Die Pest in Florenz ist ein zur Zeit der italienischen Renaissance spielender, deutscher Ausstattungsfilm aus dem Jahr 1919 in Form eines spätmittelalterlichen Sittengemäldes. Regie führte Otto Rippert.

Handlung
Julia, eine Kurtisane von großer Schönheit, kommt aus dem sinnenfrohen und ausschweifenden Venedig in das frömmelnde, sittenstrenge Florenz. Die Kirche in ihrer asketischen Frömmigkeit, mit ihren Prozessionen und Pilgerzügen kontrolliert den Alltag. Auf der weltlichen Seite herrscht der strengen moralischen Prinzipien gehorchende Rat der Alten über der Stadt. Er wird angeführt von Cesare. Julias Schönheit bedeutet eine große Versuchung für die sittenstrengsten unter den Honoratioren. Die Kirche beäugt argwöhnisch die Ankunft der weiblichen Versuchung aus dem lockeren Venedig. Bald kann der mächtige Cesare Julias Reizen nicht länger widerstehen und auch sein attraktiver Sohn Lorenzo verliebt sich in die junge Kurtisane. Zu spät erkennt Cesare, dass er den Verführungskünsten Julias hemmungslos ausgeliefert ist. Wie ein liebestoller, alter Narr schleicht er sich in Julias Haus, um ihr nahe zu sein. Doch sie weist ihn zurück und gibt sich seinem Sohn hin. Als Cesare sich ihrer mit Gewalt bemächtigen will, stürzt sich sein Filius auf ihn. Julias Schönheit droht beide ins Verderben zu stürzen, als ein Kampf auf Leben und Tod entbrennt. Im letzten Moment lässt der Alte von Lorenzo und trollt sich.

So lockern sich bald die Sitten in Florenz. Die Jugend der Stadt macht mit ihren Feiern das Haus der lebensfrohen Venezianerin zu einer Stätte der Freude und des Lasters, der Lust und der Wollust. Zähneknirschend muss die Kirche in Person des mächtigen Kardinals erkennen, dass sie den Kampf um Sitte und Anstand zu verlieren droht. Doch der Kardinal will nicht aufgeben. Gemeinsam mit dem rachsüchtigen Cesare veranlasst er den Rat der Alten, Julia als Ketzerin anzuklagen und sie der Folter auszusetzen. Inmitten eines ihrer rauschenden Feste wird Julia von bewaffneten Schergen verschleppt. Lorenzo jedoch reagiert rasch. Er ruft das Volk zusammen, um die kirchliche wie staatliche Despotie der Stadtoberen, die verordnete florentinische Sinnenfeindlichkeit, zu beenden. Wutentbrannt stürmt die Menge den Palast der Alten, Lorenzo vorneweg. Sein Vater stellt sich ihm entgegen. Lorenzo schwingt eine Axt und lässt sie auf seinen Vater und Konkurrenten um Julias Gunst niedersausen.

Die Herrschaft der venezianischen Verführerin hat nun begonnen. Die Kirche ist besiegt, ihre Priester flüchten. In den Gotteshäusern hat ebenfalls der Sittenverfall Einzug gehalten, auch sie dienen einzig als Hort der Ausschweifung und körperlichen Liebe. Als Julia eines Tages auf einem Fest zur Liebeskönigin von Florenz gekrönt werden soll, erscheint eine finster wirkende Gestalt in einer Mönchskutte, um dem wüsten Treiben Einhalt zu gebieten. Eine kräftige Stimme hebt sich aus dem Trubel hervor und droht warnend: "Weh Euch, Florentiner! Weh Euch, Sodom und Gomorrha! Wenn Ihr mir nicht glaubt -- die Steine werden für mich reden!". Doch die tausenden Stimmen der übermütigen Festbesucher lachen ihn nur aus; ihn: den heiligen Einsiedler mit seiner Mission. Dann geht der finstere Mann wieder.

Einzig Julia bekommt seitdem den Finsterling nicht mehr aus ihrem Kopf. Er ist so vollkommen anders als alle anderen Männer, denen sie hier begegnet ist. Sie will ihn haben, sehnt sich nach seinem spröden, kargen Wesen. Auf einer Jagd erscheint sie vor seiner Höhle. Auch der Einsiedler, Franziskus heißt er, hat die Kurtisane nicht vergessen können. Schwer ringt er mit sich, gefangen zwischen seinem Glauben und seinen Überzeugungen einerseits und dem Verlangen nach der schönen "Sünderin" andererseits. Franziskus betet zu seinem Gott -- doch die Fleischeslust siegt. Am nächsten Morgen präsentiert Julia stolz der Obrigkeit von Florenz ihre neue Eroberung: Franziskus. Sein erstes Opfer ist zugleich sein Nebenbuhler, Lorenzo, den er mit eigenen Händen in Julias Gemach erwürgt.

Florenz ist jetzt endgültig zur Stätte des Lasters und des hemmungslosen Sittenverfalls degeneriert. Längst hat der Papst die Stadt mit dem Bannfluch belegt. Da beginnen "die Steine zu reden", wie Franziskus unheilsschwanger vorausgesagt hatte. Das Gespenst des Todes kehrt ein, die Pest, und legt ein grau-gelbes Leichentuch über die verkommene Bevölkerung. Franziskus lässt die Stadttore schließen, um die Gefahr zu bannen. Vergeblich. Das Volk tanzt weiter, wie von Sinnen im Todesrausch. Franziskus fordert ein Wunder von Gott. Da erscheinen an der Wand himmlische Flammenzeichen: "Mene tekel upharsin! Geprüft, gewogen, und zu leicht befunden!" Franziskus erkennt seine Schuld. Die Stadt soll von Gott für ihren Sündenfall gestraft werden und er, der wieder bekehrte Franziskus, wird sein Werkzeug sein. Durch die Katakomben schleicht er vor die Stadtmauern, um zu büßen und fortan die Pestkranken zu pflegen.

Doch auch ihn befällt die Seuche (vgl. Schwarzer Tod) und nun ist ihm klar: er selbst ist ausersehen, um Florenz zu strafen. Durch die Katakomben wankt er zurück in den Sündenpfuhl und platzt mitten hinein in Julias neuestes ausschweifendes Fest. Berauscht vom Zustand unbändigen Liebesglücks erkennt ihn die Kurtisane. Als sie zu ihm eilt und sich an seine Brust werfen will, werden ihr Augen starr vor Schreck: Hinter ihm, dem bekehrten Geliebten, reckt sich grinsend das Haupt eines Phantoms: die Pest. Noch einige Schritte, und Julia sinkt zu Boden. Die Gäste rasen auseinander, doch schon im nächsten Augenblick hat sie der Tod ereilt. Als letzter von ihnen stirbt auch Franziskus, der vom Saulus zum Paulus Bekehrte, und sinkt auf seine Julia hinab. Und der fröhlich auf der Geige fiedelnde Pesttod zieht an den Leichen links und rechts seines Weges vorbei und verlässt den Festpalazzo der Sünde, um sein Werk andernorts fortzusetzen.

Produktion
Die Dreharbeiten begannen im Juni und endeten Ende September 1919. Der sieben Akte lange Film wurde am 23. Oktober 1919 im Berliner Marmorhaus-Kino uraufgeführt.

Der Hauptdarsteller Theodor Becker hatte für die anstehenden Dreharbeiten Anfang Juni 1919 seine Gastspielreisen unterbrochen und die Vorbereitungsphase zum Film für einen Auftritt am Schauspielhaus Berlin genutzt, wo er mit Erfolg den Coriolanus im gleichnamigen Shakespeare-Stück spielte.

Die größten Aktiva dieses Renaissance-Bilderbogens sind die von Willy Hameister und Emil Schünemann perfekt eingefangenen umfangreichen, mittelalterlichen und sehr beeindruckenden Filmbauten, die von einem gewaltigen Komparsenheer bevölkert werden. Hermann Warm zeichnete für die Atelierbauten im Lixie-Atelier von Berlin-Weißensee verantwortlich, Baurat Franz Jaffé und Warm gestalteten die Außendekorationen des Marktplatzes. Walter Reimann und Walter Röhrig übernahmen die Malarbeiten.

Für Fritz Lang war Die Pest in Florenz einer seiner letzten Aufträge als Drehbuchautor für einen anderen Regisseur.

Die Kostüme lieferte die Firma F. & A. Diringer aus München.

Kritik
In der Lichtbild-Bühne ist zu lesen: "Die von Fritz Lang der "italienischen Renaissance nach erzählten sieben Kapitel" zeigen in verblüffenden Bildern, die von außerordentlichem Stilgefühl und Kunstverständnis zeugen, die Sittenverderbnis des mittelalterlichen Florenz und die Strafe, die über die lebenslustige Stadt in Gestalt der Pest zuletzt hereinbrach. […] Dem Einsiedler Franziskus, ein Paulus, aus dem ein Saulus und später wieder ein Paulus wird, verlieh Theodor Becker den Fanatismus seines Blickes und eine ekstatische verhaltene Wut. Daß man den heiligen Franziskus und seine Versuchungen (die ja wohl eigentlich dem heiligen Antonius zugeschrieben werden) in die Savonarola-Epoche verlegte, die römischen Katakomben nach Florenz und noch einige andere historische Kühnheiten sich gestattete, sei schon deswegen verziehen, weil die Regie gerade hierbei Außerordentliches leistete und beispielsweise in der waldumdüsterten Höhle des Einsiedlers, durch die seine Visionen geistern, Meisterhaftes bot. Otto Rippert hat hier eine geniale Hand bewiesen."

In der Ersten Internationalen Film-Zeitung wird von der Premierenvorstellung wie folgt berichtet: "Herrliche Bilder (Baurat Jaffé zeichnet verantwortlich für die Außen-, Maler Warm für die Innenarchitektur) um den ganzen wilden Kampf: Die Piazza del Signorii mit dem schwerwuchtenden Palast, mit der luftig-zierlichen Loggia del Lanzi. . .  Die Prozession der Feinde aller Schönheit zieht vorbei, der pfäffischen Pächter des Himmels. Und den Büßern begegnet die irdische Liebe: die Kurtisane aus Venedig, von Mohren getragen -- Symbol der Venus und der Schönheit, die sich frei verschenkt. Und dann rollt das Schicksal vorüber durch die sechs Kapitel, das Schicksal der Stadt, der Menschen und der Priesterin der Venus.. . .  Die schöne Marga Kierska spielt so, als ob sie das hergäbe, was ihr Allereigenstes ist. Das Parkett fühlt es, denn noch ist die Tragödie nicht ausgereift, da füllt sich die Loge, in der die schöne Frau persönlich sitzt, mit kostbaren Blumen. Bescheiden wehrt sich Otto Rippert, der vielleicht Verdienstvollste des Abends, vor der von der Menge gewünschten Ovation. Freunde ziehen ihn "ans Tageslicht", neben die Kierska und die andern. Und nun wird der Beifall Sturm."

Auch das Fachblatt Der Film fand nach der Premiere durchgehend lobende Worte: "Der Uraufführungsabend im Marmorhaus wurde ein Ereignis. Aufs neue bewies hier die deutsche Filmindustrie, daß sie gesonnen ist, mit allen Kräften den Wettkampf gegen das Ausland aufzunehmen, und daß ihre Chancen durchaus gut sind. Der vom Autor Fritz Lang in sieben Kapitel eingeteilte Film führt uns in abwechslungsreichen, stimmungsvollen Szenen nach Florenz zur Zeit der Renaissance. Stilechte, bis ins Kleinste der Zeit entsprechende Kostüme, buntbewegte Festszenen, groß angelegte Massenbilder, dramatische Geschehnisse fesseln von Anfang bis zu Ende das Auge und beweisen wieder einmal das vorzügliche Organisationstalent, den hochentwickelten Kunstsinn des Regisseurs Otto Rippert. Ein riesiges Heer wohldisziplinierter Komparsen stellt unter seiner zielbewußten, energischen Leitung Massenszenen, denen gegenüber man fast vergißt, hier Theater zu sehen -- wie lebendigste Wahrheit muten die Bilder, die sich vor uns in geschickter Gliederung abrollen, an."

Das große Personenlexikon des Films nannte Die Pest in Florenz einen "opulent bebilderten […], kostüm- und ausstattungsintensiven […] Renaissance-Bilderbogen".

Heinrich Fraenkels Unsterblicher Film glaubte in dem Film bereits Fritz Langs thematische Vorlieben zu erkennen: "Es ist überhaupt sehr bezeichnend für Lang, daß die Thematik seiner späteren weltberühmten Filme schon in den allerersten Arbeiten zu finden ist. Das Thema der "femme fatale" findet sich schon in Die Pest in Florenz und Die Frau mit den Orchideen…"

Oskar Kalbus' Vom Werden deutscher Filmkunst wies vor allem auf den enormen Aufwand bei der Herstellung dieses Ausstattungsspektakels hin: "Otto Rippert beauftragte den bekannten Berliner Baurat Jaffé und den Maler Warm, im Weichbild Berlins ganze Stadtteile der 'Königin der oberitalienischen Städte' in geschichtlicher und architektonischer Treue für den Film "Pest in Florenz" (1919) zu bauen. Hunderte von deutschen Bauleuten gingen mutig ans Werk und schufen auf dem Freigelände der Berliner Ufa-Ateliers den Palazzo Vecchio, den einstigen Sitz der Signoria, mit seinem hohen Wachturm, mit dem Wehrgang und den historischen Wappenbildern. Dicht an den Palazzo Vecchio baute Jaffé den Palazzo degli Uffizi, den einst der Maler Vasari (1560–74) geschaffen hat. Die Uffizien wurden durch die berühmte Loggia dei Lanzi teilweise flankiert und ihre graziöse Architektonik durch die gewaltigen Bogenhallen der Loggia unterstrichen. Diese Zentralbauten wurden durch zahlreiche andere Paläste und Prunkbauten umrahmt, und es entstand dadurch ein Entwicklungsraum für 10–15000 Komparsen. In diesen herrlichen Bauten sollte die Sittenverderbnis des mittelalterlichen Florenz und die Strafe geschildert werden, die über die lebensdurstige Stadt in Gestalt einer furchtbaren Pest hereinbrach. Im Mittelpunkt der Handlung stehen eine Circe (Margarete Kierska) und der Einsiedler und Fanatiker Franziskus (Theodor Becker)."

Literatur
 Ursula von Keitz: Üppige Sinnlichkeit und tödlicher Furor. Der historische Sittenfilm "Pest in Florenz" (1919) und seine Ikonografie der Zeitenwende. In: Filmblatt, 17. Jg., Nr. 50 Winter 2012/13, S. 21–33.

Weblinks

 Die Pest in Florenz auf arte.tv

Einzelnachweise

Filmtitel 1919
Deutscher Film
Schwarzweißfilm
Stummfilm
Historienfilm
Horrorfilm
Filmdrama
Pest
Epidemie im Film

Die Pest in Florenz


Kohei Matsumoto (født 31. juli 1994) er en japansk fodboldspiller, som spiller for den japanske fodboldklub SC Sagamihara.

Referencer

Eksterne henvisninger

Fodboldspillere fra Japan

Kohei Matsumoto


Servius Fulvius Paetinus Nobilior war ein Mitglied des römischen Plebejergeschlechts der Fulvier und bekleidete 255 v. Chr. das Konsulat.

Leben

Laut den Fasti Capitolini und Triumphalakten führten sowohl der Vater als auch der Großvater von Servius Fulvius Paetinus Nobilior das Pränomen Marcus. Über die frühen Ämter seines cursus honorum ist nichts bekannt. Das Konsulat bekleidete er 255 v. Chr. zusammen mit Marcus Aemilius Paullus. Die Römische Republik befand sich damals etwa in der Mitte ihres ersten Krieges gegen Karthago; der Suffektkonsul von 256 v. Chr., Marcus Atilius Regulus, hatte gerade eine verheerende Niederlage gegen die Punier erlitten und war in deren Gefangenschaft geraten. Anfang des Sommers 255 v. Chr. segelten daraufhin Fulvius Nobilior und sein Amtskollege mit einem starken Geschwader nach Nordafrika, eroberten unterwegs die Insel Kossyra (das heutige Pantelleria), siegten nahe dem Hermäischen Vorgebirge über eine punische Flotte und nahmen bei der Stadt Clupea die Überlebenden von Regulus' geschlagenen Streitkräften an Bord. Auf der Heimreise gerieten sie jedoch nahe der südsizilischen Stadt Kamarina in einen Orkan und verloren bei der Schiffskatastrophe vor Kamarina fast ihre gesamte Flotte. Dennoch durften sie Anfang 254 v. Chr. einen Triumph über Kossyra und Karthago feiern.  Für eine ausführlichere Darstellung des Feldzugs siehe Marcus Aemilius Paullus.

Über das weitere Leben von Fulvius Nobilior ist nichts überliefert.

Literatur

Anmerkungen

Konsul (Römische Republik)
Paetinus Nobilior, Servius Fulvius
Geboren im 3. Jahrhundert v. Chr.
Gestorben im 3. Jahrhundert v. Chr.
Mann

Servius Fulvius Paetinus Nobilior


Ignacio Garriga Vaz de Concicao (San Cugat del Vallés, 4 de fevereiro de 1987) é um dentista, professor universitário e político espanhol. Atualmente assume as funções de Secretário-Geral do VOX e deputado no Parlamento da Catalunha.

Foi deputado no Congresso dos Deputados por Barcelona nas legislaturas XIII e XIV.

Biografia
Ignacio é o mais novo dos dois filhos de Rafael Garriga Kuijpers e Clotilde Vaz de Concicao Morlay, espanhois de origem equatoriana. Foi professor da Faculdade de Odontologia da Universidade Internacional da Catalunha.

Trajetória na política
Ingressou no Partido Popular em 2005. Pertencente ao setor "renovador" do PP catalão que surgiu em torno de Montserrat Nebrera, deixou o partido após a sua derrota interna contra Alicia Sánchez-Camacho. Enfrentando as eleições para o Parlamento da Catalunha em 2010, concorreu como número 18 por Barcelona na lista do partido Alternativa de Govern liderado por Nebrera, sem se conseguir eleger, Garriga ingressou no Vox em 2014.

Por ser o único político mulato conhecido no partido, às vezes é descrito como o "negro do Vox" ou o "homem negro do Vox", no qual rejeita esse rótulo. Apesar da postura anti-imigração ilegal do seu partido político, Garriga fez comentários de apoio aos imigrantes em Espanha, já que ele próprio é descendente de imigrantes, embora apoie a deportação obrigatória de imigrantes ilegais. Da mesma forma, Ignacio Garriga afirmou que "o Vox é um partido humanista cristã ". Embora "orgulhosamente" se identifique como catalão, Garriga é fortemente contra o movimento de independência da Catalunha.

Ingressou como deputado no Congresso dos Deputados, na décima terceira legislatura, depois de aparecer como cabeça de lista pelo Vox em Barcelona nas eleições de 28 de abril de 2019, conseguiu ser eleito. Na décima quarta legislatura, conseguiu a sua reeleição no mesmo assento, repetindo novamente como primeiro do Vox em Barcelona, nas eleições de 10 de novembro do mesmo ano.

Apresentou a moção de censura do Grupo Parlamentar VOX no Congresso dos Deputados a Pedro Sánchez em outubro de 2020.

Foi designado pelo seu partido como candidato à presidência da Generalitat para as eleições para o Parlamento da Catalunha em fevereiro de 2021. Na eleição, o Vox conquistou 11 deputados e emergiu como quarta força política no parlamento catalão. O resultado obtido por Garriga à frente do Vox foi uma " superação " às demais forças políticas nacionais de direita na Catalunha.

Em 6 de outubro de 2022, o Comitê Executivo Nacional do Vox, nomeou-o secretário-geral do partido após Javier Ortega Smith, assumir a vice-presidência do partido.

Políticos conservadores
Deputados do Congresso dos Deputados da Espanha
Catalães
Políticos do Vox (partido político)

Ignacio Garriga


الفُرس (بالفارسية: فارسی‌زبانان) هم شعب غرب آسيوي يقطن منطقة فارس التاريخية في هضبة إيران الآسيوية ويتحدث اللغة الفارسية وهي لغة هندوأوروبية؛ وينتمي الفرس الأوائل إلى المجموعة الآرية. لكن مع مرور الزمن امتصت المجموعة الفارسية العديد من الشعوب التي كانت تقطن أو قطنت المنطقة واستوعبتها خلال فترات عديدة؛ ومن هذه الشعوب العرب واليونانيين والترك والمغول وغيرهم، فمثلاً الهزارة في أفغانستان يضمون سلالات تنسب لبقايا المغول حيث يشبه الهزارة في بنيتهم العرق الأصفر من ناحية شكل العيون والوجه في حين أن الفرس في غرب إيران لهم علاقات وترابط مع الأكراد والعرب . أسس الفرس العديد من الدول والإمبراطوريات على مر التاريخ مثل الأخمينيين والساسانيين في حقبة ما قبل الإسلام، إضافة إلى سلالات حكمت في حقبة بعد الإسلام مثل السامانيين وغيرهم. تُعد غالبية الفُرس على أنهم يدينون بالإسلام على المذهب الشيعي الإثني عشري في حين يُعد الفُرس في المناطق الشرقية تابعون للمذهب السني، مع نسبة قليلة من الفُرس ما زالت تدين بديانات ما قبل الإسلام مثل الزرادشتية.

نسبهم
اختلفوا في فارس على أقوال، وقول الجمهور على أنهم:

 فَارِسَ بْنِ أَمَيْمِ بْنِ لاوِذَ بْنِ سَامَ بْنِ نُوحٍ

الاسم الإثني

علم أصول الكلمات
يُشتق مصطلح فارسي Persian الذي يعني «القادم من بلاد فارس» من الكلمة اللاتينية بيرجا Persia، وهي مُشتقة من الكلمة اليونانية بيرسيس Persís، التي أخذت شكل الهيلينية من الكلمة الفارسية القديمة بارس Pārsa، والتي تطورت لاحقًا إلى كلمة فارس Fārs في اللغة الفارسية الحديثة. استُخدمت كلمة بارس Parás في الكتاب المقدس، لا سيما في أسفار كل من دانيال، وأستير، وعزرا، ونحميا.

في علم أصول الكلمات اليوناني القديم، رُبط أصل الكلمة باسم بيرسيوس، وهو بطل في الأساطير اليونانية القديمة. يروي المؤرخ الإغريقي هيرودوت هذه القصة، والتي تفضي بوجود ابن أجنبي يُدعى بيرس لقّب الفرس أنفسهم باسمه تيمنّا به. وعلى ما يبدو، كان الفرس أنفسهم يعرفون هذه القصة، إذ حاول خشايارشا الأول أن يستخدمها لإغراء سكان مدينة آرغوس في أثناء غزوه اليونان، لكنه قد أخفق بذلك في النهاية.

تاريخ استخدام الكلمة
على الرغم من أن بارس كانت مجرد مقاطعة من مقاطعات إيران القديمة، فقد اعتُمدت أشكال مختلفة من هذا المصطلح (على سبيل المثال، بلاد فارس) من خلال المصادر اليونانية واستُخدمت باعتبارها أصلًا لكل الإمبراطورية الفارسية لسنوات عديدة. وهكذا، ولا سيما في العالم الغربي، جاءت أسماء بلاد فارس والفارسية للإشارة إلى إيران وسكانها.

استخدمت بعض المصادر الإسلامية الحديثة في العصور الوسطى وأوائل العصور الحديثة أيضًا مصطلح فارسي للإشارة إلى مختلف الشعوب واللغات الإيرانية، بما في ذلك متحدثي اللغة الخوارزمية والمازندرانية والأذرية القديمة. يشير المؤرخ العراقي المسعودي في القرن العاشر إلى أن اللهجات البهلوية والدارية والأذرية تابعة للغة الفارسية. في عام 1333، أشار الرحالة والباحث المغربي حول العصور الوسطى ابن بطوطة إلى أهل كابول بوصفهم قبيلة فرعية منحدرة من الفرس. تقول السيدة ماري شيل (ليونورا وولف)، في دراستها حول إيران خلال عهد القاجار، إن الأكراد والليك يعتبرون أنفسهم منتمين إلى عرق «الفُرس القدامى».

في 21 مارس عام 1935، أصدر ملك إيران السابق رضا شاه من أسرة بهلوي مرسومًا يطلب من المجتمع الدولي اعتماد مصطلح إيران، وهو الاسم الأصلي للبلاد. ومع ذلك، فإن مصطلح فارسي ما يزال يُستخدم في التاريخ للإشارة إلى الأفراد الذين يعيشون في إيران الكبرى.

معرض صور

مراجع

شعوب آسيا القدماء
شعوب أصلية في الشرق الأوسط
شعوب قديمة
شعوب قديمة في الشرق الأدنى
عرقيات داغستان
فرس
مجموعات عرقية إيرانية
مجموعات عرقية في الشرق الأوسط
مجموعات عرقية في العراق
مجموعات عرقية في أفغانستان
مجموعات عرقية في أوزبكستان
مجموعات عرقية في إيران
مجموعات عرقية في باكستان
مجموعات عرقية في طاجيكستان

فرس (قوم)


União Capão Raso é um time de futebol amador de Curitiba fundado em 1 de novembro de 1952. Suas cores são o verde, vermelho e branco.

História

O escrete do Capão Raso foi fundado em 1 de novembro de 1952, em uma reunião comandada por Manoel Alves Bandeira. Já no ano seguinte, a equipe começou a participar dos certames da FPF, sendo que o primeiro foi a Série B da Suburbana, em que ficou até 1958. Na década seguinte, o Capão Raso passou por um dos piores momentos de suas histórias, em relação a resultado, que só teve luz no último ano, em 1969.

No início da década de 1960 o escrete do Capão Raso disputou a Série C e licenciou em dois anos, em 1965 e 1967. Porém, a primeira glória do Capão aconteceu em 1969, diante o Vila Fanny Futebol Clube. Naquela partida, o Tricolor do Capão entrou em campo com Manga (Sacerdote), Cabrita, Julinho, Tortato, Dorigo, Luiz, Tuta, Jeca (Ito), Sidnei, Bídio, Celsinho e Edson. Participaram também na campanha Castilho, Dirceu Lopes e Agnaldo.

A conquista de 1969 rendeu bons frutos para a sequência do Capão Raso, pois o clube conseguiu o acesso à Série B e no ano seguinte para a elite do amador de Curitiba, conquistando o título da principal competição em 1971, diante o Vasco da Gama. Na decisão participaram os jogadores Mário; Cabrita, Ivo, Didi, Luiz, Algacir, Julinho, Bídio, Hilário, Dirceu Lopes e Celsinho.

Desde então, foram 42 anos seguidos na elite do futebol amador de Curitiba, o que faz o Capão Raso ser um dos mais tradicionais da cena. Neste período, o Tricolor de Aço conquistou mais dois títulos da Série A e também cinco vices, sendo que o último aconteceu em 2007. Além disso, a equipe participou das duas primeiras edições do Sul-Brasileiro, sendo vice em 1988.

A sequência de 42 anos na elite do amador de Curitiba foi interrompida em 2013, quando a equipe sofreu o descenso pela primeira vez. Foram dois anos de disputa na série B, até que em 2015 conseguiu o acesso e permanece até os dias de hoje. Neste período, o clube participou de todas as edições da Copinha, sendo campeão em 2014 e 2015, justo nos anos em que esteve na Divisão de Acesso do futebol amador.

Títulos

Campanhas de destaque
  Campeonato Sul-Brasileiro
 Vice-Campeão: 1988

  Campeonato de Futebol Amador de Curitiba
 Vice-Campeão: 1982, 1987, 1999, 2004 e 2007.

Clubes de futebol de Curitiba
Clubes de futebol fundados em 1952
Fundações no Paraná em 1952

União Capão Raso Futebol Clube


Hazel Forbes, née Hazel Froidevaux, le  et morte le , est une Ziegfeld Girl, danseuse et actrice américaine.

Concours de beauté
Hazel Forbes est choisie comme  lors de l'American National Beauty Ball à l'hôtel Astor de New York, le . Sa carrière professionnelle commence dans un concours de beauté à Atlantic City, dans le New Jersey, où elle remporte le titre de Miss Long Island. Elle a 16 ans lorsqu'elle est choisie pour représenter les États-Unis au concours international de beauté à l'hôtel Claridge à Paris en 1926.

Théâtre (à Broadway)

Elle devient showgirl à New York à l'âge de 17 ans en 1927. Le producteur de théâtre de Broadway, Earl Carroll, lui propose une offre substantielle pour une nouvelle revue. Florenz Ziegfeld finalement remporte le contrat. Forbes joue dans Rosalie qui débute le , et dans   qui débute le  avec Eddie Cantor au New Amsterdam Theatre. Elle est embauchée par Earl Carroll, pour une production en  au . En 1930, elle joue dans Simple Simon, une comédie musicale de Guy Bolton, qui débute le . Elle apparait également dans Steel de John Wexley au Webster Hall en 1932.

Cinéma
Forbes tourne un certain nombre de courts métrages et de films à Hollywood : En 1929, dans Harry Rosenthal and His Bath and Tennis Club Orchestra; en 1930 dans The Fight et Seeing-Off Service ;  et en 1934, elle est dans les films ,  et . En 1934, elle reçoit une série de lettres de menaces qui la dissuadent de continuer dans le cinéma. Ayant l'argent que lui a été légué Richmond. Elle fait don de son salaire de cinéma à une association caritative.

Vie privée
Hazel Forbes épouse le vendeur de voitures Isotta Fraschini, , en 1929  à Mamaroneck; ils divorcent en 1931. En 1931, elle épouse Paul Owen Richmond à Kennedyville, Maryland. Richmond meurt subitement en 1932. Il laisse à Forbes une fortune estimée à  provenant de ses intérêts dans l'industrie du dentifrice (Dr. Lyon's) et du shampoing.

Elle rencontre le chanteur et célèbre homme à femmes Harry Richman et l'épouse, le , à Miami Beach  en Floride. Sa demoiselle d'honneur est Glenda Farrell et son garçon d'honneur Joseph M. Schenck. Richman aurait dépensé  pour le mariage, dont  uniquement pour les fleurs. Harry Richmann, chanteur au  est bien connu pour ses romances antérieures avec Clara Bow, Dorothy Darrell, la showgirl Edith Roark, Virginia Biddle, Lina Basquette, Peggy Hopkins Joyce et Lenore Ulric. Richman et  Forbes partagent une somptueuse maison à Beechhurst, Long Island. Peu de temps après leur mariage, Forbes contracte une pneumonie aiguë et est sauvé, en partie, grâce à l'utilisation de sulfanilamide .Le mariage se termine par un divorce en 1941, pour des raisons de "cruauté". En 1942, Forbes, divorce de Richman  et est courtisée par le millionnaire Max Bamberger.

Décès
Hazel Forbes est décédée en 1980 à Los Angeles. Elle est enterrée dans le Grand Mausolée du Forest Lawn Memorial Park à Glendale, en Californie.

Iconographie
Elle a été photographiée par Alfred Cheney Johnston qui a travaillé pour Florenz Ziegfeld pendant plus de 15 ans, prenant principalement des photographies publicitaires et promotionnelles des interprètes des Ziegfeld Follies. Les photos de nues, découvertes après la mort de Johnston, n'ont pas été publiés dans les années 1920.

Notes et références

Notes

Références

Voir aussi

Bibliographie
 :

 « The Slippers, James, and Draw Up an Armchair Before the Fire for Mr. Harry Richman », Journal, Albuquerque, New Mexico, , page 16.
 « Where Fifty Million Dollars Works For $7.50 A Day », Bee, Fresno, , page 36.
 « Millionaire Weds Beauty in Maryland Town Saturday », Times, Gettysburg, Pennsylvania, , page 2.
 « Carroll One Up », Times, Kingsport, Tennessee, , page 1.
 « Miss United States of 1926 Wedded for Second Time at 21 », Star, Lincoln, , page 11.
 Dorothy Kilgallen, Sun, Lowell, Massachusetts, , page 69.
.
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Liens externes

Naissance en novembre 1910
Décès en novembre 1980
Gagnante d'un concours de beauté
Danseuse américaine du XXe siècle
Actrice américaine de cinéma
Ziegfeld Girl

Hazel Forbes


The 1957 Canadian federal election was held June 10, 1957, to select the 265 members of the House of Commons of Canada of the 23rd Parliament of Canada. In one of the greatest upsets in Canadian political history, the Progressive Conservative Party (also known as "PCs" or "Tories"), led by John Diefenbaker, brought an end to 22 years of Liberal rule, as the Tories were able to form a minority government despite losing the popular vote to the Liberals.

The Liberal Party had governed Canada since 1935, winning five consecutive elections. Under Prime Ministers William Lyon Mackenzie King and Louis St. Laurent, the government gradually built a welfare state. During the Liberals' fifth term in office, the opposition parties depicted them as arrogant and unresponsive to Canadians' needs. Controversial events, such as the 1956 "Pipeline Debate" over the construction of the Trans-Canada Pipeline, had hurt the government. St. Laurent, nicknamed "Uncle Louis", remained popular, but exercised little supervision over his cabinet ministers.

In 1956, Tory leader George A. Drew unexpectedly resigned due to ill health. In his place, the PC party elected the fiery and charismatic Diefenbaker. The Tories ran a campaign centred on their new leader, who attracted large crowds to rallies and made a strong impression on television. The Liberals ran a lacklustre campaign, and St. Laurent made few television appearances. Uncomfortable with the medium, the Prime Minister read his speeches from a script and refused to wear makeup.

Abandoning their usual strategy of trying to make major inroads in Liberal-dominated Quebec, the Tories focused on winning seats in the other provinces. They were successful; though they gained few seats in Quebec, they won 112 seats overall to the Liberals' 105. With the remaining seats won by other parties, the PC party only had a plurality in the House of Commons, but the margin was sufficient to make John Diefenbaker Canada's first Tory Prime Minister since R. B. Bennett in 1935.

Background

Liberal domination
The Tories had last governed Canada under R.B. Bennett, who had been elected in 1930. Bennett's government had limited success in dealing with the Depression, and was defeated in 1935, as Liberal William Lyon Mackenzie King, who had previously served two times as Prime Minister, was restored to power. The Liberals won five consecutive elections between 1935 and 1953, four of the victories resulting in powerful majority governments. The Liberals worked closely with the civil service (drawing several of their ministers from those ranks) and their years of dominance saw prosperity.

When Mackenzie King retired in 1948, he was succeeded by Minister of Justice Louis St. Laurent, a bilingual Quebecer who took office at the age of 66. An adept politician, St. Laurent projected a gentle persona and was affectionately known to many Canadians as Uncle Louis. In actuality, St. Laurent was uncomfortable away from Ottawa, was subject to fits of depression (especially after 1953), and on political trips was carefully managed by advertising men from the firm of Cockfield Brown. St. Laurent led the Liberals to an overwhelming triumph in the 1949 election, campaigning under the slogan "You never had it so good". The Liberals won a fifth successive mandate in 1953, with St. Laurent content to exercise a highly relaxed leadership style.

The Mackenzie King and St. Laurent governments laid the groundwork for the welfare state, a development initially opposed by many Tories. C.D. Howe, considered one of the leading forces of the St. Laurent government, told his Tory opponents when they alleged that the Liberals would abolish tariffs if the people would let them, "Who would stop us? ... Don't take yourselves too seriously. If we wanted to get away with it, who would stop us?"

Tory struggles
At the start of 1956, the Tories were led by former Ontario premier George A. Drew, who had been elected PC leader in 1948 over Saskatchewan MP John Diefenbaker. Drew was the fifth man to lead the Tories in their 21 years out of power. None had come close to defeating the Liberals; the best performance was in 1945, when John Bracken secured 67 seats for the Tories. The Liberals, though, had won 125 seats, and maintained their majority. In the 1953 election, the PC party won 51 seats out of the 265 in the House of Commons. Subsequently, the Tories picked up two seats from the Liberals in by-elections, and the Liberals (who had won 169 seats in 1953) lost an additional seat to the Co-operative Commonwealth Federation (CCF, the predecessor of the New Democratic Party (NDP)).

After over two decades in opposition, the Tories were closely associated with that role in the public eye. The Tories were seen as the party of the wealthy and of English-speaking Canada and drew about 30% of the vote in federal elections. The Tories had enjoyed little success in Quebec in the past forty years. By 1956, the Social Credit Party was becoming a potential rival to the Tories as Canada's main right-wing party. Canadian journalist and author Bruce Hutchison discussed the state of the Tories in 1956:
When a party calling itself Conservative can think of nothing better than to outbid the Government's election promises; when it demands economy in one breath and increased spending in the next; when it proposes an immediate tax cut regardless of inflationary results ... when in short, the Conservative party no longer gives us a conservative alternative after twenty-one years ... then our political system desperately requires an opposition prepared to stand for something more than the improbable chance of quick victory.

Run-up to the campaign

In 1955, the Tories, through a determined filibuster, were able to force the government to withdraw amendments to the Defence Procurement Act, which would have made temporary, extraordinary powers granted to the government permanent. Drew led the Tories in a second battle with the government the following year: in the so-called "Pipeline Debate", the government invoked closure repeatedly in a weeks-long debate which ended with the Speaker ignoring points of order as he had the division bells rung. Both measures were closely associated with Howe, which, in combination with his earlier comments, led to Tory claims that Howe was indifferent to the democratic process.

Tory preparations for an upcoming election campaign were thrown into disarray in August 1956 when Drew fell ill. Tory leaders felt that the party needed vigorous leadership with a federal election likely to be called within a year. In September, Drew resigned. Diefenbaker, who had failed in two prior bids for the leadership, announced his candidacy, as did Tory frontbenchers Davie Fulton and Donald Fleming. Diefenbaker, a criminal defence lawyer from Prince Albert, Saskatchewan, was on the populist left of the PC party. Those Tory leaders who disliked Diefenbaker and his views, and hoped to find a candidate from Drew's conservative wing of the party, wooed University of Toronto president Sidney Smith as a candidate. However, Smith refused to run.

Tory leaders scheduled a leadership convention for December. In early November, the Suez crisis erupted. Minister of External Affairs Lester Pearson played a major part in the settlement of that dispute, and was later awarded the Nobel Peace Prize for his role. Diefenbaker, as the Tories' foreign policy critic and as the favourite in the leadership race, gained considerable attention for his speeches on Suez. The Tories attacked Pearson for, as they said, being an errand boy for the United States government; he responded that it was better to be such a lackey than to be an obedient colonial doing Britain's will unquestioningly. While Suez would come to be regarded by many as one of the finest moments in Canadian foreign policy, at the time it cost the Liberals support outside of Quebec.

Diefenbaker was the favourite throughout the leadership campaign. At the convention in Ottawa in December, he refused to abide by the custom of having a Quebecer be either the proposer or seconder of his candidacy, and instead selected an Easterner (from New Brunswick) and a Westerner to put his name in nomination. With most Quebec delegates backing his opponents, Diefenbaker felt that having a Quebecer as a nominator would not increase his support. Diefenbaker was elected on the first ballot, and a number of Quebec delegates walked out of the convention after his victory. Other Diefenbaker opponents, such as those who had urged Smith to run, believed that the 61-year-old Diefenbaker would be merely a caretaker, who would serve a few years and then step down in favour of a younger man, and that the upcoming election would be lost to the Liberals regardless of who led the Tories.

When Parliament convened in January, the Liberals introduced no major proposals, and proposed nothing controversial. Diefenbaker turned over his parliamentary duties to British Columbia MP Howard Green and spent much of his time on the road making speeches across the country. Diefenbaker toured a nation in which Liberal support at the provincial level had slowly been eroding. When the Liberals gained Federal power in 1935, they controlled eight of the nine provincial governments, all except Alberta. By early 1957, the Liberals controlled the legislatures only in the tenth province, Newfoundland, and in Prince Edward Island and Manitoba.

In March, Finance Minister Walter Harris, who was believed to be St. Laurent's heir apparent, introduced his budget. The budget anticipated a surplus of $258 million, of which $100 million was to be returned in the form of increased welfare payments, with an increase of $6 per month (to a total of $46) for old age pensioners—effective after the election. Harris indicated that no more could be returned for fear of increasing inflation. Diefenbaker attacked the budget, calling for higher old age pensions and welfare payments, more aid to the poorer provinces, and aid to farmers.

St. Laurent had informed Diefenbaker that Parliament would be dissolved in April, for an election on June 10. A final parliamentary conflict was sparked by the suicide of Canadian Ambassador to Egypt E.H. Norman in the midst of allegations made by a United States Senate subcommittee that Norman had communist links. Pearson had defended Norman when the allegations became public, and defended him again after his death, suggesting to the Commons that the allegations were false. It quickly became apparent that the information released by the Americans might have come from Canadian intelligence sources, and after severe questioning of Pearson by Diefenbaker and the other parties' foreign policy critics, Pearson made a statement announcing that Norman had had communist associations in his youth, but had passed a security review. The minister evaded further questions regarding what information had been provided, and the discussion was cut short when Parliament was dissolved on April 12.

Peter Regenstreif, who studied the four elections between 1957 and 1963, wrote of the situation at the start of the election campaign, "In 1957, there was no tangible indication that the Liberals would be beaten or, even in the opposition's darkest moment of reflection, could be. All the hindsight and post hoc gazing at entrails cannot change that objective fact."

Issues
The Liberals and PC party differed considerably on fiscal and tax policies. In his opening campaign speech at Massey Hall in Toronto, Diefenbaker contended that Canadians were overtaxed in the amount of $120 per family of four. Diefenbaker pledged to reduce taxes and castigated the Liberals for not reducing taxes despite the government surplus. St. Laurent also addressed tax policy in his opening speech, in Winnipeg. St. Laurent noted that since 1953, tax rates had declined, as had the national debt, and that Canada had a reputation as a good place for investments. The Prime Minister argued that the cost of campaign promises made by the Progressive Conservatives would inevitably drive up the tax rate. Diefenbaker also assailed tight-money monetary policies which kept interest rates high, complaining that they were hitting Atlantic and Western Canada hard.

The Tories promised changes in agricultural policies. Many Canadian farmers were unable to find buyers for their wheat; the PC party promised generous cash advances on unsold wheat and promised a protectionist policy regarding foreign agricultural products. The Liberals argued that such tariffs were not worth the loss of bargaining position in efforts to seek foreign markets for Canadian agricultural products.

The institution of the welfare state was by 1957 accepted by both major parties. Diefenbaker promised to expand the national health insurance scheme to cover tubercular and mental health patients. He characterized the old age pension increase which the Liberal government was instituting as a mere pittance, not even enough to keep up with the cost of living. Diefenbaker noted that the increase only amounted to twenty cents a day, using that figure to ridicule Liberal contentions that an increase would add to the rate of inflation. All three opposition parties promised to increase the pension, with the Social Crediters and CCF even stating the specific amounts it would be raised by.

The Liberals were content to rest on their record in foreign affairs, and doubted that the Tories could better them. In a radio address on May 30, Minister of Transport George Marler commented, "You will wonder as I do who in the Conservative Party would take the place of the Honourable Lester Pearson, whose knowledge and experience of world affairs has been put to such good use in recent years." Diefenbaker, however, refused to concede the point and in a televised address stated that Canadians were "asking Pearson to explain his bumbling of External Affairs". Though they were reluctant to discuss the Norman affair, the Tories suggested that the government had irresponsibly allowed gossip to be transmitted to United States congressional committees. They also attacked the government over Pearson's role in the Suez settlement, suggesting that Canada had let Britain down.

Some members of the Tories' campaign committee had urged Diefenbaker not to build his campaign around the Pipeline Debate, contending that the episode was now a year in the past and forgotten by the voters, who did not particularly care what went on in Parliament anyway. Diefenbaker replied, "That's the issue, and I'm making it." Diefenbaker referred to the conduct of the government in the Pipeline Debate more frequently than he did any other issue during the campaign. St. Laurent initially dealt with the question flippantly, suggesting in his opening campaign address that the debate had been "nearly as long as the pipeline itself and quite as full of another kind of natural gas". As the issue gained resonance with the voters, the Liberals devoted more time to it, and St. Laurent devoted a major part of his final English television address to the question. The Liberals defended their conduct, and contended that a minority should not be allowed to impose its will on an elected majority. St. Laurent suggested that the Tories had performed badly as an opposition in the debate, and suggested that the public give them more practice at being an opposition.

Finally, the Tories contended that the Liberals had been in power too long, and that it was time for a change. The PC party stated that the Liberals were arrogant, inflexible, and not capable of looking at problems from a new point of view. Liberals responded that with the country prosperous, there was no point to a change.

Campaign

Progressive Conservative
In 1953, almost half of the Tories' campaign funds were spent in Quebec, a province in which the party won only four of seventy-five seats. After the 1953 election, Tory MP Gordon Churchill studied the Canadian federal elections since Confederation. He concluded that the Progressive Conservatives were ill-advised to continue pouring money into Quebec in an effort to win seats in the province; the Tories could win at least a minority government by maximizing their opportunities in English-speaking Canada, and if the party could also manage to win twenty seats in Quebec, it could attain a majority. Churchill's conclusions were ignored by most leading Tories—except Diefenbaker.

Diefenbaker's successful leadership race had been run by Allister Grosart, an executive for McKim Advertising Ltd. Soon after taking the leadership, Diefenbaker got Grosart to help out at Tory headquarters, and soon appointed him national director of the party and national campaign manager. Grosart appointed a national campaign committee, something which had not been done previously by the Tories, but which, according to Grosart, provided the organizational key to success in 1957. The party was ill-financed, having only $1,000,000 to wage the campaign—half what it had in 1953. Grosart divided most of that money equally by constituency, to the disgruntlement of Quebec Tories, who were used to receiving a disproportionate share of the national party's financing.

The Tory campaign opened at Massey Hall in Toronto on April 25, where Diefenbaker addressed a crowd of 2,600, about 200 short of capacity. At the Massey Hall rally, a large banner hung behind Diefenbaker, which did not mention the name of his party, but which instead stated, "It's Time for a Diefenbaker Government." The slogan, coined by Grosart, sought to blur Canadian memories of the old Tory party of Bennett and Drew and instead focus attention on the party's new leader. Posters for election rallies contained Diefenbaker's name in large type; only the small print contained the name of the party. When St. Laurent complained that the Tories were not campaigning under their own name, Grosart sent copies of the Prime Minister's remarks in a plain envelope to every Liberal candidate, and was gratified when they began inserting the allegation into their own speeches. According to Professor J. Murray Beck in his history of Canadian general elections, "His political enemies were led to make the very point he was striving to drive home: Diefenbaker was, in effect, leading a new party, not an old one with a repellent image." Grosart later stated that he structured the entire campaign around the personality of John Diefenbaker, and threw away the Tory party and its policies.

Diefenbaker began his campaign with a week of local campaigning in his riding, after which he went to Toronto for the Massey Hall speech. After two days in Ontario, he spoke at a rally in Quebec City, before spending the remainder of the first week in the Maritimes. The next week saw Diefenbaker spend two days in Quebec, after which he campaigned in Ontario. The next two weeks included a Western tour, with brief returns to Ontario, the most populous province. The final two weeks saw Diefenbaker spend much of the time in Ontario, though with brief journeys east to the Maritimes and Quebec and twice west to Saskatchewan. He returned to his riding for the final weekend before the Monday election. He spent 39 days on the campaign trail, eleven more than the Prime Minister.

According to Professor John Meisel, who wrote a book about the 1957 campaign, Diefenbaker's speaking style was "reminiscent of the fiery orators so popular in the nineteenth century. Indeed, Mr. Diefenbaker's oratory has been likened to that of the revivalist preacher." As a new face on the national scene given to outspoken attacks on the government, he began to attract unexpectedly large crowds early in the campaign. When reduced to the written word, however, Diefenbaker's rhetoric sometimes proved to be without much meaning. According to journalist and author Peter C. Newman, "On the printed page, it makes little sense. But from the platform, its effect was far different." Both Newman and Meisel cite as an example of this the conclusion to the leader's Massey Hall speech:
If we are dedicated to this—and to this we are—you, my fellow Canadians, will require all the wisdom, all the power that comes from those spiritual springs that make freedom possible—all the wisdom, all the faith and all the vision which the Conservative Party gave but yesterday under Macdonald, change to meet changing conditions, today having the responsibility of this party to lay the foundations of this nation for a great and glorious future..

Diefenbaker's speeches contained words which evoked powerful emotions in his listeners. His theme was that Canada was on the edge of greatness—if it could only get rid of its incompetent and arrogant government. He stressed that the only alternative to the Liberals was a "Diefenbaker government". According to Newman, Diefenbaker successfully drew on the discontent both of those who had prospered in the 1950s, and sought some deeper personal and national purpose, as well as those who had been left out of the prosperity. However, Diefenbaker spoke French badly and the excitement generated by his campaign had little effect in francophone Quebec, where apathy prevailed and Le Devoir spoke of "".

The Tories had performed badly in British Columbia in 1953, finishing a weak fourth. However, the province responded to Diefenbaker, and 3,800 turned out for his Victoria speech on May 21, his largest crowd yet. This was bettered two days later in Vancouver with a crowd of 6,000, with even the street outside the Georgia Street Auditorium packed with Tory partisans. Diefenbaker responded to this by delivering what Dick Spencer (who wrote a book on Diefenbaker's campaigns) considered his greatest speech of the 1957 race, and which Newman considered the turning point of Diefenbaker's campaign. Diefenbaker stated, "I give this assurance to Canadians—that the government shall be the servant and not the master of the people ... The road of the Liberal party, unless it is stopped—and Howe has said, 'Who's going to stop us?'—will lead to the virtual extinction of parliamentary government. You will have the form, but the substance will be gone."

The Liberal-leaning Winnipeg Free Press, writing shortly after Diefenbaker's speeches in British Columbia, commented on them:
Facts were overwhelmed with sound, passion substituted for arithmetic, moral indignation pumped up to the bursting point. But Mr. Diefenbaker provided the liveliest show of the election ... and many listeners undoubtedly failed to notice that he was saying even less than the Prime Minister, though saying it more shrilly and with evangelistic fervour ... Mr. Diefenbaker has chosen instead to cast himself as the humble man in a mood of protest, the common Canadian outraged by Liberal prosperity, the little guy fighting for his rights.
So far as the crowds mean anything, that posture is a brilliant success at one-night stands.

On June 6, the two major party campaigns crossed paths in Woodstock, Ontario. Speaking in the afternoon, St. Laurent drew a crowd of 200. To the shock of St. Laurent staffers, who remained for the Diefenbaker appearance, the PC leader drew an overflow crowd of over a thousand that evening, even though he was an hour late, with announcements made to the excited crowd that he was slowed by voters who wanted only to see him or shake his hand.

Diefenbaker's intensive campaign exhausted the handful of national reporters who followed him. Clark Davey of The Globe and Mail stated, "We did not know how he did it." Reporters thought the Progressive Conservatives might, at best, gain 30 or 35 seats over the 53 they had at dissolution, and when Diefenbaker, off the record, told the reporters that the Tories would win 97 seats (which would still allow the Liberals to form the government), they concluded he was guilty of wishful thinking. Diefenbaker was even more confident in public; after he concluded his national tour and returned to his constituency, he addressed his final rally in Nipawin, Saskatchewan: "On Monday, I'll be Prime Minister."

Liberal

St. Laurent was utterly confident of an election victory, so much so that he did not even bother to fill the sixteen vacancies in the Senate. He had been confident of re-election when Drew led the Tories, and, according to Liberal minister Lionel Chevrier, Diefenbaker's victory in the party leadership race increased his confidence by a factor of ten. At his press conference detailing his election tour, St. Laurent stated, "I have no doubt about the election outcome." He indicated that his campaign would open April 29 in Winnipeg, and that the Prime Minister would spend ten days in Western Canada before moving east. However, he indicated he would first go home to Quebec City for several days around Easter (April 21 in 1957). This break kept him out of the limelight for ten days at a time when Diefenbaker was already actively campaigning and making daily headlines. At a campaign stop in Jarvis, Ontario, St. Laurent told an aide that he was afraid the right-wing, anti-Catholic Social Credit Party would be the next Opposition. St. Laurent denied Opposition claims that he would resign after an election victory, and the 75-year-old indicated that he planned to run again in 1961, if he was still around.

The Liberals made no new, radical proposals during their campaign, but instead ran a quiet campaign with occasional attacks on the opposition parties. They were convinced that the public still supported their party, and that no expensive promises need be made to voters. St. Laurent was made the image of the nation's prosperity, and the Liberals refused to admit any reason for discontent existed. When Minister of Finance Harris proposed raising the upcoming increase in old age pension by an additional four dollars a month, St. Laurent refused to consider it, feeling that the increase had been calculated on the basis of the available facts, and those facts had not changed.

During the Prime Minister's Western swing, St. Laurent made formal speeches only in major cities. In contrast to Diefenbaker's whistle-stop train touring, with a hasty speech in each town as the train passed through, the Liberals allowed ample time for "Uncle Louis" to shake hands with voters, pat their children on the head, and kiss their babies. In British Columbia, St. Laurent took the position that there were hardly any national issues worth discussing—the Liberals had brought Canada prosperity and all that was needed for more of the same was to return the party to office. After touring Western Canada, St. Laurent spent the remainder of the second week of the campaign returning to, and in, Ottawa. The third week opened with a major speech in Quebec City, followed by intensive campaigning in Ontario. The fifth week was devoted to the Maritime provinces and Eastern Quebec. The sixth week opened with a major rally in Ottawa, before St. Laurent returned to the Maritimes and Quebec, and the final week was spent in Ontario before St. Laurent returned to his hometown of Quebec City for the election.

St. Laurent tried to project an image as a family man, and to that end often addressed schoolchildren. As he had in previous elections, he spoke to small groups of children regarding Canadian history or civics. The strategy backfired while addressing children in Port Hope, Ontario. With the children inattentive, some playing tag or sticking cameras in his face, St. Laurent angrily told them that it was their loss if they did not pay attention, as the country would be theirs to worry about far longer than it would be his.

St. Laurent and the Liberals suffered other problems during the campaign. According to Newman, St. Laurent sometimes seemed unaware of what was happening around him, and at one campaign stop, shook hands with the reporters who were following him, under the apparent impression they were local voters. On the evening of Diefenbaker's Vancouver speech, St. Laurent drew 400 voters to a rally in Sherbrooke, Quebec, where he had once lived. C.D. Howe, under heavy pressure from the campaign of CCF candidate Doug Fisher in his Ontario riding, intimated that Fisher had communist links. At a rally in Manitoba, Howe offended a voter who told him the farmers were starving to death, poking the voter in the stomach and saying "Looks like you've been eating pretty well under a Liberal government." At another rally, Howe dismissed a persistent Liberal questioner, saying "Look here, my good man, when the election comes, why don't you just go away and vote for the party you support? In fact, why don't you just go away?"

The Liberals concluded their campaign with a large rally at Toronto's Maple Leaf Gardens on June 7. Entertainment at the event was provided by the Leslie Bell singers, and according to Grosart, many in the audience were Tory supporters who had turned out to hear them. St. Laurent's speech at the rally was interrupted when William Hatton, a 15-year-old boy from Malton, Ontario, climbed onto the platform. Hatton carried a banner reading, "This Can't Be Canada" with a Liberal placard bearing St. Laurent's photograph, and moved to face the Prime Minister. Meisel describes Hatton as an "otherwise politically apathetic boy who ... slowly and deliberately tore up a photograph of the Prime Minister as the latter was speaking" and states that Hatton engaged in "intensely provocative behavior". Liberal partisans interceded, and in the ensuing fracas, Hatton fell from the platform, audibly hitting his head on the concrete floor. St. Laurent watched in apparent shock, according to his biographer Dale Tompson, as officials aided the boy and took him from the hall. According to Tompson, the crowd "turned its indignation on the men on the platform" and spent the remainder of the evening wondering about the boy's possible injuries rather than listening to the Prime Minister's speech. Hatton was not seriously injured, but, according to Newman, "the accident added to the image of the Liberal Party as an unrepentant arrogant group of old men, willing to ride roughshod over voters". Grosart later described the incident as "the turning point" of the campaign. Professor Meisel speculated that the Hatton incident might have been part of an organized campaign to annoy St. Laurent out of his pleasant "Uncle Louis" persona, and Grosart later related that Liberal frontbencher Jack Pickersgill always accused him of being behind the boy's actions, but that the incident was "a sheer accident". Hatton's mother described his actions as "[j]ust a schoolboy prank," and a reaction to reading an article about how the art of heckling was dying. According to public relations executive J.G. Johnston in a letter to Diefenbaker on June 10, Hatton had come to the rally with several other boys, including Johnston's son, but had gone off on his own while the other boys paraded with Diefenbaker posters which had been smuggled inside. According to Johnston, Hatton was caught on CBC tape saying to St. Laurent, "I can no longer stand your hypocrisy, Sir" before tearing the St. Laurent poster. Attempts by Johnston to have the Liberal activist who pushed Hatton off the platform arrested failed, according to Johnston, on the ground that the police could find no witnesses.

CCF
The CCF was a socialist party, which had much of its strength in Saskatchewan, though it ran candidates in several other provinces. At Parliament's dissolution in April 1957, it had 23 MPs, from five different provinces. Aside from the Liberals and the Tories, it was the only party to nominate a candidate in a majority of the ridings. In 1957, the party was led by Saskatchewan MP M.J. Coldwell.

In 1956, the party adopted the Winnipeg Declaration, a far more moderate proposal than its previous governing document, the 1933 Regina Manifesto. For example, the Regina Manifesto pledged the CCF to the eradication of capitalism; the Winnipeg Declaration recognized the utility of private ownership of business, and stated that the government should own business only when it was in the public interest. In its election campaign, the CCF did not promise to nationalize any industries. It promised changes in the tax code in order to increase the redistribution of wealth in Canada. It pledged to increase exemptions from income tax, to allow medical expenses to be considered deductions from income for tax purposes, and to eliminate sales tax on food, clothing, and other necessities of life. It also promised to raise taxes on the higher income brackets and to eliminate the favourable tax treatment of corporate dividends.

The CCF represented many agricultural areas in the Commons, and it proposed several measures to assure financial security for farmers. It proposed national growers' cooperatives for agricultural products which were exported. It proposed cash advances for farm-stored wheat, short and long-term loans for farmers at low interest rates, and government support of prices, to assure the farmer a full income even in bad years. For the Atlantic fisherman, the CCF proposed cash advances at the start of the fishing season and government-owned depots which would sell fishing equipment and supplies to fishermen at much lower than market prices.

Coldwell suffered from a heart condition, and undertook a much less ambitious schedule than the major party leaders. The party leader left Ottawa for his riding, Rosetown—Biggar in Saskatchewan, on April 26, and remained there until May 10. He spent three days campaigning in Ontario, then moved west to the major cities of the prairie provinces and British Columbia, before returning to his riding for the final days before the June 10 election. Other CCF leaders took charge of campaigning in Quebec and the Maritimes.

Social Credit
By 1957, the Social Credit Party of Canada had moved far afield from the theories of social credit economics, which its candidates rarely mentioned. Canada's far-right party, the Socreds were led by Solon Low, though its Alberta leader, Premier Ernest Manning, was highly influential in the party. The Socreds' election programme was based on the demand "that Government get out of business and make way for private enterprise" and on their hatred of "all government-inspired schemes to degrade man and make him subservient to the state or any monopoly".

The Socreds proposed an increase in the old age pension to $100 per month. They called for the reversal of the government's tight money policies, and for low income loans for small business and farmers. It asked for income tax exemptions to be increased to meet the cost of living, and a national housing programme to make home ownership possible for every Canadian family. The party called for a national security policy based on the need for defence, rather than "aggression", and for a foreign policy which would include food aid to the less-developed nations.

The Socreds also objected to the CBC and other spending in the arts and broadcasting. The party felt that the government should solve economic problems before spending money on the arts.

Low challenged the Prime Minister over the Suez issue, accusing him of sending a threatening telegram that caused British Prime Minister Anthony Eden to back off the invasion and so gave the Soviets the opportunity for a military buildup in Egypt. St. Laurent angrily denied the charge and offered to open his correspondence to any of the fifty privy councillors who could then announce whether St. Laurent was telling the truth. Low took St. Laurent up on his challenge, and selected the only living former Prime Minister, Tory Arthur Meighen, but the matter was not resolved before the election, and Meighen was not called upon to examine the correspondence in the election's aftermath.

The Social Credit Party was weakened by considerable conflict between its organizations in the two provinces it controlled, Alberta and British Columbia. It failed to establish a strong national office to run the campaign due to infighting between the two groups. However, it was better financed than the CCF, due to its popularity among business groups in the West.

The Socreds hoped to establish themselves in Ontario, and scheduled their opening rally for Massey Hall in Toronto. The rally was a failure, and even though it ran 40 candidates in Ontario (up from 9 in 1953), the party won no seats in the province.

Use of television
In 1957, the Canadian Broadcasting Corporation gave the four recognized parties free air time for political statements. The television broadcast's audio tracks served also for use on radio. The three opposition parties gave their party leader all of the broadcast time, though Diefenbaker, who did not speak French well, played only a limited role in the Tories' French-language broadcasts. In one, he introduced party president Léon Balcer, a Quebecer, who gave the speech. Diefenbaker had no objection to makeup and, according to Meisel, was prepared to adopt any technique which would make his presentation more effective. A survey in populous southwestern Ontario showed that Diefenbaker made the strongest impression of the four leaders.

According to Liberal minister Paul Martin Sr. (the father of the future Prime Minister), St. Laurent had the potential to be quite good on television, but disliked the medium. He was prejudiced against television appearances, considering such speeches the equivalent of carefully planned performances, such as stage shows. He refused to be made up for the telecasts, and insisted on reading his speech from a script. His advisers switched him to a teleprompter, but this failed to make his performances more relaxed. When reading, he would rarely look at the camera. However, St. Laurent made only occasional television appearances (three in each language), letting his ministers make the remainder. Only one cabinet member, Minister of National Defence Ralph Campney took advantage of the course in television techniques offered by the Liberal Party in a dummy studio in its Ottawa headquarters. This lack of preparation, according to Meisel, led to "a fiasco" during a television address by Minister of Justice Stuart Garson in early June when the teleprompter stopped working during the speech and Garson "was unable to cope effectively with the failure".

Election

Most predictions had the Tories picking up seats, but the Liberals maintaining a majority. The New York Times reported that Liberals expected to lose a majority of Ontario's seats, but retain a narrow majority in the House of Commons. Time magazine predicted a Tory gain of 20 to 40 seats and stated that any result which denied the Liberals 133 seats and a majority "would rank as a major upset". Beck indicates that many journalists, including those sympathetic to the Tories, saw signs of the coming upset, but disregarded them, convinced that the government was invulnerable. Maclean's, which printed its postelection issue before the election to go on sale the morning after, ran an editorial noting that Canadians had freely chosen to reelect the Liberal Party.

On Election Night, the first returns came in from Sable Island, Nova Scotia. Usually a Liberal stronghold, the handful of residents there favoured the Tories by two votes. St. Laurent listened to the election returns on a radio in the living room of his home on Grande Allée in Quebec City, and when the radio broke, moved to an upstairs television set. Diefenbaker began the evening at his house in Prince Albert, and once his re-election to the Commons was certain, moved to his local campaign headquarters.

The Conservatives did well in Atlantic Canada, gaining two seats in Newfoundland and nine in Nova Scotia, and sweeping Prince Edward Island's four seats. However, in Quebec, they gained only five seats as the province returned 62 Liberals. The Tories gained 29 seats in Ontario. Howe was defeated by Fisher, and told the media that some strange disease was sweeping the country, but as for him, he was going to bed. The Liberals still led by a narrow margin as the returns began to come in from Manitoba, and St. Laurent told Liberal minister Pickersgill that he hoped that the Tories would get at least one more seat than the Liberals so they could get out of an appalling situation. As the Tories forged ahead in Western Canada, Diefenbaker flew from Prince Albert to Regina to deliver a television address and shouted to Grosart as yet another cabinet minister was defeated, "Allister, how does the architect feel?" Late that evening, St. Laurent went to the Château Frontenac hotel for a televised speech, delivered before fifty supporters.

The Tories finished with 112 seats to the Liberals' 105, while both the CCF and Social Credit gained seats in Western Canada and finished with 25 and 19 seats respectively. Nine cabinet ministers, including Howe, Marler, Garson, Campney and Harris were defeated. Though the Liberals outpolled the Tories by over 100,000 votes, most of those votes were wasted running up huge margins in Quebec. St. Laurent could have constitutionally hung onto power until defeated in the House, but he chose not to, and John Diefenbaker took office as Prime Minister of Canada on June 21, 1957.

Irregularities
After the election, the Chief Electoral Officer reported to the Speaker of the House of Commons that "the general election appears to have been satisfactorily conducted in accordance with the procedure in the Canada Elections Act".

There were, however, a number of irregularities. In the Toronto riding of St. Paul's, four Liberal workers were convicted of various offences for adding almost five hundred names to the electoral register. One of the four was also convicted for two counts of perjury. While the unsuccessful Liberal candidate, former MP James Rooney, was not charged, Ontario Chief Justice James Chalmers McRuer, who investigated the matter, doubted that this could have been done without the candidate's knowledge.

Various violations of law, including illicitly opening ballot boxes, illegal possession of ballots, and adding names to the electoral register, took place in twelve Quebec ridings. The RCMP felt it had enough evidence to prosecute in five ridings, and a total of twelve people were convicted. The offences did not affect the outcome of any races.

The election of the Liberal candidate in Yukon was contested by the losing Tory candidate. After a trial before the Yukon Territorial Court, that court voided the election, holding that enough ineligible people had been permitted to vote to affect the outcome, though the court noted that it was not the fault of the Liberal candidate that these irregularities had occurred. The Tory, Erik Nielsen, won the new election in December 1957.

The election in one Ontario riding, Wellington South was postponed pursuant to statute after the death of the Liberal candidate and MP, Henry Alfred Hosking during the campaign. The Tory candidate, Alfred Hales, defeated Liberal David Tolton and CCF candidate Thomas Withers on July 15, 1957.

Impact

The unexpected defeat of the Liberals was ascribed to various causes. The Ottawa Citizen stated that the defeat could be attributed to "the uneasy talk ... that the Liberals have been in too long." Tom Kent of the Winnipeg Free Press, a future Liberal deputy minister, wrote that though the Liberal record had been the best in the democratic world, the party had failed miserably to explain it. Author and political scientist H.S. Ferns disagreed with Kent, stating that Kent's view reflected the Liberal "assumption that 'Nobody's going to shoot Santa Claus and that Canadians in the 1957 election were motivated by things other than material interests. Peter Regenstreif cited the Progressive Conservative strategy in the 1957 and 1958 elections "as classics of ingenuity unequalled in Canadian political history. Much of the credit belongs to Diefenbaker himself; at least some must go to Allister Grosart". A survey taken of those who abandoned the Liberals in 1957 showed that 5.1% did so because of Suez, 38.2% because of the Pipeline Debate, 26.7% because of what they considered an inadequate increase in the old age pension, and 30% because it was time for a change.

The results of the election surprised the civil service as much as it did the rest of the public. Civil servant and future Liberal minister Mitchell Sharp asked C.D. Howe's replacement as Minister of Trade and Commerce, Gordon Churchill, not to come to the Ministry's offices for several days as they were redecorating. Churchill later learned that the staff were moving files out. When Churchill finally came to the Ministry's offices, he was met with what he termed "the coldest reception that I have ever received in my life". The new Minister of Labour, Michael Starr, was ticketed three days in a row for parking in the minister's spot.

St. Laurent resigned as leader of the Liberal Party on September 5, 1957, but agreed to stay on until a successor was elected. With a lame-duck leader, the Liberals were ineffective in opposition. Paul Martin stated that "I'm sure I never thought the day would come when [Diefenbaker] would ever be a member of a government, let alone head of it. When that happened, the world had come to an end as far as I was concerned." In January 1958, St. Laurent was succeeded by Lester Pearson.

Even in reporting the election result, newspapers suggested that Diefenbaker would soon call another election and seek a majority. Quebec Tory MP William Hamilton (who would soon become Postmaster General under Diefenbaker) predicted on the evening of June 10 that there would soon be another election, in which the Tories would do much better in Quebec. The Tory government initially proved popular among the Canadian people, and shortly after Pearson became Liberal leader, Diefenbaker called a snap election. On March 31, 1958, the Tories won the greatest landslide in Canadian federal electoral history in terms of the percentage of seats, taking 208 seats (including fifty in Quebec) to the Liberals' 48, with the CCF winning eight and none for Social Credit.

Michael Bliss, who wrote a survey of the Canadian Prime Ministers, alluded to Howe's dismissive comments regarding the Tories as he summed up the 1957 election:

The pipeline debate of 1956 sparked a dramatic opposition stand on the importance of free parliamentary debate. Their arrogance did the Grits [Liberals] enormous damage, contributing heavily to the government's problems in the 1957 general election. Under the glare of television cameras in that campaign, St. Laurent, Howe, and company now appeared to be a lot of wooden, tired old men who had lost touch with Canada. The voters decided to stop them.

National results

Turnout: 74.1% of eligible voters voted.

 The Other 4 seats were (2) Independent, (1) Independent Liberal, (1) Independent PC.  One Liberal-Labour candidate was elected and sat with the Liberal caucus, as happened after the 1953 election.

Vote and seat summaries

Results by province

See also

 List of Canadian federal general elections
 List of political parties in Canada

Notes and references

Explanatory notes

References

Bibliography

Further reading

External links
 The Elections of 1957 and 1958, by P.E. Bryden
 Excerpt from CBC coverage of 1957 election, including speeches by Diefenbaker and St. Laurent

John Diefenbaker
Federal
1957
Federal election

1957 Canadian federal election


Agrilus pulex é uma espécie de inseto do género Agrilus, família Buprestidae, ordem Coleoptera.

Foi descrita cientificamente por Curletti & Bellamy, 2005.

Referências

pulex

Agrilus pulex


Renata Imbriani é uma atriz brasileira de cinema, teatro e televisão. Sua carreira iniciou em 1989, na peça "Deus", baseada no texto de Woody Allen, e com direção de Daniel Ramirez.

Venceu o Prêmio APETESP de "Melhor Atriz Coadjuvante" pela peça "Deus" e o Prêmio Mapa Cultural de São Paulo pela peça As Troianas, de Eurípedes.

Filmografia

Televisão

Cinema

Teatro

Ligações externas

Atrizes de cinema do Brasil
Atrizes de teatro do Brasil
Atrizes de televisão do Brasil

Renata Imbriani


Jasper Stadum (født 19. april 1976 i Skagen) er en dansk journalist, der fra december 2006 til februar 2019 var ansat hos TV 2 Sporten, hvor han primært arbejdede med cykelsport. Han er i dag ansat hos kommunikationsbureuet Cadpeople.

Karriere
Fra 1983 til 1992 gik Jasper Stadum i folkeskole på den nu nedlagte Kappelborgskolen i Skagen. Derefter begyndte han på Frederikshavn Gymnasium og HF, hvor han i 1996 dimitterede som matematisk student. I 1997 blev han optaget på Danmarks Journalisthøjskole, hvor han i 2001 blev uddannet journalist.

Efter endt uddannelse arbejdede Stadum frem til 2004 som freelance journalist for TV2 Østjylland og DR Sporten, samtidig med at han var web-editor hos TV2 Nord.

I 2004 blev arbejdspladsen TV 2 Danmarks hovedsæde i Odense, hvor han blev webredaktør på charlie.tv2.dk, samt redaktionel leder af Sputnik.dk. I december 2006 blev han tilknyttet TV 2's sportsredaktion, hvor han siden 2007 blandt andet har været i Frankrig hvert år under Tour de France, som udsendt reporter fra start- og målområderne.

Stadum blev i januar 2013 valgt til tillidsrepræsentant for kollegaerne som er medlem af Dansk Journalistforbund.

I februar 2019 meddelte Jasper Stadum at han havde opsagt sin stilling hos TV 2, for at tiltræde hos kommunikationsbureuet Cadpeople i Aarhus, hvor arbejdsområdet blev digital læring.

Privat
Jasper Stadum er bosat i Skanderborg med hustru og børn. Ægteskabet blev indgået 17. august 2013 i Skagen.

I august 2009 blev han frivillig på Smukfest, hvor han siden 2016 har været formand for en bar, med ansvaret for 85 andre af festivalens frivillige.

Referencer

Eksterne henvisninger

Personer fra Skagen
Sportsjournalister fra Danmark
Ansatte ved TV 2

Jasper Stadum


Das Ganggrab von Bigum liegt nördlich von Viborg, vom Dorf Bigum und vom Tjele Langsø (See) sowie westlich von Lindum in Mitteljütland in einem hohen Rundhügel. Es wurde 1914 ausgegraben und 1960 und 1990 restauriert. Das Ganggrab () aus der Vorzeit ist eine Megalithanlage der Trichterbecherkultur (TBK). Es entstand zwischen 3500 und 2800 v. Chr. Das Ganggrab ist eine Bauform jungsteinzeitlicher Megalithanlagen, die aus einer Kammer und einem baulich abgesetzten, lateralen Gang besteht. Diese Form ist primär in Dänemark, Deutschland und Skandinavien, sowie vereinzelt in Frankreich und den Niederlanden zu finden. Neolithische Monumente sind Ausdruck der Kultur und Ideologie neolithischer Gesellschaften. Ihre Entstehung und Funktion gelten als Kennzeichen der sozialen Entwicklung.

Beschreibung
Der sehr schmale Gang ist 4,0 m lang und besteht aus acht Tragsteinen, aber nur einer der Decksteine ist erhalten. Die etwa 4,0 m lange und über 2,0 m breite ovale Kammer hat zehn Trag- und drei Decksteine. Der mittlere ist besonders groß. Der e´3,4 m hohe Rundhügel mit einem Durchmesser von 22,0 bis 25,0 m hatte zunächst eine hohe Randsteineinfassung mit waagerechten Überliegern und Trockenmauerwerk zwischen den Orthostaten. In der Bronzezeit vergrößerte man den Hügel, passte seine Silhouette der Hügel der Bronzezeit an und vermittelte dem Betrachter bis zur Auffindung der Kammer, dass es sich um einen der Hügel aus dieser Zeit handelt. Außerdem setzte man einen neuen Ring kleinerer Randsteine. Unter diesen befand sich ein Schalenstein mit 15 Schälchen und einigen Ritzungen, der heute im Nationalmuseum in Kopenhagen steht.

Die Funde aus der zweiperiodischen Nutzung der Kammer bestanden aus einer unteren Schicht aufgelöster Knochen und 75 Bernsteinperlen. Darüber lag eine dicke Sand-Erdeschicht, auf der Skelettmaterial und acht Feuersteindolche gefunden wurden. Während der Bronzezeit sind dann im Hügel Urnenbestattungen erfolgt. Da der Erdhügel noch nicht untersucht wurde, ist vorerst nur eine Urne mit Leichenbrand und Bronzeschmuck geborgen worden.

Siehe auch
 Nordische Megalitharchitektur
 Großsteingräber in Dänemark

Literatur
 Ingrid Falktoft Anderson: Vejviser til Danmarks oldtid. 1994, ISBN 87-89531-10-8, S. 131
 Klaus Ebbesen: Danmarks megalitgrave. Band 2: Katalog. Attika, Kopenhagen 2008, ISBN 978-87-7528-731-4 Nr. 3462
 Karsten Kjer Michaelsen: Politikens bog om Danmarks oldtid (= Politikens håndbøger.) Politiken, Kopenhagen 2002, ISBN 87-567-6458-8, S. 83

Einzelnachweise

Weblinks
 Beschreibung (dän.) und Bild

Bigum
Bigum
Bauwerk in Viborg Kommune
Bigum
Kultstätte
Bigum
Geographie (Viborg Kommune)
Grabbau in Europa
Archäologischer Fundplatz in Europa

Ganggrab von Bigum


Enkekejserinde Dagmars Ankomst er en dansk dokumentarisk stumfilm fra 1906 med ukendt instruktør.

Handling
Enkekejserinde Dagmar af Rusland ankommer til Københavns Havn ombord på et russisk fartøj. Hun modtages af medlemmer af den danske kongefamilie.

Referencer

Eksterne henvisninger

Danske film fra 1906

Begivenheder i 1906
Stumfilm fra Danmark

Enkekejserinde Dagmars Ankomst


KIO  (KDE Input/Output) is a system library incorporated into KDE Frameworks 5 and KDE Software Compilation 4. It provides access to files, web sites and other resources through a single consistent API.  Applications, such as Konqueror and Dolphin, which are written using this framework, can operate on files stored on remote servers in exactly the same way as they operate on those stored locally, effectively making KDE network-transparent. This allows for an application like Konqueror to be both a file manager as well as a web browser.

KIO slaves are libraries that provide support for individual protocols (e.g. WebDAV, FTP, SMB, SSH, FISH, SFTP, SVN, TAR).

The KDE manual app KHelpCenter has a KIOSlaves section that lists the available protocols with a short description of each.

See also
 GIO and GVfs – provides equivalent functionality for GNOME, XFCE and Cinnamon

References

External links
 KIO API documentation
 Source Code
 A Quick and Easy Guide to KDE KIO slaves, by Tavis J. Hampton

KDE Frameworks
KDE Platform

KIO


Cuquenán je rijeka u Venezueli, pritoka rijeke Caroni. Pripada porječju rijeke Orinoco.

Izvori

Rand McNally, The New International Atlas, 1993.

Rijeke u Venezueli
Pritoke Caronija

Cuquenán


La RML Short Wheelbase est une Voiture de grand tourisme produite par RML Group.

Histoire
La Short Wheelbase, conçue en tant que coupé, a été présentée en mai 2021 après environ trois ans de développement. La production en série, limitée à 30 exemplaires, du véhicule devrait débuter fin 2021.

Le modèle rappelle la Ferrari 250 GT à empattement court construite à 167 exemplaires entre 1959 et 1962. Le design reprend de nombreux éléments de la Ferrari. Entre autres choses, la forme de la calandre, les pare-chocs manquants ou la prise d'air sur le capot sont des éléments de design que Ferrari a également utilisés. Cependant, les roues à rayons multiples n'ont pas d'écrous à oreilles. La Short Wheelbase n'utilise pas non plus de plastique à l'intérieur. Au lieu de cela, de l'aluminium, du verre et du cuir sont utilisés. Contrairement à la 250 GT à empattement court, la voiture dispose de la climatisation et d'un système de navigation, qui peut être abaissé dans la console centrale.

Caractéristiques
Techniquement, la Short Wheelbase est basée sur la Ferrari 550 Maranello construite entre 1996 et 2001. Elle est équipée d'un moteur V12 atmosphérique de 5,5 litres développant 357 kW (485 ch). Le coupé accélère jusqu'à 100 kilomètres par heure (62 mph) en 4,1 secondes, la vitesse maximale est spécifiée à 298 kilomètres par heure (185 mph).

Notes et références

Lien externe

Automobile des années 2020

RML Short Wheelbase


USS Rogers (DD-876) was a  of the United States Navy. She was named for three brothers — Jack Ellis Rogers Jr., Charles Ethbert Rogers, and Edward Keith Rogers — killed in action aboard  during the Battle of Tassafaronga in the Solomon Islands on 30 November 1942.

Rogerss keel was laid down on 3 June 1944 by Consolidated Steel Corporation at Orange, Texas. The ship was launched on 20 November 1944, sponsored by the Mother, Mrs. Josie Viola Taylor Rogers, wife of Jack Ellis Rogers Sr., and commissioned on 26 March 1945.

Service history

World War II and afterwards, 1945–1949
Following shakedown off Guantanamo Bay, Cuba, Rogers was converted to a picket ship at the Norfolk Naval Shipyard, Virginia. After further training in the Atlantic and Caribbean, Rogers transited the Panama Canal and touched at San Diego before reaching Pearl Harbor on 4 August 1945.

With the termination of hostilities, Rogers departed Pearl Harbor on 17 August for Tokyo Bay where she arrived on 31 August via Eniwetok and Iwo Jima. On 1 September she stood out of Tokyo Bay to join a fast carrier task group and commence her routine duties as a member of the 7th Fleet. Through the decade she rotated to the Far East for duty with that fleet on a regular schedule, and in 1949 assisted in evacuating American nationals from China.

Rogers participated in the "Operation Sandstone" atomic bomb tests in Eniwetok Atoll in 1948. On 18 March 1949, she was reclassified as a radar picket destroyer (DDR) after a height finder radar and more communication equipment had been added and her torpedo tubes had been removed.

Korean War, 1950–1953
During 1951 and 1952, Rogers served as a unit of Task Forces 77, 95, and 96 and participated in shore bombardment, blockading, and patrol missions in Korean waters. During this period Rogers also served as "lifeguard" destroyer for two Presidents: for President Truman's flight to Wake Island for his conference with General Douglas MacArthur in 1950 and for President-elect Eisenhower on his return from the Far East in 1952.

WestPac deployments, 1953–1962
After fighting stopped in Korea, Rogers alternated west coast tours with WestPac deployment. In 1954, she helped in the evacuation of the Tachen Islands.

By 1960 Rogers had made over a dozen six to nine-month cruises to the Far East. After 1st Fleet operations off the west coast, Rogers again deployed in January 1962 to WestPac where she operated with carrier groups, on Formosa patrol, and participated in a major allied amphibious exercise. Rogers returned to the 1st Fleet and on the evening of 12 November, successfully recovered a pilot from the aircraft carrier , who had ejected from his aircraft into a dense fog off the coast of southern California.

Vietnam, 1963–1969
In June 1963, after 18 years in the Pacific, Rogers departed San Diego for the east coast and FRAM I modernization at Charleston, South Carolina. On 30 July 1963 she was reclassified from DDR-876 to DD-876. In May 1964 she returned to the Pacific Fleet. During the summer of 1965, Rogers visited San Francisco, Puget Sound, and Hawaii as part of the Pacific Midshipman Training Squadron. One year later she was operating off Vietnam in the Tonkin Gulf serving on Search and Rescue and shore bombardment missions from August 1966, returning to San Diego in August 1967, she operated with the 1st Fleet off the west coast of the United States until deploying again to the western Pacific in September 1967. In mid-November, she was operating in the Gulf of Tonkin, and in April 1968 returned to San Diego, California.

Again operating off the west coast of the United States for the balance of the year, Rogers deployed to the Far East in January 1969. En route she earned the Meritorious Unit Commendation for action in Hawaiian waters on 14 January coming alongside the port quarter of the aircraft carrier  with six fire hoses trained on the raging flight-deck fire while exposed to flying shrapnel from exploding bombs. After spending some of her time in the Far East off Vietnam, she returned to San Diego on 6 July. After a year of operations with the First Fleet, Rogers sailed from San Diego for another Far East cruise. Following five months of service in the western Pacific, she returned to San Diego on 16 December.

WestPac deployments, 1970–1974
At the completion of another spring of west coast operations, Rogers headed back to WestPac, departing from San Diego on 29 June 1972. She returned to San Diego on 22 December and spent the next year on the Pacific coast of the United States engaged initially in normal operations. Later, in early April 1972, she entered Hunter's Point Naval Shipyard for regular overhaul. Overhaul was completed by 28 August and she left Hunter's Point for various trials and refresher training, which continued until mid-December. On 18 December, she sailed for Subic Bay, but had to return to San Diego three days later because of a medical emergency. She departed San Diego the same day, 21 December, and arrived in Subic Bay on 29 January 1973. Returning to San Diego on 12 June 1973, Rogers operated along the west coast into 1974.
Rogers was on the gun-line again from January 1973 through April 1973 at the moment President Nixon declared cease fire. Rogers fired the last shot of the Vietnam War.

Reserve training, 1974–1980
In 1974 she changed homeports to Swan Island in Portland, Oregon, and became part of Destroyer Squadron 37. Rogers was tasked with training U.S. Navy reserves in the Portland area. Rogers also made many trips to Seattle, San Francisco, Esquimalt Harbour, Nanoose Bay and San Diego to train US Navy Reservists. She performed these duties until 1980 when she was decommissioned and sold to South Korea the next year.

Decommissioning and transfer to Korea
Rogers was decommissioned on 19 February 1981 and was struck from the Navy List on 1 October 1980. Transferred to the Republic of Korea on 11 August 1981, the destroyer served as ROKS Jeonju (DD-925) until decommissioned on 31 December 1999. The destroyer is now a museum ship at Dangjin Marine Tourism Organization (Sapgyo Hamsang Park) in the city of Dangjin-Gun, Chung Nam Province.

References

External links

 destroyersonline.com: USS Rogers (DD-876)

Gearing-class destroyers of the United States Navy
Ships built in Orange, Texas
1944 ships
World War II destroyers of the United States
Cold War destroyers of the United States
Korean War destroyers of the United States
Vietnam War destroyers of the United States
Ships transferred from the United States Navy to the Republic of Korea Navy
Museum ships in South Korea

USS Rogers (DD-876)


18 o dieciocho puede referirse a:

 El número natural dieciocho.
 El año 18 d. C.
 El año 18 a. C.
 18, la serie, una serie juvenil de televisión, que se emitió en Antena 3.

18 (desambiguación)


Olaylar
 Safevî Devleti kuruldu (dağılışı 1736).

Doğumlar
 16 Ocak - Anthony Denny (ö. 1559)
 17 Ocak - Leonhart Fuchs, Alman doktor ve botanikçi (ö. 1566)
 16 Nisan - Shaun Drennan
 6 Mayıs - II. Marcellus, papa (ö. 1555)
 24 Eylül - Gerolamo Cardano, ya da Jerome Cardan, İtalyan matematikçi, fizikçi, astrolog ve hekim (ö. 1576)
 16 Aralık - Anne Boleyn, Kral VIII. Henry'nin ikinci karısı, Kraliçe I. Elizabeth'in annesi (ö. 1536) (Doğumu bazı kaynaklarda 1507 olarak geçer)
 tarihi bilinmeyen
 I. Sahib Giray, Kırım Hanı (ö. 1551)
 II. Dawit, Etiyopya kralı (ö. 1540)
 Garcia de Orta, Rönesans döneminden Portekizli Yahudi bir hekim ve natüralist, tropik tıbbın öncülerinden (d. 1568)
 Girolamo da Carpi, İtalyan ressam (ö. 1556)
 Hilaire Penet, Fransız besteci
 Murakami Yoshikiyo, Japon nobleman (ö. 1573)
 Yi Hwang, Neokonfüçyüsçü filozof

Ölümler
 3 Ocak - Ali Şîr Nevaî, Özbek şairi (d. 1441)
 17 Haziran - I. John Albert, Polonya kralı (d. 1459)
 tarihi bilinmeyen
 Malik Eşref Canbulat, Mısır Memlûk Sultanı (d. 1455)
 Mesih Paşa, Osmanlı Sadrazamı

1501


Die Riiser-Larsen-See ist ein Randmeer des Südlichen Ozeans vor der Küste Antarktikas, das zwischen der Lasarew-See im Westen und der Kosmonautensee im Osten liegt. Sie erstreckt sich von 14° Ost bis 30° Ost. Seine nördliche Grenze wird durch den 65. Breitengrad definiert. Das Meer ist in weiten Teilen tiefer als 3000 m und 1.138.000 km² groß. Es ist fast das ganze Jahr mit Eis bedeckt, wodurch viele Eisberge dort kalben. Im Süden grenzt das Meer an die Prinzessin-Astrid-Küste und an die Prinzessin-Ragnhild-Küste des Königin-Maud-Landes.

Die Küste wurde nach dem norwegischen Luftfahrtpionier und Polarforscher Hjalmar Riiser-Larsen benannt.

Einzelnachweise

Meer (Südlicher Ozean)

Riiser-Larsen-See


Olaylar
354 yılında Ermeni Kilisesi Katolikos'u Büyük I. Nerses tarafından Ermenistan'da toplandığı ilk konsildir

Doğumlar
 13 Kasım - Augustinus, filozof ve tanrıbilimci (ö. 430)

Ölümler

354


Amphorogynaceae, porodica parazitskih bijaka, dio reda Santalolike. Sastoji se od 87 vrsta unutar 10 rodova. Tipični rod je Amphorogyne sa Nove Kaledonije.

Porodica je opisana 2010.

Rodovi
 Familia Amphorogynaceae (Stauffer ex Stearn) Nickrent & Der (87 spp.)
 Daenikera Hürl. & Stauffer (1 sp.)
 Amphorogyne Stauffer & Hürl. (3 spp.)
 Choretrum R. Br. (6 spp.)
 Spirogardnera Stauffer (1 sp.)
 Leptomeria R. Br. (20 spp.)
 Phacellaria Benth. (6 spp.)
 Dufrenoya Chatin (11 spp.)
 Dendrotrophe Miq. (9 spp.)
 Cladomyza Danser (19 spp.)
 Dendromyza Danser (11 spp.)

Izvori

Porodice santalolikih
Biljne porodice

Amphorogynaceae


Međunarodni dan nebinarnih ljudi održava se 14. srpnja svake godine. Cilj mu je podići svijest oko problema s kojima se susreću nebinarni ljudi diljem svijeta. Dan je prvi put obilježen 2012. godine. Datum je izabran između Međunarodnog dana muškaraca i Međunarodnog dana žena.

Većina zemalja na svijetu ne priznaje nebinarnost kao pravni rod, što znači da je većina nebinarnih ljudi još uvijek spolno kategorizirana u putovnicama i drugim osobnim dokumentima. Australija, Bangladeš, Kanada, Danska, Njemačka, Indija, Nizozemska i Novi Zeland uključuju nebinarne rodne mogućnosti na putovnicama, a 18 američkih država dopušta stanovnicima da na vozačkoj dozvoli označe svoj spol kao "X".

Nebinarni tjedan je tjedan u kojem se obilježava Dan nebinarnih ljudi koji započinje u ponedjeljak, a završava u nedjelju.

Poveznice

 Diskriminacija nebinarnih osoba
 Važni datumi za podizanje svijesti o LGBT populaciji
 Rodni identitet
 Rodno izražavanje

Izvori

Vanjske poveznice

 Nebinarni tjedan
 10 načina da se istaknete kao saveznik ne-binarnih ljudi, Stonewall

LGBT
Svjetski dani

Međunarodni dan nebinarnih ljudi


O mare familie este cel de-al șaptelea album de studio al trupei La Familia (sau Sișu & Puya), și al treilea material al trupei scos sub numele de Sișu & Puya, după Foame de bani (2004) și Pune-i la pământ (2005). Albumul a fost lansat pe data de 01 iunie 2006, prin "Roton" / "R.U.L." (Roton Urban Label). Albumul a fost înregistrat în studioul "Scandalos Music", după ce Sișu a executat 3 ani de închisoare în perioada octombrie 2003 - octombrie 2005 datorită consumului de droguri, însă după aproximativ 7 luni de la eliberare, adică cu aproximativ o lună înainte de lansarea albumului, mai exact mai 2006, acesta este arestat din nou pentru trafic de droguri de mare risc și deținere ilegală de droguri pentru consum propriu (perioada mai 2006 - octombrie 2007).

Albumul a fost promovat de maxi-single-ul Pune-i la pământ lansat în decembrie 2005, iar albumul a beneficiat de 3 videoclipuri, acestea fiind Pune-i la pământ, Mai vrei în colaborare cu C.I.A. și Alex Velea și Mișcă-te, însă pe piesa Mișcă-te versurile lui Sișu pe versiunea de videoclip sunt interpretate de Gigis deoarece Sișu în acea perioadă, mai exact octombrie 2006, atunci când s-a filmat videoclipul, era la închisoare.

Ca invitați pe album îi avem pe Supered (pe Aici e România), C.I.A. (pe Mai vrei), Alex Velea (pe Mai vrei și Binecuvântat), Aleko (pe Ignorant), Ada (pe Care-i șmecheria), Bogdan Dima (pe Cămin fericit), Codu' Penal (doar Shobby și Cabron fără DJ CB, pe Dependent), Cabron (pe Când venim), Nicoleta "Nico" Matei (pe Generații), Brugner (pe Care-i șmecheria), Verbal (pe O familie de bagabonți), Moni-K și Ross (pe Revers inedit). Albumul conține 18 piese iar membrii trupei ca și pe maxi-single-ul Pune-i la pământ, erau tot Puya, Sișu și Dj Wicked, acesta fiind al doilea material al trupei lansat sub această componență.

Discul a fost vândut în mai mult de 10.000 de exemplare, trupa câștigând un Disc de aur pentru acest album.

Ordinea pieselor pe disc
Tracklist

Note

Legături externe
Site-ul Oficial La FamiliaSite-ul Oficial al lui PuyaSite-ul oficial al lui SișuSite-ul Oficial al lui Dj Wicked

Albume de La Familia
Albume hip hop românești
Albume hip hop
Albume din 2006

O mare familie


Die Tschechische Badmintonmeisterschaft 2004 fand vom 28. bis zum 29. Februar 2004 in Pilsen statt.

Medaillengewinner

Weblinks

2004
Badminton 2004
Badmintonwettbewerb in Pilsen


Jacob Søgaard Larsen (født 13. juni 1988 i Søllerød) er en dansk roer. Han har vundet to guld og en bronzemedaljer ved VM og to guldmedaljer ved EM i roning. Jacob Søgaard Larsen var med i letvægtsfireren der vandt sølv ved Sommer-OL 2016

Referencer

Roere fra Danmark
Medaljevindere fra Danmark ved sommer-OL 2016
Deltagere for Danmark ved sommer-OL 2016
Olympiske sølvmedaljevindere fra Danmark

Jacob Larsen


මෝහන්දාස් ගාන්ධිගේ උපන්දිනය වන ඔක්තොම්බර් 2 දිනදී ජාත්‍යන්තර අවිහිංසා දිනය සිහිකෙරෙයි. ඉන්දියාවේ මෙම දිනයට ව්‍යවහාර වන්නේ ගාන්ධි ජයන්ති යන නාමයයි.

ජාත්‍යන්තර අවිහිංසා දිනයක් පිළිබඳව, පැරිසියේදී ජාත්‍යන්තර ශිෂ්‍යයන්ට හින්දි භාෂාව උගැන්වූ ගුරුවරයෙකු තුල ජනිතවූ අදහසක්, 2004 ජනවාරි මසදී, ඉරානියානු නොබෙල් ත්‍යාග ලාභී  ෂිරීන් ඒබෝඩි විසින් බොම්බායේ  ලෝක සමාජ සංසදය වෙත ඉදිරිපත් කෙරිණි. ඉන්දියාවේ කොංග්‍රස් පක්ෂයෙහි ("අහිංසා ෆයින්ඩ්ස් ටීන් වොයිස්", ද ටෙලිග්‍රාෆ්, කල්කටා) සමහරක් නායකයන්ගේ අවධානයට මෙම අදහස කෙමෙන් පත්වූ අතර, එහි මස්තකප්‍රාප්තිය වශයෙන්, 2007 ජනවාරි මස,  නවදිල්ලියේ පැවති සත්‍යග්‍රහ සම්මේලනයෙහිදී සෝනියා ගාන්ධි සහ අගරදගුරු ඩෙස්මන්ඩ් ටුටූ යන අයගේ ප්‍රධානත්වයෙන් එක්සත් ජාතීන්ගෙන් ඉල්ලා සිටියේ මෙම අදහස පිළිගන්නා ලෙසටයි.

ජාත්‍යන්තර අවිහිංසා දිනය


Moritz Ludwig Georg Wichmann (* 14. September 1821 in Celle; † 7. Februar 1859 in Königsberg (Preußen)) war ein deutscher Astronom. Von 1855 bis 1859 leitete er die Sternwarte Königsberg.

Leben
Moritz Ludwig Georg Wichmann war ein Sohn von Franz Wichmann (1776–1850), Rat am Oberappellationsgericht Celle aus dessen zweiter Ehe, und ein Enkel des Pastors und Pädagogen Christian Rudolf Karl Wichmann. Der Maler Adolf Friedrich Georg Wichmann war sein älterer Bruder. Nach dem Besuch des Ernestinums in Celle studierte Wichmann an der Universität Göttingen bei Carl Friedrich Gauß. Dort erhielt er 1843 einen akademischen Preis für eine Arbeit, in der er ein Problem der sphärischen Geometrie behandelte.

1844 wurde er von Friedrich Wilhelm Bessel als Assistent und Beobachter an die Sternwarte Königsberg berufen, wo er sich mit einer Arbeit über die Parallaxe des Sterns Groombridge 1830 habilitierte.
Über diese Parallaxe kam es zu einer heftigen, mit einiger Polemik geführten Auseinandersetzung mit den Astronomen der russischen Hauptsternwarte Pulkowo, die sich noch über viele Jahre hinziehen sollte.
Außer über diesen Gegenstand legte Wichmann Arbeiten über die neu entdeckten Planetoiden, die Libration des Mondes und die Protuberanzen der Sonne vor.

Nach ihm benannt wurden 1935 der Mondkrater Wichmann und 2009 der 1953 entdeckte Asteroid (7103) Wichmann.

Werke
 Proprietates maxime insignes pentagoni sphaerici cujus singulae quinque diagonales quadranti aequales ejusque projectionum in planum tum centralis tum stereographicae. Göttingen, Philosophische Preisschrift vom 4. Juni 1843. (Digitalisat)
 De Parallaxi stellae argelandriae (1830 Groombridge). Dissertation. Dalkowski, Königsberg 1847.
 Erster Versuch zur Bestimmung der physischen Libration des Mondes aus Beobachtungen mit dem Heliometer. Altona 1847/48.
 Ueber die Entdeckung der neueren Planeten. Königsberg 1847.

Literatur

 Johann Heinrich von Mädler: Geschichte der Himmelskunde von der ältesten bis auf die gegenwärtige Zeit. 2. Bd., Braunschweig 1873, S. 107, 284, 426.
 Rudolf Wolf: Geschichte der Astronomie. München 1877, S. 525, S. 743.

Weblinks
 Veröffentlichungen von M. L. G. Wichmann im Astrophysics Data System
 M. Wichmann: Ueber die Parallaxe des Argelander'schen Sterns. Astronomische Nachrichten, Vol. 36 (1853), Heft 1–5, S. 1–68,
 N. N.: Death of Dr. Wichmann. Monthly Notices of the Royal Astronomical Society, Vol. 19 (1859), S. 190 (Nachruf, englisch)
 P.: Todes-Anzeige. Astronomische Nachrichten, Bd. 50, S. 79 (Nachruf)

Einzelnachweise

Astronom (19. Jahrhundert)
Person als Namensgeber für einen Asteroiden
Person als Namensgeber für einen Mondkrater
Geboren 1821
Gestorben 1859
Deutscher
Mann

Moritz Ludwig Georg Wichmann