian 10. går fra borde, og hilser på de forskellige honoratiores. Dronning Alexandrine, kronprins Frederik og prins Knud ses.

Referencer

Eksterne henvisninger

Dokumentariske optagelser
Stumfilm fra Danmark
Danske film fra 1920
Det danske kongehus
Begivenheder i 1920

Kongens hjemkomst med Fionia