La crise des réfugiés ukrainiens de 2022 est un important mouvement de réfugiés en provenance d'Ukraine lors de l'invasion de l'Ukraine par la Russie. Elle a commencé avec l'invasion des troupes russes le 24 février 2022, dans le cadre de la guerre russo-ukrainienne, débutée en 2014. Même avant l'invasion, plusieurs pays européens se préparaient à accueillir des réfugiés.

Des centaines de milliers de personnes ont fui dans les premiers jours après l'attaque. La plupart ont trouvé refuge dans les pays voisins à l'ouest de l'Ukraine : la Pologne, la Hongrie, la Moldavie, la Roumanie et la Slovaquie. Beaucoup de personnes touchées cherchent refuge chez des proches qui vivent à l'étranger.

L'Union européenne et certains pays ont annoncé qu'ils seraient ouverts aux Ukrainiens afin que les réfugiés n'aient pas à passer par une procédure d'asile. Les compagnies de chemin de fer de plusieurs États comme la France, la Pologne et l'Allemagne permettent aux réfugiés ukrainiens de voyager gratuitement en train.

Les chiffres sur les personnes fuyant l'Ukraine peuvent changer rapidement et ne sont souvent que des estimations. Les voyages d'un pays à l'autre ne sont pas nécessairement enregistrés officiellement. Les Ukrainiens peuvent voyager dans certains pays d'Europe sans visa. Ils peuvent être autorisés à rester dans le pays pendant une période prolongée, par exemple 90 jours, sans autorisation spéciale. Ailleurs, ils doivent demander l'asile. De plus, traverser la frontière dans un pays ne signifie pas que les gens resteront dans ce pays.

De très nombreuses ukrainiennes sont victimes de prostitution dans les pays d'accueil.

Légal
Les responsables de l'Union européenne et des États individuels ont réfléchi à la mise en œuvre de la directive sur la protection temporaire pour la première fois de son histoire afin que les réfugiés n'aient pas à passer par la norme procédure d'asile de l'Union européenne. Les compagnies ferroviaires de plusieurs pays, dont la France, l'Allemagne et l'Autriche, autorisent les réfugiés ukrainiens à voyager gratuitement en train.

Chiffres

Le Bureau de la coordination des affaires humanitaires a estimé le 27 février qu'il y aura 7,5 millions de réfugiés nationaux dans deux mois en Ukraine. 18 millions de personnes sont touchées par le conflit et 12 millions de personnes auront besoin d'une aide médicale. Jusqu'à quatre millions de personnes fuient avant la guerre.

Lors de la Conférence des Nations unies sur les réfugiés, le 27 février 2022, il a été annoncé que depuis la guerre, plus de  ont fui. Avec plus de  qui auraient fui l'Ukraine vers depuis le  mars 2022, le Haut-Commissariat des Nations Unies pour les réfugiés (HCR) craignait que la situation ne dégénérât en « la plus grande crise de réfugiés d'Europe de ce siècle ».

Le 11 mars 2022, l'ONU estime que 4,4 millions de personnes ont été déplacées en Ukraine du fait de la guerre, et que 2,5 millions avaient franchi la frontière avec un autre pays. La Pologne est le premier pays d'accueil en nombre de réfugiés avec 1,2 million de réfugiés. Au 16 mars, la Pologne comptait le plus grand nombre de réfugiés ukrainiens, près de 1,9 million.

Des sportifs ukrainiens ont également dû fuir leur pays, à l'instar de la joueuse d'échecs Olga Babiy qui s'est réfugiée en Allemagne.

Hébergement et aide
Le cofondateur d'Airbnb et deux autres responsables ont envoyé des lettres aux dirigeants européens des pays qui partagent une frontière avec l'Ukraine, offrant aux entreprises un soutien pour le logement temporaire des réfugiés. Le programme serait financé par des dons effectués via les sites Refugee Fund et avec le soutien des hôtes sur la plate-forme. Des organisations telles que UNICEF, le Haut Commissariat des Nations Unies pour les réfugiés, Comité international de secours, le Comité ukrainien américain de secours et d'autres ont commencé à accepter des dons monétaires pour aider les réfugiés et les personnes touchées par la crise. D'autres, comme le journal The Kyiv Independent ont lancé des campagnes GoFundMe pour collecter des fonds pour des causes spécifiques ou des appels pour que des objets physiques soient donnés par un individu.

Aide culturelle
Le 16 mai 2022, l'Unesco déclare vouloir aider à sauvegarder le patrimoine culturel immatériel des communautés de personnes réfugiées d'Ukraine, dans cinq pays (Hongrie, Moldavie, Pologne, Slovaquie, Roumanie). D'après son communiqué, la situation en Ukraine, en plus des pertes matérielles et humaines, a un mauvais impact sur la culture, en séparant des familles. Des mesures sont annoncées pour préserver le patrimoine (la réflexion étant prévue jusqu'en juin 2022), selon les procédures des Principes et modalités opérationnels pour la sauvegarde du patrimoine culturel immatériel en situations d'urgence. Celles-ci impliquent que les choix reviennent aux communautés affectées.

Pays

Allemagne

Belgique
Le secrétaire d'État belge à l'Asile et à la Migration, Sammy Mahdi, a déclaré le 25 février 2022 que la Belgique était solidaire de la Pologne et de la Hongrie. Cependant, il a appelé l'Europe à coordonner la réception. Deux jours plus tard, la ministre du Développement, Meryame Kitir, a annoncé que trois millions d'euros seraient alloués pour une aide humanitaire supplémentaire à l'Ukraine.

France

La France « prendra sa part » dans l'accueil des réfugiés ukrainiens : cette annonce d'Emmanuel Macron vendredi 25 février, relayée par les maires de métropoles et de collectivités, a été saluée par les associations d'aide aux migrants, même si elles jugent qu'il est trop tôt pour évaluer les besoins.

Le  mars 2022, une centaine de réfugiés ukrainiens sont arrivés en France.

Jusqu'à 930 d'entre eux sont hébergés pendant plus de deux mois, du 29 mars au 9 juin 2022, dans le ferry Méditerranée dans le port de Marseille, avant l'être laissés à eux-mêmes sans préparation ni solution.

Israël
Israël accueille, en décembre 2022, 13 000 réfugiés ukrainiens. 65 % de ces réfugiés sont des femmes. Des proxénètes profitent de leur grande précarité pour les faire tomber dans la prostitution.

Pologne
En un mois, de fin Février à fin mars, la Pologne accueille plus de deux millions de réfugiés. À la date du 27 juillet 2022, cinq millions de personnes sont estimées avoir franchi la frontière entre l'Ukraine et la Pologne. Le journal Les Échos qualifie l'aide de la Pologne aux réfugiés de « hors norme ». En plus de l'hébergement, de multiples services ont été fournis comme par exemple le dons de vêtements, l'organisation logistique dans les gares et la prise en charge d'enfants. Fin juillet 3,5 millions de réfugiés auraient pris la route du retour.

République tchèque

Russie

De nombreux ukrainiens partent en Russie à l'issue de la guerre mais la majorité des journaux occidentaux questionnent le fait que ce soit des départs volontaires et parlent plutôt de déplacements forcés. Le président ukrainien Volodymyr Zelensky dénonce « une déportation massive ».

Critiques de la gestion de la crise

Discrimination sur la couleur de peau et l'origine à la frontière ukrainienne
Selon USA Today, des rapports suggèrent que les personnes de couleur fuyant l'Ukraine sont victimes de discrimination à la frontière. Selon des universitaires et des réfugiés, la crise a mis en évidence le double standard dans la façon dont les nations traitent les réfugiés en fonction de leur pays d'origine, de leur race ou de leur religion. La réponse de l'Europe aux personnes de couleur fuyant l'Ukraine a mis en lumière le « racisme et la xénophobie flagrants » dont sont victimes les migrants et réfugiés noirs, a déclaré Ifrah Magan, professeur adjoint à la Silver School of Social Work de l'université de New York, qui a fui la Somalie lorsqu'elle était jeune.

Des rapports ont fait état de policiers et de membres du personnel de sécurité ukrainiens refusant de laisser des Nigérians monter dans les bus et les trains en direction de la frontière entre l'Ukraine et la Pologne, a déclaré le bureau du président du Nigeria dans un communiqué.

L'Association des journalistes arabes et du Moyen-Orient a condamné « les reportages racistes qui accordent plus d'importance à certaines victimes de la guerre qu'à d'autres ». Le groupe a déclaré qu'il avait suivi les reportages décrivant l'Ukraine comme « civilisée », « comme nous » et « de classe moyenne », tout en normalisant la tragédie au Moyen-Orient, en Afrique, en Asie du Sud et en Amérique latine.

Notes et références

Notes

Références

Invasion de l'Ukraine par la Russie en 2022
Guerre en cours
2022 en Hongrie
2022 en Moldavie
2022 en Pologne
2022 en Roumanie
2022 en Slovaquie
2022 en Ukraine
Conséquences d'une guerre
Réfugié par conflit

Réfugié en Pologne

Crise des réfugiés ukrainiens de 2022


(89818) Jureskvarč, denumire internațională (89818) Jureskvarc, este un asteroid din centura principală de asteroizi.

Descriere
89818 Jureskvarč este un asteroid din centura principală de asteroizi. A fost descoperit pe  la Cima Ekar în cadrul programului Asiago-DLR Asteroid Survey. Asteroidul prezintă o orbită caracterizată de o semiaxă mare de 2,57 ua, o excentricitate de 0,03 și o înclinație de 10,7° în raport cu ecliptica.

Vezi și
 Lista planetelor minore: 89001-90000
 Centura de asteroizi

Referințe

Obiecte astronomice descoperite în 2002
Centura de asteroizi

89818 Jureskvarč


ට්‍රාන්සිස්ටරය යනු අර්ධ සන්නායක උපාංගයක් වන අතර එය වර්ධකයක් ලෙස සහ ස්විචයක් ලෙස භාවිතා කරනු ලැබේ. තවද පරිගණකවල, ජංගම දුරකථන වල සහ අනෙකුත් සියලුම විද්‍යුත් උපකරණ වල භාවිතා වන මූලික විද්‍යුත් පරිපථ උපාංගයක් ලෙසද මෙය සැලකිය හැකිය.

ට්‍රාන්සිස්ටරයේ ඇති ඉක්මන් ක්‍රියාකාරිත්වයත්, නිරචද්‍යතාවයත් නිසා විවිධවූ කාර්යයන් සදභා මෙය යොදා ගනු ලබන අතර උදාහරණ ලෙස ධාරා වර්ධනය,වෝල්ටීයතා වෙනස්කිරීම්, සංඥා සැකසීම සහ දෝළක සැලකිය හැකිය. ට්‍රාන්සිස්ටර තනි ඇසුරුමක ආකාරයෙන් සහ සංගෘහිත පරිපථ වල අභ්‍යන්තර කොටසක් ලෙසද නිර්මාණය කර ඇත. සංගෘහිත පරිපථ වල අභ්‍යන්තරයේ මෙවැනි පරිපථ බිලියන ගණනක් පවතී.

හැඳින්වීම  ට්‍රාන්සිස්ටරය නමින් හදුන්වනු ලබන මූලික විද්‍යුත් උපාංගය මගින් ඉතා කුඩා විද්‍යුත් සංඥාවන් වර්ධනය කල හැකි අතර එහිදී සිදුවනුයේ ට්‍රාන්සිස්ටරයේ පාදමට සපයන ධාරාව (Ib) මගින් සංග්‍රාහකය තුලින් ගලා යන ඉතා විශාලවූ (Ic) ධාරාව පාලනය කිරීමයි. ට්‍රාන්සිස්ටරය ප්‍රධාන වශයෙන් කොටස් දෙකකට බෙදිය හැකි අතර ඒවා නම් ද්වීධ්‍රැව සන්ධි ට්‍රාන්සිස්ටරය සහ FET ට්‍රාන්සිස්ටරය වේ.

ට්‍රාන්සිස්ටර් ස්විචීචයක් හැටියටද භාවිතා කරයි.
( XXX )

වැදගත්කම
ස්විච්යක් වර්ධකයක් දෝලකයක් ලෙස භාවිතා කළ හැකිය.

ට්‍රාන්සිස්ටරයේ භාවිත

ට්‍රාන්සිස්ටරය ස්විචයක් ලෙස භාවිතා වේ.
ට්‍රාන්සිස්ටරය ධාරා වර්ධකයක් ලෙස භාවිතා වේ.
ට්‍රාන්සිස්ටරය වෝල්ටීයතා වර්ධකයක් ලෙස භාවිතා වේ.
ට්‍රාන්සිස්ටරය ක්ෂමතා වර්ධකයක් ලෙස භාවිතා වේ.

ට්‍රාන්සිස්ටරය භාවිතා කරන මුලික වින්‍යාස 3කි. ඒවා පොදු පාදම වින්‍යාසය, පොදු විමෝචක වින්‍යාසය හා පොදු සංග්‍රාහක වින්‍යාසය නම් වේ. කෙසේ වුවද අද බහුලව භාවිතා කරන්නේ පොදු විමෝචක වින්‍යාසයයි, මෙසේ පොදු විමෝචක වින්‍යාස බහුලව භාවිතා කරන්නට හේතු වී ඇත්තේ එම වින්‍යසයේදී ට්‍රාන්ස්සිස්ටරය ධාරා වර්ධකයක් මෙන්ම වොල්ටීයතා වර්දකයක් ලෙසද ක්‍රියාත්මක වීමයි.මෙහි පාදම(ඵනම් බේසය)වෙත V 0.65(mv650)කුඩා වෝල්ටීයතාවයක් සැපයූවිට ට්‍රාන්සිස්ටරය නැඹුරුවී සන්නයනය පටන්ගන්නා අතර පූර්ණ නැඹුරුවක් සදහා V 0.7(mv700)සැපයූව යුතුව ඇත.නමුත් FET ට්‍රාන්සිස්ටර සදහා ප්‍රදානය(ඵනම් බේසය)වෙත කුඩා වෝල්ටීයතාවයක් සැපයූම අනිවාර්ය නොවේ.

ඉතිහාසය

මුලින්ම ට්‍රාන්සිස්ටරය සංවර්ධනය කල් 1947 වසරේදීය.
ඇමරිකාවෙහි බෙල්ස ලැබ්ස් හිදී වීලීයමී සොක්ලී, ජොන් බාඩින්, සහ වොල්ටර් බ්රැටෙන් යන විදාඥයින් තිදෙනා එකතුවෙනි

ට්‍රාන්සිස්ටර වර්ග

ට්‍රාන්සිස්ටරය වර්ග දෙකකට බෙදා දැක්වියහැක.

 ද්විඩ්‍රැව ට්‍රාන්සිස්ටරය(bipolar)
 ක්ෂේත්‍ර ආචරණ ට්‍රාන්සිස්ටරය (FET/unipolar)

ද්‍විධ්‍රැව ට්‍රාන්සිස්ටර
PNP හා NPN යනුවෙන් වර්ග දෙකක් පවතී.

FET ට්‍රාන්සිස්ටරය
J-FET හා MOS-FET යනුවෙන් වර්ග දෙකක් පවතී..

ට්‍රාන්සිස්ටර
අර්ධ සන්නායක

ට්‍රාන්සිස්ටරය


Festningen, en same du Nord Ladni, est une petite île de Norvège située dans la commune de Sør-Varanger dans la mer de Barents.

Annexes

Liens externes

 Île de Festningen sur le site Norgeskart.no

Île en Norvège
Île de la mer de Barents

Festningen


Yeshiva Rabbi Chaim Berlin or Yeshivas Rabbeinu Chaim Berlin () is an American Haredi Lithuanian-type boys' and men's yeshiva in Brooklyn, New York.

Chaim Berlin consists of a preschool, a yeshiva ketana (elementary school), a mesivta (high school), a college-level beth midrash, and Kollel Gur Aryeh, its post-graduate kollel division.

History
The school was established in 1904 as Yeshiva Tiferes Bachurim in Brownsville, Brooklyn, by Jews who moved there from the Lower East Side of New York City, thus making it the oldest yeshiva in Kings County. At the suggestion of Meir Berlin (Bar-Ilan), it was renamed in 1914 for his brother, Chaim Berlin, Chief Rabbi of Moscow and later Jerusalem, and who had also served in Valozhyn, from where several of the yeshiva's founders came.

Chaim Berlin's Mesivta (high school) was, for a while, located in Far Rockaway headed by Shlomo Freifeld.

The yeshiva's Stone & Pitkin (Brownsville) seven story building, formerly known as the Municipal Bank Building, was purchased in 1940; Jacob Rutstein was their major philanthropist.

Leadership

The founding rosh yeshiva, Yaakov Moshe Shurkin, served from 1936 until his death in 1963.Yitzchok Hutner joined the faculty during 1936-1937, and gave monthly lectures as rosh yeshiva from 1943 to 1980. In the late 1970s, a branch was opened in Jerusalem called Yeshiva Pachad Yitzchok (Fear of Isaac).

After Hutner's death, the New York yeshiva was headed by his disciple Aaron Schechter, and the Jerusalem branch was headed by his son-in-law Yonason David. When Schechter died in 2023, the leadership of the yeshiva passed to his son-in-law Shlomo Halioua.

The position of mashgiach ruchani (spiritual supervisor) has been held by (among others) Avigdor Miller, Shlomo Freifeld, Shlomo Carlebach, Shimon Groner, and Mordechai Zelig Shechter.

Divisions
Chaim Berlin consists of a preschool, a yeshiva ketana (elementary school), a mesivta (high school), a college-level beth midrash, and Kollel Gur Aryeh, its post-graduate kollel division. Total enrollment for all divisions approaches 2,000 students. The mesivta acts as a feeder school for the beth midrash.

The yeshiva maintains a summer location, Camp Morris, in Sullivan County, New York. The Yeshiva also runs a summer youth program with the name Chaim Day Camp.

Notable alumni

Notable alumni include many who served in rabbinic capacities throughout the world.

A-M
 Shalom Z. Berger (born 1960), Senior Content Editor of the Koren Talmud Bavli
 Shlomo Carlebach (1925–2022), former mashgiach ruchani of Yeshiva Rabbi Chaim Berlin
 Shlomo Carlebach (1925–1994), rabbi, religious teacher, spiritual leader, composer, and singer
 Yonasan Dovid David, co-rosh yeshiva of Yeshiva Rabbi Chaim Berlin
 Yaakov Feitman (born 1948), rabbi of Kehillas Bais Yehudah Tzvi, Cedarhurst, New York
 Aharon Feldman (born 1932), rosh yeshiva of Ner Israel Rabbinical College
 Shlomo Freifeld (1925–1990), founding rosh yeshiva of Yeshivas Shor Yoshuv
 David Weiss Halivni (1927–2022), rabbi and professor of Talmud
 David Hartman (1931–2013), American-Israeli rabbi and philosopher of contemporary Judaism, founder of the Shalom Hartman Institute.
 Yitzhak Aharon Korff (born 1949), Grand Rabbi of Zvhil-Mezbuz, Boston, and The Jerusalem Great Synagogue
 Simcha Krauss (1937–2022), retired rabbi of the Young Israel of Hillcrest, Queens, and leader of the Religious Zionists of America
 David Lefkowitz (1875–1955), chaplain United States Marines
 Aharon Lichtenstein (1933–2015), rosh yeshiva of Yeshivat Har Etzion, Alon Shevut, and rosh kollel of Yeshiva University's Gruss Kollel, Jerusalem

N-Z
 Yaakov Perlow (1931–2020), the Novominsker Rebbe of Borough Park
 Yechiel Perr (born 1935), rosh yeshiva of Yeshiva of Far Rockaway
 Zvi Aryeh Rosenfeld (1922–1978), Polish–American rabbi and educator associated with the Breslov Hasidic movement
 Nota Schiller (born 1937), rosh yeshiva of Ohr Somayach, Jerusalem
 Ahron Soloveichik (1917–2001), taught at Yeshiva University, Hebrew Theological College and Brisk Rabbinical College
 Pinchas Stolper (1931–2022), former Executive Vice-President of the Orthodox Union and founder of NCSY
 Noah Weinberg (1930–2009), co-founder of Yeshivas Ohr Somayach, Jerusalem; founder of Yeshivas Aish HaTorah
 Yaakov Weinberg (1923–1999), rosh yeshiva of Ner Israel Rabbinical College
 Yisroel Eliyahu Weintraub (1932–2010), rabbi

See also
 Yeshiva Torah Vodaath – another yeshiva in Brooklyn
 RIETS

References

External links
 Hagadah of Yeshiva Rabbi Chaim Berlin
 Yeshiva Rabbi Chaim Berlin at Greatschools.org
 Mesivta Rabbi Chaim Berlin
 History of Jewish Brownsville: has section on Chaim Berlin

Educational institutions established in 1904
Flatbush, Brooklyn
Haredi Judaism in New York (state)
Haredi yeshivas
Lithuanian-Jewish culture in New York (state)
Mesivtas
Chaim Berlin
Boys' schools in New York City
1904 establishments in New York City

Yeshiva Rabbi Chaim Berlin


A coup d'état was attempted in Spain in February 1981 by elements of the Civil Guard and the Spanish military. The failure of the coup marked the last serious attempt to revert Spain to Francoist government and served to consolidate Spain's democratization process. King Juan Carlos I played a major role in foiling the coup, and the monarchy emerged with renewed legitimacy as a result.

The coup began on 23 February 1981 when Lieutenant-Colonel Antonio Tejero, along with 200 armed Civil Guard officers, stormed the Congress of Deputies chamber in Madrid during a vote to swear in Leopoldo Calvo-Sotelo as President of the Government. The officers held the parliamentarians and ministers hostage for 18 hours, during which the King denounced the coup in a public television broadcast, calling for rule of law and the democratic government to continue. The royal address fatally undermined the coup, and the hostage-takers surrendered the next morning and all deputies were freed. A simultaneous coup attempt, executed by Captain General Jaime Milans del Bosch in Valencia, also failed. Tejero, Milans del Bosch and a third conspirator, General Alfonso Armada, were sentenced to thirty years in prison.

Background
The coup attempt was linked to the Spanish transition to democracy. Four factors generated tensions that the governing Democratic Center Union (UCD) coalition of conservative parties could not contain:

 almost 20% unemployment, capital flight, and 16% inflation, which were caused by an economic crisis
 difficulty devolving governance to Spanish regions
 increased violence by the Basque terrorist group ETA
 opposition to the fledgling democracy from within the Spanish Armed Forces

The first signs of unease in the army appeared in April 1977. Admiral Pita da Veiga resigned as Navy minister and formed the Superior Council of the Army. This was a result of Da Veiga's disagreement with the legalisation of the Communist Party of Spain (PCE) on 9 April 1977, following the Atocha massacre by neo-fascist terrorists. In November 1978, the Operation Galaxia military putsch was put down. Its leader, Lieutenant-Colonel Antonio Tejero, was sentenced to seven months in prison.

While seditious sentiments grew in sectors of the military and extreme right, the government faced a serious crisis at the beginning of the decade, and its position became increasingly untenable in the course of 1980. Key events saw the resignation of the Minister of Culture, Manuel Clavero on 15 January; the restructuring of the government on 3 May; the motion of no confidence against Adolfo Suárez moved by the Spanish Socialist Workers' Party (PSOE) between 28 May and 30 May; the resignation on 22 July of the vice-president, Fernando Abril Martorell, which produced a new reshuffle in September; and the election in October of Miguel Herrero Rodríguez de Miñón, alternative candidate of the official bid for president of the centrist parliamentary group promoted by Suárez.

The growing weakness of Suárez at the heart of his own party led to his televised resignation as prime minister and president of the UCD on 29 January 1981. On 1 February, the "Almendros Collective" published an openly insurgent article in the far-right newspaper El Alcázar, which was the mouthpiece of the Búnker hardliners, including Carlos Arias Navarro, Luis Carrero Blanco's successor as prime minister, and the leader of the francoist party Fuerza Nueva, Blas Piñar. From 2 to 4 February, the King and Queen traveled to Guernica, where the deputies of Basque separatist party Herri Batasuna received them with boos and hisses and various incidents. On 6 February, the chief engineer of the Lemoiz nuclear project, José María Ryan, was found murdered, having been kidnapped a few days earlier. Meanwhile, there was no further news about industrialist Luis Suñer after his abduction.

In this atmosphere of mounting tension, the process of choosing Suárez's successor began. Between 6 and 9 February, the 2nd UCD congress in Majorca made it clear that the party was unravelling and Agustín Rodríguez Sahagún was named acting prime minister.  On 10 February, Leopoldo Calvo Sotelo was named candidate for prime minister.

Political flashpoint
Tensions came to a head on 13 February, when news emerged of the torture and murder in Carabanchel of José Ignacio Arregui, a member of the Basque nationalist movement ETA, who had been held incommunicado for 10 days in the General Security Directorate (Dirección General de Seguridad). A general strike in the Basque region and an acrimonious debate between opposing parliamentary groups in the Congress followed. The government then dismissed various police chiefs, while in the Interior Ministry there were resignations in solidarity with the torturers. El Alcázar newspaper judged the government's actions a show of weakness that needed to be stopped.

Against this extraordinary backdrop, Calvo Sotelo presented his proposed government on 18 February, but, during congressional voting on the 20th, he failed to obtain the necessary majority approval for confirmation as prime minister, so a new vote was scheduled for the 23rd: the day the conspirators had chosen for their coup attempt. As planned, the coup would require Tejero and General Jaime Milans del Bosch as its principal instigators, with a minor role being played by General Alfonso Armada, a confidant of King Juan Carlos I.

Coup

Assault on the Congress of Deputies

Several TVE cameramen and technicians filmed almost half an hour of the event, providing the world with an audiovisual record of the attempted coup (which would be broadcast several hours after it ended). Moreover, members of the private radio station SER continued their live broadcast with open microphones from within the Congress of Deputies, which meant that the general public was able to follow along by radio as events unfolded. As such, the date is sometimes remembered as "the Night of Transistor Radios" (La noche de los transistores).

At 18:00, the roll-call vote for the swearing in (investidura) of Leopoldo Calvo-Sotelo as Prime Minister began in the Congress of Deputies. At 18:23, as Socialist-party deputy Manuel Núñez Encabo was standing up to cast his vote, 200 Guardia Civil agents led by Lieutenant-Colonel Antonio Tejero and armed with submachine guns, burst into congressional chambers. Tejero immediately took the Speaker's platform and shouted "¡Quieto todo el mundo!" ("Nobody move!"), ordering everyone to lie down on the floor.

Most of the deputies dropped to the floor, except for three: acting minister of defence and deputy prime minister, General Manuel Gutiérrez Mellado; acting prime minister, Adolfo Suárez; and Communist Party leader, Santiago Carrillo, who calmly lit a cigarette and remained seated.

As the highest-ranking military official present, Army General (and Deputy Prime Minister) Gutiérrez Mellado refused to comply, confronting Tejero and ordering him to stand down and hand over the weapon. Outgoing Prime Minister Adolfo Suárez made a move to join Gutiérrez Mellado, who briefly scuffled with several civil guards until Tejero fired a shot into the air, which was followed by a sustained burst of submachine-gun fire from the assailants. (The shots wounded some of the visitors in the chamber's upper gallery). Undeterred, arms akimbo in defiance, 68-year-old General Gutiérrez Mellado refused to sit down, even after Tejero attempted, unsuccessfully, to wrestle him to the floor. Their face-off ended with Tejero returning to the rostrum and Gutiérrez Mellado returning to his seat.

After several minutes, all the deputies retook their assigned congressional seats. The captain of the Guardia Civil, , strode to the Speaker's platform, demanded silence and announced that all those present were to wait for the arrival of "the competent military authority."

At 19:35, acting prime minister Suárez stood up and asked to speak to the commanders. Shots were fired in response, and a guard flashed a submachine gun towards the deputies' seats, demanding silence. One of the assailants ordered, "Mr. Suárez, stay in your seat!" Suárez was about to reply when someone else shouted, "siéntate maldita sea" ("Sit down, damn it!") (Historically, this phrase is attributed to Lieutenant Colonel Tejero, although it was probably Lieutenant Ramos Rueda.) Finally, Tejero grabbed Suárez by the arm and led him forcefully to a room outside the chamber. When Suárez demanded that Tejero explain "this madness"; Tejero's only reply was "¡Todo por España!" ("Everything for Spain!"). When Suárez pressed the point, citing his authority as prime minister ("president of the government"), Tejero - using the informal "tú" - replied, "Tú ya no eres presidente de nada!" ("You are no longer the president of anything!")

Shortly afterward, five of the parliament's deputies were separated from the rest: Prime Minister Suárez; the opposition leader, Felipe González, and his deputy, Alfonso Guerra González; Communist Party leader, Santiago Carrillo; and the Defense minister, Agustín Rodríguez Sahagún. The insurgents' hope, in taking both the executive and legislative authorities prisoner, was to create a power vacuum that would force a new political order.

Almost at the same time, the Captain General of the Third Military Region, Jaime Milans del Bosch, joined the coup with a revolt in Valencia, ordering tanks to be brought out onto the streets and declaring a general state of emergency in an attempt to convince other senior military figures to align with him in supporting the coup. At 21:00 that evening, the Director of National Security, Francisco Laína, published a statement on RTVE announced that, under the instructions of King Juan Carlos I, a provisional government would be formed with the undersecretaries of different ministries in order to ensure State government in alliance with the Assembly of Military Chiefs of Staff (Junta de Jefes del Estado Mayor) and led by himself.

The coup was vehemently condemned by member countries of the EEC, especially since Spain was in preliminary negotiations for membership (eventually joining in 1986). Margaret Thatcher, Prime Minister of the UK, called the coup a "terrorist act." Alexander Haig, US Secretary of State, described the coup as an "internal affair".

Meanwhile, another insurgent general, Torres Rojas, failed in his attempt to oust General Juste from the Army's Armoured Division No. 1 "Brunete", resulting in Torres Rojas having to abandon his plan to take control of key strategic points in Madrid, including State radio and television headquarters and, therefore, firsthand control of the information as events unfolded.

Armada's soft coup
Originally, Armada, one of the coup's conspirators, had advocated a "milder" course of action, which he then proceeded to implement. Arriving at the Palace of Zarzuela, the royal residence, Armada offered the monarch a trade-off: the king would head a new "government of salvation" that would replace the democratically elected one in the hopes of appeasing Tejero and his forces and thereby avoiding a return to the full military dictatorship the conspirators were demanding.

The King, however, refused to receive Armada, who, shortly before midnight, entered the Congress of Deputies alleging that the King had ordered him to assume leadership of the government. As Armada was not the "competent military authority" that Tejero had been waiting for, the latter rejected Armada's claims with "My general, I didn't assault Congress for this" and, after that, ignored him.

Military occupation of Valencia
A simultaneous rebellion in eastern Spain fizzled. Shortly after Tejero took control of the Congress, Jaime Milans del Bosch, Captain General of the III Military Region, executed his part of the coup in Valencia. Deploying 2,000 men and fifty tanks from his Motorized Division as well as troops from the port of Valencia onto the streets and into the city center, they occupied the Town Hall (Ayuntamiento) and the Valencian judicial court building (Las cortes valencianas). The revolt, known as Operation Turia, was considered key if other military regions were to become involved in the coup. By 19:00, Valencian radio stations began broadcasting the state of emergency declared by Milans del Bosch, who was hoping to convince others to endorse his military action. Well into the night, Valencia was surrounded by armored military trucks and other troop units called in from the Bétera and Paterna army bases. Police snipers took their places on rooftops, military marches were played on loudspeakers and a curfew was imposed on the citizens. An armored convoy was dispatched to the Manises Air Base in order to convince the commander there to support the coup; however, the Colonel of the 11th Wing in charge of the base not only refused to comply, he threatened to deploy two fighter jets armed with air-to-ground missiles (which he claimed to have standing by with their engines running) against the tanks sent by Milans del Bosch, thereby forcing the latter to withdraw. This setback hinted the impending failure of the Madrid coup.

Juan Carlos's repudiation
Juan Carlos refused to endorse the coup. The king, after protracted discussions with colleagues, was convinced of his military leaders' loyalty to himself and the Constitution. Two-and-a-half hours after the seizure, Juan Carlos phoned the president of the Government of Catalonia, Jordi Pujol, and assured him that everything was under control. Pujol, just before 22:00 that evening, made a short speech via national broadcasting stations inside and outside of Spain calling for peace. Until 01:00 in the morning (24 February), negotiations took place outside the Congress between the acting government as well as General Armada, who would later be relieved of his duties under suspicion that he had participated in planning the coup.

At 01:14 on 24 February, a speech by Juan Carlos was broadcast on national television, with the King wearing the uniform of the Captain General of the Armed Forces (Capitán General de los Ejércitos), the highest Spanish military rank, to oppose the coup and its instigators, defend the Spanish Constitution, and disavow the authority of Milans del Bosch. In the speech, recorded shortly before at the Palace of Zarzuela, he declared:

From that moment on, the coup was understood to be a failure.  Deputy Javier Solana stated that when he saw Tejero reading a special edition of the El País newspaper brought in by General Sáenz de Santamaría, which vehemently condemned the hostage situation inside the Congress, he knew that the coup had failed. For his part, Milans del Bosch, alone and thereafter isolated, abandoned his plans at 5:00 that morning and was arrested. Scores of civil guards clad in military fatigues attempted to jump out of the first floor window trying to flee. Others ran out the front door into the arms of officers who had surrounded the building through the night. The deputies were freed that morning after emerging one by one from their all night ordeal shouting "Long Live Freedom". Tejero resisted until midday on 24 February and was arrested outside the Congress building.

In popular culture
The event was made into a motion picture by Warner Bros. entitled 23F (Spanish nomenclature for 23 February, when the coup took place). Variety reviewer Jonathan Holland said the period detail of the film was good, but the film followed the officially sanctioned version and failed to scratch beneath the surface of what really happened.

Legacy

The most immediate consequence was that, as an institution, the monarchy emerged from the failed coup with overwhelming legitimacy in the eyes of the public and the political class. In the long term, the coup's failure could be considered the last serious attempt by adherents to Francoist ideology to establish any long-term authority in the country.

The Supreme Court of Military Justice, known as the Campamento trial (juicio de Campamento), sentenced Miláns del Bosch, Alfonso Armada, and Antonio Tejero Molina to thirty years in prison as the key instigators of the coup d'état. Eventually, thirty people out of some 300 accused would be convicted for their involvement in the coup.

The extent of any civilian involvement in planning the coup has never been thoroughly investigated. Juan García Carrés, ex-leader of the Sindicato Vertical (the only legal trade union organisation in Francoist Spain), was the only civilian to be convicted.

After the events, the Socialist opposition agreed to a law, the LOAPA, to slow down the establishment of autonomous communities as envisaged in the Constitution, to placate the military.

The bullet holes in the ceiling of the Spanish parliament were retained as a reminder of the coup attempt.

Alternative theories
The bloodless yet apparently chaotic unravelling of the coup, the plethora of unanswered questions as to its unfolding, the staunch monarchist allegiance of two main conspirators (Armada and Milans del Bosch), and the King's lengthy absence before he finally made a late-night public television address have fueled skepticism and conspiracy theories during the Campamento trial and have remained active ever since.

These theories cast doubt on the sincerity of the King's defense of democracy and qualify the coup as an example of coercive realpolitik taken to the next level. In essence, this version of events alleges that the coup itself was orchestrated by the Spanish Secret Services in connivance with the King and the Royal House as well as representatives of the major political parties and mainstream media, among others. The plot's centerpiece and apparent motivation was the so-called Operation Armada, a "soft" coup modeled after Operation De Gaulle and aimed at a national-unity government headed by Armada himself, consisting of an array of ministers from all the main political parties. The first objective was to oust Prime Minister Suárez, who had been criticized relentlessly by the media and the political elite for months and was rumoured to have even lost the King's good graces, partly due to Suárez's ambitious reformist agenda which had, conceivably, gone off-script. The second objective of the purported "soft" coup was a consequence of the former: to hurry still-toddling Spanish public institutions into fulfilling the convergence criteria the nation was being groomed for, namely NATO and EEC membership and the consolidation of an effectively bipartisan and ideologically moderate parliamentary monarchy. According to the rationale behind the theory, this objective required both purging the armed forces of its most reactionary elements and frightening the common voter into accepting the monarchy and the two-party system as the institutional "default position".

Yet another and more concrete objective would have been to neutralize an imminent and "hard" coup d'état planned for later that year, most likely on 2 May. A major clique or sub-group among the instigators of this alleged coup was the so-called Colonels' group, headed by former SECED chief José Ignacio San Martín. Two reasons have been cited why this alleged plot was considered particularly dangerous: San Martín's intelligence connections, and the fact that it was colonels and lieutenant colonels, rather than generals, who had direct control over the troops.

According to these theories, Prime Minister Suárez got wind of Operation Armada long in advance, hence his sudden resignation in order to avoid it—given that the coup was to occur during the motion of no confidence in his government, scheduled to take place some weeks later. The plan went forward in spite of Suárez's resignation, but Tejero's failure to understand its ramifications, his guileless belief that he was at the heart of a hardcore coup plot, the media field-day prompted by his violent entrance in congressional chambers (and his crass, uncouth demeanor and language, which was captured by microphones and cameras in the building and later ridiculed by the press), and his refusal to accept the multi-partisan government proposed by Armada, resulted in the simultaneous aborting of the "hard" and the "soft" coup plots by those who had planned them.

Former CESID Special Operations chief José Luis Cortina Prieto, one of the three military officers acquitted during the trial, plays a ubiquitous role in these theories, some of which place him as a major power player within the conspiracy as well as the man responsible for coalescing all the different coup plots into one and later neutralizing them simultaneously. Cortina, who graduated from the Zaragoza Academy in the same cohort as the King, had been appointed to the Joint Chiefs of Staff intelligence services during the Carrero administration and would later assist his brother in creating the Gabinete de Orientación y Documentación S. A. () think tank, which would be the germ of the country's main conservative party. It has been alleged that during a lunch break in the 23-F trial, and after being subjected to a particularly intense grilling session by the prosecutor, Cortina grabbed a phone and was heard saying: "Como siga este tío así, saco a relucir lo de Carrero" ("If this guy keeps pressing me like this, I'll spill the beans about [what happened to] Carrero"). The prosecutor's questioning allegedly lost a great deal of intensity when court resumed after the lunch break, and Cortina was finally acquitted.

Arguably up until a  broadcast by laSexta, the work by Jesús Palacios and the book  by Pilar Urbano, these theses have never worked their way into mainstream consciousness, although innuendos and subtle implications were not unusual. Some of these implications may be involuntary. The King's authorized biography by José Luis de Vilallonga contains the following interview excerpt:If I were to carry out an operation in the King's name but without his consent, my first move would have been to isolate him from the rest of the world and prevent him from communicating with anyone on the outside. Well far from it: That night I could have entered and left my residence at will; and concerning phone lines, I received more calls in a few hours than I had received in a whole month! From my father, who was in Estoril (and was also very surprised to be able to contact me by phone), from my two sisters in Madrid, and from friendly heads of State who encouraged me to resist. Sabino Fernández Campo, chief of the Royal House, expunged this from the Spanish edition.

See also
 1982 Spanish coup d'état attempt
 January 6 United States Capitol attack, an incident which has drawn comparisons from some to the 1981 Spanish coup attempt. Others, such as historian Stanley G. Payne, have rejected the comparison, stating that they resemble each other "Only at the vaguest, most superficial level."
 List of attacks on legislatures
 Operación Galaxia, an earlier coup plan

References

Sources

Further reading
 23-F, the King and His Secret (23-F, el Rey y su secreto) by Jesús Palacios, 2010 –
 23-F: The Coup That Never Existed (23-F: El Golpe Que Nunca Existio) by Amadeo Martinez Ingles, 2001 –
 The Business of Liberty (El negocio de la libertad) by Jesús Cacho, 1999 –
 The Coup: Anatomy and Keystones of the Assault on Congress (El Golpe: Anatomía y Claves Del Asalto Al Congreso) by Busquets, Julio, Miguel A. Aguilar, and Ignacio Puche, (Spanish, Ed. Ariel, 1981, ) (written a few days after the coup)
 Anatomy of a Moment (Anatomía de un Instante) by Javier Cercas (Spanish, Mondadori, 2009, ), (English, Bloomsbury, 2011, )
 Diecisiete horas y media. El enigma del 23-F by Javier Fernández López (Spanish) editorial:TAURUS EDICIONES, 2000

External links
 TVE: 30 años del intento golpista: TVE's footage of the events (33 minutes)
 BBC News – On This Day 23 February – 1981: Rebel army seizes control in Spain (with video)
 King Orders army to crush coup, The Guardian, 23 February 1981
 Special from El Mundo
 SPAIN: King Juan Carlos (plot theories)

Attempted coups in Spain
Spain
Conflicts in 1981
Far-right politics in Spain
Spanish transition to democracy
1981 in Spain
Spanish coup d'état attempt
Juan Carlos I of Spain
Neo-fascist terrorist incidents
Spain
Battles and conflicts without fatalities

1981 Spanish coup attempt


Ruska aneksija Krima odigrala se u ožujku 2014. kada su Autonomna Republika Krim i grad Sevastopolj, oboje međunarodno priznati kao dio ukrajinskog teritorija, proglasili nezavisnost i ubrzo potom priključeni Ruskoj Federaciji. Dana, 21.ožujka 2014., Moskva je de facto upravljala teritorijem Krima kao dijelom federalnih subjekata Rusije – Republikom Krim i federalnim gradom Sevastopoljem.

Aneksija je označila kulminaciju Krimske krize, koja je nastala nakon ukrajinske revolucije, ruske vojne intervencije i referenduma o statusu Krima u ožujku iste godine. Ruska je vojna intervencija formalno započela 1. ožujka, nakon što je ruski predsjednik Vladimir Putin od Savjeta Federacije dobio odobrenje da koristi vojne snage na teritoriju Ukrajine u svrhu "stabiliziranja stanja". U Ukrajini i na Zapadu se, međutim, vjeruje da je invazija počela nekoliko dana ranije, kada su zračne luke, vladine zgrade i druge strateške objekte na Krimu počele zaposjedati maskirane uniformirane osobe bez oznaka, za koje su krimske vlasti tvrdile da je riječ o miliciji "(snage samoobrane)". Slične akcije su se ubrzo proširile i na ukrajinske vojne baze i druge instalacije, koje su došle pod blokadu ruskih trupa i "snaga samoobrane", pri čemu se od ukrajinskih vojnika tražila predaja ili razoružanje. Ključne baze su se predale do 5. ožujka, kada je veliki dio ljudstva prihvatio ponudu da prijeđe na krimsku odnosno rusku stranu. Separatistička krimska vlada Sergeja Aksionova proglasila je nezavisnost Krima, a potom je održan referendum o statusu Krima na kojem je 96,77% krimskog stanovništva glasovalo za priključenje Ruskoj Federaciji. Samostalna uloga Krimljana u čitavoj krizi kao i izlaznost odnosno postotak referenduma dovedeni su u pitanje na Zapadu, gdje se ističe uloga ruske vojske i gdje je priključenje opisano kao "nevjerojatan, brz i uglavnom beskrvan puč".

Ovaj je događaj izazvao velike kontroverze te su ga osudili razni svjetski čelnici, kao i NATO, i opisali kao nezakonitu rusku aneksiju ukrajinskog teritorija u izravnom kršenju budimpeštanskog memoranduma iz 1994. o suverenosti i teritorijalnom integritetu. Kao reakciju, članovi G8 su odlučili izbaciti Rusijue iz te skupine i vratiti se skupini G7, a 2014. uvedene su i međunarodne sankcije protiv Rusije. Ukrajinska vlada Arsenija Jacenjuka potvrdila je najmanje sedam ustavnih kršenja tim činom, uključujući izbjegavanje obveze Krima da prvo zatraži zakonsku promjenu od same Ukrajine, prije traženja formalnog prava za provođenje bilo kakvih nadpolitičkih procesa. Ovo predstavlja prvi slučaj u europskoj povijesti nakon Drugog svjetskog rata da se granice suverenih država mijenjaju jednostranom akcijom u svrhu pripajanja teritorija jedne države.

Rusija se protivi pojmu "aneksija", a Vladimir Putin je branio referendum i tvrdio da je u skladu s međunarodnim pravom. Ukrajina to osporava, te ne priznaje neovisnost Krimske republike ili pristupanje nje nekoj drugoj državi, koju smatra nezakonitom. Opća skupština Ujedinjenih naroda je također odbacila referendum, usvojivši neobvezujuću rezoluciju 68/262 kojom potvrđuje "teritorijalni integritet Ukrajine unutar međunarodno priznatih granica".

Godinu dana kasnije, prema jednom istraživanju 93% stanovnika Krima imalo je pozitivan, a 4% negativan stav o ruskom preuzimanju kontrole nad poluotokom. U ekonomskoj usporedbi, plaće su u godinu dana nominalno porasle za 45%, ali realno zapravo i pale za -8,5%, jer su velike stope inflacije porasle za 53,5 %.

Događaj je izazvao i egzodus krimskih Tatara: UN navodi da je preko 10.000 osoba napustilo Krim u 2014., većinom Tatara, čime je ta ionako krhka nacionalna zajednica još jednom smanjena na tom području. Visoki povjerenik za ljudska prava UN-a upozorio je u izvještaju iz 2015. da se na Krimu krše ljudska prava slobode govora, slobode okupljanja (Tatarima nije dozvoljeno obilježiti 71. godišnjicu deportacije Tatara), slobode vjeroispovjesti i druga. U 2015. troškovi vode porasli su za 15% a električne energije za 14,4%, pošto je Krim ovisan o uvozu struje preko kopnene Ukrajine (85%), te vode za poljoprivredno navodnjavanje za 80%.

Povezano
 Referendum o statusu Krima
 Ruska vojna intervencija na Krimu 2014.

Izvještaji

Izvori

Vanjske poveznice
Krim: Poluostrvo straha - izvještaj Amnesty International povodom godišnjice uspostave ruske vlasti nad Krimom

Povijest Krima
Povijest Ukrajine
Povijest Rusije

Ruska aneksija Krima


Socialdemócratas de Gibraltar (Gibraltar Social Democrats, GSD, en castellano) es un partido político de centro-derecha del territorio británico de Gibraltar. Fundado en 1989, se mantuvo en el poder, bajo la dirección de Peter Caruana entre 1996 y 2011.

Trayectoria

Socialdemócratas de Gibraltar fue fundado en 1989, poco después de que, tras las elecciones de 1988, la Asociación para el Progreso de los Derechos Civiles (AACR) perdiera el poder ante el Partido Socialista Laborista (GSLP) de Joe Bossano. Peter Montegriffo, diputado de la AACR en la Asamblea de Gibraltar, abandonó su partido tras intentar sin éxito dirigirlo, y creó el GSD, sin abandonar su escaño en la asamblea.

Sin embargo, un año después, ante la tesitura de perder su condición de socio en una firma de abogados, abandonó la asamblea. Un joven abogado, Peter Caruana, se aupó al liderazgo del partido y ganó la elección parcial, convirtiéndose en el segundo miembro del GSD en acceder a la Asamblea de Gibraltar. En las siguientes elecciones, en 1992, que supusieron un triunfo arrollador de Joe Bossano (con un 75,3% de los votos), el GSD, encabezado por Caruana, se convirtió en el principal partido de la oposición, ante la práctica desaparición de la AACR, obteniendo un 20,2% de los votos y siete de los quince escaños de la asamblea (si bien el candidato independiente Reginald Valerino estuvo a punto de conseguir uno de los escaños ocupados finalmente por el GSD).

A pesar del claro triunfo de Joe Bossano en las elecciones de 1992, la legislatura fue muy agitada, especialmente debido al contrabando de tabaco y drogas hacia España y por el enfrentamiento de éste con el del Reino Unido, especialmente debido a la negativa de Bossano a implementar las medidas contra el lavado de dinero requeridas por Londres y la Comunidad Económica Europea. Cuando finalmente Bossano se decidió a acabar con el contrabando y a implantar las medidas que había pedido el Gobierno británico, se produjeron masivas manifestaciones, en julio de 1995. Apoyando dichas movilizaciones, el GSD fue capaz de capitalizar el descontento de los gibraltareños y alzarse con la victoria, en una campaña en la que prometió mejorar la economía e imagen de Gibraltar y mejorar las relaciones hispano-británicas. El triunfo del GSD fue por un estrecho margen (52,7% frente al 45,6% del GSLP), pero suficiente para aupar a Caruana como ministro principal.

Siempre bajo el liderazgo de Peter Caruana, el GSD volvió a ganar las elecciones de los años 2000, 2004 y 2007, en todas ellas ante la alianza entre el Partido Socialista Laborista de Gibraltar (GSLP) de Joe Bossano y el Partido Liberal de Gibraltar. En 2005 el GSD se fusionó con el Partido Laborista de Gibraltar (GLP) de Daniel Feetham (antiguo militante del GSLP), conservándose el nombre de aquel. Sin embargo, la fusión resultó impopular entre miembros de ambos partidos, lo que provocó que altos cargos del partido, como el vicepresidente Keith Azopardi, abandonaran el partido para formar el Partido Progresista Democrático (PDP). Desde entonces, Feetham ha sido visto como un posible sucesor de Caruana.

En 2011, sin embargo, un renovado liderazgo opositor, con Fabian Picardo a la cabeza, derrotó finalmente al GSD.

Resultados electorales

Referencias

Véase también
 Yvette Del Agua

Partidos políticos de Gibraltar
Partidos políticos fundados en 1989
Partidos conservadores-liberales

Socialdemócratas de Gibraltar


12465 Perth Amboy este un asteroid din centura principală de asteroizi.

Descriere
12465 Perth Amboy este un asteroid din centura principală de asteroizi. A fost descoperit pe  la Kitt Peak National Observatory în cadrul proiectului Spacewatch. Asteroidul prezintă o orbită caracterizată de o semiaxă mare de 2,41 ua, o excentricitate de 0,20 și o înclinație de 4,1° în raport cu ecliptica.

Vezi și
 Lista planetelor minore: 12001-13000
 Centura de asteroizi

Referințe

Obiecte astronomice descoperite în 1997
Centura de asteroizi

12465 Perth Amboy


est un coffret de David Bowie sorti en novembre 2021 qui retrace la carrière du chanteur entre 1992 et 2001. Il fait suite aux coffrets Five Years (1969–1973), Who Can I Be Now? (1974–1976), A New Career in a New Town (1977–1982) et . Il est édité au format CD (11 disques) et 33 tours (18 disques).

Contenu

Le coffret comprend les cinq albums studio publiés par David Bowie durant cette période, dans des versions remasterisées :
 Black Tie White Noise (1993) ;
 The Buddha of Suburbia (1993) ;
 1. Outside (1995) ;
 Earthling (1997) ;
 'hours...' (1999).

Le coffret inclut également trois albums bonus.
  est un enregistrement dans les conditions du direct à la Broadcasting House le . Une version incomplète a déjà paru dans la première édition de l'album  en 2000 ;
  est un projet d'album enregistré en 2000 et abandonné en 2001 qui se compose de nouvelles versions de chansons écrites par Bowie dans les années 1960. Une version de travail en a fuité sur Internet en 2011.
  est une compilation de chansons sorties en single ou dans des bandes originales de films à l'époque.

 est également publié de manière séparée.

Titres

Références

Liens externes

Compilation de David Bowie
Compilation musicale sortie en 2021
Album publié par Parlophone

Brilliant Adventure (1992–2001)


Observatorul de radiație gama Compton- a fost un observator spațial de fotoni cu energii în intervalul 20-30 kev, plasat pe orbită circumterestră în anii 1991-2000. El a fost echipat cu 4 telescoape principale, plasate în cabina spațială, apte pentru observații în raze gama și X. După 14 ani de eforturi observatorul a fost lansat de pe naveta spațială Atlantis în timpul celui de al 8-lea start la 5 aprilie 1991 și a operat pe orbită până la 4 iunie 2000.
El a fost lansat pe o orbită de altitudine joasă pentru a evita centura de radiație Van Allen. În același timp, a fost cea mai grea instalație astrofizică, lansată pe orbită la acel moment, avînd o greutate de 17 tone.
Costând 617 mln $,  a făcut parte din seria marelor observatoare NASA, împreună cu Hubble Space Telescope, Observatorul X-Chandra și telescopul spațial Spitzer. A urmat la lansare Telescopului Spațial Hubble. A fost denumit în cinstea lui Arthur Holly Compton, fizician, care a descoperit efectul de deplasare a lungimii de undă, Laureat al Premiului Nobel.A fost construit de către compania TRW, actualmente Northrop Grumman, din Redondo Beach, California. Observatorul a reprezentat o colaborare internațională cu Agenția Europeană Spațială, precum și cu mai multe universități și laboratorul de Cercetări Navale al Statelor Unite. Ca succesor al observatorului a urmat Laboratorul Internațional de astrofizică în raze gama (INTEGRAL), lansat în 2002, misiunea raze gama Swift (2004), și telescopul spațial în raze gama Fermi (2008), care sunt operaționale și în anul 2017.

Experimente, observații, rezultate

Alte informații

Note

Observatoare astronomice

Observatorul de radiație gama Compton


Íllar, İspanya'nın on yedi otonom bölgesinden en kalabalık ikinci bölge olan Endülüs'e bağlı; İspanya'nın güneyinde bulunan Almería eyaletine bağlı belediye. 2009 yılındaki nüfusu; 436 kişidir. Belediye, 19 km²'lik bir alanı kaplamaktadır.

Nüfus

Kaynak: INE (Spain)

Dış bağlantılar
  Illar - Sistema de Información Multiterritorial de Andalucía
  Illar - Diputación Provincial de Almería

Almería belediyeleri

Íllar


Liquidation is the process in accounting by which a company is brought to an end in Canada, United Kingdom, United States, Ireland, Australia, New Zealand, Italy, and many other countries. The assets and property of the company are redistributed. Liquidation is also sometimes referred to as winding-up or dissolution, although dissolution technically refers to the last stage of liquidation. The process of liquidation also arises when customs, an authority or agency in a country responsible for collecting and safeguarding customs duties, determines the final computation or ascertainment of the duties or drawback accruing on an entry.

Liquidation may either be compulsory (sometimes referred to as a creditors' liquidation or receivership following bankruptcy, which may result in the court creating a "liquidation trust"; or sometimes a court can mandate the appointment of a liquidator e.g. wind-up order in Australia) or voluntary (sometimes referred to as a shareholders' liquidation or members' liquidation, although some voluntary liquidations are controlled by the creditors).

The term "liquidation" is also sometimes used informally to describe a company seeking to divest of some of its assets. For instance, a retail chain may wish to close some of its stores. For efficiency's sake, it will often sell these at a discount to a company specializing in real estate liquidation instead of becoming involved in an area it may lack sufficient expertise in to operate with maximum profitability. A company may also operate in a "receivership-like" state but calmly sell its assets, for example to prevent its portfolio being written off in the event of an actual compulsory liquidation.

Compulsory liquidation
The parties which are entitled by law to petition for the compulsory liquidation of a company vary from jurisdiction to jurisdiction, but generally, a petition may be lodged with the court for the compulsory liquidation of a company by:

 The company itself
 Any creditor which establishes a prima facie case
 Contributories: Those shareholders be required to contribute to the company's assets on liquidation
 A government minister, usually the one responsible for competition and business
 An official receiver

Grounds
The grounds upon which an entity can apply to the court for an order of compulsory liquidation also vary between jurisdictions, but normally include:

 The company has so resolved
 The company was incorporated as a corporation, and has not been issued with a trading certificate (or equivalent) within 12 months of registration
 It is an "old public company" (i.e. one that has not re-registered as a public company or become a private company under more recent companies legislation requiring this)
 It has not commenced business within the statutorily prescribed time (normally one year) of its incorporation, or has not carried on business for a statutorily prescribed amount of time
 The number of members has fallen below the minimum prescribed by statute
 The company is unable to pay its debts as they fall due
 It is just and equitable to wind up the company, as for an example specified by an Insolvency Act

In practice, the vast majority of compulsory winding-up applications are made under one of the last two grounds.

An order will not generally be made if the purpose of the application is to enforce payment of a debt which is bona fide disputed.

A "just and equitable" winding-up enables the grounds to subject the strict legal rights of the shareholders to equitable considerations. It can take account of personal relationships of mutual trust and confidence in small parties, particularly, for example, where there is a breach of an understanding that all of the members may participate in the business, or of an implied obligation to participate in management. An order might be made where the majority shareholders deprive the minority of their right to appoint and remove their own director.

The order
Once liquidation commences (which depends upon applicable law, but will generally be when the petition was originally presented, and not when the court makes the order), dispositions of the company's generally void, and litigation involving the company is generally restrained.

Upon hearing the application, the court may either dismiss the petition or make the order for winding-up. The court may dismiss the application if the petitioner unreasonably refrains from an alternative course of action.

The court may appoint an official receiver, and one or more liquidators, and has general powers to enable rights and liabilities of claimants and contributories to be settled. Separate meetings of creditors and contributories may decide to nominate a person for the appointment of a liquidator and possibly of a supervisory liquidation committee.

Administrative Receiver

The person appointed by the holder of a floating charge debenture over a company's assets to collect in and realise the assets of that company and to repay the indebtedness to the debenture holder.  Administrative receivers can no longer be appointed by floating charge holders with the exception of floating charges created prior to 15 September 2003.

Voluntary liquidation
Voluntary liquidation occurs when the members of a company resolve to voluntarily wind up its affairs and dissolve. Voluntary liquidation begins when the company passes the resolution, and the company will generally cease to carry on business at that time (if it has not done so already).

A creditors' voluntary liquidation (CVL) is a process designed to allow an insolvent company to close voluntarily. The decision to liquidate is made by a board resolution, but instigated by the director(s). 75 percent of the company's shareholders must agree to liquidate for liquidation proceedings to advance. If a limited company's liabilities outweigh its assets, or the company cannot pay its bills when they fall due, the company becomes insolvent.

If the company is solvent, and the members have made a statutory declaration of solvency, the liquidation will proceed as a members' voluntary liquidation (MVL). In that case, the general meeting will appoint the liquidator(s). If not, the liquidation will proceed as a creditors' voluntary liquidation, and a meeting of creditors will be called, to which the directors must report on the company's affairs. Where a voluntary liquidation proceeds as a creditors' voluntary liquidation, a liquidation committee may be appointed.

Where a voluntary winding-up of a company has begun, a compulsory liquidation order is still possible, but the petitioning contributory would need to satisfy the court that a voluntary liquidation would prejudice the contributors.

Misconduct

The liquidator will normally have a duty to ascertain whether any misconduct has been conducted by those in control of the company which has caused prejudice to the general body of creditors. In some legal systems, in appropriate cases, the liquidator may be able to bring an action against errant directors or shadow directors for either wrongful trading or fraudulent trading.

The liquidator may also have to determine whether any payments made by the company or transactions entered into may be voidable as a transaction at an undervalue or an unfair preference.

Priority of claims

The main purpose of a liquidation where the company is insolvent is to collect its assets, determine the outstanding claims against the company, and satisfy those claims in the manner and order prescribed by law.

The liquidator must determine the company's title to property in its possession. Property which is in the possession of the company, but which was supplied under a valid retention of title clause will generally have to be returned to the supplier. Property which is held by the company on trust for third parties will not form part of the company's assets available to pay creditors.

Before the claims are met, secured creditors are entitled to enforce their claims against the assets of the company to the extent that they are subject to a valid security interest. In most legal systems, only fixed security takes precedence over all claims; security by way of floating charge may be postponed to the preferential creditors.

Claimants with non-monetary claims against the company may be able to enforce their rights against the company. For example, a party who had a valid contract for the purchase of land against the company may be able to obtain an order for specific performance, and compel the liquidator to transfer title to the land to them, upon tender of the purchase price.

After the removal of all assets which are subject to retention of title arrangements, fixed security, or are otherwise subject to proprietary claims of others, the liquidator will pay the claims against the company's assets. Generally, the priority of claims on the company's assets will be determined in the following order:
 Liquidators costs
 Creditors with fixed charge over assets
 Costs incurred by an administrator
 Amounts owing to employees for wages/superannuation
 Payments owing in respect of worker's injuries
 Amounts owing to employees for leave
 Retrenchment payments owing to employees
 Creditors with floating charge over assets
 Creditors without security over assets
 Shareholders (Liquidating distribution)

Unclaimed assets will usually vest in the state as bona vacantia.

Dissolution

Having wound-up the company's affairs, the liquidator must call a final meeting of the members (if it is a members' voluntary winding-up), creditors (if it is a compulsory winding-up) or both (if it is a creditors' voluntary winding-up). The liquidator is then usually required to send final accounts to the Registrar and to notify the court. The company is then dissolved.

However, in common jurisdictions, the court has a discretion for a period of time after dissolution to declare the dissolution void to enable the completion of any unfinished business.

Striking off the register
In some jurisdictions, the company may elect to simply be struck off the companies register as a cheaper alternative to a formal winding-up and dissolution. In such cases an application is made to the registrar of companies, who may strike off the company if there is reasonable cause to believe that the company is not carrying on business or has been wound-up and, after enquiry, no case is shown why the company should not be struck off.

However, in such cases the company may be restored to the register if it is just and equitable so to do (for example, if the rights of any creditors or members have been prejudiced).

In the event the company does not file an annual return or annual accounts, and the company's file remains inactive, in due course, the registrar will strike the company off the register.

Provisional liquidation

Under the corporate insolvency laws of a number of common law jurisdictions, where a company has been engaged in misconduct or where the assets of the company are thought to be in jeopardy, it is sometimes possible to put a company into provisional liquidation, whereby a liquidator is appointed on an interim basis to safeguard the position of the company pending the hearing of the full winding-up petition. The duty of the provisional liquidator is to safeguard the assets of the company and maintain the status quo pending the hearing of the petition; the provisional liquidator does not assess claims against the company or try to distribute the company's assets to creditors.

Phoenix companies
In the UK, many companies in debt decide it is more beneficial to start again by creating a new company, often referred to as a phoenix company. In business terms this will mean liquidating a company as the only option and then resuming under a different name with the same customers, clients and suppliers. In some circumstances it may appear ideal for the directors; however, if they trade under a name which is the same or substantially the same as the company in liquidation without approval from the Court, they will be committing an offence under §216 of the Insolvency Act 1986 (and equivalent legislation in UK regions). Persons participating in the management of the 'phoenix' company may also be held personally liable for the debts of the company under §217 of the Insolvency Act unless the Court approval has been granted.

See also

 Bankruptcy
 Chapter 7, Title 11, United States Code
 Debtor-in-possession financing
 Estate liquidation
 Liquidating dividend
 Pre-pack administration

References

Bankruptcy
Corporate law
Accounting
Business economics
Finance
Insolvency
Corporate liquidations

es:Sociedad mercantil#Disolución y liquidación de las sociedades mercantiles
no:Likvidasjon
pl:Postępowanie upadłościowe

Liquidation


An Themeda huttonensis in uska species han Liliopsida nga ginhulagway ni Norman Loftus Bor. An Themeda huttonensis in nahilalakip ha genus nga Themeda, ngan familia nga Poaceae. Waray hini subspecies nga nakalista.

Mga kasarigan

Themeda

Themeda huttonensis


This is a list of the 99 members of the European Parliament for Germany in the 1999 to 2004 session.

List

Party representation (at the end of the session)

Notes

Germany
List
1999

List of members of the European Parliament for Germany, 1999–2004


Der Opel Blitz 3,6 ist ein Lkw mit 3 Tonnen Nutzlast der Adam Opel AG. Das Fahrzeug aus dem "Blitz"-Lkw-Programm wurde für die Wehrmacht bis August 1944 im Opelwerk Brandenburg und danach bis Kriegsende im Werk Mannheim von Daimler-Benz produziert.

Modellhistorie
Ab 1930 baute Opel in Rüsselsheim unter der populären Marke "Opel Blitz" erfolgreich leichte Lkw mit Nutzlasten bis zu 3 Tonnen. Nach Beginn des Zweiten Weltkriegs wurde vor allem der 3-Tonner Blitz 3,6-36 S (3,6 Liter Hubraum; 3,6 Meter Radstand; Standard = Hinterradantrieb) zum meistgenutzten Lastwagen der Wehrmacht, wobei durch Requisition auch zivile Fahrzeuge  eingesetzt wurden.

Der Adam Opel AG wurde im Oktober 1940 mit der kriegsbedingten Einstellung der Produktion aller ziviler Pkw auferlegt, ihre Fertigung voll auf die Herstellung von Lkw und anderer Rüstungsgüter zu konzentrieren. Zudem waren bereits am 1. Januar 1940 die deutschen Lkw-Hersteller – darunter auch Opel als deutsche Tochter des US-amerikanischen General-Motors-Konzerns – angewiesen worden, sich anstelle der bisherigen großen Typenvielfalt auf die Fertigstellung von Einheits-Lkw mit einer Nutzlast von 3 t zu konzentrieren, denn durch Standardisierung und Vereinfachung sollten kriegswichtige Ressourcen wirksamer genutzt und durch Vereinheitlichung der Ersatzteile die Versorgung und Instandsetzung vor allem für die Truppe an der Front vereinfacht werden. Der "Opel Blitz 3,6" passte nahezu ideal in dieses Anforderungsprofil.

Varianten

Bis 1937 waren die größeren Opel-Lkw (Blitz 3,5) mit dem seitengesteuerten Sechszylinder-Ottomotor des GM-Modells Buick Marquette mit 3,5 Litern Hubraum und 68 PS Leistung motorisiert. Danach kam der neu konstruierte 3,6-Liter-OHV-Sechszylinder mit 75 PS aus dem Opel Admiral zum Einsatz. Für einen günstigeren Drehmomentverlauf im militärischen Einsatz wurde dieser Motor auf 68 PS gedrosselt. Der Blitz 3,6-42 S hatte einen größeren Radstand von 4,2 Metern. Ab Juli 1940 ging der Blitz 3,6-6700 A mit Allradantrieb in die Fertigung. Die Typen wurden mit verschiedenen Aufbauten (Pritsche mit/ohne Plane, Kofferwagen, Bus) versehen. Zivile Lkw wurden meist mit "Holzvergaser" ausgerüstet; das knappe Motorenbenzin (Ottokraftstoff) blieb dem Militär vorbehalten. Karosserie und Aufbauten der Fahrzeuge wurden bei zunehmender Rohstoffknappheit stetig vereinfacht; so wurden flachere Kotflügel und in den von Daimler-Benz als Lizenzbau gefertigten "Blitz" schließlich das aus Holz gefertigte "Einheitsfahrerhaus" verwendet.

Weiter verbreitet war auch der Blitz 2,5-32 mit 3,2 Metern Radstand und 1,5 Tonnen Nutzlast, der von 1938 bis 1942 im Werk Rüsselsheim unter Verwendung des 2,5-Liter-Motors mit 55 PS des Opel Super 6 bzw. Opel Kapitän gebaut wurde.

Die Blitz 3,5/3,6 wurden dagegen im Opelwerk Brandenburg hergestellt. Das 1935 gezielt für die kriegswichtige Lkw-Produktion neu gebaute Werk erreichte im Juli 1944 das Produktionsmaximum von 2600 Stück; allerdings wurde die Fabrik am 6. August 1944 durch einen Luftangriff der Royal Air Force so schwer getroffen, dass die Lkw-Fertigung zum Erliegen kam und nicht wieder aufgenommen wurde.

Mercedes L 701
Daimler-Benz war kurz zuvor angewiesen worden, die Produktion des eigenen Mercedes L 3000 einzustellen und stattdessen in Lizenz den Opel Blitz 3,6 zu fertigen. Im Werk Mannheim stellte Daimler-Benz weitere 3500 Lkw her, bis auch dort Bombenangriffe die Produktion zum Erliegen brachten. Nach Kriegsende baute Daimler-Benz in Mannheim von Juni 1945 bis Juni 1949 den Lkw ohne jegliche Herstellerbezeichnung als L 701 weiter. Eine Produktion bei Borgward wurde durch den alliierten Luftangriff vom 12. Oktober 1944 auf das Werk in Bremen-Sebaldsbrück verhindert.

Ein Zivilfahrzeug dieses Typs mit Holzvergaser ist im Auto- und Technikmuseum Sinsheim ausgestellt.

Einsatz
Der Opel Blitz S ohne Allradantrieb wurde wegen seines guten Fahrverhaltens von der Wehrmacht als geländegängiger Lkw eingestuft. Die Fahrzeuge erwiesen sich im Einsatz als äußerst zuverlässig, hatten ein ausgezeichnetes Gewichts-/Nutzlast-Verhältnis und genügten den Kriegseinsatzbedingungen in Westeuropa voll und ganz.

In Osteuropa waren das schlecht ausgebaute Straßennetz und vor allem die langen Schlammperioden ( "Rasputiza" – Wegelosigkeit) im Frühjahr und Herbst selbst für die allradgetriebenen Blitz A und deren Fahrer eine große Herausforderung. Neben Klöckner-Deutz und Ford baute das Opelwerk Brandenburg ab 1943 den "Lkw Gleiskette 2 t". Die Halbkettenfahrzeuge (Sd.Kfz. 3a – Blitz S mit einem Kettenlaufwerk statt der Hinterachse) wurden von den Landsern auch "Maultier" genannt.

Produktionszahlen

Geliefert wurden auch 2900 Busse, die von der Firma Gebr. Ludewig in Essen von 1939 bis 1944 gefertigt wurden.

Siehe auch
 Geschichte der deutschen Nutzfahrzeugindustrie von 1895 bis 1945

Literatur
 Reinhard Frank: Lastkraftwagen der Wehrmacht Nebel-Verlag, Utting, ISBN 3-89555-859-1.
 Werner Oswald: Kraftfahrzeuge und Panzer der Reichswehr, Wehrmacht und Bundeswehr Motorbuch Verlag, Stuttgart 1982, ISBN 3-87943-850-1.

Weblinks

 Kfz der Wehrmacht, 18. März 2012 Kfz der Wehrmacht, 18. März 2012
 LKW Opel Blitz: Wehrmacht Arbeitstier bei topwar.ru

Einzelnachweise

Radfahrzeug der Wehrmacht
Lkw-Modell
Blitz 3,6 (Wehrmacht)

Opel Blitz 3,6


Macaroni and cheese (also called mac and cheese in Canada and the United States and macaroni cheese in the United Kingdom) is a dish of cooked macaroni pasta and a cheese sauce, most commonly cheddar sauce.

Its origins trace back to cheese and pasta casseroles dating to the 14th century in Italy and medieval England. The traditional macaroni and cheese is a casserole baked in the oven; however, it may be prepared in a sauce pan on top of the stove or using a packaged mix. The cheese is often first incorporated into a Béchamel sauce to create a Mornay sauce, which is then added to the pasta. In the United States, it is considered a comfort food.

History
Cheese and pasta casseroles were recorded in the 14th century in the Italian cookbook Liber de Coquina, which featured a dish of Parmesan cheese and pasta.  A cheese and pasta casserole known as makerouns, was recorded in the 14th-century medieval English cookbook the Forme of Cury. It was made with fresh, hand-cut pasta which was sandwiched between a mixture of melted butter and cheese. The recipe given (in Middle English) was:

This is the above recipe in modern English:

The first modern recipe for macaroni and cheese was included in Elizabeth Raffald's 1769 book, The Experienced English Housekeeper. Raffald's recipe is for a Béchamel sauce with cheddar cheese—a Mornay sauce in French cooking—which is mixed with macaroni, sprinkled with Parmesan, and baked until bubbly and golden.To dress Macaroni with Permasent [Parmasan] Cheese. Boil four Ounces of Macaroni 'till it be quite tender, and lay it on a Sieve to drain, then put it in a Tolling Pan, with about a Gill of good Cream, a Lump of Butter rolled in Flour, boil it five Minutes, pour it on a Plate, lay all over it Permasent Cheese toasted; send it to the Table on a Water Plate, for it soon goes cold.Another recipe from 1784 stated that the small tubes of macaroni must be boiled, then drained in a sifter before being moved to a frying pan. Heavy cream is then added to the macaroni along with a "knob of butter" rolled in flour, and it must be cooked for five minutes before being transferred to a dish and topped with toasted Parmesan and pepper. Eliza Acton's Modern Cookery in All Its Branches (1845) has a similar recipe for macaroni and cheese, called "Macaroni a la Reine", which states that while the macaroni is being boiled to its tenderness, the cook must "dissolve gently ten ounces of any rich, well-flavoured white cheese in full three quarters of a pint of good cream; add a little salt, a rather full seasoning of cayenne, from half to a whole saltspoonful of pounded mace, and a couple of ounces of sweet fresh butter". The recipe goes on that "the maccaroni, previously well-drained, may then be tossed gently in it, or after it is dished, the cheese may be poured equally over the maccaroni" before being thickly covered with breadcrumbs "fried of a pale gold color, and dried perfectly, either before the fire or in an oven, when such an addition is considered an improvement."

The famous British Victorian cookbook Mrs. Beeton's Book of Household Management included two instances of "Macaroni, as usually served with the Cheese Course". One of them states:

In the United Kingdom, during the 2010s, it has seen a surge in popularity, becoming widespread as a meal and as a side order in both fast food and upmarket restaurants.

United States
James Hemings, a classically trained French chef enslaved by US president Thomas Jefferson, was instrumental in bringing the recipe to the United States after Jefferson encountered it in Paris.

Jefferson drew a sketch of the pasta and wrote detailed notes on the extrusion process. In 1793, he commissioned the US ambassador to France William Short to purchase a machine for making it. Evidently, the machine was not suitable, as Jefferson later imported both macaroni and Parmesan cheese for his use at Monticello. In 1802, Jefferson served "a pie called macaroni" at a state dinner. The menu of the dinner was reported by Reverend Manasseh Cutler, who apparently was not fond of the cheesy macaroni casserole. Nevertheless, since that time, baked macaroni and cheese has remained popular in the United States.

A recipe called "macaroni and cheese" appeared in the 1824 cookbook The Virginia House-Wife written by Mary Randolph. Randolph's recipe had three ingredients: macaroni, cheese, and butter, layered together and baked in a hot oven. The cookbook was the most influential cookbook of the 19th century, according to culinary historian Karen Hess. Similar recipes for macaroni and cheese occur in the 1852 Hand-book of Useful Arts, and the 1861 Godey's Lady's Book. By the mid-1880s, cookbooks as far west as Kansas and Festus, Missouri, included recipes for macaroni and cheese casseroles.  Factory production of the main ingredients made the dish affordable, and recipes made it accessible, but not notably popular. As it became accessible to a broader section of society, macaroni and cheese lost its upper-class appeal.

Canada
Macaroni and cheese was brought to Canada by British immigrants, coming from other parts of the British Empire. Macaroni and cheese recipes have been attested in Canada since at least Modern Practical Cookery in 1845, which suggests a puff pastry lining (suggesting upper-class refinement); a sauce of cream, egg yolks, mace, and mustard; and grated Parmesan or Cheshire cheese on top.  Canadian Cheddar cheese was also becoming popularized at this time and was likely also used during that era.

Macaroni and cheese is very popular in contemporary Canada. Kraft Dinner is the most popular brand of packaged macaroni and cheese. Sasha Chapman, writing in The Walrus, considered it to be Canada's national dish, ahead of poutine. In fact, Canadians purchase nearly 25% of the seven million boxes of Kraft Dinner sold worldwide each week.

Variations

Pasta other than macaroni are often used: almost any short-cut extruded pasta and many of the decorative cut pasta will do, particularly those with folds and pockets to hold the cheese. The dish may still be referred to as "macaroni and cheese," "mac n' cheese," or "cheesy mac" when made with a different pasta; while "shells and cheese" are sometimes used when it is made with conchiglie.

While Cheddar cheese is most commonly used for macaroni and cheese, other cheeses may also be used — usually sharp in flavor — and two or more cheeses can be combined. Other cheeses can be used such as Gruyere, Gouda, Havarti, and Jarlsberg cheese.

Macaroni and cheese can be made by simply layering slices of cheese and pasta (often with butter or evaporated milk) then baking in a casserole, rather than preparing as a cheese sauce. Also, some like to include a crunchy topping to their baked macaroni and cheese by topping it off with bread crumbs or crushed crackers, which also keeps the noodles on top from drying out when baking.

One novelty presentation is deep-fried macaroni and cheese found at fairs and food carts.

Regional variations and analogues

In Scotland, macaroni and cheese can often be found in pies, known as a macaroni pie.

A similar traditional dish in Switzerland, dating from the 19th century, is called Älplermagronen (Alpine herder's macaroni), which is also available in boxed versions. Älplermagronen are made of macaroni, cream, cheese, roasted onions, and in some recipes, potatoes. In the Canton of Uri, the potatoes are traditionally omitted, and in some regions, bacon or ham is added. The cheese is often Emmental cheese or Appenzeller cheese. It is usually accompanied by apple sauce.

Prepared and packaged mixes

Packaged macaroni and cheese are available in frozen form or as boxed ingredients for simplified preparation. Boston Market, Michelina's, Kraft Foods, Cracker Barrel, and Stouffer's are some of the more recognizable brands of prepared and frozen macaroni and cheese available in the United States.  "Macaroni and cheese loaf", a deli meat which contains both macaroni and processed cheese bits, can be found in some stores.

A variety of packaged mixes that are prepared in a sauce pan on the stove or in a microwave oven are available. They are usually modeled on Kraft Macaroni & Cheese (known as Kraft Dinner or KD in Canada), which was introduced in 1937 with the slogan "make a meal for four in nine minutes." It was an immediate success in the US and Canada amidst the economic hardships of the Depression. During the Second World War, rationing led to increased popularity for the product, of which two boxes could be obtained for one food rationing stamp.

A number of different products on the market use this basic formulation with minor variations in ingredients.

Although high in carbohydrates, calories, fat, and salt, macaroni and cheese is a source of protein and certain variations of the dish can decrease the negative health aspects.

See also

 Carbonara
 Chili mac
 Käsespätzle
 List of casserole dishes
 List of cheese dishes
 Macaroni casserole
 Macaroni pie
 Macaroni salad

References

Further reading

External links

 A brief history of mac and cheese, commentary on National Public Radio
 Steingarten, Jeffrey (1997). The Man Who Ate Everything. New York: Vintage. . The chapter, "Back of the Box", was first published in 1992. :)

American cuisine
Canadian cuisine
English cuisine
Cheese dishes
Macaroni dishes
Casserole dishes
Convenience foods
National dishes
American pasta dishes
Milk dishes
Foods featuring butter
Food combinations
Thanksgiving food

Macaroni and cheese


Professeur Hassane Bah, né le  à kindia, est un médecin et personnalité politique guinéen.

Il est conseiller depuis le  au sein du conseil national de la transition guinéen dirigé par Dansa Kourouma

Il est le premier médecin légiste guinéen.

Biographie

Études
Professeur  Hassane Bah est diplômé d'État de docteur en médecine en mai 1984, de médecine d'expertise en décembre 1992, d'anatomopathologie en juin 1992, de médecine légale et criminologie en juillet 1993 et de toxicologie et bromatologie en juillet 1993.

Carrière de médecin
Professeur Hassane Bah commence en tant que médecin stagiaire à l'hôpital préfectoral de Boffa de janvier 1983 en juin 1984 avant de rejoindre Conakry au service de médecine générale B du CHU Ignace Deen en 1984 et en 1989 en tant que médecin titulaire cumulativement dès 1987 médecin chef adjoint au service de médecine générale  B du CHU Ignace Deen jusqu'en 1989.

Il rejoint la Belgique et faisant fonction d'interne (FFI) au service de médecine du CHU de liège de 1990 en 1993..
Depuis 1995, il est le médecin chef du service de médecine légale du CHU Ignace Deen de Conakry.

Parcours d'enseignant
Professeur Hassane Bah devient dès 1987, assistant au  niveau de la chaire d'endocrinologie dirigé par le professeur Brakov V à l'université de Conakry jusqu'en 1988.

En avril 1993, il devient assistant de médecine interne au niveau de l'université de Conakry par arrêté N°93/2483/MELRS/CAB l'année suivante assistant de médecine légale.

En 2006, il devient maître-assistant de médecine légale (LAFMA) et chef de chaire éthique et déontologie dès février 2006.

Hassane Bah devient maître assistant au Conseil africain et malgache pour l'enseignement supérieur (CAMES) depuis le 10 décembre 2007 puis maître conférencier agrégé du conseil africain et malgache pour l'enseignement supérieur (CAMES) en novembre 2010.

En juillet 2016, professeur Hassane Bah devient professeur titulaire du CAMES et membre du jury du concours d'agrégation du comité Africain et Malgache pour l'Enseignement Supérieur (CAMES).

Chef de chaire éthique-déontologie santé et sécurité au travail faculté de médecine de Conakry.

Vie privée
Professeur Hassane Bah est marié et père de quatre enfants

Notes et références

Voir aussi

Articles connexes

Liens externes

Médecin guinéen
Naissance à Kindia
Naissance en Guinée française
Naissance en 1954

Hassane Bah


Em 11 de fevereiro de 2023, Brianna Ghey (7 de novembro de 2006 – 11 de fevereiro de 2023), uma jovem transgênero de 16 anos de Birchwood, em Warrington, Cheshire, Inglaterra, foi assassinada no Culcheth Linear Park em Culcheth, Warrington. Dois adolescentes suspeitos, um menino e uma menina, ambos de 15 anos, estão sob custódia da polícia, acusados de assassinato quatro dias após o incidente. A polícia ainda está tentando definir a motivação e estão considerando "todas as linhas de investigação", incluindo crime de ódio.

Assassinato
Na tarde de 11 de fevereiro de 2023, Ghey foi encontrada com várias marcas de facada em uma trilha no Culcheth Linear Park por passantes. Os serviços de emergência foram acionados e às 15:13 ela foi declarada morta no local do crime. Uma autópsia pelo Ministério do Interior foi solicitada para determinar a causa da morte.

Repercussão
Em 13 de fevereiro, foi instituída uma zona proibida ao voo no lugar do assassinato em resposta a drones sobrevoando o local. Ainda assim, indivíduos continuaram a levar drones à cena do crime, fazendo com que a polícia os condenassem.

Pessoas envolvidas

Brianna Ghey

Ghey era uma aluna do segundo ano da Birchwood Community High School. Seus pais a descreveram como uma "grande personalidade que deixava uma forte impressão em todos que a conheciam. De acordo com seus amigos, Ghey ajudava meninas trans mais novas a conseguirem acesso legal e seguro à terapia hormonal. Os amigos de Ghey também disseram aos tabloides que ela enfrentou anos de assédio transfóbico antes de seu assassinato, incluindo "espancamentos de gangues". Além de estudante, ela também era uma TikToker com mais de 63 mil seguidores na plataforma com o nome de usuário @gingerpuppyx. Ela era conhecida na rede por dublar e dançar ao som de músicas famosas. Em um de seus últimos vídeos ela disse ser "excluída na escola". Em sua última publicação, com mais de 8 mil comentários, ela é vista andando no Linear Park. Após sua morte, sua conta no TikTok foi deletada.

Acusados
Dois suspeitos de 15 anos, um garoto da cidade Leigh e uma garota de Warrington, foram levados pela Polícia de Cheshire na noite de 12 de fevereiro de 2023. A polícia descreveu o assassinato como um "ataque direcionado", e em 14 de fevereiro começou a investigar o ataque como um possível crime de ódio, após dizer inicialmente que não haviam evidências que sugerissem que fosse o caso. Em 15 de fevereiro, os suspeitos foram acusados de assassinato, sem direito à fiança, colocados na detenção juvenil e convocados à Corte de Liverpool na manhã seguinte.

Reações

A morte de Ghey gerou respostas de sua família, comunidade local, políticos, instituições de caridade, ativistas e artistas. Parentes de Ghey disseram que sua morte "deixou um buraco gigante em nossa família." Um financiamento coletivo organizado pelos amigos de Ghey em apoio à família angariou £70,000 em três dias. Emma Mills, diretora da Birchwood Community High School, disse: "Estamos em choque e devastados com a notícia da morte de Brianna." O jornal The Independent diz que, de acordo com o MailOnly, um dos pais de um colega de escola dela criticou o posicionamento inicial da polícia, dizendo, "Sejamos sinceros, ela sofria bullying por causa de sua sexualidade. É claro que se trata de um crime de ódio."

A deputada do Partido Trabalhista Dawn Butler disse em seu Twitter que "Qualquer um na mídia que está usando seu nome morto para apagar a identidade de Brianna devia ter vergonha de si mesmo." Nadia Whittome, outra deputada do Partido Trabalhista, disse: "Brianna deveria ter a chance de se tornar uma bela mulher jovem, e viver e ver um mundo onde pessoas trans estão seguras e são respeitadas. O antigo líder do partido, Jeremy Corbyn, respondeu dizendo que "ela foi morta porque queria ser ela mesma", adicionando "Meus pensamentos estão com a família de Brianna e a comunidade trans que luta por segurança, dignidade e liberdade."

O Miami Herald divulgou que centenas de membros da comunidade LGBTQ e usuários das redes sociais estavam enlutados com a morte de Ghey. A instituição de caridade de direitos LGBT Stonewall e a de jovens transgênero Mermaids expressaram empatia pela família de Ghey. Devido às leis no Reino Unido que impedem que menores recebam um certificado de reconhecimento de gênero, a certidão de óbito de Ghey provavelmente constará o gênero errado. A advogada de direitos civis dos EUA Alejandra Caraballo escreveu, "A lei de reconhecimento de gênero, com a qual críticos de gênero lutam contra com um vocabulário horrível e demonizador, impedirá que conste na certidão de óbito de Brianna Ghey o gênero feminino. Como um insulto final, o governo da Inglaterra irá errar seu gênero oficialmente na sua morte." Campanhas no Twitter pedem que o Governo emita um Certificado de Reconhecimento de Gênero para Ghey "para que ela possa ter a dignidade na morte que todos os outros no mundo dão por garantido."

Vários músicos tweetaram em lamento, nojo e apoio, incluindo Yungblud, Big Joanie e Reverend and the Makers.

Vigílias à luz de velas aconteceram pelo Reino Unido e em Dublin, Irlanda, na semana após a morte de Ghey. Muitas dessas vigílias contaram com milhares ou centenas de participantes.

A estação de rádio LGBTQ, Gaydio, anunciou que colaborou com outras estações LGBTQ no Reino Unido para transmitir um minuto de silêncio às 11:00 do dia 17 de fevereiro. O silêncio é precedido por uma participação da apresentadora transgênero Stephanie Hirst, na qual refletirá sobre a discriminação e a violência frequentemente vividas por pessoas trans, bem como uma homenagem a Ghey.

Críticas à mídia do Reino Unido
Alguns meios de comunicação do Reino Unido foram criticados pelas suas reportagens sobre a morte de Ghey.. A Trans Safety Network disse que alguns meios de comunicação do Reino Unido estavam "desrespeitando publicamente" Ghey na cobertura de sua morte. A notícia inicial tanto da BBC News quanto Sky News não afirmou que Ghey era transgênero. O The Times enfrentou fortes críticas depois de alterar sua história original, removendo a palavra "garota" e incluindo o nome morto de Ghey. Mais tarde, o The Times alterou sua história novamente para remover o nome morto e adicionar novamente a palavra "garota".

O site The Mary Sue condenou a atmosfera transfóbica da imprensa britânica e a divulgação generalizada de informações transfóbicas sobre o assassinato de Ghey.. Senthorun Raj, professor da lei de direitos humanos, disse: "Todos nós temos a responsabilidade de desafiar as formas capciosas como os meios de comunicação e os políticos desumanizam as pessoas trans." Ash Sarkar, um jornalista para Novara Media ela disse que "não pode compreender a insensibilidade envolvida na decisão editorial de violar sua dignidade na morte." A deputada trabalhista Charlotte Nichols disse que iria apresentar uma queixa ao The Times e à Independent Press Standards Organisation, e que "não há absolutamente nenhuma necessidade de alguém publicar seu nome morto ao identificá-la como trans na cobertura midiática."

Uma reportagem da NBC News sobre o assassinato concluiu que "o clima no Reino Unido tem se tornado cada vez mais hostil para pessoas trans nos últimos anos", observando que a autora britânico J. K. Rowling criticou veementemente os direitos de transgêneros e que a BBC publicou recentemente um artigo que foi acusado de "[pintar] todas as mulheres trans como predadoras sexuais". A revista americana Vogue ligou o assassinato à transfobia na internet, escrevendo que "há um questionamento quase constante dos direitos trans que reforça a ideia de que homens e mulheres trans estão tentando nos ludibriar, nos enganar, que sua identidade de gênero profundamente pessoal é uma afronta ao status quo e à forma como vivemos."

Referências

2023 na Inglaterra
B

Assassinato de Brianna Ghey