Parachutes is the debut studio album by British rock band Coldplay. It was released on 10 July 2000 by Parlophone in the United Kingdom. The album was produced by the band and British record producer Ken Nelson, except for one track, "High Speed", which was produced by Chris Allison. Parachutes spawned the singles "Shiver", "Yellow", "Trouble", and "Don't Panic". The album was also supported by the Parachutes Tour, which saw the band performing 130 shows in their first world tour.

The album was a commercial success and was met with positive reviews from critics. Upon release, it quickly reached number one in the United Kingdom and has since been certified 9× Platinum. In the United States, the album peaked at number 51 on the Billboard 200 and eventually was certified double platinum. It won the Grammy Award for Best Alternative Music Album in 2002, the British Album of the Year award at the 2001 Brit Awards, and many other accolades. Parachutes is also the 22nd-best-selling album of the 21st century in the United Kingdom. As of 2020, it has sold over 13 million copies worldwide.

Recording and production
The band began production on Parachutes in late 1999, after producing & releasing The Blue Room EP with British record producer Chris Allison. Allison was asked to assist with production, and the band's musical direction, which was desired by both the band & the A&R department. Production started with the track 'High Speed', which was part of the EP and was later re-released as a part of Parachutes. Allison describes 'High Speed' as thus: 'You'll notice it is quite a bit different to the other tracks, because there are other sounds going on in it: we wanted to mix a soundscape in with the classic rock sound on that particular track. I thought 'High Speed' was a really good marriage between the classic rock sound and the new sound that was developing out of it, something that was more atmospheric'. Seven tracks in all were recorded during the sessions at Orinoco studios in London, with three of them ending up on The Blue Room EP.

The band then took a lengthy break to compose more tracks for Parachutes. A few months later, it was arranged that Allison and the band meet at a rehearsal room to finally begin production on the band's debut album. "They started up playing in the rehearsal room and they really weren't together at all. And I was very honest with them, I just sort of said 'Look, this simply isn't good enough'". Allison adds, "The interesting, the most significant thing that did occur out of the fact that we didn't end up starting the album on that day of the rehearsal was that Chris Martin had not written "Yellow" by that time".

A couple of months later, British record producer Ken Nelson was chosen, producing all but one song on Parachutes. He was introduced to Coldplay by his manager Pete Byrne (who gave him a copy of the band's Fierce Panda-distributed debut single in 1999). Nelson has claimed that, as soon as he heard vocalist Chris Martin's voice on the song "Bigger Stronger", he "realised that he was something special". Nelson was offered the job while Coldplay were performing in Liverpool with English indie rock band Gomez (whose debut album, Bring It On, was what he had produced at the time).

Coldplay initially planned to record Parachutes in the space of two weeks. However, tours and other live performances caused the recording to spread out between September 1999 and May 2000. The band began work on the album at Rockfield Studios in Wales, continuing with sessions at Liverpool's Parr Street Studios. The band worked in three studio rooms at Parr Street, mostly in the project studio which producer Ken Nelson describes as "basically a demo room". The Chris Allison-produced track "High Speed" was also included on the album, and originates from earlier sessions at Orinoco Studios in London. The album was mixed by American engineer Michael Brauer in New York. Coldplay's record label, Parlophone, had originally intended to use a mixing engineer for the tracks they picked as singles, but eventually hired Brauer to work on all songs on Parachutes except the song "High Speed" which was mixed by Chris Allison.

At the Liverpool concert where he was offered the production job, Nelson had noted that Coldplay's performance was "very very uptight [...] they rushed through the set and it was quite difficult to listen to". Once in the studio Nelson and the band went through each song, learning how to play the piece live and deciding what tempo to play it at in an attempt to get the group to "calm down" ("Trouble", for example, had to be reworked to eliminate the cacophony included in its early versions).

The album's cover features a photograph of a yellow globe taken with a disposable Kodak camera. The globe had been purchased from W H Smith for £10; it was featured in the music videos for "Shiver" and "Don't Panic", and also accompanied the band on their tours. The album was dedicated to drummer Will Champion's mother, Sara Champion, who died of cancer in May 2000, two months before the release of Parachutes.

Music and style
Champion has explained that Nelson's production style was liberating and allowed the band to feel at ease during the recording of Parachutes (many songs from the album often featured slow tempos). The ensuing album was "a record's worth of moody and atmospheric tunes". As a nod to the moods created by the album, Champion has compared the song lyrics to the 1972 song "Perfect Day" by American rock singer-songwriter Lou Reed, stating that the "lyrics are beautiful and they're really, really happy, but the music is really, really sad. It's that kind of thing, where you can create [differing] moods through the music and lyrics."

Parachutes was recognised to have an alternative rock, indie rock and post-Britpop, with some stylistic comparisons being made to contemporaries such as Radiohead and Travis. In fact, a few critics have suggested that the album's commercial success was due in part to a portion of Radiohead's audience being alienated by the band's experimental and more electronic-influenced Kid A album.

Release and promotion
Parachutes was released on 10 July 2000 in the United Kingdom by Parlophone. In the United States, it was released on 7 November 2000 by Nettwerk. The album has been made available in various formats since its release: both Parlophone and Nettwerk released it as a CD in 2000, while in the next year Parachutes enjoyed a cassette release made by newfound label Capitol Records. In China, the album's commercial release was forbidden due to "inflammatory political content", with the track "Spies" being singled out as the prime offender. In 2002, Parlophone issued the album as an LP. In November 2020, Coldplay released a 20th anniversary version in transparent yellow vinyl.

The main version of the record contains 10 tracks, with "Everything's Not Lost", the last of them, having a hidden song called "Life Is for Living", clocking in for a total of 7:15. The Japanese version contains all main tracks, plus "Careful Where You Stand" and "For You", which were originally released as the B-sides of "Shiver", the hidden song is on the pre-gap of track 11.

Four singles were released in total: "Shiver", "Yellow", "Trouble", and "Don't Panic". The first served as lead single in the United Kingdom while "Yellow" was used in the United States. Upon the release of "Trouble", Coldplay abandoned their initial plan of releasing "Don't Panic" as the album's fourth effort, since they deemed three singles were enough for an album. Despite this, however, it was released as a single in some European regions.

Critical reception
Parachutes was released to generally favorable reviews from music critics. At Metacritic, which assigns a normalized rating out of 100 to reviews from mainstream critics, the album received an average score of 72, based on 20 reviews. In a contemporary review of the album, Michael Hubbard of musicOMH called it "an album of remarkable depth, especially when one considers the youthful ages of the band members." Siobhan Grogan of NME stated that "all told, it's incredible this is a debut album" and concluded that "accomplished, yet subtle, it works perfectly as a whole in a way all the production skills in the world couldn't replicate." Melody Maker hailed Parachutes as a "masterpiece" and "a defining musical statement of 2000", while James Oldham of Uncut felt that the album "more than justifies the plaudits heaped upon [the band] by the weekly music press". The Guardian described the album as "one of the year's most uplifting albums", adding that it features "elegant songs, classic guitars and gorgeous singing".

While noting that Parachutes "brings nothing new to the table" and that its "musical reference points are immediately recognizable and difficult to overlook", Billboard stated that the band "seems talented enough to transcend this early identity crisis." Matt Diehl of Rolling Stone opined that the album "ultimately rises above its influences to become a work of real transcendence". In a retrospective write-up, MacKenzie Wilson of AllMusic commented that Parachutes introduced the band as "young musicians still honing their sweet harmonies", adding that the album "deserved the accolades it received because it followed the general rule when introducing decent pop songs: keep the emotion genuine and real."

In a less-enthusiastic review, Pitchfork called the album "harmless and pretty... [but] nothing else". Barry Walters, writing in The Village Voice, similarly writes that "there's little on Parachutes that demands attention or punctures the pensive spell, and, unlike Travis's, Coldplay's hooks are slight." In his Consumer Guide column for The Village Voice, Robert Christgau selected "Yellow" and "Don't Panic" as "choice cuts", indicating good songs on "an album that isn't worth your time or money." Setareh Yousefi of Stylus Magazine felt that "the finer moments of Parachutes are blended with some boring sappy songs", with Martin's "powerful voice" ultimately being "in many ways wasted on songs that are alright but not bewildering."

Rankings

Accolades

Commercial performance
The popularity of the songs in British clubs, pubs and sporting events led Parachutes to debut at number-one in the UK Albums Chart with 70,935 copies sold. Its biggest sales period, however, was during the penultimate week of 2000, when the album sold 170,642 copies and surpassed one million total sales. The record is certified 9× Platinum by the British Phonographic Industry for selling over 2,700,000 copies. In July 2011, it climbed from number 184 to number 48 for a 318th charting week. As of January 2018, the album remains Coldplay's third biggest in the country, behind A Rush of Blood to the Head (2.9 million) and X&Y (2.7 million). In 2022 Parachutes was named as the 10th most successful debut album in UK chart history.

In the United States, Parachutes debuted at number 189 on the Billboard 200 five weeks after its release. It later peaked at number 51 and reached number one on the Billboard Heatseekers. Over two million copies have been shipped to the United States, leading to being certified 2× Platinum by the Recording Industry Association of America. It was also certified 3× Platinum in Australia by the Australian Recording Industry Association, and 2× Platinum in Canada by the Canadian Recording Industry Association. As of July 2020, Parachutes has sold 31,922 copies on cassette in UK, making it the 33rd best-selling cassette since 2000.

Legacy

With nearly 2.7 million units sold in the United Kingdom, Parachutes is the 22nd best-selling album of the 21st century and 45th of all time in the country. It was also shortlisted for the 2000 Mercury Music Prize and the overall era earned the band many awards, including British Album of the Year at the Brit Awards, Best Album at the Q Awards and Best Alternative Music Album at the Grammy Awards.

British trade paper Music Week, praised it as one of the most-impressive debut albums ever, spawning the hit singles "Shiver", "Trouble" and "Yellow", with the latter getting included in Rock and Roll Hall of Fame's "Songs That Shaped Rock and Roll" list for being one of the most successful and important recordings in music. In 2010, Parachutes was placed in the book 1001 Albums You Must Hear Before You Die. In 2013, NME ranked it at number 272 on their "The 500 Greatest Albums of All Time" list.

While making a 20th anniversary review, Jon O' Brien from the Recording Academy labeled it as Coldplay's most influential album to date, impacting on the work of artists such as The Fray, Snow Patrol and OneRepublic. He also mentioned that Parachutes "ushered in a new wave of mild-mannered guitar bands". Despite the album's success, in a 2006 interview Chris Martin said that the band doesn't like it. He also commented that they look beyond: "We know that's terrible music and we always try to think about what we can do next."

Track listing

Personnel

Coldplay
Chris Martin – lead vocals, acoustic guitar, piano, keyboards
Jonny Buckland – electric guitar, piano (track 4), backing vocals (track 1)
Guy Berryman – bass guitar
Will Champion – drums, percussion, backing vocals

Technical
Ken Nelson – production , engineering
Coldplay – production
Chris Allison – production , engineering , mixing
Andrea Wright – engineering assistant
Jon Coles – engineering assistant
Paul Read – engineering assistant
Simon Barnicott – engineering assistant
Mark Phythian – computer magic
Michael H. Brauer – mixing
George Marino – mastering

Additional personnel
Phil Harvey – management
Dan Keeling – A&R
Coldplay – design, cover photograph
Mark Tappin – design assistant
Tom Sheehan – photography
Sarah Lee – photography

Charts

Weekly charts

Year-end charts

Decade-end charts

All-time charts

Certifications and sales

References

Cited works

External links

2000 debut albums
Albums produced by Ken Nelson (British record producer)
Capitol Records albums
Coldplay albums
Good articles
Parlophone albums
Grammy Award for Best Alternative Music Album
Brit Award for British Album of the Year
Albums recorded at Rockfield Studios
Albums produced by Chris Allison

Parachutes (Coldplay album)


Just Breathe (skladba Pearl Jama)
Just Breathe (album LoveHateHeroa)
Mom, Dad and Her, američki film

Just Breathe


O Veladero é um vulcão na Cordilheira dos Andes, na província de La Rioja, com 6.436 metros de altura. Possui um grande sítio arqueológico em seu cume, feito em tempos pré-colombianos e foi escalado na era moderna pela primeira vez em 1986 por Antonio Beorchia Nigris em 9 de janeiro de 1986.

Vulcões da Argentina

Veladero


An Arisaema thunbergii in uska species han Liliopsida nga ginhulagway ni Carl Ludwig von Blume. An Arisaema thunbergii in nahilalakip ha genus nga Arisaema, ngan familia nga Araceae.

Subspecies

Ini nga species ginbahin ha masunod nga subspecies:

 A. t. autumnale
 A. t. geomundoense
 A. t. thunbergii
 A. t. urashima

Mga kasarigan

Mga sumpay ha gawas

Arisaema

Arisaema thunbergii


Browns Creek Township ist der Name folgender Townships in den Vereinigten Staaten:

 Browns Creek Township (Kansas)
 Browns Creek Township (Minnesota)

Browns Creek Township


سان جاسينتو  هي إحدى مدن مقاطعة ريفيرسيدي، كاليفورنيا. تم إعطاءها لقب مدينة في 20 أبريل، 1888.

التركيبة السكانية
حدّد مكتب تعداد الولايات المتحدة بيانات التركيبة السكانية لسان جاسينتو في تعداد الولايات المتحدة. في ما يلي، التركيبة السكانية حسب تعدادي 2000 و2010.

تعداد عام 2000
بلغ عدد سكان سان جاسينتو 23,779 نسمة بحسب تعداد عام 2000، وبلغ عدد الأسر 8,314 أسرة وعدد العائلات 5,837 عائلة مقيمة في المدينة. في حين سجلت الكثافة السكانية . وبلغ عدد الوحدات السكنية 9,476 وحدة بمتوسط كثافة قدره .
وتوزع التركيب العرقي للمدينة بنسبة 69.34% من البيض و2.65% من الأمريكيين الأفارقة و2.34% من الأمريكيين الأصليين و1.12% من الأمريكيين ذوي الأصول الآسيوية و0.16% من سكان جزر المحيط الهادئ و19.52% من الأعراق الأخرى و4.87% من عرقين مختلطين أو أكثر و40.30% من الهسبانيون أو اللاتينيون من أي عرق.

بلغ عدد الأسر 8,314 أسرة كانت نسبة 40% منها لديها أطفال تحت سن الثامنة عشر تعيش معهم، وبلغت نسبة الأزواج القاطنين مع بعضهم البعض 52.1% من أصل المجموع الكلي للأسر، ونسبة 13% من الأسر كان لديها معيلات من الإناث دون وجود شريك، بينما كانت نسبة 5.1% من الأسر لديها معيلون من الذكور دون وجود شريكة وكانت نسبة 29.8% من غير العائلات. تألفت نسبة 25.4% من أصل جميع الأسر من عدة أفراد يعيشون في نفس المنزل ونسبة 14.7% كانت تتألف من شخص يعيش بمفرده يبلغ من العمر 65 عاماً أو أكثر. وبلغ متوسط حجم الأسرة المعيشية 2.84، أما متوسط حجم العائلات فبلغ 3.41.

بلغ العمر الوسطي للسكان 33.7 عاماً. وكانت نسبة 31.3% من القاطنين تحت سن الثامنة عشر، وكانت نسبة 8% بين الثامنة عشر والرابعة والعشرين عاماً، ونسبة 26% كانت واقعةً في الفئة العمرية ما بين الخامسة والعشرين والرابعة والأربعين عاماً، ونسبة 17.1% كانت ما بين الخامسة والأربعين والرابعة والستين، ونسبة 16.8% كانت ضمن فئة الخامسة والستين عاماً فما فوق. يوجد لكل 100 أنثى 93.7 ذكر، ويوجد لكل 100 أنثى في الثامنة عشر من عمرها فما فوق 89.0 ذكر.

بلغ متوسط دخل الأسرة في المدينة 30,627 دولارًا، أما متوسط دخل العائلة فبلغ 34,717 دولارًا. وكان متوسط دخل الذكور 31,764 دولارًا مقابل 25,392 دولارًا للإناث. وسجل دخل الفرد الخاص بالمدينة 13,265 دولارًا. وكانت نسبة 15.2% من العائلات ونسبة 20.3% من السكان تحت خط الفقر، وكان من هؤلاء نسبة 26.8% تحت سن الثامنة عشر ونسبة 12.2% في الخامسة والستين من العمر وما فوق.

تعداد عام 2010
بلغ عدد سكان سان جاسينتو 44,199 نسمة بحسب تعداد عام 2010، وبلغ عدد الأسر 13,152 أسرة وعدد العائلات 9,987 عائلة مقيمة في المدينة. في حين سجلت الكثافة السكانية . وبلغ عدد الوحدات السكنية 14,977 وحدة بمتوسط كثافة قدره .
وتوزع التركيب العرقي للمدينة بنسبة 57.18% من البيض و6.62% من الأمريكيين الأفارقة و1.84% من الأمريكيين الأصليين و3.03% من الأمريكيين ذوي الأصول الآسيوية و0.28% من سكان جزر المحيط الهادئ و25.36% من الأعراق الأخرى و5.69% من عرقين مختلطين أو أكثر و52.28% من الهسبانيون أو اللاتينيون من أي عرق.

بلغ عدد الأسر 13,152 أسرة كانت نسبة 49.1% منها لديها أطفال تحت سن الثامنة عشر تعيش معهم، وبلغت نسبة الأزواج القاطنين مع بعضهم البعض 52.9% من أصل المجموع الكلي للأسر، ونسبة 16.1% من الأسر كان لديها معيلات من الإناث دون وجود شريك، بينما كانت نسبة 6.9% من الأسر لديها معيلون من الذكور دون وجود شريكة وكانت نسبة 24.1% من غير العائلات. تألفت نسبة 18.7% من أصل جميع الأسر من عدة أفراد يعيشون في نفس المنزل ونسبة 9.4% كانت تتألف من شخص يعيش بمفرده يبلغ من العمر 65 عاماً أو أكثر. وبلغ متوسط حجم الأسرة المعيشية 3.34، أما متوسط حجم العائلات فبلغ 3.81.

بلغ العمر الوسطي للسكان 30.3 عاماً. وكانت نسبة 32.8% من القاطنين تحت سن الثامنة عشر، وكانت نسبة 10% بين الثامنة عشر والرابعة والعشرين عاماً، ونسبة 26.9% كانت واقعةً في الفئة العمرية ما بين الخامسة والعشرين والرابعة والأربعين عاماً، ونسبة 19.8% كانت ما بين الخامسة والأربعين والرابعة والستين، ونسبة 10.6% كانت ضمن فئة الخامسة والستين عاماً فما فوق. وتوزع التركيب الجنسي للسكان بنسبة 48.9% ذكور و51.1% إناث.

أعلام

 باتسي مونتانا
 ثيودوسيوس دوبجانسكي
 جيك نيوتن

مراجع

أماكن مأهولة أسست في 1870
أماكن مأهولة أسست في 1888
تأسيسات سنة 1870 في كاليفورنيا
تأسيسات سنة 1888 في كاليفورنيا
سان جاسينتو
مدن في مقاطعة ريفيرسايد (كاليفورنيا)
مدن كاليفورنيا
مقاطعة ريفرسايد (كاليفورنيا)

سان جاسينتو (كاليفورنيا)


Onthophagus palestriniae é uma espécie de inseto do género Onthophagus, família Scarabaeidae, ordem Coleoptera.

Foi descrita cientificamente por Moretto & Nicolas em 2004.

Referências

Ligações externas

palestriniae
Coleópteros descritos em 2004

Onthophagus palestriniae


The Battle of Isandlwana (alternative spelling: Isandhlwana) on 22 January 1879 was the first major encounter in the Anglo-Zulu War between the British Empire and the Zulu Kingdom. Eleven days after the British invaded Zululand in Southern Africa, a Zulu force of some 20,000 warriors attacked a portion of the British main column consisting of about 1,800 British, colonial and native troops with approximately 350 civilians. The Zulus were equipped mainly with the traditional assegai iron spears and cow-hide shields, but also had a number of muskets and antiquated rifles.

The British and colonial troops were armed with the modern Martini–Henry breechloading rifle and two 7-pounder mountain guns deployed as field guns, as well as a Hale rocket battery. The Zulus had a vast disadvantage in weapons technology, but they greatly outnumbered the British and ultimately overwhelmed them, killing over 1,300 troops, including all those out on the forward firing line. The Zulu army suffered anywhere from 1,000 to 3,000 killed.

The battle was a decisive victory for the Zulus and caused the defeat of the first British invasion of Zululand. The British Army had suffered its worst defeat against an indigenous foe equipped with vastly inferior military technology. Isandlwana resulted in the British taking a much more aggressive approach in the Anglo–Zulu War, leading to a heavily reinforced second invasion, and the destruction of King Cetshwayo's hopes of a negotiated peace.

Background
Following the scheme by which Lord Carnarvon had brought about the Confederation of Canada through the 1867 British North America Act, it was thought that a similar plan might succeed in South Africa and in 1877 Sir Henry Bartle Frere was appointed as High Commissioner for Southern Africa to instigate the scheme. Some of the obstacles to such a plan were the presence of the independent states of the South African Republic and the Kingdom of Zululand, both of which the British Empire would attempt to overcome by force of arms.

Bartle Frere, on his own initiative, without the approval of the British government and with the intent of instigating a war with the Zulu, had presented an ultimatum to the Zulu king Cetshwayo on 11 December 1878 with which the Zulu king could not possibly comply. When the ultimatum expired a month later, Bartle Frere ordered Lord Chelmsford to proceed with an invasion of Zululand, for which plans had already been made.

Prelude

Lord Chelmsford, the Commander-in-Chief of British forces during the war, initially planned a five-pronged invasion of Zululand consisting of over 16,500 troops in five columns and designed to encircle the Zulu army and force it to fight as he was concerned that the Zulus would avoid battle, slip around the British and over the Tugela, and strike at Natal. Lord Chelmsford settled on three invading columns with the main centre column, now consisting of some 7,800 men, under his direct command. The centre column comprised No. 3 Column, commanded by the Colonel of the 24th Richard Thomas Glyn, and Colonel Anthony Durnford's No. 2 Column. He moved his troops from Pietermaritzburg to a forward camp at Helpmekaar, past Greytown. On 9 January 1879 they moved to Rorke's Drift, and early on 11 January commenced crossing the Buffalo River into Zululand.

The backbone of the British force under Lord Chelmsford consisted of twelve regular infantry companies: six each of the 1st and 2nd Battalions, 24th Regiment of Foot (South Wales Borderers), which were hardened and reliable troops. In addition, there were approximately 2,500 local African auxiliaries of the Natal Native Contingent, many of whom were exiled or refugee Zulu. They were led by European officers, but were considered generally of poor quality by the British as they were prohibited from using their traditional fighting technique and inadequately trained in the European method as well as being indifferently armed. Also, there were some irregular colonial cavalry units, and a detachment of artillery consisting of six field guns and several Congreve rockets. Adding on wagon drivers, camp followers and servants, there were around 4,700 men in the No. 3 Column, and around 3,100 men in the No. 2 Column that composed the main centre column. Colonel Anthony Durnford took charge of No. 2 Column with orders to stay on the defensive near the Middle Drift of the Tugela River. Because of the urgency required to accomplish their scheme, Bartle Frere and Chelmsford began the invasion during the rainy season. This had the consequence of slowing the British advance to a crawl.

The Zulu army, while a product of a warrior culture, was essentially a militia force which could be called out in time of national danger. It had a very limited logistical capacity and could only stay in the field a few weeks before the troops would be obliged to return to their civilian duties. Zulu warriors were armed primarily with assegai thrusting spears, known in Zulu as iklwa, knobkierrie clubs, some throwing spears and shields made of cowhide.<ref>[https://books.google.com/books?id=bfcfOrihAvAC&q=zulu+rifles%27%27World&pg=PA462 History of Warfare, by Christon I. Archer] University of Nebraska Press, 2002, , p. 462 "They had a national army of twenty-five thousand men equipped with cowhide shields, assegais and clubs. Lock, p. 62, John Shepstone, Acting Secretary for Native Affairs at the time on the Zulu army – "Equipment: Each man carries his shield and assegais, and a kaross or blanket if he possesses one, he may also have a war dress of monkey skins or ox tails, this is all."</ref> The Zulu warrior, his regiment and the army drilled in the personal and tactical use and coordination of this weapons system. Some Zulus also had old muskets and antiquated rifles stockpiled, a relatively few of which were carried by Zulu impi. However, their marksmanship was very poor, quality and supply of powder and shot dreadful, maintenance non-existent and attitude towards firearms summed up in the observation that: "The generality of Zulu warriors, however, would not have firearms – the arms of a coward, as they said, for they enable the poltroon to kill the brave without awaiting his attack." The British had timed the invasion to coincide with the harvest, intending to catch the Zulu warrior-farmers dispersed. Fortunately for Cetshwayo, the Zulu army had already begun to assemble at Ulundi, as it did every year for the First Fruits ceremony when all warriors were duty-bound to report to their regimental barracks near Ulundi.Colenso, p. 294

Cetshwayo sent the 24,000 strong main Zulu impi from near present-day Ulundi, on 17 January, across the White Umfolozi River with the following command to his warriors: "March slowly, attack at dawn and eat up the red soldiers."

On 18 January, some 4,000 warriors, under the leadership of Mavumengwana kaNdlela Ntuli, were detached from the main body to meet with Dabulamanzi kaMpande and attack Charles Pearson's No. 1 Column near Eshowe. The remaining 20,000 Zulus camped at the isiPhezi ikhanda. The next day, the main force arrived and camped near Babanango Mountain, then moved the next day to a camp near Siphezi Mountain. Finally, on 21 January they moved into the Ngwebeni Valley, where they remained concealed, planning to attack the British on 23 January, but they were discovered by a scouting party on 22 January. Under the command of Ntshigwayo kaMahole the Zulu army had reached its position in easy stages. It marched in two columns within sight of each other, but a few miles apart to prevent a surprise attack. They were preceded by a screening force of mounted scouts supported by parties of warriors 200–400 strong tasked with preventing the main columns from being sighted. The speed of the Zulu advance compared to the British was marked. The Zulu impi had advanced over  in five days, while Chelmsford had only advanced slightly over  in 10 days.

The British under Chelmsford pitched camp at Isandlwana on 20 January, but did not follow standing orders to entrench. No laager (circling of the wagons) was formed. Chelmsford did not see the need for one, stating, "It would take a week to make." But the chief reason for the failure to take defensive precautions appears to have been that the British command severely underestimated the Zulus' capabilities. The experience of numerous colonial wars fought in Africa was that the massed firepower of relatively small bodies of professional European troops, armed with modern firearms and artillery and supplemented by local allies and levies, would march out to meet the natives whose poorly equipped armies would put up a fight but in the end would succumb. Chelmsford believed that a force of over 4,000, including 2,000 British infantry armed with Martini–Henry rifles, as well as artillery, had more than sufficient firepower to overwhelm any attack by Zulus armed only with spears, cowhide shields and a few firearms such as Brown Bess muskets. Indeed, with a British force of this size, it was the logistical arrangements which occupied Chelmsford's thoughts. Rather than any fear that the camp might be attacked, his main concern was managing the huge number of wagons and oxen required to support his forward advance.

Once he had established the camp at Isandlwana, Chelmsford sent out two battalions of the Natal Native Contingent to scout ahead. They skirmished with elements of a Zulu force which he believed to be the vanguard of the main enemy army. Such was his confidence in British military training and firepower that he divided his force, departing the camp at dawn on January 22 with approximately 2,800 soldiers—including half of the British infantry contingent, together with around 600 auxiliaries—to find the main Zulu force with the intention of bringing them to battle so as to achieve a decisive victory, and leaving the remaining 1,300 men of the No. 3 Column to guard the camp. It never occurred to him that the Zulus he saw were diverting him from their main force.Lock, p. 151

Chelmsford left behind approximately 600 British red coat line infantry – five companies, around 90 fighting men in each, of the 1st Battalion and one stronger company of around 150 men from the 2nd Battalion of the 24th Regiment of Foot to guard the camp, under the command of Brevet Lieutenant Colonel Henry Pulleine. Pulleine's orders were to defend the camp and wait for further instructions to support the general as and when called upon. Pulleine also had around 700 men composed of the Natal Native Contingent, local mounted irregulars, and other units. He also had two artillery pieces, with around 70 men of the Royal Artillery. In total, over 1,300 men and two artillery guns of the No. 3 Column were left to defend the camp excluding civilian auxiliaries.Knight (1992, 2002), p. 36

Pulleine, left in command of a rear position, was an administrator with no experience of front-line command on a campaign. Nevertheless, he commanded a strong force, particularly the six veteran regular infantry companies, which were experienced in colonial warfare. The mounted vedettes, cavalry scouts, patrolling some  from camp reported at 7:00 am that groups of Zulus, numbering around 4,000 men, could be seen. Pulleine received further reports during the early morning, each of which noted movements, both large and small, of Zulus. There was speculation among the officers whether these troops were intending to march against Chelmsford's rear or towards the camp itself.

Around 10:30 am, Colonel Anthony Durnford, whose left arm was paralyzed from wounds sustained at Bushman's River Pass during the pursuit of Chief Langalibalele, arrived from Rorke's Drift with 500 men of the Natal Native Contingent and a rocket battery of the No. 2 Column to reinforce the camp at Isandlwana. This brought the issue of command to the fore because Durnford was senior and by tradition should have assumed command. However, he did not over-rule Pulleine's dispositions and after lunch he quickly decided to take the initiative and move forward to engage a Zulu force which Pulleine and Durnford judged to be moving against Chelmsford's rear. Durnford asked for a company of the 24th, but Pulleine was reluctant to agree since his orders had been specifically to defend the camp.

Chelmsford had underestimated the disciplined, well-led, well-motivated and confident Zulus. The failure to secure an effective defensive position, the poor intelligence on the location of the main Zulu army, Chelmsford's decision to split his force in half, and the Zulus' tactical exploitation of the terrain and the weaknesses in the British formation, all combined to prove catastrophic for the troops at Isandlwana. In contrast, the Zulus responded to the unexpected discovery of their camp with an immediate and spontaneous advance. Even though the indunas lost control over the advance, the warriors' training allowed the Zulu troops to form their standard attack formation on the run, with their battle line deployed in reverse of its intended order.Colenso, p. 409

Battle

The Zulu Army was commanded by ESA (Princes) Ntshingwayo kaMahole Khoza and Mavumengwana kaNdlela Ntuli. The inDuna Dabulamanzi kaMpande, half brother of Cetshwayo, commanded the Undi Corps after Zibhebhu kaMaphitha, the regular inkhosi, or commander, was wounded.

While Chelmsford was in the field seeking them, the entire Zulu army had outmanoeuvred him, moving behind his force with the intention of attacking the British Army on the 23rd. Pulleine had received reports of large forces of Zulus throughout the morning of the 22nd from 8:00am on. Vedettes had observed Zulus on the hills to the left front, and Lt. Chard, while he was at the camp, observed a large force of several thousand Zulu moving to the British left around the hill of Isandlwana. Pulleine sent word to Chelmsford, which was received by the General between 9:00am and 10:00am. The main Zulu force was discovered at around 11:00am by men of Lt. Charles Raw's troop of scouts, who chased a number of Zulus into a valley, only then seeing most of the 20,000 men of the main enemy force sitting in total quiet. This valley has generally been thought to be the Ngwebeni some  from the British camp but may have been closer in the area of the spurs of Nqutu hill. Having been discovered, the Zulu force leapt to the offensive. Raw's men began a fighting retreat back to the camp and a messenger was sent to warn Pulleine.

The Zulu attack then developed into a pitched battle with the traditional horns and chest of the buffalo, with the aim of encircling the British position. From Pulleine's vantage point in the camp, at first only the right horn and then the chest (centre) of the attack seemed to be developing. Pulleine sent out first one, then all six companies of the 24th Foot into an extended firing line, with the aim of meeting the Zulu attack head-on and checking it with firepower. Durnford's men, upon meeting elements of the Zulu centre, had retreated to a donga, a dried-out watercourse, on the British right flank where they formed a defensive line. The rocket battery under Durnford's command, which was not mounted and dropped behind the rest of the force, was isolated and overrun very early in the engagement. The two battalions of native troops were in Durnford's line. While all the officers and NCOs carried rifles, only one in 10 in the ranks had a firearm, and those few weapons were muzzle-loading muskets with limited ammunition.Thompson, pp. 17, 22. About 20% of each battalion had some sort of firearm Many of the native troops began to leave the battlefield at this point.

Pulleine only made one change to the original disposition after about 20 minutes of firing, bringing in the companies in the firing line slightly closer to the camp. For an hour or so until after noon, the disciplined British volleys pinned down the Zulu centre, inflicting many casualties and causing the advance to stall. Indeed, morale remained high within the British line. The Martini–Henry rifle was a powerful weapon and the men were experienced. Additionally, the shell fire of the Royal Artillery forced some Zulu regiments to take cover behind the reverse slope of a hill. Nevertheless, the left horn of the Zulu advance was moving to outflank and envelop the British right.

Durnford's men, who had been fighting the longest, began to withdraw and their rate of fire diminished. Durnford's withdrawal exposed the right flank of the British regulars, which, with the general threat of the Zulu encirclement, caused Pulleine to order a withdrawal back to the camp. The regulars' retreat was performed with order and discipline and the men of the 24th conducted a fighting withdrawal into the camp. Durnford's retreat, however, exposed the flank of G Company, 2nd/24th, which was overrun relatively quickly.

An officer in advance of Chelmsford's force gave this eyewitness account of the final stage of the battle at about 3:00 pm:

Nearly the same moment is described in a Zulu warrior's account.

The local time of the solar eclipse on that day is calculated as 2:30 pm.

The presence of large numbers of bodies grouped together suggests the resistance was more protracted than originally thought, and a number of desperate last stands were made. Evidence shows that many of the bodies, today marked by cairns, were found in several large groups around the camp – including one stand of around 150 men. A Zulu account describes a group of the 24th forming a square on the neck of Isandlwana. Colonial cavalry, the NMP and the carabiniers, who could easily have fled as they had horses, died around Durnford in his last stand, while nearby their horses were found dead on their picket rope. What is clear is that the slaughter was complete in the area around the camp and back to Natal along the Fugitive's Drift. The fighting had been hand-to-hand combat and no quarter was given to the British regulars. The Zulus had been commanded to ignore the civilians in black coats and this meant that some officers, whose patrol dress was dark blue and black at the time, were spared and escaped.

Once their ammunition had been expended, surviving British soldiers had no choice but to fight on with bayonet and rifle butt.  A Zulu account relates the single-handed fight by the guard of Chelmsford's tent, a big Irishman of the 24th who kept the Zulus back with his bayonet until he was speared and the general's Union flag captured. Both the colours of the 2nd 24th were lost, while the Queen's colour of the 1st 24th was carried off the field by Lieutenant Melvill on horseback but lost when he crossed the river, despite Lieutenant Coghill having come to his aid. Both Melvill and Coghill were killed after crossing the river, and received posthumous Victoria Crosses in 1907 as the legend of their gallantry grew, and, after twenty-seven years of steady campaigning by the late Mrs. Melvill (who had died in 1906), on the strength of Queen Victoria being quoted as saying that 'if they had survived they would have been awarded the Victoria Cross'. Garnet Wolseley, who replaced Chelmsford, felt otherwise at the time and stated, "I don't like the idea of officers escaping on horseback when their men on foot are being killed."

Of the 1,800-plus force of British troops and African auxiliaries, over 1,300 were killed, most of them Europeans, including field commanders Pulleine and Durnford. Only five Imperial officers survived (including Lieutenant Henry Curling and Lieutenant Horace Smith-Dorrien), and the 52 officers lost was the most lost by any British battalion up to that time. Amongst those killed was Surgeon Major Peter Shepherd, a first-aid pioneer. The Natal Native Contingent lost some 400 men, and there were 240 lost from the group of 249 amaChunu African auxiliaries. Perhaps the last to die was Gabangaye, the portly chief of the amaChunu Natal Native Contingent, who was given over to be killed by the udibi (porter or carrier) boys. The captured Natal Native Contingent soldiers were regarded as traitors by the Zulu and executed.

There was no casualty count of the Zulu losses by the British such as made in many of the other battles since they abandoned the field. Nor was there any count by the Zulu. Modern historians have rejected and reduced the older unfounded estimates. Historians Lock and Quantrill estimate the Zulu casualties as "... perhaps between 1,500 and 2,000 dead. Historian Ian Knight stated: "Zulu casualties were almost as heavy. Although it is impossible to say with certainty, at least 1,000 were killed outright in the assault..."

Some 1,000 Martini-Henry rifles, the two field artillery guns, 400,000 rounds of ammunition, three colours, most of the 2,000 draft animals and 130 wagons, provisions such as tinned food, biscuits, beer, overcoats, tents and other supplies, were taken by the Zulu or left abandoned on the field. Of the survivors, most were from the auxiliaries. The two field artillery guns which were taken to Ulundi as trophies, were later found abandoned by a British patrol after the Battle of Ulundi.

Order of battle
The following order of battle was arrayed on the day.Colenso, p. 313, "The Zulu army, he (Nugwende) says, numbered 20,0000 ..." and p. 312, "... full nominal strength reaches a total of 30,900 men but the actual numbers are estimated at from 20,000 to 25,000

British forces

No. 2 Column
Commanding Officer: Brevet Colonel Anthony Durnford, RE
 Staff – 2 officers, 1 NCO
 11th/7th Brigade, Royal Artillery – 1 officer, 9 NCOs and men with a rocket battery (3 rocket troughs)
 Natal Native Horse (5 troops) – 5 officers, c. 259 NCOs and men
 1st/1st Natal Native Contingent (2 companies) – 6 officers, c. 240 NCOs and men
 2nd/1st Natal Native Contingent – 1 NCO

No. 3 Column
Commanding Officer: Brevet Lieutenant-Colonel Henry Pulleine, 1st/24th Foot
 Staff – 6 officers, 14 NCOs and men
 N/5th Brigade, Royal Field Artillery – 2 officers, 70 NCOs and men with two 7-pounder (3-inch) mountain guns deployed as field guns
 5th Field Company, Royal Engineers – 3 men
 1st/24th Regiment of Foot (2nd Warwickshire) (5 companies) – 14 officers, 450 NCOs and men
 2nd/24th Regiment of Foot (2nd Warwickshire) (1 company) – 5 officers, 150 NCOs and men
 90th Regiment of Foot (Perthshire Light Infantry) – 10 men
 Army Service Corps – 3 men
 Army Hospital Corps – 1 officer, 10 NCOs and men
 Imperial Mounted Infantry (1 squadron) – 28 NCOs and men
 Natal Mounted Police – 34 NCOs and men
 Natal Carbineers – 2 officers, 26 NCOs and men
 Newcastle Mounted Rifles – 2 officers, 15 NCOs and men
 Buffalo Border Guards – 1 officer, 7 NCOs and men
 Natal Native Pioneer Corps – 1 officer, 10 men
 1st/3rd Natal Native Contingent (2 companies) – 11 officers, c. 300 NCOs and men
 2nd/3rd Natal Native Contingent (2 companies) – 9 officers, c. 300 NCOs and men

Zulu forces

Right horn
uDududu, uNokenke regiments, part uNodwengu corps – 3,000 to 4,000 men

Chest
umCijo, uKhandampevu, regiments; part uNodwengu corps – 7,000 to 9,000 men

Left horn
inGobamakhosi, uMbonambi, uVe regiments – 5,000 to 6,000 men

Loins (Reserves)
Undi corps, uDloko, iNdluyengwe, Indlondlo and Uthulwana regiments – 4,000 to 5,000 men

Aftermath

Analysis
The Zulus avoided the dispersal of their main fighting force and concealed the advance and location of this force until they were within a few hours' striking distance of the British. When the location of the main Zulu Impi was discovered by British scouts, the Zulus immediately advanced and attacked, achieving tactical surprise. The British, although they now had some warning of a Zulu advance, were unable to concentrate their central column. It also left little time and gave scant information for Pulleine to organise the defence. The Zulus had outmanoeuvred Chelmsford and their victory at Isandlwana was complete and forced the main British force to retreat out of Zululand until a far larger British Army could be shipped to South Africa for a second invasion.Lock, pp. 183–85

Recent historians, notably Lock and Quantrill in Zulu Victory, argue that from the Zulu perspective the theatre of operations included the diversions around Magogo Hills and Mangeni Falls and that these diversions, which drew more than half of Chelmsford's forces away from Isandlwana, were deliberate. Also, the main Zulu force was not unexpectedly discovered in their encampment but was fully deployed and ready to advance on the British camp. These historians' view of the expanded battlefield considers Chelmsford to have been the overall commander of the British forces and that responsibility for the defeat lies firmly with him.

Debate persists as to how and why the British lost the battle. Many arguments focus on possible local tactical occurrences, as opposed to the strategic lapses and failings in grand tactics on the part of high command under Bartle Frere and Chelmsford. Still, the latter comes under scrutiny for mistakes that may have led directly to the British defeat. The initial view, reported by Horace Smith-Dorrien, was that the British had difficulty unpacking their ammunition boxes fast enough.  The box lids were screwed down, the screws were rusty and difficult to remove, there were too few screwdrivers, "standing orders" insisted that until a box was empty, no other boxes were to be opened, and the quartermasters were reluctant to distribute ammunition to units other than their own. Well-equipped and well-trained British soldiers could fire 10–12 rounds a minute. The lack of ammunition caused a lull in the defence and, in subsequent engagements with the Zulus, ammunition boxes were unscrewed in advance for rapid distribution. Numerous first hand accounts, including Smith-Dorrien's earliest in a letter to his father, indicate ammunition was available and being supplied.

Donald Morris in The Washing of the Spears argues that the men, fighting too far from the camp, ran out of ammunition, starting first with Durnford's men who were holding the right flank and who had been in action longer, which precipitated a slowdown in the rate of fire against the Zulus. This argument suggests that the ammunition was too far from the firing line and that the seventy rounds each man took to the firing line were not sufficient.Laband, p. 4. A different view, supported with evidence from the battlefield, such as Ian Knight and Lt. Colonel Snook's works, (the latter having written How Can Man Die Better?), suggests that, although Durnford's men probably did run out of ammunition, the majority of men in the firing line did not. The discovery of the British line so far out from the camp has led Ian Knight to conclude that the British were defending too large a perimeter.

The official interrogation by Horse Guards under the direction of the Duke of Cambridge, the Field Marshal Commanding in Chief, in August 1879, concluded that the primary cause of the defeat was the "under estimate formed of the offensive fighting power of the Zulu army", additionally the investigation questions Chelmsford as to why the camp was not laagered and why there was a failure to reconnoitre and discover the nearby Zulu army. Colenso calls Chelmsford's neglecting to follow his own "Regulations for Field Forces in South Africa", which required that a defensible camp be established at every halt, fatal.

Numerous messages, some quite early in the day, had been sent to Chelmsford informing him, initially, of the presence of the Zulu near the camp and, subsequently, of the attack on the camp, with increasingly urgent pleas for help. The most egregious failure to respond occurred at around 1:30 pm when a message from Hamilton-Browne stating, "For God's sake come back, the camp is surrounded, and things I fear are going badly", was received by Lieutenant-Colonel Harness of the Royal Artillery and Major Black of the 2/24. They were leading the other four RA guns as well as two companies of the 2/24 and on their own initiative immediately marched back towards Isandlwana and had gone some two miles when they were ordered to return to Mangeni Falls by an aide sent by Chelmsford.

At long last but too late, finally Chelmsford became convinced of the seriousness of the situation on his left flank and rear when at 3:30pm he joined Hamilton-Browne's NNC and realised the camp had been taken. A surviving officer, Rupert Lonsdale, rode up and described the camp's fall to which Chelmsford replied, "But I left over 1,000 men to guard the camp". He quickly gathered his scattered forces and marched the column back to Isandlwana but arrived at sundown long after the battle ended and the Zulu army had marched off. The British camped on the field that night but left before sunrise without any examination of the ground as Chelmsford felt that it would demoralize his troops. The column then proceeded to Rorke's Drift.

Though Isandlwana was a disaster for the British, the Zulu victory did not end the war. With the defeat of Chelmsford's central column, the invasion of Zululand collapsed and would have to be restaged. Not only were there heavy manpower casualties to the Main Column, but most of the supplies, ammunition and draught animals were lost. As King Cetshwayo feared, the embarrassment of the defeat would force the policy makers in London, who to this point had not supported the war, to rally to the support of the pro-war contingent in the Natal government and commit whatever resources were needed to defeat the Zulus. Despite local numerical superiority, the Zulus did not have the manpower, technological resources, or logistical capacity to match the British in another, more extended, campaign.

The Zulus may have missed an opportunity to exploit their victory and possibly win the war that day on their own territory. The reconnaissance force under Chelmsford was more vulnerable to being defeated by an attack than the camp. It was strung out and somewhat scattered, it had marched with limited rations and ammunition it could not now replace, and it was panicky and demoralized by the defeat at Isandlwana.

Near the end of the battle, about 4,000 Zulu warriors of the unengaged reserve Undi impi, after cutting off the retreat of the survivors to the Buffalo River southwest of Isandlwana, crossed the river and attacked the fortified mission station at Rorke's Drift. The station was defended by only 140 British soldiers, who nonetheless inflicted considerable casualties and repelled the attack. Elsewhere, the left and right flanks of the invading forces were now isolated and without support. The No. 1 column under the command of Charles Pearson was besieged for two months by a Zulu force led by kaMpande and Mavumengwana, at Eshowe, while the No. 4 column under Evelyn Wood halted its advance and spent most of the next two months skirmishing in the northwest around Tinta's Kraal.Lock, pp. 284–85

Following Isandlwana and Rorke's Drift, the British and Colonials were in complete panic over the possibility of a counter invasion of Natal by the Zulus. All the towns of Natal 'laagered' up and fortified and provisions and stores were laid in. Bartle Frere stoked the fear of invasion despite the fact that, aside from Rorke's Drift, the Zulus made no attempt to cross the border. Immediately following the battle, Zulu Prince Ndanbuko urged them to advance and take the war into the colony but they were restrained by a commander, kaNthati, reminding them of Cetshwayo's prohibiting the crossing of the border. Unbeknownst to the inhabitants of Natal, Cetshwayo, still hoping to avoid outright war, had prohibited any crossing of the border in retaliation and was incensed over the violation of the border by the attack on Rorke's Drift.

The British government's reasoning for a new invasion was threefold. The first was the loss of national pride as a result of the defeat, and the desire to avenge it by winning the war. The second concerned the domestic political implications at the next parliamentary elections held in Britain. However, despite the second invasion attempt, the British Prime Minister Disraeli and his Conservative Party lost the 1880 general election. The final reason concerned the Empire; unless the British were seen to win a clear-cut victory against the Zulus, it would send a signal to the outside world that the British Empire was vulnerable to the point where the destruction of a British field army could alter the policy of Britain's government. The British government was concerned that the Zulu victory could inspire imperial unrest, particularly among the Boers, and as such sought to quash any such possibilities by swiftly defeating the Zulu Kingdom.

After Isandlwana, the British field army in South Africa was heavily reinforced and again invaded Zululand. Sir Garnet Wolseley was sent to take command and relieve Chelmsford, as well as Bartle Frere. Chelmsford, however, avoided handing over command to Wolseley and managed to defeat the Zulus in a number of engagements, the last of which was the Battle of Ulundi, followed by capture of King Cetshwayo. With the fall of the Disraeli government, Bartle Frere was recalled in August 1880 and the policy of Confederation was abandoned. The British government encouraged the subkings of the Zulus to rule their subkingdoms without acknowledging a central Zulu power. By the time King Cetshwayo was allowed to return home, the Zulu Kingdom had ceased to exist as an independent entity.

The measure of respect that the British gained for their opponents as a result of Isandlwana can be seen in that in none of the other engagements of the Zulu War did the British attempt to fight again in their typical linear formation, known famously as the Thin Red Line, in an open-field battle with the main Zulu impi. In the battles that followed, the British, when facing the Zulu, entrenched themselves or formed very close-order formations, such as the square.

Recriminations

Chelmsford realised that he would need to account to the government and to history for the disaster. He quickly fixed blame on Durnford, claiming Durnford disobeyed his orders to fix a proper defensive camp, although there is no evidence such an order was issued and there would hardly have been time for Durnford to entrench. Further, it had been Chelmsford's decision not to entrench the camp, as it was meant to be temporary.

Wolseley wrote on 30 September 1879 when, later in the war, the Prince Imperial of France was killed by the Zulu: "I think this is very unfair, and is merely a repetition of what was done regarding the Isandlwana disaster where the blame was thrown upon Durnford, the real object in both instances being apparently to screen Chelmsford."

Later, Chelmsford launched a new and successful campaign in Zululand, routing the Zulu army, capturing the Royal Kraal of Ulundi, and thus partially retrieving his reputation. He never held another field command.

Following the war's conclusion and his return to Great Britain, Chelmsford sought an audience with Gladstone, who had become Prime Minister in April 1880, but his request was refused, a very public slight and a clear sign of official disapproval. Chelmsford, however, obtained an audience with Queen Victoria to personally explain the events. She asked Gladstone to meet Chelmsford; this meeting was brief, and during it Gladstone voiced his displeasure.

Some historians hold that the victory at Ulindi was a token one, driven by the need for Lord Chelmsford to salvage some success after Isandhlwana, and the British withdrew quickly followed by Chelmsford's resignation as commander of the British forces. The end of the war saw the Zulu retaining their lands.
"Seen in terms of the political ends for which the war was fought, the battle of Ulundi, like the campaign in Zululand itself, was a failure. The effectiveness of Zulu resistance had destroyed the policy which brought about the war, and discredited the men responsible. The only point on which all whites agreed was that some form of face-saving military victory was required in Zululand. Ulundi was that token military victory. It did not end the war in Zululand—peace was attained by Sir Garnet Wolseley who, as Chelmsford scurried out of the country, entered Zululand proclaiming that if the Zulu returned to their homes they would be left in full possession of their land and their property. By July 1879 both sides desired an end to hostilities. For reasons of economy, because of military requirements elsewhere and the political capital being made out of the war, the British government wanted an end to this embarrassing demonstration of military ineptitude. Any chance of an easy military conquest of the entire territory seemed slight: the army was tied to its inadequate supply lines, and conquest would have necessitated a change in strategy and tactics which presupposed a change in military leadership. It was easier and cheaper to elevate Ulundi to the rank of a crushing military victory and abandon plans to subjugate the Zulu people than to create the force of mobile fighting units which would have been required to conquer the Zulu completely."

 Film Zulu Dawn, a 1979 American adventure war film about the Battle of Isandlwana.

See also
 Bambatha Rebellion
 Battle of Blood River
 Colony of Natal
 African Litany, the second album by Johnny Clegg and his band Juluka, containing the track "Impi" about this battle.
 List of Zulu War Victoria Cross recipients
 Military history of the United Kingdom
 Military history of South Africa
 Zulu Dawn Battle of Rorke's Drift
 Zululand Empire
 ZuluNotes

References

 Morris, Donald R. The Washing of the Spears: A History of the Rise of the Zulu Nation under Shaka and Its Fall in the Zulu War of 1879 Da Capo Press, 1998, .
 Smith-Dorrien, Horace. Memories of Forty-eight Years Service, London, 1925.
 Spiers, Edward M. . The Scottish Soldier and Empire, 1854–1902, Edinburgh University Press, 2006.

Further reading
 Clarke, Sonia The Invasion of Zululand, Johannesburg, 1979.
 Coupland, Sir Reginald Zulu Battle Piece: Isandhlwana, London, 1948.
 Dutton, Roy Forgotten Heroes Zulu & Basuto Wars, Infodial, 2010 .

 Furneaux, R.. The Zulu War: Isandhlwana & Rorke's Drift W&N (Great Battles of History Series), 1963.

 Greaves, Adrian. Isandlwana, Cassell & Co, 2001, .
 Greaves, Adrian. Rorke's Drift, Cassell & Co., 2003 .
 Jackson, F.W.D. Hill of the Sphinx London, 2002.
 Jackson, F.W.D. and Whybra, Julian Isandhlwana and the Durnford Papers, (Journal of the Victorian Military Society, March 1990, Issue 60).
 Knight, Ian Brave Men's Blood, London, 1990. .
 Knight, Ian Zulu, (London, 1992)
 Knight, Ian Zulu Rising, London, 2010. .
 Whybra, Julian. England's Sons, Billericay, (7th ed.), 2010.
 Yorke, Edmund. Isandlwana 1879''. 2016.

External links

 Zulu: The True Story By Dr. Saul David
 Isandlwana battlefields
 Personal account of the battle by Horace Smith-Dorrien
 Zulunet description of the battle
 Secrets of the Dead – Day of the Zulu
 Travellers Impressions
 The Battle of Isandlwana
 The Battle of Isandlwana 22 January 1879, Ian Knight video
 Forgotten Heroes Zulu & Basuto Wars, Roy Dutton,/ [https://www.roydutton.co.uk/my-books/forgotten-heroes-zulu-basuto-wars/

Battles in 1879
1879 in the Zulu Kingdom
Battles of the Anglo-Zulu War
Military history of South Africa
Battles involving the United Kingdom
History of KwaZulu-Natal
January 1879 events
Battles involving the Zulu

Battle of Isandlwana


An Eleocharis fassettii in uska species han Liliopsida nga ginhulagway ni Maria del Socorro González Elizondo ngan Paul M. Peterson. An Eleocharis fassettii in nahilalakip ha genus nga Eleocharis, ngan familia nga Cyperaceae.

Mabibilngan ini ha Colombia. Waray hini subspecies nga nakalista.

Mga kasarigan

Eleocharis

Eleocharis fassettii


Glenea rufipes é uma espécie de escaravelho da família Cerambycidae. Foi descrita por Gressitt em 1939. É conhecida a sua existência em Laos, Vietname e China.

Referências

Borneo catalog 2005

rufipes
Coleópteros descritos em 1939

Glenea rufipes


Louis Antoine Smith () este un gimnast britanic, laureat cu o medalie de argint la cal cu mânere la Jocurile Olimpice de vară din 2008 și o medalie de argint la cal cu mânere și cu o medalie de bronz pe echipe la cele din 2012. A câștigat și trei medalii mondiale de argint și două medalii europene de aur.

Legături externe

  Prezentare  la Federația internațională de gimnastică

Gimnaști britanici
Sportivi britanici în viață
Gimnaști la Jocurile Olimpice de vară din 2008
Gimnaști la Jocurile Olimpice de vară din 2012
Gimnaști la Jocurile Olimpice de vară din 2016
Medaliați olimpici cu argint britanici
Medaliați olimpici cu bronz britanici

Louis Smith


Palovit (Ermenice:Բալահովիտ  - Balahovit), Rize ilinin Çamlıhemşin ilçesine bağlı bir yayladır.

Çamlıhemşin'e olan uzaklığı 80 km'dir. 2400 metre yükseklikteki yaylada yaklaşık 80 hane bulunmaktadır. Trovit yaylasının ardındaki tepe aşılarak bu yaylaya araçla üç saatte ulaşılabilmektedir.

Yayla dört ayrı kısımdan oluşmaktadır. Her kısma ayrı ayrı köylüler gitmektedir. Bunlar; Çilingir, Ortaköy, Çoneva ve karşı kısımda yer alan Meleskur yaylasıdır.

Palovit'in diğer bir özelliği ise, bulunduğu vadi üzerinde en büyük yayla olmasıdır. Palovit üzerinden Samistal, Kavrun, Ayder yaylalarına geçiş yapılabilmektedir. Buranın aşağısında Amlakit, yukarısında ise Hapivanak yaylaları bulunmaktadır.

Palovit Şelalesi

Kaçkar Dağları Millî Parkı içinde tabiat güzelliklerinden biridir. Zilkale harabesini geçtikten sonra başlayan şelale 15 metre yüksekliğindedir.

Kaynakça

Rize ilinin yaylaları
Çamlıhemşin

Palovit Yaylası


Robinsonia este un gen de insecte lepidoptere din familia Arctiidae.

Specii

 Robinsonia banghaasi
 Robinsonia boliviana
 Robinsonia cajali
 Robinsonia catasticta
 Robinsonia deiopea
 Robinsonia dewitzi
 Robinsonia evanida
 Robinsonia flavicorpus
 Robinsonia flavomarginata
 Robinsonia fogra
 Robinsonia formula
 Robinsonia grotei
 Robinsonia incompleta
 Robinsonia intermedia
 Robinsonia irregularis
 Robinsonia klagesi
 Robinsonia lefaivrei
 Robinsonia longimacula
 Robinsonia marginata
 Robinsonia mera
 Robinsonia milesi
 Robinsonia morula
 Robinsonia mossi
 Robinsonia multimaculata
 Robinsonia polyplagia
 Robinsonia praphaea
 Robinsonia punctata
 Robinsonia rockstonia
 Robinsonia sabata
 Robinsonia sanea
 Robinsonia similis
 Robinsonia spitzi
 Robinsonia suffusa
 Robinsonia transducens
 Robinsonia valerana
 Robinsonia variegata
 Robinsonia willingi

Referințe

Legături externe

Robinsonia

Robinsonia


Der Metrotranvía Mendoza (MTM) ist ein Stadtbahnsystem in der argentinischen Stadt Mendoza und ihrer Umgebung. Er ist derzeit das einzige funktionierende Tram-Train-System Argentiniens und nach der SEFECHA-Bahn in Resistencia die zweite vollwertige Stadtbahn des Landes außerhalb von Buenos Aires.

Die erste Linie nahm am 8. Oktober 2012 den regulären Betrieb auf, sie wird mit gebrauchten U2-Triebwagen betrieben. Sie führt von Panquehua (Haltepunkt Avellaneda) im Departamento Las Heras über den Hauptbahnhof (Estación Central) im Zentrum der Stadt bis nach General Gutiérrez im Departamento Maipú.

Vorgeschichte und Bau
Mendoza besaß wie viele andere argentinische Städte zwischen 1912 und 1964 ein elektrifiziertes Straßenbahnnetz, das zeitweise 34 km Streckenlänge aufwies und bis in die Vororte der Stadt reichte. Es wurde jedoch aufgegeben, als die Konkurrenz des Straßenverkehrs diese Form des öffentlichen Nahverkehrs unrentabel erscheinen ließ. In den 1990er Jahren wurden erste Absichtserklärungen für eine Wiederbelebung der Straßenbahn abgegeben. Es dauerte jedoch bis Mitte der 2000er Jahre, bis ernsthafte Projekte erstellt wurden.

Der Bau begann im März 2009. Es wurde eine Teilstrecke der bereits vorhandenen Bahnstrecke Buenos Aires–Mendoza (Breitspur) genutzt, die auf Normalspur umgespurt und elektrifiziert wurde. Ebenfalls wurden die Haltestellen neu gebaut. Die U2-Triebwagen stammen von der Stadtbahn der US-amerikanischen Stadt San Diego. Am 28. Februar 2012 begann der Probebetrieb zunächst ohne Passagiere – als Grund wurden Sicherheitsbedenken angegeben, die nach einem Zugunglück in Buenos Aires am 22. Februar, bei dem mehr als 50 Personen starben, wieder aufgeflammt waren. Die Autofahrer und Fußgänger sollten so zunächst an das neue Verkehrsmittel gewöhnt werden. Im Laufe des Monats März wurde schrittweise Passagieren die Mitfahrt erlaubt, seit Ende April gab es einen regelmäßigen Probebetrieb mit Passagieren.

Am 8. Oktober 2012 nahm der Metrotranvía seinen regulären Betrieb im Taktverkehr auf. Im April 2014 begann der Bau der Strecke zwischen Mendoza und Panquehua (Departamento Las Heras). Die Erweiterung wurde im Mai 2019 eröffnet.

Linien

Der Metrotranvía verbindet die Stadt Mendoza mit den Vororten Godoy Cruz, Maipú und Las Heras, von denen aus viele Pendler täglich in die Stadt fahren.

Línea Verde

|}

Die Línea Verde ist die erste Linie des Metrotranvía. Bisher ist die Strecke von Panquehua über den Hauptbahnhof Mendoza bis Gutiérrez fertiggestellt, sie soll in Zukunft ins Zentrum des Vororts Maipú sowie zum Flughafen Mendoza erweitert werden. Sie folgt den Bahnstrecken Richtung San Juan und Buenos Aires des Ferrocarril General San Martín (FCGSM), einem der Teilnetze des argentinischen Schienennetzes.

Geplante Linien
Geplant sind weiterhin folgende Linien:

Verlängerung der Linie nach Panquehua bis zum Flughafen Mendoza
Mendoza (Bahnhof Pellegrini) – Benegas (Departamento Godoy Cruz) – Luján de Cuyo
Benegas – Paso de los Andes (Chacras de Coria, Departamento Luján de Cuyo)

Ebenfalls wird über eine teilweise unterirdische Linie nach Villa Nueva und anderer Orte im Departamento Guaymallén nachgedacht, zu denen keine bestehende Bahnstrecke existiert. Deren Realisierung ist jedoch ungewiss, sie ist nicht Teil des offiziellen Projekts.

Einzelnachweise

Weblinks
 Offizielle Projektseite des Metrotranvía

Mendoza
Mendoza (Argentinien)
Mendoza

Metrotranvía Mendoza


Colonna Traiana, sentimentul clepsidrei este un film românesc din 1993 regizat de Nicolae Cabel.

Prezentare

Note

Legături externe

Vezi și
 1993 în film

Filme românești
Filme în limba română
Filme din 1993

Colonna Traiana, sentimentul clepsidrei


|-
|xac || || ||B ||Y ||Kachari||
|-
|xad || || ||B ||Ö ||Adai||
|-
|xae || || ||B ||A ||Aequian||
|-
|xag || || ||B ||Ö ||Aghwan||
|-
|xah || || ||B ||Y ||Kahayan||
|-
|xai || || ||B ||Ö ||Kaimbé||
|-
|xal ||xal || ||B ||Y ||Kalmyk; Oirat||
|-
|xam || || ||B ||Ö ||/Xam||
|-
|xan || || ||B ||Y ||Xamtanga||
|-
|xao || || ||B ||Y ||Khao||
|-
|xap || || ||B ||Ö ||Apalachee||
|-
|xaq || || ||B ||A ||Aquitanian||
|-
|xar || || ||B ||Ö ||Karami||
|-
|xas || || ||B ||Ö ||Kamas||
|-
|xat || || ||B ||Y ||Katawixi||
|-
|xau || || ||B ||Y ||Kauwera||
|-
|xav || || ||B ||Y ||Xavánte||
|-
|xaw || || ||B ||Y ||Kawaiisu||
|-
|xay || || ||B ||Y ||Kayan Mahakam||
|-
|xba || || ||B ||Ö ||Kamba (Brazil)||
|-
|xbc || || ||B ||A ||Bactrian||
|-
|xbi || || ||B ||Y ||Kombio||
|-
|xbm || || ||B ||T ||Breton, Middle||
|-
|xbo || || ||B ||Ö ||Bolgarian||
|-
|xbr || || ||B ||Y ||Kambera||
|-
|xbw || || ||B ||Ö ||Kambiwá||
|-
|xbx || || ||B ||Y ||Kabixí||
|-
|xcb || || ||B ||Ö ||Cumbric||
|-
|xcc || || ||B ||A ||Camunic||
|-
|xce || || ||B ||A ||Celtiberian||
|-
|xcg || || ||B ||A ||Gaulish, Cisalpine||
|-
|xch || || ||B ||Ö ||Chemakum||
|-
|xcl || || ||B ||T ||Armenian, Classical||
|-
|xcm || || ||B ||Ö ||Comecrudo||
|-
|xcn || || ||B ||Ö ||Cotoname||
|-
|xco || || ||B ||A ||Chorasmian||
|-
|xcr || || ||B ||A ||Carian||
|-
|xct || || ||B ||T ||Tibetan, Classical||
|-
|xcu || || ||B ||Ö ||Curonian||
|-
|xcv || || ||B ||Ö ||Chuvantsy||
|-
|xcw || || ||B ||Ö ||Coahuilteco||
|-
|xcy || || ||B ||Ö ||Cayuse||
|-
|xdc || || ||B ||A ||Dacian||
|-
|xdm || || ||B ||A ||Edomite||
|-
|xdy || || ||B ||Y ||Malayic Dayak||
|-
|xeb || || ||B ||A ||Eblan||
|-
|xed || || ||B ||Y ||Hdi||
|-
|xeg || || ||B ||Ö ||//Xegwi||
|-
|xel || || ||B ||Y ||Kelo||
|-
|xem || || ||B ||Y ||Kembayan||
|-
|xep || || ||B ||A ||Epi-Olmec||
|-
|xer || || ||B ||Y ||Xerénte||
|-
|xes || || ||B ||Y ||Kesawai||
|-
|xet || || ||B ||Y ||Xetá||
|-
|xeu || || ||B ||Y ||Keuru||
|-
|xfa || || ||B ||A ||Faliscan||
|-
|xga || || ||B ||A ||Galatian||
|-
|xgf || || ||B ||Ö ||Gabrielino-Fernandeño||
|-
|xgl || || ||B ||Ö ||Galindan||
|-
|xgr || || ||B ||Ö ||Garza||
|-
|xha || || ||B ||A ||Harami||
|-
|xhc || || ||B ||Ö ||Hunnic||
|-
|xhd || || ||B ||A ||Hadrami||
|-
|xhe || || ||B ||Y ||Khetrani||
|-
|xho ||xho ||xh ||B ||Y ||Xhosa||
|-
|xhr || || ||B ||A ||Hernican||
|-
|xht || || ||B ||A ||Hattic||
|-
|xhu || || ||B ||A ||Hurrian||
|-
|xhv || || ||B ||Y ||Khua||
|-
|xia || || ||B ||Y ||Xiandao||
|-
|xib || || ||B ||A ||Iberian||
|-
|xii || || ||B ||Y ||Xiri||
|-
|xil || || ||B ||A ||Illyrian||
|-
|xin || || ||B ||Ö ||Xinca||
|-
|xip || || ||B ||Ö ||Xipináwa||
|-
|xir || || ||B ||Y ||Xiriâna||
|-
|xiv || || ||B ||A ||Indus Valley Language||
|-
|xiy || || ||B ||Y ||Xipaya||
|-
|xka || || ||B ||Y ||Kalkoti||
|-
|xkb || || ||B ||Y ||Ede Nago, Manigri-Kambolé||
|-
|xkc || || ||B ||Y ||Kho'ini||
|-
|xkd || || ||B ||Y ||Kayan, Mendalam||
|-
|xke || || ||B ||Y ||Kereho-Uheng||
|-
|xkf || || ||B ||Y ||Khengkha||
|-
|xkg || || ||B ||Y ||Kagoro||
|-
|xkh || || ||B ||Y ||Karahawyana||
|-
|xki || || ||B ||Y ||Kenyan Sign Language||
|-
|xkj || || ||B ||Y ||Kajali||
|-
|xkk || || ||B ||Y ||Kaco'||
|-
|xkl || || ||B ||Y ||Kenyah, Kelinyau||
|-
|xkm || || ||B ||Y ||Kenyah, Mahakam||
|-
|xkn || || ||B ||Y ||Kayan, Kayan River||
|-
|xko || || ||B ||Y ||Kiorr||
|-
|xkp || || ||B ||Y ||Kabatei||
|-
|xkq || || ||B ||Y ||Koroni||
|-
|xkr || || ||B ||Ö ||Xakriabá||
|-
|xks || || ||B ||Y ||Kumbewaha||
|-
|xkt || || ||B ||Y ||Kantosi||
|-
|xku || || ||B ||Y ||Kaamba||
|-
|xkv || || ||B ||Y ||Kgalagadi||
|-
|xkw || || ||B ||Y ||Kembra||
|-
|xkx || || ||B ||Y ||Karore||
|-
|xky || || ||B ||Y ||Kenyah, Western||
|-
|xkz || || ||B ||Y ||Kurtokha||
|-
|xla || || ||B ||Y ||Kamula||
|-
|xlb || || ||B ||Ö ||Loup B||
|-
|xlc || || ||B ||A ||Lycian||
|-
|xld || || ||B ||A ||Lydian||
|-
|xle || || ||B ||A ||Lemnian||
|-
|xlg || || ||B ||A ||Ligurian (Ancient)||
|-
|xli || || ||B ||A ||Liburnian||
|-
|xln || || ||B ||A ||Alanic||
|-
|xlo || || ||B ||Ö ||Loup A||
|-
|xlp || || ||B ||A ||Lepontic||
|-
|xls || || ||B ||A ||Lusitanian||
|-
|xlu || || ||B ||A ||Luwian, Cuneiform||
|-
|xly || || ||B ||A ||Elymian||
|-
|xma || || ||B ||Y ||Mushungulu||
|-
|xmb || || ||B ||Y ||Mbonga||
|-
|xmc || || ||B ||Y ||Makhuwa-Marrevone||
|-
|xmd || || ||B ||Y ||Mbedam||
|-
|xme || || ||B ||A ||Median||
|-
|xmf || || ||B ||Y ||Mingrelian||
|-
|xmg || || ||B ||Y ||Mengaka||
|-
|xmh || || ||B ||Y ||Kuku-Muminh||
|-
|xmi || || ||B ||Y ||Miarrã||
|-
|xmj || || ||B ||Y ||Majera||
|-
|xmk || || ||B ||A ||Macedonian, Ancient||
|-
|xml || || ||B ||Y ||Malaysian Sign Language||
|-
|xmm || || ||B ||Y ||Malay, Manado||
|-
|xmo || || ||B ||Y ||Morerebi||
|-
|xmp || || ||B ||Y ||Kuku-Mu'inh||
|-
|xmq || || ||B ||Y ||Kuku-Mangk||
|-
|xmr || || ||B ||A ||Meroitic||
|-
|xms || || ||B ||Y ||Moroccan Sign Language||
|-
|xmt || || ||B ||Y ||Matbat||
|-
|xmu || || ||B ||Y ||Kamu||
|-
|xmv || || ||B ||Y ||Malagasy, Antankarana||
|-
|xmw || || ||B ||Y ||Malagasy, Tsimihety||
|-
|xmx || || ||B ||Y ||Maden||
|-
|xmy || || ||B ||Y ||Mayaguduna||
|-
|xmz || || ||B ||Y ||Mori Bawah||
|-
|xna || || ||B ||A ||North Arabian, Ancient||
|-
|xnb || || ||B ||Y ||Kanakanabu||
|-
|xng || || ||B ||T ||Mongolian, Middle||
|-
|xnh || || ||B ||Y ||Kuanhua||
|-
|xnn || || ||B ||Y ||Kankanay, Northern||
|-
|xno || || ||B ||T ||Anglo-Norman||
|-
|xnr || || ||B ||Y ||Kangri||
|-
|xns || || ||B ||Y ||Kanashi||
|-
|xod || || ||B ||Y ||Kokoda||
|-
|xog || || ||B ||Y ||Soga||
|-
|xoi || || ||B ||Y ||Kominimung||
|-
|xok || || ||B ||Y ||Xokleng||
|-
|xom || || ||B ||Y ||Komo (Sudan)||
|-
|xon || || ||B ||Y ||Konkomba||
|-
|xoo || || ||B ||Ö ||Xukurú||
|-
|xop || || ||B ||Y ||Kopar||
|-
|xor || || ||B ||Y ||Korubo||
|-
|xow || || ||B ||Y ||Kowaki||
|-
|xpc || || ||B ||Ö ||Pecheneg||
|-
|xpe || || ||B ||Y ||Kpelle, Liberia||
|-
|xpg || || ||B ||A ||Phrygian||
|-
|xpi || || ||B ||Ö ||Pictish||
|-
|xpm || || ||B ||Ö ||Pumpokol||
|-
|xpn || || ||B ||Ö ||Kapinawá||
|-
|xpo || || ||B ||Ö ||Pochutec||
|-
|xpp || || ||B ||Ö ||Puyo-Paekche||
|-
|xpr || || ||B ||A ||Parthian||
|-
|xps || || ||B ||Ö ||Pisidian||
|-
|xpu || || ||B ||A ||Punic||
|-
|xpy || || ||B ||Ö ||Puyo||
|-
|xqt || || ||B ||A ||Qatabanian||
|-
|xra || || ||B ||Y ||Krahô||
|-
|xrb || || ||B ||Y ||Karaboro, Eastern||
|-
|xre || || ||B ||Y ||Kreye||
|-
|xri || || ||B ||Y ||Krikati-Timbira||
|-
|xrm || || ||B ||Ö ||Armazic||
|-
|xrn || || ||B ||Ö ||Arin||
|-
|xrr || || ||B ||A ||Raetic||
|-
|xrt || || ||B ||Ö ||Aranama-Tamique||
|-
|xrw || || ||B ||Y ||Karawa||
|-
|xsa || || ||B ||A ||Sabaean||
|-
|xsb || || ||B ||Y ||Sambal, Tinà||
|-
|xsc || || ||B ||A ||Scythian||
|-
|xsd || || ||B ||A ||Sidetic||
|-
|xse || || ||B ||Y ||Sempan||
|-
|xsh || || ||B ||Y ||Shamang||
|-
|xsi || || ||B ||Y ||Sio||
|-
|xsj || || ||B ||Y ||Subi||
|-
|xsk || || ||B ||A ||Sakan||
|-
|xsl || || ||B ||Y ||Slavey, South||
|-
|xsm || || ||B ||Y ||Kasem||
|-
|xsn || || ||B ||Y ||Sanga (Nigeria)||
|-
|xso || || ||B ||Ö ||Solano||
|-
|xsp || || ||B ||Y ||Silopi||
|-
|xsq || || ||B ||Y ||Makhuwa-Saka||
|-
|xsr || || ||B ||Y ||Sherpa||
|-
|xss || || ||B ||Ö ||Assan||
|-
|xst || || ||B ||Y ||Silt'e||
|-
|xsu || || ||B ||Y ||Sanumá||
|-
|xsv || || ||B ||Ö ||Sudovian||
|-
|xsy || || ||B ||Y ||Saisiyat||
|-
|xta || || ||B ||Y ||Mixtec, Alcozauca||
|-
|xtb || || ||B ||Y ||Mixtec, Chazumba||
|-
|xtc || || ||B ||Y ||Katcha-Kadugli-Miri||
|-
|xtd || || ||B ||Y ||Mixtec, Diuxi-Tilantongo||
|-
|xte || || ||B ||Y ||Ketengban||
|-
|xtg || || ||B ||A ||Gaulish, Transalpine||
|-
|xti || || ||B ||Y ||Mixtec, Sinicahua||
|-
|xtj || || ||B ||Y ||Mixtec, San Juan Teita||
|-
|xtl || || ||B ||Y ||Mixtec, Tijaltepec||
|-
|xtm || || ||B ||Y ||Mixtec, Magdalena Peñasco||
|-
|xtn || || ||B ||Y ||Mixtec, Northern Tlaxiaco||
|-
|xto || || ||B ||A ||Tokharian A||
|-
|xtp || || ||B ||Y ||Mixtec, San Miguel Piedras||
|-
|xtr || || ||B ||A ||Tripuri, Early||
|-
|xts || || ||B ||Y ||Mixtec, Sindihui||
|-
|xtt || || ||B ||Y ||Mixtec, Tacahua||
|-
|xtu || || ||B ||Y ||Mixtec, Cuyamecalco||
|-
|xty || || ||B ||Y ||Mixtec, Yoloxochitl||
|-
|xtz || || ||B ||Ö ||Tasmanian||
|-
|xua || || ||B ||Y ||Kurumba, Alu||
|-
|xub || || ||B ||Y ||Kurumba, Betta||
|-
|xuf || || ||B ||Y ||Kunfal||
|-
|xug || || ||B ||Y ||Kunigami||
|-
|xuj || || ||B ||Y ||Kurumba, Jennu||
|-
|xum || || ||B ||A ||Umbrian||
|-
|xuo || || ||B ||Y ||Kuo||
|-
|xup || || ||B ||Ö ||Umpqua, Upper||
|-
|xur || || ||B ||A ||Urartian||
|-
|xut || || ||B ||Y ||Kuthant||
|-
|xuu || || ||B ||Y ||Kxoe||
|-
|xve || || ||B ||A ||Venetic||
|-
|xvi || || ||B ||Y ||Kamviri||
|-
|xvn || || ||B ||A ||Vandalic||
|-
|xvo || || ||B ||A ||Volscian||
|-
|xvs || || ||B ||A ||Vestinian||
|-
|xwc || || ||B ||Ö ||Woccon||
|-
|xwe || || ||B ||Y ||Gbe, Xwela||
|-
|xwg || || ||B ||Y ||Kwegu||
|-
|xwl || || ||B ||Y ||Gbe, Western Xwla||
|-
|xwo || || ||B ||Ö ||Oirat, Written||
|-
|xwr || || ||B ||Y ||Kwerba Mamberamo||
|-
|xxk || || ||B ||Y ||Ke'o||
|-
|xzh || || ||B ||A ||Zhang-Zhung||
|-
|xzm || || ||B ||Ö ||Zemgalian||
|}

ISO 639

ISO 639:x