Unkle (often stylised as U.N.K.L.E. or UNKLE, occasionally known as UNKLE Sounds) is a British musical outfit founded in 1992 by James Lavelle. Originally categorised as trip hop, the group once included producer DJ Shadow and have employed a variety of guest artists and producers.

History

First incarnation (1992–1996)
The first release credited to the 'Men from U.N.K.L.E' was a remix for United Future Organization, included on their 1992 Loud Minority single. Lavelle and Goldsworthy were joined by Masayuki Kudo and Toshio Nakanishi of the Japanese hip hop crew Major Force (later Major Force West).

Second incarnation (1997–1999)
Lavelle drafted in DJ Shadow to work on the debut album, and essentially discarded all previously recorded material. Lavelle and Shadow released Psyence Fiction in 1998 to a mixed critical response. The album included collaborations with an all-star lineup including Thom Yorke (Radiohead), Mark Hollis (Talk Talk), Mike D (Beastie Boys), Kool G Rap, Jason Newsted (Metallica), Badly Drawn Boy and Richard Ashcroft (The Verve). The album was mixed by Shadow's long-time collaborator, producer Jim Abbiss.

Shadow left the group after touring Psyence Fiction and was replaced by turntablist group the Scratch Perverts, who deconstructed the album and performed it live on turntables in 1999. Also in 1999, former producer Rich File remixed the track "Unreal", adding vocals by Ian Brown, and the resulting track was released as the single "Be There".

On 1 February 1999, Lavelle and the Scratch Perverts appeared on the Radio 1 program The Breezeblock, utilising "5 turntables". The set was largely based on tracks from Psyence Fiction, with some of them reworked live by Lavelle for the live performance. The Scratch Perverts' contribution consisted of scratching over the top of the Unkle tracks, a deconstructed version of "Be There", and some solo interludes.

Third incarnation (2000–2007)
In 2001, Lavelle and File resurfaced as Unklesounds, with a DJ mix created for Japanese radio entitled Do Androids Dream of Electric Beats?  This highlighted a new, more electronic direction the group had taken, and featured a number of tracks from Psyence Fiction, remixed in a techy breakbeat style.

Rich File co-produced, played and sang on the second album, Never, Never, Land, released in 2003. The album again featured a number of high-profile contributors, including Ian Brown, Josh Homme (Queens of the Stone Age), Robert Del Naja (Massive Attack) and Mani (The Stone Roses, Primal Scream) among others.

Lavelle and File continued releasing mixes as Unklesounds. The mix album Edit Music for a Film: Original Motion Picture Soundtrack Reconstruction, featuring movie samples and tracks from film soundtracks, was created for the After Dark 2004 event at the ICA London. A single CD version was handed out at the event, and it was released officially as an extended two disc set in 2005. The group recorded music for a short film titled The Seed directed by Joe Hahn alongside John Debney and Mike Shinoda of Linkin Park.

In September 2006, Global Underground released Self Defence: Never, Never, Land Reconstructed and Bonus Beats, a 4-CD box set of remixes and bonus tracks from the Never, Never, Land sessions, including tracks previously only available on the original DVD release of the album. It also contained remixes of a track mooted for their next album, featuring Ian Astbury of The Cult, titled "Burn My Shadow".

War Stories, the third album from Unkle, was released in summer 2007. The album again featured a number of guests including Josh Homme, Gavin Clark, Robert Del Naja, Ian Astbury, The Duke Spirit, Autolux and Neil Davidge. Following the release of the single "Hold My Hand", Pablo Clements (of The Psychonauts) became an Unkle member.

Fourth incarnation (2008–present)
In January 2008 Unkle released More Stories, containing a mix of B-sides, remixes, unreleased War Stories session tracks, and music composed for the film Odyssey in Rome. The same month, Rich File announced he was leaving Unkle after 10 years' collaboration to pursue work with his new band, We Fell to Earth.
In March the Lazarides Gallery in London showcased War Paint, an exhibition of artworks inspired by the recent Unkle album War Stories, with works from Robert Del Naja, Warren du Preez, Nick Thornton Jones, Will Bankhead and Ben Drury.
Unkle began touring the UK with Zoot Woman and Sebastian and Mr. Flash from the French electro record label Ed Banger Records. The concert, set across four acts, featured live performances from past Unkle contributors including Badly Drawn Boy, Liela Moss from The Duke Spirit, Gavin Clark and Joel Cadbury from South.

Unkle's fourth full album titled End Titles... Stories for Film was released in July 2008. It includes collaborations with Chris Goss, Black Mountain, Philip Sheppard, Dave Bateman, Joel Cadbury, and James Griffith (Lake Trout). The album is described in the sleeve notes by Lavelle as "not a new album in the usual sense, but new music that has been inspired by the moving image." As such, it can be considered a companion piece both to War Stories but also to the earlier Unklesounds mix, Edit Music for a Film.

14 December 2008 saw the digital release of End Titles... Redux, an album that was released the following day in a limited pressing of 3000 CDs available from official Unkle stores. This release features seven re-interpreted tracks from the album End Titles... Stories for Film plus 2 never-before-released tracks, "When Once It Was" and "A Perfect Storm". The exclusive package is a 6-panel soft-pack with a 12-page booklet with images by Robert Del Naja.

Upon the release of the single "Heavy Drug (Surrender Sounds Mix)" in August 2009, Unkle disclosed they had already begun recording their next studio album, Where Did the Night Fall, which was released in May 2010. This also included an all-star cast of performers including: Mark Lanegan, Nick Cave, The Black Angels, Sleepy Sun, and Katrina Ford, as well as ELLE J and Gavin Clark. The album is also available as a digital download from Unkle's site.

It was announced on 18 April 2011 that Unkle would headline the Dance Stage at the Reading and Leeds Festivals. They would be performing a world-exclusive audio-visual DJ set at the festivals, playing songs from their back catalogue alongside remixes of other artists' songs as well as Unkle's own material. They would be performing under the name Unkle Sounds.

On 27 February 2014, the "God of Light (Original Game Soundtrack)" single was published on iTunes, with two songs from the God of Light game by Playmous and EON. The in-game credits list "Music composed by: UNKLE / James Lavelle / Charlie May."

On 15 July 2016 Unkle released the single "Cowboys or Indians", which featured artists Ysée, Mink, and Elliott Power. Pitchfork reported Unkle would release an album that same year. In January 2017, Unkle announced the pending release of the album The Road, which will be preceded by the single "Sick Lullaby" to be released in mid February 2017. It coincides with an exhibition at the Lazarides gallery in London.

Unkle collaborated with Michael Kiwanuka for the track "On My Knees" for a companion album to the 2018 Netflix film Roma and a new mix of this track later appeared on the 2021 album Rōnin I.

Members

Current members
 James Lavelle - production, instruments (1992–present)
 Jack Leonard - vocals, guitar, production (2016-present)
 Matthew Puffett (Future Beat Alliance) - keyboards (2016-present)

Former members
 DJ Shadow - production, turntables (1997–1999)
 Toshio Nakanishi - production (1992–1996)
 K.U.D.O  - production (1992–1996)
 Tim Goldsworthy  - production (1992–1996)
 Rich File - vocals, guitar, production (1999-2008)
 Pablo Clements  - production, instruments (2003-2011)

Current touring members
 Liela Moss (The Duke Spirit) - vocals, keyboards (2016-present)
 Steve Weston - engineering, visuals
 Alex Thomas (Squarepusher, Air) - drums

Former touring members
 Bob Knight (Kylie Minogue) - drums (2003-2004)
 Antony Genn (Pulp, The Hours) - bass (2003-2004)
 Rich Fownes - guitar (2007-2008)
 James Griffith - bass, guitar, vocals (2007-2014)
 Mike Lowry - drums (2007-2014)
 Matt Pierce - keyboards (2007-2014)
 The Scratch Perverts - turntables, visuals (1999)

Discography

Psyence Fiction (1998)
Never, Never, Land (2003)
War Stories (2007)
Where Did the Night Fall (2010)
The Road: Part I (2017)

Appearances

Tours
2008 Unkle Live – UK Tour Stories
2008 Creamfields Buenos Aires, Argentina.

References

External links
https://unkle.com/ Official Website

DJ Shadow
English electronic music groups
English rock music groups
Musical groups from London
Trip hop groups
Musical groups established in 1992
1992 establishments in England

Unkle


Andrew Ross Sorkin né le  à New York aux États-Unis, est un journaliste et auteur américain. Il est chroniqueur pour le The New York Times, fondateur et rédacteur en chef de DealBook, un service d'information financière publié par Times, qu'il a commencé en 2001. Sorkin est également co-animateur de l'émission matinale Squawk Box de CNBC.

Il est l'auteur de best-seller Too Big to Fail publié par Viking Press, qui décrit les événements de la crise financière de 2008. Le livre a été adapté dans un film de HBO Films Too Big to Fail : Débâcle à Wall Street en 2011. Andrew Ross Sorkin était un coproducteur du film, qui a été nominé pour 11 Emmy Awards.

Biographie
Andrew Sorkin est né à New York dans la famille juive du dramaturge Joan Ross Sorkin et de Laurence T. Sorkin, associée du cabinet d'avocats .

Sorkin a commencé à écrire pour The New York Times en 1995 sans avoir terminé ses études secondaires. Il est diplômé de l'école secondaire  en 1995 et a obtenu un baccalauréat ès sciences en communication du College of Agriculture and Life Sciences de l'Université Cornell en 1999 où il était membre de la fraternité Sigma Pi.

Carrière
En 1999, Sorkin a rejoint The New York Times à plein temps en tant que journaliste sur les fusions et acquisitions européennes à Londres, L'année suivante, il est devenu le journaliste en chef des fusions et acquisitions du The Times à New York, poste qu'il occupe jusqu'à présent.

En 2001, Sorkin a lancé DealBook, un rapport financier quotidien en ligne publié par le Times. En tant que rédacteur en chef de DealBook, Sorkin tient une chronique hebdomadaire du même nom. Sorkin est également rédacteur en chef adjoint de l'actualité économique et financière du journal. DealBook a été l'un des premiers services d'agrégation d'actualités financières sur Internet.

En 2007, Sorkin a été l'un des premiers journalistes à identifier et à critiquer l'échappatoire fiscale pour les sociétés de capital-investissement et les fonds spéculatifs. Il a d'abord écrit sur ce sujet dans la chronique de mars 2007, appelant le traitement fiscal une , puis il en a fait à la une du The New York Times. Il a écrit au moins une demi-douzaine d'articles critiquant les pratiques fiscales des sociétés de capital-investissement et a appelé le gouvernement à mettre fin à cette échappatoire.

En 2014, Sorkin a écrit une série d'articles dans lesquels il critiquait les entreprises américaines pour avoir tenté de réduire leurs impôts aux États-Unis en fusionnant avec de plus petites entreprises étrangères dans le cadre d'un accord connu sous le nom d'« inversion ». Il a également critiqué les banques de Wall Street pour avoir conseillé aux entreprises américaines de conclure de tels accords, décrivant ces banques comme des "co-conspirateurs d'entreprises". Sorkin a appelé le gouvernement à mettre fin à cette pratique. Le 22 septembre 2014, l'administration d'Obama a modifié les lois fiscales pour rendre plus difficile pour les entreprises américaines de s'unir pour éviter de payer des impôts.

Vie privée
Sorkin est marié à Pilar Jenny Quinn, fille de Bobbie Quinn, une légende dans le monde du maquillage et de la mode. Leur mariage a eu lieu le 9 juin 2007. Le couple a trois enfants: les jumeaux Henry et Max, nés le 28 septembre 2010 et une fille Sydney, née le 4 janvier 2017.

Andrew Ross Sorkin et sa famille résident à Manhattan, dans l'Upper West Side.

Notes et références

Liens externes
 Site officiel
 Articles du New York Times par Andrew Ross Sorkin
 New York Times DealBook

Étudiant de l'université Cornell
Journaliste américain du XXIe siècle
Journaliste américain du XXe siècle
Naissance en février 1977
Naissance à New York

Andrew Ross Sorkin


Erembodegem es una municipalidad belga dentro de Alost (Aalst) en Denderstreek, Flandes Oriental. Era localidad hasta la fusión comunal de 1977.

Municipios de la provincia de Flandes Oriental

de:Aalst#Erembodegem
en:Aalst, Belgium

Erembodegem


هفاردييسكي (Гвардійське) هي مدينة في مقاطعة دنيبروبيتروفسكا في أوكرانيا.

يبلغ عدد سكانها حوالي 4483   نسمة.

مراجع

مدن أوكرانيا

هفاردييسكي (دنيبروبيتروفسكا)


Lady Slim é a primeira artista Drag queen no Azerbaijão.

Vida
Seymur Babayev nasceu em 1º de abril de 1987 em Baku. Depois de terminar o colegial em 2004, ele ingressou na Faculdade de História da Universidade Estatal de Bakú . Em suas entrevistas, ele mencionou que sempre quis estar no palco,mesmo amando sua profissão.  Após concluir seus estudos em 2008, ele foi para Moscou, onde foi apresentado às atividades teatrais de drag kvins pela primeira vez. Depois de aprender todas as sutilezas dessa arte, ele começou a fazer suas primeiras cenas em Moscou e voltou para Baku, sua terra natal, depois de ganhar experiência.

Carreira

Lady Slim, a primeira drag kvin do Azerbaijão, foi anunciada pela primeira vez em 2010 na transmissão da Space TV, um dos famosos canais de TV do Azerbaijão. Até então, ela representava o Azerbaijão na competição internacional drag kvin realizada em Odessa, na Ucrânia. Ao final desta competição, ela recebeu os títulos "Vice First Miss Travesty International (em inglês) 2010" e "Miss Theme Club". Avaliando os resultados da competição, especialistas ucranianos chamaram atenção especial para Lady Slim e sua participação em nome do Azerbaijão. "Hoje houve uma grande oportunidade de dar uma fita do Clube Temático para um participante do Azerbaijão, aliás, ele fez uma revolução lá por ocasião da revolução, porque não havia nada assim no Azerbaijão antes, agora é história." O show de Lady Slim também foi endossado e apoiado por artistas profissionais do Azerbaijão na época.

Em 2011, Lady Slim viajou para  Quixinau, capital da Moldávia para o concurso internacional "Senhorita Rainha Impecável" para representar o Azerbaijão novamente. Ela recebeu o título de "Miss Elegante 2011" nesta competição.  No Nos anos seguintes, embora as atividades de Lady Slim não tenham sido aceitas definitivamente no país, o surgimento de uma artista em tal função no Azerbaijão conseguiu atrair a atenção da comunidade internacional. Um deles é o estabelecimento do mundialmente famoso empresário George Soros, fundador da Open Society Foundations . Mirnaib Hasanov, cofundador da União de Fotógrafos do Azerbaijão, documentou a vida de Lady Slim para a Open Society Foundations. O filme é composto por fotografias que refletem o cotidiano e a vida cênica do artista. O objetivo principal foi lançar luz sobre as dificuldades enfrentadas pelo primeiro drag performer no Azerbaijão. Em geral, Lady Slim observou que desde sua primeira aparição no palco, ela foi constantemente assediada, censurada e proibida pelo governo do Azerbaijão. Como ele disse na entrevista: "A razão pela qual não posso mais estar no ar é que o produtor do programa veio até mim e me disse que os telefonemas estavam vindo para os canais de TV das autoridades estaduais e eu estava Proibido de ir à imprensa." De fato, um dos funcionários do governo, que tinha o mesmo sobrenome de Slim, expressou suas objeções em falar com esse sobrenome e o proibiu de usar seu próprio sobrenome na televisão. Ela então apareceu sob o nome de "Babayev Show", baseado em seu sobrenome, até que seu apelido artístico era Lady Slim. Slim foi posteriormente banido de aparecer na televisão. A BBC diz que a arte independente está literalmente falhando no conservador Azerbaijão, onde o governo tenta controlar a cultura de massa. Lady Slim afirmou em suas últimas entrevistas que suas atividades no palco consistiam apenas em turnês. "Eu moro no país agora, viajo com frequência para o exterior. Tenho apresentações no exterior em locais de grande público. .Claro, eles valorizam mais o meu trabalho no exterior, acham mais interessante, conhecem a cultura drag.".  Em 2021, a mídia francesa publicou uma entrevista com Lady Slim em um dos principais sites de drag queen da Europa como a primeira drag kvin. do Azerbaijão. Lady Slim também chamou a atenção do fotógrafo francês Gregory Herpe. G.Herpe tirou uma foto de Lady Slim em Baku e a adicionou ao projeto "Deep into Drag Queen".

Links externos

Atores do Azerbaijão
Drag queens
Nascidos em 1987

Lady Slim


Blágrænn er litur fenginn með því að fjarlægja rauða litinn úr hvítu ljósi. Hann er einn af stofnlitum CMYK litakerfisins.

Litir

Blágrænn


Nicolaas Martinus Hubertus Johannes Vreijsen (født 15. november 1955 i Breda, Holland) er en hollandsk tidligere fodboldspiller (forsvarer).

Vreijsen spillede én kamp for Hollands landshold, et EM-opgør mod Grækenland 11. juni 1980. På klubplan spillede han hele sin karriere i hjemlandet, hvor han repræsenterede NAC Breda, FC Twente og Feyenoord.

Referencer

Eksterne henvisninger

Fodboldspillere fra Holland
Fodboldspillere fra Feyenoord Rotterdam
Fodboldspillere fra FC Twente
Fodboldspillere fra NAC Breda
Personer fra Breda
Deltagere ved det europæiske mesterskab i fodbold 1980

Martien Vreijsen


Sainete je naziv za kratku komičnu jednočinku s pratećom vokalno-instrumentalnom glazbom i plesom, popularnu u Španjolskoj u 18. i 19. stoljeću. Prikazivala je zabavne prizore iz svakodnevice običnih ljudi, u početku najčešće kao međuigra ili na kraju drugih predstava, a potom i kao samostalno djelo. Preteča je kostumbrizma. Najznačajniji predstavnici su dramatičar Ramón de la Cruz i skladatelj Antonio Soler.

Razvoj
Kulinarski pojam sainete, u značenju začin ili slatkiš, počeo se u 17. stoljeću koristiti kao naziv za farsu ili burlesku, satirični prikaz scena iz svakodnevnog života (prvenstveno Madrida) s realističnim narodskim likovima i vernakulanim jezikom.

Sainete se u početku izjednačavala s entremés (intermeco) te je izvođena kao međuigra drugih predstava ili nakon njih, da bi ju u 18. stoljeću Ramón de la Cruz izdvojio kao samostalno djelo. Uz Ramóna de la Cruza i Luisa Quiñonesa de Benaventea sainete su pisali i mnogi anonimni autori.

Sainete se afirmirala kao popularna mala forma (šp. género chico) tijekom razdoblja prosvjetiteljstva i sačuvala svoj identitet sve do kraja 19. stoljeća.
Od početka 20. stoljeća popularnost seinete jenjava jer se sainete orijentira prema drugim žanrovima, naročito zarzueli i melodrami.

Glazba
Sainete iz ranog razdoblja bile su kratka govorena djela u stihu ili prozi, u kojima se glazba sastojala od jedne ili dvije numere. U 18. stoljeću glazba se smatra ključnim čimbenikom sainete. Najčešća glazba bila je tada vrlo popularna seguidilla, a zatim mnoge druge vrste kao što su zborovi, kvarteti, menueti, marševi, pjesme u francuskom i talijanskom stilu, kao i kraća instrumentalna djela. Jedan od značajnijih skladatelja glazbe za sainete je Antonio Soler.

Izvori
 sainete, natuknica u Hrvatskoj enciklopediji, www.enciklopedija.hr
 sainete, natuknica na Hrvatskom jezičnom portalu, hjp.znanje.hr
 sainete, natuknica u Proleksis enciklopediji, proleksis.lzmk.hr

Povijest Španjolske
Kazalište

Sainete


Yakut ist ein türkischer weiblicher Vorname und Familienname.

Herkunft und Bedeutung
Beim Namen Yakut handelt es sich vermutlich um die türkische Variante des arabischen Namens . Der Name bedeutet "Rubin".

Verbreitung
Der Name ist lediglich in der Türkei verbreitet und findet dort als Vorname selten Verwendung.

Varianten
Folgende alternativen Transkriptionen existieren für den Namen :

 Yaakoot, Yakoot
 Yaakut, Yakut
 Yaaqut, Yaqut
 Yaqoot

Bekannte Namensträger

Familienname
 Atilla Yakut (* 1945), türkischstämmiger Pädagoge und (deutschsprachiger) Fachautor
 Şahin Yakut (* 1979), türkisch-niederländischer Kickboxer

Siehe auch
 Yāqūt al-Hamawī ar-Rūmī

Einzelnachweise

Männlicher Vorname
Weiblicher Vorname
Familienname
Türkischer Personenname

Yakut


Twin Cities yani İkiz Şehirler, ABD'nin Minnesota eyâletinde bulunan, Minneapolis ve St. Paul şehirlerinin ikisini birden tanımlayan terimdir.

Dünya'da başka ikiz şehirler bulunuyor olsa da, en bilinenler bu ikilidir. 2000 yılında yapılan nüfus sayımına göre, ülkenin en kalabalık 15. yerleşim yeridir.

İkiz şehirler

Twin Cities


Hotel Marjan je splitski hotel koji je trenutno u stečaju. Hotel je izgrađen 1963. i bio je prvi hotel prve klase u gradu Splitu s 220 soba. Hotel je projektirao Lovre Perković.

Povijest
U kolovozu 2019. rovinjska Adris Grupa kupila je hotel za 324 milijuna kuna.

Izvori

Vanjske poveznice

Marjan

Hotel Marjan


Christian comte von Krockow (né le  à  (province de Poméranie) et mort le  à Hambourg) est un politologue, historien et écrivain allemand.

Biographie
Krockow est issu de la famille noble de Poméranie . Il étudie à l' et l'. En 1945, après avoir été enrôlé dans la Wehrmacht à l'âge de dix-sept ans et interné au Danemark, il se retrouve dans le nord-ouest de l'Allemagne.

De 1947 à 1954, Krockow étudie la sociologie, la philosophie et le droit constitutionnel aux universités de Göttingen et de Durham. En 1955, il obtient son doctorat à l'Université de Göttingen avec sa thèse Der Decisionismus bei Ernst Jünger, Carl Schmitt et Martin Heidegger, seine soziale Funktion und seine sozialtheoretische Bedeutung.

De 1961 à 1965, Krockow est professeur de sciences politiques à l'École supérieure de pédagogie de Göttingen, puis à l'Université de la Sarre et de 1968 à 1969 à l'Université de Francfort-sur-le-Main. En 1981,  le recrute à la Faculté des sciences sociales de l'Université de Göttingen en tant que professeur honoraire de sciences politiques. En tant qu'émérite, il vit à Hambourg en tant que scientifique indépendant et écrivain à succès. Ses biographies de , Guillaume II et du combattant de la résistance Claus von Stauffenberg attirent beaucoup d'attention. De 1970 à 1973, il est membre du comité fondateur de l'Université d'Oldenbourg, où il est impliqué.

Entre 1971 et 1980, Krockow est l'auteur de trois livres et de divers essais sur le sport et la société. En 1994, il reçoit le prix  et le . Pour ses services à « l'interprétation et la réflexion du présent socio-politique », il reçoit un doctorat honorifique Rerum Politicarum de l'Université Carl von Ossietzky d'Oldenbourg en 1995.

Le politologue Karl Dietrich Bracher écrit à propos du livre de Krockow Hitler et ses Allemands (Munich 2001) : .

Christian Graf von Krockow est enterré au cimetière de Hambourg-Ohlsdorf (R6 4-6).

Œuvres (sélection)
 Die Entscheidung. Eine Untersuchung über Ernst Jünger, Carl Schmitt, Martin Heidegger. Stuttgart 1958 (Zugleich: Göttingen, Universität, Dissertation).
 Nationalismus als deutsches Problem. Piper, München 1970 .
 Reform als politisches Prinzip. Piper, München 1976 .
 Die Reise nach Pommern. Deutsche Verlags-Anstalt, Stuttgart 1985 .
 Friedrich der Große. Lebensbilder. Lübbe Verlag, Bergisch Gladbach 1986 .
 Die Stunde der Frauen. Deutsche Verlags-Anstalt, Stuttgart 1988 .
 Preußen. Eine Bilanz. Deutsche Verlagsanstalt, Stuttgart 1992 .
 Die Deutschen vor ihrer Zukunft. Rowohlt, Berlin 1993 .
 Die preußischen Brüder. Prinz Heinrich und Friedrich der Große. Ein Doppelportrait. Deutsche Verlagsanstalt, Stuttgart 1996 .
 Kaiser Wilhelm II. und seine Zeit. Biographie einer Epoche. Siedler, Berlin 1999 .
 Erinnerungen. Zu Gast in drei Welten. Deutsche Verlagsanstalt, Stuttgart 2000 .
 Hitler und seine Deutschen. List, München 2001 .
 Eine Frage der Ehre. Stauffenberg und das Hitler-Attentat vom 20. Juli 1944. Rowohlt, Berlin 2002 .
 Die Zukunft der Geschichte. Ein Vermächtnis. List, München 2002 .

Bibliographie
 Katharina Rahlf: Christian Graf von Krockow. Geschichten vom Vergangenen. In: Stine Marg,  (Hrsg.): Göttinger Köpfe und ihr Wirken in die Welt. Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, Göttingen 2012 , S. 43–51.

Liens externes

 Christian Graf von Krockow, Die Zeit
 Courte biographie de Christian Graf von Krockow, Der Spiegel

Références

Politologue
Historien allemand
Professeur à l'université de Göttingen
Professeur à l'université de la Sarre
Professeur à l'université Johann Wolfgang Goethe de Francfort-sur-le-Main
Étudiant de l'université de Göttingen
Naissance en mai 1927
Naissance dans la voïvodie de Poméranie
Décès en mars 2002
Décès à Hambourg
Décès à 74 ans

Christian von Krockow


Catoscopium, monotipski rod pravih mahovina smješten u vlastitu porodicu i red, dio je podrazreda Dicranidae. Jedina je vrsta C. nigritum iz Sjeverne Amerike, opisana još 1826. godine

Naraste do 6 cm. Listovi su lancetasti. Plod je kapsula koja dozrijeva u ljeto

Izvori

Dicranidae

Catoscopium


John C. Turmel (born February 22, 1951) is a perennial candidate for election in Canada, and according to the Guinness World Records holds the records for the most elections contested and for the most elections lost, having contested 106 elections and lost 105. The other contest was a by-election that was pre-empted by a general election call.

Background
Turmel, who describes himself as a "Libertarian Socred", believes in Louis Even's Quebec social credit theory of monetary reform and has also campaigned for the legalization of gambling, the adoption of "Local Employment Trading Systems" (LETS) which are interest-free barter arrangements, and for the legalization of marijuana. He describes his platform as "I want no cops in gambling, sex or drugs or rock and roll, I want no usury on loans, pay cash or time, no dole."

He has participated in several protests outside of Canada's major banking institutions, saying that bank interest promotes poverty and starvation in the third world.

Turmel, an electrical engineering graduate, who lists his occupation as "professional gambler" was active in the Social Credit Party of Canada and the Social Credit Party of Ontario in the 1980s, and founded the Christian Credit Party in the 1980s, the Abolitionist Party of Canada in the 1990s, and the Pauper Party of Ontario in 2011.
He wears a white construction helmet, when campaigning,
and calls himself "The Engineer".
The colour of his helmet is said to not only refer to the white construction helmets worn by engineers and architects on construction sites, but also to the berets blanc (white berets), the nickname of the Pilgrims of Saint Michael, a radical monetarist faction within the Quebec social credit movement.

Turmel's grandfather, Adelard Turmel, supported the Social Credit Party of Canada from its inception in 1935, and he passed on a belief in social credit monetary theories to his descendants. His brother, Raymond Turmel, has also campaigned for public office on several occasions.

Turmel spent most of his life in Ottawa but has made Brantford, Ontario, his home since 2003 after running in a by-election there and finding he liked the area where he could play high-stakes Holdem Poker professionally at the Brantford Charity Casino.

Political activity

Gambling activism
Turmel received a bachelor's degree in electrical engineering from Carleton University in Ottawa in 1976 with a specialization in the mathematics of gambling and became Teaching Assistant to Walter Schneider in the course until 1978 when he was fired for running a highly publicized Blackjack "21" game in the Faculty Club. The next year he received his first conviction for keeping a common gaming house for running Blackjack games at home. In 1981, Turmel was convicted and jailed for 21 days for keeping a gaming house and playing 21, he lost the appeal but had the sentence converted to 100 hours community service playing accordion in old-age homes. In 1991, Turmel was convicted in Gatineau, Quebec, of running a common gaming house and sentenced to 4 months in jail. Before getting out after one month, Turmel ran for Chair of Ottawa-Carleton Regional Municipality while in jail, collecting approximately 3,500 votes. In 1993, as a part of Project Robin Hood, Ottawa and Ontario Provincial Police raided the private 28-table Casino Turmel, the largest gaming house raid in Canadian history. Turmel was convicted and sentenced to 200 hours community service playing accordion in retirement homes.

Entering the electoral fray
His campaign to legalize gambling and the notoriety he received as a result, combined with his family's background in social credit ideology, led Turmel to seek election at the federal level for the first time at the age of 28, as an independent candidate in Ottawa West in the May 1979 federal election in which he ran as the self-described "champion of hookers, gamblers and dope smokers" in a campaign in which he argued interest on money, usury, was the evil instability in financial affairs and swore to "abolish interest rates". He won 193 votes.

Social Credit
He ran again as an independent in the February 1980 federal election in Ottawa Centre. His application to run as a Social Credit Party of Canada candidate was rejected by party leader Fabien Roy. He won 64 votes. The Social Credit Party lost its remaining seats in the election.

Because of the death of the Social Credit candidate in Frontenac riding in Quebec during the election, a by-election was held in March. When Fabien Roy accepted the nomination without a convention, Turmel ran again as an independent against the Social Credit candidate. He ran as an independent candidate in the April 13 federal by-election in London West, claiming to be interim leader of the Ontario Social Credit Party. Turmel won 77 votes as an "independent Social Credit" candidate in a September 8 by-election in Hamilton West.

He also sought the Social Credit Party of Canada's interim national leadership unsuccessfully at a convention in November in Calgary. Turmel opposed the appointment of Martin Hattersley as interim leader of the federal Social Credit party as being undemocratic. The party executive claimed that the party did not have sufficient funds to hold a convention.

While running in the Hamilton West federal byelection, Turmel registered for Mayor of Ottawa in November, collecting 1,928 votes. At the same time, he ran as the Social Credit candidate in a provincial by-election in Carleton riding, coming in last. Registered in a hat-trick.

With grandfather Adelard, mother Therese, and brother Ray Turmel in support, Turmel started picketing the Bank of Canada on every Thursday when the interest rate was set and then picketing Parliament too. This continued for five years until the retirement of Governor Gerald Bouey.

In the March 1981 provincial election, Turmel ran as a Social Credit candidate in Ottawa Centre, while his brother Raymond ran for the party in Ottawa South and Serge Girard, Dale Alkerton and Andrew Dynowski ran in neighbouring ridings. It was reported that he became interim leader of the Ontario Social Credit Party in early March, although it is not clear if other members of the party agreed.

In September, Turmel was a candidate in the federal by-election in Spadina riding in Toronto, collecting 98 votes. The national Social Credit party president Carl O'Malley refused to endorse a candidate on the basis that the Liberal candidate, Jim Coutts, a former adviser to Pierre Trudeau, was a personal friend. Raymond Turmel ran as an independent against O'Malley in the by-election held in Joliette, Quebec on the same day, claiming to be the "real Social Credit" candidate.

In October, the Ontario Social Credit Party conducted a leadership vote. The eleven delegates, who represented about 100 party members throughout the province, elected former Toronto mayoral candidate Anne McBride as their new interim leader in a vote of 7 to 1 with 3 spoiled ballots. One vote was cast for Bruce Arnold. Turmel, his brother Ray and their mother, Therese, wrote the word "unconstitutional" across the ballots. Turmel argued that the party was violating its constitution by holding a vote without providing four months' notice to its members. McBride was a Christian fundamentalist minister who vowed to run the party "on Christian principles".

In September, Turmel was reported to be fighting his expulsion from the federal Social Credit Party, and seeking its leadership. Further, he was reported to be seeking to replace Joe Clark as leader of the Progressive Conservative Party of Canada. Turmel denied the report, but the journalist stood by her story.

Christian Credit Party
In June 1982, Turmel returned to Hamilton West to run in a provincial by-election as a candidate of the Christian Credit Party that he had recently founded. He won 173 votes.

The Christian Credit Party was formed after the Social Credit Party refused to renew the memberships of Turmel and his brother Raymond. The Turmel brothers said that they left the party because it had compromised its principles on interest rates.

He also ran for the Christian Credit Party in the September federal by-election in Broadview—Greenwood (in Toronto), winning an all-time low 16 votes. Raymond ran for the party in Leeds—Grenville in eastern Ontario.

In July, Turmel attempted to recruit members for his new party at the Social Credit national convention in Regina. In September, the party claimed to have 75 members.

In November 1982, Turmel ran for alderman in the Ottawa suburb of Gloucester, and appears to have abandoned an attempt to run in a provincial by-election in Toronto-York South though list #13 shows it was not abandoned. His brother, Raymond, ran for mayor of Gloucester, while their colleague Marc Gauvin ran for mayor of Ottawa.

By 1983, the Christian Credit Party appears to have died. Turmel said he disbanded his party because he realized voters would not give it a chance. "People won't vote for a new party. They've been voting for one colour all their lives. The only way to do anything is to get into a recognized party."

Turmel, with Therese and Ray, Marc and Emi Gauvin and Serge Girard picketed the 1983 Bilderberger conference held at Chateau Montebello.

Turmel ran as an independent candidate in the Central Nova (Nova Scotia) riding by-election in September 1983 against Progressive Conservative leader Brian Mulroney. He claimed to be a "member of the Abolitionist wing of the PC party".

Turmel won 97 votes as a candidate in a provincial by-election in Stormont—Dundas—South Glengarry, Ontario.

Green Party
In the months before the 1984 federal election, Turmel attempted to take over the Ottawa branch of the fledgling Green Party of Canada by signing up new members and seeking the party's nomination in Ottawa Centre. After the party had appointed a candidate in Ottawa Centre rather than hold nominations, Turmel claimed that it was undemocratic and called a meeting at which all Greens were invited to elect candidates to run in various Ottawa area ridings under the Green Party banner. The party rejected those nominations, and then held its own meeting to nominate new candidates.

In the election, Turmel ran as an independent against Green Party leader Trevor Hancock in Toronto—Beaches, Marc Gauvin ran in Ottawa Centre, supporter Serge Girard in Ottawa—Vanier, and John and Ray's mother, Therese Turmel ran in Ottawa West, and Ray Turmel ran as an "independent Green" in Nepean—Carleton.

Turmel ran as an independent candidate in the December 13, 1984, provincial by-election in Ottawa Centre, and Serge Girard ran in Ottawa East. Turmel also ran for mayor of Ottawa.

In 1985, the Executive of the Ontario Branch of the Green Party expelled Ontario member John Turmel and Quebec member Ray Turmel.

Mid to late 1980s
Also in 1985, Turmel appears to have founded the "Social Credit Party of Ontario", which was not affiliated with other social credit parties. Turmel led a campaign against the practice of cheque cashing agencies that cashed social assistance (SA, or welfare) cheques at a discount to the face value. Turmel issued ID card to SA recipients and recruited local retailers to cash the cheques at no discount. The Social Credit Party of Ontario guaranteed these cheques. In November, Turmel supporter Walter McPhee ran for Ottawa mayor and Turmel for Nepean mayor. This proved to be Turmel's best performance by percentage of the vote, as he collected 7.25% of the vote, as he was the only other candidate against mayor Ben Franklin.Turmel ran in an April 1986 provincial by-election in Toronto-York East and an August 14 provincial by-election in Cochrane, Ontario, apparently under the "Social Credit Party of Ontario" banner.

In September, he ran as an "independent créditiste" claiming to be the heir of Réal Caouette in a federal by-election in St.-Maurice, Quebec when Liberal MP Jean Chrétien resigned.

In June 1987, Turmel ran in a federal by-election in Hamilton Mountain. He was reported to be "attempting to form" an Ontario Social Credit Party.

In the autumn of 1988, Turmel ran for mayor of Ottawa, Member of Parliament for Ottawa Centre and Member of Provincial Parliament for Welland—Thorold in the Niagara peninsula in a November 3 provincial by-election.

Abolitionist Party
Turmel founded the Abolitionist Party of Canada, which nominated 80 candidates in the 1993 federal election, one more than the Green Party of Canada.

In 1994, Turmel won over 4,500 votes running for Chair of Ottawa-Carleton Regional Municipality, the largest number of votes in his career.

He won 46 votes as the Abolitionist Party candidate in the February 13, 1995, Ottawa—Vanier federal by-election.

In June 1996, Turmel ran under the Abolitionist Party banner in a Hamilton East federal by-election and lost.

Turmel won 4,126 votes (2.5% of the total) running for Chair of Ottawa-Carleton Regional Municipality in 1997, in which Bob Chiarelli defeated Peter Clark by 2,798 votes. Turmel won 214 votes as an independent candidate in Ottawa West—Nepean in the 1997 federal election. In September, Turmel won 201 votes as an independent candidate in Ottawa West in a provincial by-election.

Turmel ran for the board of the National Capital FreeNet after the previous board reduced the number of seats from 7 to 5. He came 6th, and argues he was cheated out of the only election he ever won.

Turmel first appeared in the 1997 Guinness Book of World Records for most elections contested at 41.

He ran as an "independent Abolitionist" in a September 14, 1998, federal by-election in Sherbrooke, Quebec.

In 1999, he won 106 votes as an Abolitionist Party candidate in a March federal by-election in Windsor—St. Clair, Ontario, which was more than the margin by which Liberal candidate Rick Limoges defeated Joe Comartin of the New Democratic Party.

Early 2000s
In 2000, Turmel ran as an independent candidate in the September Kings—Hants (Nova Scotia) federal by-election against Progressive Conservative leader Joe Clark. He won 89 votes as an independent candidate in Ottawa West—Nepean in the November federal election.

In the same year, he made a presentation to the United Nations on the interest-free UNILETS resulting in Millennium Declaration Resolution C6 to governments to use an alternative time-based currency to restructure the global financial architecture.

In 2002, Turmel attempted to run for the leadership of the Marijuana Party but the leadership election was called off after Turmel showed up to contest the election.

Turmel won 295 votes as an independent candidate in Brant riding in the 2003 October provincial election. His 56th campaign was for Mayor of Ottawa in the November 2003 municipal election, when he collected 1,166 votes.

He also tried to resurrect the Libertarian Party of Canada, but was prevented from doing so when former members re-registered the name first.

Turmel ran as an independent candidate and placed fifth with 120 votes in a May 13, 2004, provincial by-election in Hamilton East. He placed last of eight candidates as an independent candidate in the March 17, 2005, provincial by-election in Dufferin—Peel—Wellington—Grey and placed last in Brant riding with 213 votes in the 2006 federal election.

Turmel was convicted of drug possession in March 2006, resulting from a one-man protest on Parliament Hill in Ottawa three years earlier. Turmel had taken three kilograms of marijuana to the hill, and openly smoked a joint in front of politicians and security officials. He announced plans to appeal. The conviction was rendered on the same day as a provincial by-election in Nepean—Carleton, in which Turmel was a candidate.

In 2003, Turmel acted as a party to Hitzig v Canada, a civil suit instrumental in reforming the Marihuana Medical Access Regulations and the status of medical cannabis in Canada generally.

Turmel ran as an independent candidate in a 2008 by-election in the riding of Guelph.  On Monday, August 25, he disrupted a televised debate involving candidates from the four major political parties to which the other four candidates had not been invited to participate. He yelled out his objections so loudly that the moderator of the debate could not be heard. He was eventually removed from the venue, the River Run Centre, by the Guelph police. The by-election was pre-empted by a federal election call in which Turmel re-filed his candidacy for the same riding – he came in tenth out of eleven candidates receiving 58 votes.

On September 10, 2009, police were called after Turmel lost control and disrupted an all-candidates meeting during the provincial by-election in Ontario's St. Paul's riding. Angry at a moderator's rule which forced residents to direct their questions at 4 of 8 candidates, thus effectively limiting his opportunity to speak, Turmel lashed out and ran around the church hall shouting at debate panelists and audience members that he'd go back onstage when he could answer too. At one point, the debate had to pause as a group of attendees attempted a citizen's arrest. Turmel stated that he would "ruin everyone's night" because "mine was ruined".

Dragon's Den
On January 13, 2010, Turmel appeared on the CBC television show Dragons' Den pitching his Local exchange trading system scheme, asking the panel of entrepreneurs to invest $100,000 for a program which would use poker chips from a local casino as currency at local businesses in Brantford, Ontario. The "dragons" said they didn't understand Turmel's presentation and mocked him. Kevin O'Leary told Turmel he should "burst into flames" and fellow dragon Jim Treliving told Turmel he was "blowing air up a dead horse's ass".  Turmel initiated a lawsuit against the CBC as a result of the program. His complaint was rejected by the Ontario Court of Appeal in July 2011. On December 8, 2011, the Supreme Court of Canada denied Turmel's subsequent request for leave to appeal. He continues to maintain that the show was a "smear job".

2011 federal election
After contesting every Canadian general election from 1979 to 2008, Turmel did not contest the 2011 federal election. He indicated, however, that he would be willing to serve as prime minister if offered the role by Canada's elected parliamentarians, as per William Aberhart's rise to the premiership of Alberta in 1935 if the Engineer's Dream Team of chosen other party candidates were elected.

Pauper Party
Turmel contested the 2011 Ontario provincial election as founder and leader of the newly formed Pauper Party of Ontario. stating "we want no cops in gambling, sex or drugs or rock and roll, we want no usury on loans, pay cash or time, no dole." Turmel has subsequently run in Ontario by-elections under the "Pauper" banner.

Recent by-elections
In 2012, Turmel again ran as an independent, this time in the March 19 federal by-election in Toronto—Danforth to choose a successor to Jack Layton. He ran on a campaign pushing for mass production of marijuana to fight cancers he says are coming from the "nuclear fallout that hit us from Fukushima".

On the provincial level, Turmel has continued to carry the banner of the Pauper Party of Ontario and ran in the August 1, 2013 by-election in Ottawa South to choose the successor to Dalton McGuinty placing last with 43 votes. He ran again as a Pauper candidate in the February 13, 2014 provincial by-election in Thornhill placing last with 49 votes. On September 1, 2016, he secured second-to-last place in the Scarborough—Rouge River provincial by-election by one vote over former Trillium Party candidate Ania Krosinska.

Turmel placed 6th out of 6 candidates in the 2020 York Centre federal by-election, earning just under 0.6% of the vote.

He was a candidate in the 2023 Oxford federal by-election. He is a candidate in the 2023 Scarborough—Guildwood provincial by-election.

Vexatious litigation
Turmel has argued a number of actions in the Canadian Federal Court. In 2022, the federal government applied for "Vexations Litigants" Section 40 against Turmel, whichif grantedwould prevent him from introducing a new application to the Court unless he had a court order to allow it, according to CTV News' senior political correspondent, Glen McGregor.

Appearance before Parliament

On June 6, 2018, Turmel appeared as a witness before the Canadian House of Commons Standing Committee on Procedure and House Affairs regarding the Trudeau Government's proposed changes to the Canada Elections Act.

During his appearance Turmel argued for free and equal broadcasting time for all candidates and fair auditing rules for candidates with only minor campaign expenses.

He also discussed the time banking software "LETS", being arrested, and being invited to give speeches at the United Nations.

Election results

Footnotes

External links

"Record-setting political also-ran John Turmel takes his 99th crack at elected office CBC News Profile

Living people
Independent candidates in the 1979 Canadian federal election
Independent candidates in the 1980 Canadian federal election
Independent candidates in the 1984 Canadian federal election
Independent candidates in the 1988 Canadian federal election
Abolitionist Party of Canada candidates for the Canadian House of Commons
Candidates in the 1993 Canadian federal election
Independent candidates in the 1997 Canadian federal election
Independent candidates in the 2000 Canadian federal election
Independent candidates in the 2004 Canadian federal election
Independent candidates in the 2006 Canadian federal election
Leaders of political parties in Canada
Carleton University alumni
Canadian social crediters
People from Rouyn-Noranda
1951 births
Independent candidates in Ontario provincial elections
Canadian cannabis activists
Canadian gamblers

John Turmel


Yaracuy je rijeka na sjeverozapadu Venezuele, duga 135 km, najveća rijeka savezne države Yaracuy, po kojoj je ta država dobila ime.

Riječni tijek

Yaracuy izvire u Karipskim Andama, na obroncima planine Sorte na nadmorskoj visini od 770 metara u Državi Yaracuy. Od izvora teče prema sjeveroistoku do ušća u Karipsko more.

U gornjem toku rijeke je 1972. podignuta brana za akumulacijsko jezero Cumaripa, veliko 435 km², koje služi za opskrbu pitkom vodom grada San Felipe i navodnjavanje doline.

Sliv rijeke Yaracuy koji iznosi 2.280 km².

Najveće pritoke rijeke slivaju se sa sjeverozapada, a to su; Urachiche, Guama, Cocorote, Yurubi, Cocorotico i Macagua, dok se s juga slijevaju Taria i Canaobito.

Izvori

Rand McNally, The New International Atlas, 1993.

Vanjske poveznice

 Caracterización general de la cuenca del rio Yaracuy na portalu Monografias

Rijeke u Venezueli

Yaracuy (rijeka)


Surdas () was a 16th-century blind Hindu devotional poet and singer, who was known for his works written in praise of the deity Krishna. He was a Vaishnava devotee of Krishna, and he was also a revered poet and singer. His compositions glorified and captured his devotion towards Krishna. Most of his poems were written in the Braj language, while some were also written in other dialects of medieval Hindi, like Awadhi.

There are many theories about Surdas, but most popularly, he is said to have been blind from birth. During his time, lived another saint by the name of Vallabha. Vallabha was the founder of the Pushtimarg Sampradaya, and his successor, Vitthalanatha, had selected eight poets who would help him to further spread the glory of Krishna, by composing works of music. These eight poets were known as the "Astachap", and Surdas is believed to be the foremost among them due to his outstanding devotion and poetic talent.

The book Sur Sagar (Sur's Ocean) is traditionally attributed to Surdas. However, many of the poems in the book seem to be written by later poets in Sur's name. The Sur Sagar in its present form focuses on descriptions of Krishna as the lovely child of Gokul and Vraj, written from the gopis''' perspective.

Biography

There is disagreement regarding the exact birth date of Surdas, with the general consensus among scholars holding it to be in the year 1478. The birthday of Surdas is celebrated as Surdas Jayanti in the Vaishnava calendar, on the 5th day of the Hindu month of Vaishakh. We are uncertain of his exact date of death, but it is considered to be somewhere between 1561 and 1584. (Age 101 years). There is some disagreement regarding the birthplace of Surdas too, as some scholars say he was born in the village Ranukta or Renuka which lies on the road passing through Agra to Mathura, while some say he was born in a village called Sihi, near Delhi. The Encyclopaedia of Indian Literature suggests a much earlier birth year of 1258 into a Brahmin family of Uttar Pradesh.According to one theory, Surdas was blind from birth and neglected by his poor family, forcing him to leave his home at the age of six. Later, he met Vallabha Acharya and became his disciple. Under Vallabha Acharya's guidance and training, Surdas memorized the Shrimad Bhagvata, studied the Hindu scriptures, and gave lectures on philosophical and religious subjects. He remained celibate throughout his life

Poetic works
Surdas is best known for his composition the Sur Sagar. Most of the poems in the composition, although attributed to him, seem to be composed by later poets in his name.
Sursagar in its 16th century form contain descriptions of Krishna and Radha as lovers; the longing of Radha and the gopis for Krishna when he is absent and vice versa. In addition, poems of Sur's own personal bhakti are prominent, and episodes from the Ramayana and Mahabharata also appear. The Sursagar's modern reputation focuses on descriptions of Krishna as a lovable child, usually drawn from the perspective of one of the cowherding gopis of Braj.

Surdas also composed the Sur Saravali and Sahitya Lahari. In contemporary writings, it is said to contain one lakh verses, out of which many were lost due to obscurity and uncertainty of the times. It is analogical to the festival of (Holi), where the Lord is the Great Player, who, in his playful mood, creates the universe and the Primerial man out of himself, who has the three gunas, namely Sattva, Rajas and Tamas. He describes 24 incarnations of the Lord interspersed with the legends of Dhruva and Prahlada. He then narrates the story of the incarnation of Krishna. This is followed by a description of the Vasant (Spring) and Holi festivals. Sahitya Lahari consists of 118 verses and emphasises on Bhakti (devotion).

Sur's compositions are also found in the Guru Granth Sahib, the holy book of the Sikhs.

Influence
Bhakti Movement
Surdas was a part of the Bhakti movement spreading across the Indian subcontinent. This movement represented spiritual empowerment of the masses. The corresponding spiritual movement of the masses first happened in South India in the seventh century and spread to North India in the 14th-17th centuries.

Braj Bhasha
Surdas's poetry was written in a dialect of Hindi called Braj Bhasha, until then considered to be a very plebeian language, as the prevalent literary languages were either Persian or Sanskrit.  His work raised the status of the Braj Bhasha from a crude language to that of a literary one.

Philosophy
Eight disciples of Vallabha Acharya are called the Aṣṭachāp, (Eight seals in Hindi), named after the oral signature chap written at the conclusion of literary works. Sur is considered to be the foremost among them.

In popular culture
Several films have been made about the poet's life. These include: Surdas (1939) by Krishna Dev Mehra, Bhakta Surdas (1942) by Chaturbhuj Doshi, Sant Surdas (1975) by Ravindra Dave, Chintamani Surdas (1988) by Ram Pahwa.

The legend of the blind poet Bilwamangala (identified with Surdas) and Chintamani has also been adapted several times in Indian cinema. These films include: Bilwamangal or Bhagat Soordas (1919) by Rustomji Dhotiwala, Bilwamangal (1932), Chintamani (1933) by Kallakuri Sadasiva Rao, Chintamani (1937) by Y. V. Rao, Bhakta Bilwamangal (1948) by Shanti Kumar, Bilwamangal (1954) by D. N. Madhok, Bhakta Bilwamangal (1954) by Pinaki Bhushan Mukherji, Chintamani (1956) by P. S. Ramakrishna Rao, Chintamani (1957) by M.N. Basavarajaiah, Chilamboli (1963) by G. K. Ramu, Bilwamangal (1976) by Gobinda Roy, Vilvamangal Ki Pratigya'' (1996) by Sanjay Virmani.

See also
 Main Naahin Maakhan Khaayo
 Sant Mat
 Bhajan
 Sant Surdas (Sihi) metro station

References

External links

Hindu poets
Sant Mat
16th-century Hindu religious leaders
Vaishnava saints
Hindi-language poets
Hindu revivalists
Sikh Bhagats
Indian centenarians
Bhakti movement
15th-century Indian scholars
15th-century Indian poets
Poets from Uttar Pradesh
Scholars from Uttar Pradesh
1478 births
1561 deaths
Blind poets

Surdas


2016 ගිම්හාන පැරාලිම්පික් යනු අන්තර්ජාතික පැරාලිම්පික් කමිටුවේ අධීක්ෂණය යටතේ ආබාධිත ක්‍රීඩක ක්‍රීඩිකාවන් වෙනුවෙන් පැවැත්වෙන අන්තර්ජාතික බහු-ක්‍රීඩා තරගාවලියකි. එය 15 වන ගිම්හාන පැරාලිම්පික් තරගාවලියයි. 2016 සැප්තැම්බර් මස 7 සිට 18 දක්වා බ්‍රසීලයේ රියෝ ද ජැනෙයිරෝ හි දී  තරගාවලිය පැවැත්වෙනු ඇත. ලතින් ඇමෙරිකානු හෝ දකුණු ඇමෙරිකානු රටක පැරාලිම්පික් තරගාවලියක් පැවැත්වෙන ප්‍රථම අවස්ථාව මෙය වන අතර දක්ෂිණ අර්ධ ගෝලයේ රටක - 2000 සිඩ්නි පැරාලිම්පික් වලට පසු - පැරාලිම්පික්  තරගාවලියක් පැවැත්වෙන දෙවැනි අවස්ථාවද වෙයි. පැරා ඔරු පැදීම සහ පැරාතුන්ප්‍රයාමය යන ක්‍රීඩා යුගලය මෙම තරගාවලියට අළුතින් එක් වීමට නියමිතය.

අන්තර්ජාතික පැරාලිම්පික් කමිටුව සහ අන්තර්ජාතික ඔලිම්පික් කමිටුව අතර 2001 වසරේදී ඇතිකරගත් එකඟතාවයකට අනුව ගිම්හාන ඔලිම්පික් තරගාවලිය සඳහා සත්කාරකත්වය සපයනු ලබන නගරය විසින්ම එම වසරේ ගිම්හාන පැරාලිම්පික් තරගාවලිය සඳහා ද සත්කාරකත්වය සපයනු ලබයි. මේ අනුව 2009 ඔක්තෝබර් 2 දින කෝපන්හේගන් හි පැවති 121 වන IOC සැසිවාරයේදී, 2016 ගිම්හාන ඔලිම්පික් සහ පැරාලිම්පික් තරගාවලි වල සත්කාරකත්වය සඳහා බ්‍රසීලයේ රියෝ ද ජැනෙයිරෝ නගරය තෝරා ගන්නා ලදී.

2016 ගිම්හාන පැරාලිම්පික් උලෙළට සහභාගීවන රටවල්

2016 ගිම්හාන පැරාලිම්පික්


Fact-checking is the process of verifying the factual accuracy of questioned reporting and statements. Fact-checking can be conducted before or after the text or content is published or otherwise disseminated. Internal fact-checking is such checking done in-house by the publisher to prevent inaccurate content from being published; when the text is analyzed by a third party, the process is called external fact-checking.

Research suggests that fact-checking can indeed correct perceptions among citizens, as well as discourage politicians from spreading false or misleading claims. However, corrections may decay over time or be overwhelmed by cues from elites who promote less accurate claims. Political fact-checking is sometimes criticized as being opinion journalism. A review of US politics fact-checkers shows a mixed result of whether fact-checking is an effective way to reduce misconceptions, and whether the method is reliable.

History of fact-checking
Sensationalist newspapers in the 1850s and later led to a gradual need for a more factual media. Colin Dickey has described the subsequent evolution of fact-checking. Key elements were the establishment of Associated Press in the 1850s (short factual material needed), Ralph Pulitzer of the New York World (his Bureau of Accuracy and Fair Play, 1912), Henry Luce and Time magazine (original working title: Facts), and the famous fact-checking department of The New Yorker. More recently, the mainstream media has come under severe economic threat from online startups. In addition the rapid spread of misinformation and conspiracy theories via social media is slowly creeping into mainstream media. One solution is for more media staff to be assigned a fact-checking role, as for example The Washington Post. Independent fact-checking organisations have also become prominent, such as PolitiFact.

Types of fact-checking

Ante hoc fact-checking aims to identify errors so that the text can be corrected before dissemination, or perhaps rejected. Post hoc fact-checking is most often followed by a written report of inaccuracies, sometimes with a visual metric provided by the checking organization (e.g., Pinocchios from The Washington Post Fact Checker, or TRUTH-O-METER ratings from PolitiFact). Several organizations are devoted to post hoc fact-checking: examples include FactCheck.org and PolitiFact in the US, and Full Fact in the UK.

External post hoc fact-checking organizations first arose in the US in the early 2000s, and the concept grew in relevance and spread to various other countries during the 2010s.

Post hoc fact-checking
External post hoc fact-checking by independent organizations began in the United States in the early 2000s. In the 2010s, particularly following the 2016 election of Donald Trump as US President, fact-checking gained a rise in popularity and spread to multiple countries mostly in Europe and Latin America. However, the US remains the largest market for fact-checking.

Consistency across fact-checkers
One study finds that fact-checkers PolitiFact, FactCheck.org, and The Washington Post's Fact Checker overwhelmingly agree on their evaluations of claims. However, a study by Morgan Marietta, David C. Barker and Todd Bowser found "substantial differences in the questions asked and the answers offered." They concluded that this limited the "usefulness of fact-checking for citizens trying to decide which version of disputed realities to believe." A paper by Chloe Lim, PhD student at Stanford University, found little overlap in the statements that fact-checkers check. Out of 1,178 fact-checks by PolitiFact and 325 fact-checks by The Washington Posts Fact Checker, there were only 77 statements that both fact-checkers checked. The study found that the fact-checkers gave the same ratings for 49 and close ratings for 22 out of 77 statements, about 92% agreement. Lim concluded, "At least in some cases, the strategic ambiguity of politicians may impede the fact-checking movement's goals."
The process of fact-checking is sometimes questionable, partly because the fact-checkers are just human subjects, and also because the purpose of some instances of fact-checking was unclear.

Effects
Studies of post hoc fact-checking have made clear that such efforts often result in changes in the behavior, in general, of both the speaker (making them more careful in their pronouncements) and of the listener or reader (making them more discerning with regard to the factual accuracy of content); observations include the propensities of audiences to be completely unswayed by corrections to errors regarding the most divisive subjects, or the tendency to be more greatly persuaded by corrections of negative reporting (e.g., "attack ads"), and to see minds changed only when the individual in error was someone reasonably like-minded to begin with.

Correcting misperceptions

Studies have shown that fact-checking can affect citizens' belief in the accuracy of claims made in political advertisement. A 2020 study by Paris School of Economics and Sciences Po economists found that falsehoods by Marine Le Pen during the 2017 French presidential election campaign (i) successfully persuaded voters, (ii) lost their persuasiveness when fact-checked, and (iii) did not reduce voters' political support for Le Pen when her claims were fact-checked. A 2017 study in the Journal of Politics found that "individuals consistently update political beliefs in the appropriate direction, even on facts that have clear implications for political party reputations, though they do so cautiously and with some bias... Interestingly, those who identify with one of the political parties are no more biased or cautious than pure independents in their learning, conditional on initial beliefs."

A study by Yale University cognitive scientists Gordon Pennycook and David G. Rand found that Facebook tags of fake articles "did significantly reduce their perceived accuracy relative to a control without tags, but only modestly". A Dartmouth study led by Brendan Nyhan found that Facebook tags had a greater impact than the Yale study found. A "disputed" tag on a false headline reduced the number of respondents who considered the headline accurate from 29% to 19%, whereas a "rated false" tag pushed the number down to 16%. A 2019 study found that the "disputed" tag reduced Facebook users' intentions to share a fake news story. The Yale study found evidence of a backfire effect among Trump supporters younger than 26 years whereby the presence of both untagged and tagged fake articles made the untagged fake articles appear more accurate. In response to research which questioned the effectiveness of the Facebook "disputed" tags, Facebook decided to drop the tags in December 2017 and would instead put articles which fact-checked a fake news story next to the fake news story link whenever it is shared on Facebook.

Based on the findings of a 2017 study in the journal Psychological Science, the most effective ways to reduce misinformation through corrections is by:
 limiting detailed descriptions of / or arguments in favor of the misinformation;
 walking through the reasons why a piece of misinformation is false rather than just labelling it false;
 presenting new and credible information which allows readers to update their knowledge of events and understand why they developed an inaccurate understanding in the first place;
 using video, as videos appear to be more effective than text at increasing attention and reducing confusion, making videos more effective at correcting misperception than text.

Large studies by Ethan Porter and Thomas J. Wood found that misinformation propagated by Donald Trump was more difficult to dispel with the same techniques, and generated the following recommendations:
 Highly credible sources are the most effective, especially those which surprisingly report facts against their own perceived bias
 Reframing the issue by adding context can be more effective than simply labeling it as incorrect or unproven.
 Challenging readers' identity or worldview reduces effectiveness.
 Fact-checking immediately is more effective, before false ideas have spread widely.

A 2019 meta-analysis of research into the effects of fact-checking on misinformation found that fact-checking has substantial positive impacts on political beliefs, but that this impact weakened when fact-checkers used "truth scales", refuted only parts of a claim and when they fact-checked campaign-related statements. Individuals' preexisting beliefs, ideology, and knowledge affected to what extent the fact-checking had an impact. A 2019 study in the Journal of Experimental Political Science found "strong evidence that citizens are willing to accept corrections to fake news, regardless of their ideology and the content of the fake stories."

A 2018 study found that Republicans were more likely to correct their false information on voter fraud if the correction came from Breitbart News rather than a non-partisan neutral source such as PolitiFact. A 2022 study found that individuals exposed to a fact-check of a false statement by a far-right politician were less likely to share the false statement.

Some studies have found that exposure to fact-checks had durable effects on reducing misperceptions, whereas other studies have found no effects.

Scholars have debated whether fact-checking could lead to a "backfire effect" whereby correcting false information may make partisan individuals cling more strongly to their views. One study found evidence of such a "backfire effect", but several other studies did not.

Political discourse
A 2015 experimental study found that fact-checking can encourage politicians to not spread misinformation. The study found that it might help improve political discourse by increasing the reputational costs or risks of spreading misinformation for political elites. The researchers sent, "a series of letters about the risks to their reputation and electoral security if they were caught making questionable statements. The legislators who were sent these letters were substantially less likely to receive a negative fact-checking rating or to have their accuracy questioned publicly, suggesting that fact-checking can reduce inaccuracy when it poses a salient threat."

Political preferences
One experimental study found that fact-checking during debates affected viewers' assessment of the candidates' debate performance and "greater willingness to vote for a candidate when the fact-check indicates that the candidate is being honest."

A study of Trump supporters during the 2016 presidential campaign found that while fact-checks of false claims made by Trump reduced his supporters' belief in the false claims in question, the corrections did not alter their attitudes towards Trump.

A 2019 study found that "summary fact-checking", where the fact-checker summarizes how many false statements a politician has made, has a greater impact on reducing support for a politician than fact-checking of individual statements made by the politician.

Informal fact-checking
Individual readers perform some types of fact-checking, such as comparing claims in one news story against claims in another.

Rabbi Moshe Benovitz, has observed that: "modern students use their wireless worlds to augment skepticism and to reject dogma." He says this has positive implications for values development:

According to Queen's University Belfast researcher Jennifer Rose, because fake news is created with the intention of misleading readers, online news consumers who attempt to fact-check the articles they read may incorrectly conclude that a fake news article is legitimate. Rose states, "A diligent online news consumer is likely at a pervasive risk of inferring truth from false premises", and suggests that fact-checking alone is not enough to reduce fake news consumption. Despite this, Rose asserts that fact-checking "ought to remain on educational agendas to help combat fake news".

Detecting fake news

Fake news has become increasingly prevalent over the last few years, with the 2016 election revealing that online media platforms were especially susceptible to disseminating disinformation and misinformation. Fake news articles tend to come from satirical news websites or individual websites with an incentive to propagate false information, either as clickbait or to serve a purpose. Since these articles typically hope to intentionally promote biased or incorrect information, these articles are difficult to detect. When identifying a source of information, one must look at many attributes, including but not limited to the content of the email and social media engagements. The language, specifically, is typically more inflammatory in fake news than real articles, in part because the purpose is to confuse and generate clicks. Furthermore, modeling techniques such as n-gram encodings and bag of words have served as other linguistic techniques to determine the legitimacy of a news course. On top of that, researchers have determined that visual-based cues also play a factor in categorizing an article, specifically some features can be designed to assess if a picture was legitimate, and provides us more clarity on the news. There is also many social context features that can play a role, as well as the model of spreading the news. Websites such as "Snopes" try to detect this information manually, while certain universities are trying to build mathematical models to do this themselves.

Some individuals and organizations publish their fact-checking efforts on the internet. These may have a special subject-matter focus, such as Snopes.com's focus on urban legends or the Reporters' Lab at Duke University's focus on providing resources to journalists.

Fake news and social media
The adaptation of social media as a legitimate and commonly used platform has created extensive concerns for fake news in this domain. The spread of fake news via social media platforms such as Facebook, Twitter and Instagram presents the opportunity for extremely negative effects on society therefore new fields of research regarding fake news detection on social media is gaining momentum. However, fake news detection on social media presents challenges that renders previous data mining and detection techniques inadequate. As such, researchers are calling for more work to be done regarding fake news as characterized against psychology and social theories and adapting existing data mining algorithms to apply to social media networks. Further, multiple scientific articles have been published urging the field further to find automatic ways in which fake news can be filtered out of social media timelines.

Ongoing research in fact-checking and detecting fake news

Since the 2016 United States presidential election, fake news has been a popular topic of discussion by President Trump and news outlets. The reality of fake news had become omnipresent, and a lot of research has gone into understanding, identifying, and combating fake news. Also, a number of researchers began with the usage of fake news to influence the 2016 presidential campaign. One research found evidence of pro-Trump fake news being selectively targeted on conservatives and pro-Trump supporters in 2016. The researchers found that social media sites, Facebook in particular, to be powerful platforms to spread certain fake news to targeted groups to appeal to their sentiments during the 2016 presidential race. Additionally, researchers from Stanford, NYU, and NBER found evidence to show how engagement with fake news on Facebook and Twitter was high throughout 2016.

Recently, a lot of work has gone into helping detect and identify fake news through machine learning and artificial intelligence. In 2018, researchers at MIT's CSAIL created and tested a machine learning algorithm to identify false information by looking for common patterns, words, and symbols that typically appear in fake news. More so, they released an open-source data set with a large catalog of historical news sources with their veracity scores to encourage other researchers to explore and develop new methods and technologies for detecting fake news.

In 2022, researchers have also demonstrated the feasibility of falsity scores for popular and official figures by developing such for over 800 contemporary elites on Twitter as well as associated exposure scores.

There are also demonstrations of platform-built-in (by-design) as well browser-integrated (currently in the form of addons) misinformation mitigation. Efforts such as providing and viewing structured accuracy assessments on posts "are not currently supported by the platforms". Trust in the default or, in decentralized designs, user-selected providers of assessments (and their reliability) as well as the large quantities of posts and articles are two of the problems such approaches may face. Moreover, they can not mitigate misinformation in chats, print-media and TV.

International Fact-Checking Day
The concept for International Fact-Checking Day was introduced at a conference for journalists and fact-checkers at the London School of Economics in June 2014. The holiday was officially created in 2016 and first celebrated on April 2, 2017. The idea for International Fact-Checking day rose out of the many misinformation campaigns found on the internet, particularly social media sites. It rose in importance after the 2016 elections, which brought fake news, as well as accusations of it, to the forefront of media issues.
The holiday is held on April 2 because "April 1 is a day for fools. April 2 is a day for facts."
Activities for International Fact-Checking Day consist of various media organizations contributing to fact-checking resources, articles, and lessons for students and the general public to learn more about how to identify fake news and stop the spread of misinformation.
2020's International Fact-Checking Day focused specifically on how to accurately identify information about COVID-19.

Controversies

Political fact-checking is increasingly criticized as being opinion journalism. Criticism has included that fact-checking organizations in themselves are biased or that it is impossible to apply absolute terms such as "true" or "false" to inherently debatable claims. In September 2016, a Rasmussen Reports national telephone and online survey found that "just 29% of all Likely U.S. Voters trust media fact-checking of candidates' comments. Sixty-two percent (62%) believe instead that news organizations skew the facts to help candidates they support."

A paper by Andrew Guess (of Princeton University), Brendan Nyhan (Dartmouth College) and Jason Reifler (University of Exeter) found that consumers of fake news tended to have less favorable views of fact-checking, in particular Trump supporters. The paper found that fake news consumers rarely encountered fact-checks: "only about half of the Americans who visited a fake news website during the study period also saw any fact-check from one of the dedicated fact-checking website (14.0%)."

Deceptive websites that pose as fact-checkers have also been used to promote disinformation; this tactic has been used by both Russia and Turkey.

During the COVID-19 pandemic, Facebook announced it would "remove false or debunked claims about the novel coronavirus which created a global pandemic", based on its fact-checking partners, collectively known as the International Fact-Checking Network. In 2021, Facebook reversed its ban on posts speculating the COVID-19 disease originated from Chinese labs, following developments in the investigations into the origin of COVID-19, including claims by the Biden administration, and a letter by eighteen scientists in the journal Science, saying a new investigation is needed because 'theories of accidental release from a lab and zoonotic spillover both remain viable." The policy led to an article by The New York Post that suggested a lab leak would be plausible to be initially labeled as "false information" on the platform. This reignited debates into the notion of scientific consensus. In an article published by the medical journal The BMJ, journalist Laurie Clarke said "The contentious nature of these decisions is partly down to how social media platforms define the slippery concepts of misinformation versus disinformation. This decision relies on the idea of a scientific consensus. But some scientists say that this smothers heterogeneous opinions, problematically reinforcing a misconception that science is a monolith." David Spiegelhalter, the Winton Professor of the Public Understanding of Risk at Cambridge University, argued that "behind closed doors, scientists spend the whole time arguing and deeply disagreeing on some fairly fundamental things". Clarke further argued that "The binary idea that scientific assertions are either correct or incorrect has fed into the divisiveness that has characterised the pandemic."

Pre-publication fact-checking
Among the benefits of printing only checked copy is that it averts serious, sometimes costly, problems. These problems can include lawsuits for mistakes that damage people or businesses, but even small mistakes can cause a loss of reputation for the publication. The loss of reputation is often the more significant motivating factor for journalists.

Fact checkers verify that the names, dates, and facts in an article or book are correct. For example, they may contact a person who is quoted in a proposed news article and ask the person whether this quotation is correct, or how to spell the person's name. Fact-checkers are primarily useful in catching accidental mistakes; they are not guaranteed safeguards against those who wish to commit journalistic frauds.

As a career
Professional fact checkers have generally been hired by newspapers, magazines, and book publishers, probably starting in the early 1920s with the creation of Time magazine in the United States, though they were not originally called "fact-checkers". Fact checkers may be aspiring writers, future editors, or freelancers engaged other projects; others are career professionals.

Historically, the field was considered women's work, and from the time of the first professional American fact checker through at least the 1970s, the fact checkers at a media company might be entirely female or primarily so.

The number of people employed in fact-checking varies by publication. Some organizations have substantial fact-checking departments. For example, The New Yorker magazine had 16 fact checkers in 2003 and the fact checking department of the German weekly magazine Der Spiegel counted 70 staff in 2017. Others may hire freelancers per piece, or may combine fact-checking with other duties. Magazines are more likely to use fact checkers than newspapers. Television and radio programs rarely employ dedicated fact checkers, and instead expect others, including senior staff, to engage in fact-checking in addition to their other duties.

Checking original reportage
Stephen Glass began his journalism career as a fact-checker. He went on to invent fictitious stories, which he submitted as reportage, and which fact-checkers at The New Republic (and other weeklies for which he worked) never flagged. Michael Kelly, who edited some of Glass's concocted stories, blamed himself, rather than the fact-checkers, saying: "Any fact-checking system is built on trust ... If a reporter is willing to fake notes, it defeats the system. Anyway, the real vetting system is not fact-checking but the editor."

Education on fact-checking
With the circulation of fake news on the internet, many organizations have dedicated time to create guidelines to help read to verify the information they are consuming. Many universities across America provide university students resources and tools to help them verify their sources. Universities provide access to research guides that help students conduct thorough research with reputable sources within academia. Organizations like FactCheck.org, OntheMedia.org, and PolitiFact.com provide procedural guidelines that help individuals navigate the process to fact-check a source.

MIT and Stanford began an online MOOC course in the fall of 2020 called Sorting Truth From Fiction: Civic Online Reasoning. This course is for educators that want to teach students how to do basic fact-checking.

Books on professional fact-checking
 Sarah Harrison Smith spent some time and also headed the fact-checking department for The New York Times. She is the author of the book, The Fact Checker's Bible.
 Jim Fingal worked for several years as a fact-checker at The Believer and McSweeney's and is co-author with John D'Agata of The Lifespan of a Fact which is an inside look at the struggle between fact-checker (Fingal) and author (D'Agata) over an essay that pushed the limits of the acceptable "artistic license" for a non-fiction work.

Alumni of the role

The following is a list of individuals for whom it has been reported, reliably, that they have played such a fact-checking role at some point in their careers, often as a stepping point to other journalistic endeavors, or to an independent writing career:

 Susan Choi – American novelist
 Anderson Cooper – Television anchorman
 William Gaddis – American novelist
 Virginia Heffernan – The New York Times television critic
 Roger Hodge – Former editor, Harper's Magazine
 David D. Kirkpatrick – The New York Times reporter
 Sean Wilsey – McSweeney's Editor and memoirist

See also

 Cherry picking
 Confirmation bias

 Fact-checking on social media
 Firehose of falsehood
 Section 230 of the Communications Decency Act

References

Further reading
 The Poynter Institute's summary of research on fact-checking.

 Lewis-Kraus, Gideon (2012). "RIFF: The fact-checker versus the fabulist", The New York Times Magazine (online), 21 February 2012 (print edition, 26 February 2012, p. MM45, title, "I Have Taken Some Liberties")
 See:
 Heffernan, Virginia (2010) "The Medium: What 'fact-checking' means online", The New York Times Magazine (online), 20 August 2010 (print edition, 22 August 2010, p. MM14). Accessed 27 July 2015.
 Silverman, Craig (2010) "Top fact checkers and news accuracy experts gather in Germany", Regret the Error (online), 4 September 2010
 See:
  accessed 28 July 2015. Cited by Tobias Reitz & Kersten Alexander Riechers (2011) "Quo vadis Qualitätssicherung? Corrigo, Konzeption eines Crowdsourced Media Accountability Services", p. 151, Fachbereich Media, 31 May 2011 (Hochschule Darmstadt, University of Applied Sciences)
 </ref> accessed 28 July 2015.
 Bergstrom, Carl T. and Jevin West. "Calling Bullshit: Data Reasoning in a Digital World." Online Lecture INFO 198 / BIOL 106B, 2017, University of Washington.

 </ref>

 Nyhan, Brendan. 2020. "Facts and Myths about Misperceptions". Journal of Economic Perspectives, 34 (3): 220–36.

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ياكوفليف ياك-38 (روسية:Яковлева Як-38) (لقب الناتو: «فروجر» Froger) هي طائرة حربية نفاثة تقلع وتهبط عموديا من تصميم مكتب ياكوفليف في الاتحاد السوفييتي. صممت الطائرة لتقلع من على متن حاملات الطائرات. الياك-38 هي الطائرة الوحيدة التي تقلع وتهبط عموديا التي أنتجت بأعداد كبيرة ودخلت الخدمة فعلا في القوات الجوية للبحرية السوفيتية.

التطوير والتصميم
واجهت الطائرة صعوبات عدة لتستطيع الطيران بسرعات فوق صوتية لذا فقد اتخذ قرار في البداية أن يتم تطوير طائرة بسيطة تحلق حتى سرعة ماخ 0.95. ومع أن كلا من الياك-38 والياك-38 M قد طورا من الطائرة ياك-36 إلا أن الطائرتين لم يكن بينهما شيئا مشتركا تقريبا.

انتهى تصنيع النموذج الأولي في 14 إبريل 1970. ومع انها ظاهريا كانت شبيهة بالمقاتلة البريطانية هارير جمب جيت الا انها اتبعت نظاما ميكانيكيا مختلفا تماما. حيث كان للياك-38 محركا يستطيع توجيه الدفع في الخلف (يستخدم للطيران) وأيضا كان لها محركين أصغر في المقدمة يستخدمان للإقلاع والهبوط فقط. أما الهاريير فتستخدم محركا واحدا فقط يوجه الدفع من خلال أربع فوهات.

كان للياك-38 تصميما مشابها لأحدى الطائرات الألمانية التي تقلع وتهبط عموديا والتي طورت عام 1961. طارت الياك-38 لأول مرة (إقلاع وهبوط عادي) في 15 يناير 1970 وحلقت في أقلاع عمودي لأول مرة في 25 مايو 1971.

أختبرت الطائرة لأول مرة من على متن حاملة الطائرات السوفييتية كييف في عام 1975.

أنتجت 231 وحدة من الياك-38 من بينهم 38 بمقعدين للتدريب (ياك-38 U). دخلت كل هذه الطائرات الخدمة على متن 4 حاملات طائرات طراز كييف.

إحدى مميزات وخصائص الياك-38 هي قابليتها للهبوط على سطح حاملة الطائرات دول الحاجة لتدخل الطيار، فقد كانت الطائرة تقوم بالتواصل بكمبيوتر حاملة الطائرات لتوجه الطائرة نحو ظهر السفينة دون تدخل من الطيار.

المصادر

استحداثات 1976
طائرات إقلاع وهبوط عمودي
طائرات مقاتلة سوفيتية 1970–1979
طائرات ممركزة على حاملة طائرات
طائرات نفاثة ثلاثية المحركات
طائرات ياكوفليف

ياكوفليف ياك-38


An Monomeria longipes in uska species han Liliopsida nga syahan ginhulagway ni Heinrich Gustav Reichenbach, ngan ginhatag han pagkayana nga asya nga ngaran ni Leonid Vladimirovich Averyanov. An Monomeria longipes in nahilalakip ha genus nga Monomeria, ngan familia nga Orchidaceae. Waray hini subspecies nga nakalista.

Mga kasarigan

Monomeria

Monomeria longipes


Regatul Unit este alcătuit din patru țări: Anglia, Scoția și Țara Galilor (care formează împreună Marea Britanie) și Irlanda de Nord (care este descrisă fie ca țară, fie ca provincie, fie ca regiune).

În Regatul Unit, un stat suveran unitar, Irlanda de Nord, Scoția și Țara Galilor au dobândit un grad de autonomie prin procesul de . Parlamentul  și  se ocupă de toate  pentru Irlanda de Nord, Scoția și Țara Galilor, dar nu de chestiunile generale care au fost delegate ,  și Adunării Naționale a Țării Galilor. În plus, devoluția din Irlanda de Nord este condiționată de cooperarea dintre  și  (în cadrul  ), iar guvernul britanic se consultă cu  pentru a ajunge la un acord asupra unor chestiuni nedelegate privind Irlanda de Nord (în cadrul ). Anglia, care cuprinde majoritatea populației și suprafeței Regatului Unit, rămâne în întregime responsabilitatea Parlamentului central al Regatului Unit cu sediul la Londra.

Anglia, Irlanda de Nord, Scoția și Țara Galilor nu sunt ele însele listate ca țări de către Organizația Internațională de Standardizare (ISO). Cu toate acestea, lista ISO a subdiviziunilor Regatului Unit, compilată de  și Biroul Național de Statistică al Regatului Unit, utilizează termenul de "țară" pentru a descrie Anglia, Scoția și Țara Galilor.  Irlanda de Nord, în schimb, este denumită în aceleași liste "provincie". Fiecare are  distincte și concurează separat în multe competiții sportive internaționale, inclusiv în Jocurile Commonwealth-ului. Irlanda de Nord formează, de asemenea, organisme sportive comune All-Island cu Republica Irlanda, pentru cele mai multe sporturi, inclusiv .

Insulele Canalului și Insula Man sunt dependențe ale Coroanei și nu fac parte din Regatul Unit. Similar, teritoriile britanice de peste mări, rămășițe ale Imperiului Britanic, nu fac parte din Regatul Unit.

Din punct de vedere istoric, începând cu anul 1801, în urma , și până în 1921, întreaga insulă Irlanda a fost o țară a Regatului Unit. Irlanda a fost  în 1921: Irlanda de Sud și Irlanda de Nord. Irlanda de Sud a părăsit Regatul Unit în temeiul .

Date fundamentale

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Identitatea și naționalitatea
Conform , există în general două interpretări ale identității britanice, cu dimensiuni etnice și civice:  Dintre cele două perspective ale identității britanice, definiția civică a devenit ideea dominantă și, în această calitate,  este considerat, uneori, o identitate instituțională sau de stat. Acest lucru a fost folosit pentru a explica de ce imigranții de prima, a doua și a treia generație sunt mai predispuși a se descrie ca fiind britanici, decât englezi, nord-irlandezi, scoțieni sau galezi, deoarece aceasta este o identitate "instituțională, incluzivă"  dobândită prin  și prin ; marea majoritate a oamenilor din Regatul Unit care provin dintr-o minoritate etnică se simt britanici. Cu toate acestea, această atitudine este mai frecventă în Anglia decât în Scoția sau Țara Galilor; "englezii albi se percepeau ca fiind englezi în primul rând și britanici în al doilea, iar majoritatea oamenilor proveniți din minorități etnice se percepeau ca britanici, dar niciunul nu se identifica drept englez, o etichetă atribuită exclusiv albilor". Dimpotrivă, în Scoția și Țara Galilor "a existat o identificare mult mai puternică cu fiecare țară decât cu Marea Britanie".

Studiile și sondajele au arătat că majoritatea scoțienilor și galezilor se consideră atât scoțieni/galezi, cât și britanici, cu unele diferențe de importanță ale celor două componente.  a constatat că, în ceea ce privește noțiunile de naționalitate din Marea Britanie, "cea mai elementară, obiectivă și necontencioasă concepție a noțiunii de «britanici» este una care îi include pe englezi, scoțieni și galezi". Cu toate acestea, "participanții englezi au avut tendința să considere englezi și britanici fără deosebire între cele două concepte, în timp ce atât participanții scoțieni, cât și cei galezi s-au identificat mult mai ușor ca scoțieni sau galezi decât britanici". Unii oameni au optat pentru a "combina ambele identități" în timp ce alții se considerau scoțieni sau galezi, dar dețineay un  și erau, prin urmare, britanici", în timp ce alții se considerau exclusiv scoțieni sau exclusiv galezi și "se simțeau destul de divorțați de britanici, pe care îi vedeau drept englezi". Comentatorii au descris acest fenomen drept "naționalism", o respingere a identității britanice, pentru că unii scoțieni și galezi o interpretează ca fiind "imperialismul cultural impus" asupra Regatului Unit de "elitele conducătoare engleze" sau ca răspuns la o deturnare istorică prin care noțiunea de "englez" a fost echivalată cu cea de "britanic", care "a adus o dorință în rândul scoțienilor, galezilor și irlandezilor de a învăța mai multe despre moștenirea lor și de a se distinge de identitatea britanică mai largă". Înclinația spre sentimentul naționalist variază foarte mult în Regatul Unit și poate să crească și să scadă în timp.

Northern Irleand Life and Times Survey, finanțat de stat, parte a unui proiect comun între Universitatea din Ulster și , a abordat problema identității de la începutul efectuării sondajului în 1998. Acesta a raportat că 37% dintre persoanele se identificau ca fiind britanici, în timp ce 29% se identificau drept irlandezi și 24% ca nord-irlandezi. 3% au optat pentru a se identifica cu Ulsterul, în timp ce 7% s-au declarat "altele". Dintre cele două grupuri religioase principale, 68% dintre protestanți se identificau ca fiind britanici, la fel ca 6% dintre catolici; 60% dintre catolici se identificau ca irlandezi, la fel ca 3% dintre protestanți. 21% dintre protestanți și 26% dintre catolici se identificau ca nord-irlandezi.

Cu toate acestea, pentru Irlanda de Nord, rezultatele Life & Times Survey nu sunt întreaga imagine de ansamblu. Sondajul solicită o singură preferință, în timp ce mulți oameni se identifică cu ușurință cu orice combinație dintre britanici și irlandezi, sau britanici, nord-irlandezi și irlandezi, sau irlandezi și nord-irlandezi. Life & Times Survey din 2014 a abordat acest aspect într-o anumită măsură, alegând două dintre opțiunile din întrebarea de identitate: britanici și irlandezi. Acesta a constatat că, în timp ce 28% dintre respondenți au declarat că se simt "britanici nu irlandezi" și 26% se considerau "irlandezi nu britanici", 39% dintre respondenți au declarat o combinație a ambelor identități. Șase procente au ales "altă descriere".

Problema identității este amestecată în continuare cu identitatea politică și confesională și mai ales cu poziția privind statutul constituțional al Irlandei de Nord. Din nou, în 2014, Life & Times Survey a întrebat ce consideră respondenții drept "viitorul pe termen lung pentru Irlanda de Nord". 66% dintre respondenți au considerat că viitorul ar trebui să facă parte din Regatul Unit, cu sau fără guvern deconcentrat. 17% au considerat că Irlanda de Nord ar trebui să se unifice cu Republica Irlanda. 50% dintre romano-catolici considerau în special că viitorul pe termen lung ar însemna includerea în Regatul Unit, 32% optând pentru separare. 87% dintre respondenții care se identifică cu vreunul din cultele protestante a optat pentru a rămâne în Regatul Unit, doar 4% optând pentru separare. Dintre respondenții care nu au declarat nici o religie, 62% au optat pentru rămânerea în Regatul Unit, și 9% pentru separare.

După descentralizarea și extinderea semnificativă a guvernării autonome în tot Regatul Unit la sfârșitul anilor 1990, a avut loc o dezbatere în toată țara cu privire la valoarea relativă a independenței depline, o opțiune care a fost respinsă de poporul scoțian în Referendumul privind independența Scoției din 2014.

Cornwall este administrat drept comitat al Angliei, dar cornicii constituie o minoritate națională recunoscută, inclusă în termenii  în 2014.

Competiții
Anglia, Irlanda de Nord, Scoția și  dețin fiecare  separate de  și concurează separat în multe competiții sportive internaționale. Fiecare țară din Regatul Unit are echipa ei națională de fotbal și concurează ca o echipă națională separată în diverse discipline din cadrul Jocurilor Commonwealth-ului. La Jocurile Olimpice, Regatul Unit este reprezentat de echipa Marii Britanii și Irlandei de Nord, deși sportivii din Irlanda de Nord pot alege să se alăture . În plus față de Irlanda de Nord, care are propriile sale organisme naționale de conducere pentru anumite sporturi, cum ar fi fotbalul și netballul, pentru alte sporturi, cum ar fi rugby și , Irlanda de Nord participă împreună cu Republica Irlanda într-o echipă comună a întregii Irlande.  au și ele o .

Regatul Unit participă la concursul Eurovision ca o singură entitate, deși au fost solicitate participări separate pentru scoțieni și galezi. În 2018, Țara Galilor a participat separat la "", clasându-se pe locul al doilea.

Note

Bibliografie

Guvernul Regatului Unit
Geografia Regatului Unit

Țările Regatului Unit