O Maringá Futebol Clube foi uma agremiação fundada em 10 de maio de 1995 na cidade de Maringá. Esse Maringá F.C. não é o atual Maringá Futebol Clube. A equipe possuía sua sede na Rua Joubert de Carvalho 373, no centro da cidade. Mandava seus jogos no Estádio Regional Willie Davids com capacidade para 21.600 pessoas.

História

O tricolor maringaense nasceu forte. O clube foi incentivado pelo então prefeito Said Ferreira. Na cerimônia de abertura e lançamento do clube, participou o ex-jogador veterano Zico. No mesmo ano de fundação, o Lobo (mascote da equipe), disputa a Segunda Divisão e sagra-se campeã.

Nos anos de 1996, 1997 e 1998 disputa a Primeira Divisão. Em 1997 também disputa a Série C do Campeonato Brasileiro de Futebol. Na elite paranaense de 1998 faz péssima campanha e acaba rebaixada a 2ª divisão de 1999, contudo a equipe se licencia e não volta mais aos gramados paranaenses. À época, chegou a ser cogitada uma fusão entre o Maringá F.C. e o Grêmio Esportivo Maringá (extinto em 1971, que deu lugar ao também extinto Maringá Esporte Clube, posteriormente Grêmio de Esportes Maringá), entretanto o projeto não foi adiante.

Títulos

Estaduais
 Campeonato Paranaense - Série Prata: 1995

Histórico em Competições Oficiais
 Campeonato Paranaense de Futebol de 1995 - Segunda Divisão 1º colocado (campeão)
 Campeonato Paranaense de Futebol de 1996 6º colocado
 Campeonato Paranaense de Futebol de 1997 7º colocado
 Campeonato Brasileiro de Futebol de 1997 - Série C 49º colocado
 Campeonato Paranaense de Futebol de 1998 12º colocado (rebaixado)

Ver também

Lista de clubes de futebol do Paraná
Clubes de futebol fundados em 1995

Maringá Futebol Clube (anos 1990)


The house inside her er en film instrueret af Pernille Rose Grønkjær, Astrid Kruse Jensen.

Handling
I stedet for at følge en kronologisk fremadskridende fortælling må beskueren overgive sig til filmen, som er et poetisk billeddigt, hvor man selv skaber sammenhænge og betydning. Traditionelle parametre som tid og fortælling er sat delvis ud af spil. Filmen flyder over og bliver en del af det fysiske udstillingsrum, hvor birketræsstammer fra en af filmens scener danner et installatorisk rum omkring beskueren. Resultatet er et både sanseligt og forførende billedunivers, der bevæger sig i grænseområdet mellem drøm og virkelighed. Ikke kun kronologien er sat ud af spil i filmen, men også det realistiske rum. Naturlovene er ophævet, og rummet er i højere grad et psykologisk rum, hvor en kvinde drømmende bevæger sig rundt.

Referencer

Eksterne henvisninger

Danske film fra 2011

Kortfilm fra Danmark

The house inside her


Johan Georg Forchhammer ( - ) est un minéralogiste et géologue danois.

Biographie
Forchhammer était originaire de Husum au Schleswig et a étudié aux universités de Kiel et Copenhague de 1815 à 1818.

Il rejoint alors Hans Christian Ørsted et Lauritz Esmarch dans leur exploration minéralogique de Bornholm où il prend le gros du travail sur lui. En 1820, il obtient son doctorat avec un traité chimique intitulé De mangano, à la suite de quoi il fait un voyage d'étude en Angleterre, Écosse et aux Iles Féroé. En 1823, il est nommé professeur de chimie et minéralogie à l'Université de Copenhague et obtient en 1829 un poste similaire à la nouvelle École polytechnique. En 1848, il devient curateur du Musée géologique.

De 1835 à 1837, il rédige de nombreuses contributions relatives à la géologie au Danemark. À la mort de Hans Christian Ørsted en 1851, il succède à celui-ci en tant que directeur de l'École polytechnique  et en tant que secrétaire à l'Académie des Sciences. En 1851, il entreprend avec Japetus Steenstrup et Jens Jacob Asmussen Worsaae différentes publications anthropologiques qui lui valent une grande réputation. En parallèle Forchhammer s'intéresse à des questions pratiques comme l'introduction du gas à Copenhague, l'établissement d'une brigade de pompiers à Rosenborg ou le forage de puis artésiens.

En 1865, Forchhammer fait la conjecture que le rapport de salinité dans l'eau de mer était le même partout sur terre. Ce rapport est connu comme le Principe de Forchhammer, ou principe des proportions constantes. Sa théorie a été prouvée correcte en 1884 par le professeur William Dittmar lors de ses analyses d'eau de mer faites pendant l'Expédition du Challenger.

Parmi les ouvrages de Forchhammer, on peut citer son Lærebog i. de enkelte Radicalers Chemi (1842); Danmarks geognostiske Forhold (1835); Om de Bornholmske Kulformationer (1836); Dit myere Kridt i Danmark (1847); Bidrag til Skildringer af Danmarks geographiske Forhold i deres Afhængighed af Landets indre geognostiske Bygning (1858)

Ouvrages
 De mangano, 1820
 "Danmarks Geognostiske Forhold", in Universitetsprogram, 1835.
 Det nyere Kridt i Danmark, 1847.
 Lærebog i Stoffernes Almindelige Chemie, 1842.
 De enkelte Radikalers Almindelige Chemie, 1842 (textbook).
 Bornholmske Kulformationer, 1836.
 De vigtigste Sætninger af den uorganiske Chemie, 1838.
 Bidrag til Skildringen af Danmarks geographiske Forhold i deres Afhængighed af Landets indre geognostiske Bygning, 1858.
 Om Søvandets bestanddele og deres Fordeling i Havet, 1859.
 Almenfattelige Afhandlinger og Foredrag, 1869.
 Selvbiografi i Universitetes Program, November 1903.

Références

Article connexe
 Henni Forchhammer, sa petite-fille

Naissance en juillet 1794
Décès en décembre 1865
Décès à 71 ans
Géologue danois du XIXe siècle
Minéralogiste danois

Johan Georg Forchhammer


Die Evangelische Kirche im Wiesbadener Stadtteil Rambach steht auf einer Anhöhe. Sie überragt Rambach so und prägt das Ortsbild entsprechend dieser Lage. Sie ist 33 Meter lang, 13 Meter breit und bis zum Dachreiter 26 Meter hoch. Errichtet wurde sie mit Grünstein aus dem örtlichen Steinbruch. Eine der vier Glocken des Geläuts stammt aus dem Jahr 1483. Diese 220 kg schwere Glocke wurde Nach Ende des Zweiten Weltkrieges als "Patenglocke" übernommen und 1952 auf den Namen Friedensglocke getauft.

Die Kirchengemeinde gehört zum Dekanat Wiesbaden der Propstei Rhein-Main der Evangelischen Kirche in Hessen und Nassau.

Geschichte

Wehrturm
Auf der Anhöhe auf der heute die Kirche steht, war ursprünglich ein Wehrturm eingerichtet. Dieser diente der Sicherung des Eppsteiner Besitzes im 1264 erstmals erwähnten Rambach gegenüber dem Haus Nassau. Nassau unterhielt in benachbarten Sonnenberg die Burg Sonnenberg, bedrohte so das Eppsteiner Herrschaftsgebiet. Von diesem Wehrturm finden sich heute keine Überreste mehr, lediglich Geländespuren deuten die seinerzeitige Existenz noch an.

Vorgängerkirchen
Heute wird angenommen, dass die Kirche zwei Vorgängerbauten hatte, die sich allerdings nicht an gleicher Stelle befanden, sondern vielmehr im Rambacher Talgrund errichtet waren. Dies war einmal eine kleine Kapelle, die 1546 bei einem verheerenden Feuer in Ober-Rambach abbrannte. Sie wurde 1680 durch eine Holzkirche ersetzt, über deren Entstehungsgeschichte allerdings nichts weiteres bekannt ist. Diese Holzkirche wurde 1887 als baufällig erklärt und 1891 abgerissen. Unter anderem soll sie in Kriegen stark beschädigt worden sein.

Heutige Kirche
Die heutige Kirche wurde am 15. September 1893 nach 14 Monaten Bauzeit eingeweiht. Die Gemeinde hatte den Kirchhof für 20 Mark gekauft. Die Leitung des Baus hatten der Rambacher Maurermeister Philipp Christian Schneider und der Herborner Architekt Ludwig Hofmann (1862–1935). Die Baukosten lagen unter 40.000 Mark.

Quellen
 Wo der trutzige Wehrturm stand In: Wiesbadener Tagblatt vom 14. September 2003

Weblinks
  Website der Kirchengemeinde

Kulturdenkmal in Wiesbaden
Rambach
Rambach, Evangelische
Rambach
Erbaut in den 1890er Jahren
Wiesbaden-Rambach

Evangelische Kirche Rambach


Ranzanija (lat. Ranzania), monotipski biljni rod iz poroice žutikovki. Jedina vrsta je japanska endemska rizomatozna trajnica R. japonica sa šumovitih područja otoka Honšu.

Stabljika je mesnata. Razvija se iz podzemnog rizoma i čini kolonije po sjenovitim mjestima. Cvjetovi su ljubičasti, viseći na dugim peteljkama, a jaljaju se od sredine do kasnog proljeća

Rod je dobio ime po japanskom botaničaru Ono Ranzanu.

Sinonimi
 Yatabea Maxim. ex Yatabe
 Yatabea japonica (T.Itô) Maxim.

Galerija

Vanjske poveznice

Izvori

Žutikovke

Ranzanija


Eleiotis, rod mahunarki iz podtribusa Desmodiinae, dio tribusa Desmodieae. Postoje dvije vrste iz Indije, Šri Lanke i Mjanmara. Eleiotis rottleri se vodi kao rijetka..

Vrste
 Eleiotis rottleri Wight & Arn.
 Eleiotis sororia (L.) DC.

Izvori

Desmodieae

Eleiotis


Die Liste der denkmalgeschützten Objekte in Hronský Beňadik enthält die 25 nach slowakischen Denkmalschutzvorschriften geschützten Objekte in der Gemeinde Hronský Beňadik im Okres Žarnovica.

Denkmäler

Legende

Einzelnachweise

Weblinks

!
Hronsky Benadik


غاوريو (Γαύριο) هي مدينة في كيكلاديس في اليونان.

يبلغ عدد سكانها حوالي 1075 نسمة.

مراجع

أماكن مأهولة في أندروس
مدن اليونان

غاوريو (كيكلاديس)


Carlos de Bourbon visitando o Papa Bento XIV no Café del Quirinale é uma pintura de Giovanni Paolo Pannini, encomendada por Carlos de Bourbon em 1746 e concluída no mesmo ano. Mostrava e comemorava a visita de Carlos a Roma após a vitória dos Bourbon sobre os austríacos na Batalha de Velletri em 1744 - ele e o papa Bento XIV já eram amigos e haviam assinado uma Concordata em 1741.

Originalmente pendurado no Palácio Capodimonte em Nápoles e em 1806 foi transferido para o Palazzo degli Studi. Pouco antes das tropas aliadas chegarem a Nápoles, soldados alemães da Divisão Hermann Göring levaram a pintura e a apresentaram à República Social Italiana. Foi devolvido a Nápoles após a guerra para se juntar à coleção do Museu Nacional de Capodimonte, onde ainda está pendurado com seu par Carlos de Bourbon Visitando a Basílica de São Pedro.

Bibliografia

 Antonio Spinosa, Salò, una storia per immagini, Segrate, Arnoldo Mondadori Editore, 1992.
 Mario Sapio, Il Museo di Capodimonte, Napoli, Arte'm, 2012.ISBN 978-88-569-0303-4
 Touring Club Italiano, Museo di Capodimonte, Milão, Touring Club Editore, 2012.ISBN 978-88-365-2577-5

Pinturas de Giovanni Paolo Pannini
Representações culturais de reis da Espanha
Representações culturais de líderes religiosos
Pintura histórica
Palácio do Quirinal

Carlos de Bourbon em visita ao Papa Bento XIV no Café del Quirinale


لانكاوي، والمعروفة رسميا باسم لانكاوي، هي جوهرة ولاية قدح (الملايو: لانكاوي بيرمتى كيدا  هو أرخبيل مكون من 99 جزيرة 5 جزر اضافية مؤقتة يتم كشفها عند انخفاض المد في بحر اندامان، بعد حوالي 30 كيلومتراً قبالة ساحل البر الرئيسى من ماليزيا شمال غرب البلاد. الجزر هي جزء من ولاية كيداه، المجاورة للحدود التايلاندية. يوم 15 يوليو 2008، كان السلطان عبد الحليم من ولاية كيدا قد وافق على تغيير اسم لانغكاوي برمتًى كيداه بالتزامن مع الاحتفال باليوبيل الذهبي. إن أكبر هذه الجزر حتى الآن تدعى بولاو لانغكاوي ويبلغ عدد سكانها حوالي 45,000، وهي فقط من الجزر المأهولة بالسكان القريبة من بولاو طوبا. لانكاوي هي أيضا منطقة إدارية مع مدينة كواه العاصمة وأكبر مدينة. لانكاوي هي منطقة حرة (معفاة من الرسوم الجمركية)

السياحة

تعتبر جزيرة لانكاوى مقصداً سياحياً لعدد كبير من الماليزيين والسياح الاجانب نظراً للطبيعة الخلابة والهدوء الذي تتميز به الجزيرة بالإضافة إلى البنية التحتية حيث يوجد بها شبكة طرق تربط اطراف الجزيرة والأماكن السياحية والفنادق بالعاصمة كواه ومطار دولي صغير يخدم عدد من الخطوط المحلية والدولية بالإضافة لوجودعدد كبير من الفنادق المنتشرة على الشواطئ وداخل مركز المدينة كواه،

يوجد في جزيرة لنكاوي عدد كبير من الأماكن السياحة التي يمكن للسائح زيارتها بسهولة وأهمها:
 الرحلات البحرية إلى الجزر القريبة الغير مأهولة بالسكان.
 الشلالات الطبيعية المتواجد في أكثر من مكان.
 التلفريك أو " Cable Car "
 حديقة التماسيح
 عالم ما تحت البحار Under water world
 العاصمة كواه حيث يتواجد بها مركزين للتسوق «منطقة حرة»
 جسر لانكاوي سكاي

معرض الصور

المراجع

أرخبيلات المحيط الهندي
الأرخبيلات في المحيط الهندي
جزر قدح
جزر ماليزيا
جزر مضيق ملقا
متنزهات جيولوجية في ماليزيا
مديريات قدح

لانكاوي


An Myrmechis urceolata in uska species han Liliopsida nga ginhulagway ni Tang ngan Kai Yung Lang. An Myrmechis urceolata in nahilalakip ha genus nga Myrmechis, ngan familia nga Orchidaceae. Waray hini subspecies nga nakalista.

Mga kasarigan

Myrmechis

Myrmechis urceolata


Miroslava (bugarski: Мирослава) bila je jedna od kćeri cara Samuila Bugarskog i Agate. Princeza Miroslava se zaljubila u bizantskog zarobljenika Ašota Taronitesa (koji je bio armenskog podrijetla) te je prijetila da će se ubiti ako joj ne bude dopušteno udati se za njega. Samuilo je popustio te je učinio Ašota guvernerom Drača.

Ašot je stupio u kontakt s lokalnim Grcima i utjecajnim Ivanom Chryseliosom, Samuilovim tastom. Ašot i Miroslava su se ukrcali na bizantski brod te pobjegli u Carigrad, gdje je car Bazilije II. dao Ašotu titulu magistrosa, dok je Miroslava dobila titulu zoste patrikia.

Izvori i bilješke

Bugarske princeze

Miroslava Bugarska


Die Japanische Badmintonmeisterschaft 2003 fand vom 4. bis zum 9. November 2003 in Nagoya statt. Es war die 57. Austragung der nationalen Titelkämpfe im Badminton in Japan.

Medaillengewinner

Weblinks
http://www.badminton.or.jp/2003/alljapan/
http://www.badminton-a.com/nbaevent/index/aj.htm

2003
Badminton 2003
Badmintonmeisterschaft 2003

Japanische Badmintonmeisterschaft 2003


11. udgave af holdtidskørslen Open de Suède Vårgårda og 13. udgave af landevejsløbet Open de Suède Vårgårda fandt sted den 11. og 13. august 2018. Løbene var syttende og attende arrangement på UCI Women's World Tour-kalenderen 2018.

Linjeløb

Hold

Danske ryttere
 Trine Schmidt kørte for Team Virtu Cycling Women
 Christina Siggaard kørte for Team Virtu Cycling Women
 Cecilie Uttrup Ludwig kørte for Cervélo-Bigla
 Emma Norsgaard Jørgensen kørte for Cervélo-Bigla
 Amalie Dideriksen kørte for Boels-Dolmans
 Pernille Mathiesen kørte for Team Sunweb

Resultater

Holdtidskørsel

Hold

Danske ryttere
 Trine Schmidt kørte for Team Virtu Cycling Women
 Louise Norman Hansen kørte for Team Virtu Cycling Women
 Christina Siggaard kørte for Team Virtu Cycling Women
 Cecilie Uttrup Ludwig kørte for Cervélo-Bigla
 Emma Norsgaard Jørgensen kørte for Cervélo-Bigla
 Amalie Dideriksen kørte for Boels-Dolmans
 Pernille Mathiesen kørte for Team Sunweb

Resultater

Eksterne henvisninger

2018
Cykelløb i 2018

Open de Suède Vårgårda 2018


فينتشا (Винча) هي ضاحية بلغراد عاصمة صربيا.

يبلغ عدد سكانها حوالي 6,214 نسمة.

مراجع

أماكن مأهولة في صربيا
حضارة الفينكا
شوماديا
ضواحي بلغراد
غروتسكا

فينتشا


En biologie Buchnera peut désigner :
 Buchnera  : un genre bactérien monospécifique de la famille des Erwiniaceae,
 Buchnera : un genre végétal de la famille des Orobanchaceae.

Homonymie de genre en biologie

Buchnera (homonymie)


دومينيكو كريتشيتو  لاعب كرة قدم إيطالي يلعب حاليا لصالح نادي الدرجة الأولى جنوى الإيطالي منذ 2009 في مركز الظهير الأيسر .

مسيرته الكروية
لعب دومينيكو كريتشيتو خلال مسيرته الاحترافية مع 3 أندية في ثمانية عشر موسمًا وسجل خلالها 26 هدفًا ضمن 350 مباراة. حيث فاز في موسم واحد بالكأس وموسمين بالدوري.

خاض دومينيكو كريتشيتو مسيرته مع نادي جنوى في موسم 2002–03 في المرة الأولى لمدة موسم واحد ثم في موسم 2006–07 ليلعب معه ستة مواسم ثم في موسم 2018–19 لمدة موسم واحد، مشاركًا طوالها في 187 مباراة سجل خلالها 11 هدفًا. ثم انتقل إلى نادي يوفنتوس في موسم 2004–05 واستمر معه طيلة ثلاثة مواسم، حيث شارك في 8 مباريات ولم يسجل أي هدف. لينتقل بعدها إلى نادي زينيت سانت بطرسبرغ في موسم 2011–12 ليلعب معه سبعة مواسم، مشاركًا في 155 مباراة سجل خلالها 15 هدفًا.

روابط خارجية

مراجع

لاعبو كرة قدم رجالية إيطاليون مغتربون
أشخاص على قيد الحياة
أشخاص من كيركولا
أشخاص من محافظة نابولي
رياضيون إيطاليون مغتربون في روسيا
رياضيون إيطاليون مغتربون في كندا
قلوب دفاع كرة قدم
لاعبو الدوري الأمريكي لكرة القدم
لاعبو الدوري الإيطالي
لاعبو الدوري الإيطالي الدرجة الثانية
لاعبو الدوري الروسي الممتاز
لاعبو جنوى
لاعبو زينيت سانت بطرسبرغ
لاعبو كأس العالم 2010
لاعبو كرة قدم إيطاليون
لاعبو كرة قدم إيطاليون أولمبيون
لاعبو كرة قدم إيطاليون مغتربون
لاعبو كرة قدم رجالية إيطاليون
لاعبو كرة قدم رجالية مغتربون في روسيا
لاعبو كرة قدم رجالية مغتربون في كندا
لاعبو كرة قدم في الألعاب الأولمبية الصيفية 2008
لاعبو كرة قدم مغتربون في روسيا
لاعبو كرة قدم مغتربون في كندا
لاعبو كرة قدم من كامبانيا
لاعبو منتخب إيطاليا تحت 21 سنة لكرة القدم
لاعبو منتخب إيطاليا في كأس العالم 2010
لاعبو منتخب إيطاليا لكرة القدم
لاعبو منتخب إيطاليا لكرة القدم للشباب
لاعبو نادي تورونتو
لاعبو يوفنتوس
مدافعو كرة قدم رجالية
مواليد 1986

دومينيكو كريتشيتو


An Aechmea campanulata in uska species han Liliopsida nga ginhulagway ni Lyman Bradford Smith. An Aechmea campanulata in nahilalakip ha genus nga Aechmea, ngan familia nga Bromeliaceae.

Mabibilngan ini ha Guyana. Waray hini subspecies nga nakalista.

Mga kasarigan

Aechmea

Aechmea campanulata


Proba de sărituri cu schiurile, individual masculin trambulină normală de la Jocurile Olimpice de iarnă din 2018 de la Pyeongchang, Coreea de Sud a avut loc pe 8 și 10 februarie 2018 la Alpensia Ski Jumping Centre.

Program
Orele sunt orele Coreei de Sud (ora României + 7 ore).

Rezultate

Calificări
50 de săritori s-au calificat pentru finală.

Final
The final was held on 10 February at 21:35.

Note

Sărituri cu schiurile la Jocurile Olimpice de iarnă din 2018

Sărituri cu schiurile la Jocurile Olimpice de iarnă din 2018 - Individual masculin, trambulină normală


El Estadio Estadual Jornalista Edgar Augusto Proença, también conocido como Estadio Olímpico do Pará o Mangueirão es un estadio de fútbol de la ciudad de Belém, estado de Pará en Brasil. Es la sede de los clubes Paysandú, Clube do Remo y Sport Club Belém. También ha sido utilizado algunas veces por la selección brasileña de fútbol.

Véase también
 Estadios de fútbol de Brasil
 Estadios de fútbol de América del Sur
 Campeonato Paraense

Referencias

Enlaces externos

 worldstadiums.com - Pará - Estádio Estadual Jornalista Edgar Campos Proença (Mangueirão)

Mangueirão
Estadios de fútbol inaugurados en 1978
Estadios de fútbol de Brasil de los años 1970
Brasil en 1978
Deporte en Belém


Băiatul gheișă  (titlul original: în ) este un film de comedie american din 1958 regizat de Frank Tashlin. În rourile prinipale joacă actorii Jerry Lewis, Marie McDonald și Suzanne Pleshette.

Conținut

Distribuție
 Jerry Lewis – Gilbert Wooley
 Marie McDonald – Lola Livingston
 Sessue Hayakawa – Mr. Sikita
 Barton MacLane – Major Ridgley
 Suzanne Pleshette – Sergeant Pearson
 Nobu McCathy ca Kimi Sikita
 Robert Hirano – Mitsuo Watanabe
 Ryuzo Demura – lchiyama
 Michael Ross – sergentul de la aviație
 Alec Guinness – el însuși ()
 Bob Hope – el însuși ()

Note

Bibliografie

Legături externe

Filme din 1958
Filme în limba engleză
Filme americane
Filme de comedie din anii 1950
Filme de comedie americane
Filme Paramount Pictures
Filme de comedie
Filme regizate de Frank Tashlin

Băiatul gheișă


315174 Sellek este un asteroid din centura principală de asteroizi.

Descriere
315174 Sellek este un asteroid din centura principală de asteroizi. A fost descoperit pe  în cadrul proiectului CSS. Asteroidul prezintă o orbită caracterizată de o semiaxă mare de 3,17 ua, o excentricitate de 0,22 și o înclinație de 16,0° în raport cu ecliptica.

Vezi și
 Lista planetelor minore: 315001-316000
 Centura de asteroizi

Referințe

Obiecte astronomice descoperite în 2007
Centura de asteroizi

315174 Sellek


The distinction between terror and horror is a standard literary and psychological concept applied especially to Gothic and horror fiction. Terror is usually described as the feeling of dread and anticipation that precedes the horrifying experience. By contrast, horror is the feeling of revulsion that usually follows a frightening sight, sound, or otherwise experience.

Terror has also been defined by Noël Carroll as a combination of horror and revulsion. as opening a way to go beyond rational social consciousness. Julia Kristeva in turn considered horror as evoking experience of the primitive, the infantile, and the demoniacal aspects of unmediated femininity.

Horror, helplessness and trauma
The paradox of pleasure experienced through horror films/books can be explained partly as stemming from relief from real-life horror in the experience of horror in play, partly as a safe way to return in adult life to the paralysing feelings of infantile helplessness.

Helplessness is also a factor in the overwhelming experience of real horror in psychological trauma. Playing at re-experiencing the trauma may be a helpful way of overcoming it.

See also

References

Bibliography

Steven Bruhm (1994) Gothic Bodies: The Politics of Pain in Romantic Fiction. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press.
Gary Crawford (1986) "Criticism" in J. Sullivan (ed) The Penguin Encyclopedia of Horror and the Supernatural.
Ann Radcliffe (1826) "On the Supernatural in Poetry" in The New Monthly Magazine 7, 1826, pp 145–52.
Devendra Varma (1966) The Gothic Flame. New York: Russell and Russell.
Gina Wisker (2005) Horror Fiction: An Introduction. New York: Continuum.
Angela Wright (2007) Gothic Fiction. Basingstoke: Palgrave.
Julian Hanich (2010) Cinematic Emotion in Horror Films and Thrillers. The Aesthetic Paradox of Pleasurable Fear. New York: Routledge.
Noël Carroll (1990) The Philosophy of Horror: Or, Paradoxes of the Heart. New York: Routledge.

Fear
Literary concepts
Conceptual distinctions

Horror and terror


Windbergen Almanya'nın kuzeyinde Schleswig-Holstein eyaletinde, Dithmarschen iline bağlı bölge. 17,29 km² yüzölçüme sahiptir. Nüfusu, 30 Eylül 2005 itibarıyla yaklaşık 841 olarak tespit edilmiştir. Belediye Başkanlığı Rudolf Thode tarafından yürütülmektedir.

Dış bağlantılar
 www.windbergen-sh.de

Windbergen


Löfqvist oder Løfqvist ist der Familienname folgender Personen:

 Bent Løfqvist (* 1936), dänischer Fußballspieler
 Gyrd Löfqvist (1921–2012), dänischer Schauspieler
 William Löfqvist (1947–2016), schwedischer Eishockeytorwart und Sportfunktionär

Löfqvist


An Gastrochilus simplicilabius in uska species han Liliopsida nga ginhulagway ni Leonid Vladimirovich Averyanov. An Gastrochilus simplicilabius in nahilalakip ha genus nga Gastrochilus, ngan familia nga Orchidaceae.

Mabibilngan ini ha Vietnam. Waray hini subspecies nga nakalista.

Mga kasarigan

Gastrochilus

Gastrochilus simplicilabius


Prekriveni Krist (tal. Cristo velato) glasovita je skulptura u bijelomu mramoru talijanskoga kipara Giuseppea Sanmartina koja uprizoruje Kristovo tijelo skinuto s križa. Izložena je u kapeli Sansevero u Napulju.

Vrijednost djela odlikuje se u naizgled prozirnomu izgledu platna kojime je prekriven Krist, odajući dojam priljubljenosti, natopljenosti platna uz tijelo, kao i prikaz Kristova izmučena lica i tijela (zatvorene oči, rane od čavala, mišići) te pojedinosti u skulpturi (čavli, kliješta, trnova kruna, odloženi uz Kristove noge) koje su zahtijevale vještinu izrade. S obzirom na vrlo preciznu izvedbu koprene oko Kristova lica postojala je legenda da je umjetniku u prikazu prozirnosti platna pomogao alkemičar Raimondo di Sangro, no ispitivanja su pokazala kako je cijeli kip isklesan iz jednoga bloka mramora.

Simbolika platna s Kristova groba povezuje se s hramskom zavjesom, koja je skrivala Svetinju nad svetinjama (usp. Izl 26, 30) i u trenutku se Isusove smrti razdrjla nadvoje odozgor dodolje (Mt 27, 51; Mk 15, 38; Lk 23, 45). Hramsko je platno odvajalo Božje prebivalište (prostor Svetinje) od prostora za svećenike, kojemu je samo veliki svećenik mogao pristupiti jednom godišnje i prinijeti propisanu žrtvu. Poslanica Hebrejima tumači kako Isus svojom mukom i smrću jednom zauvijek uđe u Svetinju (Heb 9, 12) kako bi svojom smrću i uskrsnućem otkupio čovjeka i prelaskom zastora izvršio konačno pomirenje u svojoj žrtvi na križu.

Izvori

Vanjske poveznice

Isus
Umjetnička djela u Napulju
Skulpture

Prekriveni Krist


Hansa er en dansk dokumentarisk optagelse fra 1912.

Handling
Det tyske luftskib Hansa flyver over København for første gang 20. september 1912. Den flyver over byens tage og udover Kløvermarken på Amager. Luftskibet lander, men starter snart igen.

Referencer

Eksterne henvisninger

Danske film fra 1912
Dokumentariske optagelser
Begivenheder i 1912
Luftskibe

Hansa (film)


Akyaawa Yikwan était une membre de la famille royale du royaume ashanti. Elle fut une prêtresse mais surtout la principale négociatrice du traité de paix qui a mis fin à la première guerre anglo-ashanti, en 1831.

Biographie
Akyaawa Yikwan, née sans doute dans les années 1740, est la fille du roi Osei Kwadwo du royaume ashanti en Afrique de l'Ouest. Sa mère était une épouse coutumière du roi Osei Kwadwo.

Le royaume ashanti s'était développé dans l'arrière-pays  de ce qui est devenu le Ghana. A partir du milieu du , les tensions sont croissantes entre la colonie britannique de la Gold Coast, le royaume d'Ashanti et les communautés fantis de la côte. En 1825, après la guerre de Katamanso, menée par les forces ashantis contre des peuples fantis recevant le soutien des européens, notamment des anglais, Ankyaawa est capturée. Akyaawa est échangée aux Danois et emprisonnée dans le fort Christiansborg. Deux de ses frères ont été tués pendant cette guerre et son beau-fils Oti Payin a été décapité.

Le Conseil des marchands d'Accra, dont faisaient partie les Britanniques, estime alors que la position d'Akyaawa au sein de son peuple en font une intermédiaire de qualité pour négocier avec Kumasi, la capitale du royaume Ashanti. Akyaawa est achetée par les Britanniques et libérée en 1831 en tant qu'émissaire auprès du royaume d'Ashanti. Son action se traduit par un traité de paix qui ouvrent des routes commerciales entre les deux parties. Elle revient à Kumasi en novembre 1831. En reconnaissance de ses efforts en faveur de la paix, l'empereur Osei Yaw lui accorde la distinction d'être appelée Yikwan, ce qui, en langue twi, signifie . Elle meurt probablement peu de temps après.

Références

Ashanti
Ashantis
Dynastie d'Afrique
Histoire du Ghana
Personnalité féminine ghanéenne

Akyaawa Yikwan


Onthophagus koshunensis é uma espécie de inseto do género Onthophagus da família Scarabaeidae da ordem Coleoptera.

História
Foi descrita cientificamente pela primeira vez no ano de 1941 por Balthasar.

Referências

Ligações externas

koshunensis
Coleópteros descritos em 1941

Onthophagus koshunensis


Nazire, bir şairin şiirine başka bir şair tarafından aynı şekil, vezin, kafiye ve redifle yazılan şiir. Divan edebiyatı nazım türüdür. Kelime Arapça "eş, değer" anlamlarındaki nazir'den gelir. Nazire yazma, tanzir, tanzir etme diye anılır. Nazire geleneği Türk edebiyatına İran edebiyatından geçmiştir. İranlı şairler nazireye cevâb adını verirler. Alay ve şaka yollu yazılmış nazirelere tehzil veya hezil denir.

Örnekleri

Nedim'in Fuzuli'nin bu gazeline yazdığı nazire:

Kaynakça

Türlerine göre Divan nazımı

Nazire


El XIII Campeonato Mundial de Tiro al Plato se celebró en San Sebastián (España) en el año 1969 bajo la organización de la Federación Internacional de Tiro Deportivo (ISSF) y la Real Federación Española de Tiro Olímpico.

Resultados

Masculino

Femenino

Medallero

Enlaces externos
 Resultados oficiales .

P 1969

Campeonato Mundial de Tiro al Plato de 1969


ŽNL Ličko-senjska u sezoni 2022./23. je predstavljala jedinu županijsku ligu u Ličko-senjskoj županiji, te ligu šestog stupnja hrvatskog nogometnog prvenstva.
U ligi sudjeluje 7 klubova.
Prvak je postao klub "Croatia 92" iz Ličkog Osika.

Sustav natjecanja
7 klubova igra trokružnim liga-sustavom (21 kolo, 18 utakmica po klubu).

Sudionici
 Bunjevac-Gavran - Krivi Put, Senj
 Croatia 92 - Lički Osik, Gospić
 Lika 95 - Korenica, Plitvička Jezera
 Perušić - Perušić
 Plitvice - Mukinje - Plitvička Jezera, Plitvička Jezera
 Sokolac - Brinje
 Velebit - Žabica, Gospić

Ljestvica

Rezultati
''Ažurirano: 14. lipnja 2023. (kraj sezone)

Najbolji strijelci
Izvori:

Strijelci 10 i više golova u ligi.

 ''Ažurirano: 14. lipnja 2023.

Povezani članci
 ŽNL Ličko-senjska
 1. ŽNL Primorsko-goranska 2022./23.
 4. NL NS Rijeka 2022./23.

Vanjske poveznice
 nogometnisavezlsz.hr, Nogometni savez Ličko-senjske županije

Izvori

 nogometnisavezlsz.hr, Rezultati
 nogometnisavezlsz.hr, BILTEN 2022/2023
  rsssf.org, Croatia 2022/23 / Sixth Level (1st County Leagues)
  [https://www.sofascore.com/tournament/football/croatia-amateur/1-znl-licko-senjska/16467 sofascore.com, 1. ŽNL Ličko-senjska (22/23)]
  tipsscore.com, 1. ŽNL Ličko-Senjska - 2022-2023
 hr-nogomet.hr, Ličko-senjska Županija / ŽNL
 docs.google.com, Nogometni savez Ličko-senjske županije, "BILTEN" - NATJECATELJSKA GODINA 2022./2023., br. 1 (162/2022.), Gospić, 31. kolovoza 2022., (PROPOZICIJE NATJECANJA SENIORA I MLAĐIH UZRASTA ZA PRVENSTVO ŽUPANIJSKE NOGOMETNE LIGE NATJECATELJSKA 2022./2023. GODINA''), preuzeto 18. ožujka 2023.
 nogometnisavezlsz.hr, "BILTEN" - NATJECATELJSKA GODINA 2022./2023., br. 32 (98/2023.), Gospić, 7. lipnja 2023., (ŽNL – SENIORI – 21 kolo, ljestvica, popis strijelaca), preuzeto 14. lipnja 2023.

2022-23
Ličko-senjska-1

ŽNL Ličko-senjska 2022./23.


Thomas Monson,  baronnet (1565 - ) est un homme politique anglais et partisan du roi Jacques .

Jeunesse
Thomas Monson est le fils de John Monson de South Carlton, Lincolnshire, ancien haut shérif du Lincolnshire. Le frère cadet de Thomas est l'amiral William Monson. Thomas fait ses études au Magdalen College d'Oxford, s'inscrivant à l'âge de quinze ans en décembre 1579, et à Gray's Inn, où il est admis comme étudiant en 1583.

Carrière
Il est nommé juge de paix en 1592 et haut shérif du Lincolnshire en 1597 et probablement fait chevalier la même année. Il est ensuite député du Lincolnshire (1597-1598), de Castle Rising (1604-1611) et enfin de Cricklade en 1614.

Sous Jacques  Monson prospère. Il est nommé chancelier des terres de jointure anglaises de l'épouse du roi Anne de Danemark en 1603. Il est nommé gardien de l'armurerie de Greenwich, maître de l'armurerie de la tour de Londres et maître fauconnier du roi.

Il est créé baronnet héréditaire en 1611, l'un des premiers baronnet d'Angleterre. Mais en 1615, sa position de confiance à la Tour de Londres provoque une situation qui conduit à son arrestation comme l'un des participants au meurtre de Thomas Overbury en 1613. Il est finalement libéré cependant, après un an dans la Tour, mais sa réputation et ses finances en sont ruinées.

Famille

Il meurt en 1641 et est enterré à South Carlton. Il épouse Margaret Anderson, la fille d'Edmund Anderson, avec qui il a quatre fils et cinq filles. Son fils aîné et héritier est John Monson (1600-1683), député sous Charles .

Son neveu, William Monson (c. 1607-1678), est créé pair irlandais en tant que vicomte Monson de Castlemaine en 1628. Ayant été membre du tribunal qui juge Charles , le vicomte est privé de ses honneurs et condamné à la réclusion à perpétuité en 1661.

Références

Liens externes

High sheriff du Lincolnshire
Étudiant de Magdalen College (Oxford)
Baronnet
Décès en mai 1641
Naissance en 1565

Thomas Monson (1er baronnet)


Mahinda Rajapaksa (, ; born Percy Mahendra Rajapaksa; 18 November 1945) is a Sri Lankan politician. He served as the President of Sri Lanka from 2005 to 2015; the Prime Minister of Sri Lanka from 2004 to 2005, 2018, and 2019 to 2022; the Leader of the Opposition from 2002 to 2004 and 2018 to 2019, and the Minister of Finance from 2005 to 2015 and 2019 to 2021. He has been a Member of Parliament (MP) for Kurunegala since 2015.

Rajapaksa is a lawyer by profession and was first elected to the Parliament of Sri Lanka in 1970. He served as the leader of the Sri Lanka Freedom Party from 2005 to 2015. Rajapaksa was sworn in for his first six-year term as president on 19 November 2005. He was subsequently re-elected in 2010 for a second term. Rajapaksa was defeated in his bid for a third term in the 2015 presidential election by Maithripala Sirisena, and he left office on 9 January 2015. Later that year, Rajapaksa unsuccessfully sought to become Prime Minister in the 2015 parliamentary election; that year, the United People's Freedom Alliance was defeated but was elected as the Member of Parliament for the Kurunegala District.

On 26 October 2018, Rajapaksa was appointed to the office of prime minister by President Maithripala Sirisena after the United People's Freedom Alliance withdrew from the unity government. The incumbent, Ranil Wickremesinghe, refused to accept his dismissal, stating that it was unconstitutional. This disagreement resulted in a constitutional crisis. The Sri Lankan Parliament passed two no-confidence motions brought against Rajapaksa on 14 and 16 November 2018. Failing to follow proper procedures, President Sirisena rejected both. On 3 December 2018, a court suspended Rajapaksa's powers as Prime Minister, ruling that his cabinet could not function until establishing its legitimacy. Rajapaksa resigned from the post of prime minister on 15 December 2018. Wickremesinghe was re-appointed as Prime Minister, and Rajapaksa was appointed Leader of the Opposition.

Rajapaksa became the leader of the Sri Lanka Podujana Peramuna in 2019, splitting the Sri Lanka Freedom Party. He became Prime Minister again on 21 November 2019 after being appointed by his brother, Gotabaya Rajapaksa, who had become president on 18 November after winning the 2019 Sri Lankan presidential election. On 9 August 2020, Rajapaksa was sworn in as Prime Minister of Sri Lanka for the fourth time at a Buddhist temple on Colombo's outskirts. On 3 May 2022, a motion of no confidence aimed at Rajapaksa and his cabinet was declared by opposition leaders. He was targeted during the 2022 Sri Lankan Protests over the corruption and mismanagement by the Rajapaksa family which led to an economic crisis that brought Sri Lanka to the point of bankruptcy as it defaulted on its loans for the first time in its history since independence. Protesters called him "Myna" and demanded his resignation which he resisted. On 9 May 2022, Mahinda Rajapaksa organised his supporters at his official residence who were brought by buses and led by SLPP MPs. The loyalists then attacked protestors at Temple Trees before assaulting protestors at Galle Face as attacks were carried out simultaneously against protests in other areas; however this intensified protests and retaliatory violence against Rajapaksa loyalists erupted islandwide and Mahinda Rajapaksa submitted his letter of resignation the same day.

During Rajapaksa's political career, he has been accused of multiple crimes including war crimes during the last years of the Sri Lankan civil war as well as other criminal accusations including human rights violations during his presidency, corruption and for instigating violence on anti-government protestors on 9 May 2022. As of 2023 he has been sanctioned by Canada for Human Rights violations.

Early life and education
Rajapaksa spent his formative years at the family home in Medamulana. At the age of six, he was sent to his father's school Richmond College in Galle. Initially, he and his elder brother were boarded with a family in Galle, later their mother rented a house in Galle called the 'Singapore House' and moved there to facilitate the education of the growing family. In the mid-fifties, the Rajapaksa family moved to Colombo and Mahinda Rajapaksa was admitted to Nalanda College, Colombo. Later in 1957, he transferred to Thurstan College, where he took part in sports such as cricket, rugger and athletics, taking part in the 400m relay team and becoming the shot put champion.

In the mid-sixties, he started work as a library assistant at the Vidyodaya Pirivena and soon became active in leftwing politics. He became a member of the Ceylon Mercantile Union and was elected its branch secretary in 1967. His father who had lost his parliamentary seat in the 1965 general elections, died in November 1967. The Sri Lanka Freedom Party (SLFP) party leader Sirima Bandaranaike offered his father's post of SLFP party organiser for the Beliatta electorate to his older brother Chamal. Chamal who had joined the Ceylon Police Force as a Sub-inspector, turndown Mrs Bandaranaike's offer in favour of his younger brother and Mahinda Rajapaksa was appointed as SLFP organiser for Beliatta in 1968.

Political career

House of Representatives
Rajapaksa contested the 1970 general elections as the SLFP candidate for the Beliatta constituency and was elected to the House of Representatives having gained 23,103 votes against his rival Dr Ranjit Atapattu from the United National Party (UNP) who gained 16,477. At the time he was the youngest member of parliament (MP) at the age of twenty-four years and served as a backbencher in the governing party. Following changes to the admission process to the Sri Lanka Law College, which allowed young MPs to gain admission, he entered Sri Lanka Law College and studied law while serving as an MP. In July 1977, Rajapaksa lost his parliamentary seat in SLFP's landslide defeat in the 1977 general elections, to Dr Ranjit Atapattu who had gained 24,289 votes to Rajapaksa's 17,896.

Legal career
In November 1977, Rajapaksa was called to the bar as an attorney at law. He thereafter started his legal practice in criminal law in the Unofficial Bar in Tangalle, which he did until 1994.

Opposition
He continued to engage in politics and was re-elected to parliament in 1989, representing Hambantota District under proportional representation. He came to prominence as a leader, together with Dr Manorani Saravanamuttu of the Mothers' Front. Saravanamuttu's organization united the mothers of those who had "disappeared" during the 1987–1989 JVP insurrection; the insurrection was instigated by a rebel group that called themselves , or "Patriotic National Movement".

During the insurrection, Rajapaksa frequently tried to encourage third-party intervention. He frequently complained about Sri Lanka's situation while in Geneva; he claimed that to restore democratic ideals, it is neither treacherous nor unpatriotic to seek third-party intervention. He also demanded that the United Nations, alongside NGOs such as Amnesty International, be allowed to come to Sri Lanka and investigate.

Rajapaksa requested that foreign nations put human-rights-related conditions on Sri Lanka when giving aid. On 25 October 1990, he said, "If the government is going to deny human rights, we should go not only to Geneva, but to any place in the world, or hell if necessary, and act against the government. The lamentation of this country's innocents should be raised anywhere." In 1994, Rajapaksa appeared in the Sinhalese film Nomiyena Minisun.

Appointment as cabinet minister
In 1994, following the election victory of the People's Alliance, a political front led by Sri Lanka Freedom Party and headed by Chandrika Kumaratunga, Rajapaksa was appointed Minister of Labor. He held this post until 1997 when, following a cabinet reshuffle, his portfolio was changed to Minister of Fisheries and Aquatic Resources.

Leader of the Opposition
When the United National Party (UNP) defeated the People's Alliance in the 2001 elections, Rajapaksa lost his position in the government. He was however appointed as Leader of the Opposition in March 2002.

Prime Minister (2004–2005)
After Sri Lanka's 2004 parliamentary elections, in which the United People's Freedom Alliance gained a slim majority, Rajapaksa became the new Prime Minister. He was sworn in as Sri Lanka's 13th Prime Minister on 6 April 2004. While Rajapaksa was Prime Minister, he was also in charge of the Ministry of Highways, Ports & Shipping.

Presidency

First term

Mahinda Rajapaksa was chosen by the Sri Lanka Freedom Party to run against Ranil Wickremesinghe, former Prime Minister and Opposition Leader. Wickremesinghe was the leader of the United National Party in the presidential election held on 17 November 2005. Despite the huge election campaign led by the UNP, Mahinda Rajapaksa was able to gain a narrow victory, by 190,000 votes. Rajapaksa's opponents claimed that he won only because the LTTE called for Tamil voters to boycott the polls. Most voters in these areas were forcibly restrained from voting, and it is said that they would have favoured Wickremesinghe of the UNP party. Rajapaksa received 50.3% of the vote.

After becoming President of Sri Lanka, Rajapaksa reshuffled the cabinet and took the portfolios of Defense and Finance in the new cabinet, which was sworn in on 23 November 2005. Immediately following his election in 2005, Rajapaksa extended the term of the Commander of the Sri Lanka Army, Sarath Fonseka, less than 30 days before he was scheduled to retire. Over the next three and a half years, Fonseka and Rajapaksa's brother, Defense Secretary Gotabhaya Rajapaksa, led the country's armed forces in their battle against the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE, or Tamil Tigers), ultimately defeating the Tigers and killing their leader, Velupillai Prabhakaran.

Sri Lankan Civil War

Although styling himself as a man of peace and a willing negotiator, Rajapaksa signalled his intention to end the peace process once in power by allying with the Sinhalese nationalist  parties, Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna (JVP) and Jathika Hela Urumaya. The JVP had opposed the original 2002 peace process as treasonous.

The agreement made with Rajapaksa included provisions that called for a revision of the ceasefire agreement to give the military broader powers against the LTTE, as well as ruling out any devolution of power to the Tamil people. Furthermore, the cessation of aid to the tsunami-damaged LTTE-occupied areas, and the sidelining of the Norwegian facilitators due to their alleged bias were included.

Immediately following his election victory, a series of mine blasts blamed on the LTTE claimed the lives of many off-duty servicemen and civilians, pushing the country back to the brink of civil war. Following the closure by the LTTE of the Mavil Aru reservoir supplying water to 15,000 people in government-controlled areas on 21 July 2006, the Sri Lankan military launched an offensive against the LTTE, bringing the entire reservoir under government control. Further military engagements led to the LTTE being driven out of the entire Eastern Province of Sri Lanka and loss of 95% of the territory they had controlled. The Sri Lankan government declared total victory on 18 May 2009. On 19 May 2009, President Rajapaksa delivered a victory address to the Parliament and declared that Sri Lanka was liberated from terrorism.

Relationship with Lasantha Wickrematunge
On 11 January 2006,
Lasantha Wickrematunge alleged he was threatened by President Mahinda Rajapaksa with whom he had a close personal friendship with for over 20 years. Wickrematunge was allegedly abused in foul language in a telephone call  According to Wickrematunge the President had threatened to "destroy him" over a publication in his newspaper involving First Lady Shiranthi Rajapaksa. Wickrematunge was detained briefly at Bandaranaike International Airport on 21 February 2006 as he arrived for a flight to Geneva. Airport officials had claimed that Wickrematunge required "special permission" to leave Sri Lanka.

On 8 January 2009, Lasantha Wickrematunge was assassinated on the streets of Colombo.

After Mahinda Rajapaksa's defeat at the presidential election in 2015, the new government of President Maithripala Sirisena reopened the investigation over allegations that former Defence Secretary Gotabhaya Rajapaksa ordered the assassination.

Allegations of war crimes

In 2010, WikiLeaks made public classified US messages sent during 2009 and 2010, stating that American diplomats, including the US Ambassador to Sri Lanka Patricia A. Butenis, believed that Rajapaksa was responsible for massacres of Tamil civilians and captured LTTE fighters at the end of the war against the LTTE. The cables also stated that the responsibility for many of the alleged crimes rested with the country's senior civilian and military leadership, including President Rajapaksa, his brothers, and General Fonseka.

In April 2011, the Secretary-General of the United Nations Ban Ki-moon published a report by an UN-appointed panel of experts, which concluded that as many as 40,000 people were killed in the final weeks of the war between the Tamil Tigers and the government forces. A number of foreign journalists and news teams, such as the UK's Channel Four News, have reported and filmed evidence of targeted shelling of civilians, executions, and atrocities. Dead female Tamil fighters appeared to have been raped or sexually assaulted, abused, and murdered.

Rajapaksa and his government have denied all allegations of war crimes.

Second term

Following the end of the conflict, a rift emerged between Rajapaksa and Fonseka over reasons which are still disputed. On 15 November 2009, Rajapaksa ordered Fonseka to leave his post as Chief of the Defence Staff with immediate effect through a letter from his secretary. Fonseka then joined the opposition as the candidate against Rajapaksa in the 2010 Presidential election, which Rajapaksa won. Fonseka was subsequently sentenced to two years in jail for various offences by a court martial. President Rajapaksa signed documents for the release of Fonseka in May 2012.

Infrastructure development projects
His presidency after ending the civil war in 2009 is known for initiating large-scale infrastructure projects such as the Colombo Lotus Tower, Magampura Mahinda Rajapaksa Port, the Colombo Harbour South Container Terminal, the Mattala Rajapaksa International Airport, the Colombo–Katunayake Expressway, and the Mahinda Rajapaksa International Cricket Stadium.

Sri Lanka also rose into the "high" category of the Human Development Index during this time. Development projects included highways, roads, a Colombo beautification project, and rural infrastructure development. However, the roadway projects reportedly had extremely high costs and were suspected of corruption, and large Chinese loans tripled the country's foreign debt and created an economic crisis. Rajapaksa claimed that under his tenure, Sri Lanka started to experience rapid economic growth and that the gross domestic product (GDP) growth rate reached over 7%. However, these claims have been disputed, and after his terms in office ended, the successor government revealed that GDP growth was inflated by using the year 2002 as the base year. GDP growth for 2013 and 2014, which had been calculated at 7.2% and 7.4% using 2002 as the base year, was reduced to 3.4 and 4.5 percent, respectively.

A forensic audit was launched, with International Monetary Fund help, on various projects initiated by Rajapaksa. The audit confirmed that Sri Lanka had additional liabilities of 1.3 trillion rupees (8.9 billion US dollars).

Third term

Allegations of election fraud

Rajapaksa was accused of election fraud in relation to both of his previous presidential election runs. During the 2005 presidential election, opposition parties accused Rajapaksa of bribing the LTTE to dissuade people from voting in the northern and eastern provinces. Most voters in these areas were forcibly restrained from voting by the militant group and, according to observers, they would have favoured the opposition candidate Ranil Wickremesinghe. In the 2010 election, Rajapaksa was accused of manipulating election results using computers.

In the 2015 election, according to the Presidential Commission of Inquiry investigating irregularities into SriLankan Airlines, it was revealed that security officers and vehicles of the national carrier had been used in the Rajapaksa's 2015 presidential campaign. At the time, Nishantha Wickramasinghe, a brother-in-law of Rajapaksa, was also Chairman of SriLankan Airlines until Rajapaksa lost the presidential election in 2015.

Abolition of term limits

Capitalizing on the end of the Sri Lankan Civil War in May 2009, coming off an election win in January 2010, and with the near-collapse of the opposition United National Party, President Rajapaksa rallied more than the two-thirds majority in Parliament necessary to pass an amendment to the constitution removing presidential term limits. On 9 September 2010, Parliament passed the amendment to remove presidential term limits from the Constitution. This amendment allowed Rajapaksa to run for a third term and cement his grip on power. The move came just a day after the Supreme Court ruled that a referendum was not required to make the change. The amendment had consequences beyond just term limits, including provisions that increased the president's power to act without oversight, removing an independent advisory council that the president was previously required to consult before appointing people to important non-partisan posts, such as Supreme Court judges and members of the human rights and electoral commissions. A Parliamentary Council without veto power and with only two opposition members was created in its place.

In a move that was widely seen as solidifying his control over the Supreme Court, Rajapaksa removed chief justice Shirani Bandaranayake from office in January 2013, allowing Rajapaksa to appoint an ally and legal adviser, former Attorney General Mohan Peiris, as Chief Justice. In November 2014, the Supreme Court dismissed legal objections regarding President Rajapaksa's eligibility to seek a third term.

Two years ahead of schedule, in November 2014, Rajapaksa signed an official proclamation confirming that he would seek re-election for a third term, after being unanimously endorsed by the Sri Lanka Freedom Party. Though his second term officially was to end in November 2016, he could legally seek re-election after completing four years in office, a marker he passed on 19 November.

2015 presidential campaign

In the run-up to the election, several people had been suggested for nomination as the common opposition candidate: former President Chandrika Kumaratunga, UNP leader Ranil Wickremesinghe, UNP Leadership Council Chairman Karu Jayasuriya, former Chief Justice Shirani Bandaranayake, and leader of the National Movement for Social Justice Maduluwawe Sobitha Thero. However, on 21 November 2014, after the election had been called, Maithripala Sirisena was announced as the common opposition candidate by the UNP. Sirisena had been Minister of Health in Rajapaksa's government and general secretary of the SLFP before defecting to the opposition coalition. Sirisena immediately received the support of former President Chandrika Kumaratunga and several UPFA MPs that had defected alongside him (Duminda Dissanayake, M. K. D. S. Gunawardena, Wasantha Senanayake, Rajitha Senaratne, and Rajiva Wijesinha). Sirisena and the other UPFA MPs were stripped of their ministerial positions and expelled from the SLFP.

Rajapaksa received the backing of a number of small constituent parties of the UPFA, including the Ceylon Workers' Congress, Communist Party, the Lanka Sama Samaja Party (LSSP), the National Freedom Front, the National Union of Workers, and the Up-Country People's Front. On nomination day, 8 December 2014, two opposition MPs, Tissa Attanayake and Jayantha Ketagoda, defected to the government to support Rajapaksa. Attanayake was later appointed Minister of Health, the post previously held by Sirisena. Rajapaksa also received support from the Buddhist extremist group Bodu Bala Sena.

However, the Jathika Hela Urumaya (JHU) party withdrew from the UPFA government on 18 November 2014, citing Rajapaksa's refusal to reform the executive presidency and enact reforms to promote accountability. After much hesitation, the All Ceylon Muslim Congress and the Sri Lanka Muslim Congress also withdrew from the UPFA government, on 22 and 28 December 2014 respectively, blaming the government's failure to protect Sri Lankan Muslims from Sinhalese Buddhist extremists.

Rajapaksa released his manifesto, titled Mahinda's Vision — The World Winning Path, on 23 December 2014 at the Bandaranaike Memorial International Conference Hall. The manifesto pledged to introduce a new constitution within one year of being elected, but not to abolish the executive presidency — it would be amended and the "weakness" in the parliamentary system eliminated. A naval force and a special security force would be set up, with the help of the army, to tackle drug trafficking and other organised crime. The manifesto also pledged to establish a transparent judicial inquiry into the alleged war crimes during the final stages of the Sri Lankan Civil War, but Rajapaksa had refused to co-operate with the UN investigation.

In the presidential election of 8 January 2015, Rajapaksa was defeated by his ex-aide Maithripala Sirisena, winning only 47.6% of the vote. Many had accused Rajapaksa of authoritarianism, nepotism, poor governance, and corruption.

Chinese interference and vote buying

In June 2018, The New York Times reported that President Rajapaksa, during the 2015 presidential campaign and elections, received large payments from a Chinese port construction fund that flowed directly to campaign aides and activities. Rajapaksa had agreed to Chinese terms and was seen as an important ally in China's efforts to tilt influence away from India in South Asia. The payments were confirmed by documents and checks detailed in a government investigation report obtained by The New York Times.

During the final months of the election, the ambassador of China to Sri Lanka had lobbied voters, "even caddies at Colombo's premier golf course", to support Rajapaksa over the opposition, which was threatening to tear up economic agreements with the Chinese government.

With the election coming around, large payments started to flow toward the president's circle. Affiliates of Rajapaksa's campaign received at least $7.6 million that was dispensed from China Harbor's account at Standard Chartered Bank. A sum of around $3.7 million was distributed in checks with ten days to go before polls opened, including $678,000 to print campaign t-shirts and other promotional material, and $297,000 to buy supporters' gifts, including women's saris. $38,000 was paid to a popular Buddhist monk who was supporting the Rajapaksa campaign, while two checks totalling $1.7 million were delivered by volunteers to Temple Trees. A subaccount controlled by China Harbor, called "HPDP Phase 2", shorthand for Hambantota Port Development Project, was the source of most of the payments.

Rajapaksa responded in the Colombo Telegraph by calling the article "part of a political mudslinging campaign".

In July 2018, a joint Chinese-Sri Lankan company, Colombo International Container Terminals Limited (CICT), confirmed paying nearly 20 million Sri Lankan rupees as a donation to the Pushpa Rajapaksa Foundation, a private fund meant to build houses for the poor. Pushpa Rajapaksa is Mahinda Rajapaksa's sister-in-law, wife of his brother, Basil Rajapaksa, who was also his economic development minister. CICT did not say how the money was used.

Post-presidency

Alleged coup d'état attempt
According to Sri Lankan MP Athuraliye Rathana Thero, Rajapaksa attempted a coup d'état hours after the announcement of the election results, in order to remain in power, but the Army Chief, Jagath Jayasuriya, disobeyed the orders. According to MPs Rajitha Senaratne and Mangala Samaraweera, before going to the Army Chief, Rajapaksa had earlier instructed the Attorney General to prepare the necessary documentation for the issuance of a State of Emergency, but the Attorney General had refused. Rajapaksa subsequently accepted defeat and left the Temple Trees, the official residence of president, with the control of the government peacefully transferring to Maithripala Sirisena.

The Sirisena government launched a probe into the alleged coup by Rajapaksa. The government argued that Rajapaksa attempted to seize the poll-counting centres when he realised that he was losing the election. One of the witnesses, the Attorney General, described to the Criminal Investigation Department the coup attempt made by Rajapaksa. The Attorney General said that he had refused to act on behalf of Rajapaksa. Former army chief General Sarath Fonseka claimed that the Rajapaksa had moved about 2,000 troops into Colombo from the Northern Province three days before the election results were announced. The general claimed that the troops were ready take action on a coup.

However, the cabinet spokesperson of the new government stated, during a press conference held on 24 March 2015, that there was no evidence to prove that such a coup was attempted on the night of the election. A spokesman for Rajapaksa has denied the allegations as baseless. The army and police also denied the allegations.

Prime Ministerial candidacy in 2015

Rajapaksa unsuccessfully sought to become Prime Minister again, after losing his third-term presidential bid, in the 2015 parliamentary elections. The position of Prime Minister is largely that of a senior member of the cabinet who acts as a deputy to the President. The President directly appoints the Prime Minister, a person "who, in the President's opinion, is most likely to command the confidence of Parliament"; this is usually the leader of the party in power. Although Rajapaksa was elected as a Member of Parliament for Kurunegala with 423,529 preferential votes, his party was defeated in the election by Ranil Wickremesinghe's United National Party; Wickremesinghe was appointed as Prime Minister.

Return to legislature
Rajapaksa returned to Parliament after his tenure as president, the only former president to do so. He was elected as Member of Parliament for Kurunegala District.
On 23 January 2015, The Seychelles government announced that it would assist the Sri Lankan government in their search for funds that were allegedly transferred by the Rajapaksa regime into Port Victoria offshore bank accounts. In February, India announced that it would assist the Sri Lankan government in tracing billions of dollars that were allegedly deposited into overseas bank accounts belonging to Rajapaksa and associates. The government sought help from the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund in locating this hidden wealth to expose the alleged corruption of the previous regime.

On 7 May 2015, Foreign Minister Mangala Samaraweera received intelligence reports from four foreign nations that involved tracing billions of dollars stashed abroad, stating that the Rajapaksa family holds $18 billion (approximate Rs. 238,000,000,000) worth of assets in foreign countries. Minister Samaraweera didn't mention the names of the countries that were involved in this investigation. The government asserted that they had traced only $2 billion and were seeking access to a bank account that was held by the Rajapaksa family; Minister Samaraweera stated that it would not be an easy task to retrieve the assets held by the Rajapaksa family abroad, and was willing to go after those belonging to the state.

In 2016, Rajapaksa loyalists created the Sri Lanka Podujana Peramuna party in an attempt to split with the SLFP. While Rajapaksa is not officially the leader of the party, the inaugural meeting was held in his political office which had a 15-foot cut-out of Rajapaksa smiling and surrounded by school children. In the courtyard was a banner of similar size showing golden rice fields and Rajapaksa's smiling face at its centre.

Rajapaksa adopted a more anti-China policy, opposing major development projects such as the Southern Economic Development Zone, in which China planned to invest over US$5 billion. During the opening ceremony, protesters led by joint opposition MPs ignored a court order banning protests in the area and pelted stones at the event's participants, during which the Chinese envoy claimed that China will ignore "negative forces". Rajapaksa also changed his stance on private medical universities such as the South Asian Institute of Technology and Medicine (SAITM); during his rule, SAITM was accepted with several concessions from the Board of Investment, and at the request of Rajapaksa, SAITM gave scholarships to students who gained 3As in advanced-level exams. Ten students were given each given Rs. 7 million scholarships by Rajapaksa himself. However, in 2017 he claimed that "there needs to be a standard. The law cannot interfere. If it happens, everyone in this country will try to become doctors," opposing the institution. In reply, Dr Neville Fernando, the chairman of SAITM, called him an opportunist, as the students to whom Rajapaksa had granted scholarships, were then in their final year.

2018 local election

Mahinda Rajapaksa's proxy, Sri Lanka Podujana Peramuna (SLPP), won a landslide victory in the 2018 local authority elections. They were able to secure 239 local government bodies out of 340. The SLPP called for the resignation of the government and for fresh general elections to be held.

2018 constitutional crisis

On the evening of 26 October 2018, President Maithripala Sirisena appointed Rajapaksa as Prime Minister after the United People's Freedom Alliance withdrew from the unity government and informed Ranil Wickremesinghe that he was being removed from office. Wickremesinghe refused to accept the dismissal, stating that it was unconstitutional, which resulted in the 2018 Sri Lankan constitutional crisis. Amid claims that Rajapaksa had failed to secure a majority in Parliament while the crisis was prolonged, Sirisena dissolved Parliament by proclamation on 9 November and called for snap elections. On 11 November 2018, Rajapaksa left the SLFP and joined the SLPP. The president's proclamation was challenged in the Supreme Court by multiple petitions, the court stayed the proclamation on 12 November, and Parliament met soon after. Rajapaksa faced multiple no-confidence motions, and after a quo warranto writ petition filed by 122 MPs against the appointment of Rajapaksa as Prime Minister and other Ministers, the Court of Appeal issued an interim order on 3 December restraining the functioning of the respondents, Mahinda Rajapaksa as Prime Minister as well as other cabinet ministers, deputy ministers, and state ministers. The following day, Rajapaksa filed an appeal in the Supreme Court against the interim order.

On 13 December 2018, the Supreme Court ruled that President Sirisena's decision to dissolve the Parliament 20 months before the end of its term was unconstitutional. The following day, the Supreme Court refused to vacate the interim order given by the Court of Appeal restraining Rajapaksa and his cabinet from functioning. The next day, 15 December, Rajapaksa publicly resigned from the post of Prime Minister.

Leader of the Opposition
On 18 December 2018, the Speaker of Parliament, Karu Jayasuriya, announced that Mahinda Rajapaksa had been appointed as Leader of the Opposition, with the UPFA joining the opposition benches in Parliament. He replaced R. Sampanthan, who was the leader of the Tamil National Alliance.

Prime Minister (2019–2022)

The Rajapaksa family regained power in the 2019 presidential election that November, when his younger brother and former wartime defence chief Gotabaya Rajapaksa won the election and was sworn in as the new President of Sri Lanka. Their firm grip of power was consolidated in parliamentary elections in August 2020. The family's political party Sri Lanka People's Front (known by its Sinhala initials SLPP) got a landslide victory and a clear majority in the parliament. Five members of the Rajapaksa family won seats in the parliament. Mahinda Rajapaksa became the new prime minister.

Mahinda Rajapaksa family was targeted alongside the entire Rajapaksa family during the 2022 Sri Lankan protests as their mismanagement and corruption was blamed for the destruction of the Sri Lankan economy, creating an economic crisis that caused Sri Lanka to default on its foreign debt for the first time in its history since independence. Mahinda was called Myna by the protesters who established MynaGoGama protest site outside his official residence at temple trees.

On 3 May 2022, opposition leaders declared a motion of no confidence aimed at Rajapaksa and his cabinet, in an attempt to remove him from power.

On the 9 May 2022, Rajapaksa loyalists were transported to his residence on buses who were then addressed by Rajapaksa. The loyalists were then armed with iron bars and assaulted unarmed protesters near Temple Trees and destroyed MynaGoGama. The Rajapaksa loyalists then travelled to Galle Face where they assaulted protesters and burned down their tents.

With the uprising of violent clashes and unstable situations in the country, Prime Minister Rajapaksa resigned from his post on 9 May 2022. The following day a gazette was released confirming Mahinda Rajapaksa's resignation from the post as prime minister. On 10 May 2022, Rajapaksa and his family members fled to Trincomalee navy base for security reasons. This was confirmed by the ministry of defence on 11 May 2022.

The opposition and protestors called for the arrest of Mahinda Rajapaksa for inciting violence against peaceful protesters. Protests erupted demanding the arrest of Rajapaksa and loyalists responsible for the attacks.

Controversies and criticism

Corruption
Rajapaksa's governments have been criticised for their corruption. During his leadership, Sri Lanka scored extremely low in the Transparency International Corruption Index. A Transparency International-led coalition revealed Rs. 3,000,000,000 had gone missing from a road project for a 2012 exhibition.

Rajapaksa was being investigated by the Presidential Commission of Inquiry to Investigate and Inquire into Serious Acts of Fraud, Corruption and Abuse of Power, State Resources and Privileges (PRECIFAC) over alleged financial losses incurred by the state-run Independent Television Network (ITN) due to his campaign's failure to pay for advertisements broadcast during Rajapaksa's 2015 presidential election campaign and also over the appointment of the ITN Chairman in September 2014. However, Rajapaksa has accused the PRECIFAC of being unconstitutional, and Rajapaksa's lawyers objected to its composition.

On 16 January 2015, The Sirisena government announced that it would investigate Rajapaksa's deals with China and other countries that allegedly included kickbacks and mega-project deals. Furthermore, the government stated that the deals would be suspended until the investigations were completed. Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna (JVP) announced that they had filed corruption charges against the Rajapaksa brothers at the Bribery and Corruption Commission and demanded that 11 individuals and an institution be investigated for massive corruption. Meanwhile, MP Mervyn Silva also filed corruption charges against Mahinda's brothers, Gotabaya Rajapaksa and Basil Rajapaksa. Silva criticised former Defense Secretary Gotabaya Rajapaksa for human rights violations and the death of Lasantha Wickrematunge. The Anti-Corruption Unit led by Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe included a high-powered "rapid response team" to look into corrupt land transactions, stock market price-fixing, and the abuse of state funds for political purposes by the Rajapaksa family and the close associates of Mahinda Rajapaksa.

The Sri Lanka Air Force announced that Mahinda Rajapaksa and his family had used military aircraft for the Presidential election campaign, using $17,300 (Rs. 2,278,000) of public funds to travel across the island. Rajapaksa and his family were the subjects of numerous state resource abuse complaints from organizations and election monitors, including claims of their involvement in fraud, misuse of powers, murder, and money-laundering activities that are said to have taken $5.31 billion (Rs. 700 billion) out of the country illegally through the Central Bank using Rajapaksa's close association with Ajith Nivard Cabraal, the former governor of the Central Bank of Sri Lanka.

Abduction and assault of Keith Noyahr
In August 2018, Rajapaksa was questioned at his official residence in Colombo by the Criminal Investigations Department (CID) in connection with the abduction and assault of journalist and former associate editor of The Nation Keith Noyahr in 2008. The CID detectives questioned Rajapaksa about a phone call from Karu Jayasuriya and the then-editor of The Nation newspaper, Lalith Alahakoon, to Rajapaksa, after which Noyahr was released. Rajapaksa had said that he did not recall receiving a phone call, and claimed the case was political revenge. Noyahr was abducted and severely assaulted before being released in May 2008, after which he fled to Australia with his family, fearing for his life.

Nepotism
Rajapaksa has been accused of nepotism, appointing three brothers to run important ministries and giving other political positions to relatives, regardless of their merit. The Rajapaksas held the offices of the ministries of finance and planning, defence, ports and aviation, and highways and road development. Appointments have included his brother, Gotabhaya Rajapaksa, who was given the post of Defence Secretary without holding any elections for the post; he controlled the armed forces, the police, and the Coast Guard, and was in charge of immigration and emigration. Rajapaksa appointed another brother, Basil Rajapaksa, as minister of Economic Development. His oldest brother, Chamal Rajapaksa, was appointed the Speaker of the Parliament of Sri Lanka from 2010 to 2015. The Rajapaksa family controlled over 70% of Sri Lanka's budget during their governance.

Other appointees include his nephew, Shashindra Rajapaksa, who served as the Chief minister of Uva from 2009 to 2015.  Some of his cousins were given ambassadorial positions: Jaliya Wickramasuriya was appointed as Sri Lanka's ambassador to the United States, and Udayanga Weeratunga was appointed as the ambassador to Russia. Dozens of nephews, nieces, cousins and in-laws have also been appointed as heads of banks, boards, and corporations.

Rajapaksa has a long history of denying allegations that are levelled against his family members and political associations. He is also widely accused of using his family members for government duties, claims he has rejected.

Media freedom
Media groups have alleged that media freedom was curtailed in Sri Lanka during Rajapaksa's terms as president. In 2008, Reporters Without Borders ranked Sri Lanka 165th among 173 countries in its annual Worldwide Press Freedom Index. The next year, the country was ranked 162. By 2010, following the end of the war, the RSF ranking was 158th. These rankings have been questioned by independent Sri Lanka newspapers.

A total of 17 journalists and media workers were killed during Rajapaksa's presidency.

Ethnic relations
Rajapaksa's policies on ethnic relations were mixed. The content of the president's historic speech in Tamil at the UN was an effort to establish that he is a people's leader, representing all the peoples of Sri Lanka, including the Tamil minority.

He added, in Tamil,

At the same time, he took no action against Sinhala Buddhist extremists, and his brother, Gotabhaya Rajapaksa, was accused of supporting the extremist Bodu Bala Sena but later distanced himself from the organization, accusing it of being a "Western conspiracy".

President Rajapaksa also imposed an unofficial ban on the Tamil version of the Sri Lankan anthem, which has existed since 1948 and has been sung at various events including the 1949 Independence Day. State administrators in Tamil-speaking regions blocked the Tamil version of the anthem and in some cases used security forces to disrupt events. He continued to stand against the Tamil version of the anthem and slammed his successors for removing the ban and singing it again on Independence Day, claiming that the "national anthem should be sung in one language and not two or three languages"; the Pro-Rajapaksa Joint Opposition also boycotted the event.

Sanctions
He was sanctioned by the Canadian government for the gross and systematic violations of human rights committed during the civil war between the Government of Sri Lanka and the militant organization Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam from 1983 to 2009.

Personal life and family

Rajapaksa was born Percy Mahendra Rajapaksa, in Weeraketiya, in the rural southern district of Hambantota to an established political family. His father, D. A. Rajapaksa, had succeeded his brother D. M. Rajapaksa's seat in the State Council of Ceylon following the latter's death in May 1945. D. M. Rajapaksa had started wearing the earthy brown shawl to represent kurakkan (finger millet), which was cultivated by the people of his area; he championed their cause throughout his life. In later years Mahinda Rajapaksa would follow his uncle's example and wear a similar characteristic shawl. D. A. Rajapaksa, went on to serve as the member of parliament from Beliatta from 1947 to 1965, and served as Cabinet Minister of Agriculture and Land in Wijeyananda Dahanayake's government. His mother Dona Dandina Samarasinghe Dissanayake was from Palatuwa, Matara. He was the second eldest of nine chidden in the family which included six boys and three girls. His elder siblings are Chamal, Jayanthi and younger siblings were Tudor, Gotabaya, Basil, Preethi, Dudley and Gandini.

Several members of Rajapaksa's family are currently active in politics. Most notable is his brother, Gotabaya Rajapaksa, the former president of Sri Lanka and a former secretary for the Ministry of Defence. His career in the Ministry of Defence ended at the same time as Mahinda Rajapaksa's presidency, on 9 January 2015. Another brother, Basil Rajapaksa, was elected to the Parliament of Sri Lanka from the Gampaha District in April 2010. He was later appointed Minister of Economic Development. Basil was arrested in April 2015 on corruption charges. He served as minister of finance of Sri Lanka from 2021 to 2022 until his resignation amidst the 2022 Sri Lankan anti-government protests Mahinda Rajapaksa's eldest brother, Chamal Rajapaksa, has been an MP since 1989. He was elected Speaker of the 14th Parliament of Sri Lanka. Other family members involved in politics include his nephew, Shashindra Rajapaksa, the Chief Minister of Uva Province. Shameendra Rajapaksa, another nephew, is the director of SriLankan Airlines. His cousin Jaliya Wickramasuriya is Sri Lanka's ambassador to the United States. His cousin Udayanga Weeratunga is Sri Lanka's ambassador to Russia. Prasanna Wickramasuriya, another cousin, is chairman of Airport & Aviation Services. Rajapaksa's brother-in-law, Nishantha Wickramasinghe, is the chairman of SriLankan Airlines.

In 1983, Rajapaksa married Shiranthi Wickremesinghe, a child psychologist and educator. Shiranthi Rajapaksa is the daughter of Commander E. P. Wickremasinghe, of the Sri Lanka Navy. The Rajapaksas have three sons: Namal, Yoshitha, and Rohitha. In April 2010, Namal Rajapaksa was elected as a Member of Parliament for the Hambantota District, obtaining the highest number of preferential votes in his father's former district. Namal was again elected to Parliament by obtaining the most votes from the Hambantota district in the 2015 General Elections. Yoshitha Rajapaksa was commissioned as an Acting Sub Lieutenant in the Sri Lanka Navy in March 2009.

Mahinda Rajapaksa is superstitious; he wears talismans and consults astrologers in his decision-making. He is known for acquiring a large number of valuable rings as lucky charms, some with colored stones and elephant hair. This has earned him the nickname "lord of the rings". During a wedding, which Rajapaksa attended as a VIP guest, he lost a gem-studded ring. After covertly searching under carpets and in washrooms, hotel staff found the ring on the floor near the VIP table.

Public image
Rajapaksa was considered to be the most popular Sri Lankan politician of his time. However, Rajapaksa is accused of creating a cult of personality around himself, using the civil war victory and Sinhala chauvinism. He was referred as a "King" by some of his supporters, and he used the media to portray himself as a strong man. During his time in power, his pictures were shown on buses, billboards, and all forms of media. Television ads where songs were sung by school children in his rallies would hail him as "our father" and "father of the country". Rajapaksa also printed his picture on currency and named the budget airline Mihin Lanka after himself. Rajapaksa thought having his name in the sky would bring him good fortune. By 2022 the popularity of the Rajapaksas had declined and during the 2022 Sri Lankan Protests protesters named him "Myna" as an insulting nickname and demanded his resignation alongside the entire Rajapaksa family.

Mattala Rajapaksa International Airport, Magampura Mahinda Rajapaksa Port, Nelum Pokuna Mahinda Rajapaksa Theatre, and Mahinda Rajapaksa International Stadium were all high-profile lavish infrastructure projects initiated by Rajapaksa during his administration and named for him. Thus, critics have accused Rajapaksa of being narcissistic.

Honours
  2014: Star of Palestine
Nalanda Keerthi Sri award in 2004 by his alma mater, Nalanda College.
three honorary doctorates.
Doctor of Law from the University of Colombo on 6 September 2009.
by the Peoples' Friendship University of Russia on 6 February 2010 for his contribution to world peace and outstanding success in defeating terrorism.
an honorary doctorate by the Beijing University of Foreign Languages in China in August 2011.
The Visva Bharati University of Calcutta in India conferred on him the title Professor Emeritus for his record on human rights.

See also
 List of political families in Sri Lanka
 Mahinda Rajapaksa cabinet

Notes

References

External links

 Official sites
 Official Website of Mahinda Rajapaksa Presidential Election Campaign – 2010
 Sri Lankan Prime Minister's official website
 Mahinda Rajapaksa's website
 Sri Lanka Freedom Party's official website

 News media
 Mahinda Rajapaksa picture gallery
 Interview with The Hindu
 Last editorial by Lasantha Wickramatunga
 Nalanda Keerthi Sri Award for Prime Minister

 Other links
 The Rajapaksa Ancestry
 "Mahinda 4 Sri Lanka" A website with Mahinda Rajapaksa biography, photos, news, and critics

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1945 births
Living people
People from Southern Province, Sri Lanka
Presidents of Sri Lanka
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Mahinda
People from British Ceylon
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Alumni of Sri Lanka Law College
Alumni of Thurstan College
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Mahinda Rajapaksa


Suidele (Suidae) este o familie de mamifere ungulate omnivore sau erbivore care cuprind porcul domestic, mistrețul și alți porci sălbatici (facocerii, potamocerii etc.). Sunt răspândite în Eurasia, Africa, Madagascar, Japonia, Taiwan, Filipine și Indonezia. În general, ei trăiesc în zonele împădurite, dar ies și prin locuri deschise și în culturi. Suidele, din care au rezultat porcii domestici, sunt surse de carne foarte importante. Unele au importanță cinegetică, însă altele sunt combătute, deoarece produc daune în culturi.

Suidele au botul trunchiat care se termină cu un rât discoidal ce servește pentru râmat. Nările sunt situate terminal pe rât. Ochii sunt mici. Urechile, lungi, au adesea un smoc de peri către vârf. Au pielea groasă, acoperită cu păr rar și aspru sau sunt complet lipsite de peri; la unele suide există și o coamă. Vârful cozii este acoperit cu peri aspri. Picioarele sunt tetradactile, cu 4 degete învelite în copite, dar calcă numai pe degetele mijlocii, pe când cele laterale sunt așezate mai sus în urma lor și sunt mai scurte; ele nu ating solul decât atunci când coboară pante de deal sau se înfundă în mlaștini sau în noroi. Suidele au 44 de dinți, cu excepția genurilor Babyrousa și Phacochoerus, care au numai 34. Caninii sunt transformați în colți puternici, ce proeminează din gură. Caninii superiori sunt mai mari decât cei inferiori și cresc lateral și posterior; caninii inferiori cresc în sus și au vârfurile îndreptate posterior. Colții sunt mai mari la masculii adulți. La Babyrousa, caninii superiori cresc în sus, străpungând pielea și deasupra botului își îndoaie vârfurile posterior și apoi în jos, până aproape ating fruntea. Stomacul este scurt și simplu sau incomplet împărțit în două camere, de tipul nerumegătoarelor.

Femelele au câte 3-6 perechi de mamele abdominale și pectorale. Nasc 2-14 purcei, gestația durează 112-175 de zile. Purcei la cele mai multe specii, excepție făcând cei ai raselor domestice din genul Sus, au dungi longitudinale mai deschise decât culoarea de bază. Puii sunt dungați pe spate, excepție făcând cei ai raselor domestice din genul Sus. În general, suidele sunt animale sălbatice și agresive. Când trebuie să se apere, o fac cu tot curajul, adeseori reușind să omoare cămile și tigri; cele mai bune arme le sunt colții. Suidele sunt mamifere gregare, adunându-se câte 40-50 de indivizi; facocerii fac deseori excepție, fiind mai mult solitari. Suidele sunt active mai mult noaptea, mai ales în locurile în care trebuie să se ferească de oameni. Înoată foarte bine și le place să se tăvălească prin nămol. Deși au picioarele relativ scurte, în fugă pot atinge viteze destul de mari. Își fac culcușuri prin ierburile înalte, prin stufărișuri sau își sapă gropi în pământ sau le ocupă pe cele săpate de alte mamifere. Se hrănesc cu fructe, semințe, rădăcini, bulbi și tuberculi, frunze, iarbă, ciuperci, larve și insecte adulte, viermi, melci, șerpi, șopârle, ouă, păsări, șoareci și șobolani. Unele suide râmă adânc pământul și sapă cu colții pentru a-și căuta hrana.

Suidele au mult mai multe specii dispărute decât cele actuale și paleontologii le-au repartizat în câteva subfamilii.

Referințe

 Suidae

Suide


An Epidryos guayanensis in uska species han Liliopsida nga ginhulagway ni Bassett Maguire. An Epidryos guayanensis in nahilalakip ha genus nga Epidryos, ngan familia nga Rapateaceae. Waray hini subspecies nga nakalista.

Mga kasarigan

Epidryos

Epidryos guayanensis