The public sphere () is an area in social life where individuals can come together to freely discuss and identify societal problems, and through that discussion influence political action. A "Public" is "of or concerning the people as a whole." Such a discussion is called public debate and is defined as the expression of views on matters that are of concern to the public—often, but not always, with opposing or diverging views being expressed by participants in the discussion. Public debate takes place mostly through the mass media, but also at meetings or through social media, academic publications and government policy documents.

The term was originally coined by German philosopher Jürgen Habermas who defined the public sphere as "made up of private people gathered together as a public and articulating the needs of society with the state". Communication scholar Gerard A. Hauser defines it as "a discursive space in which individuals and groups associate to discuss matters of mutual interest and, where possible, to reach a common judgment about them". The public sphere can be seen as "a theater in modern societies in which political participation is enacted through the medium of talk"  and "a realm of social life in which public opinion can be formed".

History
Describing the emergence of the public sphere in the 18th century, Habermas noted that the public realm, or sphere, originally was "coextensive with public authority", while "the private sphere comprised civil society in the narrower sense, that is to say, the realm of commodity exchange and of social labor". Whereas the "sphere of public authority" dealt with the state, or realm of the police, and the ruling class, or the feudal authorities (church, princes and nobility) the "authentic 'public sphere, in a political sense, arose at that time from within the private realm, specifically, in connection with literary activities, the world of letters. This new public sphere spanned the public and the private realms, and "through the vehicle of public opinion it put the state in touch with the needs of society". "This area is conceptually distinct from the state: it [is] a site for the production and circulation of discourses that can in principle be critical of the state." The public sphere "is also distinct from the official economy; it is not an arena of market relations but rather one of the discursive relations, a theater for debating and deliberating rather than for buying and selling". These distinctions between "state apparatuses, economic markets, and democratic associations... are essential to democratic theory". The people themselves came to see the public sphere as a regulatory institution against the authority of the state. The study of the public sphere centers on the idea of participatory democracy, and how public opinion becomes political action.

The ideology of the public sphere theory is that the government's laws and policies should be steered by the public sphere and that the only legitimate governments are those that listen to the public sphere. "Democratic governance rests on the capacity of and opportunity for citizens to engage in enlightened debate". Much of the debate over the public sphere involves what is the basic theoretical structure of the public sphere, how information is deliberated in the public sphere, and what influence the public sphere has over society.

Definitions

Jürgen Habermas claims "We call events and occasions 'public' when they are open to all, in contrast to closed or exclusive affairs".
This 'public sphere' is a "realm of our social life in which something approaching public opinion can be formed. Access is guaranteed to all citizens".

This notion of the public becomes evident in terms such as public health, public education, public opinion or public ownership. They are opposed to the notions of private health, private education, private opinion, and private ownership. The notion of the public is intrinsically connected to the notion of the private.

Habermas stresses that the notion of the public is related to the notion of the common. For Hannah Arendt, the public sphere is therefore "the common world" that "gathers us together and yet prevents our falling over each other".

Habermas defines the public sphere as a "society engaged in critical public debate".

Conditions of the public sphere are according to Habermas:

 The formation of public opinion
 All citizens have access
 Conference in unrestricted fashion (based on the freedom of assembly, the freedom of association, the freedom to expression and publication of opinions) about matters of general interest, which implies freedom from economic and political control.
 Debate over the general rules governing relations.

Jürgen Habermas: bourgeois public sphere

Most contemporary conceptualizations of the public sphere are based on the ideas expressed in Jürgen Habermas' book The Structural Transformation of the Public Sphere – An Inquiry into a Category of Bourgeois Society, which is a translation of his Habilitationsschrift, Strukturwandel der Öffentlichkeit:Untersuchungen zu einer Kategorie der bürgerlichen Gesellschaft. The German term Öffentlichkeit (public sphere) encompasses a variety of meanings and it implies a spatial concept, the social sites or arenas where meanings are articulated, distributed, and negotiated, as well as the collective body constituted by, and in this process, "the public". The work is still considered the foundation of contemporary public sphere theories, and most theorists cite it when discussing their own theories.

Through this work, he gave a historical-sociological account of the creation, brief flourishing, and demise of a "bourgeois" public sphere based on rational-critical debate and discussion: Habermas stipulates that, due to specific historical circumstances, a new civic society emerged in the eighteenth century. Driven by a need for open commercial arenas where news and matters of common concern could be freely exchanged and discussed—accompanied by growing rates of literacy, accessibility to literature, and a new kind of critical journalism—a separate domain from ruling authorities started to evolve across Europe. "In its clash with the arcane and bureaucratic practices of the absolutist state, the emergent bourgeoisie gradually replaced a public sphere in which the ruler's power was merely represented before the people with a sphere in which state authority was publicly monitored through informed and critical discourse by the people".

In his historical analysis, Habermas points out three so-called "'institutional criteria" as preconditions for the emergence of the new public sphere. The discursive arenas, such as Britain's coffee houses, France's salons, and Germany's Tischgesellschaften "may have differed in the size and compositions of their publics, the style of their proceedings, the climate of their debates, and their topical orientations", but "they all organized discussion among people that tended to be ongoing; hence they had a number of institutional criteria in common":

 Disregard of status: Preservation of "a kind of social intercourse that, far from presupposing the equality of status, disregarded status altogether. ... Not that this idea of the public was actually realized in earnest in the coffee houses, salons, and the societies; but as an idea, it had become institutionalized and thereby stated as an objective claim. If not realized, it was at least consequential." (loc.  cit.)
 Domain of common concern: "... discussion within such a public presupposed the problematization of areas that until then had not been questioned. The domain of 'common concern' which was the object of public critical attention remained a preserve in which church and state authorities had the monopoly of interpretation. ... The private people for whom the cultural product became available as a commodity profaned it inasmuch as they had to determine its meaning on their own (by way of rational communication with one another), verbalize it, and thus state explicitly what precisely in its implicitness for so long could assert its authority." (loc. cit.)
 Inclusivity: However exclusive the public might be in any given instance, it could never close itself off entirely and become consolidated as a clique; for it always understood and found itself immersed within a more inclusive public of all private people, persons who – insofar as they were propertied and educated – as readers, listeners, and spectators could avail themselves via the market of the objects that were subject to discussion. The issues discussed became 'general' not merely in their significance, but also in their accessibility: everyone had to be able to participate. ... Wherever the public established itself institutionally as a stable group of discussants, it did not equate itself with the public but at most claimed to act as its mouthpiece, in its name, perhaps even as its educator – the new form of bourgeois representation" (loc. cit.).

Habermas argued that the bourgeois society cultivated and upheld these criteria. The public sphere was well established in various locations including coffee shops and salons, areas of society where various people could gather and discuss matters that concerned them. The coffee houses in London society at this time became the centers of art and literary criticism, which gradually widened to include even the economic and the political disputes as matters of discussion. In French salons, as Habermas says, "opinion became emancipated from the bonds of economic dependence". Any new work, or a book or a musical composition had to get its legitimacy in these places. It not only paved a forum for self-expression but in fact had become a platform for airing one's opinions and agendas for public discussion.

The emergence of a bourgeois public sphere was particularly supported by the 18th-century liberal democracy making resources available to this new political class to establish a network of institutions like publishing enterprises, newspapers and discussion forums, and the democratic press was the main tool to execute this. The key feature of this public sphere was its separation from the power of both the church and the government due to its access to a variety of resources, both economic and social.

As Habermas argues, in due course, this sphere of rational and universalistic politics, free from both the economy and the State, was destroyed by the same forces that initially established it. This collapse was due to the consumeristic drive that infiltrated society, so citizens became more concerned about consumption than political actions. Furthermore, the growth of capitalistic economy led to an uneven distribution of wealth, thus widening economic polarity. Suddenly the media became a tool of political forces and a medium for advertising rather than the medium from which the public got their information on political matters. This resulted in limiting access to the public sphere and the political control of the public sphere was inevitable for the modern capitalistic forces to operate and thrive in the competitive economy.

Counterpublics, feminist critiques and expansions
Although Structural Transformation was (and is) one of the most influential works in contemporary German philosophy and political science, it took 27 years until an English version appeared on the market in 1989. Based on a conference on the occasion of the English translation, at which Habermas himself attended, Craig Calhoun (1992) edited Habermas and the Public Sphere – a thorough dissection of Habermas' bourgeois public sphere by scholars from various academic disciplines. The core criticism at the conference was directed towards the above stated "institutional criteria":

 Hegemonic dominance and exclusion: In "Rethinking the Public Sphere," Nancy Fraser offers a feminist revision of Habermas' historical description of the public sphere, and confronts it with "recent revisionist historiography". She refers to other scholars, like Joan Landes, Mary P. Ryan and Geoff Eley, when she argues that the bourgeois public sphere was in fact constituted by a "number of significant exclusions." In contrast to Habermas' assertions on disregard of status and inclusivity, Fraser claims that the bourgeois public sphere discriminated against women and other historically marginalized groups: "... this network of clubs and associations – philanthropic, civic, professional, and cultural – was anything but accessible to everyone. On the contrary, it was the arena, the training ground and eventually the power base of a stratum of bourgeois men who were coming to see themselves as a "universal class" and preparing to assert their fitness to govern." Thus, she stipulates a hegemonic tendency of the male bourgeois public sphere, which dominated at the cost of alternative publics (for example by gender, social status, ethnicity and property ownership), thereby averting other groups from articulating their particular concerns.
 Bracketing of inequalities: Fraser makes us recall that "the bourgeois conception of the public sphere requires bracketing inequalities of status". The "public sphere was to be an arena in which interlocutors would set aside such characteristics as a difference in birth and fortune and speak to one another as if they were social and economic peers". Fraser refers to feminist research by Jane Mansbridge, which notes several relevant "ways in which deliberation can serve as a mask for domination". Consequently, she argues that "such bracketing usually works to the advantage of dominant groups in society and to the disadvantage of subordinates." Thus, she concludes: "In most cases, it would be more appropriate to unbracket inequalities in the sense of explicitly thematizing them – a point that accords with the spirit of Habermas' later communicative ethics".
 The problematic definition of "common concern": Nancy Fraser points out that "there are no naturally given, a priori boundaries" between matters that are generally conceived as private, and ones we typically label as public (i.e. of "common concern"). As an example, she refers to the historic shift in the general conception of domestic violence, from previously being a matter of primarily private concern, to now generally being accepted as a common one: "Eventually, after sustained discursive contestation we succeeded in making it a common concern".

Nancy Fraser identified the fact that marginalized groups are excluded from a universal public sphere, and thus it was impossible to claim that one group would, in fact, be inclusive. However, she claimed that marginalized groups formed their own public spheres, and termed this concept a subaltern counter public or counter-public.

Fraser worked from Habermas' basic theory because she saw it to be "an indispensable resource" but questioned the actual structure and attempted to address her concerns. She made the observation that "Habermas stops short of developing a new, post-bourgeois model of the public sphere". Fraser attempted to evaluate Habermas' bourgeois public sphere, discuss some assumptions within his model, and offer a modern conception of the public sphere.

In the historical reevaluation of the bourgeois public sphere, Fraser argues that rather than opening up the political realm to everyone, the bourgeois public sphere shifted political power from "a repressive mode of domination to a hegemonic one". Rather than rule by power, there was now rule by the majority ideology. To deal with this hegemonic domination, Fraser argues that repressed groups form "Subaltern counter-publics" that are "parallel discursive arenas where members of subordinated social groups invent and circulate counterdiscourses to formulate oppositional interpretations of their identities, interests, and needs".

Benhabib notes that in Habermas' idea of the public sphere, the distinction between public and private issues separates issues that normally affect women (issues of "reproduction, nurture and care for the young, the sick, and the elderly") into the private realm and out of the discussion in the public sphere. She argues that if the public sphere is to be open to any discussion that affects the population, there cannot be distinctions between "what is" and "what is not" discussed. Benhabib argues for feminists to counter the popular public discourse in their own counter public.

The public sphere was long regarded as men's domain whereas women were supposed to inhabit the private domestic sphere. A distinct ideology that prescribed separate spheres for women and men emerged during the industrial revolution.

The concept of heteronormativity is used to describe the way in which those who fall outside of the basic male/female dichotomy of gender or whose sexual orientations are other than heterosexual cannot meaningfully claim their identities, causing a disconnect between their public selves and their private selves. Michael Warner made the observation that the idea of an inclusive public sphere makes the assumption that we are all the same without judgments about our fellows. He argues that we must achieve some sort of disembodied state in order to participate in a universal public sphere without being judged. His observations point to a homosexual counter public, and offers the idea that homosexuals must otherwise remain "closeted" in order to participate in the larger public discourse.

Rhetorical

Gerard Hauser proposed a different direction for the public sphere than previous models. He foregrounds the rhetorical nature of public spheres, suggesting that public spheres form around "the ongoing dialogue on public issues" rather than the identity of the group engaged in the discourse.

Rather than arguing for an all-inclusive public sphere, or the analysis of tension between public spheres, he suggested that publics were formed by active members of society around issues. They are a group of interested individuals who engage in vernacular discourse about a specific issue. "Publics may be repressed, distorted, or responsible, but any evaluation of their actual state requires that we inspect the rhetorical environment as well as the rhetorical act out of which they evolved, for these are the conditions that constitute their individual character". These people formed rhetorical public spheres that were based in discourse, not necessarily orderly discourse but any interactions whereby the interested public engages each other. This interaction can take the form of institutional actors as well as the basic "street rhetoric" that "open[s] a dialogue between competing factions." The spheres themselves formed around the issues that were being deliberated. The discussion itself would reproduce itself across the spectrum of interested publics "even though we lack personal acquaintance with all but a few of its participants and are seldom in contexts where we and they directly interact, we join these exchanges because they are discussing the same matters". In order to communicate within the public sphere, "those who enter any given arena must share a reference world for their discourse to produce awareness for shared interests and public opinions about them". This world consists of common meanings and cultural norms from which interaction can take place.

The rhetorical public sphere has several primary features:
 it is discourse-based, rather than class-based.
 the critical norms are derived from actual discursive practices. Taking a universal reasonableness out of the picture, arguments are judged by how well they resonate with the population that is discussing the issue.
 intermediate bracketing of discursive exchanges. Rather than a conversation that goes on across a population as a whole, the public sphere is composed of many intermediate dialogs that merge later on in the discussion.

The rhetorical public sphere was characterized by five rhetorical norms from which it can be gauged and criticized. How well the public sphere adheres to these norms determine the effectiveness of the public sphere under the rhetorical model. Those norms are:

 permeable boundaries: Although a public sphere may have a specific membership as with any social movement or deliberative assembly, people outside the group can participate in the discussion.
 activity: Publics are active rather than passive. They do not just hear the issue and applaud, but rather they actively engage the issue and the publics surrounding the issue.
 contextualized language: They require that participants adhere to the rhetorical norm of contextualized language to render their respective experiences intelligible to one another.
 believable appearance: The public sphere must appear to be believable to each other and the outside public.
 tolerance: In order to maintain a vibrant discourse, others opinions need to be allowed to enter the arena.
In all this Hauser believes a public sphere is a "discursive space in which strangers discuss issues they perceive to be of consequence for them and their group. Its rhetorical exchanges are the bases for shared awareness of common issues, shared interests, tendencies of extent and strength of difference and agreement, and self-constitution as a public whose opinions bear on the organization of society."

This concept that the public sphere acts as a medium in which public opinion is formed as analogous to a lava lamp. Just as the lamp's structure changes, with its lava separating and forming new shapes, so does the public sphere's creation of opportunities for discourse to address public opinion, thereby forming new discussions of rhetoric. The lava of the public which holds together the public arguments is the public conversation.

Media
Habermas argues that the public sphere requires "specific means for transmitting information and influencing those who receive it".

Habermas' argument shows that the media are of particular importance for constituting and maintaining a public sphere.  Discussions about the media have therefore been of particular importance in public sphere theory.

As actors in the political public sphere

According to Habermas, there are two types of actors without whom no political public sphere could be put to work: professionals in the media system and politicians.
For Habermas, there are five types of actors who make their appearance on the virtual stage of an established public sphere:

(a) Lobbyists who represent special interest groups;

(b) Advocates who either represent general interest groups or substitute for a lack of representation of marginalized groups that are unable to voice their interests effectively;

(c) Experts who are credited with professional or scientific knowledge in some specialized area and are invited to give advice;

(d) Moral entrepreneurs who generate public attention for supposedly neglected issues;

(e) Intellectuals who have gained, unlike advocates or moral entrepreneurs, a perceived personal reputation in some field (e.g., as writers or academics) and who engage, unlike experts and lobbyists, spontaneously in public discourse with the declared intention of promoting general interests.

Libraries have been inextricably tied to educational institutions in the modern era having developed within democratic societies. Libraries took on aspects of the public sphere (as did classrooms), even while public spheres  transformed in the macro sense. These contextual conditions  led to a fundamental conservative rethinking of civil society institutions like schools and libraries.

YouTube

Habermas argues that under certain conditions, the media act to facilitate discourse in a public sphere. The rise of the Internet has brought about a resurgence of scholars applying theories of the public sphere to Internet technologies.

For example, a study by S. Edgerly et al.
focused on the ability of YouTube to serve as an online public sphere. The researchers examined a large sample of video comments using the California Proposition 8 (2008) as an example. The authors argue that some scholars think the online public sphere is a space where a wide range of voices can be expressed due to the "low barrier of entry" and interactivity. However, they also point at a number of limitations. Edgerly et al. say that the affirmative discourse presupposes that YouTube can be an influential player in the political process and that it can serve as an influential force to politically mobilize young people. YouTube has allowed anyone and everyone to be able to get any political knowledge they wish. The authors mention critiques that say YouTube is built around the popularity of videos with sensationalist content. It has also allowed people to broadcast themselves for a large public sphere, where people can form their own opinions and discuss different things in the comments. The research by Edgerly, et al. found that the analyzed YouTube comments were diverse. They argue that this is a possible indicator that YouTube provides space for public discussion. They also found that YouTube videos' style influences the nature of the commentary. Finally, they concluded that the video's ideological stances influenced the language of the comments. The findings of the work suggest that YouTube is a public sphere platform.

Additional work by S. Buckley  reflected on the role that news content, specifically US cable news, contributed towards the formation of the public sphere. His research analysed a total of 1239 videos uploaded by five news organisations and investigated the link between content and user engagement. Through both content and sentiment analysis, it was suggested that the sentiment of the language used in the titles of the videos had an impact upon the public, with negatively sentimented titles generated more user engagement. Buckley suggested that due to the aspect of emotionality that is present in news content that due to the ongoing process of media hybridization, a new conceptual framework of the public sphere that acknowledges how both thoughtful discussions as well as ones which express feelings in an overt way needs to be developed.

Limitations of media and the internet

Some, like Colin Sparks, note that a new global public sphere ought to be created in the wake of increasing globalization and global institutions, which operate at the supranational level. However, the key questions for him were, whether any media exists in terms of size and access to fulfil this role. The traditional media, he notes, are close to the public sphere in this true sense. Nevertheless, limitations are imposed by the market and concentration of ownership. At present, the global media fail to constitute the basis of a public sphere for at least three reasons. Similarly, he notes that the internet, for all its potential, does not meet the criteria for a public sphere and that unless these are "overcome, there will be no sign of a global public sphere".

German scholars Jürgen Gerhards and Mike S. Schäfer conducted a study in 2009 in order to establish whether the Internet offers a better and broader communication environment compared to quality newspapers. They analyzed how the issue of human genome research was portrayed between 1999 and 2001 in popular quality newspapers in both Germany and the United States in comparison to the way it appeared on search engines at the time of their research. Their intention was to analyze what actors and what sort of opinions the subject generated in both print and the Internet and verify whether the online space proved to be a more democratic public sphere, with a wider range of sources and views. Gerhards and Schäfer say they have found "only minimal evidence to support the idea that the internet is a better communication space as compared to print media". "In both media, communication is dominated by (bio- and natural) scientific actors; popular inclusion does not occur". The scholars argue that the search algorithms select the sources of information based on the popularity of their links. "Their gatekeeping, in contrast to the old mass media, relies mainly on technical characteristics of websites".   For Gerhards and Schäfer the Internet is not an alternative public sphere because less prominent voices end up being silenced by the search engines' algorithms. "Search engines might actually silence societal debate by giving more space to established actors and institutions". Another tactic that supports this view is astroturfing. The Guardian columnist George Monbiot said that Astroturfing software, "has the potential to destroy the internet as a forum for constructive debate. It jeopardizes the notion of online democracy".

Virtual

There has been an academic debate about how social media impacts the public sphere. The sociologists Brian Loader and Dan Mercea give an overview of this discussion. They argue that social media offers increasing opportunities for political communication and enable democratic capacities for political discussion within the virtual public sphere. The effect would be that citizens could challenge governments and corporations' political and economic power. Additionally, new forms of political participation and information sources for the users emerge with the Internet that can be used, for example, in online campaigns.
However, the two authors point out that social media's dominant uses are entertainment, consumerism, and content sharing among friends. Loader and Mercea point out that "individual preferences reveal an unequal spread of social ties with a few giant nodes such as Google, Yahoo, Facebook and YouTube attracting the majority of users". They also stress that some critics have voiced the concern that there is a lack of seriousness in political communication on social media platforms. Moreover, lines between professional media coverage and user-generated content would blur on social media.

The authors conclude that social media provides new opportunities for political participation; however, they warn users of the risks of accessing unreliable sources. The Internet impacts the virtual public sphere in many ways, but is not a free utopian platform as some observers argued at the beginning of its history.

Mediated publicness

John Thompson criticises the traditional idea of public sphere by Habermas, as it is centred mainly in face-to-face interactions. On the contrary, Thompson argues that modern society is characterized by a new form of "mediated publicness", whose main characteristics are:

 Despatialized (there is a rupture of time/space. People can see more things, as they do not need to share the same physical location, but this extended vision always has an angle, which people do not have control over).
 Non dialogical (unidirectional. For example, presenters on TV are not able to adapt their discourse to the reactions of the audience, since they are visible to a wide audience but that audience is not directly visible to them. However, internet allows a bigger interactivity).
 Wider and more diverse audiences. (The same message can reach people with different education, different social class, different values and beliefs, and so on.)

This mediated publicness has altered the power relations in a way in which not only the many are visible to the few but the few can also now see the many:

 "Whereas the Panopticon renders many people visible to a few and enables power to be exercised over the many by subjecting them to a state of permanent visibility, the development of communication media provides a means by which many people can gather information about a few and, at the same time, a few can appear before many; thanks to the media, it is primarily those who exercise power, rather than those over whom power is exercised, who are subjected to a certain kind of visibility".

However, Thompson also acknowledges that "media and visibility is a double-edged sword" meaning that even though they can be used to show an improved image (by managing the visibility), individuals are not in full control of their self-presentation. Mistakes, gaffes or scandals are now recorded therefore they are harder to deny, as they can be replayed by the media.

The public service model

Examples of the public service model include BBC in Britain, and the ABC and SBS in Australia. The political function and effect of modes of public communication has traditionally continued with the dichotomy between Hegelian State and civil society. The dominant theory of this mode includes the liberal theory of the free press. However, the public service, state-regulated model, whether publicly or privately funded, has always been seen not as a positive good but as an unfortunate necessity imposed by the technical limitations of frequency scarcity.

According to Habermas's concept of the public sphere,  the strength of this concept is that it identifies and stresses the importance for democratic politics of a sphere distinct from the economy and the State. On the other hand, this concept challenges the liberal free press tradition form the grounds of its materiality, and it challenges the Marxist critique of that tradition from the grounds of the specificity of politics as well.

From Garnham's critique, three great virtues of Habermas's public sphere are mentioned. Firstly, it focuses on the indissoluble like between the institutions and practices of mass public communication and the institutions and practices of democratic politics. The second virtue of Habermas's approach concentrate on the necessary material resource base for ant public. Its third virtue is to escape from the simple dichotomy of free market versus state control that dominates so much thinking about media policy.

Non-liberal theories

Oskar Negt & Alexander Kluge  took a non-liberal view of public spheres, and argued that Habermas' reflections on the bourgeois public sphere should be supplemented with reflections on the proletarian public spheres and the public spheres of production.

Proletarian

The distinction between bourgeois and proletarian public spheres is not mainly a distinction between classes. The proletarian public sphere is rather to be conceived of as the "excluded", vague, unarticulated impulses of resistance or resentment. The proletarian public sphere carries the subjective feelings, the egocentric malaise with the common public narrative, interests that are not socially valorized
"As extraeconomic interests, they exist—precisely in the forbidden zones of fantasy beneath the surface of taboos—as stereotypes of a proletarian context of living that is organized in a merely rudimentary form."
The bourgeois and proletarian public spheres are mutually defining: The proletarian public sphere carries the "left-overs" from the bourgeois public sphere, while the bourgeois public is based upon the productive forces of the underlying resentment:
"In this respect, they " [i.e. the proletarian public spheres] " have two characteristics: in their defensive attitude toward society, their conservatism, and their subcultural character, they are once again mere objects; but they are, at the same time, the block of real life that goes against the valorization interest. As long as capital is dependent on living labor as a source of wealth, this element of the proletarian context of living cannot be extinguished through repression."

Production

Negt and Kluge furthermore point out the necessity of considering a third dimension of the public spheres: The public spheres of production. The public spheres of production collect the impulses of resentment and instrumentalizes them in the productive spheres. The public spheres of production are wholly instrumental and have no critical impulse (unlike the bourgeois and proletarian spheres). The interests that are incorporated in the public sphere of production are given capitalist shape, and questions of their legitimately are thus neutralized.

Biopolitical public

By the end of the 20th century, the discussions about public spheres got a new biopolitical twist. Traditionally the public spheres had been contemplated as to how free agents transgress the private spheres. Michael Hardt and Antonio Negri have, drawing on the late Michel Foucault's writings on biopolitics, suggested that we reconsider the very distinction between public and private spheres. They argue that the traditional distinction is founded on a certain (capitalist) account of property that presupposes clear-cut separations between interests. This account of property is (according to Hardt and Negri) based upon a scarcity economy. The scarcity economy is characterized by an impossibility of sharing the goods. If "agent A" eats the bread, "agent B" cannot have it. The interests of agents are thus, generally, clearly separated.

However, with the evolving shift in the economy towards an informational materiality, in which value is based upon the informational significance, or the narratives surrounding the products, the clear-cut subjective separation is no longer obvious. Hardt and Negri see the open source approaches as examples of new ways of co-operation that illustrate how economic value is not founded upon exclusive possession, but rather upon collective potentialities. Informational materiality is characterized by gaining value only through being shared. Hardt and Negri thus suggest that the commons become the focal point of analyses of public relations. The point being that with this shift it becomes possible to analyse how the very distinctions between the private and public are evolving.

See also
 Argumentation theory
 Commons
 Interpersonal relationship
 Online deliberation
 Protest
 Public place
 Project for Public Spaces
 Public hypersphere
 The Public Sphere: An Encyclopedia Article (1964)
 Res publica
 Rule according to higher law
 Richard Sennett
 The Lives of Others – A film that describes the monitoring of the cultural scene of East Berlin by agents of the Stasi during the Cold War

References

External links
 Public Sphere Guide, a research and teaching guide, and resource for the renewal of the Public Sphere
 Transformations of the Public Sphere Essay Forum
 Jürgen Habermas, "The Public Sphere: An Encyclopedia Article," New German Critique 3 (1974)
 Spark summary of Habermas' public sphere book

Civil society
Critical theory
Democracy
Public opinion
Sociological terminology

Public sphere


يقصد بمشروع الوحدة النقدية الخليجية هو تكوين نقدي موحد لدول الخليج الستة ، وتوحيد الطرق التجارية بها ضمن تلك العملة. وقد انسحب الإمارات من المشروع لعدم اختيارها مقر البنك المركزي الخليجي وقبل ذلك انسحبت عمان بالإضافة إلى الكويت بسبب القيام باجراء فك عملتها من الدولار

استبعد الأمين العام ل مجلس التعاون الخليجي  عبد الرحمن العطية إرجاء خطط الوحدة النقدية بعد انسحاب الإمارات من المشروع.
وأكد أنه لا نية لتأجيل موعد الوحدة النقدية المقرر إطلاقها عام 2010، مشيرا إلى أمله بأن تمضي كل الدول الأعضاء بالمجلس في هذا «المشروع الإستراتيجي».

المصادر

وصلات خارجية
 استبعاد تأجيل الوحدة النقدية الخليجية العطية على موقع الجزيرة
 حوار مكثف على صحيفة العرب القطرية لناصر القعود حول الحدة النقدية

مجلس التعاون لدول الخليج العربية

مشروع الوحدة النقدية الخليجية


Der Red Bull RB3 war der dritte Formel-1-Rennwagen von Red Bull Racing. Der von Adrian Newey konstruierte Wagen nahm an allen 17 Rennen der Formel-1-Saison 2007 teil und wurde vom Schotten David Coulthard sowie dem Australier Mark Webber gesteuert. Der V8-Motor RS27 kam von Renault.

Ergebnisse

Verbleib nach der Saison
Ein Exemplar des RB3 ist im Hangar-7, einem Multifunktionsgebäude am Flughafen Salzburg, ausgestellt.

Weblinks

Rennwagen der Formel-1-Weltmeisterschaft  2007
RB03

Red Bull RB3


المركبة الهجينة هي مركبة تعتمد على نظام حركي مؤلف من نوعين مختلفين لتخزين الطاقة وتحويلها إلى حركة. على سبيل المثال، يتم استخدام محرك كهربائي إلى جانب محرك احتراق داخلي كطريقة لتحويل الطاقة إلى حركة، وهي تستخدم بطارية كهربائية بالإضافة إلى وقود معتاد كطريقتين لتخزين الطاقة ثم تحويلها إلى طاقة حركة.

تعد السيارة الهجينة من أنواع المركبات الهجينة، وتعبير هجين هو ترجمة لكلمة هيبريد Hybrid المشتقة من الكلمة اليونانية هيبريدا، والتي تعني خليط. ويدل استعمال كلمة هيبريد على تشارك عدد من عناصر معينة في تشكيل عملية واحدة

الاستعمال التقني

يدل وصف هجين تقنياً على استخدام نظام تقني متطور يجمع تقنيتين مختلفتين لتحقيق الهدف، وهو حركة السيارة.

أثناء تشغيل السيارة يكون من الممكن استخدام كلا المحركين بشكل متتابع متواز أو منفصل عن بعضهما. فيقوم لمحرك الكهربائي بقطع المسافات الأولى على الطريق حيث تكون البطارية مشحونة بالكامل في أول القيادة . ولا ينتج عن ذلك غازات ضارة بالبيئة . وقرب نفاذ الطاقة الكهربية يبدأ محرك الاحتراق الداخلي عمله المعهود لمواصلة الطريق.

و غالبا ما يتم استعمال محرك احتراق داخلي إلى جانب بطارية كهربائية ومولد كهربائي ، ويعمل هذا الأخير على تخزين طاقة كهربائية في البطارية أثناء السير .

وتستند الحركة إلى تحويل قسم من طاقة الحركة المولّدة بواسطة محرك الاحتراق إلى بطارية المحرك الكهربائي بواسطة مولد كهربائي (دينامو) ويتم تخزينها في البطارية. ويمكن بعد ذلك استخدامها عند اللزوم كطاقة لتشغيل المحرك الكهربائي، الذي بإمكانه تولّي دور المحرك العادي بشكل كلي في حالة السرعات المتوسطة.

تُجري مصانع السيارات بحوثا للتخفيف من حجم وثقل البطاريات المستعملة حاليا حيث تأخذ قدرا كبيرا من حمولة السيارة. كذلك تعمل على تطوير المحركات الكهربائية بحيث تنخفض الضوضاء الصادرة منها في السرعات العالية. وبالنسبة للبطارية الكهربائية فهناك التفكير في الاستعاضة عنها بوساطة تكنولوجيا جديدة تعمل بخلايا الوقود التي تعتمد على تفاعل الهيدروجين والأكسجين لتوليد الطاقة الكهربائية. ومن مزايا الخلايا الكهربائية التي تعمل بالهيدروجين أنها لا تنتج موادا ضارة بالبيئة أو سامة، وإنما العادم فيها عبارة عن ماء.

التحكم في سيارة الهجين

نحو 40 عاما بعد ابتكار المعالج الدقيق الإلكتروني واستخدامة أولا في الحاسوب المحمول
أصبح لا يمكن لسيارات الوقت الحاضر وسيارات المستقبل الاستغناء عنه . فهو يستخدم للتحكم في الكبح المنتظم كما يستخدم في تنظيم تنقية العادم من الغازات الضارة . وقد زاد قيمة الإلكترونيات في السيارة من 5و0 % عام 1980 إلى نحو 20 % من ثمن السيارة عام 2010 . وعليها يقع عبء كبير في تشغيل السيارة المهجنة .

وتنقسم أنواع الإلكترونيات المستخدمة في السيارة المهجنة إلى نوعين: إلكترونيات القدرة و إلكترونيات التحكم.

وتنطوي وظيفة إلكترونيات القدرة على تنظيم توزيع التيارات الكهربائية العالية وتنظيم الجهد الكهربائي في السيارة. على أن يكون ذلك بكفاءة عالية ووزن وسعر مناسبين، حيث من الممكن أن يصل وزن إلكترونيات القدرة في سيارة متوسطة نحو 20 كيلوجرام . وتحتوي إلكترونيات القدرة على محول كهربائي يقوم بتحويل التيار المستمر الآتي من البطارية إلى تيار متردد لتشغيل المحرك الكهربائي.

وأما إلكترونيات التحكم فهي تعمل على تنظيم العمل المتبادل بين محرك الاحتراق الداخلي والمحرك الكهربائي والمولد الكهربائي والبطارية . ومن وظيفتها أن يعمل محرك الاحتراق الداخلي في نطاق قدرة مناسبة أثناء سير السيارة، وعليها نقل التشغيل من محرك الاحتراق الداخلي إلى المحرك الكهربائي في الوقت المناسب، وتنظيم استخدام جزء من حركة محرك البنزين لتوليد تيار كهربائي لشحن البطارية . ويعتمد ذلك التحكم على مقدار شحنة البطارية . وبشأن تنظيم شحنة البطارية فينبغي أن يوجد توافق بين شحنة منخفضة للبطارية (بغرض شحنها خلال عملية كبح قادمة) وشحنة مرتفعة للبطارية للقيام بأشغال أخرى في السيارة الهجين، مثل تشغيل المحرك الكهربائي وعمليات بدء السير والتوقيف . ويجري هذا التنظيم بحسب حالة السير الواقعية ويتوافق معه باستمرار.

فعند السير بسرعة عالية مثلا تُسهدف حالة منخفضة لشحنة البطارية، حيث يمكن شحنها أثناء عملية كبح قادمة فيما يعرف باسم الكبح التجددي (تستفيد العربة المهجنة من طاقة الكبح وتحول جزء منها عن طريق المولد الكهربائي إلى طاقة كهربائية تخزن في البطارية) . ويقوم المعالج الإلكتروني الدقيق بكل هذا التنظيم معتمدا على برمجية حاسوب (سوفتوير) وعلى خبراته الماضية . كما يمكن التوصل إلى أعلى كفاءة للأداء عن طريق ربط التحكم الإلكتروني ب نظام ملاحة بالسيارة ، حيث تستعد السيارة عندئذ لصعود مرتفعات مثل الجبال على الطريق أو الهبوط على منخفضات .

أنواع المركبات

المركبات من نوع الدراجات ذات العجلتين
الدراجات النارية الصغيرة والدراجات الهوائية الكهربائية وحتى دراجات الرجل الكهربائية (سكوتر ركل) هي أشكال بسيطة من المركبات الهجينة التي تعمل بمحرك احتراق داخلي أو محرك كهربائي وتحتاج إلى قوة عضلية من الراكب. كانت نماذج الدراجات النارية البدائية المبكرة في أواخر القرن التاسع عشر تعمل بنفس المبدأ.

 في الدراجات الهوائية الهجينة المتوازية: يقترن عزم الراكب ميكانيكيًا مع عزم تدوير الدراجة عند الضغط على الدواسة أو إحدى العجلات، ويتضح ذلك مثلًا عند استخدام محرك محوري أو بكرة تضغط على إطار العجلة أو عن طريق الاتصال بالعجلة باستخدام جهاز ناقل للحركة. معظم الدراجات الهوائية المُزودة بمحرك والدراجات النارية الصغيرة تنتمي إلى هذا النوع.
 في الدراجات الهوائية الهجينة غير المسلسلة (إس إتش بي) (نوع من الدراجات التي لا تحوي سلاسل): يُدوّر الراكب المولد، فتُشحن البطارية أو يتغذى المحرك، ويؤدي ذلك إلى توفير كل عزم التدوير المطلوب. وهي متاحة تجاريًا، لكونها بسيطة من الناحية النظرية والتصنيعية.

نُشر أول نموذج بدئي للدراجات الهوائية الهجينة غير المسلسلة من قبل المهندس أغسطس كينزل (حاصل على براءة اختراع أمريكية رقمها 3'884'317) في عام 1975. في عام 1994، صمم بيرني مكدونالد الدراجات الهوائية الهجينة غير المسلسلة الكهربائية التي تعتمد على الإلكترونيات الاستطاعية، ما سمح باستخدام المكابح المسترجعة للطاقة «الفرامل المتجددة» (آلية تهدف إلى حفظ الطاقة وتحويلها إلى طاقة أخرى يُستفاد منها أو تخزينها إلى وقت الحاجة لها) والدواسات في أثناء السكون. وفي عام 1995، صمم الألماني توماس مولر وصنع «دراجة ذات محرك كهرومغاطيسي» في أطروحته من أجل الحصول على شهادة الدبلوم. في عام 1996، صنع يورغ بلاتر وأندرياس فوكس من جامعة برن للعلوم التطبيقية دراجة هوائية هجينة غير مسلسلة، وفي عام 1998، عدّلا دراجة ذات ثلاث عجلات من صنع شركة ليترا (ببراءة اختراع أوروبية رقمها 1165188). وحتى عام 2005، صنعا عدة نماذج أولية من الدراجات الهجينة غير المسلسلة ثلاثية العجلات ورباعية العجلات. في عام 1999، أطلق هارالد كوتوزكي وَصفَ «الدراجة النشطة»، والهدف منه هو الوصول إلى صنع دراجة مثالية لا تزن شيئًا ولا تُسبب أي احتكاك، وذلك عن طريق تقنية المعاوضة الإلكترونية.

 في الدراجات الهوائية الهجينة غير المسلسلة التي تعمل بالكهرباء والبترول (إس إتش إي بّي بي): تُشغّل باستخدام الدواسات أو البطاريات أو مولد للبترول أو باستخدام شاحن إضافي، الأمر الذي يقدم ميزات إضافية ومرنة مقارنةً مع استخدام الدراجات الهوائية التي تعمل بالكهرباء فقط.

استُخدم في النموذج الأولي لهذه الدراجات -المُصنّع من قبل دافيد كيتسون في أستراليا عام 2014- محرك كهربائي عديم المسفرات خفيف الوزن ومحرك احتراق داخلي يدوي صغير الحجم، ونظام تحريك مع مَسكن صغير خفيف الوزن مطبوعَين بتقنية ثلاثية الأبعاد، وكان الوزن الإجمالي للدراجة أقل من 4.5 كيلوغرام. يُحافظ التبريد الفعال على الأجزاء البلاستيكية ويمنعها من أن تضعف وتلين. ويُستخدم في النموذج الأولي هذا مَنفَذ متناسق لشحن الدراجة بالكهرباء.

المركبات الثقيلة
تستخدم قطارات الطاقة الهجينة ديزلًا كهربائيًا أو توربينة «عنفة» كهربائية من أجل تشغيل قاطرات السكك الحديدية ولحافلات والمركبات التي تُستخدم لنقل البضائع الثقيلة والآلات الهيدروليكية المتحركة والسفن. يُشغّل محرك ديزل / توربين المولدات الكهربائية أو المضخات الهيدروليكية التي تزود المحركات الكهربائية / الهيدروليكية بالطاقة -وبدقة أكثر، آليات نقل الحركة الكهربائية / الهيدروليكية (وليست الهجينة)- إلا إذا كان هناك مصدر خارجي يزودها بالطاقة. مع انخفاض خسائر تحويل المركبات الكبيرة، أصبحت مزايا توزيع الطاقة عبر الأسلاك أو الأنابيب بدلًا من الوسائل الميكانيكية أكثر بروزًا، خاصةً عند تزويد المحركات المتعددة بالطاقة، على سبيل المثال عجلات القيادة أو المراوح الدافعة (نوع من المراوح الميكانيكية تنقل الطاقة بتحويل الحركة الدورانية إلى دفع). حتى في الآونة الأخيرة، كانت معظم المركبات الثقيلة تحوي مخازن ثانوية صغيرة للطاقة، مثل البطاريات / والمراكم الهيدروليكية، باستثناء الغواصات غير النووية، التي تُعتبر من أقدم المركبات الهجينة المنتجة والتي تعمل على محرك الديزل عندما تطفو على سطح الماء، وعلى البطاريات عندما تغوص تحت الماء.

النقل بالسكك الحديدية
في أوروبا

تستخدم السكك الحديدية عالية السعة (إيه جي سي أو عربات القطار عالية السعة) التي صممتها الشركة الكندية بومباردييه لخدمات النقل في فرنسا محركات الديزل ومحركات كهربائية بقوة 1500 أو 25000 فولت على مختلف أنظمة السكك الحديدية. اختُبرت السكك الحديدية هذه في مدينة روتردام في هولندا ضمن شركة ريلفيدينغ التابعة لشركة جينيسي ووايومنغ.

في الصين

صُمم أول نموذج تقييمي لقاطرة هجينة من قبل مركز أبحاث السكك الحديدية ماتراي في عام 1999، وأُنشئت في عام 2000. كانت قاطرة جي 12 مزودة ببطاريات ومولد ديزل بقوة 200 كيلو وات و4 محركات ذات تيار متردد.

في اليابان

أول قطار هجين ياباني مع تخزين كبير للطاقة هو قطار كيها إي200، الذي يحوي بطاريات أيون الليثيوم مُركّبة على سطحه.

في الهند

أطلقت السكك الحديدية الهندية قطارات هجينة ذات محرك ديزل يحوي غازًا طبيعيًا مضغوطًا في يناير عام 2015. يحتوي القطار على محرك بقوة 1400 حصان، ويستخدم تقنية التبخير. عُيّن أول قطار من هذا النوع على خط السكة الحديدية ريواري-روثاك الذي يبلغ طوله 81 كيلو مترًا.

في أمريكا الشمالية

في الولايات المتحدة، صنعت شركة جنرال إلكتريك قاطرة مع تخزين بطارية صوديوم – كلوريد النيكل (إن إيه – إن آي سي إل 2)، وتوقعت أن الوقود سيُوفّر بنسبة 10 % على الأقل.

حماية البيئة

خاصية الحفاظ على البيئة التي تطلق على هذا النوع من المحركات، تنبع من أن هذه التقنية تقوم بتخزين الطاقة الفائضة لاستخدامها عبر تشغيل المحرك الكهربائي الذي لا ينتج غازات سامة.

يعترض بعض الخبراء على وصف هذا النظام بنظام صديق للبيئة نظرا لكمية الطاقة الكبيرة التي يحتاجها تصنيع البطارية المستعملة من جهة، ولوجود مواد سامة بكميات كبيرة في تلك البطارية مع استحالة إعادة تصنيعها. خاصة أن عمر البطاريات المستعملة حاليا لا يتجاوز ال 6 سنوات.

لذلك تقوم بعض مصانع السيارات بالعمل على تطوير خلايا كهربائية تعمل بغاز الهيدروجين لتقوم مقام البطاريات الكبيرة في السيارات، ونظرا لأن تلك الخلايا الكهربائية (خلايا الوقود) تعمل على إنتاج التيار الكهربى بوساطة أتحاد الهيدروجين مع الأكسجين فلا ينتج عنها من نفاية سوى الماء.

بطارية السيارة الهجين

تتميز بطارية السيارة الهجين بكثافة عالية للطاقة لكي تستطيع قطع مسافات طويلة (بطارية عالية الطاقة). كما يجب أن يكون في استطاعتها تقديم قدرة عالية أو تخزين الطاقة الكهربائية كبيرة خلال وقت قصير . كما لا بد لبطارية سيارة الهجين تحمل عدد كبير من مرات الشحن وإعادة التفريغ . وتستخدم بطاريات من نوع بطارية نيكل- معدن هيدريد في سيارات تيوتا بريوس وفولكسواجن توارق، كما تستخدم بازدياد بطارية ليثيوم أيون التي تستخدم في سيارة مرسيدس إس 400 هيبريد. وتتفوق بطارية الليثيوم أيون على بطارية النيكل-معدن هيدريد باعادة تشحين وكثافة طاقة وكثافة قدرة تبلغ ضعف ما تنتجه الأخيرة من نفس الوزن .

استغلال الحذافة في السيارة الهجين

يعتبر نظام الحدافة من أسرع وسائل عطاء طاقة الحركة وتخزينها . وقد استخدم نظام الحدافة هذا في سيارة بورشيه 911 هيبريد وهي سيارة هجينة، وتحتوي على محرك احتراق داخلي خلفي، ومحركين كهربائيين أماميين يُشغـّلان العجلتين الأماميتين. وعند كبح السيارة تُستغل طاقة الكبح في تشغيل محرك كهربائي متصل بالحدافة يعمل على إدارتها بسرعة، وبذلك تخزن طاقة الكبح في الحدافة حيث تُدير الحدافة بسرعة تبلغ 40.000 دورة في الدقيقة . فإذا احتيجت طاقة لتسيير السيارة عمل المحرك كمولد للكهرباء عن طريق استمداد طاقة حركة الحدافة، وتنخفض سرعة دوران الحدافة . وتتميز الحدافة عن البطارية في عدد مرات إعادة الشحن والتفريغ، وهي بذلك أطول من البطارية عمرا. ولكن الحدافة تعطي تلك الطاقة العالية لمدة ثوان قليلة، لأن كثافة الطاقة فيها منخفضة بينما تزيد تكلفتها عن كلفة البطارية .

التطور الحالى

قامت مصانع السيارات وفي طليعتها مصانع السيارات اليابانية بصنع نحو مليوني سيارة هجين منذ عام 1999 حتى عام 2009. ولا تزال تلك التكنولوجيا بحاجة للتطوير. فأسعار السيارات من ذلك النوع لا زالت عالية، وتتسم تلك السيارات بثقل الوزن واستهلاك جزءا كبيرا من حمولة السيارة ببطارية كبيرة الحجم وثقيلة الوزن. ولا يزال المجال واسعا لتطوير هذا النوع الجديد من السيارات.
 أقصى مدى اسيارة هجينة تسير بالبنزين والخلايا الكهربائية وصل 830 كيلومتر، تقطع نحو ثلاثة أرباعها بالجازولين وحوالى الربع بالمحرك الكهربائي الذي يعمل بالخلايا الكهربائية والهيدروجين.

اقرأ أيضا
 شركة كاتل
 سيارة نفاثة
 سيارة صديقة للبيئة
 سيارة
 محرك احتراق داخلي
 سيارة كهربائية
 بطارية الرصاص
 خلية وقود
 المعالج الدقيق
 حصان (وحدة قدرة)
 حافلة كهربائية هجينة

مراجع

تقنيات سيارات
سيارات هجينة
محركات
مركبات كهربائية
مركبات هجينة
وقود بديل

مركبة هجينة


Ahmet Faik İnsel, (d. 13 Mart 1955, İstanbul) Türk iktisatçı, araştırmacı yazar, mütercim, yayıncı.

Hayatı
Ahmet İnsel, İstanbul'un Kurtuluş semtinde doğdu. Galatasaray Lisesi'nden mezun oldu. Lisans eğitimini Paris 1 Panthéon-Sorbonne Üniversitesi'nin lktisat bölümünde yaptı ve aynı üniversiteden iktisat doktoru unvanı aldı.

1984'ten beri Sorbonne Üniversitesi'nde ve Galatasaray Üniversitesi'nde öğretim üyesi olarak çalışmaktadır. 1990 ile 1994 yılları arasında Sorbonne Üniversitesi İktisat Fakültesi'nde dekan, 1994 ile 1999 yılları arasında da rektör yardımcısı olarak hizmet verdi. 2007 yılından itibaren İstanbul'da Galatasaray Üniversitesi'nin iktisat bölümünün başkanlığını yürüttü ve üniversite yönetim kurulu üyesi olarak görev aldı.

Ahmet İnsel, 1982 yılında kurulan İletişim Yayınları'nın ve bu yayınevi tarafından neşredilen aylık, sosyalist Birikim dergisinin kurucuları arasındadır. Hâlen İletişim Yayınları'nın yayın kurulunu yönetmekte, Birikim dergisinde aktif olarak çalışmakta, yazılar yazmaktadır.

Bir dönem Radikal ve Cumhuriyet gazetelerinde düzenli olarak yazılar yazdı. Her hafta Açık Radyo'da Açık Gazete programında Ufuk Turu bölümünü hazırlıyor.

15 Aralık 2008 tarihinde, Baskın Oran, Ali Bayramoğlu, Cengiz Aktar ve bini aşkın aydın ile Ermenilerden Özür diliyoruz kampanyasını başlattı.

İnsel, Türkiye'nin güneydoğu illerinde süregelen sokağa çıkma yasaklarının ve şiddetin bir an önce son bulmasını talep eden akademisyen ve araştırmacılardan oluşan bir inisiyatif olan Barış İçin Akademisyenler inisiyatifinin bildirisine imza atan 1128 akademisyen arasındaydı.

Evli ve iki çocuk babasıdır.

Eserleri

 Le national-capitalisme autoritaire: une menace pour la dém (Fransızca), BLEU AUTOUR, 2021, ISBN 978-2358481564
 Türkiye Toplumunun Bunalımı, İletişim Yayınları, 2019, ISBN 978-9750526428
 Bir Zümre, Bir Parti Türkiye'de Ordu, İletişim Yayınları, 2017, ISBN 978-9750521560
 Neo-Liberalizm: Hegemonyanın Yeni Dili, İletişim Yayınları, 2015, ISBN 978-9750518010
 Sosyalizm: Esasa, Ufka ve Bugüne Dair, İletişim Yayınları, 2010, ISBN 978-9755160450
 Ermeni Tabusu Üzerine Diyalog, İletişim Yayınları, 2010, ISBN 978-9750507557
 İktisat İdeolojisinin Eleştirisi, İletişim Yayınları, 1993, ISBN 978-9755160061

Tercümeleri

 Faşizm ve Diktatörlük, Nicos Paulantzas, İletişim Yayınları, 2019, ISBN 9789750502392

Kaynakça

1955 doğumlular
İstanbul doğumlu bilim insanları
Türk ekonomi akademisyenleri
20. yüzyıl Türk yazarları
21. yüzyıl Türk yazarları
Türk ekonomistler
20. yüzyıl Türk gazetecileri
21. yüzyıl Türk gazetecileri
İstanbul doğumlu gazeteciler
Galatasaray Lisesinde öğrenim görenler
Galatasaray Üniversitesi İktisadi ve İdari Bilimler Fakültesi öğretim üyeleri
Radikal (gazete) kişileri
Yaşayan insanlar
Paris-Sorbonne Üniversitesinde öğrenim görenler

Ahmet İnsel


Manieke Anouk Dekker (født 15. november 1986) er en hollandsk fodboldspiller, der spiller som Forsvarer for Montpellier og . Hun har tidligere spillet for FC Twente og FFC Heike Rheine. Den 6. august 2017 vandt hun europamesterskabet, da Holland slog Danmark 4-2 i finalen. Hun blev valgt til all-star holdet efter at EM 2017 var slut.

Hæder

Klub
FC Twente
Vinder
 BeNe League: 2012–2013 2013-2014
 Eredivisie: 2010–2011 2012-2013 2013-2014 2014-2015 2015-2016
 KNVB Women's Cup: 2007–2008 2014-2015

Toer
 Montpellier Herault Feminine
 Division 1 Féminine: 2016-2017
 Coupe de France Féminine: 2015-2016

FC Twente
 BeNe League: 2012–2013 2013-2014
 BeNe League: 2014-2015
 Eredivisie: 2011–2012
 KNVB Women's Cup: 2012–2013
 BeNe Super Cup: 2011–2012

Landshold
Holland
 EM i fodbold for kvinder: Vinder af EM 2017.
 All-star holdet ved EM 2017.

Referencer

Eksterne henvisninger

Kvindelige fodboldspillere fra Holland
Kvindelige fodboldlandsholdsspillere fra Holland
Fodboldspillere fra FC Twente (kvinder)
Fodboldspillere fra Montpellier HSC (kvinder)

Anouk Dekker


Sveti Gabrijel od Žalosne Gospe, rođen kao Francesco Possenti (Assisi, 1. ožujka 1838. – Isola del Gran Sasso d'Italia, 27. veljače 1862.), bio je talijanski katolički svetac, redovnički pripravnik pasionist, zaštitnik mladih, zajedno sa svetim Alojzijom Gonzagom.

Život
Francesco Possenti bio je jedanaesto od trinaestoro djece iz obitelji višega srednjeg staleža. Godine 1841. rano mu je umrla majka, a odgajali su ga otac, trgovac i veleposlanik u Papinskoj državi, zajedno s braćom.

Francesco se s obitelji preselio u Spoleto i započeo studij filozofije u internatu i u isusovačkoj gimnaziji u tomu gradu. Nekoliko je puta osjetio svećenički poziv (dva puta tijekom ozbiljne bolesti, drugi nakon smrti jedne od njegovih starijih sestara), ali se nije odlučio za to iz različitih razloga. Dok je sudjelovao u marijanskoj procesiji, imao je viziju da se slika Blažene Djevice Marije pomaknula te je čuo glas: »Francesco, svijet više nije za tebe, čeka te vjerski život«, nakon čega se odlučio zarediti, unatoč prigovorima njegove obitelji, koja je to smatrala tinejdžerskim hirom.

Uspio je uvjeriti svoju obitelj u iskrenost svojih namjera pa je dobio službeno odobrenje oca i kao pasionistički pripravnik ušao u novicijat, uzevši ime Gabrijel od Žalosne Gospe. U kratkomu, ali plodnomu vremenu pirpreme za ređenje kao redovnik, Gabrijela je odlikovala pobožnost, neumorni život u molitvi i pokori, a prije svega ljubav prema Kristu i euharistiji.

Preminuo je u pasionističkomu samostanu Isola del Gran Sasso d'Italia u središnjoj Italiji od tuberkuloze, 1862. godine, prije negoli se uspio zarediti. Prema nekima, tijekom umiranja imao je viziju Blažene Djevice Marije.

Papa Pio XII. nazvao ga je »svetcem osmijeha«.

Kanonizacija
Possentiev školski drug, kasniji general reda pasionista, otac Franjo od Prežalosne, pokrenuo je postupak njegove beatifikacije 1891. godine. Papa Pio X. proglasio je Gabrijela blaženim 31. svibnja 1908. godine, a tomu je činu bio nazočan Gabrijelov brat Mihael i duhovnik o. Norbert. Papa Benedikt XV. proglasio ga je svetim 13. svibnja 1920. godine.

Zagovor i štovanje
Njegove se relikvije danas čuvaju u modernomu svetištu uz stari samostan u istomu gradu u kojem je umro vrlo blizu grada Terama. Njegovo svetište godišnje posjeti oko dva milijuna hodočasnika pa je među 15 najposjećenijih kršćanskih svetišta na svijetu.

Proglašen je zaštitnikom talijanske katoličke mladeži (Katoličke akcije). Sveta Gemma Galgani smatrala je kako je ozdravila od teškoga meningitisa nakon zagovorne molitve sv. Gabrijelu od Žalosne Gospe. Zaštitnik je studenata, posebno sjemeništaraca, a neki ga smatraju i neslužbenim zaštitnikom snajperista, jer je Gabrijel zaslužan što je 1860. odvratio skupinu vojnih bjegunaca iz postrojbi Giuseppea Garibaldija na napad Isole del Gran Sasso d'Italia, zahvaljujući njegovoj vještini rukovanja oružjem, koju je stekao kao mladić prije negoli je odlučio postati redovnikom. Papa Ivan XXIII. proglasio ga je zaštitnikom talijanske pokrajine Abruzzo.

Izvori

Talijanski sveci

Gabrijel od Žalosne Gospe


Paracuca é um doce de ginguba (amendoim) de origem angolana, muito popular em Angola. A receita tradicional inclui os seguintes ingredientes: água, ginguba e açúcar.
Culinária de Angola

Paracuca


කුෂ්මාණ්ඩා යනුවෙන් හැඳින්වෙන්නේ සිය දිව්‍යමය සිනහව මඟින් ලොව නිර්මාණය කරන්නේ යැයි පැවසෙන හින්දු දෙවඟනයි. කාලිකුල සම්ප්‍රදායයෙහි අනුගාමිකයන් විශ්වාස කරන්නේ ඇය හින්දු දෙවඟනක වන දුර්ගාගේ සිව්වන ස්වරූපය ලෙසයි. ඇගේ නාමය මඟින් ඇගේ කර්තව්‍යය හැඟවේ: කු යනු "මඳ" යන්නයි, ඌෂ්ම යනු "උණුසුම්" හෝ "ශක්තිය" යන්නයි. අණ්ඩ යන්නෙන් "විශ්වීය බිජුව" යන්න හඟවේ.

නවරාත්‍රී (නවදුර්ගාවන්ගේ රාත්‍රී නවය) උත්සවයේ සිව්වන දිනයේ දී කුෂ්මාණ්ඩා වන්දනා කිරීම සිදුවේ. ඇය සෞඛ්‍යය රකින්නේ යැයිද, ධනය සහ බලය පුදන්නේ යැයිද විශ්වාස කෙරේ.

මේවාත් බලන්න
 ශක්ති ආගම
 ආදි පරාශක්ති

ආශ්‍රේයයන්

හින්දු දෙවඟනෝ

කුෂ්මාණ්ඩා


1. siječnja
Mi smo za poštovanje sadašnjih republičkih granica, za poštovanje demokratski izražene volje naroda u tim republikama i za međusobni dogovor, rekao predsjednik Republike Hrvatske dr. Franjo Tuđman u intervjuu Hrvatskoj televiziji.
Ustavni sud Republike Hrvatske izdao priopćenje da je na sjednici od 31. prosinca 1990. godine donio jednoglasno rješenje kojim Srpska autonomna oblast Krajina pravno ne postoji.

6. siječnja
Iz spomen-doma 6. ličke divizije na Plitvicama naoružana grupa pripadnika Srpske demokratske stranke otela trofejno oružje iz 2. svjetskog rata i kamionom ga otpremila u Titovu Korenicu.

7. siječnja
Srbija ponovno nasrnula na monetarni sustav Jugoslavije: donošenjem Zakona o zaduženju Srbije kod Narodne banke Srbije za više od 18,2 milijarde dinara, privreda Srbije dovedena u povlašteni položaj, a račun povlastica plaća cijela Jugoslavija većom inflacijom.
Na cesti Lički Osik - Titova Korenica teško ranjen iz vatrenog oružja na osobni automobil radnik Industrogradnje iz Zagreba Mirko Hećimović.

8. siječnja
Srbija je najvjerojatnije već iskoristila 10 milijardi dinara i time srušila jedinstveni financijski sustav zemlje, rečeno na konferenciji za novinare u Narodnoj banci Jugoslavije.

9. siječnja
Predsjedništvo SFRJ donijelo naredbu po kojoj se moraju rasformirati svi oružani sastavi koji nisu u sklopu jedinstvenih snaga SFRJ ili organa unutrašnjih poslova i čija organizacija nije utvrđena u skladu sa saveznim propisima.
Na razgovor u Sabor ni po treći put nisu se odazvali predstavnici pobunjenih općina s većinskim srpskim stanovništvom.
Proglašenje SAO istodobno s donošenjem Ustava izravni je atak na ustavni poredak Hrvatske, njezin teritorijalni integritet i poziv na građanski rat, rekao novinarima u Zagrebu potpredsjednik hrvatske Vlade dr. Milan Ramljak.

10. siječnja
Na sjednici Predsjedništva SFRJ s predsjednicima republika i predsjednicima republičkih i pokrajinskih predsjedništva u Beogradu predsjednik Republike Hrvatske dr. Franjo Tuđman istaknuo da je zajedništvo nametnuto silom nemoguće, te predložio preobrazbu postojeće jugoslavenske federacije u regionalni savez suverenih država i napokon uključivanje ovog saveza u europsku zajednicu ravnopravnih, demokratskih naroda i država.
Predsjednik Srpske demokratske stranke BiH Radovan Karadžić najavio smjenjivanje Bogića Bogićevića s funkcije člana Predsjedništva SFRJ.
Armija više uopće nije u funkciji zaštite zemlje od vanjskog neprijatelja, već se pretvorila u žandara koji jedva čeka da disciplinira Hrvate i Slovence - piše njemački tisak o naredbi Predsjedništva SFRJ da se razoružaju nelegalne grupe.

11. siječnja
Slobodan Milošević položio predsjedničku zakletvu na konstituirajućoj sjednici prve višestranačke Narode Skupštine Srbije u Beogradu.

13. siječnja
U Kninu minirana dva kioska Hrvata, cvjećarnica i kiosk bižuterije.

17. siječnja
U povodu početka operacije Pustinjska oluja, hrvatski predsjednik dr. Tuđman izjavio da u današnjem svijetu sila ne može proći nekažnjeno, a to je za nas od osobitog značenja.

18. siječnja
Oružje ostaje Slovenskoj teritorijalnoj obrani, jer se naredba Predsjedništva SFRJ ne odnosi na nju, izjavio slovenski ministar obrane Janez Janša.

21. siječnja
U Sarajevu se sastale delegacije Hrvatske i BiH, koje su predvodili dr. Franjo Tuđman i Alija Izetbegović, obostrana suglasnost da je rješenje jugoslavenske krize moguće samo - demokratski.

22. siječnja
Ne prihvaćamo tezu da je u Hrvatskoj učinjeno bilo kakvo protuustavno naoružavanje milicije niti da je Hrvatska povrijedila korpus ovlaštenja JNA - rekao na sjednici Ustavne komisije Skupštine SFRJ Vladimir Šeks, predsjednik Ustavne komisije Sabora Republike Hrvatske.
Predsjedništvo SFRJ donijelo odluku o krivičnoj odgovornosti za zadržavanje oružja, koja se odnosi isključivo na pojedince a ne na ograne legalne vlasti.

23. siječnja
Srbija uvjetuje suverenitet Bosne i Hercegovine opstankom Jugoslavije, rekao u Sarajevu na konferenciji za novinare poslije razgovora u Beogradu s Miloševićem predsjednik Predsjedništva BiH Alija Izetbegović.
Ako se na području Republike Hrvatske odmah ne raspuste svi mobilizirani oružani sastavi, JNA će postupiti po odredbama točke 4. i 7. naredbe Predsjedništva SFRJ, stoji u priopćenju Saveznog sekretarijata za narodnu obranu.
U Zagreb se sastale delegacije Hrvatske i Crne Gore, a predsjednici Tuđman i Bulatović suglasile se da je dijalog moguć i uz različita stajališta.

24. siječnja
Vlada će preuzeti odgovornost za sastav i naoružanje policije i suprotstaviti se namjeri JNA da na području Hrvatske preuzme kontrolu kad republičkom policijom pod izlikom izvanrednih okolnosti na području Republike Hrvatske mogu se primjenjivati samo oni savezni zakoni koji nisu u suprotnosti s Ustavom Republike Hrvatske - stav je izvanredne sjednice hrvatske Vlade sazvane na prijedlog predsjednika Republike dr. Franje Tuđman.
U nekim garnizonima JNA u Hrvatskoj počele prekomande vojnika hrvatske nacionalnost u druge dijelove Jugoslavije.
'Predsjedništvo SFRJ nije izdalo nikakve posebne ovlasti organima JNA', izjavio u Ljubljani član Predsjedništva SFRJ iz Slovenije Janez Drnovšek.
Tajnim glasovanjem članovi Jugoslavenske akademije znanosti i umjetnosti odlučili da JAZU preimenuju u Hrvatsku akademiju znanosti i umjetnosti /HAZU/.

25. siječnja
Na Izvanrednoj sjednici Sabora Republike Hrvatske govorio dr. Franjo Tuđman, rekavši da je Hrvatska za dijalog i obranu.
U Beogradu razgovarali Tuđman i Milošević.
U Beogradu održana Izvanredna sjednica Predsjedništva SFRJ - vojnog udara u Hrvatskoj neće biti.
Ustavni sud Republike Hrvatske obavijestio Sabor Republike Hrvatske da je Naredba Predsjedništva SFRJ neustavna i nezakonita, pa su tako neustavne i nezakonite sve radnje i akti koji su se temeljili ili se temelje na toj naredbi, time i spomenuto priopćenje Saveznog sekretarijata za narodnu obranu.
Skupština općine Virovitica priopćila da je JNA uhitila predsjednika Izvršnog vijeća Skupštine općine Antuna Habijanca i predsjednika HDZ-a i člana Izvršnog vijeća Virovitice Đuru Dečaka.

26. siječnja
Bili smo na rubu građanskog rata, vojske je bila mobilizirana, Hrvatska se obranila demokracijom - rekao po povratku iz Beograda sa sjednice Predsjedništva SFRJ predsjednik Tuđman u Saboru Republike Hrvatske.
Hrvatska televizija prikazala u specijalnoj emisiji film o navodnom naoružavanju pripadnika HDZ-a, kojeg su snimile tajne službe JNA, a glavni protagonist je hrvatski ministar obrane general Martine Špegelj.
Višestranačko Sobranje u Skopju izabralo za predsjednika Socijalističke Republike Makedonije Kiru Gligorova.

27. siječnja
Delegacija Republike Hrvatske na čelu s predsjednikom Tuđmanom otputovala u posjet Austriji.
U Jugoslaviji sklopljeno oružano primirje, ali napetosti se nisu smanjile, Tuđman u Beogradu postigao nagodbu, piše strani tisak.

28. siječnja
Tanjug prekrojio pismo predsjednika Tuđmana predsjedniku Bushu, priopćeno iz Ministarstva informiranja Republike Hrvatske.

Izvori

1991/1

Kronologija Domovinskog rata: siječanj 1991.


Fly High er det tredje studiealbum fra den danske eurodanceduo Me & My. Det blev udgivet i 26. februar 2001 og solgte 10.000 eksemplarer.

Sangen "Fly High" var den mest succesrige single fra albummet, da den toppede som #8 på Tracklisten, hvor den røg ud efter 9 uger, og den toppede som #12 på Tjeklisten.
Herefter kom "Sleeping My Day Away", der var en coverversion af D-A-Ds sang fra albummet No Fuel Left for the Pilgrims fra 1989. Den nåede #20 på Tracklisten og #17 på Tjeklisten. Den sidste single, "La La Superstar", nåede #15 på Tracklisten og #19 på Tjeklisten.

Spor
 "Fly High" (4:29)
 "La La Superstar" (3:24)
 "Sleeping My Day Away" (4:25)
 "Can't Forget The Past (Da Dap)" (4:21)
 "Secret Garden" (3:20)
 "No Way" (3:18)
 "If I Was Your Lover" (3:08)
 "The Sweetest Melody" (3:30)
 "What Am I Gonna Do?" (3:37)
 "Take My Heart" (3:41)
 "Crazy" (4:23)
 "Fly High Goodbye" (1:43)

Japansk Version

 "Fly High"
 "Can't For Get The Past (Da Dap)" (andet mix)
 "Sleeping My Day Away"
 "La La Superstar"
 "Secret Garden"
 "No Way"
 "If I Was Your Love"
 "Sweetest Melody"
 "What Am I Gonna Do"
 "Take My Heart"
 "Crazy"
 "Fly High Goodbye"
 "Fly High" (Club Mix)
 "Fly High" (Dj Allgator Club Mix)
 "Fly High" (Ringo Brothers Remix)

Referencer

Eksterne henvisninger
Fly High  på Discogs

Album fra 2001
Album fra Danmark

Fly High (album)


Slobodka  es un jútor del raión de Slaviansk del krai de Krasnodar, en el sur de Rusia. Está situado en la orilla izquierda del río Protoka, uno de los distributarios del delta del Kubán, cerca de su desembocadura en el mar de Azov, 53 km al noroeste de Slaviansk-na-Kubani y 115 al noroeste de Krasnodar, la capital del krai. Tenía 121 habitantes en 2010.

Pertene al municipio Achúyevskoye.

Historia

Los primeros habitantes, pescadores, se establecieron aquí a finales del  y principios del , figurando ya en los registros soviéticos de 1920. En septiembre de ese año, la localidad fue destruida durante las operaciones de desembarco de las tropas blancas del general Ulagái. El jútor fue reconstruido en la década de 1930.

Economía

Las tierras aledañas a la localidad son cultivadas principalmente por la compañía OOO Soyuz.

Enlaces externos y referencias

 Este artículo contiene datos geográficos extraídos de Google Earth y el mapa de Rusia de Yandex.ru, accesible desde  este enlace.
 Este artículo es en parte una traducción de su correspondiente en la edición rusa de Wikipedia, Слободка (Краснодарский край).
 Sitio web sobre la localidad
 Mapa en vlasenko.net .

Localidades del raión de Slaviansk del krai de Krasnodar
Localidades establecidas en el siglo XIX

Slobodka (Krasnodar)


Lunamatrona (sardisk: Lunamatròna) er en by og en kommune (comune) i provinsen Sud Sardegna i regionen Sardinien i Italien. Byen ligger i 168 meters højde og har 1.699 indbyggere (2016). Kommunen har et areal på 20,59 km² og grænser til kommunerne Collinas, Pauli Arbarei, Sanluri, Siddi, Villamar og Villanovaforru.

Referencer

Henvisninger

Kommuner i provinsen Sud Sardegna

Lunamatrona


Enstantane ve diyafram değerleri arasındaki karşılıklı ilişki. Gerek diyafram gerekse de enstantane stop birimleriyle ölçülürler. Bu iki değişken arasındaki karşılıklı ilişki sonucu, değişkenlerden birindeki bir stopluk artış diğer değişkende bir stopluk azalmaya neden olacak ve bunun sonucunda değişiklik öncesindeki pozlandırma ile yine aynı pozlandırma elde edilecektir.
Örneğin : 1/125 enstantane ve 8 diyafram eşlemesi ile 1/250 enstantane ve 5,6 diyafram eşlemesi aynı pozlama sonucunu verir.

Fotoğrafçılık terimleri

Karşılıklılık (fotoğrafçılık)


Alacabük, Zonguldak ilinin Karadeniz Ereğli ilçesine bağlı bir köydür.

Tarihçe
Köyün adı, 1928 yılı kayıtlarında Akçakilise olarak geçmektedir.

Coğrafya
Köy, Zonguldak il merkezine 98 km, Karadeniz Ereğli ilçe merkezine 38 km uzaklıktadır.

Nüfus

Kaynakça

Dış bağlantılar

Karadeniz Ereğli belde ve köyleri

Alacabük, Karadeniz Ereğli


Roger Frederick Wicker (født 5. juli 1951 i Pontotoc) er en amerikansk republikansk politiker. Han er medlem af USA's senat valgt i Mississippi siden 2007 Han var medlem af Repræsentanternes Hus i perioden 1995–2007.

Eksterne henvisninger

Medlemmer af USA's kongres for det republikanske parti
Medlemmer af Senatet i USA
Personer fra Mississippi

Roger Wicker


Mučenik – vlč. Ivan Burik, dokumentarni film Jakova Sedlara. Tovarnički župnik vlč. Ivan Burik primio je posebnu milost od Boga i snagu Duha Svetoga te je u tragičnim okolnostima posljednjeg rata u Hrvatskoj posvjedočio svoju ljubav prema Kristu Kralju i Katoličkoj Crkvi žrtvom vlastitoga života. Mučki je ubijen od strane srbijanskih paravojnih postrojbi i lokalnih tovarničkih srpskih dobrovoljaca 8. listopada 1991. godine u župnoj kući u Tovarniku, a ekshumiran je iz masovne grobnice i pokopan na mjesnom groblju 31. siječnja 1998. godine sa svojim župljanima, koji su, kao i on, ubijeni iz mržnje tijekom srbijanske oružane agresije i okupacije Tovarnika (iz recenzije).
Redatelj je Jakov Sedlar. Tekst je djelo Krešimira Bušića. Producirala ga je Udruga dr Ante Starčević iz Tovarnika, a producent je Antun Ivanković.

Povezano
 Pravednik Stepinac

Izvori

 Premijera dokumentarnog filma, www.biskupijadjs.hr, objavljeno 5. ožujka 2009., arhivirano 21. listopada 2010., pristupljeno 12. siječnja 2022.

Hrvatski dokumentarni filmovi o progonima i ratnim zločinima u Domovinskom ratu

Mučenik – vlč. Ivan Burik


Stațiunea atomică (în ) este un roman al autorului islandez Halldór Laxness, care a primit premiul Nobel pentru literatură în 1955. Stocul inițial de cărți a fost epuizat în ziua în care a fost publicat, pentru prima dată în istoria Islandei.

Rezumat

Ugla, o fată de la țară, se mută dintr-o zonă periferică a Islandei de Nord în capitala Reykjavík pentru a lucra pentru Búi Árland, un membru al parlamentului și pentru a învăța cum să cânte la orgă. Ea descoperă o lume care îi este complet străină: politicienii și militarii se mișcă liber în jurul orașului și îi consideră pe locuitorii orașului ca fiind răsfățați, snobi și aroganți. În schimb, ea provine dintr-o zonă rurală în care saga islandezilor din Evul Mediu constituie majoritatea a ceea ce oamenii discută și reflectă, fiind considerat un lucru mai important decât realitatea. Aceste medii istorice sunt cu siguranță importante și oferă modele cruciale. Ulterior, premierul Islandei începe să aibă relații secrete cu americanii și își "vinde" țara. Totuși, Ugla se confruntă și cu alte probleme actuale, mai ales în casa cântăreților la orgă. Acolo, ea intră în contact cu ideile comuniste și anarhiste și, de asemenea, protestează împotriva construirii unei stații atomice în Islanda. După o scurtă relație cu Búi Árland, Ugla decide să se întoarcă la "polițistul inconștient", care este tatăl copilului ei recent născut.

Personaje

În Estridalur
 Ugla Falsdóttir, mama și tatăl ei
 Preotul

În casa lui Búi Árland
 Búi Árland
 Sotia lui Búi
 Bucătăreasa lui Búi și fiica ei
 Copiii lor: Arngrímur (Landaljómi), Guðný (Aldinblóð, "Sânge de fructe"), Þórður (Gullhrútur, "berbec de aur"), Þórgunnur (Daggeisli)
 Politicieni vizitatori: primul ministru, Óli fígúra, alți politicieni și americani

La casa de muzică
 Organistinn (Organistul, profesorul - cântărețul de orgă)
 Mama Organistului
 Kleopatra
 Benjamín poetul atom (un zeu) (mafía F.F.F.)
 briljantín atomul-poet (un zeu)  (mafía F.F.F.)
 Tvö hundruð þúsund naglbítar ("Două sute de mii de clești") (mafía FFF )
 Lögreglumaður feiminn ("Polițistul conștient")
 Lögreglumaður ófeiminn ("Polițistul inconștient")

Fundal
Stațiunea atomică, scris în 1946 și 1947, a fost publicat în 1948. Fundalul istoric al romanului este ocupația britanică și ulterior americană a Islandei în timpul celui de-al Doilea Război Mondial, inclusiv urbanizarea și monetizarea economiei islandeze pe care a stimulat-o. Mulți au considerat independența Islandei ca fiind amenințată din cauza solicitării Statelor Unite în 1946 de a înființa o bază militară la Keflavík timp de 99 de ani și au făcut presiuni asupra Islandei pentru a se alătura NATO. Laxness a fost critic pentru faptul că jurisdicția islandeză nu era aplicabilă zonei cu baza militară. Dar, mai presus de toate, a văzut o amenințare la adresa vieții islandeze, deoarece, în cazul unui război atomic, Islanda va deveni o țintă potențială datorită acestei baze militare. Aceste temeri s-au bazat pe impresia lăsată de cele două bombe atomice care au fost aruncate recent la Hiroshima și Nagasaki. Laxness a început să scrie romanul la scurt timp după aceste evenimente; cu toate acestea, Parlamentul islandez (Althing) a acceptat în cele din urmă cererea și a încheiat Contractul Keflavík, provocând revolta anti-NATO din 1949 în Islanda.

Referințe

Bibliografie
 Stațiunea atomică, traducere de Radu Popescu și Ada Chirilă, Editura de Stat pentru Literatură și Artă, București, 1956

Romane din 1948
Romane de Halldór Laxness
Romane islandeze

Stațiunea atomică


Wolfgang Niemeier (* 21. April 1949) ist ein deutscher Geodät und Hochschulprofessor für Geodäsie und Photogrammetrie an der TU Braunschweig.

Leben
Niemeier absolvierte zwischen 1967 und 1972 sein Studium des Vermessungswesens an der TU Braunschweig (Vordiplom) und Universität Bonn (Diplom). Anschließend war er bis 1988 als wissenschaftlicher Mitarbeiter, später als Hochschulassistent am "Geodätischen Institut" der Universität Hannover tätig, wo er im Mai 1978 seine Promotion erlangte. Ab 1982 war er als Research Associate (Wissenschaftlicher Mitarbeiter) an der University of Calgary in Kanada tätig. 1987 folgte seine Habilitation auf dem Gebiet "Landes- und Ingenieurvermessung" wiederum an der Universität Hannover. Bis 1991 war er am "Geodätischen Institut" in Hannover als Universitätsprofessor tätig, bis er eine Professur am "Institut für Geodäsie und Photogrammetrie" (bis 1995: "Institut für Vermessungskunde") an der TU Braunschweig annahm, wo er seither tätig ist. In dieser Funktion war er am 8./9. März 2012 in Braunschweig einer der Veranstalter der 2011 ins Leben gerufenen Tagungsreihe "GeoMonitoring", die im "Haus der Wissenschaft" an der TU Braunschweig stattfand.

Sein Hauptarbeitsgebiet ist die Ausgleichungsrechnung, über die er ein bekanntes Lehrbuch verfasste.

Niemeier wohnt in Braunschweig.

Schriften (Auswahl)
 Zur Kongruenz mehrfach beobachteter geodätischer Netze. in: Wissenschaftliche Arbeiten-Fachrichtung Vermessungswesen der Universitat Hannover. Nr. 88, . (=  Dissertation Universität Hannover, Hannover 1979).
 Zur Zuverlässigkeit geodätischer Systeme – Problemformulierung und Lösungsansätze. in: Wissenschaftliche Arbeiten-Fachrichtung Vermessungswesen der Universitat Hannover. Nr. 153, . (=  Habilitationsschrift Universität Hannover, Hannover 1989).
 Ausgleichsrechnung. De Gruyter, Berlin 2001, ISBN 3-110-14079-9.
 Ausgleichungsrechnung – eine Einführung für Studierende und Praktiker des Vermessungs- und Geoinformationswesens. De Gruyter, Berlin 2002, ISBN 3-110-14080-2.
 Ausgleichungsrechnung – Statistische Auswertemethoden. 2. Auflage. De Gruyter, Berlin, New York 2008, ISBN 978-3-11-019055-7.
 als Herausgeber: Tagungsband GeoMonitoring 2012. Inst. für Geodäsie und Photogrammetrie, Braunschweig 2012, ISBN 978-3-926146-23-6.

Weblinks

 Wolfgang Niemeier auf der Seite der TU Braunschweig

Einzelnachweise

Geodät
Hochschullehrer (Technische Universität Braunschweig)
Deutscher
Geboren 1949
Mann

Wolfgang Niemeier


El año 1076 se celebró en Roma un concilio en la primera semana de Cuaresma. El Papa Gregorio VII excomulgó en él a Enrique, Rey de Alemania.

Este Príncipe fue anatematizado, privado de su reino y sus vasallos, absueltos del juramento de fidelidad. Esta es la primera vez que se pronunció semejante sentencia contra su soberano. Otón, Obispo de Frisinga, historiador muy católico y muy afecto a los Papas que escribía en el siglo siguiente, dice que el Imperio se indignó tanto más con esta novedad cuanto que nunca se había visto antes semejante sentencia pronunciada contra otro Emperador Romano. Además de esto dice:

No encuentro en ninguna parte que alguno de ellos haya sido excomulgado por un Papa o privado de su Reino.

Muchos Obispos tramontanos fueron también o suspendidos de sus funciones o excomulgados por Gregorio VII en este Concilio.

Referencias
Diccionario portátil de los concilios, Pons-Augustin Alletz, 1782

Concilios de Roma

Concilio de Roma (1076)


Chamí ou Emberá-Chamí est un groupe ethnique indigène colombien qui parle un dialecte de la langue Emberá : Chamí signifie "chaîne de montagnes" et Embera signifie "peuple" ; les Chamí sont donc le peuple des montagnes, par opposition aux Emberá proprement dits, qui vivent dans les jungles des plaines de la région du Pacifique, et aux Embera-Katío, qui habitent les bassins de l'Atrato et du haut Sinú.

Les Chamí, comme les autres Emberá, ont toujours suivi un modèle d'habitat dispersé. Ils vivent dans différentes communautés andines des départements d'Antioquia, Caldas, Risaralda et Quindío.

En raison de leurs différences linguistiques dialectales, les autochtones Emberá d'Antioquia, en Colombie, sont subdivisés en deux groupes : les Catíos, qui constituent aujourd'hui 61 % de la population autochtone totale du département, et les Chamies, qui représentent 16 %. Les autres groupes ethniques vivant dans le département sont les Zenú et les Cuna, qui représentent respectivement 13% et 8% de la population totale (0.I.A 1999).

Jaibanismo
Un aspect important de la vie des Emberá est leur relation avec les esprits Jai à travers leurs Jaibanás, des chamans non héréditaires qui apprennent de leurs maîtres expérimentés le pouvoir spirituel magique à partir duquel la vie, la santé, la subsistance et la nature sont régulées.

Ils conçoivent trois formes de Jai : celles de l'eau, Dojura, ainsi que les Wandra, mères des animaux et des plantes qui habitent à la source des rivières ; les Antumiá de la jungle profonde ; et celles des animaux de la jungle qui sont des transformations des âmes des humains morts.

Les relations des Jaibaná avec les Jai garantissent les activités fondamentales de la société et la continuité des cycles naturels, tout en établissant la territorialité des communautés. Ces transactions ont un caractère cosmologique dans la mesure où la communication et les accords avec le Jai règlent les échanges entre les différents niveaux superposés de l'Univers.

Dachizeze, père du monde supérieur, a engendré Tutruicá dans le monde inférieur et Caragabí dans ce monde. On dit que Caragabí n'a pu fabriquer des humains qu'en empruntant de la boue à Tutruicá et qu'il les a ensuite fait bouger parce qu'il savait leur enlever la lourdeur de la terre. Le maïs et le chontaduro ont été apportés d'un niveau supérieur : sans l'échange de matériaux et de connaissances entre les niveaux de l'Univers... la société et la nature ne pourraient pas continuer. Caragabí réussit à faire tomber l'arbre Jenené et à sa racine la mer a germé, et ses branches sont les fleuves et au-dessus des fleuves se trouve un grand serpent, Jepá, avec lequel on peut accéder au transport entre les niveaux de l'Univers, ce qui se produit également à la source des fleuves, où passent les êtres des mondes inférieurs et supérieurs. Les animaux chassés qui ont leurs mères dans les sources des rivières sont des gens d'en bas rendus visibles comme des animaux, et les âmes des humains morts peuvent être de la nourriture pour les gens d'en bas ; comme lorsqu'un serpent mord un humain, on considère que les gens d'en bas l'ont chassé.

Langue
Les Chamí parlent un dialecte de la langue embera, qui est une langue agglutinante et ergative qui privilégie le point de vue objet (ou patient) du verbe.

Ablation clitoridienne
Les autorités chargées des droits de l'homme et la députée Martha Cecilia Alzate ont dénoncé le fait qu'au sein de la communauté vivant dans le département colombien de Risaralda, des cas de mutilations génitales de filles Embera Chamí ont été découverts, ce qui a conduit à un programme coordonné par les autorités locales, nationales et internationales, dans lequel les femmes Embera Chamí se sont engagées à éradiquer cette pratique.

Articles connexes
 Emberá
 Ablation de clítoris
 Martha Cecilia Alzate

Peuple indigène de Colombie

Chamíes


Početak otvorene velikosrpske agresije na Hrvatsku bio je 3. srpnja 1991. godine.

Tijek događaja
Iz Beograda je preko Vojvodine na hrvatsko-srpsku granicu stigla oko 80 km duga kolona vojnih vozila JNA. Preko 60 tenkova i 40 oklopnih transportera JNA ušlo je u Baranju, praćeno vojnicima i rezervistima "JNA", te srpskim dragovoljcima i četnicima, prešla je preko mosta kod Batine Dunav i s područja Vojvodine ušla u Baranju, gdje su ih dočekali domaći četnici "krajišnici" čiji su "štabovi TO" bili spremni za zajedničke akcije protjerivanja svih nesrba. Otvorena agresija uslijedila je nakon razdoblja "tihe okupacije". Tiha okupacija na sjeveroistoku Hrvatske bila je od na djelu od veljače i neuspjelog državnog udara (koji su Srbija i "JNA" pokušali poslije prikazivanja poznatog montiranog filma SSNO o "naoružavanju paravojnih formacija HDZ-a u Hrvatskoj" 25. siječnja). Uslijedile su svakodnevne provokacije naletima borbenih zrakoplova "JNA" koji su u više navrata povrijedili i mađarski zračni prostor, zbog čega su od tamo zaprijetili vojnom intervencijom.

Kolona vozila se je razdvojila u dvije manje: jedna je pošla na područje Belog Manastira, u objekte pod nadzorom JNA, a druga je zaposjela položaje blizu hrvatsko-mađarske granice.

Srpske agresorske postrojbe su do konca kolovoza gotovo u potpunosti zaposjele Beli Manastir i većinu Baranje, a većinsko hrvatsko stanovništvo i mađarsku manjinu silom protjerale. Okupacija Baranje u potpunosti je završena padom Bilja 3. rujna.

Bilo je pokušaja povratka Baranje u dijelu ili cijelosti. 1991. godine Samostalna uskočka satnija pokušala minirati most kod Batine, a 1992. Hrvatska vojska pokušala ući u Baranju. Pod okupacijom pobunjenih Srba ostala je sve do mirne reintegracije hrvatskog Podunavlja.

Pravne posljedice
Prema stručnjacima za međunarodno pravo, među koje spada i hrvatski akademik Davorin Rudolf, okupacija Baranje od 3. srpnja 1991. godine je službeni početak rata između republikâ Srbije i Hrvatske. Dotadašnji okršaji, u Pakracu, Plitvicama, Borovu selu, zatim istočnoj Slavoniji i na Banovini prema takvim tumačenjima su pobuna odnosno ili pak unutarnji sukobi pobunjene manjine protiv legalnih vlasti. Ulazak tenkova i okupacija Baranje je oružani sukob dviju država, odnosno agresija Republike Srbije, a Hrvatska je tad već bila druga država, jer je Hrvatski sabor 25. lipnja 1991. godine proglasio državnu neovisnost i suverenost.

Izvori


Lee Man-hee (* 6. Oktober 1931 in Seoul, Chōsen, heute Südkorea; † 13. April 1975) war ein südkoreanischer Filmregisseur. Er drehte 51 Filme und deckte mit ihnen viele verschiedene Themen und Genres ab.

Leben
Lee Man-hee wurde am 6. Oktober 1931 in Hawangsimni-dong in Seoul als jüngstes von 8 Kindern geboren. Während des Korea-Krieges dechiffrierte er feindliche Geheimtexte. Zwischen 1956 und 1961 arbeitete er als Regieassistent für die Regisseure Ahn Jong-hwa, Park Gu und Kim Myeong-je. 1961 gab er sein Regiedebüt durch Kaleidoscope () mit dem bekannten Schauspieler Kim Seung-ho. Ein Jahr später zeigte er mit Call 112, dass er auch kommerziell erfolgreiche Filme machen kann. Mit den Filmen Black Hair (1964) und The Devil's Stairway (1964) begann er eine neue Ära für koreanische Horrorfilme. 1966 erschien mit Late Autumn () einer seiner bekanntesten Filme. Der Film gilt als verschollen. Am 13. April 1975 starb er an Leberzirrhose als er dabei war, seinen Film A Road to Sampo zu beenden.

Er ist Vater der Schauspielerin Lee Hye-yeong.

Filmografie
 1961: Kaleidoscope ( Jumadeung)
 1961: A Disobedient Son ( Bulhyoja)
 1962: Call 112 ()
 1962: Until I Die ( Sarainneun Geunalkkaji)
 1963: Don't Look Back ( Doraboji Mara)
 1963: Marines Are Gone ( Doraoji Anhneun Haebyeong)
 1963: The Twelve Nyang Life ( Yeoldunyangjjari Insaeng)
 1963: Han Seok-bong ()
 1963: Soldiers of YMS504 (YMS )
 1964: Where Can I Stand? ( Naega Seolddang Eodinya)
 1964: The Devil's Stairway ( Ma-ui Gyedan)
 1964: The Intimidator ( Hyeopbakja)
 1964: Black Hair ( Geomeun Meori)
 1964: The Chaser ( Chugyeokja)
 1964: Myohyang's Elegy ( Myohangbigok)
 1965: The Market Place ( Sijang)
 1965: Heungmaek ()
 1965: Seven Women Prisoners ( Chil-in-ui Yeoporo)
 1965: Heilong River ( Heungnyonggang)
 1966: A Hero without Serial Number ( Gukbeoneobsneun Yongsa)
 1966: Late Autumn ( Manchu)
 1966: Unforgettable Woman ( Ijeul Su Eobsneun Yeonin)
 1966: A Water Mill ( Mullebanga)
 1967: Swindler Mr. Heo ( Sagihan Miseteo Heo)
 1967: Legend of Ssarigol ( Ssarigor-ui Sinhwa)
 1967: Oblivion ( Manggak)
 1967: Horror of Triangle ( Samgag-ui Gongpo)
 1967: Homebound ( Gwiro)
 1967: A Spotted Man ( Eollugmunui-ui Sanai)
 1967: The Starting Point ( Wonjeom)
 1967: Heat and Cold ( Naeng-gwa Yeol)
 1967: Miracle ( Gijeok)
 1967: Harimao in Bangkok ( Bangkok-ui Harimao)
 1968: Outing ( Oechul)
 1968: Living in the Sky ( Changgong-e Sanda)
 1968: A Journey ( Yeoro)
 1968: Holiday ( Hyuil)
 1969: Assassin ( Amsalja)
 1969: Life ( Saengmyeong)
 1969: Confess of Woman ( Yeoja-ga Gobaekhal Ttae)
 1969: Six Shadows ( Yeosatgae-ui Geurimja)
 1970: Goboi Gang-ui Dari ()
 1971: Break up the Chain ( Soesaseureul Kkeunheora)
 1972: The Midnight Sun ( Yeongsi)
 1972: 4 o'clock, Nineteen fifty ()
 1972: Japanese Pirate ( Ilbonhaejeok)
 1974: Cheongnyeo ( Cheongnyeo)
 1974: The wild flowers in the battle field ( Deulgughwaneun Pieossneunde)
 1974: A girl who looks like the sun ( Taeyangdalmeun Sonyeo)
 1974: A Triangular Trap ( Samgak-ui Hamjeong)
 1975: A Road to Sampo ( Sampoganeun Gil)

Auszeichnungen

Blue Dragon Award
 1963: Beste Regie für Marines Are Gone
 1966: Beste Regie für The Market Place

Grand Bell Award
 1964: Beste Regie für Marines Are Gone
 1967: Bester Film für Homebound

Paeksang Arts Awards
 1967: Bester Film für Late Autumn

Einzelnachweise

Weblinks

 Filme von Lee Man-hee auf Youtube

Filmregisseur
Südkoreaner
Geboren 1931
Gestorben 1975
Mann

Lee Man-hee (Regisseur)


آي ستيل لاف يو  أو ما زلت أحبك، وأصدرت أيضا باسم جو ني سي با بوركوا  أو لا أعرف لماذا، هي أغنية للفنانة وكاتبة الأغاني الأسترالية كايلي مينوغ من ألبومها الأول كايلي (1988). أصدرت كأغنية منفردة في 10 أكتوبر 1988 من قبل شركة إدارة الأعمال بي دبليو إل (BWL)، وقد ظهرت لاحقا في أغلب الألبومات التجميعية لمينوغ مثل غريتست هيتس وألتيميت كايلي. ومثل معظم أغاني مينوغ بين عامي 1988 و 1992، فقد كتبت وأنتجت من قبل فريق ستوك أيتكين واترمان.

الخلفية

تم إصدار الأغنية بعنوانها الفرنسي والفيديو المصاحب لها كأغنية رابعة من ألبومها التسجيلي «كايلي» في أكتوبر 1988. وهي من تأليف وإنتاج فريق سكوت أيتكين واترمان الذي أنتج ألبومات مينوغ التسجيلية الأربعة الأولى. أصدرت الأغنية بعناوين في مختلفة من العالم. في أستراليا والولايات المتحدة وكندا ونيوزيلندا، أعيدت تسميتها «آي ستيل لوف يو» متبوعة بالعنوان الفرنسي الأصلي بين قوسين. في بعض أجزاء أوروبا، كان الاسم الفرنسي هو الأصلي بينما وضع الاسم الإنجليزي بين أقواس.

الأغنية هي أغنية بوب وهي مستوحاة أيضاً من أصناف بوب المراهقين وبوب الرقص، وتحتوي وصلات لآلات الطبل الآلي والسنثسيزر وبعض مقاطع للإيتار. هناك نسخة تجريبية مبكرة وهي مختلفة كثيرا، ولكن لم يتم إطلاقها رسميا. ويقال إن هذا الإصدار يحتوي على مقدمة مختلفة تمامًا بإيقاع أسرع قليلاً وأقوى. حققت الأغنية نجاحا كبيرا على القوائم، حيث بلغت المراكز العشرة الأوائل في عدة دول بما في ذلك فنلندا (حيث تصدرت سباق الأغاني) وأيرلندا ونيوزيلندا والمملكة المتحدة، في حين بلغت العشرين الأوائل في دول مثل أستراليا وفرنسا وألمانيا والنرويج.

وقد تم تقديم الأغنية في جولات مينوغ العالمية مثل Disco in Dream / The Hitman Roadshow، Enjoy Yourself Tour، Rhythm of Love Tour ، Showgirl: The Greatest Hits Tour.

الأغنية المصورة

يصوّر الفيديو مينوغ وهي في باريس في الأربعينيات أو الخمسينيات، حيث تنتظر وصول حبيبها تحت المطر ومن ثم تتوجه إلى مقهى. تم تصفيف شعر مينوغ بالتموّجات وترتدي فستان أزرق وسترة كارديغان مطابقة من صوف الأنجورا. ثم يتقاطع هذا المشهد مع مشهد شارع تم تصويره باللونين الأبيض والأسود ويصور مينوغ وهي ترتدي فستانا زهريا بينما ترقص مع رجل. مينوغ هي الجزء الوحيد الملون من المشهد.

«ميد إن هيفن»

تم إصدار أغنية «ميد إن هيفن» كوجه ثاني للأغنية، كما تم تأليفها وإنتالجها هي الأخرى من فريق ستوك أيتكين واترمان. وكانت أغنية جديدة ولم يتم تضمينها في ألبوم Kylie. وقد تم إنتاج فيديو ترويجي لهذه الأغنية وتم إصداره على ألبوم أفضل أعمال الفريق، Hit Factory Volume 3 ولاحقا على مجموعة Greatest Hits 1987-1997.

كان من المقرر في الأصل إصدار أغنية «أي ستيل لوف يو» في المملكة المتحدة كوجه ثاني لأغنية "Made in Heaven". كانت الخطة الأصلية هي الترويج لأغنية الوجه الثاني ثم يتم قلب الأغنية بشكل رسمي متى وصلت إلى ذروتها على القوائم، ويتركز الترويج على الوجه الأول الأصلي. تم استخدام هذا الأسلوب التسويقي بشكل مشابه مع منفردة ريك أستلي "When I Fall In Love" ووجهها الثاني "My Arms Keep Missing You" حيث أصبحت الأغنية اثانية هي الوجه الأول رسميا بعد عيد الميلاد 1987. إلا أن أغنية «آي ستيل لوف يو» وصلت إلى المركز الثاني لثلاثة أسابيع متتالية، وحققت نجاحا كبيرا بذاتها، وتم تغيير خطط إطلاقها كإصدار وجه أول منفرد.

يتضمن فيديو كليب «ميد إن هيفن» مينوغ وهي ترقص أمام شاشة زرقاء وخلفها صور من فيديوهات أغانيها الأربعة السابقة. كانت محاطة بهالة من الضوء وكان آخر مقطع فيديو لها قبل أن تبدأ مينوغ بإشراك الراقصين في المقاطع والعروض بشكل ثابت. قدمت كايلي أغنية «صنع في الجنة» أمام الملكة الأم حيث أعلنت أنها أغنيتها الجديدة. لكن «ميد إن هيفن» لم يتم إطلاقها كوجه أول في أي مكان ولكن تم استخدامها كوجه ثاني لإصدارات دولية مثل «إتس نو سيكرت» و «ترن إت إنتو لوف». كان ترتيب «آي ستيل لوف يو» العشرين بين أكثر الأغاني مبيعا لعام 1988 في المملكة المتحدة.

الأداء على القوائم

النسخة الأسترالية

«آي ستيل لوف يو (جو نو ساي بوركوا)» دخلت قائمة الأغاني الأسترالية في المرتبة 13 عند أسبوعها الأول، وارتقت إلى المركز 11 في الأسبوع التالي، ثم تراجعت بعد ذلك ببطء. أما في نيوزيلندا، فقد دخلت القائمة في المركز 38، ثم بلغت ذروتها في المركز التاسع في الأسبوع التالي.

النسخة الدولية

دخلت الأغنية قائمة الأغاني الفرنسية في المركز 33 وبلغت ذروتها في المركز 15، وبقيت في القائمة لخمسة عشر أسبوعا. دخلت الأغنية قائمة الأغاني الهولندية (Dutch Top 40) في المرتبة 87 وبلغت ذروتها في المركز 43. وقضت الأغنية أسبوعا وحيدا في النرويج في المركز العاشر. وفي سويسرا، دخلت الأغنية في المركز 24، وكان أفضل مركز لها، ولكنها بقيت في المراكز الخمس والعشرين الأوائل لأربعة أسابيع حتى خرجت تماما من القائمة.  وبلغت ذروتها في المركز 14 في ألمانيا والمركز الثاني في أيرلندا.

كان أكبر نجاح للأغنية في المملكة المتحدة حيث دخل القائمة في المركز 11 على جدول الأغاني بالمملكة المتحدة، حتى وصلت إلى المركز الثاني وبقيت هناك لثلاثة أسابيع متتالية (خلف «أورينوكو فلو» للمغنية إنيا)،  لتصبح رابع أغنية لكايلي على التوالي تصل المركز الأول أو الثاني في أقل من عام. بقيت الأغنية في القائمة لأربعة عشر أسبوعًا وبيع منها 315,000 نسخة. تم إصدار الأغنية في الولايات المتحدة باسم «آي ستيل لوف يو (جو نو ساي بوركوا)»، ولكن لم تدخل قائمة بيلبورد هوت 100.

القوائم والتصنيفات

القوائم الأسبوعية

قوائم نهاية السنة

التصنيفات
 المملكة المتحدة (BPI): تصنيف الفضة، 250,000 مبيع.

مراجع

وصلات خارجية

أغان منفردة حققت المركز الأول في فنلندا
أغان منفردة في 1988
أغاني 1988
أغاني كايلي مينوغ
أغان كتبها مات إيتكن

آي ستيل لوف يو


Ölüdeniz, Muğla ilinin Fethiye ilçesine bağlı bir mahalledir. Ölüdeniz kumsalı %82 oyla 2006 yılında dünyanın en güzel kumsalı seçilmiştir.

Belde, turizm açısından oldukça gelişmiştir. Likyalılarda ışık ve güneş diyarı, Orta Çağ'da "Uzak Diyar" olarak tanınır, Anadolu'nun güneybatısında yer alan Teke Yarımadası'da bulunur. Türkiye'de bulunan deniz kulağı (lagün) oluşumlarından biridir.

Ölüdeniz, adı gibi durgun bir göl niteliğindedir. En fırtınalı günlerde Belceğiz kıyıları dalgalarla boğuşurken, Ölüdeniz'de sadece çırpıntılar meydana gelir.

Ancak durgun gibi gözüken Ölüdeniz, gözle görünmeyen üç nedenle kendini hemen hemen her gün yenilemektedir. Bunlardan ilki, Ölüdeniz'de mevcut yoğun kaynak suyu çıkışları, dipte içeriden açıkdenize doğru bir akıntı yaratmaktadır. İkincisi, bu kaynak sularının yarattığı tuz farkından dolayı açıkdenizden içeriye ve dışarıya devamlı bir sirkülasyon oluşmasıdır. Üçüncüsü ise gel-git etkisi ile iki-üç günde bir deniz ortalama yarım metre yükselir ve alçalır. Bu da büyük miktarda deniz suyu giriş ve çıkışı sağlamaktadır.

Tarihçe
16 Kasım 1992 tarihinde belediye statüsü alarak beldeye dönüştü. 12 Kasım 2012'de TBMM'de kabul edilen 6360 sayılı kanun ile mahalle oldu.

Ulaşım ve konaklama

Beldeye hem kara, hem deniz, hem de havayolu ile ulaşmak mümkündür. Antalya, İzmir, Ankara, İstanbul gibi merkezlerden Fethiye ilçesine düzenli otobüs seferleri yapılmaktadır. Dalaman Havaalanı da beldeye 45 dk mesafededir. Fethiye Ölüdeniz arası 12 km'dir. Fethiye'den beldeye düzenli ulaşım imkânları bulunmaktadır.

Beldede nitelikli birçok otel, pansiyon, ve kamp yeri mevcuttur. Her türlü deniz sporunun yapılabildiği beldede safari, dağcılık, yürüyüş ve rafting yapma olanaklarıyla birlikte Babadağ'dan 1969 metre ve 1400 metre yükseklikten "Yamaç Paraşütü" ile atlama imkânı da vardır.

Semtleri

Hisarönü
Fethiye-Ovacık karayolu üzerinde, çam ormanları içerisinde yer alan, köy niteliğindeki bu semt, otel ve pansiyon olarak 3000 civarında yatak kapasitesi ile gelişmiş turizm merkezlerinden biridir. Daha çok İngiliz turistlerin ilgi gösterdiği sakin bir dinlenme mahallesidir.

Ovacık
Ovacık şehir merkezine 6 km uzaklıkta. Ölüdeniz'e uzaklığı 5 km'dir. Fethiye-Belceğiz-Ölüdeniz yolu üzerinde sağlı sollu pansiyon ve otellerin yer aldığı bu semt eski ve yeninin kaynaştığı bir turizm semtidir.

Belceğiz-Ölüdeniz

Ölüdeniz lagünün bulunduğu semttir. Kıyı bandı, Özel Çevre Koruma Kurumu Başkanlığınca tanzim edilen Belceğiz'de modern tesisler yer almaktadır. Belceğiz semtinde her türlü konaklama yeme-içme ve eğlence, halka açık plajlarda da her türlü su sporu yapma olanağı vardır.

Belceğiz'in güneydoğu devamında KIDRAK Millî Parkı'nda iyi düzenlenmiş bir kamp yeri ve ötesinde Uzunyurt-Faralya mahallesi bulunmaktadır.

Belceğiz'in kuzeybatısında fotoğraflar çokça yer alan Kumburnu ve Ölüdeniz yer almaktadır. Bu yöre 1978 yılında Millî Park  olarak belirlenmiş olup, 1. derecede doğal sit alanıdır. Kumburnu günü birlik dinlenme plajı olarak kullanılmaktadır.

Görülmeye değer yerler

Kelebekler Vadisi
8 Şubat 1995'te 1. derecede doğal SİT ilan edilen ve her türlü yapılaşmaya kapatılan kayalık ve çamlık vadide milyarlarca kelebeğin kayalarda, ağaçların gövdelerinde ve yapraklarında bulunup etrafı sarmasından dolayı bu ismi almıştır.

Vadiye ulaşım Ölüdeniz'deki sahilden kalkan teknelerle sağlanır.

Gemiler Adası

Ölüdeniz beldesinde batısında ve takriben 7 km  uzağındadır. Adada M.S. 5-13. yüzyıllarda yapıldığı anlaşılan Bizans ve Roma devirlerine ait ev, depo, sarnıç ve kilise kalıntıları bulunmaktadır. Gemiler Adası, korunması gereken tarihi değerlerden biridir.

Kaya Mahallesinin arkasındaki tepeyi aşarak gelen yol, sizi zeytin ve çam ağaçlarıyla çevrelenmiş bir başka güzelliğe, Gemiler Koyuna ulaştırıyor. Gemiler Koyunun tam karşısındaki kaplı St. Nicholas'a (Gemiler Adası)  tekne ile geçebilir ve Bizans döneminden kalma kalıntıları görebilirsiniz. 1990 yılında bir Japon Arkeoloji Heyeti'nin Fethiye Müzesi ile birlikte başlattığı kazılarda gün ışığına çıkartılan buluntulardan, adanın erken Hristiyanlık döneminde önemli bir ziyaret merkezi olduğu ve denizler azizi Nicholas'ın bu adada yaşadığı anlaşılıyor.

Fethiye

Antik çağda "Telmessos", yakın çağda "Meğri", 1934'ten itibaren Fethiye adını alan ilçe Roma-Bizans devirlerinden kalma lahitler, ünlü Aminthas tapınak mezarı ve müze turistlerin ilgisini çeken mekânlardır. Fethiye halk pazarı da son zamanlarda ilçeye gelen yerli ve yabancı turistlerin uğrak yeri olmaya başlamıştır.

Ölüdeniz'de günübirlik deniz turları
Fethiye sahilinde ve Ölüdeniz sahilinde bulunan teknelerle yapılan gezilerde Aya Nikola Adası, Gemile Koyu, Karacaören, 12 ada ve Göcek'i gezmek mümkündür.

Yapılabilecek faaliyetler

Ölüdeniz'de yamaç paraşütü
1969 metre yükseliğindeki Babadağ'dan deneyimli bir pilot eşliğinde başlayan serüven 30-40 dakikalık bir uçuştan sonra Belcekız plajında tamamlanmaktadır. 1700 metre yükseklikteki uçuş noktasına ciplerle gidilmektedir. 25 km'lik toprak ve engebeli yol 50 dakika sürer. 1700 metrede rüzgâr yeterli değilse, 1900 metreye çıkılır. Tulum ve kasklar takılarak, pilota ve paraşüte bağlı harness (oturak)a oturulur, pilotun paraşütü çekmesiyle paraşütler şişer, birkaç adımlık koşuyla açılıp yükselinir ve uçmaya başlanır. Deneyimli pilotlar yamaç paraşütüyle 3500 metre yüksekliğe kadar çıkabilmektedir ve havada beş saat kalınabilmektedir. Yamaç Paraşütü organizasyonu yapan acenteler Ölüdeniz sahilinde bulunmaktadır.

Ölüdeniz'de su altı dalışı
Ölüdeniz Belcekız'da bulunan dalış acenteleri ile günübirlik ve haftalık turlar düzenlemektedirler. Bu turlarla dalış sertifikaları almak mümkündür.

Kaynakça

Dış bağlantılar

 Ölüdeniz Belediyesi
 Uzaydan Ölüdeniz

Fethiye'nin mahalleleri
Türk Rivierası
Türkiye'deki deniz kulakları

Ölüdeniz, Fethiye


Kişiler
 Hulk, isminin kısaltması ile tanınan Brezilyalı futbolcu
 Hulk,  Amerikalı güreşçi, oyuncu.

Hayali karakter
 Hulk, çizgi roman karakteri

Hulk