Mary Coughlan (born 28 May 1965) is an Irish former Fianna Fáil politician who served as Tánaiste from 2008 to 2011, Deputy leader of Fianna Fáil from 2008 to 2011, Minister for Health and Children from January 2011 to March 2011, Minister for Education and Skills from 2010 to 2011, Minister for Enterprise, Trade and Employment from 2008 to 2010, Minister for Agriculture, Fisheries, and Food from 2004 to 2008, Minister for Social and Family Affairs from 2002 to 2004 and Minister of State for the Gaeltacht and the Islands from 2001 to 2002. She served as a Teachta Dála (TD) for the Donegal South-West constituency from 1987 to 2011.

Early life
Coughlan was born in Donegal town in the south of County Donegal in 1965. Her father was Cathal Coughlan, a Fianna Fáil TD, who died in office in June 1986. She was educated at the Ursuline College in Sligo, where she was a boarder from 1978 to 1983 and later at University College Dublin, graduating with a Social Science degree. She worked as a social worker for a brief period before becoming involved in politics.

Political career

Early political life
Coming from a political family, Coughlan was always interested in politics, and joined a local party branch at the age of 16. She was first elected to Dáil Éireann at the 1987 general election as a Fianna Fáil TD for the Donegal South-West constituency. At the age of 21 years and nine months, Coughlan was the youngest member of the 25th Dáil. Her uncle Clement Coughlan was a TD from 1980 until his death in 1983 in a road traffic accident, while her father Cathal Coughlan was a TD from 1983 to 1986 when he died after a short illness. The death of her father resulted in Coughlan being co-opted onto Donegal County Council in 1986, which launched her own political career.

She remained on the backbenches of the Dáil for the first thirteen years of her career as a TD, before being appointed a junior Minister. During this period she served on a number of Oireachtas committees, including the Joint Committee on Tourism, Sport and Recreation and the Joint Committee on the Irish language where she served as chairperson. Coughlan was also a member of the British-Irish Parliamentary Body. In 1994, Bertie Ahern became leader of Fianna Fáil and Leader of the Opposition. In early 1995 he named his new front bench, including Coughlan as Spokesperson on Educational Reform. She served in this position until 1997 but was not included in the cabinet or junior ministerial team when the party came to power.

Minister of State
In February 2001, Coughlan was appointed as Minister of State at the Department of Arts, Heritage, Gaeltacht and the Islands, with responsibility for the Gaeltacht and Islands. In this role for just sixteen months, she was responsible for securing Government approval for the general scheme of the Official Languages Equality Bill, which aimed to confirm the language rights of citizens and outline their rights when dealing with the State in either official language. She also oversaw the coming-into-force of an amended Gaeltacht Housing Act, updating the supports available for Irish-speaking households building in or moving to the Gaeltacht. The Commission on Irish in the Gaeltacht () also completed its work under her guidance and Coughlan saw its report approved and published. During her time in this role, she also established a Working Group on the Creation of Employment in the Gaeltacht. In addition, during her tenure Coughlan oversaw significant investment in island infrastructure and in the connection of islands to the national electricity grid, including Inishbofin Island, off the County Donegal coast, which was connected for the first time in 2002 by using an underwater cable from the mainland.

Cabinet career (2002–2011)

Minister for Social and Family Affairs (2002–2004)
After the 2002 general election Coughlan was promoted to the cabinet as Minister for Social and Family Affairs. Her time in Social and Family Affairs saw increases in social welfare payments and the extension of family supports. She established the Family Support Agency with a mandate to support families, promote stability in family life, prevent marital breakdown and foster a supportive community environment for families at a local level.

Coughlan received criticism for changes she made regarding the availability of rent supplement. This was portrayed as targeting the weaker sections of society at a time when the Irish economy was reasonably strong. She was also widely criticised for cuts she made as Minister to entitlements for widows and widowers after the death of a spouse. The cuts were part of a wider drive for a reduction in government spending in autumn 2002. However, many considered these and other similar cutbacks to have been forced upon her by Charlie McCreevy, who was Minister for Finance at the time, and who was blamed for many of his decisions. She was also involved in resolving a dispute over payments with the country's dentists.

During her time as Minister for Social and Family Affairs, Coughlan was praised for introducing large increases in child benefit and in pensions. Her work on the pensions element of her portfolio also saw her introduce Personal Retirement Savings Accounts. Coughlan also established the Office of the Pensions Ombudsman and provided additional funding and support for the State's Money Advice and Budgeting Service (MABS).

Minister for Agriculture, Fisheries and Food (2004–2008)
In a 2004 reshuffle, Coughlan succeeded Joe Walsh as Minister for Agriculture and Food, becoming the first woman to hold that portfolio in Ireland.

During her time in this role the country's last two remaining sugar factories, owned by Greencore, were closed. The Carlow factory closed on 11 March 2005. Mallow, Ireland's last sugar factory to remain open, closed on 12 May 2006, after operating for 77 years. Farmers and others were critical of the decision. They criticised the government's and the Minister's roles, both were seen as not doing enough to try to stop the closures, though they had retained some control over the factories since they had been privatised a number of years before. As sugar beet growers now had nowhere to sell their sugar beet, cultivation of the crop ceased in Ireland. Coughlan also headed this department at a time when the spread of bird flu from abroad looked very likely to occur, especially in 2006.

Coughlan was re-appointed to the portfolio on 14 June 2007 following the 2007 general election, with the additional responsibility of fisheries as Minister for Agriculture, Fisheries and Food. Shortly after her re-appointment Coughlan had to put in place measures to deal with the threat of the potential spread of foot-and-mouth disease from Britain in early August 2007.

Throughout her time in this ministry, Coughlan was involved in ongoing WTO trade talks. During these trade talks, in which Irish agriculture was threatened by attacks on EU farm subsidies and free access to EU markets, she formed an alliance with French ministers to resist the proposals.

Tánaiste and Minister for Enterprise, Trade and Employment (2008–2010)
Following Bertie Ahern's resignation on 6 May 2008, Coughlan, in a cabinet re-shuffle, became Tánaiste and Minister for Enterprise, Trade and Employment on 7 May 2008, by newly appointed Taoiseach Brian Cowen.

As a proponent of the Treaty of Lisbon, Coughlan was noted to have "quietly withdrawn" from the first referendum campaign after she embarrassed the Government in a radio interview by not knowing the number of European Commissioners. Over a period of four days Coughlan stated that the EU's larger nations still had two Commissioners each. In fact, the bigger states had lost their second places on the Commission in 2004. According to an editorial in The Irish Times, "how someone who had spent several years around an EU Council of Ministers' table could not know that is extraordinary".

Responding to a row over medical cards she displayed insufficient mathematical skill, saying "Of the savings of €100 million, €86 million is for GPs and €30 million is for pharmacists".

Her performance as Tánaiste in defence of the October 2008 budget was criticised by opposition politicians and the media, with Fine Gael's Leo Varadkar publicly comparing Coughlan to gaffe-prone Alaskan Governor Sarah Palin. Varadkar's comments were challenged by broadcaster John Bowman and Sunday Tribune journalist Justine McCarthy, as well as by Coughlan herself.

Coughlan announced a third change in the budgetary position, in her local constituency, prior to Cabinet agreement and five days before the responsible Minister for Social and Family Affairs announced it to the nation, via RTÉ Radio.

Coughlan acted to clean up years of wasteful spending by executives at the state training and employment agency, FÁS, and was considered to have taken a tough line with Director General, Rody Molloy, who was forced to resign in November 2008.

The 2008 fall in the value of sterling against the euro saw the price gap between North and South widen and shoppers cross to Northern Ireland to the detriment of businesses in the South. Coughlan asked multiple retailers to reduce their margins south of the border and provide better value to consumers in the South. Research from Forfás, concluded that only a five per cent difference in the cost of goods between North and South was justifiable. The findings highlighted retailers' larger margins in the South in relation to their operations in the North and Coughlan queried why the price differential in many identical goods was substantially in excess of 5%. Coughlan said: "I don't own a shop. The Government doesn't own a shop. It's up to Tesco, it's up to Superquinn, it's up to Aldi, it's up to Lidl; it's up to them to cut their prices. They need to ensure that that happens; they have to do something about it." When retailers continued to remain silent on the price differential, Coughlan sent in the Competition Authority to investigate supply chains in the retail sector.

Coughlan was condemned for doing "too little too late" in relation to large-scale loss of employment at a Dell facility in Limerick, despite successfully retaining 2,000 Dell employees in Ireland. She also successfully secured over €22 million of European Globalisation Adjustment Fund money to the benefit of the workers made redundant in Limerick.

Coughlan was accused by an opposition spokesperson of being unable to debate exchequer figures.

Coughlan acted to close loopholes in company law that made it possible for bank directors not to have to disclose the full extent of their indebtedness to the bank in its published accounts. She also strengthened the powers of the Director of Corporate Enforcement to enforce company law provisions.

On 24 April 2009, one of Coughlan's demoted junior ministers, John McGuinness, criticised Coughlan and Cowen for the lack of leadership being given to the country, saying: "She's not equipped to deal with the complex issues of dealing with enterprise and business within the department. And neither is the department". McGuinness' credibility was subsequently undermined when it was revealed that he had hired external PR advice in an effort to undermine Coughlan and enhance his own profile as a Minister of State within her department.

In April 2009, she denied there would be a supplementary budget – one was announced five days later – also claiming that the public finances were under control at the same time.

In September that year Coughlan was described as Calamity Coughlan, having been left red-faced after erroneously referring to the theory of evolution as having been formulated by Einstein. Later that month she apparently let slip the date of a general election while speaking about the budget when Brian Cowen was in New York. She also called her Green Party colleagues "" – Irish language for "the vegetables".

Minister for Education and Skills (2010–2011)
On 23 March 2010, as part of a cabinet reshuffle, she was appointed as Minister for Education and Skills, while retaining the position of Tánaiste. One of Coughlan's first initiatives in the portfolio was to voice her support for the introduction of a CAO points bonus for students studying higher level maths. She revamped the Student Maintenance Grant application procedure, streamlining administration and getting the scheme out two months earlier than in previous years. Following the resignation of Mary Harney in January 2011, Coughlan was also appointed as Minister for Health and Children.

Loss of seat
At the 2011 general election, Coughlan lost her seat to Independent candidate Thomas Pringle. Her first preference vote more than halved from 26.5% in 2007 to just over 11%. Her running mate Brian Ó Domhnaill also failed to be elected, leaving Donegal South-West without a Fianna Fáil TD for the first time in its history. The loss of her seat was considered the most high-profile casualty of the Fianna Fáil meltdown. The Guardian newspaper described it as "Ireland's Portillo moment". Coughlan received a lump sum of €237,000, and an annual pension of €140,000. In 2022, Coughlan stepped back into public life when she was appointed Chair of the National Conference on Women in Farming by her successor as Donegal Fianna Fáil TD, the Minister for Agriculture, Charlie McConalogue.

Views on LGBT rights
During her time as Minister for Social and Family Affairs, Coughlan became involved in a number of LGBT rights controversies. In March 2004, she introduced the Social Welfare Amendment Act 2004 in response to a case involving same-sex partner benefits. Under the Equal Status Act 2000, a gay pensioner successfully petitioned the Equality Authority to allow his male partner to travel as his 'spouse' using the pensioner's travel pass. The legislation which Coughlan subsequently produced limited the meaning of the word 'spouse' to include only married couples; this was regarded by the Opposition parties and LGBT rights campaigners as discriminatory towards same-sex couples as there had been no legal recognition of same-sex unions in the Republic of Ireland at the time. Two months later, Coughlan caused comment at a European Union conference on family and social policy by stating that Ireland would never be ready for same-sex marriage or gay adoption.

During her time in Social and Family Affairs, Coughlan produced a report discussing new definitions of 'the family' which recommended a more progressive approach to the matter. This influenced the government's 2008 civil union legislation.

Personal life
Mary Coughlan was married to David Charlton, a Garda who lost a leg in a serious car accident a few years after they were married, from 1991 until his death from cancer on 2 September 2012. They were married when Coughlan was aged 26, two years after they met, David was working as a Garda on duty at Leinster House at the time. They have two children, one son and one daughter. They lived at Frosses, a village just west of Donegal town. Coughlan is a fluent Irish speaker. She has served as secretary of the St Naul's GAA club.

References

External links
What Brian and Mary did next

1965 births
Living people
Alumni of University College Dublin
Mary
Fianna Fáil TDs
Gaelic games club administrators
Members of Donegal County Council
Members of the 25th Dáil
Members of the 26th Dáil
Members of the 27th Dáil
Members of the 28th Dáil
Members of the 29th Dáil
Members of the 30th Dáil
Ministers for Agriculture (Ireland)
Ministers for Education (Ireland)
Ministers for Enterprise, Trade and Employment
Ministers for Health (Ireland)
Ministers for Social Affairs (Ireland)
Ministers of State of the 28th Dáil
Politicians from County Donegal
Women government ministers of the Republic of Ireland
Women ministers of state of the Republic of Ireland
20th-century women Teachtaí Dála
21st-century women Teachtaí Dála

Mary Coughlan (politician)


William Reid Pogue () a fost un astronaut american, un pilot de aviație al Forțelor Aeriene americane și pilot de test, care a fost, de asemenea, un profesor, un vorbitor public și un autor.

Născut și educat în Oklahoma, Pogue a absolvit colegiul și sa înscris în Forțele Aeriene ale Statelor Unite, în care a lucrat timp de 24 de ani. A zburat de luptă în timpul războiului din Coreea, și cu elita Thunderbirds USAF . A fost un instructor de zbor și profesor de matematică și a fost un pilot experimental versatil, incluzând doi ani într-un schimb cu RAF (Marea Britanie).

Colonelul Pogue a fost un instructor al forțelor aeriene când a fost acceptat în NASA în 1966. Cariera sa de astronaut a inclus o misiune orbitală, ca pilot al ultimului echipaj al Skylab . Echipajul a stabilit un record de durată (84 zile), care a fost neîntrerupt în NASA de peste 20 de ani, iar în orbită au efectuat zeci de experimente de cercetare. Misiunea a fost, de asemenea, remarcată pentru o dispută cu controlul la sol asupra gestionării programelor pe care media știri numită "The Skylab Mutiny".

Pogue s-a retras din SUAF și NASA la câteva luni după ce s-a întors de la Skylab. În următorii 30 de ani, a predat, a consultat și a scris despre aviație și aeronautică, atât în SUA, cât și în străinătate. A murit în 2014, în vârstă de 84 de ani, are trei copii, patru copii vitregi și a treia soție.

Tinerețe și educație
Pogue s-a născut pe 23 ianuarie 1930, în Okemah, Oklahoma, Alex Wallis Pogue și Margaret Frances (McDow) Pogue. Avea o soră mai mare, Margaret H., care a murit în 2012. Pogue era de origine a lui Choctaw .  Pogue a urmat școli primare și secundare în Sand Springs, Oklahoma . A participat la cercetașii SCOUT, câștigând rangul de clasa a doua .

Pogue a obținut o diplomă de licență în învățământul secundar de la Universitatea Oklahoma Baptist din Shawnee, Oklahoma, în 1951, și o diplomă de matematică în matematică de la Universitatea de Stat din Oklahoma, în Stillwater, Oklahoma, în 1960.

Experiența de zbor
Pogue a fost atras să zboare de la o vârstă fragedă, și a zburat pentru prima oară un avion în timpul liceului.  Pogue sa înrolat în Forțele Aeriene ale SUA în 1951 și a primit comisia în 1952. În timpul serviciului cu Forța a cincea în timpul războiului din Coreea, între 1953 și 1954, a terminat un tur de luptă cu bombardierele de luptă, zburând peste 40 de misiuni de luptă . Din 1955 până în 1957, a fost membru al Thunderbirds USAF . El a fost un solo și un pilot de slot cu ei.

A obținut competențe în mai mult de 50 de tipuri și modele de aeronave americane și britanice și a fost calificat drept instructor de zbor civil. Pogue a lucrat în departamentul de matematică ca profesor asistent la Academia Forțelor Aeriene ale Statelor Unite ale Americii din Colorado Springs, Colorado, între 1960 și 1963. În septembrie 1965, a încheiat un turneu de doi ani în calitate de pilot de testare al Ministerului Aviației Britanice în cadrul Programului Exchange USAF / RAF, după ce a absolvit Școala de Piloți de Test Empire din Farnborough, Anglia.

Un colonel al Forțelor Aeriene, Pogue a venit la Centrul Spațiului Manned dintr-o misiune la Baza Forțelor Aeriene Edwards, California, unde a fost instructor la Școala Pilot de Cercetare Aeriană a Forțelor Aeriene din octombrie 1965.

A înregistrat 7.200 ore de zbor, inclusiv 4.200 de ore în avioane cu reacție și 2017 ore în zbor spațial .

Cariera NASA

Pogue a fost unul dintre cei 19 astronauti selectați de NASA în grupa 5 pentru programul Apollo în aprilie 1966.  A slujit ca membru al echipajelor de sprijin pentru misiunile Apollo 7,  11,  și 14 . El a fost CAPCOM pentru Apollo 7.  Nici un membru al echipajului nu a fost repartizat misiunilor Apollo anulate, dar dacă ar fi urmat rotația normală a echipajului, el ar fi fost repartizat ca pilot de comandă pentru echipajul principal al misiunii Apollo 19 .

Pogue a fost pilotul Skylab 4, a treia și ultima vizită de echipaj la atelierul Skylab Orbital, din 16 noiembrie 1973, până în 8 februarie 1974.  Acesta a fost cel mai lung zbor echipaj (84 zile, 1 oră și 15 minute) până la acea dată.  Pogue a fost însoțit de zborul record de 34,5 milioane de mile de către comandantul Gerald P. Carr și științific pilotul Edward G. Gibson .  Ei au finalizat cu succes 56 de experimente, 26 demonstrații științifice, 15 obiective detaliate ale subsistemului și 13 investigații studențești în timpul celor 1214 revoluții ale Pământului.

De asemenea, au acumulat date observabile privind resursele pământului folosind pachetul experimental al experimentului pentru resursele pământului Skylab și matricea senzorilor și au înregistrat 338 de ore de funcționare a Telescopului Apollo Mount, care a făcut observații amănunțite despre procesele solare ale soarelui. Pogue și Carr au văzut o cometă ce tranzitează cerul în timpul unei EVA.  El a înregistrat 13 ore și 34 de minute în două EVA în afara atelierului orbital.

Pogue s-a retras din Forțele Aeriene ale Statelor Unite și de la NASA la 1 septembrie 1975.  S-a retras să se alăture Fundației High Flight Foundation (o fundație evanghelică inter-denominațională, fondată de astronautul James Irwin ) ca vicepreședinte.

Activități post-NASA
După ce s-a pensionat, a lucrat ca consultant pentru industria aerospațială și producător de videoclipuri de interes general în zborul spațial.

În 1985, Pogue a scris cartea Cum te duci la baie în spațiu?, răspunzând la 187 de întrebări frecvente pe care le-a primit.  În 1992, a co-autorizat The Trikon Deception, un roman science fiction, cu Ben Bova .

Viața personală
Pogue s-a căsătorit de trei ori. El sa căsătorit cu Helen Juanita Dittmar în 1952 și împreună cu ea au avut trei copii: William R. (născut la 5 septembrie 1953), Layna S. (născut la 9 iunie 1955) și Thomas R. (născut la 12 septembrie 1957).  Ulterior au divorțat. S-a căsătorit cu Jean Ann Baird în 1979, până la moartea sa în 2009;  cu ea avea cinci copii vitregi. Cea mai recentă soție, Tina, s-a însurat în 2012.

Moarte
Pogue a murit la Cocoa Beach, Florida acasă în noaptea de 3 martie 2014, din cauze naturale, la vârsta de 84 de ani.   Au ramas in viata a treia soție Tina, trei copii de la prima căsătorie și patru copii vitregi de la cea de-a doua căsătorie.  Cenușa sa este planificată să fie trimisă în orbită de pe pământ folosind Celestis, un serviciu de rachete memorial, programat pentru lansare pe o rachetă Heavy Space Falcon 24 iunie sau 25, 2019.

Onoruri speciale

 JSC Premiul pentru realizarea superioară (1970)
 Medalia Medaliei Medale, Medalia de Comandament al Forțelor Aeriene, Medalia Serviciului Național de Apărare și Premiul unității de forță a Forțelor Aeriene (în timp ce un membru al USAF Thunderbirds)
 Air Force Distinged Service Medalie și comandă Pilot Astronaut Wings (1974)
 Orasul Chicago Medalie de Aur (1974)
 Orasul New York Medalie de Aur (1974)

Cele trei echipe de astronauti Skylab au fost decernate Trofeul Robert J. Collier din 1973 "Pentru a dovedi dincolo de valoarea omului în explorările viitoare ale spațiului și producerea de date benefice tuturor oamenilor de pe Pământ".   În 1974, președintele Nixon a prezentat echipajul Skylab 4 cu medalia de serviciu NASA Distinguished Service .  Federatia Aeronautique Internationale a acordat echipajului Skylab 4 Medalia De La Vaulx si Diploma VM Komarov pentru anul 1974.  Premiul Flight Achievement al Societății Americane de Astronautică a fost atribuit echipajului Skylab 4.   Gerald Carr a acceptat trofeul Memorialul Dr. Robert H. Goddard din 1975 de la președintele Ford, acordat astronauților Skylab.  Echipa Skylab 4 a câștigat Premiul AIAA Haley Astronautics în 1975 "Pentru a demonstra curajul și abilitățile extraordinare în timpul misiunii Skylab de 84 de zile".

Aeroportul municipal William R. Pogue (Codul FAA: OWP, Codul ICAO: KOWP) din Sand Springs, Oklahoma a fost numit în onoarea lui Pogue în 1974.  Muzeul de Aviație și Spațiu de la Oklahoma a acordat Pogue, în februarie 1989, Clarence E. Page Memorial Trophy pentru "a aduce contribuții semnificative și continue la industria aviatică din SUA". Page a murit cu zece zile înainte ca premiul să fie prezentat și Pogue a folosit cea mai mare parte a discursului său pentru a memora viața lui Page.

El a primit un Doctorat in Știință onorific la Universitatea Baptista din Oklahoma in 1974. Pogue a primit de la Generalul Thomas D. White trofeul USAF Space Trophy in 1974. Pogue a fost introdus în Cinci Triburi Civilized Hall of Fame în 1975. A fost unul dintre cei cinci astronauți din Oklahoma inaugurat în Oklahoma Aviation and Space Hall of Fame în 1980. Pogue a fost unul dintre cei 24 de astronauți Apollo care au fost introduși în Sala Astronomică a SUA în 1997.

Note

Bibliografie

Legături externe

 Site-ul oficial al lui William R. Pogue
 Astronautix biografie a lui William R. Pogue
 Spacefacts biografie a lui William R. Pogue

 Pogue la Spaceacts
 Pogue la Enciclopedia Științei

Nașteri în 1930
Decese în 2014
Autobiografi americani
Scriitori din statul Oklahoma
Decorați cu ordinul Air Medal
Astronauți americani
1973 în zboruri spațiale
Pages with unreviewed translations
Provocarea Apollo 11

William R. Pogue


Čenta (, , ) ist ein Ort im serbischen Banat und gehört zum Verwaltungsgebiet der Stadt Zrenjanin.

Demografie
In Čenta leben nach einer Volkszählung aus dem Jahr 2002 insgesamt 2448 volljährige Personen in 960 Haushalten. Das Durchschnittsalter der Einwohner liegt bei 39,2 Jahren (38,1 bei der männlichen und 40,3 bei der weiblichen Bevölkerung). Das Dorf hat eine serbische Mehrheit und verzeichnet eine kontinuierlich sinkende Einwohnerzahl.

Weblinks

 Offizielle Website der Verwaltung in Zrenjanin

Ort in der Opština Zrenjanin

Čenta


Demain est une série de bande dessinée française de science-fiction, dessinée par Louis Alloing et écrite par Leo et Rodolphe. Le premier tome est sorti dans les librairies en .

Synopsis
Durant les années 1950, aux USA, le jeune Joe découvre dans une vieille maison abandonnée un passage étrange vers une pièce immense et sombre. Ailleurs, dans un autre temps, un autre lieu, la jeune Fleur (en Europe, probablement en France) doit fuir avec son père, probablement médecin, les gangs d'un terrible monde apocalyptique et futuriste. Ces deux jeunes adolescents de deux mondes très différents et que tout semble séparer vont cependant se retrouver dans leurs rêves.

Commentaires

Cette nouvelle série série d'anticipation a été imaginée par les créateurs de deux séries de S-F Centaurus, créée en 2015 et Europa (2021) chez le même éditeur.

Les personnages, les ambiances et quelques animaux bizarres découverts dans le premier opus semblent indiquer l'influence de Léo. Rodolphe assure plutôt l'action angoissante des deux héros qui se retrouvent dans leurs rêves. Le mystère débute dès la première planche et la violence apparaît très vite, également.
Cette série présente un fond réaliste avec un évidente complicité scénaristique entre Léo et Rodolphe.

Albums

Notes et références

Bande dessinée franco-belge
Bande dessinée de science-fiction française
Série Dargaud
Série de bande dessinée de science-fiction
Bande dessinée de Leo

Demain (bande dessinée)


Chronosquad est une série de bande dessinée française scénarisée par Giorgio Albertini et dessinée par Grégory Panaccione, publiée par Delcourt dans la collection Neopolis à partir de 2016 et comptant six volumes en 2022.

Synopsis

Genèse

Albums

Distinctions
Le tome 1, Lune de miel à l'âge du bronze, est en sélection officielle du festival d'Angoulême 2017.

Notes et références

Annexes

Bibliographie

Lien externe
Chronosquad sur le site de l'éditeur Delcourt

Série Delcourt
Delcourt - Neopolis
Voyage dans le temps en bande dessinée
Bande dessinée humoristique
Bande dessinée de science-fiction

Chronosquad


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Die Bahnstrecke Berchtesgaden–Hangender Stein, meist als Lokalbahn oder umgangssprachlich als Grüne Elektrische bezeichnet, war eine 12,6 Kilometer lange grenzüberschreitende Nebenbahn. Die normalspurige und elektrifizierte Strecke führte von Berchtesgaden in Bayern nach Grödig in Österreich. Dort bestand im Bahnhof Hangender Stein Anschluss zur Bahnstrecke Salzburg–Hangender Stein, der sogenannten Roten Elektrischen. Mit dieser war die hier beschriebene Bahn betrieblich eng verbunden. Am Ausgangspunkt Berchtesgaden Hauptbahnhof bestand wiederum eine Verknüpfung mit der Bahnstrecke Bad Reichenhall–Berchtesgaden sowie der Königsseebahn.

Geschichte
Nachdem Berchtesgaden bereits seit 1888 von Reichenhall her ans Eisenbahnnetz angeschlossen war, begannen die Königlich Bayerischen Staatseisenbahnen Ende 1905 mit dem Bau der anschließenden Lokalbahn Berchtesgaden–Hangender Stein, die anfangs dampfbetrieben war. Am 16. Juli 1907 erfolgte die Eröffnung des Teilabschnitts Berchtesgaden–Marktschellenberg, damals noch Schellenberg Markt, am 1. Oktober 1907 die Vollendung bis Hangender Stein. Am gleichen Tag verlängerte man auch die aus Richtung Salzburg Lokalbahnhof kommende Dampfstraßenbahn von St. Leonhard-Drachenloch bis Hangender Stein.

Am 15. Januar 1908 erfolgte schließlich die Aufnahme des elektrischen Betriebs zwischen Berchtesgaden und Hangender Stein. Ab dem 1. Juli 1909 bestand dann mit der Elektrifizierung der österreichischen Anschlussstrecke ein durchgehender elektrischer Betrieb auf der Gesamtstrecke zwischen Salzburg und Berchtesgaden. Es bestand eine Gemeinschaftslinie, auf dieser verkehrten grün lackierte Fahrzeuge der Königlich Bayerischen Staatseisenbahnen bis Salzburg und rot lackierte Wagen der Salzburger Eisenbahn- und Tramwaygesellschaft (SETG) bis Berchtesgaden. Hierbei handelte es sich um ein Vorgängerunternehmen der heutigen Salzburg AG. Die Fahrzeuge waren weitgehend baugleich, zudem existierten einheitliche Tarife und ein grenzüberschreitender Personaleinsatz.

Bereits zuvor, am 29. Mai 1909, ging am anderen Endpunkt in Berchtesgaden die Königsseebahn zum Königssee in Betrieb. Zwischen den beiden Bahnstrecken bestand eine Gleisverbindung auf dem Berchtesgadener Bahnhofsvorplatz. Diese wurde nur als Betriebsgleis für Dienstfahrten genutzt und diente zudem als elektrische Verbindung zwischen den beiden Bahnen, die vom gemeinsamen Wasserkraftwerk Gartenau gespeist wurden. Der bayerische Teil, wie auch die Königsseebahn, wurde mit 1000 Volt Gleichspannung elektrifiziert. Als Stromsystem für den österreichischen Abschnitt wurden 800 Volt Gleichstrom gewählt, was eine damals übliche Spannung für Straßenbahnen war. Dieser Unterschied rührte aus der Streckenführung: der bayerische Abschnitt war durchgängig auf einem eigenen Bahnkörper, der österreichische Abschnitt hingegen größtenteils auf öffentlichen Straßen geführt worden.

Am 2. Oktober 1938 wurde die Lokalbahn zwischen Berchtesgaden und Hangender Stein, sowie darüber hinaus auf der österreichischen Seite bis St. Leonhard, schließlich stillgelegt. Ursächlich hierfür war der geplante und teilweise begonnene Bau einer zweigleisigen Hauptbahn zwischen Berchtesgaden und Salzburg, die aber aufgrund des Ausbruchs des Zweiten Weltkriegs nie fertiggestellt wurde. Zudem erfolgte aufgrund politischer Repressionen bereits ab 1933 ein erheblicher Fahrgastrückgang auf der Strecke.

Im Positionspapier des VDV (April 2020) wurde die Trasse als "Prüffall einer zu reaktivierenden Strecke aufgeführt".

Weblinks
Detaillierte Streckenbeschreibung auf www.kbaystb.de
Beschreibung des Hangender-Stein-Tunnels auf www.eisenbahn-tunnelportale.de

Einzelnachweise

Bahnstrecke in Bayern
Bahnstrecke Berchtesgaden–Hangender Stein
Berchtesgaden
Bahnstrecke Berchtesgaden–Hangender Stein
Bahnstrecke Berchtesgaden–Hangender Stein


Clotilde Médégan Nougbodé est une magistrate béninoise. Elle préside la Haute Cour de justice du Bénin de 2003 à 2009. Elle s'engage durant sa carrière pour l'émancipation des femmes et est membre fondatrice de l'Association des Femmes Juristes du Bénin.

Biographie

Enfance et formations
Clotilde Médégan Nougbodé est née le 29 mars 1953 à Adjohoun. Elle obtient une maitrise en sciences juridiques en 1977 à l'université d'Abomey-Calavi. Elle fait ensuite des études de magistrature au Centre de formation administrative et de perfectionnement du Bénin et complète cela par un stage à l'École nationale de la magistrature de Paris.

Carrière
Elle commence sa carrière comme magistrate et exerce à ce titre diverses fonctions au sein des juridictions de première instance et à la cour d'appel de Cotonou. En 1996, elle est directrice de cabinet de Grace d'Almeida au ministère de la Justice du Bénin.

De 2003 à 2009, elle préside la Haute Cour de justice du Bénin. Elle est la première femme à occuper ce poste. À l'issue de son mandat, elle est remplacée par Théodore Holo et rejoint la cour de justice de la Communauté économique des États de l'Afrique de l'Ouest.

Au long de sa carrière, elle s'engage pour l'émancipation des femmes. Elle a contribué notamment au renforcement du statut juridique de la femme en tant que membre du comité de rédaction du guide juridique de la femme béninoise et en étant rapporteur de l'avant-projet du code des personnes et de la famille. Elle est membre fondatrice de l'Association des Femmes Juristes du Bénin, qu'elle préside de décembre 2000 à janvier 2004, après y avoir occupé des postes dans le bureau.

Distinctions
  (2006).

Notes et références

Liens externes

Naissance en mars 1953
Naissance au Bénin
Magistrate béninoise
Pionnière en droit
Grand officier de l'ordre national du Bénin

Clotilde Médégan-Nougbodé


ميدي بيرينه أو بيرنيه الوسطى أو البيريني الوسطى : هي منطقة فرنسية وعاصمتها هي تولوز.

مراجع

الوحدات الإقليمية الإحصائية من المستوى الثاني في الاتحاد الأوروبي

ميدي بيرينه


In political science, voter turnout is the participation rate (often defined as those who cast a ballot) of a given election. This is typically either the percentage of registered voters, eligible voters, or all voting-age people. According to Stanford University political scientists Adam Bonica and Michael McFaul, there is a consensus among political scientists that "democracies perform better when more people vote."

Institutional factors drive the vast majority of differences in turnout rates. For example, simpler parliamentary democracies where voters get shorter ballots, fewer elections, and a multi-party system that makes accountability easier see much higher turnout than the systems of the United States, Japan, and Switzerland.

Significance
Some parts of society are more likely to vote than others. As turnout approaches 90%, significant differences between voters and nonvoters lessen, but in lower turnout elections the differences between voters and nonvoters can be dramatic.

More importantly than changes in specific election outcomes, voter turnout has seismic long-term implications on the abilities of democracies to function. For example, regulatory capture tends to afflict low-turnout democracies more, blocking popular democratic reforms like streamlining elections.

Institutional factors
Institutional factors have the most significant impact on voter turnout. Making voting compulsory has a direct and dramatic effect on turnout while adding barriers, such as a separate registration process or unnecessarily scheduling many elections, suppresses turnout. In addition, the closer democracies are to 'one person, one vote' increases turnout as voters see that their effort has an impact. This can be seen in the higher turnout rates of proportional parliamentary democracies.

Ease of voting

Other methods of making voting easier to increase turnout include vote-by-mail, absentee polling and improved access to polls, such as increasing the number of possible voting locations, lowering the average time voters wait in line, or requiring companies to give workers some time off on voting day. A 2017 study found that turnout among older voters increases the earlier polling places open, while turnout among younger voters improves the longer polling places stay open.

Voter fatigue

If there are many elections in close succession, voter turnout tends to decrease as the public tires of participating. In low-turnout Switzerland, the average voter is invited to go to the polls an average of seven times a year; the United States has frequent elections, with two votes per year on average (e.g. local government and primaries). Eliminating off-cycle elections boosts turnout while being  popular with voters. Another form of voter fatigue occurs when voters are asked to weigh-in on dozens of contests, as occurs in some parts of the United States.

Voter registration

In the United States and most Latin American nations, voters must go through separate voter registration procedures before they are allowed to vote. This two-step process quite clearly decreases turnout. US states with no, or easier, registration requirements have larger turnouts.

A country with a highly efficient registration process is France. At the age of eighteen, all youth are automatically registered. Only new residents and citizens who have moved are responsible for bearing the costs and inconvenience of updating their registration. Similarly, in Nordic countries, all citizens and residents are included in the official population register, which is simultaneously a tax list, voter registration, and membership in the universal health system. Residents are required by law to report any change of address to the register within a short time after moving. This is also the system in Germany (but without the membership in the health system).
Spain has also a similar system called "Padrón Municipal de Habitantes", held by municipalities. Persons register themselves in the Padrón as local residents (every resident in Spain must be registered in any municipality). The Padrón is used for providing most local, regional, and national government's services. It also serves as voters register. In order to avoid duplications and to gather statistics on demography, the Padrón is supervised by a national government's agency, the Instituto National de Estatística (INE). La Oficina Electoral del Censo is the bureau, as part of the INE, responsible for compiling the electoral roll. Every Spanish citizen or EU resident, older than 18 years, is automatically included in the voters register.

Compulsory voting

A strong factor affecting voter turnout is whether voting is compulsory, as countries that enforce compulsory voting tend to have far higher voter turnout rates. For example, in Australia, voter registration and attendance at a polling booth have been mandatory since the 1920s, with the 2016 federal election having turnout figures of 91% for the House of Representatives and 91.9% for the Senate. In Singapore, turnout at the 2020 general election was 95.81%, the highest since 1997 where it was 95.91%. This was an increase from the record low of 93.06% at the 2011 general election.

Penalties for failing to vote are not always strictly enforced, and sanctions for non-voters are often mild. For instance, while voting is nominally compulsory in Greece for adults up to 70 years of age, no one has ever been prosecuted for failing to vote, with voter turnout rates reaching as low as 57% in the September 2015 Greek legislative election. In Australia, people who do not vote are subject to a small fine, which is easily waived if one of many acceptable excuses for failing to vote is provided. In Bolivia, however, if a voter fails to participate in an election, they may be denied withdrawal of their salary from the bank for three months.

Salience
Mark N. Franklin argues that salience, the perceived effect that an individual vote will have on how the country is run, has a significant effect on turnout. He presents Switzerland as an example of a nation with low salience. The nation's administration is highly decentralized, so that the federal government has limited powers. Important decisions are also placed before the population in a referendum. Individual votes for the federal legislature are thus less likely to have a significant effect on the complex web of systems, which probably explains some of the low average turnouts in that more complicated democracy. By contrast Malta, with one of the world's highest voter turnouts, has a single legislature that holds most political power. Malta has a two-party system in which a small swing in votes can significantly alter the executive. Voters' perceptions of fairness also have an important effect on salience, where fears of fraud and corruption can suppress turnout.

Proportionality
Since most votes count in proportional representation systems, there are fewer "wasted votes", so voters, aware that their vote can make a difference, are more likely to make the effort to vote, and less likely to vote tactically. Compared to countries with plurality electoral systems, voter turnout improves and the population is more involved in the political process in ~70% of cases. The exceptions to the rule can include cases where a plurality system has an unusually high number of competitive districts, for example, before it transitions to a proportional one.

Measuring turnout

Differing methods of measuring voter turnout can contribute to reported differences between nations. There are difficulties in measuring both the numerator, the number of voters who cast votes, and the denominator, the number of voters eligible to vote.

Numerator (e.g. ballots cast)

Possible Metrics
From largest to smallest

Signed-in: includes people who signed-in at the polls, but did not cast a ballot.

Ballots Cast: Total number of ballots cast, regardless of how many were filled-out or accepted.

Ballots Accepted: this subtracts spoilt votes but in some places includes blank ballots that were otherwise accepted.

Completed Ballots: This metric looks at ballots that were accepted and completed. This is the smallest numerator, but captures only those ballots that will impact the outcome of the election.

For the numerator, it is often assumed that the number of voters who went to the polls should equal the number of ballots cast, which in turn should equal the number of votes counted, but this is not the case. Not all voters who arrive at the polls necessarily cast ballots. Some may be turned away because they are ineligible, some may be turned away improperly, and some who sign the voting register may not actually cast ballots. Furthermore, voters who do cast ballots may abstain, deliberately voting for nobody, or they may spoil their votes, either accidentally or as an act of protest.

In the United Kingdom, the Electoral Commission distinguishes between "valid vote turnout", which excludes spoilt ballots, and "ballot box turnout", which does not.

In the United States, it has been common to report turnout as the sum of votes for the top race on the ballot, because not all jurisdictions report the actual number of people who went to the polls nor the number of undervotes or overvotes. Overvote rates of around 0.3 percent are typical of well-run elections, but in Gadsden County Florida, the overvote rate was 11 percent in November 2000.

Denominator (out of _ people)

Possible Metrics
From largest to smallest

Total population: everyone who lives in a place, regardless of age, citizenship status or other factors that affect voting eligibility. This has the advantage of being an accessible indicator of how close a place may be to universal suffrage.

Voting-age population: everyone above the legal voting age in a country regardless of citizenship status or other factors that might affect voting eligibility. This has the advantage of being easier to measure than 'eligible voters.'

Eligible voters: This measures all the voters allowed to vote under current law (which in some places includes people who have not registered or re-registered to vote). This is more difficult to measure as more categories of people are disenfranchised.

Registered voters: This measurement captures all who are registered to vote. This has the advantage of being easy to measure and readily accessible, though overlooks those who are unwilling or unable to register due to barriers such as a complex registration or re-registration process.

Examples
In the United States, for example, there is no accurate registry of exactly who is eligible to vote, since only about 70–75% of people choose to register themselves. Thus, turnout has to be calculated based on population estimates. Some political scientists have argued that these measures do not properly account for the large number of legal permanent residents (green card holders), undocumented immigrants, disenfranchised felons and persons who are considered 'mentally incompetent' in the United States. Voter turnout everywhere would be higher if measured by eligibility and not voting-age population.

Even in countries with fewer restrictions on the franchise, VAP turnout data can still be impacted by large numbers of non-citizen residents, often under-reporting turnout by as much as 10 percentage points. Professor Michael P. McDonald constructed an estimation of the turnout against the 'voting eligible population' (VEP), instead of the 'voting age population' (VAP). For the American presidential elections of 2004, turnout could then be expressed as 60.32% of VEP, rather than 55.27% of VAP.

In New Zealand, registration is supposed to be universal. This does not eliminate uncertainty in the eligible population because this system has been shown to be unreliable, with a large number of eligible but unregistered citizens creating inflated turnout figures.

Looking for trends

Since around 1985, there appears to be a gradual decrease in voter turnout globally when looking at the voting-age population. However, a 2001 article in the American Political Science Review, Michael McDonald and Samuel Popkin argued, that at least in the United States, voter turnout since 1972 has not actually declined when calculated for those eligible to vote, what they term the voting-eligible population. In 1972, noncitizens and ineligible felons (depending on state law) constituted about 2% of the voting-age population. By 2004, ineligible voters constituted nearly 10%. Ineligible voters are not evenly distributed across the country – 20% of California's voting-age population is ineligible to vote – which confounds comparisons of states. Furthermore, they argue that an examination of the Census Bureau's Current Population Survey shows that turnout is low but not declining among the youth, when the high youth turnout of 1972 (the first year 18- to 20-year-olds were eligible to vote in most states) is removed from the trendline.

Other forms of political participation have declined, such as voluntary participation in political parties and the attendance of observers at town meetings. Meanwhile, church attendance, membership in professional, fraternal, and student societies, youth groups, and parent-teacher associations has also declined. Some argue that technological developments in society such as "automobilization," suburban living, and "an explosive proliferation of home entertainment devices" have contributed to a loss of community, which in turn has weakened participation in civic life. At the same time, some forms of participation have increased. People have become far more likely to participate in boycotts, demonstrations, and to donate to political campaigns.

Many causes have been proposed for what some see as a decline in voter participation though all offered in this section are heavily disputed. When asked why they do not vote, many people report that they have too little free time. However, over the last several decades, studies have consistently shown that the amount of leisure time has not decreased, even if the perception of less leisure time results in less participation. While wages and employment decrease voter turnout in gubernatorial elections, they appear to not affect national races.  Geographic mobility has increased over the last few decades, bringing barriers to voting in a district where one is a recent arrival, including knowing little about the local candidates and issues. It has been argued that democratic consolidation (the stabilization of new democracies) contributes to the decline in voter turnout. A 2017 study challenges this, however.

Differences by country

Voter turnout varies considerably between nations. One dataset with voter turnouts by country and election is the Election turnout indicator in V-Dem Democracy indices. It tends to be lower in North America, Asia and Latin America than in most of Europe and Oceania. Based on all parliamentary elections between 1945 and 1997, Western Europe averages a 77% turnout, and South and Central America around 54%. The differences between nations tend to be greater than those between classes, ethnic groups, or regions within nations. Confusingly, some of the factors that cause internal differences do not seem to apply on a global level. For instance, nations with better-educated populaces do not have higher turnouts.
There are two main commonly cited causes of these international differences: culture and institutions. However, there is much debate over the relative impact of the various factors.

Indonesia, which before 1998 always had a high percentage of voter (more than 87%) but then dip down to low 70% in the 2014, saw a record breaking voters in the 2019 Indonesian general election with more than 158 million people cast their ballots on the same day, and has been called "the world's most complex one-day elections".

Wealth and literacy have some effect on turnout, but are not reliable measures. Countries such as Angola and Ethiopia have long had high turnouts, but so have the wealthy states of Europe. The United Nations Human Development Index shows some correlation between higher standards of living and higher turnout. The age of a democracy is also an important factor. Elections require considerable involvement by the population, and it takes some time to develop the cultural habit of voting, and the associated understanding of and confidence in the electoral process. This factor may explain the lower turnouts in the newer democracies of Eastern Europe and Latin America. Much of the impetus to vote comes from a sense of civic duty, which takes time and certain social conditions that can take decades to develop:
trust in government;
degree of partisanship among the population;
interest in politics, and
belief in the political efficacy of voting.

Demographics also have an effect. Older people tend to vote more than youths, so societies where the average age is somewhat higher, such as Europe; have higher turnouts than somewhat younger countries such as the United States. Populations that are more mobile and those that have lower marriage rates tend to have lower turnout. In countries that are highly multicultural and multilingual, it can be difficult for national election campaigns to engage all sectors of the population.

The nature of elections also varies between nations. In the United States, negative campaigning and character attacks are more common than elsewhere, potentially suppressing turnouts. The focus placed on get out the vote efforts and mass-marketing can have important effects on turnout. Partisanship is an important impetus to turnout, with the highly partisan more likely to vote. Turnout tends to be higher in nations where political allegiance is closely linked to class, ethnic, linguistic, or religious loyalties. Countries where multiparty systems have developed also tend to have higher turnouts. Nations with a party specifically geared towards the working class will tend to have higher turnouts among that class than in countries where voters have only big tent parties, which try to appeal to all the voters, to choose from. A four-wave panel study conducted during the 2010 Swedish national election campaign, show (1) clear differences in media use between age groups and (2) that both political social media use and attention to political news in traditional media increase political engagement over time. It's important to note that social media is not always used effectively and may sometimes have a negative impact on the results of the election. Barack Obama utilized Facebook to his benefit during his first run for presidency and truly jumpstarted the use of social media in political campaigns. We recently saw the utilization of social media and perhaps the negative impacts social media has on campaigns in the recent 2020 election.

United States

Rosenstone and Hansen contend that there is a decline in turnout in the United States and that it is the product of a change in campaigning strategies as a result of the so-called new media. Before the introduction of television, almost all of a party's resources would be directed towards intensive local campaigning and get out the vote initiatives. In the modern era, these resources have been redirected to expensive media campaigns in which the potential voter is a passive participant. During the same period, negative campaigning has become ubiquitous in the United States and elsewhere and has been shown to impact voter turnout. Attack ads and smear campaigns give voters a negative impression of the entire political process. The evidence for this is mixed: elections involving highly unpopular incumbents generally have high turnout; some studies have found that mudslinging and character attacks reduce turnout, but that substantive attacks on a party's record can increase it. To counter this, programs such as MTV's "Rock the Vote" and the "Vote or Die" initiatives have been introduced to increase turnouts of those between the ages of 18 and 25. A number of governments and electoral commissions have also launched efforts to boost turnout. For instance, Elections Canada has launched mass media campaigns to encourage voting prior to elections, as have bodies in Taiwan and the United Kingdom.

Structural differences between democracies, including the complexity of the system and ease of voting are more often used to explain differences in turnout between nations, with United States voters in particular suffering from a complicated maze of federalism and separation of powers that is relatively unique among democracies. The Brennan Center for Justice reported that in 2016 fourteen states passed restrictive voting laws. Examples of these laws are photo ID mandates, narrow times for early voter, and limitations on voter registration. Barbour and Wright also believe that one of the causes is restrictive voting laws but they call this system of laws regulating the electorate. The Constitution gives states the power to make decisions regarding restrictive voting laws. In 2008 the Supreme Court made a crucial decision regarding Indiana's voter ID law in saying that it does not violate the constitution. Since then almost half of the states have passed restrictive voting laws. These laws contribute to Barbour and Wrights idea of the rational nonvoter. This is someone who does not vote because the benefits of them not voting outweighs the cost to vote. These laws add to the "cost" of voting, or reason that make it more difficult and to vote.

Google extensively studied the causes behind low voter turnout in the United States, and argues that one of the key reasons behind lack of voter participation is the so-called "interested bystander". According to Google's study, 48.9% of adult Americans can be classified as "interested bystanders", as they are politically informed but are reticent to involve themselves in the civic and political sphere. This category is not limited to any socioeconomic or demographic groups. Google theorizes that individuals in this category suffer from political apathy, as they are interested in political life but believe that their individual effect would be negligible. These individuals often participate politically on the local level, but shy away from national elections.

Other discussed factors

The chance of any one vote determining the outcome is low. Some studies show that a single vote in a voting scheme such as the Electoral College in the United States has an even lower chance of determining the outcome. Other studies claim that the Electoral College actually increases voting power.  Studies using game theory, which takes into account the ability of voters to interact, have also found that the expected turnout for any large election should be zero.

The basic formula for determining whether someone will vote, on the questionable assumption that people act completely rationally, is

where
 P is the probability that an individual's vote will affect the outcome of an election,
 B is the perceived benefit that would be received if that person's favored political party or candidate were elected,
 D originally stood for democracy or civic duty, but today represents any social or personal gratification an individual gets from voting, and
 C is the time, effort, and financial cost involved in voting.

Since P is virtually zero in most elections, PB may be also near zero, and D is thus the most important element in motivating people to vote. For a person to vote, these factors must outweigh C. Experimental political science has found that even when P is likely greater than zero, this term has no effect on voter turnout. Enos and Fowler (2014) conducted a field experiment that exploits the rare opportunity of a tied election for major political office. Informing citizens that the special election to break the tie will be close (meaning a high P term)  has little mobilizing effect on voter turnout.

Riker and Ordeshook developed the modern understanding of D. They listed five major forms of gratification that people receive for voting: complying with the social obligation to vote; affirming one's allegiance to the political system; affirming a partisan preference (also known as expressive voting, or voting for a candidate to express support, not to achieve any outcome); affirming one's importance to the political system; and, for those who find politics interesting and entertaining, researching and making a decision. Other political scientists have since added other motivators and questioned some of Riker and Ordeshook's assumptions. All of these concepts are inherently imprecise, making it difficult to discover exactly why people choose to vote.

Recently, several scholars have considered the possibility that B includes not only a personal interest in the outcome, but also a concern for the welfare of others in the society (or at least other members of one's favorite group or party). In particular, experiments in which subject altruism was measured using a dictator game showed that concern for the well-being of others is a major factor in predicting turnout and political participation.  Note that this motivation is distinct from D, because voters must think others benefit from the outcome of the election, not their act of voting in and of itself.

Habit
Turnout differences appear to persist over time; in fact, the strongest predictor of individual turnout is whether or not one voted in the previous election. As a result, many scholars think of turnout as habitual behavior that can be learned or unlearned, especially among young adults.

Childhood influences
Studies have found that improving children's social skills and enrolling them in high-quality early-childhood educational programs increases their turnout as adults.

Demographics
Socioeconomic factors are significantly associated with whether individuals develop the habit of voting. The most important socioeconomic factor affecting voter turnout is education. The more educated a person is, the more likely they are to vote, even controlling for other factors that are closely associated with education level, such as income and class. Income has some effect independently: wealthier people are more likely to vote, regardless of their educational background. There is some debate over the effects of ethnicity, race, and gender. In the past, these factors unquestionably influenced turnout in many nations, but nowadays the consensus among political scientists is that these factors have little effect in Western democracies when education and income differences are taken into account. A 2018 study found that while education did not increase turnout on average, it did raise turnout among individuals from low socioeconomic status households. Public-sector employees have higher voter turnout than private-sector employees.

However, since different ethnic groups typically have different levels of education and income, there are important differences in turnout between such groups in many societies. Other demographic factors have an important influence: young people are far less likely to vote than the elderly. Occupation has little effect on turnout, with the notable exception of higher voting rates among government employees in many countries.

There can also be regional differences in voter turnout. One issue that arises in continent-spanning nations, such as Australia, Canada, the United States and Russia, is that of time zones. Canada banned the broadcasting of election results in any region where the polls have not yet closed; this ban was upheld by the Supreme Court of Canada.

Differences between elections
Within countries there can be important differences in turnout between individual elections. Elections where control of the national executive is not at stake generally have much lower turnouts—often half that for general elections. Off-year municipal and provincial elections, and by-elections to fill casual vacancies, typically have lower turnouts, as do elections for the parliament of the supranational European Union, which is separate from the executive branch of the EU's government. In the United States, midterm congressional elections attract far lower turnouts than Congressional elections held concurrently with Presidential ones. Runoff elections also tend to attract lower turnouts.

Competitiveness of races
In theory, one of the factors that is most likely to increase turnout is a close race. Following the Downsian Closeness hypothesis and the idea of instrumental voting, voters rationally estimate the costs and benefits of participating in an election. Benefits exceed the costs if a close outcome of the election is expected and voters believe their ballot may be decisive for the outcome. Additionally, in these elections parties increase their mobilization efforts. Although the logic of instrumental voting applies to all elections, the effects are more prominent in democracies and majoritarian electoral systems.

An example is the 2004 U.S. presidential election. With an intensely polarized electorate and all polls showing a close finish between President George W. Bush and Democratic challenger John F. Kerry, the turnout in the election was close to 60%, resulting in a record number of popular votes for both candidates (around 62 million for Bush and 59 million for Kerry). However, this race also demonstrates the influence that contentious social issues can have on voter turnout; for example, the voter turnout rate in 1860 wherein anti-slavery candidate Abraham Lincoln won the election was the second-highest on record (81.2 percent, second only to 1876, with 81.8 percent). Nonetheless, there is evidence to support the argument that predictable election results—where one vote is not seen to be able to make a difference—have resulted in lower turnouts, such as Bill Clinton's 1996 re-election (which featured the lowest voter turnout in the United States since 1924), the United Kingdom general election of 2001, and the 2005 Spanish referendum on the European Constitution; all of these elections produced decisive results on a low turnout.

A 2020 NBER paper, examining evidence from Swiss referendums, found that an awareness by the electorate that an election would be close increased turnout. Controlling for canton and vote fixed effects, the study determined "that greater cantonal newspaper coverage of close polls significantly increases voter turnout"

Previous incarceration
One 2017 study in the Journal of Politics found that, in the United States, incarceration had no significant impact on turnout in elections: ex-felons did not become less likely to vote after their time in prison. Also in the United States, incarceration, probation, and a felony record deny 5–6 million Americans of the right to vote, with reforms gradually leading more states to allow people with felony criminal records to vote, while almost none allow incarcerated people to vote.

Costs of participation
A 2017 study in Electoral Studies found that Swiss cantons that reduced the costs of postal voting for voters by prepaying the postage on return envelopes (which otherwise cost 85 Swiss Franc cents) were "associated with a statistically significant 1.8 percentage point increase in voter turnout". A 2016 study in the American Journal of Political Science found that preregistration – allowing young citizens to register before being eligible to vote – increased turnout by 2 to 8 percentage points. A 2019 study in Social Science Quarterly found that the introduction of a vote‐by‐mail system in Washington state led to an increase in turnout. Another 2019 study in Social Science Quarterly found that online voter registration increased voter turnout, in particular for young voters. A 2020 study in Political Behavior found that a single postcard by election officials to unregistered eligible voters boosted registration rates by a percentage point and turnout by 0.9 percentage points, with the strongest effects on young, first-time voters.

The availability of ballot drop boxes increases turnout.

A 2018 study in the British Journal of Political Science found that internet voting in local elections in Ontario, Canada, only had a modest impact on turnout, increasing turnout by 3.5 percentage points. The authors of the study say that the results "suggest that internet voting is unlikely to solve the low turnout crisis, and imply that cost arguments do not fully account for recent turnout declines."

Knowledge and Voting advice applications
A 2017 experimental study found that by sending registered voters between the ages of 18 and 30 a voter guide containing salient information about candidates in an upcoming election (a list of candidate endorsements and the candidates' policy positions on five issues in the campaign) increased turnout by 0.9 points. Voting advice applications have strong evidence to increase voter turnout and vote choice and moderate evidence to increase voting knowledge.

Voter pledges
A 2018 study found that "young people who pledge to vote are more likely to turn out than those who are contacted using standard Get-Out-the-Vote materials. Overall, pledging to vote increased voter turnout by 3.7 points among all subjects and 5.6 points for people who had never voted before."

Weather and timing
Research results are mixed as to whether bad weather affects turnout. There is research that shows that precipitation can reduce turnout, though this effect is generally rather small, with most studies finding each millimeter of rainfall to reduce turnout by 0.015 to 0.1 percentage points. At least two studies, however, found no evidence that weather disruptions reduce turnout. A 2011 study found "that while rain decreases turnout on average, it does not do so in competitive elections." Some research has also investigated the effect of temperature on turnout, with some finding increased temperatures to moderately increase turnout. Some other studies, however, found temperature to have no significant impact on turnout.  These variations in turnout can also have partisan impacts; a 2017 study in the journal American Politics Research found that rainfall increased Republican vote shares, because it decreased turnout more among Democratic voters than Republican voters. Studies from the Netherlands and Germany have also found weather-related turnout decreases to benefit the right, while a Spanish study found a reverse relationship.

The season and the day of the week (although many nations hold all their elections on the same weekday) can also affect turnout. Weekend and summer elections find more of the population on holiday or uninterested in politics, and have lower turnouts. When nations set fixed election dates, these are usually midweek during the spring or autumn to maximize turnout. Variations in turnout between elections tend to be insignificant. It is extremely rare for factors such as competitiveness, weather, and time of year to cause an increase or decrease in turnout of more than five percentage points, far smaller than the differences between groups within society, and far smaller than turnout differentials between nations.

Household socialization
A 2018 study in the American Political Science Review found that the parents to newly enfranchised voters "become 2.8 percentage points more likely to vote." A 2018 study in the journal Political Behavior found that increasing the size of households increases a household member's propensity to vote.

A 2018 PlosOne study found that a "partisan who is married to a co-partisan is more likely to vote. This phenomenon is especially pronounced for partisans in closed primaries, elections in which non-partisan registered spouses are ineligible to participate."

Ballot secrecy
According to a 2018 study, get-out-the-vote groups in the United States who emphasize ballot secrecy along with reminders to vote increase turnout by about 1 percentage point among recently registered nonvoters.

Reasons for not voting

There are philosophical, moral, and practical reasons that some people cite for not voting in electoral politics, typically owing to obstacles to voting, though some of the practical reasons for abstention have more to do with rare, difficult to predict situations arising from flaws in the design of the voting system that fail to efficiently capture voter preferences.

Notes

References

 Franklin, Mark N. "Electoral Engineering and Cross National Turnout Differences." British Journal of Political Science. 1999.
Kanazawa, Satoshi. "A Possible Solution to the Paradox of Voter Turnout." The Journal of Politics.
Lijphart, Arend. "Unequal Participation: Democracy's Unresolved Dilemma." American Political Science Review. vol. 91 (March 1997): 1–14. p. 12
McDonald, Michael and Samuel Popkin. "The Myth of the Vanishing Voter." American Political Science Review. 2001.
Niemi, Richard G. and Herbert F. Weisberg. eds. Controversies in Voting Behavior. Washington, D.C: CQ Press, 2001.
Norris, Pippa. Elections and Voting Behaviour: New Challenges, New Perspectives. Aldershot: Ashgate, Dartmouth, 1998.
Rose, Richard, ed. Electoral Participation: A Comparative Analysis. Beverly Hills: Sage Publications, 1980.
Wolfinger, Raymond E. and Steven J. Rosenstone. 1980. Who Votes? New Haven, CT: Yale University Press.
Wolfinger, R., Glass, D., Squire, P. (1990). Predictors of electoral turnout:an international comparison. Policy Studies Review, 9(3), p551–574, 24p

Further reading

Voting
Political science

Voter turnout


An Paspalum nutans in uska species han Liliopsida nga ginhulagway ni Jean-Baptiste de Lamarck. An Paspalum nutans in nahilalakip ha genus nga Paspalum, ngan familia nga Poaceae. Waray hini subspecies nga nakalista.

Mga kasarigan

Paspalum

Paspalum nutans


Altınçevre, Tunceli ilinin Hozat ilçesine bağlı bir köydür.

Tarihçe
Köyün eski ismi "İnciga"dır. 16. yüzyıl Osmanlı kayıtlarında "İnciğaka" ve "İncağke" adlarıyla yer alan yerleşimde, bu yüzyılda sadece Gayrimüslimler yaşamaktaydı. Uzun yıllar İnciga adıyla anılan yerleşim, 1960 yılı nüfus sayımından itibaren günümüzdeki adıyla kayıtlarda yer almaktadır.

Coğrafya
Tunceli il merkezine 56 km, Hozat ilçesine 12 km uzaklıktadır.

Nüfus

Kaynakça

Dış bağlantılar
 Yerelnet

Hozat belde ve köyleri

Altınçevre, Hozat


L'épreuve du lancer du poids masculin des championnats du monde en salle de 2022 se déroule le  dans la Štark Arena de Belgrade, en Serbie.

Résultats

Légende

Notes et références

Voir aussi

Liens externes
 Résultats par épreuve des championnats du monde d'athlétisme en salle 2022 sur le site de World Athletics

Championnats du monde d'athlétisme en salle 2022
Hommes 2022

Lancer du poids masculin aux championnats du monde d'athlétisme en salle 2022


Kirsten Helene Balle (født 22. september 1988 i Horsens) er en tidligere dansk håndboldspiller. Hun sluttede karrieren på topplan i Viborg HK i 2016. Hun kom til klubben i starten af 2015. Hun fik ophævet sin kontrakt med den polske klub efter et halvt år, og da et skadesramt Viborg hold manglede spillere, meldte Kirsten Balle sig til tjeneste. Efter en uges træning med den jyske topklub, smed det en kontrakt af sig. Hun har tidligere optrådt for Horsens HK, Silkeborg-Voel KFUM, Team Esbjerg og polske Energa Koszalin.

I dag spiller hun som amatør i Viborg-klubben Søndermarkens IK i 2. division.

Eksterne henvisninger
 Spillerprofil - Viborg HK
 EHF - Kirsten Balle

Håndboldspillere fra Danmark
Håndboldspillere fra Horsens HK
Håndboldspillere fra Silkeborg-Voel KFUM
Håndboldspillere fra Team Esbjerg
Håndboldspillere fra Viborg HK
Personer fra Horsens

Kirsten Balle


Bones est le premier album du groupe de blues rock et power pop américain Bones sorti en 1972 chez Signpost Records.

Liste des pistes

Notes et références

Liens externes

 Bones sur Discogs.

Album de blues rock
Album de power pop
Album musical sorti en 1972
Album de musique américain
Premier album musical sorti en 1972

Bones (album de Bones)


Le Supplice de Marsyas (ou  Apollon écorchant  Marsyas) est une peinture à l'huile sur toile de  réalisée par le peintre véronais maniériste Giovanni Battista Zelotti vers 1580, et conservée depuis 1946 au  musée national de Varsovie  en Pologne.
Le tableau fut auparavant attribué à Carlo Caliari.

Description
Le tableau représente l'écorchement vif de Marsyas par Apollon, le satyre phrygien ayant imprudemment défié le dieu grec lors d'un concours musical. Ce thème est repris, notamment, des Métamorphoses d'Ovide.

Références

Liens externes

Tableau d'un peintre italien
Tableau des années 1580
Apollon dans la peinture
Marsyas dans la peinture
Œuvre conservée au musée national de Varsovie

Le Supplice de Marsyas (Zelotti)


Geir Thomas Hylland Eriksen (født 6 . februar 1962) er en norsk socialantropolog. Han er professor ved Sosialantropologisk institut, Universitetet i Oslo. Internationalt er han mest kendt for sin forskning om etnicitet, nationalisme og globalisering. I Norge er han mest kendt for sit engagement for at formidle socialantropologi og et socialantropologisk perspektiv på et flerkulturelt samfund, globalisering, identitet og en række samfundsspørgsmål gennem debat, medierne og sit faglitterære forfatterskab.

Liv og arbejde

Thomas Hylland Eriksen voksede op på Nøtterø i Vestfold og var elev ved Tønsberg gymnasium. Han var som teenager aktiv i Unge Venstre med interesse for blandt andet anarkismen.

Som del af studierne ved Universitetet i Oslo foretog Thomas Hylland Eriksen antropologiske feltstudier på Trinidad og Mauritius. Hovedopgaven fra 1987 hed Ethnicity in Mauritius: its meaning, organisation and relevance. Han blev dr.polit. i 1991 og professor ved Universitetet i Oslo fra 1995, 33 år gammel.

Thomas Hylland Eriksen begyndte som skribent i den antiautoritære Gadeavisen i slutningen af teenageårene og var redaktionsmedlem fra ca. 1982 til 1988. Han har siden været redaktør for tidsskrifterne Samtiden (1993–2001) og Norsk Antropologisk Tidsskrift (1993–1997), og er medlem af en række redaktionsråd i internationale tidsskrifter. Han er en aktiv samfundsdebattør i massemedierne. Han har blandt andet været engageret i kritik af norsk nationalisme, og regnes som specialist på identitet, etnicitet, globalisering, kreolisering og glokalisering. Han har skrevet en lang række bøger på norsk og engelsk, som er oversat til over 30 sprog.

Han blev i 2000 tildelt prisen for god forskningsformidling ved Universitetet i Oslo. I 2002 blev han tildelt Norges forskningsråds formidlingspris. Forskningsrådet begrundede tildelingen sådan: "Hans formidlingsinnsats er imponerende, den viser stor bredde og et aktivt samfundsengagement, og går langt ud over Norges grænser."

Fra 2004 til 2010 ledte Hylland Eriksen det tværfaglige forskningprogram Culcom (Kulturel kompleksitet i det nye Norge), som udforskede kulturel mangfoldighed i dagens norske samfund. Monografien Samfund (2010) opsummerer en del af de empiriske resultater og teoretiske indfaldsvinkler fra programmet.

Hylland Eriksen har i sine polemiske essays argumenteret både mod nationalisme og multikulturalisme, og betragter identitetspolitik som et blindspor og kosmopolitisme som et alternativ. Han er en af sin generations mest produktive socialantropologer, og hans fagbøger og artikler læses på mange sprog af studenter over hele verden.

I 2005 spillede han med i filmen Thomas Hylland Eriksen og historien om origamijenta.

Eriksen er gift med forlagsdirektør Kari Spjeldnæs.

I 2011 blev Thomas Hylland Eriksen tildelt et forskningsstipendium fra Det europæiske forskningsråd (ERC) for projektet "Overheating: The Three Crises of Globalisation". Projektet, som startede i sommeren 2012, studerede tre centrale kriser skabt af globaliseringen (økonomi, miljø, identitet) komparativt og tværfagligt. Projektet blev afsluttet foråret 2017.

I 2015 blev Thomas Hylland Eriksen valgt til præsident i EASA, European Association of Social Anthropologists. I 2013 blev han valgt ind i Det Norske Videnskaps-Akademi i gruppen for kulturfag og æstetiske fag. Han er æresdoktor ved Stockholms Universitet og eksternt videnskabeligt medlem af Max-Planck-Gesellschaft.

Bibliografi

Faglitteratur

 1988: Communicating Cultural Difference and Identity: Ethnicity and Nationalism in Mauritius. (Baseret på hovedopgaven Ethnicity in Mauritius : its meaning, organisation and relevance).
 1989: Hvor mange hvide elefanter? Kulturdimensionen i bistandarbejdet (redaktør)
 1991: Ethnicity and two nationalisms : social classification and the power of ideology in Trinidad and Mauritius, doktorgrad
 1991; Vejen til et mere eksotisk Norge Forsvar for kulturel mangfoldighed. Et «Blindern-produkt» iflg. Hylland Eriksen.
 1992: Us and Them in Modern Societies: Ethnicity and Nationalism in Trinidad, Mauritius and Beyond.
 1993; Typisk norsk: essays om kulturen i Norge
 1993; Ethnicity and Nationalism. Anthropological Perspectives  (2 . udgave 2002, 3 . udgave 2010)
 1993; Små steder – store spørgsmål. Indføring i socialantropologi
 1993: Kulturterrorismen: Et opgør med tanken om kulturel renhet
 1994: Kulturelle vejkryds. Essays om kreolisering om kulturblanding
 1994: Kulturforskelle i praksis (med Torunn Arntsen Sajjad) (6 reviderede udgaver, sidste i 2014)
 1995; Det nye fjendebillede Her advarer han mod at lade kulturelle kategoriseringer og forenklede billeder af islam danne grundlaget for politisk handling. Bogen kom i ny udvidet udgave efter 11 . september-angrebene under titlen Bag fjendebilledet.
 1995: Smældede Places – Large Issues Omarbejdet og forkortet version af Små steder... (2 . udgave 2001, 3 . udgave 2010, 4 . udgave 2015)
 1996: Kampen om fortiden (oprindeligt udgivet på svensk: Historien, myt och identitet)
 1997: Charles Darwin,
 1997: Flerkulturel forståelse (redaktør),
 1998: Common Denominators. Ethnicity, Nation-building and Compromise in Mauritius
 1999: Egoisme (sammen med Dag O. Hessen),
 1999: Ambivalens og fundamentalisme (redaktør med Oscar Hemer)
 2001: Øjeblikkets tyranni. Rask og langsom tid i informationalderen oversat til en række sprog, engelsk titel Tyranny of the moment : fast and slow time in the information ærefrygt,
 2001: A History of Anthropology (sammen med Finn Sivert Nielsen, 2 . udgave 2012)
 2002: Til verdens ende og tilbage: antropologiens historie (sammen med Finn Sivert Nielsen, udvidet version af A history of anthropology),
 2003: Globalisation: Studies in Anthropology (redaktør)
 2004: Hvad er socialantropologi, 150-siders lyninnføring i faget.
 2004: What is Anthropology? (oversat version af Hvad er socialantropologi med to ekstra kapitler)
 2004: Rødder og fødder: identitet i en omskiftelig tid om historie og identitet
 2005: Internet i praksis : om teknologiens uregjerlighet (redaktør)
 2005: Menneske og samfund: samfundsfag, sociologi, socialantropologi (sammen med Erik Sølvberg og Hans Arne Kjelsaas),
 2006: Engaging anthropology: the case for a public presence,
 2006: Kosmopolitikk (med Halvor Finess Tretvoll)
 2006: Normalitet (redaktør med Jan-Kåre Breivik)
 2006: Tryghed (redaktør)
 2007: Frihed (redaktør med Arne Johan Vetlesen)
 2007: Globalization: The Key Concepts, (2 . udgave 2014)
 2007: Grænser for kultur? (redaktør med Øivind Fuglerud)
 2008: Storeulvsyndromet: Jagten på lykken i overflodssamfundet,
 2008: Globalisering: Otte nøglebegreber (fornorsket version af Globalization)
 2009: Paradoxes of Cultural Recognition (redaktør med Sharam Alghasi og Halleh Ghorashi)
 2010: A World of Insecurity: The Anthropology of Human Security (redigeret med Ellen Postyr og Oscar Salemink)
 2010: Samfund
 2010: Kulturel kompleksitet i det nye Norge (redigeret med Hans Erik Næss),
 2011: Søppel: Affald i et værdet af bivirkninger
 2012: På stedet løb: Konkurrencens paradokser (med Dag O. Hessen)
 2012: Den globale drabantby (redaktør med Sharam Alghasi og Elisabeth Ejede).
 2013: Fredrik Barth: En intellektuel biografi,
 2014: Anthropology Now and Next: Essays in Honor of Ulf Hannerz (redaktør med Christina Garsten og Shalini Randeria).
 2015: Fredrik Barth: An intellectual biography (oversat og redigeret udgave af den norske biografi)
 2016: Overheating: An Anthropology of Accelerated Change (juli 2016)
 2016: Identities Destabilised: Living in an Overheated World (redigeret med Elisabeth Schober)
 2017: Knowledge and Power in an Overheated World (redigeret med Elisabeth Schober). Gratis e-bog, nedlastbar her.
 2018: An Overheated World: An Anthropological History of the Early Twenty-First Century (redaktør)

Skønlitteratur

 1999: Sidste dages heldige, roman,
 2012: Vejen til Barranquilla, roman,

For unge
 2012: Det som står på spil, illustrationer ved Siri Dokken

Referencer

Eksterne henvisninger

Faglitterære forfattere fra Norge
Videnskabsfolk fra Norge
Ansatte ved Oslo Universitet
Antropologer fra Norge

Thomas Hylland Eriksen


¿Para qué sirve un oso? es una película cómica española del año 2011, dirigida y escrita por Tom Fernández y protagonizada por Javier Cámara y Gonzalo de Castro. Más allá de ser cómica, la cinta tiene un importante interés por el ecologismo.

Argumento
Guillermo y Alejandro (Javier Cámara y Gonzalo de Castro) son dos hermanos científicos. El primero de ellos es un biólogo que trabaja en la Antártida para estudiar las consecuencias del cambio climático sobre la Tierra, hasta que un día decide abandonar su trabajo cuando descubre que a nadie parece importarle el calentamiento global.

Por otro lado, Alejandro es un zoólogo que vive en un bosque de Asturias con su empleado estadounidense Vincent (Jesse Johnson) al que todos llaman "Chaval". A diferencia de Guillermo, Alejandro sigue adelante con la idea de salvar los bosques de la región de la deforestación. Para ello necesita que aparezcan osos por la zona, sin embargo sus métodos no resultan ser fructíferos.

Reparto
 Javier Cámara como Guillermo
 Gonzalo de Castro como Alejandro
 Jesse Johnson como Vincent (Chaval)
 Geraldine Chaplin como Josephine
 Oona Chaplin como Rosa
 Sira García como Daniela
 Emma Suárez como Natalia

Localizaciones de rodaje
La cinta fue rodada principalmente en la zona del Camino Real del Puerto de la Mesa, en Asturias.

Referencias

Enlaces externos

Películas de 2011
Películas de España
Películas cómicas de España
Películas sobre ecología
Películas sobre la amistad
Películas ambientadas en Asturias
Películas de Emma Suárez

¿Para qué sirve un oso?


පැරණි ලෝකයට අයත් පක්‍ෂි කණ්ඩායමකි. ඵල භක්‍ෂකයෙක් වන නමුත් කෘමීන් ද ආහාරයට ගනී. ලිංගික ද්විරූපතාවයක් නොදක්වයි. කඳුකර කුරුල්ලෙකි. කඳුකරයේ මීටර් 1000ට ඉහළ කලාපයේ වනගත ප්‍රදේශවල සහ හොඳ ශාක ආවරණයක් සහිත ගෙවතුවල දක්නට ලැබෙන පියකරු කුරුල්ලෙකි. පුමාණයෙන් කොණ්ඩ කුරුල්ලාට සමාන වේ. උසින් අඩු ගසක දෙබලක හෝ පදුරක තනා ඇති කෝප්පාකාර කැදැල්ල හරිත වර්ණ පාසි එකතු කොට සාදනු ලබයි. පෙබරවාරි-මැයි සහ අගෝස්තු-ඔක්තෝම්බර් දක්වාත් අභිජනනය කරයි.

කුරුල්ලෝ
ශ්‍රී ලංකාවේ කුරුල්ලෝ

පීතකන් කොණ්ඩයා


بييرو باسيناتي (Piero Pasinati) (21 يوليو 1910 - 15 نوفمبر 2000)، لاعب كرة قدم إيطالي سابق. لعب مع منتخب إيطاليا لكرة القدم، وفاز بـ كأس العالم 1938 ، ولعب لناديا تريستينا وإيه سي ميلان

مراجع

وصلات خارجية

مهاجمو كرة قدم رجالية
رياضيون من ترييستي
لاعبو الدوري الإيطالي
لاعبو المنتخبات الفائزة بكأس العالم
لاعبو إيه سي ميلان
لاعبو الدوري الإيطالي الدرجة الثانية
لاعبو كأس العالم 1938
لاعبو كرة قدم إيطاليون
لاعبو منتخب إيطاليا في كأس العالم 1938
لاعبو منتخب إيطاليا لكرة القدم
لاعبو نادي تريستينا
لاعبو نادي كريمونيسي
لاعبو نوفارا
مدربو كرة قدم إيطاليون
مدربو نادي تريستينا
مدربو نادي ساليرنيتانا
مدربو نادي كاتانزارو
مواليد 1910
مواليد في ترييستي
وفيات 2000
وفيات في ترييستي

بييرو باسيناتي


Denumirea Răcari se poate referi la:
 Răcari, oraș în județul Dâmbovița, România;
 Răcari, sat în comuna Brădești, județul Dolj, România;

De asemenea, se poate referi și la:
 Răcarii de Sus, sat component al orașului Filiași, România;
 Răcari, denumire veche a localității Durankulak, regiunea Dobrici, Bulgaria.

Răcari (dezambiguizare)


Simpson est une ville américaine située dans les comtés de Cloud et de Mitchell, au Kansas. Selon le recensement de 2020, sa population est de .

Liens externes

Ville au Kansas
Localité dans le comté de Cloud
Comté de Mitchell (Kansas)

Simpson (Kansas)


Le tilleul des Lognards est un tilleul classé situé à Xhoris dans la commune de Ferrières en province de Liège (Belgique).

Localisation
Le tilleul est situé dans le village de Xhoris, le long de la voirie Tilleul des Lognards, sur un plateau herbeux et inhabité de la région calcaire de la Calestienne entre le centre du village, Pierreux et le vallon de Bléron, autre site classé. Le sentier de grande randonnée 571 passe devant le tilleul.

Historique
Bien que l'on ne connaisse pas la date de sa plantation, il est possible que ce tilleul soit demi-millénaire. Son nom fait référence aux soudards (anciennement : soldats, mercenaires) de Logne que les paysans, exaspérés par leurs rapines et leurs exactions, pendaient à ses branches. Or, le château-fort de Logne fut définitivement détruit en 1521.

Description du site
Le site du Tilleul des Lognards se compose du tilleul proprement-dit, de la croix Herman, de la chapelle Sainte-Barbe et d'une stèle. Un épicéa se dressait au sud de la chapelle jusqu'aux environs de 2015.

Tilleul des Lognards
En plus de sa fonction de gibet (voir Historique), le tilleul avait celui, plus pacifique, d'arbre guérisseur. Une piécette de monnaie, glissée dans une fente de l'écorce aurait assurer la guérison des maux de dents. Il est aussi repris comme arbre à clous. Il servait également de repère et de halte aux pèlerins qui se rendaient au prieuré puis à l'abbaye de Bernardfagne (Saint-Roch) où le culte de saint Roch y est autorisé dès 1521.

Croix Herman
Placée devant le tilleul, la croix Herman se compose d'un socle en pierre calcaire gravé et daté de 1771 sur lequel se dresse un crucifix en fonte, daté de 1767.

Chapelle Sainte-Barbe
La chapelle dédiée à sainte Barbe a été construite en 1862 comme l'atteste une inscription en chronogramme gravée en façade. Le chronogramme indique : "SaInte Barbe à La Mort aCCorDez-noUs Votre proteCtIon". De base rectangulaire (3,5 m x 3 m), la chapelle est bâtie en brique et pierre calcaire pour la façade et uniquement en pierre calcaire pour les autres côtés. La façade en brique est ornée de pilastres en pierre de taille formant quatre arcs cintrés et surmontée d'une croix en fonte. La toiture à trois pans est recouverte d'ardoises.

Stèle
À une trentaine de mètres à l'ouest du tilleul, une stèle en pierre calcaire a été placée en 2000 en même temps que la plantation de six jeunes tilleuls. Cette stèle reprend un texte gravé en wallon : Chal, les èfants des scoles ont planté des tiyous li 25 nôvimbe 2000 (Ici, les enfants des écoles ont planté des tilleuls le 25 novembre 2000).

Classement
Le Tilleul des Lognards est repris sur la liste du patrimoine immobilier classé de Ferrières depuis le 5 novembre 1965.

Poème
Un poème du peintre Marcel Lagasse décrit le site :
Ancienne chapelle esseulée
Et de même, vieux crucifix
Par tous les temps, assez meurtris
Œuvre de lointaines années

Gracieux d'emmêlement de branches
Le vieux tilleul tout effeuillé
Reste beau, pour bien s'imposer
Par sa robustesse tant franche !

Le gros sapin, disant - Ardennes !
Au temps d'automne vient contraster
Et ajouter à la beauté.
Aussi, maints artistes y viennent

Et le peintre ici - sa palette !
A bien rendu tous ses aspects
Son paysage en est complet
Disant la vérité bien nette.

Références

Voir aussi

Articles connexes
Liste du patrimoine immobilier classé de Ferrières
Liste des arbres remarquables de Belgique
Vallon de Bléron

Source et lien externe
Stassen B., La Mémoire des arbres, le temps, la foi, la loi, tome 1, éditions Racine, Bruxelles, 2003

Patrimoine classé à Ferrières (Belgique)
Arbre remarquable en Belgique
Lognards

Tilleul des Lognards


Diese Liste von Panzermuseen enthält Informationen zu Inhalten in Wikipedia die Panzermuseen betreffen. Gelegentlich sind auch WP:Rotlinks für Artikel eingetragen, die gewünscht aber noch nicht geschrieben sind.

Ein Panzermuseum ist ein militärhistorisches und militärtechnisches Fachmuseum, das sich schwerpunktmäßig der Waffengattung Panzer widmet.

Bei den Einträgen möglichst auf schmale Spaltenbreite achten (z. B. GB für Großbritannien oder USA für Vereinigte Staaten)

Nachfolgend eine Übersicht:

Siehe auch
 Liste von Museen nach Themengebiet

Weblinks

Einzelnachweise

!
Panzermuseen

Liste von Panzermuseen


Doğançay, Sakarya ilinin Geyve ilçesine bağlı, Sadzların çoğunlukta olduğu bir mahalledir. 93 Harbinden sonra mahalleye kayda değer bir Laz nüfus gelmiştir ama azınlıktırlar.

Tarihçe
Köy adını büyük ve yaşlı çınar ağaçlarından almıştır.

Coğrafya
Sakarya il merkezine 17 km, Geyve ilçesine 17 km uzaklıktadır.

Nüfus

Kaynakça

Dış bağlantılar
 Yerelnet

Geyve'nin mahalleleri

Doğançay, Geyve


In computer science, graph reduction implements an efficient version of non-strict evaluation, an evaluation strategy where the arguments to a function are not immediately evaluated. This form of non-strict evaluation is also known as lazy evaluation and used in functional programming languages. The technique was first developed by Chris Wadsworth in 1971.

Motivation
A simple example of evaluating an arithmetic expression follows:

The above reduction sequence employs a strategy known as outermost tree reduction. The same expression can be evaluated using innermost tree reduction, yielding the reduction sequence:

Notice that the reduction order is made explicit by the addition of parentheses. This expression could also have been simply evaluated right to left, because addition is an associative operation.

Represented as a tree, the expression above looks like this:

This is where the term tree reduction comes from.  When represented as a tree, we can think of innermost reduction as working from the bottom up, while outermost works from the top down.

The expression can also be represented as a directed acyclic graph, allowing sub-expressions to be shared:

As for trees, outermost and innermost reduction also applies to graphs.  Hence we have graph reduction.

Now evaluation with outermost graph reduction can proceed as follows:

Notice that evaluation now only requires four steps. Outermost graph reduction is referred to as lazy evaluation and innermost graph reduction is referred to as eager evaluation.

Combinator graph reduction
Combinator graph reduction is a fundamental implementation technique for functional programming languages, in which a program is converted into a combinator representation which is mapped to a directed graph data structure in computer memory, and program execution then consists of rewriting parts of this graph ("reducing" it) so as to move towards useful results.

History
The concept of a graph reduction that allows evaluated values to be shared was first developed by Chris Wadsworth in his 1971 Ph.D. dissertation. This dissertation was cited by Peter Henderson and James H. Morris Jr. in 1976 paper, "A lazy evaluator" that introduced the notion of lazy evaluation. In 1976 David Turner incorporated lazy evaluation into SASL using combinators.
SASL was an early functional programming language first developed by Turner in 1972.

See also
Graph reduction machine
SECD machine

Notes

References

Further reading

Implementation of functional programming languages
Graph algorithms
Graph rewriting

Graph reduction


William Sanford Nye (født 27. november 1955) er en amerikansk ingeniør, tv-vært, komiker, skuespiller, forfatter og videnskabsmand, blandt andet kendt som Bill Nye the Science Guy, der som vært på den populærvidenskabelige tv-serie af samme navn, formidlede forskellige emner til børn i 1990'erne.

Nye er i øjeblikket leder af The Planetary Society, der blev startet af blandt andre Carl Sagan i 1980.

Liv og karriere
Nye studerede maskinteknik ved Cornell University og modtog en B.S. i 1977.

Udvalgt bibliografi
 Undeniable: Evolution and the Science of Creation, med Corey S. Powell (2014),
 Unstoppable: Harnessing Science to Change the World, med Corey S. Powell (2015),

Referencer

Eksterne henvisninger

Undervisere fra USA
Komikere fra USA
Ingeniører fra USA
Videnskabsfolk fra USA
Tv-personligheder fra USA
Personer fra Washington D.C.

Bill Nye