The term Latin America primarily refers to the Spanish- and Portuguese-speaking countries in the New World.

Before the arrival of Europeans in the late 15th and early 16th centuries, the region was home to many indigenous peoples, a number of which had advanced civilizations, most notably from  South; the Olmec, Maya, Muisca and Inca.

The region came under control of the crowns of Spain and Portugal, which imposed both Roman Catholicism and their respective languages. Both the Spanish and the Portuguese brought African slaves to their colonies, as laborers, particularly in regions where indigenous populations who could be made to work were absent.

In the early nineteenth century nearly all of areas of Spanish America attained independence by armed struggle, with the exceptions of Cuba and Puerto Rico. Brazil, which had become a monarchy separate from Portugal, became a republic in the late nineteenth century. Political independence from European monarchies did not result in the abolition of black slavery in the new sovereign nations. Political independence resulted in political and economic instability in Spanish America immediately after independence.  Great Britain and the United States exercised significant influence in the post-independence era, resulting in a form of neo-colonialism, whereby a country's political sovereignty remained in place, but foreign powers exercised considerable power in the economic sphere.

Origin of the term and definition

The idea that a part of the Americas has a cultural or racial affinity with all Romance cultures can be traced back to the 1830s, in particular in the writing of the French Saint-Simonian Michel Chevalier, who postulated that this part of the Americas were inhabited by people of a "Latin race," and that it could, therefore, ally itself with "Latin Europe" in a struggle with "Teutonic Europe," "Anglo-Saxon America" and "Slavic Europe." The idea was later taken up by Latin American intellectuals and political leaders of the mid- and late-nineteenth century, who no longer looked to Spain or Portugal as cultural models, but rather to France. The actual term "Latin America" was coined in France under Napoleon III and played a role in his campaign to imply cultural kinship with France, transform France into a cultural and political leader of the area and install Maximilian as emperor of Mexico.

In the mid-twentieth century, especially in the United States, there was a trend to occasionally classify all of the territory south of the United States as "Latin America," especially when the discussion focused on its contemporary political and economic relations to the rest of the world, rather than solely on its cultural aspects. Concurrently, there has been a move to avoid this oversimplification by talking about "Latin America and the Caribbean," as in the United Nations geoscheme.

Since, the concept and definitions of Latin American are very modern, going back only to the nineteenth century, it is anachronistic to talk about "a history of Latin America" before the arrival of the Europeans. Nevertheless, the many and varied cultures that did exist in the pre-Columbian period had a strong and direct influence on the societies that emerged as a result of the conquest, and therefore, they cannot be overlooked. They are introduced in the next section.

The Pre-Columbian period

What is now Latin America has been populated for several millennia, possibly for as long as 30,000 years. There are many models of migration to the New World. Precise dating of many of the early civilizations is difficult because there are few text sources. However, highly developed civilizations flourished at various times and places, such as in the Andes and Mesoamerica.

Sport in Pre-Columbian Period
As a result of imperialism and colonialism, historians note the diffusion of sports that brought football, baseball, boxing, cricket, and basketball from the empires to its colonies. In the context of Latin America, historians can acknowledge the power imbalances between the colonial elite and those of poorer circumstance by looking at sport history. For instance, dating back to the pre-columbian Mesoamerica, horsemanship contests were an integral part of leisure activity for the individuals of the colonies. However, many colonial official took advantage of their power over the poor people's accessibility to the game by preventing the poorer individuals from accessing the horses. This attempt to control and manipulate the people of the colony failed as many of the indigenous people needed the horses for labor– labor that would serve to benefit the upper class who exploit the colony.

Furthermore, horses played an important role in the early day of Latin American sport. Such examples include the horsemanship contests mentioned above, the charreada of Mexico, other equestrian activities in the region that would eventually be Argentina and Uruguay, etc. These sport gave the indigenous people the opportunity to practice values of talent, honor, and teamwork. It also was accessible to the poorer indigenous individuals of the colony because horses were affordable and not relatively expensive to the people of a lower class than those colonial elite.

Colonial Era

Christopher Columbus landed in the Americas in 1492. Subsequently, the major sea powers in Europe sent expeditions to the New World to build trade networks and colonies and to convert the native peoples to Christianity. Spain concentrated on building its empire on the central and southern parts of the Americas allotted to it by the Treaty of Tordesillas, because of presence of large, settled societies like the Aztec, the Inca, the Maya and the Muisca, whose human and material resources it could exploit, and large concentrations of silver and gold. The Portuguese built their empire in Brazil, which fell in their sphere of influence owing to the Treaty of Tordesillas, by developing the land for sugar production since there was a lack of a large, complex society or mineral resources.

During the European colonization of the western hemisphere, most of the native population died, mainly by disease. In what has come to be known as the Columbian exchange, diseases such as smallpox and measles decimated populations with no immunity. The size of the indigenous populations has been studied in the modern era by historians, but Dominican friar Bartolomé de las Casas raised the alarm in the earliest days of Spanish settlement in the Caribbean in his A Short Account of the Destruction of the Indies.

The conquerors and colonists of Latin America also had a major impact on the population of Latin America. The Spanish conquistadors committed savage acts of violence against the natives. According to Bartolomé de las Casas, the Europeans worked the native population to death, separated the men and the women so they could not reproduce, and hunted down and killed any natives who escaped with dogs. Las Casas claimed that the Spaniards made the natives work day and night in mines and would "test the sharpness of their blades" on the natives. Las Casas estimated that around three million natives died from war, slavery, and overworking. When talking about the cruelty, Las Casas said "Who in future generations will believe this? I myself writing it as a knowledgeable eyewitness can hardly believe it."

Because the Spanish were now in power, native culture and religion were forbidden. The Spanish even went as far as burning the Maya Codices (like books). These codices contained information about astrology, religion, Gods, and rituals. There are four codices known to exist today; these are the Dresden Codex, Paris Codex, Madrid Codex, and HI Codex. The Spanish also melted down countless pieces of golden artwork so they could bring the gold back to Spain and destroyed countless pieces of art that they viewed as unchristian.

Colonial-era religion
 Traveling to the New World
The Spanish Crown regulated immigration to its overseas colonies, with travelers required to register with the House of Trade in Seville. Since the crown wished to exclude anyone who was non-Christian (Jews, crypto-Jews, and Muslims) passing as Christian, travelers' backgrounds were vetted. The ability to regulate the flow of people enabled the Spanish Crown to keep a grip on the religious purity of its overseas empire. The Spanish Crown was rigorous in their attempt to allow only Christians passage to the New World and required proof of religion by way of personal testimonies. Specific examples of individuals dealing with the Crown allow for an understanding of how religion affected passage into the New World.

Francisca de Figueroa, an African-Iberian woman seeking entrance into the Americas, petitioned the Spanish Crown in 1600 in order to gain a license to sail to Cartagena. On her behalf she had a witness attest to her religious purity, Elvira de Medina wrote, "this witness knows that she and parents and her grandparents have been and are Old Christians and of unsullied cast and lineage. They are not of Moorish or Jewish caste or of those recently converted to Our Holy Catholic Faith." Despite Francisca's race, she was allowed entrance into the Americas in 1601 when a 'Decree from His Majesty' was presented, it read, "My presidents and official judges of the Case de Contraction of Seville. I order you to allow passage to the Province of Cartagena for Francisca de Figueroa ..." This example points to the importance of religion, when attempting to travel to the Americas during colonial times. Individuals had to work within the guidelines of Christianity in order to appeal to the Crown and be granted access to travel.

 Religion in Latin America
Once in the New World, religion was still a prevalent issue which had to be considered in everyday life. Many of the laws were based on religious beliefs and traditions and often these laws clashed with the many other cultures throughout colonial Latin America. One of the central clashes was between African and Iberian cultures; this difference in culture resulted in the aggressive prosecution of witches, both African and Iberian, throughout Latin America. According to European tradition "[a] witch – a bruja – was thought to reject God and the sacraments and instead worship the devil and observe the witches' Sabbath." This rejection of God was seen as an abomination and was not tolerated by the authorities either in Spain nor Latin America. A specific example, the trial of Paula de Eguiluz, shows how an appeal to Christianity can help to lessen punishment even in the case of a witch trial.

Paula de Eguiluz was a woman of African descent who was born in Santo Domingo and grew up as a slave, sometime in her youth she learned the trade of witches and was publicly known to be a sorceress. "In 1623, Paula was accused of witchcraft (brujeria), divination and apostasy (declarations contrary to Church doctrine)." Paula was tried in 1624 and began her hearings without much knowledge of the Crowns way of conducting legal proceedings. There needed to be appeals to Christianity and announcements of faith if an individual hoped to lessen the sentence. Learning quickly, Paula correctly "recited the Lord's Prayer, the Creed, the Salve Regina, and the Ten Commandments" before the second hearing of her trial. Finally, in the third hearing of the trial Paula ended her testimony by "ask[ing] Our Lord to forgive [me] for these dreadful sins and errors and requests ... a merciful punishment." The appeals to Christianity and profession of faith allowed Paula to return to her previous life as a slave with minimal punishment. The Spanish Crown placed a high importance on the preservation of Christianity in Latin America, this preservation of Christianity allowed colonialism to rule Latin America for over three hundred years.

Nineteenth-century revolutions: the postcolonial era

Following the model of the American and French revolutions, most of Latin America achieved its independence by 1825. Independence destroyed the old common market that existed under the Spanish Empire after the Bourbon Reforms and created an increased dependence on the financial investment provided by nations, which had already begun to industrialize; therefore, Western European powers, in particular Great Britain and France, and the United States began to play major roles, since the region became economically dependent on these nations. Independence also created a new, self-consciously "Latin American" ruling class and intelligentsia, which at times avoided Spanish and Portuguese models in their quest to reshape their societies. This elite looked towards other Catholic European models—in particular France—for a new Latin American culture, but did not seek input from indigenous peoples.

The failed efforts in Spanish America to keep together most of the initial large states that emerged from independence— Gran Colombia, the Federal Republic of Central America and the United Provinces of South America—resulted a number of domestic and interstate conflicts, which plagued the new countries. Brazil, in contrast to its Hispanic neighbors, remained a united monarchy and avoided the problem of civil and interstate wars. Domestic wars were often fights between federalists and centrists, who ended up asserting themselves through the military repression of their opponents at the expense of civilian political life. The new nations inherited the cultural diversity of the colonial era and strived to create a new identity based around the shared European (Spanish or Portuguese) language and culture. Within each country, however, there were cultural and class divisions that created tension and hurt national unity.

For the next few decades there was a long process to create a sense of nationality. Most of the new national borders were created around the often centuries-old audiencia jurisdictions or the Bourbon intendancies, which had become areas of political identity. In many areas the borders were unstable, since the new states fought wars with each other to gain access to resources, especially in the second half of the nineteenth century. The more important conflicts were the Paraguayan War (1864–70; also known as the War of the Triple Alliance) and the War of the Pacific (1879–84). The Paraguayan War pitted Argentina, Brazil and Uruguay against Paraguay, which was utterly defeated. As a result, Paraguay suffered a demographic collapse: the population went from an estimated 525,000 persons in 1864 to 221,000 in 1871 and out of this last population, only around 28,000 were men.  In the War of the Pacific, Chile defeated the combined forces of Bolivia and Peru. Chile gained control of saltpeter-rich areas, previously controlled by Peru and Bolivia, and Bolivia became a land-locked nation. By mid-century the region also confronted a growing United States, seeking to expand on the North American continent and extend its influence in the hemisphere. In Mexican–American War (1846–48), Mexico lost over half of its territory to the United States. In the 1860s France attempted to indirectly control Mexico. In South America, Brazil consolidated its control of large swaths of the Amazon Basin at the expense of its neighbors. In the 1880s the United States implemented an aggressive policy to defend and expand its political and economic interests in all of Latin America, which culminated in the creation of the Pan-American Conference, the successful completion of the Panama Canal and the United States intervention in the final Cuban war of independence.

The export of natural resources provided the basis of most Latin American economies in the nineteenth century, which allowed for the development of wealthy elite. The restructuring of colonial economic and political realities resulted in a sizable gap between rich and poor, with landed elites controlling the vast majority of land and resources. In Brazil, for instance, by 1910 85% of the land belonged to 1% of the population. Gold mining and fruit growing, in particular, were monopolized by these wealthy landowners. These "Great Owners" completely controlled local activity and, furthermore, were the principal employers and the main source of wages. This led to a society of peasants whose connection to larger political realities remained in thrall to farming and mining magnates.

The endemic political instability and the nature of the economy resulted in the emergence of caudillos, military chiefs whose hold on power depended on their military skill and ability to dispense patronage. The political regimes were at least in theory democratic and took the form of either presidential or parliamentary governments. Both were prone to being taken over by a caudillo or an oligarchy. The political landscape was occupied by conservatives, who believed that the preservation of the old social hierarchies served as the best guarantee of national stability and prosperity, and liberals, who sought to bring about progress by freeing up the economy and individual initiative. Popular insurrections were often influential and repressed: 100,000 were killed during the suppression of a Colombian revolt between 1899 and 1902 during the Thousand Days' War. Some states did manage to have some of democracy: Uruguay, and partially Argentina, Chile, Costa Rica and Colombia. The others were clearly oligarchist or authoritarian, although these oligarchs and caudillos sometimes enjoyed support from a majority in the population. All of these regimes sought to maintain Latin America's lucrative position in the world economy as a provider of raw materials.

20th century

1900–1929

By the start of the century, the United States continued its interventionist attitude, which aimed to directly defend its interests in the region. This was officially articulated in Theodore Roosevelt's Big Stick Doctrine, which modified the old Monroe Doctrine, which had simply aimed to deter European intervention in the hemisphere. At the conclusion of the Spanish–American War the new government of Cuba and the United States signed the Platt Amendment in 1902, which authorized the United States to intervene in Cuban affairs when the United States deemed necessary. In Colombia, United States sought the concession of a territory in Panama to build a much anticipated canal across the isthmus. The Colombian government opposed this, but a Panamanian insurrection provided the United States with an opportunity. The United States backed Panamanian independence and the new nation granted the concession. These were not the only interventions carried out in the region by the United States. In the first decades of the twentieth century, there were several military incursions into Central America and the Caribbean, mostly in defense of commercial interests, which became known as the "Banana Wars."

The greatest political upheaval in the second decade of the century took place in Mexico. In 1908, President Porfirio Díaz, who had been in office since 1884, promised that he would step down in 1910. Francisco I. Madero, a moderate liberal whose aim was to modernize the country while preventing a socialist revolution, launched an election campaign in 1910. Díaz, however, changed his mind and ran for office once more. Madero was arrested on election day and Díaz declared the winner. These events provoked uprisings, which became the start of the Mexican Revolution. Revolutionary movements were organized and some key leaders appeared: Pancho Villa in the north, Emiliano Zapata in the south, and Madero in Mexico City. Madero's forces defeated the federal army in early 1911, assumed temporary control of the government and won a second election later on November 6, 1911. Madero undertook moderate reforms to implement greater democracy in the political system but failed to satisfy many of the regional leaders in what had become a revolutionary situation. Madero's failure to address agrarian claims led Zapata to break with Madero and resume the revolution. On February 18, 1913 Victoriano Huerta, a conservative general organized  a coup d'état with the support of the United States; Madero was killed four days later. Other revolutionary leaders such as Villa, Zapata, and Venustiano Carranza continued to militarily oppose the federal government, now under Huerta's control. Allies Zapata and Villa took Mexico City in March 1914, but found themselves outside of their elements in the capital and withdrew to their respective bastions. This allowed Carranza to assume control of the central government. He then organized the repression of the rebel armies of Villa and Zapata, led in particular by General Álvaro Obregón. The Mexican Constitution of 1917, still the current constitution, was proclaimed but initially little enforced. The efforts against the other revolutionary leaders continued. Zapata was assassinated on April 10, 1919. Carranza himself was assassinated on May 15, 1920, leaving Obregón in power, who was officially elected president later that year. Finally in 1923 Villa was also assassinated. With the removal of the main rivals Obregón is able to consolidate power and relative peace returned to Mexico. Under the Constitution a liberal government is implemented but some of the aspirations of the working and rural classes remained unfulfilled. (See also, Agrarian land reform in Mexico.)

The prestige of Germany and German culture  in Latin America remained high after the war but did not recover to its pre-war levels. Indeed, in Chile the war bought an end to a period of scientific and cultural influence writer Eduardo de la Barra scorningly called "the German bewichment" ().

Sports
Sports became increasingly popular, drawing enthusiastic fans to large stadia. The International Olympic Committee (IOC) worked to encourage Olympic ideals and participation.  Following the 1922 Latin American Games in Rio de Janeiro, the IOC helped to establish national Olympic committees and prepare for future competition. In Brazil, however, sporting and political rivalries slowed progress as opposing factions fought to control of international sport. The 1924 Summer Olympics in Paris and the 1928 Summer Olympics in Amsterdam saw greatly increased participation from Latin American athletes.   English and Scottish engineers brought futebol (soccer) to Brazil in the late 1800s. The International Committee of the YMCA of North America and the Playground Association of America played major roles in training coaches. .

1930–1960

The Great Depression posed a great challenge to the region. The collapse of the world economy meant that the demand for raw materials drastically declined, undermining many of the economies of Latin America. Intellectuals and government leaders in Latin America turned their backs on the older economic policies and turned toward import substitution industrialization. The goal was to create self-sufficient economies, which would have their own industrial sectors and large middle classes and which would be immune to the ups and downs of the global economy. Despite the potential threats to United States commercial interests, the Roosevelt administration (1933–1945) understood that the United States could not wholly oppose import substitution. Roosevelt implemented a Good Neighbor policy and allowed the nationalization of some American companies in Latin America. Mexican President Lázaro Cárdenas nationalized American oil companies, out of which he created Pemex. Cárdenas also oversaw the redistribution of a quantity of land, fulfilling the hopes of many since the start of the Mexican Revolution. The Platt Amendment was also repealed, freeing Cuba from legal and official interference of the United States in its politics. The Second World War also brought the United States and most Latin American nations together.

In the postwar period, the expansion of communism became the greatest political issue for both the United States and governments in the region. The start of the Cold War forced governments to choose between the United States and the Soviet Union.  Following the 1948 Costa Rica Civil War, the nation established a new constitution and was recognized as the first legitimate democracy in Latin America  However, the new Costa Rican government, which now was constitutionally required to ban the presence of a standing military, did not seek regional influence and was distracted further by conflicts with neighboring Nicaragua.

Several socialist and communist insurgencies broke out in Latin America throughout the entire twentieth century, but the most successful one was in Cuba. The Cuban Revolution was led by Fidel Castro against the regime of Fulgencio Batista, who since 1933 was the principal autocrat in Cuba. Since the 1860s the Cuban economy had focused on the cultivation of sugar, of which 82% was sold in the American market by the twentieth century. Despite the repeal of the Platt Amendment, the United States still had considerable influence in Cuba, both in politics and in everyday life. In fact Cuba had a reputation of being the "brothel of the United States," a place where Americans could find all sorts of licit and illicit pleasures, provided they had the cash. Despite having the socially advanced constitution of 1940, Cuba was plagued with corruption and the interruption of constitutional rule by autocrats like Batista. Batista began his final turn as the head of the government in a 1952 coup. The coalition that formed under the revolutionaries hoped to restore the constitution, reestablish a democratic state and free Cuba from the American influence. The revolutionaries succeeded in toppling Batista on January 1, 1959. Castro, who initially declared himself as a non-socialist, initiated a program of agrarian reforms and nationalizations in May 1959, which alienated the Eisenhower administration (1953–61) and resulted in the United States breaking of diplomatic relations, freezing Cuban assets in the United States and placing an embargo on the nation in 1960. The Kennedy administration (1961–1963) authorized the funding and support of an invasion of Cuba by exiles. The invasion failed and radicalized the revolutionary government's position. Cuba officially proclaimed itself socialist and openly became an ally of the Soviet Union. The military collaboration between Cuba and the Soviet Union, which included the placement of intercontinental ballistic missiles in Cuba precipitated the Cuban Missile Crisis of October 1962.

Late-20th-century military regimes and revolutions

By the 1970s, leftists had acquired a significant political influence which prompted the right-wing, ecclesiastical authorities and a large portion of each individual country's upper class to support coups d'état to avoid what they perceived as a communist threat. This was further fueled by Cuban and United States intervention which led to a political polarization. Most South American countries were in some periods ruled by military dictatorships that were supported by the United States of America.

Around the 1970s, the regimes of the Southern Cone collaborated in Operation Condor killing many leftist dissidents, including some urban guerrillas.

Washington Consensus

The set of  specific economic policy prescriptions that were considered the "standard" reform package were promoted for crisis-wracked developing countries by Washington, DC-based institutions such as the International Monetary Fund (IMF), World Bank, and the US Treasury Department during the 1980s and '90s.

In recent years, several Latin American countries led by socialist or other left wing governments—including Argentina and Venezuela—have campaigned for (and to some degree adopted) policies contrary to the Washington Consensus set of policies. (Other Latin counties with governments of the left, including Brazil, Chile and Peru, have in practice adopted the bulk of the policies). Also critical of the policies as actually promoted by the International Monetary Fund have been some US economists, such as Joseph Stiglitz and Dani Rodrik, who have challenged what are sometimes described as the "fundamentalist" policies of the International Monetary Fund and the US Treasury for what Stiglitz calls a "one size fits all" treatment of individual economies.
The term has become associated with neoliberal policies in general and drawn into the broader debate over the expanding role of the free market, constraints upon the state, and US influence on other countries' national sovereignty.

21st century

Turn to the left

Since the 2000s, or 1990s in some countries, left-wing political parties have risen to power. Hugo Chávez in Venezuela, Lula da Silva and Dilma Rousseff in Brazil, Fernando Lugo in Paraguay, Néstor and Cristina Kirchner in Argentina, Tabaré Vázquez and José Mujica in Uruguay, the Lagos and Bachelet governments in Chile, Evo Morales in Bolivia, Daniel Ortega in Nicaragua, Manuel Zelaya in Honduras (although deposed by the 28 June 2009 coup d'état), and Rafael Correa of Ecuador are all part of this wave of left-wing politicians, who also often declare themselves socialists, Latin Americanists or anti-imperialists.

Turn to the right and resurgence of the left

The conservative wave () is a political phenomenon that emerged in mid-2010 in South America. In Brazil, it began roughly around the time Dilma Rousseff, in a tight election, won the 2014 presidential election, kicking off the fourth term of the Workers' Party in the highest position of government. In addition, according to the political analyst of the Inter-Union Department of Parliamentary Advice, Antônio Augusto de Queiroz, the National Congress elected in 2014 may be considered the most conservative since the "re-democratization" movement, noting an increase in the number of parliamentarians linked to more conservative segments, as ruralists, military, police and religious.

The subsequent economic crisis of 2015 and investigations of corruption scandals led to a right-wing movement that sought to rescue ideas from economic liberalism and conservatism in opposition to left-wing policies.

A resurgence of the rise of left-wing political parties in Latin America by their electoral victories, however, was initiated by Mexico in 2018 and Argentina in 2019, and further strengthened by Bolivia in 2020 along with Peru, Honduras and Chile in 2021 and Colombia and Brazil in 2022.

See also
 Economic history of Latin America
 Environmental history of Latin America
 Historiography#Latin America
 Historiography of Colonial Spanish America
 Latin American economy
 Latin America–United Kingdom relations
 List of history journals#Latin America and the Caribbean
 Conference on Latin American History
 Latin American studies

Pre-Columbian

Oasisamerica:

Apache
Comanche
Coahuiltecan
Cocopah
Pima
Puebloan peoples
Navajo
Quechan

Aridoamerica:

Caxcan
Guachichil
Guamare
Chichimeca Jonaz
Cora
Huichol
Mayos
Otomi
O'odham
Pame
Tecuexe
Tepehuánes
Yaquis
Zacateco

Mesoamerica:
Aztec
Huastec
Mixtec
Maya
Olmec
Pipil
Tarascan
Teotihuacán
Toltec
Totonac
Zapotec

South America:
Arawak
Chavín
Chibcha
Chimor
Chachapoya
Huari
Inca
Island Carib
Kalina
Mapuche
Moche
Nazca
Tairona
Tiwanaku

Colonization
British colonization of the Americas, Danish colonization of the Americas, Dutch colonization of the Americas, New Netherland, French New France, Portuguese, Russian, Spanish, New Spain, Conquistador, Spanish conquest of Yucatán, Spanish conquest of the Aztec Empire, Spanish missions in California, Swedish

History by region

History by country

Other topics
 Latin Americans
 Latin American integration
 Feminist history in Latin America
 History of the Jews in Latin America
 Latin America–United States relations
 Latin American debt crisis
 Territorial evolution of the Caribbean

References

Further reading

 Adam, Thomas, ed. Germany and the Americas: Culture, Politics, and History (3 vol, 2005)  excerpt

Bakewell, Peter, A History of Latin America" (Blackwell History of the World (Blackwell, 1997)
Bethell, Leslie  (ed.), The Cambridge History of Latin America, Cambridge University Press, 12 vol, 1984–2008
Burns, E. Bradford, Latin America: A Concise Interpretive History, paperback, Prentice Hall 2001, 7th edition
Goebel, Michael, "Globalizatitionalism in Latin America, c.1750-1950", New Global Studies 3 (2009).
 Halperín Donghi, Tulio. The contemporary history of Latin America. Durham : Duke University Press, 1993.
Herring, Hubert, A History of Latin America: from the Beginnings to the Present, 1955.
 Kaufman, Will, and Heidi Slettedahl Macpherson, eds. Britain and the Americas: Culture, Politics, and History (3 vol 2005), 1157pp; encyclopedic coverage; excerpt
 Lockhart, James and Stuart B. Schwartz. Early Latin America. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press 1983.
 Marshall , Bill, ed. France and the Americas: Culture, Politics, and History (3 vol. 2005) excerpt

 Mignolo, Walter. The Idea of Latin America. Oxford: Wiley-Blackwell 2005. .
 Miller, Rory. Britain and Latin America in the Nineteenth and Twentieth Centuries. London: Longman 1993.
 Miller, Shawn William. An Environmental History of Latin America. New York: Cambridge University Press 2007.
 Schwaller, John Frederick. The History of the Catholic Church in Latin America: From Conquest to Revolution and Beyond (New York University Press; 2011) 319 pages
 Trigger, Bruce, and Wilcomb E. Washburn, eds. The Cambridge history of the native peoples of the Americas (3 vols. 1996)

Historiography
 Murillo, Dana Velasco. "Modern local history in Spanish American historiography." History Compass 15.7 (2017).  DOI: 10.1111/hic3.12387

Colonial era

 Adelman, Jeremy, ed. Colonial Legacies: The Problem of Persistence in Latin American History. New York: Routledge 1999.
 Alchon, Suzanne Austin. A Pest in the Land: New World Epidemics in Global Perspective. Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press 2003.
 Andrien, Kenneth J. The Human Tradition in Colonial Spanish America. Wilmington: Scholarly Resources 2002.
 Brading, D.A. The First America: The Spanish Monarchy, Creole Patriots, and the Liberal State, 1492-1867. New York: Cambridge University Press 1991.
 Cañizares-Esguerra, Jorge. How to Write the History of the New World: Histories, Epistemologies, and Identities in the Eighteenth-Century Atlantic World. Stanford: Stanford University Press 2001.
 Brown, Jonathan C. Latin America: A Social History of the Colonial Period, Wadsworth Publishing Company, 2nd edition 2004.
 Crosby, Alfred W. The Columbian Exchange: Biological and Cultural Consequences of 1492. 30th anniversary edition. Westport: Praeger 2003.
 Denevan, William M., ed. The Native Population of the Americas ca. 1492. 2nd edition. Madison: University of Wisconsin Press 1992.
 Donahue-Wallace, Kelly. Art and Architecture of Viceregal Latin America, 1521-1821. Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press 2008.
 Fisher, John R. Economic Aspects of Spanish Imperialism in America, 1492-1810. Liverpool: Liverpool University Press 1997.
 Gonzalez, Ondina E. and Bianca Premo, eds. Raising an Empire: Children in Early Modern Iberia and Colonial Latin America. Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press 2007.
 Haring, Clarence H., The Spanish Empire in America. New York: Oxford University Press 1947.
 Hill, Ruth. Hierarchy, Commerce, and Fraud in Bourbon Spanish America. Nashville: Vanderbilt University Press 2006.
 Hoberman, Louisa Schell and Susan Migden Socolow, eds. Cities and Society in Colonial Spanish America. Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press 1986.
 Hoberman, Louisa Schell and Susan Migden Socolow, eds. The Countryside in Colonial Spanish America. Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press 1986.
 Johnson, Lyman L. and Sonya Lipsett-Rivera, eds. The Faces of Honor: Sex, Shame, and Violence in Colonial Latin America. Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press 1998.
 Kagan, Richard. Urban Images of the Hispanic World, 1493-1793. New Haven: Yale University Press 2000.
 Kinsbruner, Jay. The Colonial Spanish-American City: Urban Life in the Age of Atlantic Capitalism. Austin: University of Texas Press 2005.
 Klein, Herbert S., The American Finances of the Spanish Empire: Royal Income and Expenditures in Colonial Mexico, Peru, and Bolivia, 1680-1809. Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press 1998.
 Klein, Herbert S. and Ben Vinson III. African Slavery in Latin America and the Caribbean. 2nd edition. New York: Oxford University Press 2007.
 Landers, Jane G. and Barry M. Robinson, eds. Slaves,  Subjects, and Subversives: Blacks in Colonial Latin America. Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press 2006.
 Lane, Kris, Pillaging the Empire: Piracy in the Americas, 1500-1750. Armonk, NY: M.E. Sharpe 1998.
 Lanning, John Tate. The Royal Protomedicato: The Regulation of the Medical Profession in the Spanish Empire. Ed. John Jay TePaske. Durham: Duke University Press 1985.
 Lockhart, James and Schwartz, Stuart B., Early Latin America. New York: Cambridge University Press 1983.
 Lynch, John. The Hispanic World in Crisis and Change, 1598-1700. Oxford: Basil Blackwell 1992.
 MacLeod, Murdo J., Spanish Central America: A Socioeconomic History, 1520-1720. Revised edition. Austin: University of Texas Press 2007.
 McKnight, Kathryn J. Afro-Latino Voices: Narratives from the Early Modern Ibero-Atlantic World, 1550–1812 (Hackett Publishing Company 2009)
 Muldoon, James. The Americas in the Spanish World Order: The Justification of Conquest in the Seventeenth Century. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press 1998.
 Myers, Kathleen Ann. Neither Saints nor Sinners: Writing the Lives of Women in Spanish America. New York: Oxford University Press 2003.
 Pagden, Anthony. Spanish Imperialism and the Political Imagination: Studies in European and Spanish-American Social and Political Theory, 1513-1830. New Haven: Yale University Press 1990.
 Paquette, Gabriel B. Enlightenment, Governance, and Reform in Spain and its Empire, 1759-1808. New York: Palgrave Macmillan 2008.
 Pearce, Adrian. British Trade with Spanish America, 1763-1808. Liverpool: Liverpool University Press 2008.
 Perry, Elizabeth Mary and Anne J. Cruz, eds. Cultural Encounters: The Impact of the Inquisition in Spain and the New World. Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press 1991.
 Powers, Karen Vieira. Women in the Crucible of Conquest: The Gendered Genesis of Spanish American Society, 1500-1600. Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press 2005.
 Robinson, David J., ed. Migration in Colonial Spanish America. New York: Cambridge University Press 1990.
 Russell-Wood, A.J.R. Slavery and Freedom in Colonial Brazil. 2nd. ed. Oneworld Publications 2002.
 Safier, Neil. Measuring the New World: Enlightenment Science and South America. Chicago: University of Chicago Press 2008.
 Schwartz, Stuart B. All Can be Saved: Religious Tolerance and Salvation in the Atlantic World. New Haven: Yale University Press 1981.
 Socolow, Susan Migden. The Women of Colonial Latin America. New York: Cambridge University Press 2000.
 Stein, Stanley J. and Barbara H. Stein. Apogee of Empire: Spain and New Spain in the Age of Charles III, 1759-1789. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press 2003.
 Stein, Stanley J. and Barbara H. Stein. Silver, Trade, and War: Spain and America in the Making of Early Modern Europe. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press 2000.
 Super, John D. Food, Conquest, and Colonization in Sixteenth-Century Spanish America. Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press 1988.
 Trusted, Marjorie. The Arts of Spain: Iberia and Latin America 1450-1700. University Park: Penn State Press 2007.
 Twinam, Ann. Public Lives, Private Secrets: Gender, Honor, Sexuality, and Illegitimacy in Colonial Spanish America. Stanford: Stanford University Press 1999.
 Van Oss, A.C. Church and Society in Spanish America. Amsterdam: Aksant 2003.
 Weber, David J. Bárbaros: Spaniards and Their Savages in the Age of Enlightenment. New Haven: Yale University Press 2005.

Independence era

 Adelman, Jeremy. Sovereignty and Revolution in the Iberian Atlantic. Princeton: Princeton University Press 2006.
 Andrien, Kenneth J. and Lyman L. Johnson, eds. The Political Economy of Spanish America in the Age of Revolution, 1750-1850. Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press 1994.
 Blanchard, Peter. Under the Flags of Freedom: Slave Soldiers and the Wars of Independence in Spanish America. Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press 2008.
 Chasteen, John Charles. Americanos: Latin America's Struggle for Independence. New York: Oxford University Press 2008.
 Davies, Catherine, Claire Brewster, and Hilary Owen. South American Independence: Gender, Politics, Text. Liverpool: Liverpool University Press 2007.
 Halperín Donghi, Tulio. The aftermath of revolution in Latin America. New York, Harper & Row [1973]
 Johnson, Lyman L. and Enrique Tandanter, eds. Essays on the Price History of Eighteenth-Century Latin America. Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press 1990.
 Lynch, John, ed. Latin American revolutions, 1808-1826: old and new world origins (University of Oklahoma Press, 1994)
 Lynch, John. The Spanish American Revolutions, 1808-1826 (1973)
 McFarlane, Anthony. War and Independence in Spanish America (2008).
 Racine, Karen. "Simón Bolívar and friends: Recent biographies of independence figures in Colombia and Venezuela" History Compass 18#3 (Feb 2020) https://doi.org/10.1111/hic3.12608
 Rodríguez, Jaime E. Independence of Spanish America (Cambridge University Press, 1998)

Modern era

 Barclay, Glen. Struggle for a Continent: The Diplomatic History of South America, 1917-1945 (1972) 214pp
 Bulmer-Thomas, Victor. The Economic History of Latin America since Independence (2nd ed. Cambridge UP, 2003) online
 Burns, E. Bradford, The Poverty of Progress: Latin America in the Nineteenth Century. Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press 1980.
  Drinot, Paulo and Alan Knight, eds. The Great Depression in Latin America (2014) excerpt
 Gilderhus, Mark T. The Second Century: US--Latin American Relations Since 1889 (Rowman & Littlefield, 2000)
Green, Duncan, Silent Revolution: The Rise and Crisis of Market Economics in Latin America, New York University Press 2003
 Kirkendall, Andrew J. "Cold War Latin America: The State of the Field" H-Diplo Essay No. 119: An H-Diplo State of the Field Essay (Nov. 2014) online evaluates 50+ scholarly books and articles

 Pettinà, Vanni. A Compact History of Latin America's Cold War (University of North Carolina Press, 2022) See reviews by 5 scholars and reply by Pettina online

Schoultz, Lars, Beneath the United States: A History of U.S. Policy Toward Latin America, Harvard University Press 1998
 Skidmore, Thomas E. and Smith, Peter H., Modern Latin America, Oxford University Press 2005
 Stein, Stanley J. and Shane J. Hunt. "Principal Currents in the Economic Historiography of Latin America," Journal of Economic History Vol. 31, No. 1, (March 1971), pp. 222–253 in JSTOR
Valenzuela, Arturo. "Latin American Presidencies Interrupted" in Journal of Democracy Volume 15, Number 4 October 2004
 Woodward, Ralph Lee, Positivism in Latin America, 1850-1900: Are order and progress reconcilable? Lexington, Mass., Heath [1971]

History of the Americas
History of North America
History of South America
Latin American history
Latin American studies

History of Latin America


An Trichosalpinx sipapoensis in uska species han Liliopsida nga ginhulagway ni Gustavo Adolfo Romero ngan Carlyle August Luer. An Trichosalpinx sipapoensis in nahilalakip ha genus nga Trichosalpinx, ngan familia nga Orchidaceae.

Mabibilngan ini ha Venezuela. Waray hini subspecies nga nakalista.

Mga kasarigan

Trichosalpinx

Trichosalpinx sipapoensis


An Spiranthes cernua in uska species han Liliopsida nga syahan ginhulagway ni Carl von Linné, ngan ginhatag han pagkayana nga asya nga ngaran ni Louis Claude Marie Richard. An Spiranthes cernua in nahilalakip ha genus nga Spiranthes, ngan familia nga Orchidaceae. Waray hini subspecies nga nakalista.

Mga kasarigan

Mga sumpay ha gawas

Spiranthes

Spiranthes cernua


was a town located in Yamagata District, Hiroshima Prefecture, Japan. It has abundant forest resources.

As of 2003, the village had an estimated population of 1,193 and a density of 22.06 persons per km². The total area was 54.07 km².

History
 1 April 1889 (Meiji 22) - Upon the enforcement of the municipal system, the Uezunuga village merged with Nakagonuga village, and Tsutsuga was established.
 On 1 October 2004, Tsutsuga, along with the towns of Kake and Togouchi (all from Yamagata District), was merged to create the town of Akiōta.

Geography

Rivers
 Ōta River
 Tsutsuga River - tributary of Ōta River

References

External links
 Official website of Akiōta

Dissolved municipalities of Hiroshima Prefecture
Akiōta, Hiroshima

Tsutsuga, Hiroshima


El Nokia E7-00, también conocido como Nokia E7, es un Teléfono inteligente QWERTY orientado a los negocios de Nokia Eseries. Fue anunciado en el Nokia World en septiembre de 2010 junto con el Nokia C6-01 y Nokia C7 y comenzó a venderse en febrero de 2011. Es el segundo teléfono después del Nokia N8 que ejecutó el Symbian^3 Sistema operativo móvil.

Referencias

 Página oficial del producto de Nokia E7-00
 Nokia E7-00 Detalles de dispositivos

E07
Computadoras de mano
Teléfonos inteligentes
Teléfonos móviles introducidos en 2010

Nokia E7


An Stipa hans-meyeri in uska species han Liliopsida nga ginhulagway ni Pilg.. An Stipa hans-meyeri in nahilalakip ha genus nga Stipa, ngan familia nga Poaceae. Waray hini subspecies nga nakalista.

Mga kasarigan

Stipa

Stipa hans-meyeri


An Piptochaetium pringlei in uska species han Liliopsida nga syahan ginhulagway ni William James Beal, ngan ginhatag han pagkayana nga asya nga ngaran ni Parodi. An Piptochaetium pringlei in nahilalakip ha genus nga Piptochaetium, ngan familia nga Poaceae. Waray hini subspecies nga nakalista.

Mga kasarigan

Piptochaetium

Piptochaetium pringlei


Wanxiangcheng (chinois : 万象城站 / pinyin : Wànxiàngchéng zhàn / zhuang : Camh Vansiengcwngz) est une station de la ligne 1 du métro de Nanning. Elle est située de part et d'autre du boulevard Minzu Dadao et de la rue Jingxiu., dans le district de Qingxiu de la ville de Nanning, en Chine.

Ouverte le , la station comprend quatre entrées et une seule plateforme.

Situation sur le réseau

Établie en souterrain, Wanxiangcheng est située sur la ligne 1 du métro de Nanning, entre la station Palais des Congrès et des expositions, en direction du terminus ouest Shibu, et la station District financier de l'ASEAN, en direction du terminus est .

Histoire
La construction débute le . Le , les dix premières stations sont terminées. Les premiers tests sans passagers ont lieu en février 2016. Les vérifications continuent les 16 et 29 mai de la même année.

La station Wanxiangcheng est mise en service le , lors de l'ouverture à l'exploitation de la première section de la ligne 1 du métro de Nanning, entre les stations Nanhu et .

Services aux voyageurs

Accès et accueil
La station est accessible par quatre entrées différentes, de part et d'autre du boulevard Minzu Dadao et de la rue Jingxiu. La sortie A comprend un ascenseur pour les personnes handicapées. La station est en forme de L, le petit côté du L rejoignant la sortie A, tandis que deux bouts saillants rejoignent les sorties B et D. Elle a deux étages au-dessous du sol en plus des sorties à la surface. Le premier sous-sol est l'aire de service et la salle d'attente, tandis que les quais se trouvent au second. Le tunnel de la rue Qingxiu se retrouve au-dessus du premiere sous-sol.

Desserte

De 7h00 à 9h00 et de 17h30 à 19h30, le métro y passe aux 3 minutes et demie, tandis qu'il passe aux 7 minutes le reste de la journée. Pendant la fin de semaine et lors des jours fériés, le métro y passe aux 5 minutes (11h30 à 20h00), 6 minutes (6h30 à 11h00) et aux 7 minutes (20h00 à 23h00). Les premiers et derniers passages en direction de Shibu sont à 6h35 et 23h13, tandis que ceux en direction de la gare de Nanning est sont à 6h57 et 22h41.

Intermodalité
La station est desservie par les autobus 1, 16, 25, 39, 42, 43, 47, 56, 72, 87, 90, 94, 206, 220, 603, 609, 704, 706 et G1 du réseau d'autobus de Nanning.

À proximité

Notes et références

Notes

Références

Voir aussi

Articles connexes
 Métro de Nanning
 Ligne 1 du métro de Nanning

Lien externe

 .

Station du métro de Nanning
Station de métro mise en service en 2016

Wanxiangcheng (métro de Nanning)


Represiunea financiară se referă la acele "politici financiare care le aduc clienților băncilor câștiguri sub rata inflației" în cazul conturilor de economii. Politicile le permit băncilor să "ofere împrumuturi ieftine companiilor și instituțiilor administrative, reducând gradul de îndatorare". Represiunea financiară poate fi deosebit de eficientă în lichidarea datoriei publice concrete în moneda națională. De asemenea, poate duce la o extindere a datoriilor "la niveluri care pot fi comparate cu excesele care au generat stagnarea economică timp de un deceniu în Japonia și criza financiară din Asia", în 1997.

Conceptul de "Represiune financiară" a fost introdus în 1973 de către doi economiști de la Universitatea din Stanford, Edward S. Shaw și Ronald I. McKinnon, cu scopul de a "discredita politicile de inhibare a creșterii în piețele emergente".

Mecanism
Represiunea financiară constă în următoarele:
 Plafonarea explicită sau indirectă a ratelor dobânzilor, cum ar fi datoria publică și ratele de depozit (de exemplu, Regulamentul Q).
 Luarea în proprietatea guvernului sau controlul băncilor naționale și al instituțiilor financiare cu bariere care limitează intrarea altor instituții pe piață.
 Creșterea rezervelor minime obligatorii.
 Crearea sau menținerea unei piețe interne captive pentru datoria publică, realizată prin obligarea băncilor să dețină datoria publică prin intermediul cerințelor de capital ori prin interzicerea sau descurajarea alternativelor.
 Restricțiile guvernamentale privind transferul de active în străinătate prin impunerea de controale de capital.

Aceste măsuri le permit guvernelor să emită datorii la rate ale dobânzii mai mici. O rată nominală scăzută a dobânzii  poate reduce costurile privind serviciul datoriei, în timp ce ratele reale negative ale dobânzii erodează valoarea reală a datoriei publice. Astfel, represiunea financiară are cel mai mare succes în lichidarea datoriilor atunci când este însoțită de inflație și poate fi considerată o formă de impozitare sau, alternativ, o formă de devalorizare.

Valoarea taxei de represiune financiară a fost calculată pentru 24 de piețe emergente din 1974 până în 1987. Rezultatele au arătat că represiunea financiară a depășit 2% din PIB pentru șapte țări, și mai mult de 3% pentru cinci țări. Pentru cinci țări (India, Mexic, Pakistan, Sri Lanka, Zimbabwe) a reprezentat aproximativ 20% din veniturile fiscale. În cazul Mexicului, represiunea financiară a fost de 6% din PIB sau 40% din veniturile fiscale.

Represiunea financiară este catalogată drept "reglementare macroprudențială"—adică, eforturile guvernului de a "asigura sănătatea" a unui întreg sistem financiar.

Exemple

După al Doilea Război Mondial
Represiunea financiară "a jucat un rol important în reducerea ponderii datoriei în PIB după al doilea Război Mondial", prin menținerea ratelor reale ale dobânzilor pentru datoria publică sub 1% pentru două treimi, între 1945 și 1980. În această perioadă, Statele Unite ale Americii au avut posibilitatea de a "scădea" datoria considerabilă rămasă în urma Marii Crize Economice și celui de-al doilea Război Mondial (122% din PIB). În Regatul Unit, datoria guvernamentală a scăzut de la 216% din PIB în anul 1945 la 138%, zece ani mai târziu, în 1955.

China
Creșterea economică a Chinei a fost atribuită represiunii financiare datorate "randamentelor economice scăzute și creditelor ieftine, care o fac posibilă". Acest lucru a permis Chinei să se bazeze pe investiții finanțate din economii pentru creșterea economică. Cu toate acestea, deoarece nivelul scăzut al randamentelor moderează cheltuielile consumatorului, cheltuielile gospodărești justifică "o cota mai mică  din PIB în China decât în orice altă economie majoră". Pe de altă parte, începând din decembrie 2014, Banca Populară a Chinei "a început să anuleze decenii de represiune financiară" și guvernul permite acum deponenților chinezi să adune o rentabilitate de până la 3.3% pe depozitele pe un an. La rata inflației de 1.6% a Chinei, aceasta este o "rată ridicată a dobânzii reale în comparație cu alte economii majore".

După recesiunea economică din 2008
Într-un document de lucru NBER din 2011, Carmen Reinhart și Maria Belen Sbrancia fac speculații privind o posibilă revenire a guvernelor la această formă de reducere a datoriilor, cu scopul de a face față nivelurilor ridicate ale datoriei ca urmare a crizei economice din 2008.

"Pentru a avea acces la capital, Austria a restricționat fluxurile de capital către filialele străine din Europa Centrală și de Est. Fondurile de pensii selectate au fost transferate, de asemenea, guvernelor din Franța, Portugalia, Irlanda și Ungaria, permițându-le să se re-aloce obligațiunilor de stat."

Critică
Criticii susțin că, dacă acest punct de vedere ar fi adevărat, investitorii, adică părțile în căutare de capital, ar fi dispuși să solicite capital în cantități mari și să cumpere bunuri de capital din acesta. Această cerere ridicată pentru bunurile de capital ar conduce, cu siguranță, la inflație și, astfel, băncile centrale ar fi obligate să ridice din nou ratele dobânzilor. Dobânzile mici practicate acum pe piață în țările industrializate nu reușesc să ducă la o creștere economică semnificativă, fiind un semn că par să fie necesare pentru a asigura echilibrul pe piața de capital. Se crează o balanță între aprovizionarea capitalului (deponenții), pe de o parte, și de cererea de capital (investitorii și guvernul), pe de altă parte. Acest punct de vedere susține că ratele dobânzilor ar fi chiar mai mici, dacă nu ar fi ridicat raportul datoriei (cererea de capital din partea guvernului).

Pe de o parte, economiștii de pe piața liberă susțin că represiunea financiară nu permite intrarea investițiilor în sectorul privat, subminând astfel creșterea economică. Pe de altă parte, "politicienii din perioada postbelică" au decis, fără doar și poate, că acesta a fost un preț care merita plătit pentru a reduce datoria și pentru a anula categoric neplata sau cheltuielile draconice. Cu cât scade blocajul reformei fiscale, cu atât crește șansa ca "represiunea" să fie văzută ca cel mai mic rău dintre toate relele".

De asemenea, represiunea financiară a fost denumită un "impozit ascuns", care "recompensează debitorii și afectează deponenții, în special pe cei pensionari", pentru că investițiile lor nu vor mai genera profitul așteptat, care ulterior va reprezenta venitul pensionarilor. "Unul dintre obiectivele principale ale represiunii financiare este meținerea ratelor nominale ale dobânzii mai mici decât cele de pe piețele competitive. În altă ordine de idei, acest lucru scade interesul guvernului de la cheltuielile pentru un anumit stoc de datorii și contribuie la reducerea deficitului. Cu toate acestea, atunci când represiunea financiară produce rate ale dobânzii reale negative (ratele nominale sub rata inflației), aceasta reduce sau lichidează datoriile existente și devine echivalentul unui impozit—un transfer de la creditori (deponenți) către debitori, din care face parte și guvernul."

Note

Politică fiscală
Inflație
Economie monetară

Represiune financiară


The Lexington-class aircraft carriers were a pair of aircraft carriers built for the United States Navy (USN) during the 1920s, the  and . The ships were built on hulls originally laid down as battlecruisers after World War I, but under the Washington Naval Treaty of 1922, all U.S. battleship and battlecruiser construction was cancelled. The Treaty, however, allowed two of the unfinished ships to be converted to carriers. They were the first operational aircraft carriers in the USN and were used to develop carrier aviation tactics and procedures before World War II in a series of annual exercises.

They proved extremely successful as carriers and experience with the Lexington class convinced the Navy of the value of large carriers. They were the largest aircraft carriers in the USN until the s were completed beginning in 1945. The ships served in World War II, seeing action in many battles. Although Lexington was sunk in the first carrier battle in history (the Battle of the Coral Sea) in 1942, Saratoga served throughout the war, despite being torpedoed twice, notably participating in the Battle of the Eastern Solomons in mid-1942 where her aircraft sank the Japanese light carrier . She supported Allied operations in the Indian Ocean and South West Pacific Areas until she became a training ship at the end of 1944.  Saratoga returned to combat to protect American forces during the Battle of Iwo Jima in early 1945, but was badly damaged by kamikazes. The continued growth in the size and weight of carrier aircraft made her obsolete by the end of the war. In mid-1946, the ship was purposefully sunk during nuclear weapon tests in Operation Crossroads.

Development

The Lexington-class ships were originally designed to be battlecruisers, with heavy guns, high speed, and moderate armor protection. The Navy laid down six ships of the class in 1919–20. When the battlecruisers were cancelled under the Washington Naval Treaty of 1922, two of the unfinished ships were designated for completion as carriers. Lexington and Saratoga were selected since they were the most advanced of the six ships in construction.

Conversion became a series of compromises and mixed blessings which would not have arisen had they been "specifically designed carriers" from the outset. On the plus side, the ships would have better anti-torpedo protection, larger magazines for aircraft bombs and, with the aft elevator  higher than otherwise, more room for aircraft landings. On the minus side, a converted battlecruiser would be  slower than a specifically designed carrier, have 16 percent less hangar space, less emergency fuel and, with "narrower lines" aft, not as wide a runway for which to aim. Costs were similar. A brand-new aircraft carrier was estimated at $27.1 million. Conversion of a Lexington class was $22.4 million, not counting the $6.7 million already sunk into them. Added together, the figure rose to $28.1 million.

The bottom line, with the signing of the treaty, was that any capital ships under construction by the five signatories (the United States, Great Britain, France, Italy and Japan) had to be canceled and scrapped. For battlecruisers, this encompassed the United States Lexington class, Japan's , and Great Britain's G3 battlecruisers. For the U.S. Navy, the choice seemed clear. If it scrapped all six Lexingtons in accordance with the treaty, it would throw away $13.4 million that could otherwise go toward aircraft carriers. The Navy opted for the latter course.

The next challenge the Navy's Bureau of Construction and Repair faced was the tonnage cap set by the treaty. Carriers were to be no more than 27,000 tons. An exception, spearheaded by Assistant Secretary of the Navy Theodore Roosevelt Jr. and added to the treaty, allowed capital ships under conversion to go up to 33,000 tons, an increase of 6000 tons. This would almost not be enough for a conversion without removing half the power plant, something the Navy General Board did not consider an option. Creative interpreting of a clause in the treaty allowed a potential way out of this situation. The clause (Chapter II, Part III, Section I, (d)) read:

Without this clause, conversion might not have been feasible. Estimates made in 1928 for the two ships put Lexington at an actual tonnage of 35,689 tons and Saratoga at 35,544. On official lists, the number given was 33,000 tons, with the footnote, "[this number] does not include weight allowance under Ch. 2, pt. 3, Sec. 1, art. (d) of Washington Treaty for providing means against air and submarine attack". This tonnage was used by these ships for their entire careers.

Design and description

General description
The ships had an overall length of , a beam of , and a draft of  at deep load. Saratoga had a standard displacement of , and  at deep load.

One of their innovative features was a relatively new kind of bow called the bulbous bow or Taylor bow, named after its inventor, Rear Admiral David W. Taylor, who served as Chief Constructor for the U.S. Navy's Bureau of Construction and Repair in World War I. The result of a series of towing tests begun in 1910, this bow reduced water resistance by an average of six percent at high speeds, supported the forecastle and reduced bending stress on the hull. A disadvantage was the formation of a thick layer of water, part of the bow wave, which would creep up along the forward side of the hull at higher speeds, although this could be reduced to some degree by careful design of this area.

Flight deck arrangements
These ships were given a  teak flight deck. Their hangar had a clear height of  and encompassed . It was the largest enclosed space afloat, civilian or military, when built. The hangar was  long and its width varied from , constrained by the bulky funnel uptakes and boat compartments. The height of the hangar was not exceeded on an American aircraft carrier until the  ships appeared in the mid-1950s. Aircraft repair shops,  long, were aft of the hangar and below them was a storage space for disassembled aircraft,  long. The hangar was divided by a single fire curtain just forward of the aft aircraft elevator.

The carriers were fitted with two hydraulically powered elevators on their centerline. The forward elevator was  and had a capacity of . A  section of the flight deck adjoining the rear edge of the elevator could split down the centerline to lift aircraft otherwise too long. Carrying , it moved at a speed of . The aft elevator measured  and could only lift . Munitions were delivered from the magazines by two hydraulically powered bomb lifts and one torpedo lift. A folding crane with a capacity of  was positioned on the flight deck forward of the gun turrets. Aviation gasoline was stored in eight compartments of the torpedo protection system and their capacity has been quoted as either  or . A flywheel-powered aircraft catapult,  long, was fitted at the bow; it could launch a  aircraft at a speed of . It was removed in 1934 as unnecessary.

The Lexington-class ships were designed to carry 78 aircraft of various types, including 36 bombers, but these numbers increased once the Navy adopted the practice of tying up spare aircraft in the unused spaces at the top of the hangar. In 1936, her air group consisted of 18 Grumman F2F-1 and 18 Boeing F4B-4 fighters, plus an additional nine F2Fs in reserve. Offensive punch was provided by 20 Vought SBU Corsair dive bombers with 10 spare aircraft and 18 Great Lakes BG torpedo bombers with nine spares. Miscellaneous aircraft included two Grumman JF Duck amphibians, plus one in reserve, and three active and one spare Vought O2U Corsair observation aircraft. This amounted to 79 aircraft, plus 30 spares.

In early December 1941, Lexington was ferrying 18 U.S. Marine Corps Vought SB2U Vindicator dive bombers to Midway Atoll and at that time she embarked 65 of her own aircraft, including 17 Brewster F2A Buffalo fighters. During the Wake Island relief expedition later that month, Saratogas air group consisted of 13 Grumman F4F Wildcat fighters, 42 Douglas SBD Dauntless dive bombers, and 11 Douglas TBD Devastator torpedo bombers. The ship also carried 14 Marine Corps Buffalos for delivery at Wake. Before the Battle of the Eastern Solomons in mid-1942, Saratogas air group consisted of 90 aircraft, comprising 37 Wildcats, 37 Dauntlesses and 16 Grumman TBF Avenger torpedo bombers. In early 1945, the ship carried 53 Grumman F6F Hellcat fighters and 17 Avengers.

Propulsion
Turbo-electric propulsion had been chosen for the battlecruisers because American companies struggled to produce the very large geared turbines necessary for such big ships and was retained when they were converted into aircraft carriers. One advantage of turbo-electric drive was that the substitution of flexible electric cables for bulky steam-lines allowed the motors to be mounted farther aft; this reduced vibration and weight by shortening the propeller shafts. Another was the ability to go astern at full power without needing a separate reverse turbine to do so, simply by reversing the electrical polarity of the motors. Other benefits were the ability to operate all four propellers if one of the turbo generators failed, and the possibility of operating only some of the generators at low speed with suitably higher loading and greater efficiency. "[Turbo-electric drive] was efficient, rugged and always reliable. But it was also heavy, intricate, and not easy to maintain and keep tuned up." The machinery also required special ventilation measures to dissipate heat and to keep out any salt air. Even with this and elaborate insulation measures, protection from moisture or from flooding due to battle damage or other causes remained problematic and it posed the danger of high voltage to the crew if damaged.

Each propeller was  in diameter and each of the four propeller shafts was powered by two  electric motors acting in tandem. These motors were about five times the size of any earlier electric motor. Four General Electric turbo generators powered each propeller shaft and each was rated at , 5000 volts and 4620 amps of direct current (DC). Each of the four AC alternators produced 40,000 kVA. Sixteen water-tube boilers, each in their own individual compartment, provided steam for the generators at a working pressure of  and a temperature of . The turbo-electric machinery of the Lexington-class ships was designed to produce a total of  and propel the ships at , but each ship reached over  and  in sea trials in 1928. Six  DC turbo generators were installed in the upper levels of the two main turbine compartments.

The ships carried a maximum of  of fuel oil, but only  of that was usable as the rest had to be retained as ballast in the port fuel tanks to offset the weight of the island and main guns. They demonstrated a range of  at a speed of  with  of oil.

Armament

The Bureau of Construction and Repair was not then convinced that aircraft could be an effective and sufficient armament for a warship. Thus the design as carriers included a substantial gun battery of eight 8"/55 caliber guns in four twin gun turrets, two pairs of superfiring turrets fore and aft of the island. These turrets were mounted above the flight deck on the starboard side, two before the bridge, and two behind the funnel. The guns in theory could fire to both sides, but it is probable that if they were fired to port (across the deck) the blast would have damaged the flight deck. The guns could be depressed to −5° and elevated to +41°; they were loaded at an angle of +9°. They fired  projectiles at a muzzle velocity of ; this gave a maximum range of .

The Lexington class' anti-aircraft (AA) armament consisted of a dozen 5"/25 caliber guns, six on each side of the ship on single mounts. They had a maximum elevation of +85°. They fired  projectiles at a muzzle velocity of . Their maximum range against surface targets was  at +30° elevation.

As built, the ships were not fitted with any light AA guns, but a few  water-cooled M2 Browning anti-aircraft machine guns were fitted shortly after commissioning and the numbers gradually increased over the 1930s. Lexington had 24 of these guns aboard when she was sunk in early 1942. Their  projectiles had a muzzle velocity of , but an effective range of only . They had a rate of fire of 550–700 rounds per minute and were exceedingly reliable, however, their projectiles were too light and too short ranged so they were replaced by license-built Oerlikon 20 mm autocannon beginning in 1942. The Oerlikon fired ,  high-explosive shells at a muzzle velocity of . Its maximum range was  although the effective range was under . The cyclic rate of fire was 450 rounds per minute, but the practical rate was between 250 and 320 rounds per minute owing to the need to reload magazines. Saratoga mounted 52 of these guns in late 1942.

The Navy had been developing a quadruple 1.1-inch light AA gun since the early 1930s, but it was delayed with teething problems, so five single 3"/50 caliber Mk 10 AA guns were installed in 1940 as temporary replacements. They fired  shells at a muzzle velocity of . At +85° elevation they had an anti-aircraft ceiling of .

The Navy made plans to remove the  gun turrets in 1940 and replace them with four twin 5"/38 caliber dual-purpose gun turrets (the standard mounting on U.S. battleships and cruisers). At the same time, the  25-caliber guns were to be replaced with more 5"/38 guns on a two for three basis to compensate for their greater weight. The guns fired  projectiles at a muzzle velocity of  at a rate of fire up to 20 rounds per minute. Against surface targets they had a range of .

Five quadruple 1.1-inch gun mounts were finally fitted aboard the Lexington-class ships in late 1941 and early 1942. The  projectiles had a muzzle velocity of  and an effective range of . The maximum rate of fire was 150 rounds per minute although the frequent need to reload the eight-round magazines reduced that. The gun was not successful in service and it was replaced by the license-built Bofors 40 mm gun beginning in late 1942. The ,  high-explosive shell was fired at a muzzle velocity of . Its maximum range was  although the effective range was around . The cyclic rate of fire was 160 rounds per minute. The guns were fitted in quadruple and twin gun mounts in increasing numbers over the war. Saratoga had 23 quadruple and two twin mounts in early 1944.

Lexingtons eight-inch gun turrets were removed in early 1942, but they were replaced by seven additional quadruple 1.1-inch gun mounts as a temporary measure. The ship was sunk before her five-inch guns could be replaced and the turrets installed. Saratogas armament was upgraded in early 1942 while she was under repair after she had been torpedoed. The eight-inch guns and turrets of both ships were reused as coast defense weapons on Oahu.

Fire control and electronics
The two superfiring eight-inch turrets had a Mk 30 rangefinder at the rear of the turret for local control, but the guns were normally controlled by two Mk 18 fire-control directors, one each on the fore and aft spotting tops. A  rangefinder was fitted on top of the pilothouse to provide range information for the directors. Each group of three 5-inch guns was controlled by a Mk 19 director, two of which were mounted on each side of the spotting tops. Plans were made before the war to replace the obsolete Mk 19 directors with two heavier Mk 33 directors, one each on the fore and aft five-inch spotting tops, but these plans were cancelled when the dual-purpose guns replaced the main armament in early 1942.

Saratoga received a RCA CXAM-1 early warning radar in February 1941 during a refit in Bremerton. The antenna was mounted on the forward lip of the funnel with its control room directly below the aerial, replacing the secondary conning station formerly mounted there. She also received two FC (Mk 3) surface fire-control radars in late 1941, although these were both removed along with her main armament in January 1942. The new dual-purpose guns were controlled by two Mk 37 directors, each mounting an FD (Mk 4) anti-aircraft gunnery radar. When the 1.1-inch guns were replaced by 40 mm guns in 1942, the directors for the smaller guns were replaced by five Mk 51 directors. Additional radars were added during 1942 and the ship's electronics were modernized during her refit in January 1944.

Armor
The waterline belt of the Lexington-class ships tapered  in thickness from top to bottom and angled 11° outwards at the top. This angle increased the armor's relative thickness to horizontal, close-range fire, albeit at the cost of reducing its relative height which increased the chance of plunging shellfire going over or under it. It covered the middle  of the ships. Forward, the belt ended in a bulkhead that also tapered from seven to five inches in thickness. Aft, it terminated at a seven-inch bulkhead. This belt had a height of . The third deck over the ships' machinery and magazine was armored with two layers of special treatment steel (STS) totaling  in thickness. The steering gear, however, was protected by two layers of STS that totaled  on the flat and  on the slope.

The gun turrets were protected only against splinters with  of armor. The conning tower was  of STS, and it had a communications tube with two-inch sides ran from the conning tower down to the lower conning position on the third deck. The torpedo defense system of the Lexington-class ships consisted of three to six medium steel protective bulkheads that ranged from  in thickness. The spaces between them could be left empty or used as fuel tanks to absorb the detonation of a torpedo's warhead.

Ships

Service

Lexington and Saratoga were used to develop and refine carrier tactics in a series of annual exercises before World War II. On more than one occasion these included successfully staged surprise attacks on Pearl Harbor, Hawaii. Lexingtons turbo-electric propulsion system allowed her to supplement the electrical supply of Tacoma, Washington, in a drought from late 1929 to early 1930. She also delivered medical personnel and relief supplies to Managua, Nicaragua, after an earthquake in 1931.

Both ships were assigned to the Pacific Fleet and were based at Pearl Harbor in December 1941, although, at the time of the Japanese attack, neither of them were in port. Lexington was at sea ferrying fighter aircraft to Midway Island. Her mission was cancelled and she returned to Pearl Harbor a week later. Saratoga had completed a major refit at Bremerton, and, following work up, had arrived in San Diego to embark her air group. Saratoga immediately sailed for Hawaii as the flagship of Carrier Division One, arriving on December 15.

A few days after Lexington returned to Pearl Harbor from her aborted mission to Midway, she was sent to create a diversion from the force en route to relieve the besieged Wake Island garrison by attacking Japanese installations in the Marshall Islands. The island was forced to surrender before the relief force got close enough, and the mission was cancelled. A planned attack on Wake Island in January 1942 had to be cancelled when a submarine sank the oiler required to supply the fuel for the return trip. Lexington was sent to the Coral Sea the following month to block any Japanese advances into the area. The ship was spotted by Japanese search aircraft while approaching Rabaul, New Britain, and her aircraft shot down most of the Japanese bombers that attacked her. Together with the carrier , she successfully attacked Japanese shipping off the east coast of New Guinea in early March.

Lexington was briefly refitted in Pearl Harbor at the end of the month and rendezvoused with Yorktown in the Coral Sea in early May. A few days later the Japanese began Operation MO, the invasion of Port Moresby, Papua New Guinea, and the two American carriers attempted to stop the invasion forces. They sank the light aircraft carrier  on 7 May in the Battle of the Coral Sea, but did not encounter the main Japanese force of the carriers  and  until the next day. Aircraft from Lexington and Yorktown succeeded in badly damaging Shōkaku, but the Japanese aircraft crippled Lexington. Vapors from leaking aviation gasoline tanks sparked a series of explosions and fires that could not be controlled, and the carrier had to be scuttled by an American destroyer on the evening of 8 May to prevent her capture.

Shortly after the Japanese attack on Pearl Harbor, Saratoga was the centerpiece of the unsuccessful American effort to relieve Wake Island and was torpedoed by a Japanese submarine a few weeks later. After lengthy repairs, the ship supported forces participating in the Guadalcanal Campaign and her aircraft sank the light carrier  in the Battle of the Eastern Solomons in August 1942. She was again torpedoed the following month and returned to the Solomon Islands area after repairs were completed.

In 1943, Saratoga supported Allied forces involved in the New Georgia Campaign and invasion of Bougainville in the northern Solomon Islands and her aircraft twice attacked the Japanese base at Rabaul in November. Early in 1944, her aircraft provided air support in the Gilbert and Marshall Islands Campaign before she was transferred to the Indian Ocean for several months to support the Royal Navy's Eastern Fleet as it attacked targets in Java and Sumatra. After a brief refit in mid-1944, the ship became a training ship for the rest of the year.

In early 1945, Saratoga participated in the Battle of Iwo Jima as a dedicated night fighter carrier. Several days into the battle, she was badly damaged by kamikaze hits and was forced to return to the United States for repairs. While under repair, the ship, now increasingly obsolete, was permanently modified as a training carrier with some of her hangar deck converted into classrooms. Saratoga remained in this role for the rest of the war and was used to ferry troops back to the United States after the Japanese surrender in August. In July 1946, she was used as a target for atomic bomb tests in Operation Crossroads, and sank at Bikini Atoll. Her wreck is easily accessible to scuba divers and organized dive tours are available.

Notes

Footnotes

References

External links
War Service Fuel Consumption of U.S. Naval Surface Vessels FTP 218
 DANFS page on Lexington
 DANFS page on Saratoga

Aircraft carrier classes

Turbo-electric steamships
 Lexington-class aircraft carriers

Lexington-class aircraft carrier


Igor Dolgachev (; * 7. April 1944 in Moskau, Sowjetunion) ist ein sowjetisch-amerikanischer Mathematiker, der sich mit Algebraischer Geometrie beschäftigt.

Leben
Dolgachev studierte an der Lomonossow-Universität Moskau, wo er 1966 seinen Abschluss machte und 1970 bei Igor Schafarewitsch promoviert wurde. 1977 verließ er die Sowjetunion und war ab 1978 an der University of Michigan, wo er Professor bis zu seinem Emeritierung 2011 Professor war.

In der Algebraischen Geometrie befasste er sich mit klassischen Fragestellungen wie Invariantentheorie und algebraischen Flächen und verschiedenen, zum Teil aus der Stringtheorie inspirierten Symmetrien algebraischer Varietäten (McKay-Korrespondenz, nach John McKay, Spiegelsymmetrie). Nach ihm ist die Dolgachev-Fläche benannt (1981).

Während seiner Professorlaufbahn war er unter anderem an der Technischen Universität München, der Universität Mailand, der Universität La Sapienza, sowie der Harvard University tätig.

Schriften
 Lectures on invariant theory, Cambridge University Press 2003
 mit Francois Cossec: Enriques Surfaces I, Birkhäuser 1988
 Integral quadratic forms: applications to algebraic geometry, Seminaire Bourbaki, Nr. 611, 1982/83

Weblinks
 Homepage an der University of Michigan

Mathematiker (20. Jahrhundert)
Russischer Emigrant in den Vereinigten Staaten
Sowjetbürger
US-Amerikaner
Geboren 1944
Mann

Igor Dolgachev


El Alfar del Monte, compuesto por los ceramistas españoles María de Hijas y Carlos Alonso, se identifica con la llamada 'cerámica de Pozancos'.

Partiendo de un intento de recuperar la cerámica de uso (en 1970 no quedaba en la provincia de Guadalajara ningún alfar en activo), y de técnicas de cerámica hispanoárabes, su actividad profesional evolucionó hacia la presencia de su trabajo artístico en diferentes escenarios sociales, en colaboración con otras artesanías y con especialistas de las nuevas tecnologías.

Evolución

El alfar fue creado en 1980 en Pozancos, pedanía de Sigüenza en la provincia de Guadalajara (Castilla-La Mancha).

En el capítulo monumental y de los espacios públicos tanto exteriores como interiores, los ceramistas de Pozancos han desarrollado en varias zonas de la Meseta Central un tipo de propuestas y aplicaciones que ya se habían trabajado en Cataluña y Levante por artistas como Jordi Bonet, Joan Baptista Guivernau, Manolo Safont o Arcadio Blasco. Asimismo es notable en el conjunto de su obra la creación de una azulejería coherente en los callejeros de localidades medievales como Sigüenza y Berlanga de Duero.

Obra personal: alfarería tradicional y cerámica

 Piezas de uso, figuras, animales, pilas benditeras, platos y bandejas, azulejería y motivos medievales (como el Calendario agrícola del Panteón de San Isidoro de León).

 Sus trabajos de investigación en Refractarios y Alta Temperatura y concretamente sobre la recuperación de la técnica medieval "Loza dorada" o "Reflejo hispanoarabe" es premiada con una beca de investigación de la Consejería de Industria y Turismo de la Junta de Comunidades de Castilla-La Mancha (1990/1).

 En el campo de la divulgación: Cortometraje de la alfarería extinguida de Guadalajara: "Wad-al-hayara, apuntes alfareros" (Premio Guadalajara 1983). Guion y dirección del trabajo videográfico "Sigüenza Artesana" y "Artesanos de Guadalajara" (1992/4).

 Colaboración con el poeta Rafael Alberti, en la tirada limitada de platos conmemorativos del 500 Aniversario del Tratado de Tordesillas (Valladolid, 1995); y luego, en la decoración de azulejos con motivo original de Alberti, para la exposición "Bergamín en América" (Puerto de Santa María, 1995).

Grandes interiores públicos

 Mural de mosaico-cerámico para el pabellón de Naciones Unidas de la Expo 98 de Lisboa (con 5000 piezas numeradas).

 Murales cerámicos en estaciones del metro en la Comunidad de Madrid: Campo de las Naciones, (1ºpremio 1998); Aeropuerto T1-T2-T3 y Barajas (1999); Juan de la Cierva (1ºpremio 2002); Arganzuela-Planetario (1ºpremio 2006); Hospital 12 de Octubre (1ºpremio 2007).

Obra exterior

 Mapas murales de señalización de caminos para la Delegación de Agricultura de Guadalajara y TRAGSA (1989/96).Y señalización LEADER para Adel-Sierra Norte de Guadalajara (1999/2008).

 Callejeros y murales para diversas localidades y organismos, como el callejero de Sigüenza (1993), el de Berlanga de Duero (2007) o el mapa mural de la estación de RENFE de Sigüenza.

Otros premios

 Primer Premio de Diseño en el VII Concurso de Diseño aplicado a la Artesanía de Castilla-La Mancha, por la mesa "T´AI KI" (1993).
 Primer Premio de Diseño en el IX Concurso de Diseño aplicado a la Artesanía de Castilla-La Mancha, por la obra "Siéntate en la Mesa" (1995).
 Medalla al Mérito Artesano de Castilla-La Mancha (2010).

Referencias

Notas

Enlaces externos

 Sitio del Alfar del Monte.

Alfareros y ceramistas de Castilla-La Mancha
Sigüenza
Alfarería y cerámica de la provincia de Guadalajara
Muralistas de España
Azulejos en España

Alfar del Monte


{{Infocaseta Avion
  | nume                 = Voisin III
  | logo                 =
  | imagine              = (Voisin scout biplane tethered to the ground) (8694217214) cropped.jpg
 | comentariu           = - Voisin III -
  | tip                  = Avion bombardament/recunoaștere/antrenament (școală)
  | țara de origine      =
  | proiectant           =
  | zbor inaugural       = 1914
  | produs               =
  | introducere          =
  | introdus             = 1914
  | retras               = 1918
  | stare                = Retras din serviciul activ
  | beneficiar principal =  - Aéronautique Militaire
  | alți beneficiari     =  - Corpul Aerian
  | bucăți fabricate     =
  | cost program         =
  | cost unitar          =
  | dezvoltat din        =
  | variante             =
  |constructor= Fabrica de avioane  Voisin , Boulogne-Billancourt
}}

 Voisin III  a fost un avion militar francez construit de către Fabrica de avioane Voisin. A fost folosit ca avion de recunoaștere, vânătoare și bombardament în prima parte  Primului Război Mondial, ulterior fiind folosit ca avion de recunoaștere și de școală.

Avionul Voisin III s-a aflat în înzestrarea escadrilelor din organica Corpului Aerian din Armata României, la începutul campaniei din anul 1916 fiind în evidență un număr de 8 bucăți în stare operațională.

Principii constructive
Voisin III a fost proiectat într-o configurație biplan cu aripi egale, având elice propulsivă (dispusă în spatele motorului). Motorul era de tip Canton'', răcit cu apă, de 130 CP. Avionul avea ampenaje clasice, cu un stabilizator dispus în partea posterioară și o direcție care se prelungea sub stabilizator. Carlinga, care conținea motorul și spațiul pentru echipaj, era amplasată între aripi. Trenul de aterizare era compus din două perechi de roți simple în față și o bechie cu patină în spate. Avionul era destinat pentru misiuni de recunoaștere și bombardament, dar putea fi dotat și cu o mitralieră.

Dezvoltarea

Primul Război Mondial

Operatori

Vezi și
 Aviația în Primul Război Mondial
 Listă de aeronave militare ale Antantei
 Listă de aeronave militare ale Puterilor Centrale

Note

Vezi și
 Armamentul Armatei României în Primul Război Mondial

Legături externe

 IWW Planes: Voisin III
  Voisin series of aircraft aviafrance.com

Avioane de antrenament
Avioane de recunoaștere
Biplane
Aeronave din înzestrarea Armatei României din Primul Război Mondial
 Avioane militare din Primul Război Mondial
Cioturi din proiectul România în Primul Război Mondial

Voisin III


https://tipitaka.lk/dn-2-9/50-4/pali

කතමඤ‍්ච භික‍්ඛවෙ, යම‍්පිච‍්ඡං න ලභති තම‍්පි දුක‍්ඛං: ජාතිධම‍්මානං භික‍්ඛවෙ, සත‍්තානං එවං ඉච‍්ඡා උප‍්පජ‍්ජති: අහො වත මයං න ජාතිධම‍්මා අස‍්සාම, න ච වත නො ජාති ආගච‍්ඡෙය්‍යා ති, න ඛො පනෙතං ඉච‍්ඡාය පත‍්තබ‍්බං. ඉදම‍්පි යම‍්පිච‍්ඡං න ලභති තම‍්පි දුක‍්ඛං.

මහණෙනි, 'යමක් කැමැත්තේ නො ලබන්නේ නම එය ද දුක් යැ' යනු කවරේ ද? යත්: මහණෙනි, භවයෙහි උපදින සුලු සත්ත්වයනට 'අපි භවයෙහි උපදින ස්වභාවය නැත්තමෝ නම්, අපට ඒකාන්තයෙන් භවයෙහි ඉපැද්ම නො පැමිණෙන්නේ නම් ඉතා යෙහෙකැ' යි මෙසේ ආශාවෙක් උපදී. මෙය ආශායෙන් ලද හැක්කෙක් නොවේ. මේ ද 'යමක් කැමැත්තේ නොලබන්නේ නම් එය ද දුක් යැ' යන්න යැ.

ජරා ධම‍්මානං භික‍්ඛවෙ, සත‍්තානං එවං ඉච‍්ඡා උප‍්පජ‍්ජති: අහො වත මයං න ජරාධම‍්මා අස‍්සාම, න ච වත නො ජරා ආගච‍්ඡෙය්‍යා ති, න ඛො පනෙතං ඉච‍්ඡාය පත‍්තබ‍්බං. ඉදම‍්පි යම‍්පිච‍්ඡං න ලභති තම‍්පි දුක‍්ඛං.

මහණෙනි, දිරන සුලු සත්වයනට 'අපි දිරන සුලු බව නොමැත්තමෝ නම්, අපට දිරීම ඒකාන්තයෙන් නො ම පැමිණෙනේනේ නම්, ඒ ඉතා යෙහෙකැ' යි මෙසේ ආශාවෙක් උපදී. මෙය ආශායෙන් ලැබියැ හැක්කෙක් නොවේ . මේ ද 'යමක් කැමැත්තේ එය නොලබන්නේ නම් ඒ ද දුක් යැ' යන්න ය.

බ්‍යාධිධම‍්මානං භික‍්ඛවෙ, සත‍්තානං එවං ඉච‍්ඡා උප‍්පජ‍්ජති: අහො වත මයං න බ්‍යාධිධම‍්මා අස‍්සාම, න ච වත නො බ්‍යාධි ආගච‍්ඡෙය්‍යාති, න ඛො පනෙතං ඉච‍්ඡාය පත‍්තබ‍්බං. ඉදම‍්පි යම‍්පිච‍්ඡං න ලභති තම‍්පි දුක‍්ඛං.

මහණෙනි, ව්‍යාධීන් ගෙන් පෙළෙන සුලු සත්වයනට 'අපි ව්‍යාධි ස්වභාවය (ලෙඩ වන සුලු බව) ඇත්තෝ නොවන්නමෝ නම්, ඒකාන්තයෙන් ව්‍යාධියෙක් අප කරා නො එන්නේ නම් ඉතා යෙහෙකැ' යි මෙසේ ආශාවෙක් උපදී. වැලි දු මෙය ආශායෙන් ලද හැක්කෙක් නො වේ. මේ ද 'යමක් කැමැත්තේ නො ලබන්නේ නම් ඒ ද දුකැ යි' යන්න යැ.

මරණධම‍්මානං භික‍්ඛවෙ, සත‍්තානං එවං ඉච‍්ඡා උප‍්පජ‍්ජති: අහො වත මයං න මරණධම‍්මා අස‍්සාම, න ච වත නො මරණං ආගච‍්ඡෙය්‍යා'ති, න ඛො පනෙතං ඉච‍්ඡාය පත‍්තබ‍්බං. ඉදම‍්පි යම‍්පිච‍්ඡං න ලභති තම‍්පි දුක‍්ඛං.

මහණෙනි, මැරෙන සුලු සත්වයනට 'අපි මැරෙන සුල්ලෝ නො වන්නමෝ නම්, අප කරා මරණය නො එන්නේ නම් ඉතා යෙහෙකැ' යි මෙසේ ආශාවෙක් උපදී. එතෙකුදු වුවත් මෙය ආශායෙන් ලැබියැ හැක්කෙක් නො වේ. මෙය ද 'යමක් කැමැත්තේ නො ලබන්නේ නම් ඒ ද දුකැ' යි යන්න යැ.

සොකධම‍්මානං භික‍්ඛවෙ, සත‍්තානං එවං ඉච‍්ඡා උප‍්පජ‍්ජති: අහො වත මයං න සොකධම‍්මා අස‍්සාම, න ච වත නො සොකො ආගච‍්ඡෙය්‍යාති, න ඛො පනෙතං ඉච‍්ඡාය පත‍්තබ‍්බං. ඉදම‍්පි යම‍්පිච‍්ඡං න ලභති තම‍්පි දුක‍්ඛං.

මහණෙනි, ශෝකය පියෙවි කොට ඇති සත්වයනට 'අපි සොවින සුලු නො වන්නමෝ නම්, අප කරා ශෝකය නො එන්නේ නම් ඉතා යෙහෙකැ' යි මෙසේ ආශාවෙක් උපදී. එතෙකුදු වුවත් මෙය ආශායෙන් ලැබියැ හැක්කෙක් නො වේ. මෙය ද 'යමක් කැමැත්තේ නො ලබන්නේ නම් ඒ ද දුක් යැ' යන්න යැ.

පරිදෙවධම‍්මානං භික‍්ඛවෙ, සත‍්තානං එවං ඉච‍්ඡා උප‍්පජ‍්ජති: අහො වත මයං න පරිදෙවධම‍්මා අස‍්සාම, න ච වත නො පරිදෙවො ආගච‍්ඡෙය්‍යාති, න ඛො පනෙතං ඉච‍්ඡාය පත‍්තබ‍්බං. ඉදම‍්පි යම‍්පිච‍්ඡං න ලභති තම‍්පි දුක‍්ඛං.

මහණෙනි, හඬන සුලු සත්නට 'අපි හඬන සුලු නො වන්නමෝ නම්, අප කරා හැඬීම නො එන්නේ නම් ඉතා යෙහෙකැ' යි මෙසේ ආශාවෙක් උපදී. එහෙත් මෙය ආශායෙන් ලැබියැ හැක්කෙක් නො වේ. මෙය ද 'යමක් කැමැත්තේ නො ලබන්නේ නම් ඒ ද දුක් යැ' යන්න යැ.

දුක‍්ඛධම‍්මානං භික‍්ඛවෙ, සත‍්තානං එවං ඉච‍්ඡා උප‍්පජ‍්ජති: අහො වත මයං න දුක‍්ඛධම‍්මා අස‍්සාම, න ච වත නො දුක‍්ඛං ආගච‍්ඡෙය්‍යාති, න ඛො පනෙතං ඉච‍්ඡාය පත‍්තබ‍්බං. ඉදම‍්පි යම‍්පිච‍්ඡං න ලභති තම‍්පි දුක‍්ඛං.

මහණෙනි, කායික දුකින් පෙළෙන සුලු සත්වයනට 'අපි කායික දුකින් පෙළෙන පියෙවි ඇත්තෝ නො වන්නමෝ නම්, අප කරා කායික දුක නො එන්නේ නම් ඉතා යෙහෙකැ' යි මෙසේ ආශාවෙක් උපදී. එහෙත් මෙය ආශායෙන් ලැබියැ හැක්කෙක් නො වේ. මේ ද 'යමක් කැමැත්තේ එය නො ලබන්නේ නම් ඒ ද දුක් යැ' යන්න යැ.

දොමනස‍්සධම‍්මානං භික‍්ඛවෙ, සත‍්තානං එවං ඉච‍්ඡා උප‍්පජ‍්ජති: අහො වත මයං න දොමනස‍්සධම‍්මා අස‍්සාම, න ච වත නො දොමනස‍්සං ආගච‍්ඡෙය්‍යාති, න ඛො පනෙතං ඉච‍්ඡාය පත‍්තබ‍්බං. ඉදම‍්පි යම‍්පිච‍්ඡං න ලභති තම‍්පි දුක‍්ඛං.

මහණෙනි, දොම්නසින් (මානසික දුකින්) පෙළෙන සුලු සත්වයනට 'අපි දොම්නසින් පෙළෙන සුලු නො වන්නමෝ නම්, අප කරා දොම්නස නො එන්නේ නම් ඒ ඉතා යෙහෙකැ' යි මෙසේ ආශාවෙක් උපදී. එහෙත් මෙය ආශායෙන් ලැබියැ හැක්කෙක් නො වේ. මෙයද 'යමක් කැමැත්තේ එය නො ලබන්නේ නම් ඒ ද දුක් යැ' යන්න යැ.

උපායාසධම‍්මානං භික‍්ඛවෙ, සත‍්තානං එවං ඉච‍්ඡා උප‍්පජ‍්ජති: අහො වත මයං න උපායාසධම‍්මා අස‍්සාම, න ච වත නො උපායාසො ආගච‍්ඡෙය්‍යාති, න ඛො පනෙතං ඉච‍්ඡාය පත‍්තබ‍්බං. ඉදම‍්පි යම‍්පිච‍්ඡං න ලභති තම‍්පි දුක‍්ඛං.

මහණෙනි, දැඩි ආයාස ඇති සත්වයනට 'අපි දැඩි ආයාසසයෙන් පෙළෙන සුලු නොවන්නමෝ නම්, දැඩි ආයාසයෙක් අප කරා නො එන්නේ නම්, ඒ ඉතා යෙහෙකැ' යි මෙසේ ආශාවෙක් උපදී. එහෙත් මෙය ආශායෙන් ලැබියැ හැක්කෙක් නො වේ. මෙය ද 'යමක් කැමැත්තේ එය නො ලබන්නේ නම් ඒ ද දුක් යැ' යන්න යැ.

අනිච්චාව


عقد 1440 هو عقد امتد بين 1 يناير 1440 و31 ديسمبر 1449 بحسب التقويم الميلادي. سبقه عقد 1430 ولحقه عقد 1450.

أحداث

 معركة سوزدال (1445)
 قرار مجلس الأمن التابع للأمم المتحدة رقم 1441 (1441)
 غزو بلخ (1447)
 معركة زلاتيتسا (1443)
 معركة فارنا (1444)
 معركة فرهادغرد (1449)
 معركة دامغان (1447)
 معركة نيسابور (1447)

مواليد

 أنتوني وودفيل (1442)
 قانصوه الغوري (1441)
 إرنست ناخب ساكسونيا (1441)
 علي شير النوائي (1441)
 فيليكس فابر (1441)
 لوكا سنيورلي (1441)
 توبا إنكا (1441)
 دانجونغ ملك جوسون (1441)
 لوبو سوارس (1442)
 شارلوت من سافوي (1441)

وفيات

 هنري واردلو (1440)
 غيل دي ريز (1440)
 ابن خطيب الناصرية (1440)
 أوليفيرا ديسبينا (1444)
 لورينزو دي جوفاني دي ميديشي (1440)
 فرناندو الأمير القديس (1443)
 فريدرش الأول (1440)
 بلانكا الأولى ملكة نافارا (1441)
 يان فان إيك (1441)
 داود المعتضد بالله (1441)

كتب

 موسوعة حضارة العالم (2002) لأحمد محمد عوف.

مراجع

روابط خارجية

 تصفح سنة بسنة عقد 1440 ابتداءً من

عقد 1440


Aróstegui (Aroztegi en euskera y oficialmente Aroztegi / Aróstegui) es una localidad española y un concejo de la Comunidad Foral de Navarra perteneciente al municipio de Atez.

Está situado en la Merindad de Pamplona, en la comarca de Ulzama, y a 19 km de la capital de la comunidad, Pamplona. Su población en  fue de  habitantes (INE), su superficie es de  km² y su densidad de población de  hab/km².

Geografía física

Situación
La localidad de Aróstegui está situada en la parte oriental del municipio de Atez a una altitud de 665  Su término concejil tiene una superficie de  km² y limita al norte con el concejo de Gorronz-Olano en el municipio de Ulzama); al este con los de Guelbenzu y Gascue ambos en el municipio de Odieta; al sur con el término de Eguaras y al oeste con el concejo de Erice.

Demografía

Evolución de la población

Véase también
 Atez
 Lista de concejos de Navarra

Referencias

Enlaces externos
 Datos del Concejo de Aróstegui - Gobierno de Navarra - Información y datos de entidades locales de Navarra.

Concejos de Atez
Localidades de Atez

Aróstegui


Igor Vukić (Zagreb, 26. siječnja 1966.), hrvatski je novinar, politolog, publicist i istraživač. Predsjednik je Društva za istraživanje trostrukog logora Jasenovac.

Životopis
Igor Vukić rođen je u 1966. godine u Zagrebu u obitelji srpskog podrijetla iz Gradine Donje. Osnovnu školu pohađao je u Pakračkoj Poljani, srednju u Kutini, a u Zagrebu 1992. godine završio je Fakultet političkih znanosti. Većina njegove obitelji je tijekom Drugoga svjetskoga rata prošla kroz Sabirni logor Jasenovac.  Od 1990. godine radio je kao novinar u brojnim medijima: u dnevniku Vjesnik (1990. – 1991.), na Kutinskoj televiziji (preteča današnje Mreže TV) (1992. – 1993.), u dnevnicma Novi list (1994. – 2001.), Jutarnji list (2001. – 2005.) i Poslovni dnevnik (2005. – 2009.) te u tjedniku Privredni vjesnik (2009. – 2016.). Sada je samostalni novinar i publicist, istraživač, bavi se istraživanjem stradanja logora Jasenovac te je autor više knjiga.

U knjizi Radni logor Jasenovac iz 2018. godine građa se pretežno zasniva na istraživanju fondova Hrvatskog državnog arhiva u Zagrebu, tj. na 700 arhivskih kutija jugoslavenske Zemaljske komisije za utvrđivanje zločina okupatora i njegovih pomagača, na 200 kutija dokumenata administrativnih i vojnih vlasti NDH, na golemoj građi OZN-e, UDB-e i SDS-a SRH i SFRJ, na zbirkama dokumenata iz partizanskih izvora i vjerodostojih iskaza bivših logoraša te na znanstvenoj i publicističkoj literaturi.

Vukić ukazuje da je veliki broj zatočenika Jasenovačkog logora tijekom godina njegovog djelovanja puštan na slobodu - sve do travnja 1945. godine - ali su tijekom desetljeća komunizma prenošene samo one priče manjeg broja zatočenika koji su za govor o Jasenovcu imali suglasnost vlasti. Te priče, ocjenjuje Vukić, bile su tek dijelom istinite, a dijelom su bile prilagođene potrebama propagande komunističke Jugoslavije, koja ih je koristila u svrhu širenja jasenovačkog mita o Jasenovcu kao stratištu na kojem je pobijeno pola milijuna do milijun ljudi. Vukić također ukazuje da je NDH imala dosta uređenu administraciju, te da se o Jasenovcu može istraživati i na temelju izvorne dokumentacije, umjesto da se oslanja na manje pouzdane zapise o logoru i njegoviim žrtvama koje su u desetljećima nakon kraja II. svjetskog rata stvarani u Jugoslaviji, u svrhu dobivanja što većih ratnih reparacija od Njemačke i propagande komunističkog režima.

Aktivni je sudionik tribina s tematikom Jasenovca, a o svojim istraživanjima govorio je na HRT-u, Z1 Televiziji, Laudato TV-u te manjim lokalnim televizijama. Piše za Hrvatski tjednik.

Kritike Vukića od strane povjesničara
Povjesničar Vladimir Geiger piše da Vukić pripada skupini "koji uporno zastupaju svoje osebujno manirističko viđenje NDH i logora Jasenovac te ustraju u tome da broj žrtava logora Jasenovac...ne može biti veći od četveroznamenkastog. ...Najsustavnije poricanje i(li) znatno umanjivanje ustaških zločina počinjenih u logoru Jasenovac zastupljeno je ponajprije u javnim istupima i pisanjima povjesničara i povjesničara-amatera Mladena Ivezića, Vladimira Mrkocija, Vladimira Horvata, Stipe Pilića, Blanke Matković, Igora Vukića, Josipa Pečarića, Stjepana Razuma i Romana Leljaka."

Povjesničar Goran Hutinec sa Sveučilišta u Zagrebu, pak navodi "Temeljna Vukićeva metoda kojom se koristi kako bi jasenovački logorski sustav prikazao u što boljem svjetlu jest selektivnost u korištenju i citiranju dostupnih izvora i svjedočenja.... Vukić selektivno koristi mnoga svjedočanstva, poput teksta Ante Cilige iz kojeg prenosi podatke o izložbi predmeta izrađenih u logoru na Zagrebačkom zboru ili o njegovu dovođenju u logor redovnim vlakom uz slabu pratnju, no prešućuje sve dijelove istog svjedočanstva u kojima Ciliga opisuje masovne likvidacije na Gradini u ljeto 1942. ili ubijanje zatočenika vraćenih iz zemunskog logora. Od Milka Riffera preuzima navode o nastupima logorskog orkestra i povoljnom stanju u logorskoj bolnici u mjesecima zatišja 1943. godine, no prešućuje iskaze o zlostavljanju zatočenika pri radu na nasipu, likvidaciji logora IIIC, masovnom ubijanju Roma...

Povjesničar Milan Radanović Vukićevu knjigu Radni logor Jasenovac opisao je kao bezvrijednu, štetnu i opskurnu, a Vukić je odgovorio kako svakome tko je pročita, jasno je da se radi o pozivu na istraživanje.

Oženjen je i sa svojom suprugom i sinom živi u Zagrebu.

Knjige
 Jasenovački logori: istraživanja, Društvo za istraživanje trostrukog logora Jasenovac, Zagreb, 2015.  (2. izd. 2015.) (suautori Vladimir Horvat, Stipo Pilić i Blanka Matković)
 Radni logor Jasenovac, Naklada P.I.P. Pavičić, Zagreb, 2018.
 Logor Jasenovac u 2. svjetskom ratu / Labour Camp Jasenovac in World War II, Društvo za istraživanje trostrukog logora Jasenovac, Zagreb, 2018.
 Jasenovac iz dana u dan: kronologija, Naklada P.I.P. Pavičić, Zagreb, 2019.

Izvori

Vanjske poveznice

 Igor Vukić, novinar istraživač i publicist. Vrijeme je za istinu o logoru Jasenovac, razgovarao Andrija Tunjić, Vijenac, br. 566, 12. studenoga 2015.
 Jasenovački logori – istraživanja, safaric-safaric.si

Hrvatski novinari
Hrvatski publicisti

Igor Vukić


Kramer mod Kramer er socialrealistisk dramafilm fra 1979. Filmen er baseret på Avery Cormans roman af samme navn.

Plot

Ted Kramer er arbejdsnarkoman og aldrig hjemme. Det bliver hans kone Joanna så træt af, at hun skrider fra ham og sønnen Billy. Rollen som alenefar passer ikke Ted særlig godt, men han tager den på sig og får et meget tæt forhold til sin søn på bekostning af karrieren. Men en dag vender Joanna tilbage og kræver forældremyndigheden ad rettens vej.

Eksterne henvisninger

Dramafilm fra USA
Amerikanske film fra 1979
Oscar for bedste film
Film baseret på bøger

Kramer mod Kramer (film)


Pandán es una isla situada en el mar de Joló. Forma parte del Archipiélago Cuyo, un grupo de cerca de 45 islas situadas al noreste de la isla  de Paragua, al sur de Mindoro y Panay.

Administrativamente forma parte de Baladig, uno de los 17 barrios que forman el municipio de Cuyo perteneciente a la provincia de Paragua en Filipinas.

Situada 8 km al oeste de la isla de Bisucay, 8 km al suroeste de la isla de Barrín y también 8 km al norte de la isla de Caponayán.

La zona horaria  es UTC/GMT+8.

Referencias

Archipiélago de Cuyo

Pandán (isla)