Familia Kemény (în ) este una dintre cele mai vechi familii nobiliare maghiare din Transilvania.

Istoria
Această familie are origini foarte vechi și strămoșii săi sunt comuni cu cei ai familiilor Gyerőffy, Mikola, Radó și Vitéz, stinse acum, și cu cei ai familiei Kabos, care mai există încă. Ele au toate aceeași stemă: un cerb ieșind dintr-o coroană. Au fost semnate mai multe acorduri și carte între ele cu privire la modul de transmitere a patrimoniului în cazul stingerii unei familii. Acest lucru a fost făcut în acord cu regele Vladislav (I sau al II-lea), care era în mod normal beneficiarul oricărei moșteniri nerevendicate în contextul întreruperii liniei bărbătești.

Péter, fiul lui István, este cel care a fondat familia Kemény de Magyargyerőmonostor. Acesta din urmă ar fi avut un frate, Simon, considerat un erou pentru că a îmbrăcat costumul lui Ioan de Hunedoara la Szent-Imre (astăzi Sântimbru din România) și a murit în locul lui.

Boldizsár Kemény a fost un om de încredere al lui István Báthory, iar atunci când Báthory a fost ales rege al Poloniei, l-a urmat în Polonia. Mai târziu, a devenit un apropiat al lui Moise Székely și din 1608 a fost comite de  Alba de Jos. Fiul lui și al Zsófiei Tornyi, János, a fost ales principe al Transilvaniei. Nepotul principelui, János, comite de Belső-Szolnok, s-a căsătorit cu fiica contelui Mihály Teleki și în 1698 a primit titlul de baron, împreună cu fratele său. Fratele principelui, Boldizsár, căpitan al lui Gheorghe Rákóczi al II-lea, a fost numit comite al Clujului. În 1804 un membru al familiei pe nume Sámuel a primit titlul de conte.

Membri importanți ai familiei
 Dénes Kemény (1803-1849), om politic, secretar de stat în Ministerul de Interne în timpul Revoluției Maghiare din 1848
 Endre Kemény (1845-1898), scriitor, om politic
  Farkas Kemény (1796-1848), colonel de honvezi, participant la Revoluția Maghiară din 1848
 Gábor Kemény (1830-1888), om politic, ministru al agriculturii, industriei și comerțului (1878–1882) și ministru al lucrărilor publice și transporturilor (1882-1886), consilier secret, președintele Societății de Istorie Maghiară
 István Kemény (1811-1881), om politic, főispán (comite)
 János Kemény (1607-1662), principe al Transilvaniei
 János Kemény (1825-1896), om politic, vicepreședinte al Camerei Reprezentanților
 János Kemény (1903-1971), scriitor, director de teatru
 József Kemény (1795-1855), istoric maghiar, membru al Academiei Ungare de Științe
 Kálmán Kemény (1838-1918), főispán (comite), vicepreședinte al Camerei Superioare
 Lajos Kemény (1799-1879), locotenent de honvezi, comandant militar al Devei
 Sámuel Kemény (1739-1817), vicecomite de Dăbâca, főispán (comite) al comitatului Turda, sfetnic regal și șambelan.
 Zsigmond Kemény (1814-1875), scriitor, publicist și om politic maghiar, considerat unul dintre maeștrii romanului istoric maghiar

Surse
 Révai nagy lexikona (vol. XI, JÓB-KONTÚR)
 Arborele genealogic al familiei Kemény

Familia Kemény


Velika loža starih i prihvaćenih slobodnih zidara Srbije (srp. Велика Ложа Старих и Прихваћених Слободних Зидара Србије) je najstarija velika loža u Srbiji.

Povijest
Osnovana je 23. lipnja 1990. godine kao Velika loža Jugoslavije unošenjem svjetla od strane Ujedinjene velike lože Njemačke. Osnivač i prvi velik majstor ove velike lože bio je Zoran Nenezić. Godine 1993. veliki dio članstva se izdvaja i osniva Regularnu veliku ložu Jugoslavije (današnja Regularna velika loža Srbije), kao i 1997. godine kada se formira Velika nacionalna loža Jugoslavije (današnja Velika nacionalna loža Srbije).

Vidi još
 Velika loža "Jugoslavija"
 Popis masonskih velikih loža u Europi

Izvori

Sr
Slobodno zidarstvo u Srbiji

Velika loža Jugoslavije


සමිඋල්ලා ෂින්වාරි (Pashto: سميع الله شينواري; උපත 1987 දෙසැම්බර් 31) යනු ජාත්‍යන්තර මට්ටමින් ඇෆ්ගනිස්ථානය නියෝජනය කරන ඇෆ්ගනිස්ථාන ක්‍රිකට් ක්‍රීඩකයෙකි. ඔහු දකුණත් පිතිකරුවෙක් සහ අර්ධකාලීන පාදග පන්දු යවන්නෙක්. ඔහු 2009 අප්‍රේල් මාසයේදී ඇෆ්ගනිස්තානය වෙනුවෙන් ජාත්‍යන්තර තරගයට පිවිසියේය.

සමිඋල්ලා ෂින්වාරි


Vrabia negricioasă (Passer hispaniolensis), numită și vrabie spaniolă sau vrabie de sălciș, este o pasăre sedentară sau migratoare din familia paseridelor, ordinul paseriformelor, care cuibărește în sudul Europei (inclusiv în sudul și sud-estul României și în sudul Republicii Moldova), Asia Mică, Asia Centrală și nordul Africii. Populațiile din sud-vestul Europei de și cele din nordul Africii sunt sedentare, iar cele din Balcani și din Asia Centrală sunt migratoare și iernează în Africa de Nord, în Orientul Apropiat și în Asia de Sud. Sunt descrise 2 subspecii: Passer hispaniolensis hispaniolensis și Passer hispaniolensis transcaspicus. În România și Republica Moldova cuibărește subspecia Passer hispaniolensis hispaniolensis. În România a fost descoperită în 1964 ca specie cuibăritoare în sudul Dobrogei, care și-a extins teritoriul până la limita sudică a Deltei (Murighiol, Agighiol), apoi și în sudul țării, de-a lungul Dunării. Mărimea populației cuibăritoare din România este estimată la 450.000-900.000 de perechi. Cuibărește în regiuni deschise, predominant umede de lângă ape acoperite cu arbori și arbuști și din apropierea terenurile agricole, pătrunde și în zonele urbane unde lipsește vrabia de casă. Preferă pâlcurile de arbori, liniile de tufărișuri și aliniamente de copaci, în care realizează colonii mari. Se întâlnește obișnuit în ținuturi joase, dar în Afganistan la altitudini mari de până la 2750 m. Este gregară, care se hrănește și migrează în stoluri. Este o pasăre mică, are o lungime de 15-16 cm și o greutate de 22-38 g. Poate trăi până la 11 ani și 2 luni. Masculul în penajul nupțial are capul de la frunte până la ceafă castaniu (brun-roșcat), lorul negru (de obicei cu o linie supralorală scurtă și subțire, albă), pata postoculară, obrazul și tectricele auriculare sunt albe; părțile superioare cu dungi negre și brun-gălbuii, partea inferioară a spatelui brun-cenușie; coada brun închisă; bărbia până la piept neagră, partea inferioară a flancurilor cu dungi negre groase, abdomenul alb curat; tectricele supraalare castanii, supraalare mijlocii tivite pe vârfuri cu alb, supraalare mari cu centrele negre și vârfurile albicioase înguste, remigele aripilor negre, tivite nisipiu pe margini, o pată palidă la baza remigelor primare; irisul este brun-închis; ciocul negru; picioarele rozaceu deschise sau brunii. Masculul diferă de cel al vrabiei de casă cu care se aseamănă prin aceea că are vârful capului brun-roșcat (nu cenușiu), părțile superioare cu pete mai intens colorate, iar bărbia este mai extinsă și se continuă pe flancuri sub formă de dungi negre. Femela este mai spălăcită de culoare brună sau brun-cenușie, cu o dungă supraciliară mai deschisă, părțile superioare au desenul asemănător cu cel al masculului dar sunt mai spălăcite și mai brune, cu mai puțin negru și lipsite de tonuri castanii; bărbia și partea inferioară a gâtului albicioase (bărbița neagră absență), părțile inferioare mai deschise, cu un colier de dungi întunecate care se continue în jos pe flancuri; ciocul bruniu. Se hrănește mai ales cu semințe de graminee, de cereale cultivate și de ierburi spontane joase, dar și cu nevertebrate (omizi, lăcuste, furnici zburătoare) pe tot parcursul anului. Caută semințe pe sol, rupe mugurii și fructele necoapte de pe crengi; prinde insecte de pe crengile tufelor și ale copacilor, dar le poate captura și urmărindu-le în zbor. Ajunge la maturitate sexuală la vârsta de un an. În regiunile unde specia este sedentară, perioada de cuibărit începe încă de la începutul lunii martie, iar la populațiile migratoare doar din luna mai. Este o specie monogamă. Strigătele și cântecul amintesc de cele ale vrabiei de casă, fiind puțin mai puternice și mai joase. Cuibărește în colonii care ajung până la sute de mii de cuiburi, cuiburile sunt îngrămădite îndeaproape unul lângă altul, uneori peste 100 într-un singur copac. Cuibul este construit de ambele sexe, iar după terminarea lui rămîne câte unul din parteneri ca să-l păzească, deoarece unii membri ai coloniei au obiceiul de a fura materialul de cuib de la vecini. Cuibul are o formă aproximativ sferică de 15-30 cm în diametru, intrarea fiind pe lateral, el este făcut din iarbă, fân, paie de graminee și alte tulpini de plante, iar în interior este căptușit cu ierburi mai fine,  pene, puf și păr de la animale. El este fixat strâns de crengile copacului sau în partea de jos a cuiburilor mari ale berzelor din localități, păsărilor de pradă, ciorilor sau stârcilor sau pe un stâlp; rareori în găurile pereților sau clădirilor. Depune de regulă 2, mai rar 3-4 ponte pe an formate din câte 2-8 ouă albe, pătate cu stropi gri-verzui, incubația este asigurată de ambele sexe și durează 11-14 zile. Puii rămân în cuib 11-15 zile și sunt hrăniți de ambii părinți. În primele zile de viață puii sunt hrăniți numai cu insecte, treptat adulții introducând și produse vegetale în hrana lor (în special cereale). Acolo unde numărul lor este mare, această specie poate deveni un dăunător important al agriculturii.

Taxonomie și subspecii
Sunt recunoscute două subspecii.
 Passer hispaniolensis hispaniolensis (Temminck, 1820) - subspecia nominată, cuibărește în Peninsula Iberică, Sardinia, Grecia și Balcani, vestul Asiei Mici, insulele estice din Oceanul Atlantic (Madeira, Insulele Canare și Insulele Capului Verde) și nord-vestul Africii (din Maroc spre est până în nord-estul Libiei); iernează în nord-estul Africii și sud-vestul Asiei.
 Passer hispaniolensis transcaspicus Tschusi, 1902 - cuibărește în Cipru, estul Turciei și Levant la est până în Iran, Afganistan, sudul Kazahstanului și nord-vestul Chinei (în vestul Xingjiangului); iernează în sud-vestul Asiei, Pakistan și nord-vestul Indiei.

În România și Republica Moldova cuibărește subspecia Passer hispaniolensis hispaniolensis.

Uneori este considerată conspecifică cu vrabia de casă (Passer domesticus) și vrabia italiană (Passer italiae). Hibridizează într-o mare măsură cu prima în sud-estul Europei (Balcani), iar în sudul Italiei cu cea de-a doua. Au fost raportați și hibrizi cu vrabia de câmp (Passer montanus).

Deplasări sezoniere

Populațiile pot fi sedentare, hoinare și migratoare. Cele de pe insulele din estul Oceanului Atlantic și unele populații din sudul arealului sunt sedentare; deplasându-se parțial spre sud, de ex. în nord-vestul Africii. În est, subspecia transcaspicus este în principal migratoare, după reproducere se deplasează spre sudul Afghanistanului, Pakistan și nord-vestul Indiei, unele în Peninsula Arabică; sosește în Kazahstan de la mijlocul lui aprilie până la începutul lui iunie, plecând de la sfârșitul lui septembrie până la începutul lui noiembrie; în pasaj trece în număr foarte mare prin vestul Tian-Șanului. În plus, dispersarea post-reproductivă a cârdurilor în căutare hranei poate avea loc pe distanțe de câteva sute de kilometri.

Apariții accidentale au fost înregistrate în Insulele Britanice, Olanda și nordul Europei, iar iarna apare accidental la sud până la paralela 19°N în Maroc, sudul oazelor sahariene și nordul Sudanului. Cârdurile care migrează probabil prin Insulele Malteze au fost înregistrate în aprilie și octombrie, deplasându-se spre nord și respectiv spre sud.

Statutul și conservarea

Specia nu este amenințată la nivel global (LC după criteriile IUCN). Comună sau numeroasă în unele locuri. Estimările aproximative din anii 1980-1990 au arătat următoarele cifre pentru perechile cuibăritoare: România 500.000, Grecia 400.000, Bulgaria 300.000, Malta 40.000, Spania și Portugalia 30.000 fiecare, cu un total pentru Europa de 1.500.000-2.500.000 perechi; câteva zeci de mii de perechi cuibăresc în Israel.

După datele BirdLife International din 2015 populația cuibăritoare din Europa a fost  estimată la 6.110.000-13.200.000 perechi, ceea ce echivalează cu 12.200.000-26.300.000 de indivizi maturi. Europa constituie circa 20% din arealul global, astfel încât o estimare foarte preliminară a mărimii globale a populației este de 61.000.000-131.500.000 de indivizi maturi, dar este necesară validarea ulterioară a acestei estimări.

Câteva populații figurează în partea estică a arealului, dar sunt extrem de numeroase în unele zone; numărul păsărilor care migrează prin trecătoare Ciokpak din Kazahstan a scăzut de la o medie de 35.200.000 în 1965-1981 la 11.400.000 în 2003-2005. A colonizat insula Madeira, Insulele Canare și Insulele Capului Verde în secolele 19 și 20; în sud-estul Kazahstanului și nord-vestul Chinei (Sinkiang), și-a extins arealul din 1940, ca urmare a creșterii cultivării cerealelor.

Creșterea numărului și răspândirii au fost observate începând cu 1980 în Peninsula Iberică (Estramadura din Spania, Alentejo din Portugalia), în Balcani și în Orientul Mijlociu (unde s-a extins spre sud în Arabia Saudită), a crescut numărul lor și în extremitatea nord-estică a arealului în Sinkiang, în ciuda încercărilor prelungite ale agricultorilor locali de a le controla; această creștere și expansiune este în mare măsură rezultatul intensificării cultivării irigate. În schimb, numărul lor a scăzut aproape până la dispariție în Madeira ca urmare a utilizării fără discriminare a insecticidelor.

În Europa, mărimea populației este estimată că va scadea cu mai puțin de 25% în 17,4 ani (trei generații) (BirdLife International 2015).

În perioada 1990-2000 s-a înregistrat o scădere a efectivelor în câteva țări, precum Grecia și Turcia, în timp ce majoritatea populațiilor europene au crescut numeric (Croația, Bulgaria, Spania și Rusia) sau au rămas stabile (România, Albania și Portugalia). Astfel, în ansamblu, populația europeană este în prezent considerată a fi stabilă.

În România efectivul este estimat la 450.000-900.000 de perechi cuibăritoare și este stabil. În Republica Moldova efectivul nu a fost încă estimat.

Acolo unde numărul lor este mare, această specie poate deveni un dăunător important al agriculturii.

Populația cuibăritoare din Europa estimată de BirdLife International în 2015

Note

Legături externe

 Vrabie negricioasă, Passer hispaniolensis. SOR
 Spanish Sparrow   Passer hispaniolensis. The Internet Bird Collection (IBC). Video
 Spanish sparrow (Passer hispaniolensis). Arkive.  Video
 Moineau espagnol, Passer hispaniolensis. Oiseaux.net
 Moineau espagnol, Passer hispaniolensis. Photos, Oiseaux.net.
 Moineau espagnol, Passer hispaniolis. Passereaux. Solene Ledantec.
 Spanish Sparrow (Passer hispaniolensis). BirdGuides
 Spanish Sparrow Passer hispaniolensis. Oiseaux-Birds.com
 Passer hispaniolensis (Temminck, 1820) - Черногрудый воробей. Позвоночные животные России
 Spanish Sparrow Passer hispaniolensis (Temminck, 1820). Birds of Kazakhstan.
 O colonie de vrabii negricioase în Cipru. YouTube Video
 Vrabia negricioasa, colonii, 31 mai 2015, Oltenia, România. YouTube Video
 Vrabia negricioasa scăldându-se. YouTube Video
 Vrabia negricioasa la o hrănitoare. YouTube Video

 Passeridae
Păsări din România
Păsări din Republica Moldova

Vrabie negricioasă


The Rookie (titulada El novato en Venezuela y El principiante en el resto de la Hispanidad) es una película estadounidense de acción de 1990, dirigida y protagonizada por Clint Eastwood, con las actuaciones de Charlie Sheen, Raúl Juliá, Sônia Braga, Lara Flynn Boyle y Tom Skerritt.

Sinopsis argumental
Pulovski es un policía veterano y muy temperamental, que trabaja en la división especializada en esclarecer casos de coches robados. David Ackerman es, por el contrario, un policía novato e inseguro, que además es perseguido por un trauma de su niñez. David es asignado a Pulovski, cuando su colega es asesinado por una poderosa banda dirigida por un alemán llamado Strom, que se dedica a robar a gran escala coches de lujo para luego venderlos de nuevo. A pesar de sus diferencias, ambos deben trabajar juntos para atraparlos, algo que no será fácil, porque además son muy peligrosos y capaces de todo.

Finalmente, después de toda una serie de luchas, todo termina con un enfrentamiento letal en el aeropuerto, donde los criminales, que planeaban huir de la ciudad porque ya no era segura para ellos, son matados por ambos, cuando ofrecen resistencia letal a los dos hasta el último momento. Después de ese acontecimiento Pulovski es ascendido y David, que durante los acontecimientos ha superado sus inhibiciones, se vuelve un veterano, que tiene ahora como compañero de trabajo a una novata.

Reparto
 Clint Eastwood — Nick Pulovski
 Charlie Sheen — David Ackerman
 Raúl Juliá — Strom
 Sônia Braga — Liesl
 Tom Skerritt — Eugene Ackerman
 Lara Flynn Boyle — Sarah
 Pepe Serna — Teniente Ray Garcia
 Marco Rodríguez — Loco Martinez
 Donna Mitchell — Laura Ackerman
 Xander Berkeley — Blackwell

Sobre la película
La película ha quedado en la memoria del público y de la crítica por la escena de una violación, escena en la que, inhabitualmente, es una mujer quien viola a un hombre, y particularmente una seductora mujer de alta estatura, consumidora de cocaína. Rodada en su totalidad en California durante la primavera de 1990, la película es también recordada por su elaborada pirotecnia y por sus escenas de acción.

Recepción
Esta fue la película, con la que el famoso actor/director Clint Eastwood saldaría una especie de cuenta con la Warner por el fracaso comercial de su anterior film, la mucho más íntima y personal Cazador blanco, corazón negro. Es una película muy buena, en la que lograron contar una buena historia y mantener al espectador en su butaca.

Lanzamiento en formato doméstico
La película se editó inicialmente en formato VHS el 27 de mayo de 1992. La edición en DVD apareció por primera vez en Estados Unidos el 2 de septiembre de 2003. Dicha edición en DVD incluye una banda sonora de transferencia digital remasterizada en Dobly Digital 5.1, menús interactivos, acceso directo a escenas y el tráiler como bonus. The Rookie se editó en disco Blu-ray el 1 de junio de 2010.

Referencias

Enlaces externos

 Official website

 The Rookie at the Movie Review Query Engine
 The Rookie at Rotten Tomatoes
 The Rookie at Box Office Mojo

Películas de acción
Películas de Malpaso Productions
Películas de Warner Bros.

The Rookie (película de 1990)


Ilumina Tu Vida es el álbum debut de la cantante Mexicana de pop latino Yuri.  Julio Jaramillo produce su primer disco que incluye la versión en castellano de You light up my life (Tú iluminas mi vida) de la cantante estadounidense Debby Boone. Sin embargo, el disco no obtiene el éxito anhelado.

Antecedentes
En el año de 1977, durante una presentación del grupo Yuri y La Manzana Eléctrica, un ejecutivo de Discos Gamma descubre el potencial de la cantante y le propone a Yuri grabar su primer álbum en solitario.

Yuri, con apenas 13 años, entra al estudio y graba el sencillo Tú Iluminas mi Vida que es la versión de la canción You light up my life de la cantante estadounidense Debby Boone. Al grabarla, Discos Gamma decide sacar esta canción inicialmente como sencillo, antes de terminar de grabar el álbum completo; por lo tanto, antes de terminar el año de 1977, se lanza comercialmente el sencillo Tú Iluminas mi Vida, en el cual se encontraba la canción mencionada en el lado "A" y en el lado "B" se encontraba la canción La balada del Vagabundo", misma que no es considerada para aparecer en el disco de larga duración.

Para inicios de 1978, sale a circulación el Long Play oficial llamado Ilumina Tu Vida, convirtiéndose así en el álbum debut de la cantante.

Realización y promoción
Yuri inicia la promoción de este álbum en programas de televisión como Siempre en domingo y En Familia con Chabelo.  Este mismo año, Yuri participa en la película Milagro en el Circo donde actúa junto a Cepillín el cual gozaba de bastante fama en aquel entonces, y en la misma canta el sencillo "Las Cosas Bonitas del Amor" de este disco.

Lista de canciones

Referencias

Álbumes debut de 1978
Álbumes de Yuri
Álbumes de balada romántica
Álbumes en español

Ilumina tu vida


الدوري الألماني لكرة القدم 2009-2010 هو موسم من الدوري الألماني لكرة القدم حيث توج به نادي بايرن ميونيخ

ترتيب الأندية

النتائج

إحصائيات

قائمة الهدافين
المصدر: kicker magazine

روابط إضافية
 الموقع الرسمي للدوري
 Bundesliga on DFB page
 مجلة Kicker

مصادر

مقالات مع مصادر باللغة الألمانية (de)
ألمانيا في 2010
دوريات كرة قدم ألمانية في 2009-10
دوريات كرة قدم أوروبية في 2009–10
مواسم الدوري الألماني

الدوري الألماني 2009–10


"එම මෝඩකම යළිත් කරන මෝඩයා, උගේ වමනයට හැරී යන බල්ලෙකු වැනිය" යනු,  ශුද්ධවූ බයිබලයෙහි හිතෝපදේශය පොතෙහි (හිතෝපදේශය 26:11) සඳහන් ආප්ත පදයක් වන අතර නව ගිවිසුමෙහි, 2 පේදුරු 2:22 හී පාර්ශවික වශයෙන් සඳහන් වෙයි ("බල්ලා උගේම වමනයට හැරී එයි;සේදූ පසුත් ඊරි මඩ වගුරෙහි පෙරළෙයි"). එහි අර්ථය වන්නේ මෝඩයන් හිතුමතයේ අනම්‍ය වන අතර, එය විස සහගත විය හැකි වුවද උගේ  වමනය යළිත් අනුභව කරන බල්ලෙකුගේ ජුගුප්සිත උපමාවක් තුලින් එය සන්නිදර්ශනය වන බවත්ය. එකල මළවුන් මල හරණය කරන්නෙකු වූ බැවින් බයිබලීය සමයෙහිදී බල්ලන් සැලකුණේ අපිරිසිදු ලෙසින් වන අතර,  නපුර සංකේතවත් කරන අතිශයින් අප්‍රිය ජීවින් ලෙසින් බයිබලයෙහි සඳහන් වෙති.


කෝවිලගේ ජීවන් කුමාරණතුංග (උපත 1958 නොවැම්බර් 7), යනු ශ්‍රී ලංකා සිනමාවේ, වේදිකාවේ සහ රූපවාහිනියේ නළුවෙකි. ඔහු පසුව දේශපාලනඥයෙකු වශයෙන් ශ්‍රී ලංකා පාර්ලිමේන්තුවේ හිටපු මන්ත්‍රීවරයෙකු සහ හිටපු කැබිනට් අමාත්‍යවරයෙකු ලෙස සේවය කලේය. ඔහු හිටපු ජනාධිපති චන්ද්‍රිකා කුමාරතුංග ගේ සමීප ඥාතියෙක් වන අතර නළුවෙකු සහ දේශපාලනඥයෙකු වූ විජය කුමාරතුංගගේ බෑණනුවන් වේ.

පෞද්ගලික ජීවිතය
ඔහු 1958 නොවැම්බර් 7 වැනිදා සීදූවේදී උපත ලැබීය. ඔහුගේ පියා සිඩ්නි කුමාරණතුංග ද චිත්‍රපට නළුවෙකි. සිඩ්නිගේ සොහොයුරා වූ විජය කීර්තිමත් නළුවෙක් සහ දේශපාලනඥයෙක් විය. ජීවන් සිය අධ්‍යාපනය සම්පූර්ණ කළේ කොළඹ කේරි විද්‍යාලයෙනි.

ජීවන් 1986 සිට විවාහ වී සිටින්නේ ඔහුගේ දිගුකාලීන සහකරු ෂෙරින් සමඟ වන අතර ඔවුන්ට මල්ෂා සහ මලීෂා නමින් දියණියන් දෙදෙනෙකුද හර්ෂමාන නමින් එක් පුතෙකුද සිටී. කුමාරණතුංග මහතාගේ දියණිය වන මල්ෂා 2014 වසරේ බස්නාහිර පළාත් සභාවට කොළඹ දිස්ත්‍රික් අසුනට සාර්ථකව තරග කළාය.

වෘත්තීය ජීවිතය
ශ්‍රී ලංකාවේ හොඳම වාණිජමය වශයෙන් සාර්ථක චිත්‍රපට කලාකරුවෙකු වන ජීවන් සිය සිනමා ජීවිතය ආරම්භ කළේ ඔහුගේ මාමා වන විජය සමඟ ය. 1982 දී තිරගත වූවත් ඔහුගේ මංගල සිනමා රංගනය පැමිණියේ තනි තරුව හරහාය. ඔහුගේ පළමු තිරගත වූ චිත්‍රපටය වූයේ "ගඟ අද්දර" වන අතර එහිදී ඔහු "ලියන මහත්තයා" ලෙස සුළු චරිතයක් රඟපෑවේය. පසුගිය දශක දෙක තුළ ඔහු බොහෝ ප්‍රභේද හරහා චිත්‍රපට 90 කට වැඩි ගණනක රඟපෑවේය.

පළමු වසර කිහිපය තුළ ජීවන් විශේෂයෙන් දුෂ්ට චරිතවල රඟපෑ අතර එයට ඔබට දිවුර කියන්නම්, ප්‍රාර්ථනා, ජය සිකුරුයි සහ රුමතියයි නීතියි වැනි චිත්‍රපට ඇතුළත් වේ. ඔහුගේ පළමු ආදර වීර චරිතය 1984 [[රෝයි ද සිල්වා] විසින් අධ්‍යක්ෂණය කරන ලද හිත හොන්ඩා කොල්ලෙක් චිත්‍රපටය හරහා පැමිණියේය. ඉන් පසුව ඔහුට දිගටම ප්‍රධාන චරිත රැසක් හිමි විය. මෙම කාලය තුළ ඔහු සාමාන්‍යයෙන් අනෝජා වීරසිංහ සමඟ රඟපෑ අතර එය ඔවුන් වසර ගණනාවක් සිනමා යුවළක් බවට පත් කළේය. ජීවන්-අනෝජා යුවළගේ වඩාත් ජනප්‍රිය චිත්‍රපට අතරට මමයි රජා, ඔබට රහසක් කියන්නම්, නැවත අපි එක් වෙමු, රන්දෙණිගල සිංහයා, යුක්තියට වඩා, වීර උදාර සහ ඇසළ සඳ ඇතුළත් වේ. 1990 වසරේ ජනප්‍රියම නළුවාට හිමි සරසවිය සම්මානය ඔහුට හිමිවිය.

ඔහු රණ් කහවනු, සුදු පරවියෝ, හිඟන කොල්ල සහ අමරපුරය වැනි රූපවාහිනී කතාමාලා කිහිපයක රඟපෑවේය. එමෙන්ම රන්දෙණිගල සිංහයා, මුවන් පැලැස්සේ කදිරා, වැලි සුළඟ, මා ඔබේ හිතවතා වැනි චිත්‍රපට රැසක්ද නිෂ්පාදනය කළේය.

චිත්‍රපටකරණය

මේවාද බලන්න
රන්ජන් රාමනායක
සිංහල සිනමාව
ශ්‍රී ලංකාවේ දේශපාලන පවුල් ලැයිස්තුව

යොමු කිරීම්

බාහිර සබැඳි
 ජාතික රූපවාහිනියට කළු සෙවනැල්ලක්
 බර්ට්‍රම් ගේ අමරපුරය 3 දා සිට ජීවන් නැවතත් පුංචි තිරයට
 ජීවන් කුමාරණතුංග පදනමෙන් ගැබිනි කාන්තාවන් 500 කට ත්‍යාග
 ජීවන් යළි යළිත් රජ වෙයි
 මහින්දාගමනයට කළ කැප වීම ගැන ජීවන් කුමාරතුංගගෙන් හෙළිදරව්වක්
 සේරම පිස්සෝ කියලා ජනතාව තීරණය කරලා

1958 උපත්
ශ්‍රී ලාංකිකයෝ
සිංහල ජනයා
ලාංකික සිංහලයෝ
ලංකික දේශපාලනඥයෝ
චරිත කතා
ශ්‍රී ලාංකික නළුවෝ

ජීවන් කුමාරණතුංග


سيرين (سيرين تحريف لكلمة «سير» الارامية، وتعني القمة) تقع في أقصى شمال قضاء بيسان وتبعد عن المدينة 17 كم على ارتفاع (200) متر عن سطح البحر. تبلغ مساحة أراضيها (28445) دونما. وقدر عدد سكانها عام 1922 حوالي (581) نسمة، وفي عام 1945 ما يقارب (810) نسمة. تعد القرية ذات موقع أثري يحتوي على أرضية مرصوفة بالفسيفساء، وأساسات ومدافن، وقلعة كرنيش، كما تحيط بها مجموعة من الخرب التي تضم مواقع أثرية. قامت المنطمات الصهيونية المسلحة بهدم القرية وتشريد أهلها البالغ عددهم عام 48 حوالي (940) نسمة، وكان ذلك في 12-5-1948 ويلغ مجموع اللاجئين من هذه القرية في عام 1998 حوالي (5770) نسمة.

تاريخ وموقع القرية
كانت القرية تقع في رقعة مستوية من الأرض، تنحدر بالتدريج نحو الجنوب الغربي. وكان يحد موقع القرية من الشمال الغربي وادي الردوح، ومن الجنوب الشرقي وادي البيادر ومن الجنوب وادي البيرة.

توسطت سرين قرى عولم من الشمال و[[الطيرة (بيسان)|طيرة بيسان] من الغرب؛ ومن الشرق عرب البشاتوة وجسر المجامع، من الجنوب كوكب الهوا، دنة والبيرة. يحيط موقع سرين القرى الباقية الطيبة الزعبية وكفر مصر وطمرة المرج.

 وكانت طريق فرعية تربطها بالطريق العام المؤدي إلى سمخ شمالا وإلى بيسان جنوبا. كما كانت طرق فرعية أخرى ودروب ضيقة تربطها بالقرى المجاورة. وكان الصليبيون يسمونها لوسيرين. في سنة 1596، كانت سيرين قرية في ناحية جنين (لواء اللجون)، وعدد سكانها 22 نسمة، وكانت تدفع الضرائب على عدد من الغلال كالقمح والشعير، بالإضافة إلى عناصر أخرى من الإنتاج كالماعز وخلايا النحل. وقد وصفها الرحالة البريطاني بكنغهام، الذي زار المنطقة في أوائل القرن التاسع عشر، بأنها قرية فيها نحو ثلاثين أو أربعين منزلا، وبالقرب منها نحو ست خيام للبدو.

في أواخر القرن التاسع عشر، كانت سيرين محاطة بسياجات من نبات الصبار، وكان سكانها عددهم 100 نسمة تقريبا- يزرعون 35 فدانا (الفدان يساوي 100-250 دونما). وكانت منازلها في البدء مبنية عند ملتقى الطرق المؤدية إلى القرى الأخرى، لكن مع توسع القرية بدأت منازلها الجديدة تمتد في اتجاه شمالي غربي وجنوبي شرقي. وفي سنة 1945 كان عدد سكانها 810 أنفس، منهم 190 من المسيحيين و 620 من المسلمين. وكان في سيرين مدرسة ابتدائية للينين. وكانت الزراعة أساس اقتصاد القرية، وأهم محاصيلها الحبوب والزيتون. في 1944\1945، كان ما مجموعه 14854 دونما مخصصا للحبوب، 413 دونما مرويا أو مستخدما للبساتين، منها 109 دونمات مزروعة زيتونا. وقد عثر على نقش باللغة اليونانية في منزل زيد الشحادة. ومن آثار الفترة البيزنطية أرضية من الفسيفساء ونبع معقود مع بقايا حافة متوجة. وكان بها مدرسة ابتدائية للبنين ، أعلى صفوفها الرابع الابتدائي سنة 1942-1943. وضمت أيضاً عائلات مسيحية.
وجاء اسم سيرين من التسمية الآرامية سير يعني القمة أو الرأس أو المكان المرتفع.واشهرر اودية سيرين وادي الشومر وادي تفاحة وادي البيادر وادي امم ولهان. ومن عيونها عين ام العلق ، ام سدرة ، ادمة ، العبدة ، الحية ، ام حجير..

القرية اليوم

لم يبق منها سوى المقبرة، ومنزل وحيد (يستخدم متبنا). ويشاهد في الموقع ركام الحجارة محاطا بنبات الصبار. أما الموقع ذاته، فيستخدم زريبة للأبقار. وتغطي بنية حجرية النبع القائم وسط الموقع. ويزرع بعض الأراضي المحيطة بالقرية قطنا.

المصادر

 موقع فلسطين في الذاكرة

قرى بيسان
قرى فلسطينية أخليت من سكانها في الحرب العربية الإسرائيلية 1948
مقالات تتضمن معلومات من موقع فلسطين في الذاكرة

سرين (بيسان)


We Sold Our Soul for Rock 'n' Roll is a compilation album by British heavy metal band Black Sabbath, originally released in January 1976 in the UK and 3 February 1976 in the US.

Album information
When Black Sabbath signed with NEMS, the label which would release their 1975 album Sabotage in the UK, NEMS acquired the band's back catalogue and wasted little time compiling this release. Authorized without the band's awareness by their previous manager, Patrick Meehan, the band would make no money whatsoever from the release. Although the band had six studio albums to its name at this point, this compilation drew heavily on the first four albums: this would also be a feature of most of the Osbourne-era compilations later released.

The original UK gatefold album, with a matte finish, featured a woman in a coffin holding what looks like a tin foil cross. Additionally, the original record retained Geezer Butler's bass solo before "N.I.B.", but this would be edited from later issues. Some US copies of the LP do not actually include "Wicked World" on the label or on the record itself, though it does appear on the cover. In the UK, "Wicked World" had been only a B-side and was relatively obscure.

Despite the album being an official release, Iommi has been quoted as saying that the first time the band knew of it was when asked to autograph copies which fans presented after concerts.

Reception

It was certified Silver in the UK by the BPI on 1 October 1976. In the US the RIAA certified the album as Gold on 7 February 1980, Platinum on 13 May 1986 and 2x Multi-Platinum (generally known as 'Double Platinum' outside the offices of the RIAA) on 16 March 2000.

Track listing

Personnel
 Ozzy Osbourne – lead vocals, harmonica
 Tony Iommi – guitar, piano and Mellotron on Changes, synthesizer on ,Am I Going Insane (Radio)
 Geezer Butler – bass, Mellotron on Changes
 Bill Ward – drums, percussion

Charts

Certifications

Release history

References

External links
 Black Sabbath - We Sold Our Soul for Rock 'n' Roll (1975) album review by Steve Huey, credits & releases at AllMusic
 Black Sabbath - We Sold Our Soul for Rock 'n' Roll (1975) album releases & credits at Discogs.com
 Black Sabbath - We Sold Our Soul for Rock 'n' Roll (1975) album credits & user reviews at ProgArchives.com
 Black Sabbath - We Sold Our Soul for Rock 'n' Roll (1975) album to be listened as stream at Spotify.com

Albums produced by Rodger Bain
Black Sabbath compilation albums
1976 compilation albums
Vertigo Records compilation albums
Warner Records compilation albums

We Sold Our Soul for Rock 'n' Roll


Sucesso é o estado ou condição de atender a uma definida faixa de expectativas. Pode ser visto como o oposto de fracasso. Os critérios para o sucesso dependem do contexto e podem ser relativos a um determinado observador ou sistema de crenças. Uma pessoa pode considerar um sucesso o que outra pessoa considera um fracasso, particularmente em casos de competição direta ou um jogo de soma zero. Da mesma forma, o grau de sucesso ou fracasso em uma situação pode ser visto de forma diferente por observadores ou participantes distintos, de modo que uma situação que um considera um sucesso, outro pode considerar um fracasso, um sucesso qualificado ou uma situação neutra. Por exemplo, um filme que é um fracasso comercial ou mesmo uma bomba de bilheteria pode se tornar um cult, sendo o fracasso comercial considerado cool.

Em biologia
Seleção natural é a variação na sobrevivência e reprodução bem-sucedida de indivíduos devido a diferenças no fenótipo. É um mecanismo chave de evolução, a mudança nos traços hereditáveis  característicos de uma população ao longo de gerações. Charles Darwin popularizou o termo "seleção natural", contrastando-o com seleção artificial, que em sua opinião é intencional, enquanto a seleção natural não é. Como Darwin expressou em 1859, a seleção natural é o "princípio pelo qual cada pequena variação [de uma característica], que for útil útil, será preservada". O conceito era simples, mas poderoso: os indivíduos mais bem adaptados aos seus ambientes têm maior probabilidade de sobreviver e se reproduzir. Enquanto houver alguma variação entre eles e essa variação for herdável, haverá uma inevitável seleção de indivíduos com as variações mais vantajosas. Se as variações são hereditárias, então o sucesso reprodutivo diferencial leva a uma evolução progressiva de populações particulares de uma espécie e as populações que evoluem para serem suficientemente diferentes acabam se tornando espécies diferentes.

Ver também
 Viés de sobrevivência
 Vitória

Conceitos
Terminologia sociológica
Neurociência
Administração

Sucesso


PaK 97/38 (7,5 cm Panzerabwehrkanone 97/38), Nazi Almanyası ordusu Wehrmacht tarafından II. Dünya Savaşı sırasında kullanılan bir tanksavar silahıydı. Silahın namlu kısmı Fransız yapımı Canon de 75 modèle 1897 topuna ve kundağı ise Alman 5 cm PaK 38 e aitti.

Geliştirilme tarihi

Polonya Seferi ve Fransa Seferi sırasında Wehrmacht Fransız üretici Schneider tarafından üretilen binlerce 75 mm model 1897 top ele geçirdi. Bu toplar Alman ordusu tarafından 7,5 cm F.K.97(p) ve 7,5 cm F.K.231(f) adıyla kullanıldı.

1941 yılında Wehrmacht SSCB işgali sırasında yeni Sovyet yapımı orta sınıf T-34 ve ağır sınıf KV tankları ile karşılaştı. Kalınve eğimli zırha sahip bu tanklar Alman tanksavar silahlarına karşı dayanıklıydı. Bu sebepte sözü geçen tanklara karşı uzun menzilli ve daha etkili tanksavar silahlarına ihtiyaç duyuldu. Aslında Almanların elinde tam bu işe uygun 7,5 cm PaK 40 topu vardı ve Kasım 1941 de servise girmişti. Ancak bu silah yeterli kadar üretilmiyordu ve acilen kullanıma girecek bir çözüm gerekiyordu.

Bu durumda Almanlar ellerinde bulunan her türlü silahı bu işe kullanmaya karar verdi. Fransızlardan ele geçirdikleri topları bu iş için kullanmaya karar verdiler. Ancak bu toplarda merminin namlu çıkış hızı düşüktü. Ayrıca yanal atış açısı sadece 6 derece kalıyordu. Süspansiyon sistemi çok kötüydü ve top en fazla 10–12 km hızla çekilebiliyordu. Bu sorunu 75 mm'lik namluyu Pak 38 e ait daha modern şaseye monte ederek çözdüler. Barutun yarattığı geri tepmeyi azaltmak içinde daha geniş bir namlu ağzı kullandılar. Silahta namlu çıkış hızı gerektirmeyen HEAT mermileri kullanıldı.

İlginç olanı Amerikan ordusu da aynı şekilde bu topu modernize ederek 75mm'lik tanksavar topu olan M2A3 KMO üretiler..

Üretimi
1942 yılında 2,854 adet, 1943 yılında ise 858 adet top servise girdi. 1943 yılında 160 top ise 7.5 cm PaK 40 sehpalı olarak (PaK 97/40) adıyla üretildi. Bu topların bir tanesin maliyeti 9,000 Reichsmark iken, bir PaK 40 için bu miktar 12,000 di. Üretim daha etkili tanksavar toplarının geliştirilmesi ve üretilmesi sebebi ile sona erdi.

Görevleri
PaK 97/38 servise 1942 yazında girdi. Set geri tepmesinden ötürü savaş sonuna kadar az da olsa olumlu işler yapmıştır. Kullandığı mühimmat miktarları kıyaslanacak olunursa, 1942'de 37.800 adet ve 1943'te ise 371,600 adet HEAT mermisi tüketti. 1944'e ait fotoğraflarda bile bu silahın hala kullanımda olduğu görülmektedir. 1 Mart 1945 tarihinde bile Wehrmacht 145 adet Pak 97/38 ve F.K.231(f) topu üretmişti. Ama sadece 14 tanesi cephede kullanıldı.

10 namlu ise deneysel olarak Sovyetler'den ganimet alınan T-26 hafif tankı üzerine monte edilerek 7,5 cm Pak 97/38(f) auf Pz.740(r) adıyla geliştirilmeye çalışıldı. Bu kundağı motorlu toplar 1 Mart 1944 tarihinde Marder III araçları gelene kadar 563. tanksavar taburunun 3. bölüğünde görev yaptılar.

Bu silah Fin Ordusu tarafından Kızıl Ordu'ya karşı verilen savaş sırasında da kullanıldı. Finler 1940 yılında Fransa'dan 75 mm sahra topu olarak bu silahtan aldılar. Ancak performanslarının çok kötü olması sebebiyle 1943 yılında Almanya ile bu silahların PaK97/38'e dönüştürülmesi konusunda anlaştılar. 46 adedi Mart-Haziran 1943 tarihleri arasında dönüştürüldü. 7 top görev sırasında kayboldu. Geri kalan toplar 1986 yılına kadar ordu tarafından kullanıldı.

Aynı şekilde Romanya ordusu da bu topları Doğu Cephesi'nde kullandı.

Sonuç
PaK 97/38 Fransız ve Polonya tarafından ganimet olarak alınan mermilerle kullanıldı. Bu top hafif olması, iyi hareket kabiliyeti ve HEAT tanksavar mermisi ile gösterdiği başarılı atışlar ile çok yararlı bir tanksavar topu olmuştur. (HEAT mermisi T-34 tank zırhını tüm yüzeylerden, KV tank zırhını ise yandan delebiliyordu)

Silahın ön önemli dezavantajı düşük olan mermi namlu çıkış hızıydı. Ancak HEAT mermilerinde bu pek de önemli değildi. Ancak bu özelliği yüzünde zırh delici mermiler 500 metrenin üzerinde etkisiz kalıyordu. Ayrıca zırh delici mermi kullanıldığında çok fazla geri tepme doğuyordu.

Mühimmatı
Alman yapımı zırh delici mermilerin PaK 97/38 için üretildiği konusunda şüpheler var. Polonya ordusuna ait bu tip mermilerden ize çok az sayıda kullanıldı.

HEAT mermisi 90° açı ile 90 mm'lik, 60° açı ile 75 mm'lik zırhı geçebiliyordu.

Kaynakça

 Shirokorad A. B. - The God of War of the Third Reich - M. AST, 2002 (Широкорад А. Б. - Бог войны Третьего рейха. — М.,ООО Издательство АСТ, 2002., ISBN 5-17-015302-3)
 Ivanov A. - Artillery of Germany in Second World War - SPb Neva, 2003 (Иванов А. - Артиллерия Германии во Второй Мировой войне. — СПб., Издательский дом «Нева», 2003., ISBN 5-7654-2634-4)
 Isaev A. - Antisuvorov. Ten Myths of World War II - M., Eksmo, Yauza, 2004 (А.Исаев. Антисуворов. Десять мифов Второй мировой. - М., Эксмо, Яуза, 2004., ISBN 5-699-07634-4)
 Kolomiets M. - Anti-tank Artillery of Wehrmacht 1939-1945 - "Frontovaya Illustratsiya" magazine, no. 1, 2006 (М.Коломиец. Противотанковая артиллерия Вермахта 1939-1945 гг. - журнал «Фронтовая иллюстрация», №1, 2006)
 Zaloga, Steven J., Brian Delf - US Anti-tank Artillery 1941-45 (2005) Osprey Publishing (New Vanguard 107), ISBN 1-84176-690-9.
 Finnish Army 1918-1945: 75 PstK/97-38 "Mulatti"

Fransa'nın topları
Almanya'nın tanksavar topları

7,5 cm PaK 97/38


Domusnovas (sardinski: Domusnòas) je grad i općina (comune) u pokrajini Južnoj Sardiniji u regiji Sardiniji, Italija. Nalazi se na nadmorskoj visini od 52 metra i ima populaciju od 6 213 stanovnika. Prostire se na teritoriju od 80,59 km². Gustoća naseljenosti je 77 st/km².Susjedne općine su: Fluminimaggiore, Gonnosfanadiga, Iglesias, Musei, Vallermosa, Villacidro i Villamassargia.

Izvori

Gradovi na Sardiniji

Domusnovas


Vilborg Yrsa Sigurðardóttir assina como Yrsa Sigurðardóttir ou Yrsa Sigurdardóttir na grafia portuguesa (Reykjavík, 24 de agosto de 1963) é uma engenheira civil e escritora islandesa de romances policiais, suspense e ficção infantil. Ela escreve desde 1998.

Biografia
Yrsa é casada e tem dois filhos, mora em Reykjavík (Islândia). Ela tem uma carreira como engenheira civil e é diretora de uma das maiores empresas de engenharia da Islândia. Em 1988 ela se formou em engenharia civil pela Universidade da Islândia e fez mestrado na mesma área pela Universidade Concórdia em Montreal em 1997.

Tem sua série de romances policiais proeminente com a personagem central Thóra Gudmundsdóttir (Þóra Guðmundsdóttir), uma advogada. Yrsa também escreveu para crianças e ganhou o Prêmio do Livro Infantil da Islândia em 2003 com o livro Biobörn.

Obras

Infantis
Þar lágu Danir í því (1998)
Við viljum jólin í júlí (1999)
Barnapíubófinn, Búkolla og bókarræninginn (2000)
B 10 (2001)
Biobörn (2003)

Série da Thóra Gudmundsdóttir
Þriðja táknið (2005) em Portugal: O Último Ritual (Gótica, 2007)
Sér grefur gröf (2006) em Portugal: Ladrão de Almas (Gótica, 2008)
Aska (2007) em Portugal: Cinzas e Poeira (Quetzal Editores, 2011)
Auðnin (2008)
 Horfðu á mig (2009) em Portugal: Alguém para Tomar Conta de Mim (Quetzal Editores, 2015)
 Brakið (2011) em Portugal: Lisboa Reykjavík ou O Silêncio do Mar (Quetzal Editores, 2020)

Série Freyja & Huldar

DNA (2014) em Portugal: O Legado (Quetzal Editores, 2018)
 Sogið (2015) em Portugal: Abismo (Quetzal Editores, 2019)
 Aflausn (2016) em Portugal: A Absolvição (Quetzal Editores, 2021)
 Gatið (2017)
 Bruðan (2018)
 Thogn (2019)

Livros isolados
Ég man þig (2010) em Portugal: Lembro-me de Ti (Quetzal Editores, 2012)
Kuldi (2012)
 Lygi (2013)
 Bráðin (2020)

Ver também
 Noir nórdico
 Camilla Läckberg
 Ragnar Jónasson
 Mons Kallentoft
 Arnaldur Indriðason
 Liza Marklund

Ligações externas

Nascidos em 1963
Romancistas da Islândia
Engenheiros civis
Escritoras de literatura policial
Autores de literatura infantojuvenil da Islândia

Yrsa Sigurðardóttir


Eriotheca globosa est une espèce d'arbre appartenant à la famille des Malvaceae (anciennement des Bombacaceae).

En Guyane, on l'appelle Bois-coton, Maho coton (Créole), Katoen, Sienzon, Boesie-Katoen, Yankomini (Nenge tongo), Klieklie maoeloe, Kriekrie maroeroe (Kali'na), Matote-Maauw, Maupau (Saramaka), Ronnanalballi (Lokono), Algodão bravo (Portugais), Katatu avayn (Palikur), Pisili amïnïyu (Wayãpi). Au Venezuela, on l'appelle Asare-yek (Arekuna), Cedro dulce, Murea (espagnol).

Description
Cet arbre à feuilles décidues peut atteindre 3-40 m de haut. L'écorce épaisse, profondément crevassée longitudinalement, rappelle celle du Chêne et est très fibreuses dans sa partie interne. Une gomme s'écoule lentement de ses incisions. Le bois blanc et mou (devenant roussâtre par exposition à l'air) est très léger. Les feuilles sont composées palmées, à 4-5 folioles oblongues, mesurant  de long, pour  de large. Le pétiole est plus court que les folioles. L'inflorescence se compose d'un pédoncule axillaire, long de , portant plusieurs pédicelles longs de , portant chacun une fleur mesurant . Le calice comporte 3-5 lobes roussâtres, tomentelleux. Les pétales sont couverts d'une fine pilosité blanches veloutée. Le tube staminal, glabre, est aussi long que le calice. Les étamines portent des anthères réniformes. Le fruit, globuleux glabre, brun jaunâtre, mesure  de diamètre, et contient une bourre hydrophobe  roussâtres. Les graines sont couvertes d'un kapok roussâtre.

Le bois de Eriotheca globosa est entièrement beige clair et léger (densité de 0,45 à 0,50) avec 1 à 3 gros vaisseaux par mm ( de diamètre), fréquemment obstrués par des thylles à parois minces. On y observe aussi des ponctuations intervasculaires d'une taille de , quelques cristaux isolés très sporadiques, ainsi que de gros canaux axiaux traumatiques sporadiques. Les parenchyme est organisé en chaînettes unisériées régulières et très rapprochées : peu développé dans le parenchyme circum-vasculaire, arrangement en lignes d'un seul rang de cellules alternes avec les rangs de fibres pour le parenchyme circum-médullaire. Les files sont étagées, formées de 4 à 6 éléments. Les rayons sont de structure hétérogène, généralement 3-4-sériés et non étagés, au nombre de .

Répartition
On le rencontre dans le bassin amazonien du Venezuela (Delta Amacuro et Bolívar), au Brésil amazonien, en passant par le Guyana, le Suriname, la Guyane et le Pérou amazonien.

Utilisations
Le bois léger, de couleur beige clair, peut être utilisé en menuiserie intérieure et en charpenterie après traitement.

Le kapok rougeâtre de Eriotheca globosa est difficile à tisser.

Histoire naturelle
En 1775, le botaniste Aublet propose la diagnose suivante pour Eriotheca globosa :

Notes et références

Voir aussi

Articles connexes
 Kapok
 Liste des plantes décrites par Fusée-Aublet

Liens externes

Bombacoideae
Espèce de Malvaceae (nom scientifique)
Plante à fleurs en Guyane
Plante décrite par Aublet

Eriotheca globosa


Peter Beinart (* 1971 in Cambridge, Massachusetts) ist ein US-amerikanischer Politikwissenschaftler und Journalist. Er ist Associate Professor für Journalismus und Politikwissenschaften an der City University of New York und orthodoxer Jude. Laut Ghada Karmi ist er ein Vertreter des Liberal Zionism.

Positionen
Peter Beinart vertritt die Position, Israel müsse sich aus den besetzten Gebieten zurückziehen. Im Oktober 2016 veröffentlichte er gemeinsam mit Todd Gitlin, Michael Walzer, Edward Witten, Adam Hochschild u. a. einen offenen Brief in der New York Review of Books, der zu einem gezielten Boykott von israelischen Siedlungen in den besetzten Gebieten auffordert. Am 8. Juli 2020 erschien in der New York Times sein Artikel I No Longer Believe in a Jewish State (dt. Ich glaube nicht mehr an einen jüdischen Staat).

Beinart ist regelmäßiger Autor für Jewish Currents. In einem darin veröffentlichten Artikel ging er im Januar 2021 über diese Position hinaus und titelte: There Is No Right to a State (dt. Es gibt kein Recht auf einen Staat). Beinart hat sich für die Ein-Staat-Lösung ausgesprochen. Er fordert, dass Israel ein Staat seiner Bürger sein müsse, der allen Bürgern gleiche Rechte garantiert und verlangt nach der Interpretation von Ghada Karmi von den Palästinensern, dass sie ihre erfolglosen früheren Strategien zugunsten einer Überprüfung der sich tatsächlich bietenden Optionen zurückstellen. Er anerkenne jedoch, so Karmi, dass die aktuelle Situation für die Palästinenser ungerecht und unterdrückend ist und die "jüdische Selbstbestimmung" den Palästinensern ihre Rechte abspricht.

Werke
 The Good Fight: Why Liberals — and Only Liberals — Can Win the War on Terror and Make America Great Again. New York, NY: HarperCollins. 2006, ISBN 978-0060841614.
 The Icarus Syndrome: A History of American Hubris. New York, NY: HarperCollins. 2010. ISBN 978-0061456466.
 The Crisis of Zionism. New York, NY: Times Books. 2012. ISBN 978-0805094121.

Weblinks

 Offizielle Website

Einzelnachweise

Politikwissenschaftler
Journalist (Vereinigte Staaten)
Hochschullehrer (City University of New York)
US-Amerikaner
Geboren 1971
Mann

Peter Beinart


برو إيفوليشن سوكر 2009  ، هي لعبة فيديو صدرت عن شركة كونامي وقد صدرت للبلايستايشن 2 وبلايستايشن 3 وإكس بوكس ونينتندو بلاي ستيشن بورتبل والحاسوب.
اللعبة هي خاصة بكرة القدم وقد صدرت لها من قبل عدة أجزاء، ويمكن لك اللعب فيها بالدوري الإسباني والدوري الإيطالي والدوري الإنجليزي والدوري الفرنسي والدوري الهولندي وغيرها من الدوريات.

حقوق الأندية للنقل دوري البلاي ستيشن 3
حصلت كونامي على ترخيص كل من الدوري الفرنسي والدوري الهولندي، بينما فشلت كونامي الحصول على حقوق ترخيص الدوري الإنجليزي الممتاز والدوري الإيطالي والدوري الإسباني والدوري الألماني..

وبالنسبة للأندية فقد حصل كونامي على الترخيص من مانشستر يونايتد ونادي ليفربول. وأما على صعيد المنتخبات فقد حصلت كونامي على حقوق الترخيص كل من :

منتخب إنجلترا والبرازيل وإيطاليا والأرجنتين وهولندا وفرنسا وفشلت في الحصول على ترخيص من ألمانيا..

واما المنتخبات العربية :

أغلب أسماء المنتخبات المصرية والتونسية والمغربية والجزائرية صحيحة من ناحية الاسم..

إلا المنتخب السعودي والعراقي والتي تم تشويه بالاسم وتخريبه من قبل الشركة مثل قائد المنتخب السعودي أغي أكماري...

مصادر

وصلة خارجية

ألعاب فيديو رياضية تحتوي على طور المهنة
ألعاب إكس بوكس 360
ألعاب الهاتف المحمول
ألعاب بلاي ستيشن 2
ألعاب بلاي ستيشن 3
ألعاب بلاي ستيشن بورتبل
ألعاب فيديو 2008
ألعاب فيديو 2009
ألعاب فيديو تقع أحداثها في سنة 2009
ألعاب فيديو فردية وجماعية
ألعاب فيديو مطورة في اليابان
ألعاب نينتندو دي أس ملغاة
ألعاب وي
ألعاب ويندوز
2009

برو إيفولشن سوكر 2009


af Jochnick er en oprindeligt polsk slægt fra Danzig, som fik svensk adelskab 1822 og blev introduceret på Sveriges Riddarhus i 1827 med slægtsnummer 2301. Ifølge § 37 i 1809 års regeringsform har kun slægtens hovedmand adelig værdighed.

Medlemmer af slægten
 Walter af Jochnick (1825–1899), svensk soldat og lærebogsforfatter
 Adolf af Jochnick (1870–1943), svensk embedsmand og virksomhedsleder
 Jonas af Jochnick (1937–), svensk selvstændig
 Robert af Jochnick (1940–), svensk selvstændig
 Cecilia af Jochnick (1952–) forfatter, forelæser, journalist
 Kerstin af Jochnick (1958–), svensk nationaløkonom og embedsmand

Adelsslægter fra Sverige

Af Jochnick


Dacia Sandero je automobil koji proizvodi rumunjska tvornica automobila Dacia od 2008. godine. Na tržištima Rusije, Južnoafričke Republike, Meksika i Južne Amerike ovaj automobil je poznat i kao Renault Sandero. Dacia Sandero je bazirana na Dacia Loganu.

Prva generacija (2008. – 2012.)

Uz nešto kraći međuosovinski razmak od limuzine iz koje proizilazi, Sandero je razvijen u Renaultovom tehnocentru u Parizu, u suradnji s regionalnim inženjerskim centrima u Brazilu i Rumunjskoj. Pokazan je po prvi put 2007. godine na Međunarodnom salonu automobila u Frankfurtu, a napravljen je za brazilsko tržište kao Renaultov model, a u prosincu 2007. godine pojavio se i u Europi.

Brazilski Renault, koji je filijala francuske tvornice, osmislio je novi SUV terenac u rujnu 2008. godine nazvan Dacia Sandero Stepway, desetak mjeseci poslije objave Sandera. Europska verzija je izašla u javnost 7. svibnja 2009. godine na Međunarodnom salonu automobila u Barceloni pod znakom Dacije.

Druga generacija (2012. – 2020.)

Druga generacija Sandera izašla je 2012. godine na Salonu automobila u Parizu. Čitav prednji dio do zadnjih vrata potpuno je isti kao na Daciji Loganu i Loganu MCV. Godine 2018. redizajniran je zajedno s Dacijom Loganom i zamijenjeni su: prednji branik, maska hladnjaka, pozadina i sijalice u farovima i zadnjim svijetlima, novi četvorokraki volan i osvježena ponuda benzinskih motora.

Treća generacija (2020.- )
Treća generacija Dacije Sandero i Sandero Stepway lansirana je zajedno s novom Dacijom Logan III, 29. rujna 2020. Automobil se temelji na verziji platforme CMF-B s niskim specifikacijama i predstavljen je 7. rujna 2020.

Novi Sandero dostupan je isključivo s trocilindričnim motorima. Ima 1,0-litreni turbopunjač s 90 KS (91 PS; 67 kW) i mogućnost izbora između 6-stupanjskog ručnog ili CVT-a. Snažnija verzija motora, označena TCe, dobila je 100 KS (101 PS; 75 kW) i 6-stupanjski ručni mjenjač.

Automobili nižih specifikacija dobivaju modularni multimedijski sustav nazvan "Media Control" s podrškom za pametni telefon, dok bolje opremljeni imaju integrirani 8-inčni zaslon osjetljiv na dodir s podrškom za Android Auto i Apple CarPlay.

Opremljen je i s: električnim servo upravljačem, LED svjetlima, sustavom kočenja u nuždi, upozorenjem na mrtvi kut, asistencijom pri parkiranju (s prednjim i stražnjim senzorima, stražnjom kamerom), asistencijom pri kretanju s brda, ulaskom bez ključa, grijanim prednjim sjedalima, automatskom klimom s digitalnim zaslonom, kamerom za vožnju unatrag, električnom parkirnom kočnicom, automatskim brisačima, daljinskim otpuštanjem prtljažnika i električnim staklenim krovnim otvorom kao standardom ili opcijom, ovisno o tržištu.

Izvori

Automobili
Rumunjska kopnena vozila

Dacia Sandero


George Mathew Fernandes (3 June 1930 – 29 January 2019) was an Indian trade unionist, statesman, and journalist, who served as the 22nd Defence Minister of India from 1998 until 2004. He was a member of Lok Sabha for over 30 years, starting from Bombay (present-day Mumbai) in 1967 till 2009 mostly representing constituencies from Bihar. He was a key member of the Janata Dal and the founder of the Samata Party, now led by Uday Mandal its President. He held several ministerial portfolios including communication, industry, railways, and defence. In 2020, he was posthumously awarded the Padma Vibhushan, India's second highest civilian award.

A native of Mangalore, Fernandes was sent to Bangalore in 1946 to be trained as a priest. In 1949, he moved to Bombay, where he joined the socialist trade union movement. Becoming a trade union leader, Fernandes organised many strikes and bandhs in Bombay in the 1950s and 1960s while working with the Indian Railways. He defeated S K Patil of the Indian National Congress in the 1967 parliamentary elections from the Bombay South constituency. He organised the 1974 Railway strike, when he was President of the All India Railwaymen's Federation. Fernandes went underground during the Emergency era of 1975, while challenging Prime Minister Indira Gandhi for imposing a state of emergency, but in 1976 he was arrested and tried in the infamous Baroda dynamite case.

In 1977, after the Emergency had been lifted, Fernandes won the Muzaffarpur seat in Bihar in absentia and was appointed Union Minister for Industries. During his tenure as union minister, he ordered American multinationals IBM and Coca-Cola to leave the country, due to investment violations. He was the driving force behind the Konkan Railway project during his tenure as railway minister from 1989 to 1990. He was a defence minister in the National Democratic Alliance (NDA) Government (1998–2004), when the Kargil War broke out between India and Pakistan, and India conducted its nuclear tests at Pokhran. A veteran socialist, Fernandes has been dogged by various controversies, including the Barak Missile scandal and the Tehelka affair. George Fernandes won nine Lok Sabha elections from 1967 to 2004. He died on 29 January 2019 at the age of 88. He was awarded the Padma Vibhushan India's second highest civilian award posthumously in 2020 in the field of Public Affairs.

Early life
George Fernandes was born on 3 June 1930 to John Joseph Fernandes and Alice Martha Fernandes (née Pinto), in Mangalore to a Mangalorean Catholic family. The eldest of six children, all sons, his siblings are Lawrence, Michael, Paul, Aloysius, and Richard. His mother was a great admirer of King George V (who was also born on 3 June), hence she named her first son George. His father was employed by the Peerless Finance group as an insurance executive, and headed their office of South India for several years. George was fondly called "Gerry" in close family circles. He attended his first few years of schooling at a government school near his house called "Board school", a municipal school and a church school.

He studied from fifth grade at the school attached to St. Aloysius College, Mangalore, where he completed his Secondary School Leaving Certificate (SSLC).

In an interview with E TV, he described his decision to stop studies after matriculation despite his father wishing him to study and become a lawyer. His premise was that he did not want to become a lawyer and fight cases for his father who often evicted tenants from a patch of land that they owned on the outskirts of Mangalore. He was instead enrolled in a seminary for studies to become a priest. He went to St Peter's Seminary in Bangalore at the age of 16, to be trained as a Roman Catholic priest, studying philosophy for two and a half years from 1946 to 1948. At the age of 19, he left the seminary due to sheer frustration because he was appalled that the rectors ate better food and sat at higher tables than the seminarians. He later confessed that, "I was disillusioned, because there was a lot of difference between precept and practice where the Church was concerned."

He began work at the age of 19, organising exploited workers in the road transport industry and in the hotels and restaurants in Mangalore. For some time, he worked as a insurance agent and also tried wholesale businesses of shaving blades. George's first guru was a Mangalorean activist and a freedom fighter Ammembala Balappa (1922-2014). Balappa identified and groomed a young George, who had taken refuge at places surrounding Nehru Maidan in Mangalore city, after being thrown out of the house. Initially, with Balappa's mentorship George gathered hotel workers and other menial labourers in the city. He was associated with Ram Manohar Lohia lead Praja Socialist Party (PSP) in its Mangalore division. George and few other union workers lead Mangalore's earliest labour strikes on behalf of the workers of Canara Public Conveyance (CPC)in 1949. The Strike was cracked down as Mangalore Police resorted massive Lathi Charge. After the strike, George came in contact with renowned Bombay based Trade Union leader  Placid D'Mello (1919-1958). George later left to Bombay in 1950 and faced tremendous hardships. Here again, he became a prodigy of D'Mello, who was handling the arduous Dock unions. After Placid D'Mello's demise in 1958, George succeeded in managing dock Unions and other major labour force unions in Bombay that included Taximen unions, textile mills and Mazdoor Unions.

Career

Brief history of participating in elections
He first contested Lok Sabha election in 1967 as a socialist, and defeated the Congress stalwart Sa Kaa Patil in Bombay in a famous upset, earning the sobriquet 'George the Giant-killer'. He contested from Muzaffarpur, Bihar in 1977 while still in jail as a Jana Sangh candidate, and won. He was made minister in the first non-Congress govt in India. In 1979, he resigned from : Janata Party, joined Charan Singh's breakaway Janata Party (S), and won again from Muzaffarpur in 1980. In 1984 he fought from Bangalore on Janata Party's ticket but lost to Jaffar Sharif of Congress. He lost a bye-poll from Banka in 1985 and again in 1986. In 1989 and 1991, he shifted back to Bihar and won both times from Muzaffarpur as Janata Dal candidate. In 1994, he left Janata Dal after differences with Lalu Yadav and formed Samata Party which allied with BJP.
In 1996 and 1998 elections, he won from Nalanda as Samata Party candidate. Samata Party merged with Janata Dal (United) and he won again from Nalanda in 1999. In 2004 he won from Muzaffarpur. In 2009 he was denied ticket by his party, contested from Muzaffarpur as an independent and lost. Later he was elected to Rajya Sabha in 2009. In the 2010s he was afflicted for many years with Alzheimer's and died in January 2019.
 Bombay : 1967 (but did not contest in 1971)
 Muzaffarpur : 1977, 1980, 1989, 1991, 2004. (Lost in 2009 as rebel)
 Bangalore : Lost in 1984
 Banka : Lost bye-polls in 1985 and 1986.
 Nalanda :  1996, 1998, 1999
 Rajya Sabha : 2009

Life in Bombay
After leaving the seminary, Fernandes moved to Bombay in 1949 in search of a job. He went to the office of Socialist Party in Bombay and met Madhu Dandavate to ask him for staying there for some time but was not welcomed. His life was tough in Bombay, and he had to sleep on the streets, until he got a job as a proofreader for The Times of India newspaper. He relates to the beginning of his career by saying, "When I came to Bombay, I used to sleep on the benches of Chowpatty Sands. In the middle of the night policemen used to come and wake me up and ask me to move on." He came into contact with veteran union leader Placid D'Mello, and the socialist Rammanohar Lohia, who were the greatest influences on his life. Later, he joined the socialist trade union movement. He rose to prominence as a trade unionist and fought for the rights of labourers in small scale service industries such as hotels and restaurants. Emerging as a key figure in the Bombay labour movement in the early 1950s, Fernandes was a central figure in the unionisation of sections of Bombay labour in the 1950s.

In 1951, Fernandes joined Bombay Dock Worker's Union and worked to revive the publication of a newsletter The Dockman. When in August 1951, Placid D'Mello was arrested, he organised foot march of around two-hundred dock workers from Bombay to Poona to meet Chief Minister Morarji Desai for the release of D'Mello. As a labour organiser, he served many prison terms when his workforce engaged in fights with company goons. He served as a member of the Bombay Municipal Corporation from 1961 to 1968. He won in the civic election in 1961 and, until 1968, continuously raised the problems of the exploited workers in the representative body of the metropolis.

On his first day at Bombay Municipal Corporation, 10 April 1961, he requested that the proceedings to be conducted in Marathi instead of English language. On 4 April 1963, George was arrested along with Sardar Parsbag Singh and Janardhan Upadhyay under Defence of India act because of their demand to change the taxi fair structure. He was jailed at Nasik Central Jail. On 9 August 1963, Madhu Limaye along with other trade union leaders organised a big rally in Bombay for his release. On 13 December 1963, he was released from Nagpur Central Jail.

The moment that thrust Fernandes into the limelight was his decision to contest the 1967 general election. He was offered a party ticket for the Bombay South constituency by the Samyukta Socialist Party against the more wellknown S. K. Patil of the Indian National Congress in Bombay. Patil was a seasoned politician, with two decades of experience. Nevertheless, Fernandes won by garnering 48.5 per cent of the votes, thus earning his nickname, "George the Giantkiller". The shocking defeat ended Patil's political career.

Fernandes emerged as a key leader in the upsurge of strike actions in Bombay during the second half of the 1960s but, by the beginnings of the 1970s, the impetus of his leadership had largely disappeared. In 1969, he was chosen General Secretary of the Samyukta Socialist Party, and in 1973 became the Chairman of the Socialist Party. After the 1970s, Fernandes failed to make major inroads in Bombay's growing private-sector industries.

1974 railway strike
The most notable strike organised by Fernandes, when he was President of the All India Railwaymen's Federation, was the All India Railway strike of 1974, where the entire nation was brought to a halt. The strike was the result of grievances by railway workers that had been built up over two decades before the strike. Though there were three Pay commissions between 1947 and 1974, none of them increased the standard of living of the workers. In February 1974, the National Coordinating Committee for Railwaymen's Struggle (NCCRS) was formed to bring all the railway unions, the central trade unions and political parties in the Opposition together to prepare for the strike to start on 8 May 1974. In Bombay, electricity and transport workers, as well as taxi drivers joined the protests. In Gaya, Bihar, striking workers and their families squatted on the tracks. More than 10,000 workers of the Integral Coach Factory in Madras marched to the Southern Railway headquarters to express their solidarity with the striking workers. Similar protests erupted across the country.

The strike, which started on 8 May 1974, at the time of economic crisis, provoked strong government reactions and massive arrests. According to Amnesty International, 30,000 trade unionists were detained, most held under preventive detention laws. Those arrested included not only members of the strike action committee and trade unionists, but also railwaymen who participated in the strike. The strike was called off unilaterally on 27 May 1974 by the Action Committee. As explained later by Fernandes, "the strike was called off because those conducting the strike had started speaking in different voices." Although large number of prisoners were released, among them Fernandes, thousands remained in detention, charged with specific offences. The strike led to a sense of insecurity and threat that led to Indira Gandhi's imposition of the Emergency era in 1975. Previous strikes were aimed at companies or industries, but this strike was aimed at the government and from its ramifications proved to be the most successful of disastrous industrial actions in Indian history.

Emergency era and union ministry

The reigning Prime Minister of India, Indira Gandhi, declared a state of emergency on 25 June 1975 due to internal political disturbances. Accordingly, all fundamental rights enjoyed in the Indian Constitution were suspended. Political dissidents, newspaper reporters, opposition leaders who opposed the emergency were jailed. George Fernandes, along with like-minded leaders, opposed what he saw as a blatant misuse of power.
A day before the emergency George Fernandes had arrived in Berhampur City in Odisha (on 24 June 1975) and was staying at his father-in-law Humayun Kabir's house on Gopalpur-On-Sea beach near Berhampur City, Odisha. Humayun Kabir was the Education Minister in former Prime Minister Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru's cabinet.

George Fernandes' 25 June schedule in Berhampur city was packed. He attended a meeting of the Berhampur University Employees Association, a meeting with socialist leaders and workers and a gathering of intellectuals in the evening. He was scheduled to attend a meeting of the Railways Workers Association of Odisha on 26 June in Berhampur City but before that he hid himself there secretly.
A warrant was issued in Fernandes' name and subsequently he went underground to escape arrest and prosecution. When the police failed to capture him, they arrested and tortured his brother, Lawrence Fernandes, to reveal his brother's whereabouts. Snehalata Reddy, a chronic asthmatic was arrested for being in touch with George Fernandes and, as she was not given adequate care in the prison, died soon after her release.

In July 1975, Fernandes arrived in Baroda. There, he met Kirit Bhatt, who was president of Baroda Union of Journalists, and Vikram Rao, a staff correspondent of The Times of India at Baroda, both who opposed the Emergency. They used to meet and discuss on what could be done to topple the autocratic Indira Gandhi Government. An industrialist friend, Viren J. Shah, managing director of Mukand Ltd., helped them find contacts for procuring dynamite, used extensively in quarries around Halol (near Baroda). They aimed at blowing up toilets in government offices and cause explosions near the venue of public meetings to be addressed by Indira Gandhi. The idea was not to injure anybody, but only create a scare. The explosions were to be carried out either late in the night or hours before the public meeting was to begin to avoid injury. A plan was hatched to blow up a dais four hours before Indira Gandhi was to address a meeting in Varanasi. The conspiracy later came to be known as the infamous Baroda dynamite case.

According to Bhatt, there were two more plans that never worked out. Fernandes also wanted to rob a train used to carry weapons from Pimpri (near Poona) to Bombay. The weapons were to be used to blast government offices. Yet another plan was to take the help of other countries by using ham radio.

On 10 June 1976, he was finally arrested in Calcutta on charges of smuggling dynamite to blow up government establishments in protest against the imposition of emergency, in what came to be known as the Baroda dynamite case. After his arrest, Amnesty International members cabled the Government requesting that he be given immediate access to a lawyer and that his physical protection be guaranteed. Three world leaders from Germany, Norway and Austria were believed to have cabled Indira Gandhi and cautioned her against harming Fernandes. From Baroda, the accused were shifted to Tihar Jail. The accused were never chargesheeted.

Union Minister and Muzaffarpur MP post-1977
After the emergency subsided, elections were held in India from March 16 to March 20, 1977. The Congress Party, led by Indira Gandhi, suffered a defeat at the hands of the Janata Party, a coalition created in 1977 out of several small parties that opposed Gandhi's Emergency era. The Janata Party and its allies came to power, headed by Morarji Desai, who became the first non-Congress Prime Minister of India. Fernandes won the Muzaffarpur seat in Bihar by an over 300,000 vote margin in 1977 from jail where he was lodged in the Baroda dynamite case, despite his not even visiting the constituency.

On 28 March 1977, he was appointed as Minister of Post and Telegraph. In his speech, on 31 March 1977, in Lok Sabha, he emphasised on expanding postal services to rural areas. On 7 July 1977, he was appointed the Union Minister for Industries. During his union ministership, he clashed with American multinationals IBM and Coca-Cola insisting they implement FERA, the Foreign Exchange Regulation Act, which had been passed under Indira Gandhi's government. Under the FERA, foreign investors could not own more than 40 per cent of the share capital in Indian enterprises. The two multinationals decided to shut down their Indian operations, when Fernandes pressed ahead with rigid enforcement of FERA. On 1 May 1978, he launched District Industrial Centre to provide employment in rural areas.

During his first tenure as MP, Fernandes set up a Doordarshan Kendra (1978), Kanti Thermal Power Station (1978) and the Lijjat papad factory to generate employment in Muzaffarpur. Fernandes also insisted on women's empowerment.  In November 2014, Kanti Thermal Power Station was renamed as George Fernandes Thermal Power Station (GFTPS).

In November 1978, he sent his resignation letter to Morarji Desai to work for the organization of Janata Party but wasn't accepted. On 12 July 1979, speaking on Motion of no confidence brought by Yashwantrao Chavan, George Fernandes defended Morarji Desai's government. But on 15 July 1979, George along with other ministers like Biju Patnaik, Purushottam Kaushik, Bhanu Pratap Singh resigned from Morarji's cabinet.

Party memberships and railway ministry

During his tenure as a minister in the Janata Party, he continued to be uncomfortable with certain elements of the broad-based Janata coalition, especially with the leaders of the erstwhile Hindu nationalist Bharatiya Jan Sangh in the Union Cabinet. In a debate preceding a vote of confidence two years into the government's tenure in 1979, he vehemently spoke out against the practice of permitting members to retain connections to the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) while being in the ministry in the Janata Party. The leaders of the Bharatiya Jan Sangh, among them Atal Bihari Vajpayee and Lal Krishna Advani, refused to give up their allegiance with the RSS, leading to a split within the Janata Party. The issue of "dual membership" caused Morarji Desai to lose the vote of confidence, and his government was reduced to a minority in the Lok Sabha. After the Janata Party started disintegrating in 1979, Charan Singh left it to form the Janata (Secular) Party and with support from the Congress Party, replaced Desai as Prime Minister.

In the seventh general elections held in 1980, the Janata (Secular) ministry failed to maintain a majority in the Lok Sabha, and Congress once again became the ruling party. Fernandes retained his Parliamentary seat from Muzaffarpur in 1980, and sat in the opposition. He contested for the Lok Sabha in 1984 from Bangalore North constituency against future Railway minister and Congress candidate C. K. Jaffer Sheriff, but lost the election by a margin of 40,000 votes. He then decided to shift his base to Bihar in 1989, when an anti-Congress wave was sweeping the country in the wake of the Bofors scandal, and won Muzaffarpur in the 1989 and 1991 general elections, He later joined the Janata Dal, a party which was formed from the Janata Party at Bangalore in August 1988. His second tenure as Minister of Railways in the V. P. Singh's government from 1989 to 1990, though short-lived, was quite eventful. He was one of the driving forces behind the Konkan Railway project, the first major development in the Rail transport in India#History since independence.

Fernandes broke away from the erstwhile Janata Dal and formed the Samata Party in 1994, which became a key ally of the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), a party which is the current form of the erstwhile Bharatiya Jana Sangh. BJP formed a short-lived government in the 1996 general elections along with the Samata Party and other allies. The government survived only for 13 days, since the BJP could not gather enough support from other parties to form a majority. Fernandes later served in the opposition along with BJP during the two United Front governments (1996–1998) led by Janata Dal ministers H. D. Deve Gowda and Inder Kumar Gujral. After the collapse of the United Front ministry led by Gujral, BJP and its allies won a slender majority in the 1998 general elections. The government lasted only for 13 months, due to the non-co-operation of All India Anna Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (AIADMK) leader Jayalalitha.

After the collapse of the second BJP-led coalition government, BJP and its allies formed a 24 party alliance called National Democratic Alliance (NDA), which became the first non-Congress coalition government in post-independence India to survive a full five-year term (1999–2004). Later, Fernandes became the convenor of NDA. On 27 July 1999, the Janata Dal again split into two factions, the Janata Dal (United) and the Janata Dal (Secular). In 2003, Fernandes reunited with the Janata Dal (United), and also merged his Samata Party with it.

Defence minister

Fernandes served as the Defence Minister of India in both the second and third National Democratic Alliance governments (1998–2004). During his tenure as the defence minister, the Kargil war over Kashmir broke out between India and Pakistan in 1999. The war began when heavily armed Pakistan-backed intruders dug themselves in at heights of  –  on the Indian side of the Line of Control (LOC) along an  stretch north of Kargil. They began attacking the strategic highway linking Srinagar and Leh. As a result, the Indian army undertook the Operation Vijay to push back the Pakistani intruders and regain the occupied territories. The inability of the Indian intelligence and military agencies to detect the infiltration early received criticism, both by the opposition as well as the media. However, Fernandes refused to acknowledge the failure of intelligence agencies in detecting infiltration along Kargil sector.

In May 1998, India conducted five nuclear tests at the Pokharan range in Rajasthan. Earlier a staunch supporter of nuclear disarmament, Fernandes openly endorsed the NDA government's decision to test the nuclear bombs. He was also involved in skirmishes with the then Chief of Naval Staff of the Indian Navy, Vishnu Bhagwat, over promotion of Vice-Admiral Harinder Singh as Deputy Chief of the Naval Staff. Bhagwat was subsequently sacked over the issue. After the Tehelka defence scandal broke out in March 2001, Fernandes quit as defence minister, but was reappointed to the post later. Fernandes is the only defence minister of a nuclear power who had a picture of Hiroshima bombing in his office. He made 18 visits to the icy heights of the  Siachen glacier in Kashmir, which holds the record of being "the world's highest battlefield". He was known for overseeing a huge increase in India's defence budget as compared to the allocations made by previous governments.

After the defence ministership
The NDA Government lost power to the Congress-led United Progressive Alliance (UPA) in the 2004 general elections. On 11 October 2004, George Fernandes along with Chandra Shekhar and Subramanian Swamy formed Rashtriya Swabhiman Manch to oppose Sonia Gandhi and policies adopted by UPA government.

Later, political observers alleged that Fernandes was locked in a bitter party rivalry with his one-time friend, Samata Party co-founder, Nitish Kumar. In the 2009 general elections, he contested from Muzaffarpur as an independent candidate after being denied a ticket by the Janata Dal (United) on health grounds, but he lost the election. On 30 July 2009, Fernandes filed his nomination as an independent candidate for the mid-term poll being held for the Rajya Sabha seat vacated by Janata Dal (United) president Sharad Yadav. The Janata Dal (United) did not field any candidate against him, which led to his being elected unopposed. He was sworn in on 4 August 2009.

Controversies

Support to secessionist groups in Sri Lanka
Fernandes supported and endorsed many secessionist movements and groups. He was a long time supporter of the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE), an organisation which sought to create an independent state in the north and east of Sri Lanka. Before 1997, he organised a controversial public convention of pro-LTTE delegates in New Delhi. In July 1998, he reportedly prevented the Indian Navy from intercepting ships that were suspected of carrying illegal weapons to Tamil guerrilla groups. Fernandes was also a patron of the Fund Raising Committee backed by the LTTE, with an objective to help the 26 accused in the Rajiv Gandhi assassination case. The Sri Lankan government stated that, "the LTTE's biggest supporter in India is Defence Minister George Fernandes." He also expressed support for Tibetan refugees fighting for freedom against China, and Burmese pro-democratic rebel groups fighting against the military government in Myanmar.

He revealed the infamous "Operation Leech" incident, which resulted in the capture of Arakan Army insurgents on one of India's islands in the Andaman Sea. He also fought for the welfare and release of anti-Burmese rebels held by the Indian Government.

CIA funding

During the Emergency, as chairman of the Socialist Party of India, he faced prosecution for alleged conspiracy against the government of Prime Minister Indira Gandhi. He allegedly sought to obtain funding from the US Central Intelligence Agency and the French government to organise underground sabotage activities. US diplomatic cables said that after an initial request to seek funding from the French government was turned down, he was "prepared to accept money from the CIA".

Tehelka scandal

Fernandes' name figured prominently in Operation West End, a sting operation in which journalist Mathew Samuel, armed with hidden cameras, from a controversial investigative journal, Tehelka, posing as representatives of a fictitious arms company, appeared to bribe the Bharatiya Janata Party President, Bangaru Laxman, a senior officer in the Indian Army and Jaya Jaitly, the General Secretary of the Samata Party and Fernandes' companion.

The scandal caused uproar all over India and Fernandes was forced to resign from his post as a Defence Minister. He was subsequently cleared by the one man commission headed by retired Justice Phukan. The Phukan Committee Report was rejected by the United Progressive Alliance (UPA) Government headed by the Congress Party and a new committee headed by Justice K Venkataswami was appointed. The Committee investigated the case in detail, but Justice Venkataswami resigned before submitting the report in the case.

Barak Missile scandal

On 10 October 2006, the Central Bureau of Investigation (CBI) registered a First information report (FIR) against Fernandes, his associate Jaya Jaitly, and former navy chief Admiral Sushil Kumar for alleged irregularities in purchasing the  Barak 1 system from Israel in 2000. Fernandes, however, said that the scientific adviser to the Defence Minister in National Democratic Alliance (NDA) Government (1998–2004), who later became the President of India, A. P. J. Abdul Kalam, had cleared the missile deal.

As defence minister
Following the Pokhran nuclear tests in 1998, he openly branded China as "India's enemy number one". He later expressed regret for his statements, saying it was wrongly interpreted by the media. He has also criticised China for providing sophisticated weapons to Pakistan to build its missiles, and has rapped the Chinese for strengthening their military across the Himalayas in Tibet.

Fernandes has claimed that he was strip searched twice at Dulles Airport in the US Capital area, when he was defence minister—once on an official visit to Washington in early 2002 and another time while en route to Brazil in mid-2003. The details of the strip-search were mentioned in American foreign policy analyst Strobe Talbott's book Engaging India – Diplomacy, Democracy and the Bomb. However, the US embassy in Delhi issued a formal denial that Fernandes had been strip-searched, and said that, "Fernandes was not strip-searched but a security wand was waved over him when a key in his pocket set off the metal detector." Subsequently, the then United States Deputy Secretary of State, Richard Armitage, personally apologised to Fernandes over the matter. This was one in a series of incidents involving the detention and search of Indian VIPs at US airports that marred Indian–US relations post 9/11.

He was accused in the 2002 coffin scam, following allegations that 500 poor quality aluminium caskets were bought from the United States at rates 13 times more than the actual price, to transport the bodies of slain soldiers, after the Kargil War. However, the CBI gave a clean sheet to Fernandes in the scam in its 2009 charge sheet.

Writings, journalism and other contributions
Fernandes liked writing and journalism in his student days. He was the editor of a Konkani language monthly Konkani Yuvak (Konkani Youth) in 1949. The same year, he was the editor of the Raithavani weekly in Kannada. The Dockman weekly in English, which had ceased publication, reappeared under the editorship of Fernandes in 1952–53. Though not a prolific writer, Fernandes wrote several books on politics including What Ails the Socialists (1972), Socialist Communist Interaction in India, In the year of the disabled: India's disabled government (1981), Dignity for All: Essays in Socialism and Democracy (1991), and his autobiography titled George Fernandes Speaks (1991). He was the editor of an English monthly, The Other Side, and the chairman of the editorial board of the Hindi monthly Pratipaksh. A human rights activist, Fernandes had been a member of Amnesty International, the People's Union for Civil Liberties and the Press Council of India.
In the year 2022, a Canada based Mangalorean origin writer Chris Emmanuel Dsouza published a book titled Bandh Samrat - Tales of eternal rebel  that chronicled George Fernandes's early days of Trade union activism in his hometown of Mangalore, his early slog in his adopted city of Bombay and his association with stellar socialist figures of Mangalore like the noted Ammembala Balappa and Placid D'Mello.

Family and personal life
Fernandes met Leila Kabir, the daughter of former Union minister Humayun Kabir, on a flight back to Delhi from Calcutta. Fernandes, then the general secretary of the Samyukta Socialist Party, was returning from Bangladesh while Kabir was on her way back from the battlefront where she had gone as an assistant director of the Red Cross. They began dating and were married on 22 July 1971. They had a son, Sean Fernandes, who is an investment banker based in New York. Fernandes and Kabir separated in the mid-1980s. Jaya Jaitly was Fernandes' companion from 1984.

Fernandes spoke ten languages—Konkani, English, Hindi, Tulu, Kannada, Marathi, Tamil, Urdu, Malayalam, and Latin. Konkani was his mother tongue. He learnt Marathi and Urdu in jail, and Latin while he was in the seminary in his early youth. He was fluent in Hindi and English.

Fernandes was reported to be suffering from Alzheimer's and Parkinson's diseases, and in January 2010 was undergoing treatment at Baba Ramdev's ashram at Haridwar for the diseases at the request of Leila Kabir, who had recently returned to his life. In February 2010, Fernandes' brothers were reported to have been considering a court order for medical treatment and visitation; Kabir and Sean Fernandes are alleged to have forcibly removed Fernandes to an undisclosed location. In July 2010, the Delhi High Court ruled that Fernandes would stay with Kabir and that Fernandes' brothers would be able to visit.

In August 2012 the Supreme Court of India granted permission to Jaya Jaitly, a former aide, to visit him, a move which was opposed by his wife on the grounds of her locus standi.

He died at the age of 88 on 29 January 2019, in Delhi following a swine flu infection. In his condolence letter, Nobel Peace Prize laureate, the 14th Dalai Lama of Tibet wrote, "I had the privilege of knowing him for over five decades during which we met regularly (...) I admired him greatly because he dedicated himself to what he believed in, no matter how difficult the situation was. Mr Fernandes was a great humanitarian and believer in truth. Throughout his life, he was a voice to millions of poor and needy people of the country. He had firm conviction for justice and wisdom. He was a real heroic leader. (...) He was a steady friend who was sympathetic to the Tibetan cause right from the beginning. He never missed an opportunity to speak up for the Tibetan people as well as for others in similar situation. (...) Although George and I are from different religious traditions, as a Buddhist I am confident he would be reborn yet again to serve his country, in particular, the cause of the less privileged people. (...) As I had told him during our meetings over the years, I will always remember him".

See also
 National Democratic Alliance (India)
 Freethought
https://www.georgefernandes.org/

References

Bibliography

External links

 Official biographical sketch in Parliament of India website
 Samata Party Official Website
 Ongoing news coverage from The Times Network
 George Fernandes: Rebel without a pause from Gulf News
 India's My Lai

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1930 births
2019 deaths
Karnataka politicians
Politicians from Mangalore
Trade unionists from Karnataka
Samyukta Socialist Party politicians
Samata Party politicians
Janata Party politicians
Janata Party (Secular) politicians
Janata Dal politicians
Janata Dal (United) politicians
Politicians from Bangalore
V. P. Singh administration
Rajya Sabha members from Bihar
Lok Sabha members from Maharashtra
Lok Sabha members from Bihar
India MPs 1967–1970
India MPs 1977–1979
India MPs 1980–1984
India MPs 1989–1991
India MPs 1991–1996
India MPs 1996–1997
India MPs 1998–1999
India MPs 1999–2004
India MPs 2004–2009
Indians imprisoned during the Emergency (India)
Journalists from Karnataka
Indian Roman Catholics
Recipients of the Padma Vibhushan in public affairs
Defence Ministers of India
Railway Ministers of India
Commerce and Industry Ministers of India

George Fernandes


Lost er hljómsveit frá Akureyri stofnuð 1986 og starfaði til ársins 1989. Meðlimir voru þeir Kristján Pétur (söngur), Rögnvaldur (bassi), Ívar Örn (trommur) , Sigurjón, Siggi Pönk (gítar) og Jóhann (söngur). Hljómsveitin var dugleg við tónleikahald þrátt fyrir að aðstæður til tónleikahalds á Akureyri væru lakar. Hljómsveitin var síðar endurvakin árið 2017 með smá breytingum. Summi (gítar), Pétur (gítar) og Haukur (trommur) komu í stað Ívars sem var hættur að tromma og Sigga sem var fluttur erlendis.

Áður hafði hljómsveitin komið fram með nýjum meðlimum í tónleikaveislu sem Rögnvaldur hélt í tilefni stórafmælis árið 2015.

Meðlimir

 Kristján Pétur Sigurðsson, söngur
 Rögnvaldur Bragi Rögnvaldsson, bassi
 Ívar Örn Edvardsson, trommur (1986-1989)
 Sigurjón Baldvinsson, gítar  (1986-1989)
 Jóhann Ásmundsson, söngur
 Sumarliði Helgason, gítar (2017-)
 Pétur Steinar Hallgrímsson, gítar (2017-)
 Haukur Pálmason, trommur (2017-)

Útgefið efni

 Lost (1989) Kasetta / endurútgefið á CD (2017)
 Fastir í fegurðinni (2019)
 Kærkomið kæruleysi (2020)

Tilvísanir

Íslenskar hljómsveitir

Lagt niður 1989

Lost (hljómsveit)


Copiii satului, bogăția satului este un film românesc din 1986 regizat de Savel Stiopul.

Prezentare

Note

Legături externe

Vezi și
 1986 în film

Filme românești
Filme în limba română
Filme din 1986
Filme regizate de Savel Știopul

Copiii satului, bogăția satului (1986)


Max A. Sandlin (* 29. September 1952 in Texarkana, Arkansas) ist ein US-amerikanischer Politiker. Zwischen 1997 und 2005 vertrat er den Bundesstaat Texas im US-Repräsentantenhaus.

Werdegang
Max Sandlin besuchte die Atlanta High School in Texas. Danach studierte er bis 1975 an der Baylor University in Waco. Nach einem anschließenden Jurastudium an derselben Universität und seiner 1978 erfolgten Zulassung als Rechtsanwalt begann er als Jurist zu arbeiten. Zwischen 1986 und 1996 fungierte er an verschiedenen Gerichten in Texas als Richter. Danach praktizierte er als privater Rechtsanwalt. Außerdem war er im Bankgewerbe und auf dem Energiesektor tätig.

Politisch schloss sich Sandlin der Demokratischen Partei an. Bei den Kongresswahlen des Jahres 1996 wurde er im ersten Wahlbezirk von Texas in das US-Repräsentantenhaus in Washington, D.C. gewählt, wo er am 3. Januar 1997 die Nachfolge von Jim Chapman antrat. Nach drei Wiederwahlen konnte er bis zum 3. Januar 2005 vier Legislaturperioden im Kongress absolvieren. Dort war er zeitweise Mitglied im Committee of Ways and Means, im Finanzausschuss und im Ausschuss für Verkehr und Infrastruktur. In seine Zeit als Abgeordneter fielen die Terroranschläge am 11. September 2001, der Irakkrieg und der Militäreinsatz in Afghanistan. Im Jahr 2004 unterlag er dem Republikaner Louie Gohmert.

Max Sandlin ist mit der  ehemaligen Kongressabgeordneten Stephanie Herseth Sandlin aus South Dakota verheiratet. Er hat fünf Kinder und ein Enkelkind.

Weblinks

Mitglied des Repräsentantenhauses der Vereinigten Staaten für Texas
Mitglied der Demokratischen Partei (Vereinigte Staaten)
Richter (Texas)
Rechtsanwalt (Vereinigte Staaten)
US-Amerikaner
Geboren 1952
Mann

Max Sandlin


Cystopteridaceae, porodica papratnica iz reda Polypodiales raširena po svim kontinentima. Postoji nekoliko rodova.

Rodovi
 Genus Acystopteris Nakai
 Genus ×Cystocarpium Fraser-Jenk.
 Genus Cystopteris Bernh.
 Genus Gymnocarpium Newman

Izvori

Osladolike

Cystopteridaceae


WUVC-DT (channel 40) is a television station licensed to Fayetteville, North Carolina, United States, broadcasting the Spanish-language Univision network to the Research Triangle region. It is owned and operated by TelevisaUnivision alongside Raleigh-licensed low-power UniMás station WTNC-LD (channel 26). Both stations share studios on Falls of Neuse Road in Raleigh, while WUVC-DT's transmitter is located northeast of Broadway, North Carolina.

WUVC-TV is also carried on Charter Spectrum's cable systems in the Charlotte and Greensboro–Winston-Salem–High Point markets.

History

WKFT
On February 26, 1980, the Federal Communications Commission (FCC) granted a construction permit to Fayetteville Television, Inc., for a new commercial television station on channel 40 in Fayetteville. The station began broadcasting as independent station WKFT on June 1, 1981; studios were located in the old First Union Bank on Donaldson Street in downtown Fayetteville and transmitted its signal from a  tower in unincorporated Cumberland County on Cliffdale Road, with 1.54 million watts of power (the tower site has since been annexed into Fayetteville). Fayetteville Television was organized by Robert Warren, a former Fayetteville reporter for WRAL-TV in Raleigh, who served as WKFT's first general manager, but was never an investor and was let go after only a month. WKFT offered a general entertainment format consisting of cartoons, westerns, religious shows, dramas and classic sitcoms. The station put a fairly decent signal into the southern portion of the Triangle, but was harder to receive in the more densely populated areas of the market.

In 1985, the original owners sold WKFT to SJL Broadcasting, which formed Central Carolina Television to manage the station. The new owners subsequently invested about $5 million to build a new  tower in Broadway, near the Harnett–Lee county line. The new transmitter, activated in June 1986, operated with a full five million watts of power. It gave channel 40 a coverage area comparable to the established Triangle stations, got the station on cable systems in the Raleigh–Durham area, and provided grade B coverage as far west as Greensboro. The station also rebranded itself as "Counterforce 40" and significantly upgraded its programming, competing with WLFL, the Triangle's largest independent, which joined the upstart Fox network. However, it operated on a low budget, selling advertising mainly in the southern part of the market.

By 1989, WKFT was in dire financial straits, reportedly from debts owed to film studios for movies shown on the station. It had also failed in a bid to take the NBC affiliation from WPTF-TV (now WRDC). In November, the sale of channel 40 was announced to the Zenox Corporation for $5 million.

WRAL on WKFT
On December 10, 1989, an ice storm collapsed the towers of WRAL-TV and WPTF-TV near Auburn. Within hours, WKFT had reached a deal to simulcast WRAL-TV's programming for almost all of its broadcast day as a public service. While WRAL was able to bring channel 5 back on the air before the end of the year at low power, it opted to remain on channel 40 even then in order to avoid any loss of viewership. This arrangement displaced nearly all of channel 40's own programming. Overnight movies were added to WRAL-WKFT's schedule in order to provide make-goods for national commercials in WKFT's shows.

However, WRAL's extended stay on channel 40 also provided a respite for WKFT, whose future was in limbo. SJL's deal to sell the station to Zenox collapsed in early March. WKFT didn't resume its own schedule until WRAL-TV returned to full power and the November sweeps book was over. WRAL, which had purchased WKFT's tower and installed microwave equipment to add a roundup of Fayetteville news stories to its newscasts, continued a partnership with channel 40, which agreed to air any CBS programs channel 5 preempted.

While WKFT initially prepared programs for its return, SJL announced in early November that it would take channel 40 silent at the end of the month if no buyer could be found for the station, citing the striking down of must-carry regulations in 1985 and regional economic upheaval from the deployment of Fort Bragg troops ahead of the Gulf War; SJL chairman George Lilly said that the station might already have left the air if not for the unexpected revenues from the WRAL agreement. With days to go before the deadline, the station announced it would indeed remain on the air because it was nearing a deal to be sold.

New ownership in the 1990s
In the end, WKFT never went dark, but it was forced to declare bankruptcy on January 15, 1991, as program syndicators continued to ask for nearly $3 million in payments for future programming commitments. Exporter Elbert M. Boyd bought the station out of bankruptcy for $1.4 million. It was the first broadcasting property for Boyd and his new company, Delta Broadcasting. Under Boyd, the station turned around its finances, improved its coverage and tripled its ad rates.

After two and a half years, Boyd sold the station to Allied Communications, an investor group including several conservative-aligned figures headed by Thomas F. Ellis; the $4.4 million deal saw Boyd retain a minority stake. Allied carried out further improvements in programming and equipment; it also dropped the preempted WRAL programming, citing continued confusion over the station's identity from the yearlong simulcast.

Bahakel Communications bought the station in 1997 for $19.5 million. As the 1990s went on, WKFT found it increasingly difficult to find stronger programming, in part because its main competitors—WLFL, WRDC, and WRAZ—had far wealthier owners and aired advertising that targeted the entire market. It lost out on bids for the Triangle WB and UPN affiliations, which went to WRAZ and WRDC respectively. The station was forced to move toward more paid programming, though it briefly served as the over-the-air home of the Carolina Hurricanes.

In December 2001, Bahakel put WKFT up for sale, alongside WBAK-TV in Terre Haute, Indiana. While it was on the block, tragedy struck again, this time affecting WKFT's own tower. On March 14, 2002, a single-engine airplane struck the tower, causing it to collapse and leading to a fatal crash; a temporary transmitter was mounted on WRAL-TV's tower while the Broadway site was rebuilt.

Univision era

Bahakel announced in December 2002 that it was selling WKFT to Univision Communications. The sale was completed in April 2003; the station changed its call sign to WUVC and network affiliation to Univision on June 1 of that year, becoming North Carolina's first Spanish-language television station. Its English-language programming inventory was picked up by WLFL and WRDC. The station later moved from its longtime studios in downtown Fayetteville to a new facility in Raleigh.

News operation
In 1986, WKFT debuted a locally produced prime-time newscast at 10 p.m., which focused more on Fayetteville and the southern part of the Triangle market. The newscast was later cancelled in 1989. After Delta Broadcasting bought WKFT in 1991, news programming was reinstated, although relegated to hourly news updates. Between January 3 and April 18, 1995, WKFT produced a live noon newscast, with national segments provided by Conus Communications' All News Channel. The operation, mostly staffed by recent college graduates, also started the career of Dallas Woodhouse, who would later work at WNCN and serve as executive director of the North Carolina Republican Party. Under Bahakel, the station featured nightly news briefs between 1997 and 2001.

After becoming a Univision-owned station, on April 19, 2004, WUVC launched the first Spanish-language news operation in North Carolina, with prime time news briefs branded as . The station then expanded its programming to include a 6 p.m. newscast three nights a week. As part of an expansion of Univision's local news operations, the station added a weeknight 6 p.m. and 11 p.m. newscast, titled , on August 29, 2011; it is the first Spanish-language newscast in North Carolina.

Out-of-market cable carriage
In recent years, WUVC has been carried on cable in multiple areas outside of the Triangle media market. That includes cable systems within the Greensboro, Greenville and Myrtle Beach, SC markets in North Carolina.

On October 16, 2013, WUVC replaced the national Univision feed on Time Warner Cable (now Spectrum)'s Charlotte-area systems. The station changed its branding from simply "Univision 40" to "Univision 40 North Carolina" (rather than "Univision 40 Carolina del Norte"), reflecting that it now reaches half the state via cable.

Technical information

Subchannels
The station's digital signal is multiplexed:

Analog-to-digital conversion
WUVC discontinued regular programming on its analog signal, over UHF channel 40, on June 12, 2009, the official date on which full-power television stations in the United States transitioned from analog to digital broadcasts under federal mandate. The station's digital signal continued to broadcast on its pre-transition UHF channel 38, using virtual channel 40.

See also
 WTNC-LD

References

External links

Info about WKFT from former website

Univision network affiliates
Bounce TV affiliates
Get (TV network) affiliates
Quest (American TV network) affiliates
True Crime Network affiliates
Television channels and stations established in 1981
UVC-DT
UVC-DT
1981 establishments in North Carolina

WUVC-DT


Veľká nad Ipľom este o comună slovacă, aflată în districtul Lučenec din regiunea Banská Bystrica. Localitatea se află la , se întinde pe o suprafață de  și în 2017 număra 927 de locuitori.

Istoric
Localitatea Veľká nad Ipľom este atestată documentar din 1238.

Note

Legături externe

Localități din Slovacia

Veľká nad Ipľom