Forensic linguistics, legal linguistics, or language and the law, is the application of linguistic knowledge, methods, and insights to the forensic context of law, language, crime investigation, trial, and judicial procedure. It is a branch of applied linguistics.

There are principally three areas of application for linguists working in forensic contexts:
 understanding language of the written law,
 understanding language use in forensic and judicial processes, and
 the provision of linguistic evidence.

The discipline of forensic linguistics is not homogeneous; it involves a range of experts and researchers in different areas of the field.

History

The phrase forensic linguistics first appeared in 1968 when Jan Svartvik, a professor of linguistics, used it in "The Evans Statements: A Case for Forensic Linguistics" an analysis of statements by Timothy John Evans. It was in regard to re-analyzing the statements given to police at Notting Hill police station, England, in 1949 in the case of an alleged murder by Evans. Evans was suspected of murdering his wife and baby, and he was tried and hanged for the crime. Yet, when Svartvik studied the statements allegedly given by Evans, he found that there were different stylistic markers involved, and Evans did not actually give the statements to the police officers as had been stated at the trial. Sparked by this case, early forensic linguistics in the UK were focused on questioning the validity of police interrogations. As seen in numerous famous cases (e.g. the convictions of Derek Bentley, the Guildford Four, the Bridgewater Three), many of the major concerns were of the statements police officers used. Numerous times, the topic of police register came up– the type of stylist language and vocabulary used by officers of the law when transcribing witness statements.

In the US, forensic linguistics can be traced back as early as 1927 to a ransom note in Corning, New York. The Associated Press reported, "Duncan McLure, of Johnson City, uncle of the [kidnapped] girl, is the only member of the family to spell his name 'McLure' instead of 'McClure'. The letter he received, supposedly from the kidnappers, was addressed to him by the proper name, indicating that the writer was familiar with the difference in spelling." Other work of forensic linguistics in the United States concerned the rights of individuals with regard to understanding their Miranda rights during the interrogation process. The 1963 case of Ernesto Miranda was pivotal to the beginnings of the forensic linguistics field. His case led to the creation of the Miranda rights and pushed the focus of forensic linguistics on witness questioning rather than police statements. Various cases came about that challenged whether or not suspects truly understood what their rights meant– leading to a distinction of coercive versus voluntary interrogations. An early application of forensic linguistics in the United States was related to the status of trademarks as words or phrases in the language. One of the bigger cases involved fast food giant McDonald's claiming that it had originated the process of attaching unprotected words to the "Mc" prefix (referred to as McWords) and was unhappy with Quality Inns International's intention of opening a chain of economy hotels to be called "McSleep".

In the 1980s, Australian linguists discussed the application of linguistics and sociolinguistics to legal issues. They discovered that a phrase such as "the same language" is open to interpretation. Aboriginal people have their own understanding and use of "English", something that is not always appreciated by speakers of the dominant version of English, i.e. "white English". The Aboriginal people also bring their own culturally-based interactional styles to the interview.

The 2000s saw a considerable shift in the field of forensic linguistics, which has been described as a coming-of-age of the discipline, as it spread to many countries around the world, from Europe to Australia and Japan. Today, not only does the field have professional associations such as the International Association for Forensic and Legal Linguistics (IAFLL), founded as the International Association of Forensic Linguists (IAFL) in 1993, and the Austrian Association for Legal Linguistics (AALL), founded in 2017, but it can now provide the scientific community with a range of textbooks such as Coulthard, Johnson and Wright (2017), Gibbons (2003), and Olsson (2008).

Additionally, certain leading institutions have developed programs of study and institutes focused on forensic linguistics. In the United States, Hofstra University has developed a master's degree program, and the Institute for Forensic Linguistics, Threat Assessment, and Strategic Analysis, which conducts special projects, research, and internships in forensic linguistics. This institute contains the Forensic Linguistics Capital Case Innocence Project, formed in 2014, which involves supervised interns reanalyzing language data in capital punishment cases to locate any possibilities of appeal. In the United Kingdom, Aston University has developed master's degree and Ph.D. programs as well as the Aston Institute for Forensic Linguistics (AIFL), founded in 2019 and formerly known as the Aston Centre for Forensic Linguistics which was founded in 2008, that studies forensic texts and conducts research using a variety of methods from numerous areas of linguistics.

Areas of study
The range of topics within forensic linguistics is diverse, but research occurs in the following areas:

The language of legal texts

Communication problems may occur between the written law and lay persons due to the complex nature of the language and vocabulary used in these legal texts. Forensic linguists will study these texts to understand how these issues arise, and if necessary, provide explanations or translations of the contents.

One part of the language of legal texts encompasses the Miranda warning in the United States. These warnings let the defendant know that they have the right to be silent, since whatever they say from the moment they are in police custody can and will be used against them in a court of law. The recipients who are advised of these rights must have a certain level of competency in the English language in order to completely understand the warning.

The language of legal processes
Among other things, this area examines language as it is used in cross-examination, evidence presentation, judge's direction, police cautions, police testimonies in court, summing up to a jury, interview techniques, the questioning process in court, and in other areas such as police interviews.

Police officers use specific language to elicit certain responses from civilians. Because of a police officer's social stature, and the way they often phrase "requests" as "commands", people may be confused as to what their rights are when they are being questioned by police. Officers use linguistic tactics including putting the blame onto the victim and asking questions with ambiguous phrasing to elicit specific responses from people.
In addition, language structure in witness or suspect interviews can have an impact on the statements which are made from these. In the case of Derek Bentley, elicitation of a narrative through questions rather than a natural account resulted in a wrongful prosecution and sentence of the death penalty. Analysis of the statement revealed the statement was not Bentley's own words and was constructed by the police officers.

When a victim is invoking their right to a lawyer, there are directions stating that the request may not come off as ambiguous. In fact, if the request is not stated in a way that the officer deems to be clear, the victim may not receive their request for counsel at all.

During the examination process, language plays a substantial role in the presentation of a story to the courtroom. A defendant's ambiguity may be deemed unacceptable. The language used by the lawyer to construct the story to the courtroom elicits specific responses from the witness, and specific emotions from the jury. For example, in an instance where a lawyer is examining a hostile witness, they will often use language to limit the response of the witness, in order to avoid having the witness present conflicting evidence. In this instance, yes/no questions will be targeted, and questions with room for elaboration, such as wh-formation questions, will likely be avoided. In a situation where a lawyer interviews a friendly witness whose testimony could potentially strengthen the story constructed by the lawyer, the opposite may occur, where wh-questions are targeted to allow for elaboration.

Lawyers employ specific tactics for both themselves and their witnesses to come off as more or less truthful to the jury and the people of the courtroom. For example, the lawyer may refer to the witness by their first name or a nickname to humanize the witness, or they may speak using slang in order to create less social distance between themselves and the courtroom. The lawyer may also avoid using slang, and instead use complicated law terminology to set themselves apart from the courtroom and define their status.

The lawyer works in constructing the language of the legal process of the courtroom, and specific witnesses may respond to the lawyer's questions in different ways, eliciting new language tactics and opinions from the jury. For example, witnesses may use direct or indirect speech based on their previous societal experiences, gender differences, socioeconomic differences, or differences in education level. Using particular dialects, slang, or sentence formations could assist in making the witness more or less truthful to the jury.

Since language can be used to elicit responses in the legal process, the right to an interpreter plays a part in the fairness of the trial. "The right to an interpreter is essentially a procedural right that derives from the right to a fair trial: everyone charged with a criminal offence has the right to certain minimum procedural guarantees, and these include the right to the free assistance of an interpreter where s/he cannot understand or speak the language of the concerned court."

Forensic text types

Emergency call
In an emergency call, the recipient or emergency operator's ability to extract primarily linguistic information in threatening situations and to come up with the required response in a timely manner is crucial to the successful completion of the call. Emphasis on intonation, voice pitch, and the extent to which there is cooperation between the caller and the recipient at any one time are also very important in analyzing an emergency call. Full cooperation includes frank and timely responses.

Urgency plays a role in emergency calls, so hesitations, signs of evasiveness, and incomplete or overly short answers indicate that the caller might be making a false or hoax call. A genuine call has distinctive interlocking and slight overlap of turns. The recipient trusts the caller to provide accurate information and the caller trusts the recipient to ask only pertinent questions. If the caller uses a rising pitch at the end of every turn, it might represent a lack of commitment; the recipient's use of a rising pitch indicates doubt or desire for clarification. The call ideally moves from nil knowledge on the part of the recipient to a maximum amount of knowledge in a minimum possible period of time. This makes the emergency call unlike any other kind of service encounter.

Ransom demands or other threat communication
Threat is a counterpart of a promise and is an important feature in a ransom demand. Ransom demands are also examined to identify between genuine and false threats. An example of a ransom note analysis can be seen in the case of the Lindbergh kidnapping, where the first ransom note (sometimes referred to as the Nursery Note) stated: "We warn you for making anyding public or for notify the Polise the child is in gut care". In the sentence, the kidnapper makes the claim that the child is in good hands, but to make such a claim, the note would have to have been written before the perpetrator entered the premises. Therefore, the claim is false (at the time of writing) since the kidnapper had not even encountered the child when he wrote the note.

Kidnappers may write statements that later end up being true, such as "your child is being held in a private location" being written ahead of time.

Ransom demands in the style of written notes have been present in many notable cases. The style of writing used in a ransom note is examined by forensic linguists in order to determine the writing's true intent, as well as to determine who wrote the note. Forensic linguists look at factors such as syntactic structures, stylistic patterns, punctuation, and even spelling while analyzing ransom notes. In the case of the Lindbergh ransom note, forensic linguists compared similarities of writing styles from the note to that of writing of the suspect, creating a better chance at discovering who wrote the note.

Suicide letters

A suicide note is typically brief, concise, and highly propositional with a degree of evasiveness. A credible suicide letter must be making a definite unequivocal proposition in a situational context. The proposition of genuine suicide is thematic, directed to the addressee (or addressees), and relevant to the relationship between them and the writer. Suicide notes generally have sentences alluding to the act of killing oneself, or the method of suicide that was undertaken. The contents of a suicide note could be intended to make the addressee suffer or feel guilt. Genuine suicide letters are short, typically less than 300 words in length. Extraneous or irrelevant material is often excluded from the text.

Death row statements
Death row statements either admit the crime, leaving the witness with an impression of honesty and forthrightness, or deny the crime, leaving the witness with an impression of innocence. They may also denounce witnesses as dishonest, critique law enforcement as corrupt in an attempt to portray innocence, or seek an element of revenge in their last moments. Death row statements are made within the heavily institutionalized setting of death row prisons.

The Forensic Linguistics Institute holds a corpus of these documents and is conducting research on them.

Social media
Social media statements are often context-specific, and their interpretation can be highly subjective. Forensic application of a selection of stylistic and stylometric techniques has been done in a simulated authorship attribution case involving texts in relation to Facebook. Analysis of social media postings can reveal whether they are illegal (e.g. sex trade) or unethical (e.g. intended to harm) or whether they are not (e.g. simply provocative or free speech).

Use of linguistic evidence in legal proceedings
These areas of application have varying degrees of acceptability or reliability within the field. Linguists have provided evidence in:
 Trademark and other intellectual property disputes
 Disputes of meaning and use
 Author identification (determining who wrote an anonymous text by making comparisons to known writing samples of a suspect; such as threat letters, mobile phone texts or emails)
 Forensic stylistics (identifying cases of plagiarism)
 Voice identification, also known as forensic phonetics (used to determine, through acoustic qualities, if the voice on a tape recorder is that of the defendant)
 Discourse analysis (the analysis of the structure of written or spoken utterance to determine who is introducing topics or whether a suspect is agreeing to engage in criminal conspiracy)
 Language analysis (forensic dialectology) tracing the linguistic history of asylum seekers (Language Analysis for the Determination of Origin)
 Reconstruction of mobile phone text conversations
 Forensic phonetics

Specialist databases of samples of spoken and written natural language (called corpora) are now frequently used by forensic linguists. These include corpora of suicide notes, mobile phone texts, police statements, police interview records, and witness statements. They are used to analyze language, understand how it is used, and to reduce the effort needed to identify words that tend to occur near each other (collocations or collocates).

Author identification

The identification of whether a given individual said or wrote something relies on analysis of their idiolect, or particular patterns of language use (vocabulary, collocations, pronunciation, spelling, grammar, etc.). The idiolect is a theoretical construct based on the idea that there is linguistic variation at the group level and hence there may also be linguistic variation at the individual level. William Labov has stated that nobody has found a "homogenous data" in idiolects, and there are many reasons why it is difficult to provide such evidence.

Firstly, language is not an inherited property, but one which is socially acquired. Because acquisition is continuous and life-long, an individual's use of language is always susceptible to variation from a variety of sources, including other speakers, the media, and macro-social changes. Education can have a profoundly homogenizing effect on language use. Research into authorship identification is ongoing. The term authorship attribution is now felt to be too deterministic.

The paucity of documents (ransom notes, threatening letters, etc.) in most criminal cases in a forensic setting means there is often too little text upon which to base a reliable identification. However, the information provided may be adequate to eliminate a suspect as an author or narrow down an author from a small group of suspects.

Authorship measures that analysts use include word length average, average number of syllables per word, article frequency, type-token ratio, punctuation (both in terms of overall density and syntactic boundaries), and the measurements of hapax legomena (unique words in a text). Statistical approaches include factor analysis, Bayesian statistics, Poisson distribution, multivariate analysis, and discriminant function analysis of function words.

The CUSUM (cumulative sum) method for text analysis has also been developed. CUSUM analysis works even on short texts and relies on the assumption that each speaker has a unique set of habits, thus rendering no significant difference between their speech and writing. Speakers tend to utilize two- to three-letter words in a sentence and their utterances tend to include vowel-initial words.

In order to carry out the CUSUM test on habits of utilizing two- to three-letter words and vowel-initial words in a sentential clause, the occurrences of each type of word in the text must be identified and the distribution plotted in each sentence. The CUSUM distribution for these two habits will be compared with the average sentence length of the text. The two sets of values should track each other. Any altered section of the text would show a distinct discrepancy between the values of the two reference points. The tampered-with section will exhibit a different pattern from the rest of the text.

Forensic stylistics
   This category focuses on more written and spoken evidence where the examiner will determine the meaning, content, speaker identification, and determination of author to find the bases of the plagiarism.

One of the earliest cases where forensic stylistics was used to detect plagiarism was the case of Helen Keller's short story "The Frost King", in which the deaf-blind American author was accused of plagiarism in 1892. An investigation revealed that "The Frost King" had been plagiarized from Margaret Canby's "Frost Fairies", which had been read to Keller some time earlier. Keller was found to have made only minute changes to common words and phrases and used less common words to say the same thing, suggesting mere alterations to original ideas. Keller used "vast wealth" instead of "treasure" (230 times less common in the language), "bethought" instead of "concluded" (approximately 450 times less common), and "bade them" instead of "told them" (approximately 30 times less common). Keller used the phrase "ever since that time", but Canby chose "from that time" (the latter 50 times more common than the former). Keller also used "I cannot imagine", but Canby used "I do not know". "Know" is approximately ten times more common than "imagine". Keller relied on a lexis that is less common than that of Canby. The Flesch and Flesch–Kincaid readability test showed that Canby's text had more originality than Keller's. Canby's text obtained a higher grade on the reading ease scale compared to Keller's. The distinctions between Keller and Canby's text are at the lexical and phrasal level.

Other examples of plagiarism include the cases between Richard Condon, author of The Manchurian Candidate, and English novelist Robert Graves and between Martin Luther King Jr. and Archibald Carey. Judging by the text in The Manchurian Candidate, Condon's work is rich in clichés such as "in his superstitious heart of hearts". While Helen Keller took pride in using rare phrases and avoided common source words, Condon was fond of expanding existing words into phrases and existing phrases into more extensive ones. Condon was also found to have borrowed from a wide range of Graves' work. However, in the plagiarism case between King and Archibald Carey, almost half of King's doctoral dissertation was discovered to have been copied from another theology student. King simply changed the names of the mountains and used much more alliteration and assonance. Carey's and Graves' texts (source texts) were noticeably shorter, pithier, and simpler in structure, while Condon's and King's texts relied on "purple" devices, extending the existing text and flourishing their language significantly.

Another famous example is that in the case of Ted Kaczynski, who was eventually convicted of being the "Unabomber". Ted's brother, David Kaczynski,  recognized his writing style in the phrase "cool-headed logicians" in the published 35,000-word Industrial Society and Its Future (commonly called the "Unabomber Manifesto") and notified the authorities. FBI agents searching Kaczynski's hut found hundreds of documents written by Kaczynski but not published anywhere. An analysis produced by FBI Supervisory Special Agent James R. Fitzgerald identified numerous lexical items and phrases common to the two documents. Some were more distinctive than others, but the prosecution argued that even the more common words and phrases being used by Kaczynski became distinctive when used in combination with one another.

Forensic stylistics was used to analyze the texts of Jack the Ripper dating back to 1888. Jack the ripper's first letter to the police was received on September 24, 1888. Its contents contained the details of the second murder of Annie Chapman, who was killed on September 8, 1888, and the letter was unsigned. The second text received on September 27 was the "Dear Boss" letter, which was signed "Jack the Ripper". The third notable piece of writing was a postcard titled "Saucy Jacky" received on October 1, 1888. The postcard addressed the double murder of Elizabeth Stride and Catherine Eddowes on September 30, 1888 and was also signed "Jack the Ripper". The final important text was titled "Moab the Midian", contained elements of a triple homicide, was justified by religious motives, and was received on October 5, 1888. These are the three most important texts regarding the Ripper case, according to forensic linguistic analysis. Jack the Ripper became very famous, very quickly, and people enjoyed writing in false letters on his behalf. These three letters were received before any publicity came to the case, and therefore are considered the most reliable. Linguists went on to analyze the texts claiming to be from the Ripper to determine whether or not they were written by the same person. A JRC (Jack the Ripper Corpus) was compiled with the 209 texts containing 17, 643 words. The average length of one piece of text was 83 tokens, with the minimum being 7 and the maximum being 648. Looking at the addressee's, 67% were to Scotland Yard or other law enforcement units, 20% were to common citizens, and 13% were to unknown addressees. The majority of the postmarks were from London, however some of them were from all over the United Kingdom. All of the letters were handwritten, and 4% contained drawings depicting items like knives and coffins. 75% of the letters were signed "Jack the Ripper" or "Jack the Whitechapel Ripper", "JR", or "jack ripper and son". 14% used other pseudonyms like "Jim the Cutter" and "Bill the Bowler". 11% were not signed. The dates of the 209 texts ranged from September 24, 1888 to October 14th, 1896, however 62% of the texts in the JRC were received during October through November 1888. The term "author clustering" refers to the process carried out in order to determine if a set of texts has the same author. The Ripper texts were too short to use current computation methods of author clustering and authorship identification, so the Jaccard coefficient and Jaccard deviation was used. The Jaccard coefficient is the number of shared features between both texts divided by the total number of features in both texts. This method is currently applied to text messages and short texts, like emails, newspaper articles, and personal narratives. In simpler terms, it does a plagiarism check, but hoping for a match. This analyzes for word n-grams, which are strings of words of a certain length (n). The more n-gram words in common, the more similarities between the two documents, the higher the likeliness they are not independent. The method of using word n-grams is called frequency-based stylometrics. Although this method is not as reliable as looking for function words, simple word frequencies, or character n-grams, word strings are rarer because combinations of words are at the core of language processing. They reveal idiolectal nature because every author subconsciously uses their own idiosyncratic set of lexical choices. For the JRC, they looked at the presence and absence of word n-grams instead of the frequency of word n-grams because the texts were so short. Because they're using the presence and absence instead of the frequency, the Jaccard distance is used. This will provide a more inclusive answer consisting of major groups of texts that are more like each other, and then smaller groups can be examined after. The JRC was analyzed against a Comparison corpus consisting of the following: COHA, CLMET3, and EOBC. All of the JRC texts were compared to each other and the comparison corpora with a word n-gram of n=2, and a radial dendrogram was produced. From this, "Dear Boss" and "Saucy Jacky" were deemed the most similar with a Jaccard distance of 0.93. That degree of dissimilarity can be found in less than 5% of the texts in the JRC. Moab the Midian came in with the next most similarities. The final conclusion was that Dear Boss and Saucy Jacky cannot be considered independent from one another because they share more word 2-gram uses than 95% of all other possible pairs of texts in the JRC. Of the pre-publication texts, Moab the Midian is almost as close as Dear Boss is to Saucy Jacky and is the only text that is like both.

Discourse analysis
Discourse analysis deals with analyzing written, oral, or sign language use, or any significant semiotic event. According to the method, the close analysis of a covert recording can produce useful deductions. The use of "I" instead of "we" in a recording highlights non-complicity in a conspiracy. The utterance of "yeah" and "uh-huh" as responses indicate that the suspect understands the suggestion, while feedback markers such as "yeah" and "uh-huh" do not denote the suspect's agreement to the suggestion. Discourse analysts are not always allowed to testify but during preparation for a case they are often useful to lawyers.

Linguistic dialectology
This refers to the study of dialects in a methodological manner based on anthropological information. It is becoming more important to conduct systematic studies of dialects, especially within the English language, because they are no longer as distinct as they once were due to the onslaught of mass media and population mobility. Political and social issues have also caused languages to straddle geographical borders resulting in certain language varieties spoken in multiple countries, leading to complications when determining an individual's origin by means of his/her language or dialect.

Dialectology was used during the investigations into the Yorkshire Ripper tape hoax.

Forensic phonetics
The forensic phonetician is concerned with the production of accurate transcriptions of what was being said. Transcriptions can reveal information about a speaker's social and regional background. Forensic phonetics can determine similarities between the speakers of two or more separate recordings.  Voice recording as a supplement to the transcription can be useful as it allows victims and witnesses to indicate whether the voice of a suspect is that of the accused, i.e. alleged, criminal.

A man accused of manufacturing the drug ecstasy was misheard by the police transcriber as "hallucinogenic". The police transcriber heard "but if it's, as you say, it's hallucinogenic, it's in the Sigma catalogue". However, the actual utterance was "but if it's, as you say, it's German, it's in the Sigma catalogue".

Another disputed utterance was between a police officer and a suspect. One of the topics of conversation was a third man known as "Ernie". The poor signal of the recording made "Ernie" sound like "Ronnie". The surveillance tape presented acoustic problems: an intrusive electronic-sounding crackle, the sound of the car engine, the playing of the car radio, the movement of the target vehicle, and the intrusive noise all coincided with the first syllable of the disputed name.

Forensic speechreading is the complement of forensic voice identification. Transcripts of surveilled video records can sometimes allow expert speechreaders to identify speech content or style where the identity of the talker is apparent from the video record.

Examples
Evidence from forensic linguistics has more power to eliminate someone as a suspect than to prove him or her guilty. Linguistic expertise has been employed in criminal cases to defend an individual suspected of a crime and during government investigations. Forensic linguists have given expert evidence in a wide variety of cases, including abuse of process, where police statements were found to be too similar to have been independently produced by police officers; the authorship of hate mail; the authorship of letters to an Internet child pornography service; the contemporaneity of an arsonist's diary; the comparison between a set of mobile phone texts and a suspect's police interview, and the reconstruction of a mobile phone text conversation. Some well-known examples include an appeal against the conviction of Derek Bentley; the identification of Subcomandante Marcos, the Zapatistas' charismatic leader, by Max Appedole; and the identification of Ted Kaczynski as the so-called "Unabomber" by James R. Fitzgerald.

The criminal laboratories Bundeskriminalamt (in Germany) and the Nederlands Forensisch Instituut (in the Netherlands) both employ forensic linguists.

Forensic linguistics contributed to the overturning of Derek Bentley's conviction for murder in 1998, although there were other non-linguistic issues. Nineteen-year-old Bentley, who was functionally illiterate, had been hanged in 1953 for his part in the murder of PC Sidney Miles; he had been convicted partly on the basis of his statement to police, allegedly transcribed verbatim from a spoken monologue. When the case was reopened, a forensic linguist found that the frequency and usage of the word "then" in police transcripts suggested the transcripts were not verbatim statements but had been partially authored by police interviewers; this and other evidence led to Bentley's posthumous pardon.

During the investigative stage in identifying Subcomandante Marcos, the Mexican government speculated that he was a dangerous guerrilla fighter. This theory gained much traction at the end of 1994, after the dissident Zapatista Comandante, Salvador Morales Garibay, gave away the identity of his former fellow Zapatistas to the Mexican government, among them Marcos' identity. They all were indicted for terrorism, arrest warrants were issued, and arrests were made in a military action. The Mexican government alleges some Zapatistas to be terrorists, among them Marcos. There was a storm of political pressures claiming for a fast military solution to the 1995 Zapatista Crisis. On 9 February 1995, in a televised special presidential broadcast, President Ernesto Zedillo announced Subcomandante Marcos to be one Rafael Sebastián Guillén Vicente, born 19 June 1957 to Spanish immigrants in Tampico, Tamaulipas, a former professor at the Universidad Autónoma Metropolitana School of Sciences and Arts for the Design.

After the government revealed Marcos' identity in January 1995, Max Appedole, old friend, classmate with the Jesuits at the Instituto Cultural Tampico, made direct intervention in the conflict. Appedole played a major role with the Mexican government to avoid a military solution to the 1995 Zapatista Crisis by demonstrating that, contrary to the accusations announced by President Ernesto Zedillo, Rafael Guillén was no terrorist. Max Appedole identified Marcos' linguistic fingerprint, based on Marcos' specific, unique way of speaking, recognized his literary style in all Marcos' manifestos that were published in the media, and linked them to literary tournaments organized by the Jesuits in which they competed in Mexico. Everyone has an idiolect, encompassing vocabulary, grammar, and pronunciation, that differs from the way other people talk. He confirmed that he had no doubt that Marcos was his friend Rafael Guillén, a pacifist. Max Appedole closed the first successful linguistic profiling confirmation case in the history of law enforcement. Based on these achievements, a new science was developed, giving way to what is now called forensic linguistics. This motivated a new division of forensic linguistics called "criminal profiling in law enforcement".

Forensic linguistic evidence also played a role in the investigation of the 2005 disappearance of Julie Turner, a 40-year-old woman living in Yorkshire. After she was reported missing, her partner received several text messages from Julie's mobile phone, such as "Stopping at jills, back later need to sort my head out", and "Tell kids not to worry. sorting my life out. be in touch to get some things".  Investigators found that letters written by Turner's friend Howard Simmerson shared linguistic similarities with the text messages, suggesting that Simmerson had been aware of the contents of the messages. Simmerson was eventually found guilty of Turner's murder.

19-year-old Jenny Nicholl disappeared on 30 June 2005. Her body was never found, giving police and forensic scientists little information to go on about what might have happened to Jenny. After looking through her phone for clues, forensic linguists came to the conclusion that the texts sent from her phone around the time that she disappeared seemed very different from her usual texting style, and soon started looking to her ex-boyfriend, David Hodgson, for clues of what happened to her, including looking through his phone and studying his texting style. The forensic linguists found a number of stylistic similarities between David's texting style and the messages sent from Jenny's phone around the time she went missing. Using the timeframe of when she went missing, combined with the differences in texting styles and other forensic details, Jenny's murderer, David Hodgson, was convicted. The analysis of the text messages and their submission in court helped to pave the way for forensic linguistics to be acknowledged as a science in UK law, rather than opinion. To this day, her body has not been found, but justice was still served for her and her family because of forensic linguistics.

Forensic linguist John Olsson gave evidence in a murder trial on the meaning of "jooking" in connection with a stabbing.

During the appeal against the conviction of the Bridgewater Four, the forensic linguist examined the written confession of Patrick Molloy, one of the defendants – a confession which he had retracted immediately – and a written record of an interview which the police claimed took place immediately before the confession was dictated. Molloy denied that the interview had ever taken place, and the analysis indicated that the answers in the interview were not consistent with the questions being asked. The linguist came to the conclusion that the interview had been fabricated by police. The conviction against the Bridgewater Four was quashed before the linguist in the case, Malcolm Coulthard, could produce his evidence.

In an Australian case reported by Eagleson, a "farewell letter" had apparently been written by a woman prior to her disappearance. The letter was compared with a sample of her previous writing and that of her husband. Eagleson came to the conclusion that the letter had been written by the husband of the missing woman, who subsequently confessed to having written it and to having killed his wife. The features analyzed included sentence breaks, marked themes, and deletion of prepositions.

In 2009, there was a house fire where a father was able to save his children, but his wife died in the house. The police thought that the fire was actually not an accident, but instead a cover-up of the father murdering the mother. The forensic linguists were able to obtain the phones of both the father and mother, and realized that there were texts still being sent from the mother's phone the whole day– long after the police thought she had died. Using information from the two phones, the linguists were able to study the texting styles of both parents to see if they could obtain any more information about what happened that day. It turned out that the texts sent from the wife's phone were actually the husband pretending to be the wife so that no one would know she was murdered, and everyone would believe that she perished in the house fire. The forensic linguists were able to figure this out by studying the husband's texting style, spelling errors, and more, and were able to come to the conclusion that the texts sent after the wife was thought to be deceased were actually the husband texting from her phone pretending to be her. Without this knowledge, it would have been much more difficult to convict the husband of murder and get justice for the family.

Additional concepts

Linguistic fingerprinting
A linguistic fingerprint is a concept put forward by some scholars that each human being uses language differently, and that this difference between people involves a collection of markers which stamps a speaker/writer as unique, similar to a fingerprint. Under this view, it is assumed that every individual uses languages differently and this difference can be observed as a fingerprint. It is formed as a result of merged language style. A person's linguistic fingerprint can be reconstructed from the individual's daily interactions and relate to a variety of self-reported personality characteristics, situational variables, and physiological markers (e.g. blood pressure, cortisol, testosterone). In the process of an investigation, the emphasis should be on the relative rather than absolute difference between the authors and how investigators can classify their texts. John Olsson, however, argues that although the concept of linguistic fingerprinting is attractive to law enforcement agencies, there is so far little hard evidence to support the notion.

Variation
Intra-author variations are the ways in which one author's texts differ from each other. Inter-author variations are the ways in which different authors' writing varies. Two texts by one author do not necessarily vary less than texts by two different authors.
Genre: When texts are being measured in different genres, considerable variation is observed even though they are by the same author.
Text Type: Personal letters contain more inter-relationship bonding strategies than academic articles or term papers.
Fiction vs. Non-Fiction: Some fiction writers are journalists. Due to the different demands of each medium, they can be completely different from one another and this results in intra-author variation.
Private vs. Public: A politician writing a political speech, which is a public text, will differ greatly from a private text to a friend or family member.
Time lapse: The greater the time lapse between two works, the greater the likely variation. Language changes more than we realize in a relatively short span of time, influencing our susceptibility to language changes around us.
Disguise: A writer can publish pseudonymously or anonymously, disguising output to prevent recognition.

Forensic transcription
The two main types of transcriptions are written documents and video and audio records. Accurate, reliable text transcription is important because the text is the data which becomes the available evidence. If a transcription is wrong, the evidence is altered. If there is failure to transcribe the full text, evidence is once again altered unwittingly. There must be emphasis on the text being the evidence. A transcription of an audio file should never be assumed to be completely accurate. Each type of transcription contains its own problems. A handwritten document might contain unusual spellings which may result in ambiguous meanings, illegible handwriting, and illustrations that are difficult to comprehend. A scanned document is tricky, as scanning may alter the original document. Audio and video documents can include repetitions, hesitation, nonsensical talk, jargon which can be hard to understand, and speakers mumbling incoherently and inaudibly. Non-linguistic sounds such as crying and laughing may also be included in the audio and video text which cannot be transcribed easily.  Because of this, civil libertarians have argued that interrogations in major criminal cases should be recorded and the recordings kept, as well as transcribed.

Digital Communication
Digital communicative texts, such as social media posts or text messages, typically display features which are not seen in traditional linguistics. Individuals may employ a variety of methods to convey paralanguage in order to better communicate tone of voice, volume, and expression, such as using capital letters to portray shouting.

With the rise of digital communication, the world has also seen an increase in the use of emoji and emoticons, which are often used to replace non-verbal gestures or facial expressions. The use of emoji and emoticons for authorship identification is still a relatively new idea in forensic linguistics.

Analysis Techniques
SyTwo

SyTwo is a web application that can review a piece of text to analyze words that are related to the English language. This program will read over the piece of text to analyze how structured the English grammar is and the rules of basic English. To perform this task, the program creates a grammar tree flow chart for each sentence. If a single sentence has more than one derivation tree this indicates that there will be multiple ways of interpreting the sentence. Overall, this program is able to identify the structure of the English language and the components within a sentence.

See also
 Eric Rudolph, Centennial Olympic Park bomber at the 1996 Summer Olympics in Atlanta
 Forensic science
 Forensic speechreading
 Native-language identification
 Stylometry (authorship analysis)
 The International Association of Forensic Linguists (IAFL)
 Writeprint

References

 Coulthard, M. and Johnson, A. (2007)
 Forensic linguistics; An Introduction to Language, Crime and Law (with original cases in Bureau of Police Investigation and Courts) by Azizi, Syrous & Momeni, Negar, Tehran: JahadDaneshgahi Publication, 2012
 Nini, Andrea. "An Authorship Analysis of the Jack the Ripper Letters." Digital Scholarship in the Humanities, vol. 33, no. 3, 2018, pp. 621–636., https://doi.org/10.1093/llc/fqx065.

Further reading
Baldwin, J. R. and P. French (1990). Forensic phonetics. London: Pinter Publishers.
Coulthard, M. and Johnson, A (2007). An Introduction to Forensic Linguistics: Language in Evidence. London: Routledge.
Coulthard, M. and Johnson, A (2010). The Handbook of Forensic Linguistics. London: Routledge.
Coulthard, M., Johnson, A., and Wright, D. (2017) An Introduction to Forensic Linguistics: Language in Evidence. (2nd edition). London: Routledge.
Coulthard, M., May, A., and Sousa-Silva, R. (2021) The Handbook of Forensic Linguistics (2nd edition). London: Routledge.
Ellis, S. (1994). "Case report: The Yorkshire Ripper enquiry, Part 1", Forensic Linguistics 1, ii, 197–206.
Fairclough, N. (1989). Language and Power. London: Longman.
Gibbons, J. (2003). Forensic Linguistics: an introduction to language in the Justice System. Blackwell.
Gibbons, J., V Prakasam, K V Tirumalesh, and H Nagarajan (eds) (2004). Language in the Law. New Delhi: Orient Longman.
Gibbons, J. and M. Teresa Turell (eds) (2008). Dimensions of Forensic Linguistics. Amsterdam: John Benjamins.
Grant, T. (2008). "Quantifying evidence in forensic authorship analysis", Journal of Speech, Language and the Law 14(1).
Grant, T. and Baker, K. (2001). "Reliable, valid markers of authorship", Forensic Linguistics VIII(1): 66–79.
Heydon, G. (2014). "Forensic Linguistics: Forms and Processes", Masyarakat Linguistik Indonesia 31(1): 1–10.
Hollien, H. (2002). "Forensic Voice Identification". New York: Harcourt.
Hoover, D. L. (2001). "Statistical stylistics and authorship attribution: an empirical investigation", Literary and Linguistic Computing, XIV(4): 421–44.
Koenig, B.J. (1986). "Spectrographic voice identification: a forensic survey", letter to the editor of Journal of the Acoustical Society of America, 79(6): 2088–90.
Koenig, J. (2014). "Getting the Truth: Discover the Real Message Know Truth Know Deception", Principia Media.
Koenig, J. (2018). "Getting the Truth: I am D.B. Cooper", Principia Media.
Maley, Y. (1994). "The language of the law", in J. Gibbons (ed.), Language and the Law. London: Longman, 246–69.
McGehee, F. (1937). "The reliability of the identification of the human voice", Journal of General Psychology, 17: 249–71.
McMenamin, G. (1993). Forensic Stylistics. Amsterdam: Elsevier.
Nolan, F. and Grabe, E. (1996). "Preparing a voice lineup", Forensic Linguistics, 3 i, 74–94.
Pennycook, A. (1996). "Borrowing others words: text, ownership, memory and plagiarism", TESOL Quarterly, 30: 201–30.
Shuy, Roger W (2001). "Discourse Analysis in the Legal Context". In The Handbook of Discourse Analysis.  Eds. Deborah Schiffrin, Deborah Tannen, and Heidi E. Hamilton. Oxford: Blackwell Publishing. pp. 437–452.

External links

International Association for Forensic and Legal Linguistics
International Association for Forensic Phonetics and Acoustics
Linguística Forense
Linguagem e Direito
Società Italiana di Linguistica Forense
en clair: forensic linguistics and more (podcast by Dr. Claire Hardaker)

Applied linguistics
Linguistics
Legal communication
Branches of linguistics

Forensic linguistics


Die römisch-katholische Pfarrkirche St. Laurentius ist ein denkmalgeschütztes Kirchengebäude in Büsdorf, einem Stadtteil von Bergheim im Rhein-Erft-Kreis (Nordrhein-Westfalen).

Geschichte und Architektur
Die Ursprünge der Kirche lassen sich bis in das zehnte Jahrhundert nachweisen. Der Erzbischof Wichfried von Köln schenkte im Juli 927 dem Kölner Stift St. Ursula eine Kirche mit zugehörigem Land aus seinem Eigenbesitz in boziliesthorpe (Büsdorf). Die Äbtissin hatte bis zur Aufhebung des Stiftes in 1802 das Kirchenpatronat inne. Büsdorf hat seit 1772 den Hl. Donatus als zweiten Pfarrpatron. Vorgängerkirche war bis zum Ende des 19. Jahrhunderts eine kleine romanische Kirche, die auf dem Friedhof stand. Wegen Baufälligkeit musste sie abgebrochen werden.

Der  kreuzförmige, neugotische Backsteinbau mit einem Chor von einem Joch im 5/8 Schluss wurde von 1894 bis 1895 nach den Plänen des Kölner Architekten Theodor Roß errichtet. Der im Obergeschoss in ein Achteck überführte Westturm ist vorgesetzt. Die Weihe der Kirche erfolgte am 13. Oktober 1895. Bei einer umfassenden Renovierung wurden 1990 die einsturzgefährdeten Gewölbe verändert und erneuert. Der einschiffige Bau ist 32 Meter lang, die Grundfarbe der Wände ist weiß, die Fenstergewände, Gewölberippen und Gurtbögen sind in sandsteinrot gehalten.

Ausstattung
 Aus dem Vorgängerbau stammt ein Kruzifix aus Holz vom dritten Viertel des elften Jahrhunderts. Die ursprüngliche Fassung wurde abgelaugt, das Kreuz wurde verkürzt. Es handelt sich um ein bedeutendes Bildwerk aus salischer Zeit, in der Nachfolge des ottonischen Gerokreuzes im Kölner Dom. Es ist wohl in jüngerer Zeit, möglicherweise aus dem Ursulastift in die Kirche gelangt.
 Der Hochaltar zeigt Szenen aus dem Leben Abrahams und die beiden Pfarrpatrone. Die Herz-Jesu Darstellung vermittelt eine früher weit verbreitete Frömmigkeitsdarstellung.
 Die Chorstühle, der Beichtstuhl und der Predigtstuhl sind in neugotischen Formen gehalten. Sie wurden in einer Aachener Werkstatt geschaffen.
 Der Zelebrationsaltar steht vor dem Hochaltar, er wurde in neuerer Zeit aus dem Holz der ehemaligen Kommunionbank geschnitzt.
 Das Taufbecken aus Marmor wurde 1867 noch für die Vorgängerkirche gestiftet
 Der Messingleuchter vom 19. Jahrhundert trägt die Inschrift Christus est Lux (Christus ist das Licht)
 Die Orgel wurde 1928 von einer Zülpicher Firma eingebaut. Die Orgel trägt die Schrift: Laudate dominum in tympano et chordis, laudate eum in organo et choro (Lobet Gott mit Tamburin und im Saitenspiel, lobet ihn mit Orgelspiel und Gesang).  Seit der Renovierung 1965 ist die Brüstung der Orgelempore farbig gefasst.
 Von 1921 stammt die Gedenktafel für die Gefallenen der beiden Weltkriege. Sie wurde nach 1945 ergänzt
 Der Altar der Mutter Gottes von der immerwährenden Hilfe steht links vom Eingang

Literatur
 Dehio, Georg, Bearbeitet von Claudia Euskirchen, Olaf Gisbertz, Ulrich Schäfer: Handbuch der deutschen Kunstdenkmäler. Nordrhein-Westfalen I Rheinland. Deutscher Kunstverlag, 2005, ISBN 3-422-03093-X.

Weblinks

Einzelnachweise

Bergheim
Laurentius
Laurentius
Bergheim, Laurentius
Bergheim, Laurentius
Busdorf Laurentius

St. Laurentius (Büsdorf)


Isla Hermosahttp://itouchmap.com/?c=pa&UF=-911578&UN=-1349092&DG=ISL es el nombre de una isla fluvial en el país sudamericano de Paraguay. Administrativamente hace parte del  Departamento de Ñeembucú al extremo suroeste de la Región Oriental cerca de la frontera con Argentina. Se encuentra a 323 kilómetros al sur del centro geográfico de Paraguay, y a 72 kilómetros al sur de la capital Asunción, concretamente en las coordenadas geográficas

Véase también
 Geografía de Paraguay
 Geografía de América

Enlaces externos
 Mapa de localización de la Isla

Referencias

Archipiélagos e islas de Paraguay
Departamento de Ñeembucú
Río Paraguay

Isla Hermosa


The  is an autonomous Eastern Orthodox church within the jurisdiction of the Moscow Patriarchate.

History

Early Orthodox Christianity
The first purpose-built Orthodox Christian church to open in Japan was the wooden Russian Consulate chapel of the Resurrection of Christ, in Hakodate, Hokkaidō, consecrated in October 1860.

In July 1861, the young Russian Hieromonk Nikolay Kassatkin (subsequently canonized and known as Nicholas of Japan), arrived in Hakodate to serve at the consulate as a priest. He became the first to learn the local language and customs sufficiently to spread Orthodox Christianity amongst the local populace. Though the shōguns government at the time prohibited Japanese from converting to Christianity, some locals who frequented the chapel did convert in 1864. One of Kassatkin's first converts was a Samurai, named Sawabe. These early converts acted as missionaries amongst their own families and community. While they were Kassatkin's first converts in Japan, they were not the first Japanese to become Orthodox Christians: some Japanese who had settled in Russia had converted to Orthodox Christianity earlier. On Kassatkin's initiative, the Russian Imperial government established the  in 1870. Kassatkin's early approach to spreading Orthodox Christianity throughout Japan involved a degree of indigenization. Kassatkin searched for the points of religious union between Orthodox Christianity and Buddhism and Shinto. It was envisioned by Kassatkin that the Orthodox Church would be the state religion of Japan, an institution to serve the state and to protect Japanese culture from Western influence.

Kassatkin moved to Tokyo in 1872; he remained in Japan for most of the time until his death in 1912, even during the Russo-Japanese War of 1904–1905. He was consecrated bishop in the Alexander Nevsky Lavra in Saint Petersburg in the Russian Empire in March 1880 (initially with the title of auxiliary bishop of Reval; he became Archbishop of Tokyo and Japan from March 1906). Kassatkin travelled across Russia to collect funds for the construction of the Orthodox Cathedral in Tokyo, which was inaugurated in Kanda district in 1891 and went on to be known after him as Nikorai-do. Nikolay Kassatkin made Japanese translations of the New Testament and of some liturgical books (Lenten Triodion, Pentecostarion, Feast Services, Book of Psalms, Irmologion).

By the end of 1890, as reported by Kassatkin, the Orthodox Church in Japan (the Russian Spiritual Mission to Japan) had 18,625 baptized faithful.

20th century
The Russo-Japanese War (1904–1905) created a politically difficult situation for the Orthodox Church in Japan. Although Kassatkin remained in Japan, he withdrew from public prayer as Orthodox liturgy required that prayers include blessings for the Japanese armed forces who at the time, were at war with Russia. Throughout the war, the Orthodox Church attended to the spiritual needs of 73,000 Russian POWs held prisoner by Japan. The POWs showed their gratitude by building a number of chapels for the Orthodox Church. Throughout this period, the church grew and by 1912, the Orthodox Church in Japan had some 33,017 members, organized into 266 congregations.

After the Russian Revolution of 1917, communications with and support from the Church in Russia (in the USSR from 1922) diminished greatly. The Japanese government had new suspicions about the Japanese Orthodox Church; in particular fearing that the Soviets used it as a cover for espionage. The second bishop of Japan (from 1912), Sergius (Sergii) Tikhomirov, was one of a handful of Russian émigré bishops who remained loyal to the USSR-based Moscow Patriarchate (rather than supporting the Kingdom of Yugoslavia-based ROCOR). From the late 1920s communion with the Moscow Patriarchate automatically implied loyalty to the government of the USSR - the Japanese government according treated Metropolitan Sergius with suspicion, and he was forced to resign his position in September 1940.

The Great Kantō earthquake in 1923 did serious damage to the Japanese Orthodox Church. The headquarters, Nikorai-do, was destroyed and burnt, including its library with many valuable documents. Nikorai-do was rebuilt in 1929 thanks to contributions gathered from the faithful, whom metropolitan Sergius visited nationwide.

During the Sino-Japanese War of 1937–1945, which merged into World War II (1939 to 1945), Christians in Japan - and especially the Orthodox Church - suffered severe conditions. During the war the Japanese Orthodox Church had had almost no foreign contact. Following the surrender of Japan (August 1945), the Allied occupation regime had a benevolent attitude toward Christian groups, given their predominantly American connections. As the majority of the Slavic- and Greek-Americans would attend local Orthodox Christian parishes and more Russian refugees began to arrive in Japan - fleeing the Communist regime in China - the Orthodox Christian community in Japan revived. In 1946, the precursor to the Orthodox Church in America (OCA), the Metropolia (a de facto independent jurisdiction at the time), on the initiative of U.S. Army Colonel Boris Pash, took steps to prevent the Moscow Patriarchate from re-establishing its control over the Japanese Church - despite the vigorous efforts Moscow undertook to this end. The following year the Japanese Church largely switched to come under the Metropolia′s jurisdiction, and would be governed by bishops sent from the U.S. by the Metropolia until March 1972. Several Japanese youths who would study at the Metroplia'''s Saint Vladimir's Orthodox Theological Seminary, then in New York City, would subsequently become leaders (primates) of the Japanese Church.

As the Metroplia in the late 1960s gradually restored relations with the Moscow Patriarchate (whose external activity was fully controlled and guided by the Soviet government and specifically by the KGB) with a view to obtaining autocephaly (i. e. legitimate administrative independence), the Japanese Church transferred to Russian Orthodox Church jurisdiction. On 10 April 1970, a few days prior to the death of Russian Patriarch Alexius I, the Moscow Patriarchate canonised Nikolay Kassatkin as part of a package deal of granting autocephaly to the OCA and re-establishing control over the Church of Japan. The Ecumenical Patriarchate of Constantinople strongly condemned the act of granting autocephaly by the Moscow Patriarchate as violating canon law.

21st century
In 2005 the first Orthodox Christian male monastic house of the Japanese Autonomous Orthodox Church opened in Tokyo near Holy Resurrection Cathedral (Nikolai-do). The abbot of the monastic community, Hieromonk Gerasimus (Shevtsov) of the Troitse-Sergiyeva Lavra, dispatched by the Holy Synod of the Moscow Patriarchate,
arrived in Japan at the end of 2005.

Current administrative organization and statistics
The Orthodox Church in Japan has three dioceses:

 Tokyo Archdiocese (Tokyo: Vice-Bishop Seraphim Tsujie (as acting Archbishop after the passing of Archbishop Daniel Nushiro))
 Eastern Japan Diocese (Sendai: Bishop Seraphim Tsujie)
 Western Japan Diocese (Kyoto)

The Primate of the Orthodox Church in Japan was Daniel (Nushiro), Metropolitan of All Japan and Archbishop of Tokyo (May 2000 - his death August 2023). Before becoming Archbishop of Tokyo and Metropolitan of all Japan, Daniel had been bishop of Kyoto and since 2001 he had been also in charge of the Kyoto diocese as locum tenens. Bishop Seraphim Tsujie was appointed acting Archbishop.

As of the end of 2014, according to the data provided by the Ministry of Culture of Japan, the church had a total of 67 parishes (communities), 37 clergymen, and 9,619 followers (registered members).

The Orthodox Church in Japan runs the Tokyo Orthodox Seminary. The seminary accepts only male faithfuls and gives a three-year theological education to those who expect to become ordained presbyters and missionaries. The Seminary also publishes a monthly journal, Seikyo Jiho.

The Orthodox Church in Japan publishes religious books, including the Japanese Orthodox translation of the New Testament and Psalms and liturgical texts, available as texts alone or with musical scores. Its headquarters in Tokyo and local parishes publish brochures for the faithful looking for further religious education.

As of the end of 2021, according to the data provided by the Ministry of Culture of Japan, the church had a total of 64 parishes (communities), 25 clergymen, and 9,249 followers (registered members).

Liturgy
The Orthodox Church in Japan celebrates its liturgy in Japanese, and occasionally in other languages such as Church Slavonic or Greek. As many liturgical and Biblical texts were first translated into Japanese by Archbishop Nicolas and Nakai Tsugumaro, a Japanese Christian scholar of literary Chinese, their Japanese today reads archaically.

The liturgical style found in the community of the Orthodox Church in Japan remains influenced by that of the church in late-19th-century Russia.

See also
Holy Resurrection Cathedral
Christianity in Japan

References
Derived with permission from Church of Japan at OrthodoxWiki.

External links

"The Orthodox Church of Japan" in The Eastern Christian Churches: A Brief Survey'' (2008) by Ronald Roberson, on the CNEWA website.
 Orthodox Church in Japan Official website.

Japan
Church
Religious organizations established in 1886
Eastern Orthodox organizations established in the 19th century
Christian denominations established in the 19th century
Japan–Russia relations
Japan–Soviet Union relations
1886 establishments in Japan

Orthodox Church in Japan


Chip 'N Dale: Rescue Rangers: The Adventure in Nimnul's Castle es un videojuego de acción inspirado en la serie Chip 'n Dale Rescue Rangers desarrollado por Riedel Software Productions y publicado en marzo de 1990 por Hi Tech Expressions.

Argumento
Los Rangers tienen que rescatar a Monterey Jack, que cayó en una trampa para ratones en el castillo del profesor Norton Nimnul. Para ello, las ardillas han de infiltrarse en el castillo con el fin de obtener varias partes que permitan a Gadget construir una máquina voladora con la que llegar a Monterrey Jack.

Referencias

Videojuegos para DOS
Videojuegos de Disney
Videojuegos de Hi Tech Expressions
Videojuegos de 1990
Videojuegos de Disney Afternoon

Chip 'n Dale Rescue Rangers: The Adventures in Nimnul's Castle


John Boone may refer to:
John D. Boon (1817–1864), American merchant and politician
John H. Boone (1848–1884), lawyer and politician in Newfoundland
John William "Blind" Boone (1864–1927), American musician and composer
John Boone, fictional character in the Mars trilogy by Kim Stanley Robinson

John Boone


أسطورة النصف الآخر هي العدد رقم 38 من سلسلة ما وراء الطبيعة للروائي المصري أحمد خالد توفيق.

ملخص الرواية
كانت الاختان ناهد ونجلاء توءمتين ولكنهما غير متشابهتين. كانت ناهد رائعة الجمال ولكنها عابثة خالية الرأس وغبية.اما نجلاء فكانت متوسطة الجمال ولكنها ذكية ومنكبة على دروسها.لم يحدث بينهما أي مشادات كأى اخوات بل انهما لم يتعاركا مرة واحدة.فكانا لا يحبان بعضهما وكانت كل واحدة تشعر بالغيرة من الأخرى بسبب جمال ناهد وذكاء نجلاء ولكن الفارق بينهما كانت الشخصية فكانت ناهد نموذج للفتاه المدركة لجمالها المدللة الهستيرية التي تعشق لفت الانظار والقاسية.
اما نجلاء فكانت نموذج للفتاه المتواضعة طيبة القلب الخجول التي تمقت لفت الانظار.ولكن حدثت اشياء غير مفهومة بين التوءمتين وهذا الشئ هو (التطابق الشعورى).استعان الدكتور (محمد شاهين) برفعت إسماعيل باعتباره يفهم في هذه الاشياء.وعندما رأى رفعت الفتاتان أحب نجلاء واعتبرها ابنته اما ناهد فقد شعر رفعت بالاستياء منها لانها سمجة قاسية القلب.لم يعرف رفعت حلا لهذه المشكلة.وبعد فترة تزوجت ناهد من المهندس محمود وانجبت طفل.
 ولكن نجلاء شعرت باعراض الحمل واعراض الولادة.حاول رفعت المساعدة ولكنه فشل.وفي المستشفى ظهر صلاح وهو (البلطجى) الذي احب ناهد قديما وذهب لابيها حتى يتقدم لها ولكن الأب رفضه باعتباره بلطجى.حاول صلاح ان ينسى حبه لناهد ولكنه فشل.عرف صلاح بعد ذلك التطابق الشعورى بين التوءمتين واختطف نجلاء حتى تتعذب ناهد.وبالفعل ظهرت أعراض التعذيب على ناهد مما يعنى ان نجلاء تتعذب.و استطاعت ناهد ان تعلم أن صلاح هو من اختطف نجلاء لينتهى الجزء الأول.

شخصيات الرواية
 رفعت إسماعيل :طبيب أمراض الدم وصائد اشباح هاو.
 نجلاء عبد الجواد:ابنة اخت محمد شاهين.
 محمد شاهين:صديق رفعت ودكتور الانثروبولوجى.
 ناهد عبد الجواد:اخت نجلاء التوءم.
 عبد الجواد:زوج اخت محمد شاهين.
 الام:ام ناهد ونجلاء وزوجة عبد الجواد واخت محمد شاهين.
 محمود:زوج ناهد.
 صلاح:حبيب ناهد البلطجى.

مراجع

سلسلة ما وراء الطبيعة
روايات بالعربية

أسطورة النصف الآخر


Matteo Salvini (født 9. marts 1973 i Milano, Italien) er en italiensk politiker, der er formand for det højrepopulistiske parti, Lega. Salvini var  indenrigsminister fra 1. juni 2018 til 5. september 2019.

Han blev gift med Fabrizia Ieluzzi i 2003, men blev skilt i 2010. I 2015 blev han gift med Elisa Isoardi indtil 2018, hvor han blev skilt igen.

Personer fra Milano
Politikere fra Italien
Ministre fra Italien
Italienere i 1900-tallet
Italienere i 2000-tallet

Matteo Salvini


Vlacq ist ein Einschlagkrater im Süden der Mondvorderseite, südlich des großen Kraters Janssen und nordwestlich von Rosenberger.
Der Kraterrand ist stark erodiert, das Innere weitgehend eben und weist einen Zentralberg auf.

Der Krater wurde 1935 von der IAU nach dem niederländischen Mathematiker Adriaan Vlacq offiziell benannt.

Weblinks

 Vlacq auf The-Moon Wiki

Einzelnachweise

Einschlagkrater (Mond)

Vlacq (Mondkrater)


Zillbach ist der:

 Name eines Ortsteils von Schwallungen in Thüringen, siehe Zillbach (Schwallungen)
 Name eines Baches, siehe Zillbach (Werra)
 Name eines Ortsteils von Eichenzell in Hessen, siehe Zillbach (Eichenzell)
 Nachname einer deutschen Politikerin (SPD) Käthe Zillbach (1952–2005)

Zillbach


El Torneo de Montpellier es un evento de tenis que se disputa en Montpellier, Francia,  se jugará entre el 30 de enero y el 5 de febrero de 2012.

Campeones

 Individuales masculinos:  Tomas Berdych derrota a  Gael Monfils por 6-2, 4-6, 6-3.

 Dobles masculinos:  Nicolas Mahut /  Edouard Roger-Vasselin derrotan a  Jamie Murray /  Paul Hanley por 6-4, 7-6(4).

Véase también
 Torneos ATP en 2012

Open Sud de France
Torneo de Montpellier 2012
Deporte en Francia en 2012

Torneo de Montpellier 2012


ناتالي هورلر  هي المغنية الرئيسية لفرقة الرقص الأوروبية كاسكادا. ولدت ناتالي في الثالث والعشرين من شهر سبتمبر عام 1981 في مدينة بون الألمانية، وهي ذات أصول بريطانية.

روابط خارجية

مراجع

أشخاص على قيد الحياة
أشخاص من بون
ألمان من أصل إنجليزي
إنجليز من أصل ألماني
إنجليزيات في موسيقى إلكترونية
مذيعات تلفزيون ألمانيات
مغنو سينثبوب
مغنون ألمان باللغة الإنجليزية
مغنيات ألمانيات في القرن 21
مغنيات بريطانيات في القرن 21
مغنيات بوب ألمانيات
مغنيات بوب إنجليزيات
مواليد 1981
موسيقى الرقص الأوروبي
موسيقيو رقص ألمان
موسيقيو رقص البوب
موسيقيون من بون
موسيقيون نسويون
نساء في الموسيقى الإلكترونية
نسويون ألمان
نسويون بريطانيون
يورودانس

نتالي هورلر


ඔෆාගේ වේල්ල

පුරා විද්‍යාවේ දී බිම් වැඩ යනු ගැටි හා වැදලි ලෙස හඳුන්වන භූ මට්ටමේ වු කෘතිම වෙනස් වීම්ය. ඒවා අංග විය හැක. එසේත් නැති නම් මතුපිටින් යට පිහිටි අංග පෙන්වන ලක්ෂන විය හැක. පුරා විද්‍යාඥයන්ට අවධානයට භාජනය වන බිම් වැඩ අතරට පැරණි බලකොටු, ස්මාරක , ගොඩැලි හා අනෙකුත් සොහොන්‍කොත් ඇතුළත් වේ. නැතිවී ගිය මධ්‍යතන යුගයේ ගම්වලින් හමුවන බිම් වැඩ නැතිවී ගිය ජනාවාසවල ස්ථානය, ප්‍රමාණය හා සැකැස්ම නිර්ණය කිරීම යොදා ගත හැක.

බිම් වැඩ, උසින් සෙන්ටිමීටර කිහිපහක සිට සිල්බරි කන්දෙහි ප්‍රමාණය (40m)  දක්වා පරාසගත වේ. එය නව ශිලා යුගයේ සිට පසුගිය සතිය දක්වා කාල ගත වේ. ඒවාට කිලෝ ග්‍රෑම් ටොන් ගණනක් දක්වා විස්තීර්ණ විය හැක. (ඔෆාගේ වේල්ල)

සුර්යා අහසෙහි පහල පිහිටුමක දී ගන්නා ලද අහස් ඡායාරූපවල නොගැඹුරු බිම් වැඩ වඩාත් හොඳින් දර්ශනය වේ. ඒ හා සමානවම තුහින හෝ කුඩා හිම පතනයකින් පසුව වඩාත් හොඳින් දර්ශනය වේ. බිම් වැඩවල නිවැරදි සමීක්ෂණයක් කැනීමකින් තොරව ඒවා තේරුම් ගැනීමට ඉඩ ලබා දෙයි.

References
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Earthworks_%28archaeology%29

බිම් වැඩ (පුරා විද්‍යාව)


Fabián Robles (León de los Aldama, Guanajuato, Meksiko, 16. travnja 1974.) meksički je glumac, koji uglavnom glumi u telenovelama.

Filmografija
El vuelo del águila — Porfirio Díaz
Bajo un mismo rostro — Teo
Lazos de amor — Geno
La antorcha encendida — José
Te sigo amando — Óscar
Amada enemiga — Marcos
Tres mujeres — Ángel Romero/José Ángel Belmont
Između ljubavi i mržnje — José Alfredo Moreno
Amy, la niña de la mochila azul — Bruno Cervantes
Apuesta por un amor — Álvaro Montaño
Protiv vjetra i oluje — Jerónimo
Muchachitas como tú — Federico
Al diablo con los guapos — Rigoberto
Odavde do vječnosti — Vladimir Piñeira
Como dice el dicho — José
Mujeres asesinas — Pitayo
Gospodarica tvoga srca — Felipe Santibáñez
La que no podía amar — Efraín
La malquerida — Braulio Jiménez
Que te perdone Dios — Julio Acosta/Julian Acosta Montero
La candidata — José
En tierras salvajes — Víctor

Obitelj
Fabián je sin glumca Fernanda Roblesa te brat Juliána Roblesa, koji je glumac, pisac i redatelj.

Izvori i bilješke

Meksički televizijski glumci

Fabián Robles


دْيَامْسْ  (اسمها الحقيقي: ميلاني جورجيادس Mélanie Georgiades)، من مواليد 25 يوليو 1980 في قبرص وهي مغنية راب فرنسية يونانية قبرصية. إنتقلت إلى إيسون ضواحي باريس سنة 1984 مع أمها بعد طلاقها من والدها.

عُرفت ديامس في أغانيها بانخراطها في حملات منظمة العفو الدولية، وبدفاعها عن أبناء المهاجرين، وهجومها المقذع ضد الجبهة اليمينية المتطرفة فهي معارضة شرسة ليس فقط للسياسي اليميني المتطرف جان ماري لوبان وابنته مارين لوبان، ولكن أيضا للرئيس الفرنسي نيكولا ساركوزي خلال فترة حكمه كوزير وبعدها كرئيس.

بدأت ديامس مسيرتها سنة 1994 في صفوف إحدى الفرق الشبابية الهاوية في ضواحي باريس قبل أن تتحول في ظرف بضع سنوات إلى واحدة من أبرز فنانات الراب بفرنسا مستعينة بقوة شخصيتها وخصائص صوتها الشديد الذي يستجيب لمتطلبات أغاني الراب. في أكتوبر 2009 كشفت مجلة باري ماتش، أن المغنية الفرنسية ديامس اعتنقت الإسلام وقررت ارتداء الحجاب، بعد زواجها من شاب مسلم يدعى عزيز. وفسرت سبب ذلك:

حياتها الفنية

البدايات (1994 -2002)
بدأت ديامس مشوارها الفني مع مجموعة مافيا تريس وهي إحدى الفرق الشبابية الهاوية في ضواحي باريس والتي تنشط غالبا في حفلات الأحياء. سنة 1997 ستصدر المجموعة أول ماكسي تتكون من أربع أغاني ظهرت فيها ديامس بأغنيتين.

بعد انفصالها عن مجموعة مافيا تريس ستصدر ديامس أول ألبوم لها سنة 1999 تحت عنوان Premier Mandat ولم يحقق هذا الأخير أي نجاح حيث تم بيع 9000 نسخة.

قدمت لها شركة التسجيلات إي إم آي عقدا سنة 2002، لكن تم التخلي عن المشروع بعد إعادة هيكلة داخل الشركة.

الشهرة والنجاح (2003 - 2009)
بعد مفاوضات طويلة وقعت عقدا مع شركة التسجيلات lelabel hostile وبدأت فورا في العمل على ألبومها الثاني الذي صدر سنة 2003 تحت عنوان Brut de femme واستفادت ديامس من الترويج المكثف الذي تلقاه الالبوم في الإذاعات بالإضافة إلى دعم الكوميدي جمال الدبوز. وبدأت المغنية الشابة جولتها الموسيقية الأولى في أكتوبر 2003 في ستراسبورغ وانتهت سنة 2005 في باتكلان. سرعان ما حقق الالبوم نجاحا توجت على إثره ديامس بجائزة أفضل ألبوم راب في جوائز الموسيقى الفرنسية السنوية.

إتخذت موقفا ضد مارين لوبان وحزبها التجمع الوطني (الجبهة الوطنية سابقا) حيت انتقذتها في العديد من الأغاني خصوصا بشكل مباشر في أغنية «مارين» التي صدرت في ألبومها المباشر "Ma Vie/Mon Live" سنة 2004. كما أنها تقف ضد نيكولا ساركوزي الذي وصفته بالديماغوجي والفاشي في أغنيتي La Boulette و Ma France à moi.

سنة 2006 عادت بألبوم Dans ma bulle الذي حقق نجاحا ساحقا بفضل أغنية La Boulette، وانطلقت في جولة موسيقية طويلة انتهت بنتائج مظفرة حيث تم بيع أكثر من 000 800 نسخة من الالبوم وفازت بثلاث جوائز في جوائز الموسيقى الفرنسية السنوية سنة 2007. وقد قدرت جريدة لو فيغارو أن ديامس حققت إرادات بلغت 2.66 مليون أورو عن ألبومها.

قامت بتصوير حفلتي زينيث باريس يومي 14 و 15 نوفمبر 2006 واصدرته على شكل ألبوم دي في دي مباشر سنة 2007 تحت عنوان "Au tour de ma bulle" ويحتوي على 28 أغنية بالإضافة إلى كواليس الحفلات والكليبات.

بعد عام من الابتعاد عن وسائل الإعلام تعود ديامس سنة 2009 بألبومها الرابع والأخير SOS الذي احتل المرتبة الأولى في مبيعات الألبوم في فرنسا عند إصداره يوم 16 نوفمبر 2009 فقد حقق مبيعات فاقت 300.000 نسخة في فرنسا، انطلقت بعدها في جولة موسيقية وإنسانية إلى إفريقيا حيث قامت بالعديد من الحفلات وأنشأت مؤسسة Big Up، وهي منظمة تطوعية تترأسها ديامس بنفسها. وتحول جزء كبير من إيرادات ألبومها الجديد إلى المؤسسة التي تهدف إلى «حماية الأطفال المحرومين في إفريقيا من خلال دعم مراكز استقبال الشباب الذين يواجهون صعوبات وتعبئة المتطوعين من أجل المساعدة المتبادلة والتضامن الدولي». وفي 30 أكتوبر 2009، غنت في زينيث باريس للاحتفال بالذكرى الستين لحركة Emmaus الخيرية.

الإعتزال (2012 - الآن)

أعلنت في 2012 عن إصدار كتاب بعنوان «ديامس السيرة الذاتية» والذي ينتهي بميلاد ابنتها مريم في ربيع 2012. تم بيع أكثر من 000 50 نسخة في شهر واحد وفقًا لبرنامج Hebdo Musique Mag وفي فبراير 2013، باعت السيرة الذاتية لـ ديامس أكثر من 000 78 نسخة.

في 30 سبتمبر 2012، ظهرت في برنامج «من سبعة إلى ثمانية» على قناة تي أف 1، حيث أعلنت نهاية حياتها المهنية كمغنية راب.

الفيلم الوثائقي «السلام» (2022)
في 26 ماي 2022 وبعد عشر سنوات من الصمت، أجرت ديامس مقابلة مع الصحفي أوغستين ترابينارد على موقع BrutX، والذي تم بثه على الإنترنت في نفس اليوم وقد صرحت أنها قبلت اقتراح BrutX لعمل فيلم وثائقي عن حياتها.

تتحدث في «سلام» عن شهرتها واكتئابها واعتناقها الإسلام. عُرض الفيلم الوثائقي في مهرجان كان السينمائي وسيعرض في السينما يومي 1 و 2 يوليو 2022 ثم على موقع BrutX .

حياتها الشخصية
في عام 2007 عانت من الاكتئاب بسبب مشاكل شخصية تطرقت إليها في أغنية «Si c'était le dernier| لو كانت الأخيرة». تم تشخيصها بمرض ثنائية القطب، وتناوبت بين الإقامة في مستشفى للأمراض النفسية ومسيرتها المهنية كفنانة. عندما تم إطلاق سراحها، قررت وقف علاجها وحاولت الانتحار بابتلاع الحبوب المنومة. وفي ديسمبر 2008 اعتنقت الإسلام، وقالت أن الدين حررها وساعدها في تجاوز هذه المحن الصعبة. في 8 أكتوبر 2009 نشرت مجلة «باريس ماتش» على صفحتها الأولى صورًا لها وهي تغادر مسجدًا في جينفيلييه مع زوجها مرتدية الحجاب الإسلامي، وتسببت هذه الصور المسروقة في فضيحة حيت تزامن مع نقاش يدور في فرنسا حول حظر الحجاب في الأماكن العامة.

في عام 2010، انتصرت ديامس في الشكوى التي وجهتها ضد مجلة لو نوفيل أوبسرفاتور لانتهاك حقوق صورتها وخصوصيتها بعد نشرها لصورة ديامس دون إذن وهي ترتدي الحجاب، وقد وُضعت الصورة في مقالة تتحدث عن مسلمي فرنسا.

الألبومات
1999 : Premier Mandat

2003 : Brut de femme

2004 : Ma Vie/Mon Live

2006 : Dans ma bulle

2007 : Au tour de ma bulle

2009 : SOS

إسلامها
أعلنت نجمة الراب الفرنسية ديامس، عبر قناة «تي أف 1»، إسلامها وظهرت وهي ترتدي الحجاب الشرعي. وتضيف ميلاني قائلة: «تعاطيت الحبوب كثيرًا ودخلت مصحات عقلية أيضًا حتى أستعيد عافيتي، لكن لم أنجح»، قبل أن توضح «مرة كنت مع صديقاتي، إحداهن مسلمة، سمعتها تقول: طيب أنا ذاهبة للصلاة وسأرجع. قلت لها: أنا أيضًا أريد أن أصلي. فأجابتني: فليكن.»

روابط خارجية

مراجع

انظر أيضًا
 أخناتون (مغني راب)
 كات ستيفنز

موسيقيون من نيقوسيا
أشخاص اعتنقوا الإسلام
أشخاص على قيد الحياة
أشخاص من أصل قبرصي يوناني
أشخاص من نيقوسيا
فائزون بجوائز إم تي في للموسيقى الأوروبية
فرنسيون من أصل قبرصي
فرنسيون من أصل يوناني
قبرصيون من أصل فرنسي
مسلمون فرنسيون
مغنو راب فرنسيون
مغنيات راب فرنسيات
مغنيات قبرصيات
مواليد 1400 هـ
مواليد 1980
مواليد في نيقوسيا

ديامس


Aliona Dmitrievna Mikhaïlova (), née le 11 octobre 1995 à Perm, est une actrice russe de théâtre et de cinéma.

Biographie
Enfant, Aliona Mikhaïlova pratique plusieurs sports tels que la gymnastique, l'aviron, l'athlétisme, le football et le basket-ball. Elle doit cependant abandonner l'idée d'une carrière sportive à la suite d'une blessure.

En fréquentant l'école, Aliona Mikhaïlova participe à des productions scolaires et s'intéresse au théâtre. Après avoir obtenu son diplôme, elle entre à l'Institut de la culture de l'État de Perm puis, après le cérémonie de fin d'études, déménage à Moscou et commence sa carrière cinématographique.

Alena Mikhaïlova joue son premier grand rôle dans le film Aime-les tous, présenté dans le cadre de la compétition Kinotavr-2019. L'actrice se fait connaître du grand public après le rôle principal de Marina dans la série Tchiki (2020), qui a reçu cinq prix de l'Association des producteurs de cinéma et de télévision  .

Filmographie
 2022 - Vent (en production) - Katia, réal. Sergueï Chliyants
 2022 - La Femme de Tchaïkovski - Antonina Milioukova, réal. Kirill Serebrennikov
 2021 - Dans une cellule 2 - Nadia, réal. Sergueï Pikalov
 2021 - Obchtchaga - Kira Kolesnikova, réal. Roman Vassianov
 2021 - Secrets de vie de famille - Polina, réal. Chota Gamissonia
 2021 - La Clinique du Bonheur - Tatiana, réal. Sasha Kirienko
 2021 - Une heure avant l'aube - Olga, réal. Igor Zaïtsev
 2021 - Officiellement belle - le deuxième rôle principal, réal. Olga Zouïeva
 2020 - Wolf - Macha, réal. Guennadi Ostrovski
 2020 - Tchiki - Marina Choupenina, réal. Edouard Hovhannissian
 2020 - Tourbillon - Voler, réal. Andreï Zaguidoulline
 2019 - Aimez-les tous - le rôle principal, réal. Maria Agranovitch
 2019 - En cage - Nadia, réal. Artem Aksionenko

Prix et distinctions
Lauréate du Chopard Talent Award 2020 pour sa performance dans Love 'Em All.

Notes et références

Liens externes

Actrice russe du XXIe siècle
Naissance à Perm
Naissance en octobre 1995

Aliona Mikhaïlova


The year 1792 in science and technology involved some significant events.

Astronomy
 Franz Xaver, Baron Von Zach publishes The Tables of the Sun, an instrumental work for the advancement of navigation.
 The first Royal Astronomer of Ireland is appointed: the post is combined with the position of Director of the Dunsink Observatory in Dublin.

Biology
 Scottish surgeon Robert Kerr publishes The Animal Kingdom, the first two volumes of an English translation of Linnaeus' Systema Naturae.

Exploration and survey
 May — George Vancouver explores Puget Sound and becomes the first European to see Mount Rainier.
 May 11 — Robert Gray's Columbia River expedition: Captain Robert Gray on the Columbia Rediviva becomes the first white man to enter the Columbia River.
 The second great Ramsden theodolite constructed by Jesse Ramsden for the Principal Triangulation of Great Britain.

History of science
 Kurt Sprengel publishes Versuch einer pragmatischen Geschichte der Arzneikunde in Halle, the first chronologically complete work on the history of medicine.

Mathematics
 American statesmen Thomas Jefferson introduces the highest averages method of allocating electoral votes which becomes known as the D'Hondt method.

Medicine
 Benjamin Rush campaigns for more humane treatment of psychiatric patients in Pennsylvania.
 François Chopart performs plastic surgery on a lip using a flap from the neck.

Physics
 Abate Giovanni Battista Guglielmini publishes De diuturno terræ motu experimentis physico-mathematicis confirmato opusculum describing experiments carried out in Bologna to demonstrate rotation of the earth.

Technology
 April 25 — First use of the guillotine.
 Claude Chappe successfully demonstrates the first semaphore line, between Paris and Lille, constituting an optical telegraph.
 William Murdoch invents gas lighting.
 George Anschutz constructs the first blast furnace in Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania.
 James Rumsey is granted a patent for a water turbine, in England.
 The first iron-cased Mysorean rockets are successfully developed and used by Hyder Ali and his son Tipu Sultan, rulers of the Kingdom of Mysore in India, against British East India Company forces during the Anglo-Mysore Wars.

Awards
 Copley Medal: Benjamin Thompson

Births
 January 12 — Johan August Arfwedson, Swedish chemist (died 1841)
 February 1 — Johann Friedrich Dieffenbach, German plastic surgeon (died 1847)
 February 17 — Karl Ernst von Baer, Estonian naturalist (died 1876)
 March 7 — John Herschel, English mathematician and astronomer (died 1871)
 May 21 — Gaspard-Gustave Coriolis, French mathematician, discoverer of the Coriolis effect (died 1843)
 July 7 — Diego de Argumosa, Spanish surgeon (died 1865)
 December 1 (November 20 Old Style) — Nikolai Lobachevsky, Russian mathematician and geometer (died 1856)

Deaths
 March 10 — John Stuart, 3rd Earl of Bute, former Prime Minister of Great Britain and botanist (born 1713)
 October 28
 Paul Möhring, German physician and botanist (born 1710)
 John Smeaton, English civil engineer (born 1724)

References

18th century in science
1790s in science

1792 in science


Ordonanța Executivă numărul 9981 a fost o ordonanță executivă emisă pe 26 iulie 1948, de către Președintele Harry S. Truman. Aceasta elimina discriminarea rasială în Forțele Armate ale Statelor Unite ale Americii și în cele din urmă a condus la sfârșitul segregării în serviciul militar.

Înaintea Ordonanței Executive 9981
Negrii din armată lucrau sub alte reguli decât albii, reguli care le întârziau intrarea în luptă. Ei trebuia să aștepte 3 ani înainte de a putea instrucția de luptă în timp ce un american alb începea instrucția la câteva luni după ce era calificat. Corpul Aerian întârzia în mod deliberat instrucția afro-americanilor, chiar dacă avea nevoie de mai multă forță umană (Studiu și Recomandări). Era o nevoie de desegregare în armată.

Într-un sondaj realizat în rândul a 250 de ofițeri și sergenți albi care aveau un pluton de culoare în compania lor a relevat următoarele rezultate: 77% dintre ofițeri și sergenți au declarat că și-au schimbat atitudinea în mod favorabil față de soldați de culoare, după ce în compania lor a fost introdus un pluton de culoare, (nu au fost constatate cazuri în care cineva să spună că atitudinea sa față de ei a devenit mai puțin favorabilă), 84% dintre ofițeri și 81% dintre sergenți considerau că soldații de culoare se comportă foarte bine în luptă, doar 5% dintre ofițeri și 4% de sergenți credeau că infanteriștii de culoare nu erau la fel de buni ca cei albi, iar 73% dintre ofițeri și 60% dintre sergenți credeau că soldații de culoare și cei albi se înțeleg foarte bine împreună (Opinii despre Infanteria Neagră). Potrivit acestui sondaj, nu există motive rezonabile pentru segregarea în forțele armate.

Acest sondaj a fost ușor părtinitor, pentru că a intervievat ofițeri și sergenți care au avut în subordine plutoane de culoare, opinii opuse desegregării fiind foarte probabile în rândul militarilor albi care nu au avut de-a face cu soldați de culoare. În sondaj, 64% dintre ofițeri și sergenți au spus că la început se simțiseră relativ nefavorabil față de ideea de a servi într-o companie care să aibă și plutoane de albi și plutoane de culoare (Opinii despre Infanteria Neagră). Un studiu separat, dar în același raport, intervieva 1.710 soldați albi din Teatrul European de Operațiuni (ETO). Acesta a descoperit că doar 192 din acei soldați albi care nu aveau un pluton de culoare în compania lor, credeau că este o idee bună să aibă și plutoane de culoare și plutoane de albi în aceeași companie.

Încercările de a pune capăt discriminării
În 1947, A. Philip Randolph, împreună cu colegul Grant Reynolds, și-au reînnoit eforturile pentru a pune capăt discriminării în serviciile armate, formând Comitetul Anti-Jim Crow în Serviciul și Instrucția Militară, mai târziu redenumit Liga pentru Nesupunere Civilă Non-Violentă împotriva Segregării Militare.

Ordonanța lui Truman extindea Ordonanța Executivă 8802 instituind egalitatea de tratament și oportunitate în armată pentru oameni de orice rasă, religie sau origine naționaleă.

Ordonanța:Se declară prin prezenta a fi politică a Președinției, să existe egalitate de tratament și de șanse pentru toate persoanele în serviciile armate fără deosebire de rasă, culoare, religie sau origine națională. Această politică va fi pusă în aplicare cât mai rapid posibil, având în vedere timpul necesar pentru a efectua modificările necesare, fără a afecta eficiența sau moralul.Ordonanța stabilea și o comisie pentru a investiga și de a face recomandări conducerii civile a armatei în vederea punerii în aplicare a politicii.

Ca urmare a acestei ordonanțe Montford Point era eliminat ca tabără de instrucție segregată a Marinei. Ea a devenit un satelit al bazei Camp Lejeune.

Mare parte din acțiunile de punere în aplicare a ordonanței a fost realizată de către administrația președintelui Dwight D. Eisenhower (1953-1961), inclusiv desegregarea școlilor, a spitalelor, și bazelor militare. Ultima unitate exclusiv pentru negri din Armata Statelor Unite a fost desființată în septembrie 1954.

Kenneth Claiborne Royal, secretar al armatei din 1947, a fost obligat să se pensioneze în aprilie 1949 pentru că continua să refuze să desegregheze armata la aproape un an de la ordonanța președintelui Truman.

La cincisprezece ani după ordonanța lui Truman, pe 26 iulie 1963, secretarul apărării, Robert S. McNamara a emis Directiva 5120.36 prin care obliga comandanții militari să nu-și angajeze resursele financiare față de instalațiile utilizate de către soldați sau de familiile lor, care făceau discriminări pe baza de sex sau rasă.

Referințe

Lectură suplimentară
 Alan L. Gropman, Forțele Aeriene Integrează, 1949-1964 (Biroul de Istoria aviației, 1986)
 Morris J. MacGregor, Jr., Integrarea Forțelor Armate, 1940-1965 (US government Printing Office, 1981)
 Jon E. Taylor, Libertatea de a Servi: Truman, Drepturile Civile, și Ordinul Executiv 9981 (Routledge, 2013)

Legături externe
 Textul integral al Ordonanței Executive 9981  din Biblioteca Prezidențială și Muzeul Harry S. Truman
 Integrarea Forțelor Armate, 1940-1965 (Serie de Studii de Apărare)  de către Morris J. MacGregor, Jr., din Centrul de Istorie Militară al Armata Statelor Unite
1948 în legislație
1948 în Statele Unite ale Americii
Istoria drepturilor civile în Statele Unite ale Americii

Ordonanța Executivă 9981


بلدية كابولات (بالكاتالانية: Capolat) هي إحدى بلديات مقاطعة برشلونة، والتي تقع في منطقة كاتالونيا، شرق إسبانيا.

يبلغ عدد سكانها 81 نسمة وفقاً لإحصائية سنة (2007).

مراجع

بلديات في مقاطعة برشلونة

كابولات


Clostridium difficile (din cuvântul latin clostridium = fus mic,  fiindcă are o formă de fus sau bastonaș  + difficile = dificil, deoarece acest bacil era dificil de izolat și crescut în cultură) este un bacil Gram-pozitiv, mobil, strict anaerob (se dezvoltă numai în absența oxigenului),  sporogen, care la om colonizează intestinul gros și poate produce infecția cu Clostridium difficile care se manifestă clinic de la o formă ușoară de boală diareică acută până la o colită pseudomembranoasă și megacolon toxic, fiind adesea precedate de un tratament cu antibiotice. Clostridium difficile este prezent în mod obișnuit în flora bacteriană a colonului la mai mult de 50% dintre copii sub un an, procentul scăzând la aproximativ 3-5% la persoanele adulte. La copii sub vârsta de doi ani bacilul face parte din flora bacteriană intestinală normală. Acest bacil se găsește și în mediul ambiant (sol, apă fân) și la animalele domestice: bovine, cabaline, măgari, câini, pisici și rozătoare. Sporii acestui bacil sunt foarte rezistenți în mediul extern și pot trăi în mediul înconjurător de la câteva luni până la câțiva ani.

Istoric
Clostridium difficile a fost descrisă în 1935 de catre Hall și O'Toole care i-au atribuit numele difficile (cel mai greu) din cauza dificultăților mari pe care le-au avut în izolarea ei experimentală și creșterea foarte lentă în mediul de cultură.

Colita pseudomembranoasă a fost descrisă pentru prima dată în 1974, fiind mai întâi atribuită stafilococilor, responsabilitatea clostridiei fiind stabilită din 1978.

Patogeneza infecției cu Clostridium difficile
Colonizarea tractului gastrointestinal de către Clostridium difficile poate îmbrăca diferite aspecte clinice, în funcție de starea de imunitate a gazdei, care pot varia de la portaj asimptomatic până la diaree severă, colită pseudomembranoasă, megacolon toxic, perforarea colonului și, în unele cazuri, deces. Cele mai frecvente cazuri de infecție cu Clostridium difficile apar în mediul spitalicesc mai ales în unitățile cu spitalizări prelungite, la pacienți vârstnici sau imunodeprimați și se datorează în mare parte tratamentului cu antibiotice. Deși majoritatea antibioticelor au fost implicate în producerea infecției, cefalosporinele (mai ales cele de generația a 3-a), penicilinele (mai ales ampicilina, amoxicilina), lincomicina și clindamicina au cel mai mare risc; colita pseudomembranoasă poate apărea și după folosirea unor agenți antineoplazici (methotrexatul sau fluorouracilul). Distrugerea florei normale intestinale cauzată de antibiotice constituie factorul predispozant esențial al infecției cu Clostridium difficile; flora intestinală normală se opune colonizării cu acest bacil. La adulții sănătoși rata portajului acestui bacil nu depășește 2-3%, la pacienții spitalizați, fără diaree, aceasta se ridică la 10-25%, la cei cu diaree asociată tratamentului antibiotic, la 20-50%, la subiecții cu colită fără pseudomembrane, la 75-90%, iar la pacienții cu colită pseudomembranoasă, la 95-100%.

Sporii acestei bacterii pătrund în organism pe cale fecal-orală, în condiții precare de igienă, direct de la pacient la pacient sau prin intermediul personalului medical. Contaminarea se produce mai cu seamă în condițiile de spitalizare prelungită, germenele fiind cultivat de pe numeroase obiecte provenite din camerele de spital. Sporii trec prin stomac în intestinului gros, acizii biliari stimulează germinarea sporilor și astfel se formează celule vegetative ale bacteriei care se multiplică rapid. La nivelul mucoasei intestinului gros, bacilul produce în cantități mari două toxine majore: toxina A (enterotoxina) și toxina toxina B, cu efect citotoxic; ambele toxine au efect letal pentru șoarecele alb și alte animale de laborator. Tulpina NAP-1 sau 027 produce o toxină binară, care nu este prezentă la celelalte tulpini de Clostridium difficile. Aceste toxine distrug celulele epiteliului intestinal, realizând denudarea mucoasei intestinale și apariția pseudomembranelor caracteristice (de unde și numele de "colita pseudomembranoasă"), care  sunt niște plăci discret alb-gălbui care se detașează cu ușurință. Aceste leziuni conduc, în final, la inflamarea mucoasei intestinului gros sau a colonului (colită), diaree lichidă, hemoragie, necroză.

Tabloul clinic
Tabloul clinic al infecției cu Clostridium difficile este variabil, de la o diaree simplă, care se remite spontan după întreruperea administrării antibioticului, până la o colită pseudomembranoasă, care survine la 4-10 zile de la debutul tratamentului cu antibiotice sau chiar la 2 luni după finalizarea antibioterapiei. Debutul colitei pseudomembranoase este brutal, cu diaree lichidă, abundentă, cu resturi de mucoasă, rar sanguinolentă, însoțită de febră și colici abdominale, greață, vărsături, deshidratare severă, uneori megacolon toxic și perforație intestinală. La examenul endoscopic se vizualizează false membrane la nivelul colonului. Recăderile pot să apară la 15-20% din pacienți.

Diagnostic
Diagnosticul trebuie suspicionat la  pacienții care dezvoltă diaree în decurs de 2 luni de la utilizarea de antibiotic sau după 72 ore de la internare. Diagnosticul clinic a infecției cu Clostridium difficile se confirmă în laborator prin: depistarea toxinelor A și B în scaun, izolarea bacteriei și evidențierea toxigenității acestuia și prin teste de biologie moleculară, care detectează genele codificatoare pentru toxinele A și/sau B, toxina binară.

Tratament
Cazurile ușoare de boală se pot vindeca prin simpla întrerupere a tratamentului cu antibiotice. Tratamentul este instituit în funcție de gravitatea manifestărilor clinice: reechilibrare hidroelectrolitică, oprirea antibioticului dacă este posibil, administrarea de metronidazol oral 250 mg la 6 ore sau 500 mg la 8 ore timp de 10 zile în formele moderate. Utilizarea vancomicinei este rezervată celor mai grave forme. Recent în tratamentul infecției cu Clostridium difficile a fost introdus un nou antibiotic - fidaxomicina, care reduce cu mult rata recidivelor față de vancomicină. Unii pacienți au nevoie de bacitracină 500 mg oral la 6 ore timp de 10 zile, rășină cu colestiramină sau drojdie de Saccharomyces boullardii. Pentru purtătorii asimptomatici, tratamentul nu este necesar. Un număr mic de pacienți a necesitat colectomie totală pentru vindecare.

Situația în România
În România supravegherea infecțiilor cu Clostridium difficile în spitale a fost introdusă în 2014. Până la 30 octombrie 2015, în România au fost raportate 4.958 de cazuri de infecții cu Clostridium difficile, majoritatea apărute după administrarea de antibiotice, mai ales  după  tratamente cu cefalosporine de generația a treia sau fluorochinolone.

Note

Bibliografie
 Gabriel-Adrian Popescu, Edit Szekely, Irina Codiță, Daniela Tălăpan, Roxana Șerban, Gabriela Ruja. Ghid de diagnostic, tratament Și prevenire a infecțiilor determinate de Clostridium difficile (Ediția a 2-a). București, 2016
 Clostridium difficile-toxine A/B. Synevo România
Ghid de diagnostic, tratament și prevenire a infecțiilor determinate de Clostridium difficile. Ministerul Sănătății
  Metodologia de supraveghere a infectiilor cu Clostridium difficile. Centrul Național de Supraveghere și Control al Bolilor Transmisibile
  Silviu Epuran, Elena Rusu, Adriana Sbarcea, Dr. Simona Mușat. Clostridium difficile – etiologie și epidemiologie. Revista Română de Boli Infecțioase – Volumul XVII, Nr. 1, An 2014
 Dana Rusu, Manuela Mihalache, Simona Cristea, Radu Bulicrea. Infecția cu Clostridium difficile în spitale: rezultate după 5 luni de supraveghere. Acta Medica Transilvanica, vol. II, nr. 4, 2014, pag. 25
  Anca Mare, Felicia Toma, Adrian Man, Gabriela Tripon, Jozsef Szavuj, Ramona Ureche, Cristina Gîrbovan, Adrian Tudor. Implicarea infecției cauzate de Clostridium difficile în etiologia diareei. Acta Medica Transilvanica, vol. II, nr. 1, 2013, pag. 105
 Ancuța Ignat, Irina Manuela Mucenica, Andrada Druică, Oana Tatiana Miron, Letiția Doina Duceac, Felicia Drăgan, Vasile Valeriu Lupu, Brândușa Alina Petre, Marin Burlea. Aspecte clinice și terapeutice în diareea asociată antibioticelor. Revista Medicală Română – Volumul LXIII, Nr. 1, An 2016
 Victoria Aramă, Iulia Niculescu, Roxana Petre, Sorin Ștefan Aramă. Locul și rolul antibioticelor neresorbabile în tratamentul diareei acute infecțioase. Revista Română de Boli Infecțioase – Volumul XVIII, Nr. 2-3, An 2015
 Daniela Pitic,Liana Cătălina Gavriliu. Megacolon toxic în cadrul unei infecții cu Clostridium difficile și bacteriemie cu Enteroccus faecium - probleme de diagnostic. Revista Infecțio.ro, Anul VII, Nr. 25, 1/2011

Legături externe

 Clostridium difficile infections. European Centre of Disease Prevention and Control (ECDC)
 Clostridium difficile Infection. Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC), United States
  Actes diagnostiques dans l'infection à Clostridium difficile. France, Haute Autorité de santé, Juillet 2016
 Clostridium difficile. Dictionnaire médical de l'Académie de Médecine
 Une bacterie d'actualite - Clostridium difficile. Cours de Bactériologie Médicale
 Information sur le Clostridium difficile à colite pseudomembraneuse
  Clostridium difficile. bacteriology, immunology and parasitology for all.
  Clostridium Difficile. Actualités Médicales Quotidienne

Video
 Clostridium difficile (c.diff) Infection. Gastrointestinal Society, Canadian Society of Intestinal Research (CSIR)

Clostridiaceae
Specii descrise în anii 1930

Clostridium difficile


إدي كاي توماس  ممثل أمريكي يهودي من مواليد 31 أكتوبر 1980.

مواقع خارجية

مراجع

أشخاص على قيد الحياة
أشخاص من جزيرة ستاتن
أمريكيون من أصل يهودي
ممثلو أداء صوتي رجال أمريكيون
ممثلو أفلام أمريكيون
ممثلو تلفزيون أمريكيون
ممثلو مسرح أمريكيون
ممثلون أمريكيون أطفال
ممثلون أمريكيون في القرن 20
ممثلون أمريكيون في القرن 21
ممثلون من مدينة نيويورك
ممثلون ذكور يهود أمريكيون
مواليد 1980
مواليد في نيويورك
يهود أمريكيون في القرن 21

إدي كاي توماس


A humilhação pública, vexame ou vergonha pública é uma forma de punição cuja principal característica é a desonra ou desgraça de uma pessoa, geralmente um infrator ou prisioneiro, especialmente em um lugar público. Foi regularmente usado como uma forma de punição sancionada judicialmente nos séculos anteriores, e ainda é praticado por diferentes meios na era moderna.

Nos Estados Unidos, foi uma punição comum desde o início da colonização europeia até o século XIX. Ele caiu em desuso no século XX, embora tenha visto um renascimento a partir da década de 1990.

Exposição vergonhosa

A humilhação pública existe em muitas formas. Em geral, um criminoso condenado a uma das muitas formas dessa punição pode esperar ser colocado em um local central, público ou aberto para que seus concidadãos possam testemunhar facilmente a sentença e, ocasionalmente, participar dela como uma forma de "oclocracia".

Assim como as formas dolorosas de punição corporal, ela tem paralelos com as punições educacionais e outras particulares (mas com algum público), na escola ou no contexto disciplinar doméstico e como um rito de passagem. As formas físicas incluem ser forçado a usar algum sinal como "orelhas de burro" (simulado no papel, como um sinal de que alguém é — ou pelo menos se comportou — proverbialmente estúpido), usar um chapéu de burro, ter que ficar de pé, ajoelhar-se ou curvar-se em um canto, ou escrever algo repetidamente em um quadro negro ("Não vou espalhar boatos", por exemplo). Aqui, diferentes níveis de desconforto físico podem ser adicionados, como ter que segurar objetos pesados, andar descalço (veja abaixo) ou ajoelhado em uma superfície irregular. Assim como o castigo físico e o trote severo, eles se tornaram controversos na maioria das sociedades modernas, em muitos casos levando a restrições legais e/ou abolição (às vezes voluntária).

Raspar a cabeça pode ser uma punição humilhante prescrita por lei, mas também algo feito como "justiça da multidão" — um exemplo claro disso foram as milhares de mulheres europeias que tiveram suas cabeças raspadas na frente de uma multidão que aplaudia no rastro da Segunda Guerra Mundial, como punição por se associar com ocupantes nazistas durante a guerra. O corte público foi aplicado a colaboradores (verdadeiros ou alegados) depois que os Aliados libertaram territórios ocupados das tropas nazistas.

Forçar as pessoas a andarem descalças tem sido usado como uma forma relativamente fácil e mais sutil de humilhação na maioria das culturas civilizadas do passado e do presente, principalmente usando o contraste visual com a forma padrão de aparência enquanto cria algum nível de desconforto físico. A exposição de pés descalços freqüentemente servia como um indicador de prisão e escravidão ao longo da história antiga e moderna. Mesmo hoje, os prisioneiros oficialmente têm que andar descalços em muitos países do mundo e também são apresentados em tribunal e apresentados ao público descalços. Como os sapatos são comumente usados por todas as classes sociais desde a antiguidade na maioria das sociedades civilizadas, mostrar um cativo ao público descalço simboliza tradicionalmente a perda de posição social e autonomia pessoal. Geralmente também causa um grau considerável de humilhação, já que esse detalhe perceptível normalmente separa o prisioneiro dos espectadores visualmente e demonstra a vulnerabilidade e impotência geral da pessoa..

Outros meios de humilhação e degradação pública consistem em obrigar as pessoas a usarem roupas tipificadoras, que podem ser trajes de penitência ou uniformes prisionais.

Expor prisioneiros ao público em restrições (como algemas, correntes ou dispositivos semelhantes) também serve como uma forma conveniente de humilhação pública além dos aspectos primários de segurança. O efeito é complementado com a apresentação da pessoa com uniforme de prisão ou roupas semelhantes.

Bibliografia
 So You've Been Publicly Shamed, um livro de 2015 de Jon Ronson sobre o fenômeno moderno de envergonhar o público on-line no Twitter, Tumblr e em outros lugares nas redes sociais.

Tortura

Humilhação pública


An Cyanastrum johnstonii in uska species han Liliopsida nga ginhulagway ni John Gilbert Baker. An Cyanastrum johnstonii in nahilalakip ha genus nga Cyanastrum, ngan familia nga Tecophilaeaceae. Waray hini subspecies nga nakalista.

Mga kasarigan

Cyanastrum

Cyanastrum johnstonii


Takeshi Kawaharazuka (født 1. februar 1975) er en tidligere japansk fodboldspiller.

Han har spillet for flere forskellige klubber i sin karriere, herunder Albirex Niigata.

Eksterne henvisninger

Fodboldspillere fra Japan

Takeshi Kawaharazuka