est un genre éteint d'archosauriformes du Trias moyen de Chine et dont l'espèce type est .

Historique
Yongosuchus sinensis a été décrite pour la première fois en 1973 comme une nouvelle espèce de l'érythrosuchidé Vjushkovia. En 1985, il a été réassigné comme son propre genre de rauisuchid. Cependant, Une étude de 1992 a soutenu la classification originale de Youngosuchus sinensis en tant qu'Erythrosuchidae tandis que des études plus récentes le classent comme un archosaure loricatan de type « rauisuchien » sans aucun lien avec Vjushkovia, qui serait très probablement un synonyme de Garjainia.

Description
Youngosuchus est connu à partir de la découverte d'un squelette partiel mais bien conservé récupéré de la formation Kelamayi dans le bassin de Junggur du Xinjiang, en Chine. Le squelette, appelé IVPP V 3239, comprend un crâne complet, des vertèbres cervicales, des côtes, la ceinture pectorale et des membres antérieurs. Youngosuchus a un crâne large et profond avec des dents recourbées et acérées. L'absence des ostéodermes sur le squelette pourrait indiquer que Youngosuchus n'avait pas l'armure présente dans d'autres archosauriformes précoces.

Classification
Le squelette d'un potentiel Érythrosuchidé est décrit pour la première fois en 1973 par le paléontologue chinois Yang Zhongjian, mieux connu sous le nom de CC Young. Dans sa publication, Young l'utilise comme base de sa description de Vjushkovia sinensis, une troisième espèce du genre Vjushkovia. Les Erythrosuchidés sont des Archosauriformes basaux qui sont étroitement liés aux Archosauria, le groupe qui comprend les crocodiles et les oiseaux actuels. En , les paléontologues russes NN Kalandadze et  érigent le nouveau genre Youngosuchus pour V. sinensis, lui donnant le nom de Young. Ils considèrent les deux autres espèces de Vjushkovia comme des membres du genre érythrosuchidé Garjainia et reclassent Y. sinensis parmi les Rauisuchidés. Les Rauisuchidés possèdent des caractères qui ont plus dérivé que les Érythrosuchidés car ils appartiennent aux Archosauria, plus précisément au clade des Crurotarsi.

Plusieurs caractéristiques communes des Érythrosuchides sont absentes de Youngosuchus. La voûte crânienne du squelette de Youngosuchus est plate, alors qu'elle est normalement légèrement déprimée chez les Érythrosuchidés. La dépression des Érythrosuchidés est un vestige du foramen pinéal qui était présent chez les reptiles plus primitifs. L'absence de dépression dans la table crânienne de Youngosuchus suggère qu'il appartient probablement à un groupe plus différencié que les Érythrosuchidés. Une autre différence entre Youngosuchus et les Érythrosuchides peut être observée dans la fenêtre antéorbitaire (un trou latéral situé dans le crâne devant les orbites). Chez Youngosuchus, la fenêtre est grande et triangulaire, mais n'a pas les marges supérieures et antérieures déprimées qui sont observées dans les crânes des Érythrosuchidés.

Les différentes modifications dans la taxonomie de ce genre ont souvent été débattues. L'attribution de Youngosuchus aux Rauisuchidae n'a pas été largement acceptée au départ. Elle a notamment été contestée par le paléontologue J. Michael Parrish qui a conservé Y. sinensis comme espèce de Vjushkovia dans son étude de  sur les Érythrosuchidés, et a continué à reconnaître Vjushkovia comme un taxon valide distinct de Garjainia avec la présence des taxons Shansisuchus et Erythrosuchus entre les deux. Sennikov, avec le paléontologue David J. Gower, a rejeté les conclusions de Parrish en  en considérant V. triplocostata, l'espèce type de Vjushkovia, un synonyme plus récent de Garjainia prima. En 2000, dans son aperçu des Rauisuchia, Gower ne considérait pas Y. sinensis comme un synonyme de G. prima et suggérait plutôt qu'il s'agissait d'un Rauisuchidé. L'étude de Martin Ezcurra en  sur la classification des Archosauromorpha comparant 96 taxons séparés et plus de 600 caractéristiques osseuses place Youngosuchus comme un proche parent du loricatan Batrachotomus, situé loin de Garjainia (qui était considéré comme impossible à distinguer de Vjushkovia).

Bibliographie

Liens externes

Notes et références

Notes

Références

Taxon fossile décrit en 1985
Archosauriforme préhistorique
Genre d'archosaures préhistoriques (nom scientifique)
Sauropside du Trias
Vertébré du Trias moyen
Paléontologie en Chine
Taxon fossile décrit en 1973

Youngosuchus


Frustration magazine est un webzine d'opinion français créé en 2013, orienté à gauche.

Historique
Frustration magazine est un média d'opinion indépendant créé en 2013, sous la forme d'une association loi 1901 à but non lucratif.

Nicolas Framont, sociologue et agriculteur, et Benoît Braunstein, éditeur, en sont les co-rédacteurs en chef jusqu'en 2018. Le magazine est, durant cette période, une revue papier trimestrielle de 48 pages, distribuée en librairie de 2014 à 2018, puis un magazine de 56 pages, tiré à  et distribué en kiosque de février 2017 à novembre 2018.

Depuis janvier 2019, Frustration est diffusée exclusivement sur son site web. Selim Derkaoui, journaliste, et Nicolas Framont en sont les co-rédacteurs en chef jusqu'en janvier 2022, où Selim Derkaoui quitte le collectif.

Le comité de rédaction intègre en 2020 l'économiste Guillaume Etiévant. Le comité de rédaction est composé de 6 membres chargés de la rédaction, de la relecture et de la gestion quotidienne du magazine en ligne. Le site compte en plus des contributeurs ponctuels. Les financements proviennent des dons des lecteurs et des abonnements de soutien des abonnés.

En 2020, Selim Derkaoui et Nicolas Framont publient, à partir de leurs travaux au sein de Frustration, l'essai La guerre des mots. Combattre le discours politico-médiatique de la bourgeoisie, aux éditions du Passager Clandestin. La préface est réalisée par Michel Pinçon et Monique Pinçon-Charlot. Les illustrations sont réalisées par Antoine Glorieux.

Ligne éditoriale
Marqué à gauche, Frustration magazine documente les mécanismes de la lutte des classes, du racisme systémique et de la domination masculine. Le magazine prône une société sans classes, notamment basée sur la socialisation de l'économie, sa prise en main démocratique, la fin du colonialisme et de ses restes idéologiques, et la destruction du patriarcat.

Notes et références

Annexes

Articles connexes
 Basta !
 Blast
 Le Média

Liens externes

Presse d'opinion
Presse écrite en France

Frustration Magazine


Gara Almăj este o stație de cale ferată care deservește comuna Almăj, județul Dolj, România.

Almăj

Gara Almăj


Elizabeth Marks, née le  à Prescott Valley (Arizona), est une nageuse handisport américaine concourant en S6 pour les athlètes ayant un usage limité de leurs membres inférieurs. Elle est double championne paralympiques (2016, 2020) et une fois championne du monde (2019).

Biographie
Elizabeth Marks est la fille de James Marks, un vétéran des United States Marine Corps ayant servi pendant la guerre du Viêt Nam. Elle-même rejoint l'United States Army en 2008 en tant que médecin de combat et pendant une de ses missions en Irak, elle est blessée au deux hanches simultanément. En 2017, après des années de douleurs chroniques, elle subit une amputation de sa jambe gauche sous le genou.

Toujours membre de l'armée américaine, elle a le grade de sergent de  classe.

Palmarès

Jeux paralympiques

Championnats du monde

 Championnats du monde 2019 à Londres :
   dos S6

Références

Voir aussi

Liens externes

Nageuse handisport américaine
Nageuse de nage libre
Nageuse de dos
Nageuse de brasse
Nageuse de papillon
Championne paralympique de natation
Championne paralympique américaine
Médaillée d'argent paralympique américaine
Médaillée de bronze paralympique américaine
Nageuse aux Jeux paralympiques d'été de 2016
Nageuse aux Jeux paralympiques d'été de 2020
Sergent des Forces armées des États-Unis
Naissance en août 1990
Naissance à Prescott (Arizona)

Elizabeth Marks


Djalma Braume Manuel Abel Campos (Luanda, Angola, 30 de mayo de 1987), más conocido como Djalma Campos, es un futbolista angoleño. Juega de delantero y su equipo es el C. D. Trofense de la Segunda División de Portugal.

También juega para la selección de fútbol de Angola.

Trayectoria

Inicios
Comenzó su carrera jugando en equipos de Lisboa. Desde 2001, jugó en el equipo juvenil del Alverca junto a su compatriota y compañero en la selección, Mantorras. Estuvo dos temporadas en el Alverca hasta que decidió continuar si formación en el Loures donde estuvo otras dos temporadas. Luego se marchó al Estoril.

Marítimo
En 2006 fichó por Marítimo en el cual comenzó a jugar en el conjunto sub-19. Se integró rápidamente al equipo B donde jugó 19 partidos y marcó 4 goles. El 5 de mayo de 2007, debutó en el primer equipo en la jornada 28 de la Primera División de Portugal frente al Académica de Coimbra. En la siguiente temporada jugó en 15 ocasiones y marcó dos goles. Djalma se convirtió en un jugador importante para el club madeirense en las campañas posteriores. En su última temporada en el Marítimos, convirtió 5 goles en 27 partidos. Jugó en 110 ocasiones para el conjunto de Funchal y anotó 18 tantos.

Varios equipos mostraron su interés por él. Sin embargo, el F. C. Porto se adueñó de sus servicios.

Selección nacional
Ha sido internacional con la selección de fútbol de Angola en 46 ocasiones y ha marcado 8 goles. Su debut se produjo el 19 de noviembre de 2008 ante el seleccionado de  (0-0). Anotó su primer gol internacional el 10 de octubre de 2009 ante el combinado de  (2-1).

Ha sido convocado a dos ediciones de la Copa Africana de Naciones siendo titular en ambas.

Participaciones en Copas Africanas

Clubes

Palmarés

Títulos nacionales

Referencias

Enlaces externos
 Ficha en Nationalfootballteams.com

Futbolistas del Club Sport Marítimo
Futbolistas del Fútbol Club Oporto
Futbolistas del Kasımpaşa Spor Kulübü
Futbolistas del Konyaspor
Futbolistas del Gençlerbirliği Spor Kulübü
Futbolistas del PAOK de Salónica F. C.
Futbolistas del Alanyaspor
Futbolistas del Sporting Clube Farense
Futbolistas del Clube Desportivo Trofense
Futbolistas de la selección de fútbol de Angola
Nacidos en Luanda

Djalma Campos


Vida Movahed er en iransk aktivist. Hun protesterede mod loven om, at kvinder skal bære hijab i det offentlige rum i Iran.

Den 27. december 2017 trådte Vida Movahed op på et installationsskab på gaden Enghelab i Teheran, Irans hovedstad. Hun tog sit tørklæde af, satte det på en pind og viftede med det i en time. Hun blev arresteret efterfølgende, men blev siden løsladt mod kaution.

Episoden på gaden Enghelab blev filmet og florerede på nettet under hashtagget #Girls-Enghelab-Street. Efterfølgende gentog flere kvinder handlingen på offentlige pladser i Iran i protest mod hijab-påbuddet.

Vida Movaheds protest kom efter en kampagne af Masih Alinejad, som kaldes #WhiteWednesdays. Her inviterer Masih Alinejad iranske kvinder til at bære et hvidt slør om onsdagen i protest mod den påtvungne hijab.

Referencer

Tjek fødselsår
Aktivister fra Iran
Personer fra Iran

Vida Movahed


Hjalti Jónsson (f. 15. apríl 1869, d. 5. júlí 1949) var skipstjóri og framkvæmdastjóri í Vestmanneyjum og Reykjanesi. Þekktastur var hann fyrir að klífa Eldey ásamt Ágústi og Stefáni Gíslasonum frá Hlíðarhúsi og fékk viðurnefni sitt fyrir.

Hann fæddist á Fossi í Mýrdal, yngstur fjögurra bræðra: Jónatan vitavörður í Vestmanneyjum var elstur, svo Jóhann og Einar málari.

Heimild
Eldeyjar-Hjalti - Heimaslóð.is  sótt 26. desember 2021

Tenglar
 Einar Jónsson frá Fossi - list-mála-meistari; grein í Morgunblaðinu 12 febrúar 1978

Íslenskir sendiherrar
Íslenskir sjómenn
Íslenskir ævintýramenn

Eldeyjar-Hjalti


The Reformists () are a political faction in Iran. Iran's "reform era" is sometimes said to have lasted from 1997 to 2005—the length of President Mohammad Khatami's two terms in office. The Council for Coordinating the Reforms Front is the main umbrella organization and coalition within the movement; however, there are reformist groups not aligned with the council, such as the Reformists Front.

Background

Organizations
The 2nd of Khordad Movement usually refers not only to the coalition of 18 groups and political parties of the reforms front but to anyone else who was a supporter of the 1997 reform programs of Khatami. The ideology of Khatami and the movement is based on Islamic democracy.

The reforms front consists of several political parties, some of the most famous including the following:
 Islamic Iran Participation Front: key figures are Mohammad Reza Khatami, Saeed Hajjarian, Alireza Alavitabar, Abbas Abdi, Mohsen Safaie-Farahani, Mohsen Aminzadeh, and Mostafa Tajzadeh. It has been described as the dominant member within the 2nd of Khordad Front, the "main reformist party", and the party most closely associated with President Khatami.
 Association of Combatant Clerics (Majma'e Rowhaniyoon-e Mobarez): key figures are Mohammad Khatami, Hadi Khamenei, Majid Ansari, Mohammad Tavassoli, and Mohammad Mousavi Khoeiniha. It has been described as the "main 'reformist' clerical body."
 Mojahedin of the Islamic Revolution of Iran Organization (Sāzmān-e Mojāhedin-e Enqelāb-e Eslāmi-e Irān): key figures are Behzad Nabavi, Mohsen Armin, Mohammad Salevati, and Feyzollah Arabsorkhi. The mojahedin have been called a "key political group."

Ideas
Many Iranian intellectuals were involved in establishing a foundation for the movement. Perhaps the most influential figure was Abdolkarim Soroush. For many years, he was the only voice publicly criticizing the regime's policies. His regular lectures at Tehran University used to enjoy the attendance of many of the Iranian students who later generated the 2nd of Khordad movement. Many famous figures of the movement belong to the Soroush circle. However, at the rise of 2nd of Khordad movement, Saeed Hajjarian acted as the main theorist behind the movement and the main strategist in Khatami's camp.

The movement has been described as changing the key terms in public discourse: emperialism (imperialism), mostazafen (poor), jehad (jihad), mojahed (mujahideen), shahed (martyrdom), khish (roots), enqelab (revolution) and Gharbzadegi (Western intoxication), to some modern terms and concepts like: demokrasi (democracy), moderniyat (modernity), azadi (liberty), barabari (equality), jam'eh-e madani (civil society), hoquq-e beshar (human rights), mosharekat-e siyasi (political participation), Shahrvandi (citizenship), etc.

Supporters
The core of the reform movement is said to be made up of Islamic leftists disqualified for running for office as they were purged and generally disempowered by Islamic conservatives following the death of Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini in 1989. Islamic leftists turned reformists include Abdolkarim Soroush, Saeed Hajjarian, Akbar Ganji, Ali Akbar Mohtashami-Pur, Ebrahim Asgharzadeh, Mohsen Mirdamadi, Mir-Hossein Mousavi, and the Anjoman-e-Eslami (Islamic Association) and Office for Strengthening Unity student groups.

Many institutions support the movement of reformation such as organizations like Organization of the Mojahedin of the Islamic Revolution (OMIR) and the Majma'a Rohaneeyoon Mobarez or the Forum of the Militant Clergy, or Office for Fostering Unity and Freedom Movement of Iran. There were also many media outlets in support like the Iran-e-farda and kian magazinez.

Khatami's support is said to have cut across regions and class lines with even some members of the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps, Qom seminarians and Basij members voting for him. The core of his electoral support, however, came from the modern middle class, college students, women, and urban workers. For example, by 1995, about half of Iran's 60.5 million people were too young to be alive at the time of the Islamic Revolution.

Major events

1997 presidential election

The movement began with the May 23, 1997, surprise victory of Mohammad Khatami, "a little known cleric", to the presidency on with almost 70% of the vote. Khatami's win was credited largely to the votes of women and youth who voted for him because he promised to improve the status of women and respond to the demands of the younger generation in Iran. Another reflection of the enthusiasm for reform was that voter turnout was 80%, compared to 50% in the last presidential election in which there had been no reformist candidate.

Khatami is regarded as Iran's first reformist president, since the focus of his campaign was on the rule of law, democracy and the inclusion of all Iranians in the political decision-making process.

Assassination attempt on Saeed Hajjarian
Very soon after the rise of the 2nd of Khordad movement, there was an attempted assassination of Saeed Hajjarian the main strategist of the reformist camp. In March, 2000, he was shot in the face on the doorstep of Tehran's city council by a gunman who fled on a motor-cycle with an accomplice. The bullet entered through his left cheek and lodged in his neck. He was not killed but was "badly paralyzed" for some time. During his coma, groups of young Iranians kept a vigil outside Sina hospital, where he was being treated. Due to this injury, Hajjarian now uses a walking frame, and his voice is distorted.

His convicted assailant Saeed Asgar, a young man who was reported to be a member of the Basij militia, served only a small part of his 15-year jail sentence.

Ganji and Red Eminence and Grey Eminences
Red Eminence and Grey Eminences ( "Alijenabe Sorkhpoosh, Alijenabane Khakestari") is name of series of newspaper articles and a book written by Akbar Ganji under the responsibility of Saeed Hajjarian, in which he criticized former President Rafsanjani as the "Red Eminence" and the intelligence officers in his government, such as Ali Fallahian as the "Grey Eminences". His subsequent prosecution and conviction for "anti-Islamic activities" for his role in the publication of the book and articles cost Akbar Ganji six years of imprisonment.

1999 local elections
Reformist candidates did remarkably well in the 1999 local elections and received 75% of the vote.

18th of Tir crisis (1999)

The 18th of Tir (July 9) crisis, refers to a demonstration in Tehran University dormitory in reaction to closing Salam newspaper by the government. Demonstrations continued for a few days in most cities in Iran and in more than ninety-five countries worldwide. The demonstration ended in violence and the death of a young Iranian citizen along with many casualties. At the time, it was Iran's biggest antigovernment demonstrations since the 1979 Islamic revolution.
After attacking of the students of Tehran University by hardline vigilante group, Khatami delivered a speech three months later while defending of his reform programme and at the same time he insisted on the foundations of his government. He referred to the reformation of system from within with holding two elements of Islamic and republic.

18th of Tir national day of protest (2003)
In 2003, Iran's leading pro-democracy student group, the Daftar-e Tahkim-e-Vahdat called for a national day of protest on the 18th of Tir to commemorate the original 1999 protest. At least one observer believes it was the failure of this protest that "delivered a fatal blow to the reform movement."

According to journalist Afshin Molavi, many Iranians hoped the day would lead to an uprising that would "break the back" of the hardliners, but instead the Islamic Republic "employed violence, intimidation, and sophisticated carrot-and-stick approach to suck the wind out of the demonstrations." In addition to a show of force and numerous checkpoints, the state used sophisticated jamming technology to black out satellite all the television feed and allowed the holding of (rare) outdoor pop concerts to draw young people away from the demonstrations. Dartar-e Tahkim-e-Vahdat also hurt its cause by calling for foreigners, the UN,- to assist it against the government.

6th Parliament (2000)
In the Iranian parliamentary elections, 2000 to elect the 6th parliament, reformist enjoyed a majority (69.25%), or 26.8 million, of the 38.7 million voters who cast ballots in the February 18, 2000 first round. Ultimately reformists won 195 of the 290 Majlis seats in that election.

7th Parliament (2004)
In January 2004, shortly before the 2004 Iranian legislative elections (the 7th Parliament), the conservative Council of Guardians ended Iranian voters' continued support for reformists by taking the unprecedented step of banning about 2500 candidates, nearly half of the total, including 80 sitting Parliament deputies. More than 100 MPs resigned in protest and critics complained the move "shattered any pretense of Iranian democracy".

27 Khordad presidential election (2005)
In the 27 Khordad presidential election (June 17, 2005), Mostafa Moin and Mehdi Karroubi were the main candidates of the 2nd of Khordad movement. However, neither made it to the second round of the election (the final runoff): Moin came in fifth and Karroubi third in the first round. As a result, many supporters of the reform movement lost hope and did not participate in the election.

2009 Iranian presidential election

The two leading reformist candidates in the 2009 presidential election were Mir-Hossein Mousavi and Mehdi Karroubi. Mousavi supporters disbelieved the election results and initiated a series of protests that lasted several days. After many days of protesting against the election results, the protests eventually turned violent as the Basij (loyal militia to the Islamic Republic) started attacking the protesters and vice versa. Some protesters turned their anger to the government itself and tried to overthrow the Islamic Republic. The protests, in general, lasted up to several months.

Aftermath
The ultimate lack of success of the movement is described by The Economist magazine:

Dozens of newspapers opened during the Khatami period, only for many to be shut down on one pretext or another by the judiciary. Clerics who took advantage of the new atmosphere to question the doctrine of velayat-e faqih [Islamic government] were imprisoned or otherwise cowed. Even as political debate blossomed, Iran's security services cracked down on religious and ethnic minorities. A number of the government's critics fell victim to murders traced later to the interior ministry. In 1999 police reacted to a peaceful demonstration for freer speech by invading Tehran University, beating and arresting hundreds of students and killing at least one. In the majlis (parliament) much of the president's reforming legislation was vetoed by the Council of Guardians, a committee of clerics appointed by the supreme leader to ensure that laws conform with Islamic precepts.

Saeed Hajjarian, the main theorist behind the movement, declared in 2003 that "the reform movement is dead. Long live the reform movement".

The victory of conservatives in the 2005 presidential election and the 2004 Majlis election can be explained "not so much" by an expansion of "their limited core base as by [their] dividing of the reformers and [their] discouraging them from voting," according to political historian Ervand Abrahamian: The conservatives won in part because they retained their 25% base; in part because they recruited war veterans to run as their candidates; in part because they wooed independents on the issue of national security; but in most part because large numbers of women, college students, and other members of the salaried middle class stayed home. Turnout in the Majles elections fell below 51% - one of the worst since the revolution. In Tehran, it fell to 28%.

Criticism

The reform movement has been criticized as "too divided to establish its own political authority, too naïve about the tenacity of the authoritarian elite around Khamenei, and too inflexible to circumvent the ban on political parties in Iran by creating and sustaining alternative forms of mobilisation." In addition, leaders of the reform movement lacked a clear and coherent strategy of establishing durable and extensive linkages with the public.

Ironically, they became a victim of their electoral successes. The reform movement's "control of both the presidency and parliament from 2000 to 2004 made it look inept and a part of the corrupt system in the eyes of many Iranians."<ref>Gunes Murat Tezcur, ''Muslim Reformers in Iran and Turkey: The Paradox of Moderation, University of Texas Press, 2010, p. 140.</ref>

 Secularism
BBC journalist Jonathan Beale reports that since secularism is banned in Iran, it is an ideology that is mostly followed by political organizations among the Iranian diaspora or by many of the anti-sharia political parties in exile that are secular. These parties promote regime change, most often with foreign aid and military intervention (particularity from the United States). He quotes a former leader of the Iranian Revolutionary Guards, Mohsen Sazegara (also one of its founders), as saying, "Don't interfere. Leave these affairs to the Iranian people". Sazegara believes the US should call for democracy and freedom, and let Iranian opposition groups inside Iran, which are Reformists, take the lead, instead of attempting to create an opposition in exile.

Referendum movement
The Referendum movement calls in effect for a rerun of the 1979 referendum that established the Islamic Republic in Iran: "a 'yes or no' vote on whether today's Iranians still want the authoritarian Islamic Republic that another generation's revolution brought them." It is said to have been born out of "the ashes of the failures of Khatami's Islamic democracy movement" and reflected in one-word graffiti on walls in Tehran saying "no". It has been criticized as calling for complete system change without "building the political and organisational network to back it up" and inviting a brutal crackdown, with "no means on the ground to resist it".

Election results

President

 Coalition organizations

 Reformists' Supreme Council for Policymaking
On 8 November 2015, the establishment of the council was announced. It oversees the Council for Coordinating the Reforms Front, which its rotating head serves as the deputy head of the council for policymaking. Moderation and Development Party joined the council in April 2017. Some members of the council include:
 Mohammad-Reza Aref (Head)
 Abdolvahed Mousavi Lari (Deputy)
 Mahmoud Sadeghi (ex-officio deputy as head of the Coordinating Council)
 Elaheh Koulaei (Secretary)
 Elham Fakhari (Secretary)
 Hassan Rasouli
 Mohsen Rohami
 Seyed Mahmoud Mirlohi
 Ali Soufi

 Council for Coordinating the Reforms Front

 Reformists Front

 Parliamentary leaders

 Parties

 Assembly of the Forces of Imam's Line
 Association of Combatant Clerics
 Democracy Party
 Executives of Construction Party
 Islamic Iran Solidarity Party
 Islamic Labour Party
 National Trust Party
 NEDA Party
 Popular Party of Reforms

 Union of Islamic Iran People Party
 Will of the Iranian Nation Party
 Association of the Women of the Islamic Republic
 Islamic Assembly of Ladies
 Islamic Iran Participation Front (banned)

 Organizations

 Assembly of Qom Seminary Scholars and Researchers
 Islamic Association of Teachers
 Islamic Association of Engineers
 Islamic Association of University Instructors
 Islamic Association of Iranian Medical Society

 Office for Strengthening Unity
 Worker House
 Mojahedin of the Islamic Revolution of Iran Organization (banned)

 Media Aftab YazdEtemaadSharghAsr-e MaaAsrarAyande-ye NoBaharEbtekarHam-MihanHayat-e-NoHambastegiKhordadYas-e NoZanMosharekat''

See also

 Human rights in Islamic Republic of Iran
 History of principle-ism in Iran
 Chain murders of Iran
 Iranian Economic Reform Plan

References

History of the Islamic Republic of Iran
History of civil rights and liberties in Iran
Iranian democracy movements
Islamic democracy
Liberal and progressive movements within Islam
Political factions in Iran
Reform in Iran
Republicanism in Iran

Iranian Reformists


An Rauhiella seehaweri in uska species han Liliopsida nga syahan ginhulagway ni Irene Bock, ngan ginhatag han pagkayana nga asya nga ngaran ni Antonio Luiz Vieira Toscano och Eric Alston Christenson. An Rauhiella seehaweri in nahilalakip ha genus nga Rauhiella, ngan familia nga Orchidaceae. Waray hini subspecies nga nakalista.

Mga kasarigan

Rauhiella

Rauhiella seehaweri


The slave codes were laws relating to slavery and enslaved people, specifically regarding the Atlantic slave trade and chattel slavery in the Americas.

Most slave codes were concerned with the rights and duties of free people in regards to enslaved people. Slave codes left a great deal unsaid, with much of the actual practice of slavery being a matter of traditions rather than formal law.

The primary colonial powers all had slightly different slave codes. French colonies, after 1685, had the Code Noir specifically for this purpose. The Spanish had some laws regarding slavery in Las Siete Partidas, a far older law that was not designed for the slave societies of the Americas. English colonies largely had their own local slave codes, mostly based on the codes of either the colonies of Barbados or Virginia.

In addition to these national and state- or colony-level slave codes, there were city ordinances and other local restrictions regarding enslaved people.

Typical slave codes
There are many similarities between the various slave codes. The most common elements are:

Movement restrictions: Most regions required any slaves away from their plantations or outside of the cities they resided in to have a pass signed by their master. Many cities in the slave-states required slave tags, small copper badges that enslaved people wore, to show that they were allowed to move about.
Marriage restrictions: Most places restricted the marriage rights of enslaved people, ostensibly to prevent them from trying to change masters by marrying into a family on another plantation. Marriage between people of different races was also usually restricted.
Prohibitions on gathering: Slave codes generally prevented large groups of enslaved people from gathering away from their plantations.
Slave patrols: In the slave-dependent portions of North America, varying degrees of legal authority backed slave patrols by plantation owners and other free whites to ensure that enslaved people were not free to move about at night, and to generally enforce the restrictions on slaves.
Trade and commerce by slaves: Initially, most places gave enslaved people some land to work personally and allowed them to operate their markets. As slavery became more profitable, slave codes restricting the rights of enslaved people to buy, sell, and produce goods were introduced. In some places, slave tags were required to be worn by enslaved people to prove that they were allowed to participate in certain types of work.
Punishment and killing of slaves: Slave codes regulated how slaves could be punished, usually going so far as to apply no penalty for accidentally killing a slave while punishing them. Later laws began to apply restrictions on this, but slave-owners were still rarely punished for killing their slaves. Historian Lawrence M. Friedman wrote: "Ten Southern codes made it a crime to mistreat a slave.... Under the Louisiana Civil Code of 1825 (art. 192), if a master was ′convicted of cruel treatment,′ the judge could order the sale of the mistreated slave, presumably to a better master."
Education restrictions: Some codes made it illegal to teach slaves to read. Slave literacy

England's American colonies and the United States
There was no central English slave code; each colony developed its own code, often with reference to Roman law and its treatment of the  status of slaves.
After the United States established independence in the American Revolutionary War of 1775-1783, the individual states ratified new constitutions, but their laws were generally a continuation of the laws those regions had maintained prior to that point, and their slave codes remaining unchanged.

The first comprehensive slave-code in an English colony was established in Barbados, an island in the Caribbean, in 1661.  Many other slave codes of the time are based directly on this model. Modifications of the Barbadian slave codes were put in place in the Colony of Jamaica in 1664, and were then greatly modified in 1684. The Jamaican codes of 1684 were copied by the  colony of South Carolina in 1691. The South Carolina slave-code served as the model for many other colonies in North America. In 1755, the colony of Georgia adopted the South Carolina slave code.

Virginia's slave codes were made in parallel to those in Barbados, with individual laws starting in 1667 and a comprehensive slave-code passed in 1705. In 1667, the Virginia House of Burgesses enacted a law which didn't recognize the conversion of African Americans to Christianity despite a baptism. In 1669, Virginia enacted "An act about the casual killing of slaves" which declared that masters who killed slaves deemed resisting were exempt from felony charges. In 1670, they enacted a law prohibiting free Africans from purchasing servants who weren't also African. In 1680, Virginia passed Act X, which prohibited slaves from carrying weapons, leaving their owner's plantation without a certificate, or raising a hand against "Christians".

The slave codes of the other tobacco colonies (Delaware,  Maryland, and North Carolina) were modeled on the Virginia code.  While not based directly on the codes of Barbados, the Virginia codes were inspired by them.  The shipping and trade that took place between the West Indies and the Chesapeake (the "final passage" of the Triangular Trade) meant that planters quickly became aware of any legal and cultural changes that took place.  According to historian Russell Menard, when Maryland put its slave code in place in the 1660s the Barbadian codes functioned as a "legal cultural hearth" for the law, with members of the Maryland legislature having been former residents of Barbados.

The northern colonies developed their own slave-codes at later dates, with the strictest evolving in the  colony of New York, which passed a comprehensive slave code in 1702 and expanded that code in 1712 and 1730.

The British Slave Trade Act 1807 abolished the  slave trade throughout the British Empire. In 1833, the  Slavery Abolition Act ended slavery throughout the British Empire.

The  United States experienced divisions between slave states in the South and free states in the North. At the start of the American Civil War in 1861, there were 34 states in the United States, 15 of which were slave states, all of which had slave codes. The 19 free states did not have slave codes, although they still had laws regarding slavery and enslaved people, covering such issues as how to handle slaves from slave states, whether they were runaways or with their owners.

Slavery was not banned nationwide in the United States until the  Thirteenth Amendment was ratified by 27 states by December 6, 1865. The 1807 Act Prohibiting Importation of Slaves, in effect on 1 January 1808, had made it a felony to import slaves from abroad.

French slave codes
The French colonies in North America  were the only portion of the Americas to have an effective slave code applied from the center of the empire. King Louis XIV applied the Code Noir in 1685, and it was adopted by Saint-Domingue in 1687 and the French West Indies in 1687, French Guiana in 1704, Réunion in 1723, and Louisiana in 1724. It was never applied in Canada, which had very few slaves. The Code Noir was developed in part to combat the spread of Protestantism and thus focuses more on religious restrictions than other slave codes. The Code Noir was significantly updated in 1724.

The city of New Orleans in Louisiana developed slave codes under Spain, France, and the United States, due to Louisiana changing hands several times, resulting in a very complex set of slave codes. The needs of the locals were usually held in favor over any outside laws.

France abolished slavery after the French Revolution, first by freeing second-generation slaves in 1794. Although it was reinstated under Napoleon with the law of 20 May 1802.

Spanish slave codes
In practice, the slave codes of the Spanish colonies were local laws, similar to those in other regions. There was an overarching legal code, Las Siete Partidas, which granted many specific rights to the slaves in these regions, but there is little record of it actually being used to benefit the slaves in the Americas. Las Siete Partidas was compiled in the thirteenth century, long before the colonization of the new world, and its treatment of slavery was based on the Roman tradition. Frank Tannenbaum, an influential sociologist who wrote on the treatment of slaves in the Americas, treated the laws in Las Siete Partidas as an accurate reflection of treatment, but later scholarship has moved away from this viewpoint, arguing that the official laws in Las Siete Partidas did not reflect practices in the colonies.

An attempt to unify the Spanish slave codes, the Codigo Negro, was cancelled without ever going into effect because it was unpopular with the slave-owners in the Americas.

The Laws of the Indies were an ongoing body of laws, modified throughout the history of the Spanish colonies, that incorporated many slave laws in the later versions.

Other slave codes
 Barbados slave codes
 Code Noir; French black code
 New York slave codes
 South Carolina slave codes
 Virginia slave codes of 1705

See also

 Anti-literacy laws in the United States
 Atlantic slave trade
 Black Codes
 Convict leasing
 Coolie
 Debt bondage
Education after Slavery
 Forced labour
 Human trafficking
 Indentured servitude
 International Year to Commemorate the Struggle against Slavery and its Abolition
Ohio Black Codes
 Slave narrative
 Slave rebellion
 Slave Trade Act
 Slavery in Africa
 Slavery in Canada
 Slavery in the colonial United States
 Slavery in the United States
 Origins of the American Civil War
 North Carolina v. Mann

Notes

References
 Christian, Charles M., and Bennet, Sari, Black saga: the African American experience : a chronology,  Basic Civitas Books, 1998
 Thomas Cooper and David J. McCord, ed., Statutes at Large of South Carolina, (10 Vols., Columbia, 1836–1841) VII, pp. 352–356.
 B. F. French, Historical Collections of Louisiana:Embracing Translations of Many Rare and Valuable Documents Relating to the Natural, Civil, and Political History of that State (New York: D. Appleton, 1851)
 Slave Code for the District of Columbia
  Laws of the State of Alabama, 1833

Further reading
 Goodell, William (1853). The American Slave Code in Theory and Practice: Its Distinctive Features Shown by Its Statutes, Judicial Decisions, and Illustrative Face

 Virginia's slave codes on PBS.org
 Slave codes of District of Columbia
 Slave codes of State of Georgia
 The American Slave Code in Theory and Practice: Its Distinctive Features Shown by Its Statutes, Judicial Decisions, and Illustrative Face
Law in the Southern Colonies

United States slavery law
Slavery in North America
Slavery in the British Empire
Slavery law

Slave codes


Dodo Chichinadze (28 de diciembre de 1924 - 3 de noviembre de 2009) fue una actriz de cine y teatro. Apareció en varias películas de Georgia, como Nino, The Suspended Song, Bashi Achuki, The Cricket, y Davit Guramishvili.

Muerte
Dodo murió el 3 de noviembre de 2009, a los 84 años, por causas desconocidas.

Referencias

Personas de Tiflis
Actores de cine de Georgia
Actrices de Georgia
Georgianas del siglo XX
Nacidos en Kutaisi
Fallecidos en Tiflis

Dodo Chichinadze


Fluvioglacijalni ili glaciofluvijalni sediment je sediment (naslaga) nataložen uz određeno sortiranje sastojaka po veličini i težini. Nastaje zbog otapanja leda i snijega čime nastaje voda koja prenosi taj talog.

Izvori

Geologija

Fluvioglacijalni sediment


أم محمد فخر النساء شهدة بنت أحمد الإبري الدينوري البغدادية (484 هـ - 574 هـ)، عالمة مسلمة من أهل السنة والجماعة ومحدثة وكاتبة وخطاطة ولدت في بغداد وأصلها من الدينور الكردستانية وتوفيت ببغداد بالعراق، يأخذ أهل الحديث عنها بسند عال.

بداية حياتها وتعليمها
هي بنت أبو نصر أحمد بن الفرج الديناواري، جدها كان تاجر في الإبر، وهكذا اكتسبت سبرقة الإبر، ولكن كان والدها قد أكسبها حبه للحديث، وتمكنوا في دراسته مع اساتذة عدة في هذا النهج والالتزام بالسنة، هو نفسه أعطى ابنته تعليم أكاديمي سليم، ضمان أن درست تحت طرق كثيرة من مشايخ معروفة.

درست فخر النساء بعد ذلك الحديث مع أكبر المحدثين في بغدادمثل ترياد بن محمد الزينبي، وبن طلحة النعلي، أحمد بن عبد القادر بن يوسف، وغيرهم. كما تلقت دروس الحديث ودراسة الفروع الأخرى من المعرفة بتوجيه العلماء المشهورة مثل أبو عبد الله حسن بن أحمد النعماني وأبو بكر محمد بن أحمد كشاشي.

في فن الخط
قد كانت حقق الكمال في فن الخط، قاهرة خطاط الرئيسي وقتها أن نقدر لها. ومن هنا لقبت بلقب فخر النساء لكونها شملت على عدة صفات حميدة كفن الخط والإلمام بعلوم الحديث وحسن الخطابة.

أواخر حياتها ووفاتها
توفى زوجها بعد أربعين عاماً من زواجهما، وقد أحتملت تلك الصدمة الكبيرة بشجاعة وصبر، وتشغل نفسها بالتعلم والتعليم.

الخليفة العباسي المقتدي بأمر الله منح لها مزرعة كبيرة لتعزيز نطاق أنشطتها العلمية، وقالت أنها مع مساعدة التبرعات أنشأت إحدى المؤسسات الكبرى (دارسجة) على ضفاف نهر دجلة، حيث يأتيها مئات الطلاب من لدراستهم، وجميع النفقات كانت من قبل شهدة نفسها.

وقد توفيت في سنة 574 هجري عن عمر يناهز التسعين. وصُلّي عليها صلاة الجنازة في قصر في بغداد. ويقال أن آلاف الناس شاركوا في إجراءات الجنازة لها، بما في ذلك العلماء، والطلاب، وشخصيات الدولة.

عند أهل الحديث
سمعت من: أبي الفوارس طراد الزينبي، وابن طلحة النعالي، وأبي الحسن بن أيوب، وأبي الخطاب بن البطر، وعبد الواحد بن علوان، وأحمد بن عبد القادر اليوسفي، وثابت بن بندار، ومنصور بن حيد، وجعفر السراج، وعدة.

حدّث عنها: ابن عساكر، والسمعاني، وابن الجوزي، وعبد الغني، وعبد القادر الرهاوي، وابن الأخضر، والشيخ الموفق، والشيخ العماد، والشهاب بن راجح، والبهاء عبد الرحمن، والناصح، والفخر الإربلي، وتاج الدين عبد الله بن حمويه، وأعز بن العليق، وإبراهيم بن الخير، وبهاء الدين بن الجميزي، ومحمد بن المني، وأبو القاسم بن قميرة، وخلق كثير.

مرجع أساس
 دراسة: فخر النساء شهدة الكاتبة العالمة، الدكتور مصطفى جواد، ضمن كتاب في التراث العربي، بتحقيق محمد جميل شلش وعبد الحميد العلوجي، بغداد، 1977، ص 31-52.

مصادر

 راجع سير أعلام النبلاء

المرأة في الدولة العباسية في القرن 12
أكراد صوفيون
أكراد في القرن 11
إيرانيون في القرن 11
خطاطات
خطاطون إيرانيون
خطاطون عباسيون
خطاطون عراقيون
صوفيون إيرانيون
صوفيون عراقيون
عالمات الدراسات الإسلامية
عالمات دين مسلمات
علماء حديث
مسلمون باحثون عن الإسلام في القرن 11
مواليد 484 هـ
نساء محدثات
نساء من الدولة العباسية
وفيات 1112
وفيات 574 هـ

شهدة الكاتبة


تشارلز داوتي (1843 – 1926) (بالإنجليزية Charles Doughty) شاعر ورحالة إنجليزي. (من صنف الرحالة العلماء)، درس الجيولوجيا في جامعة كمبردج، وقام برحلة استكشافية إلى المناطق المتجمدة وهو في العشرين من عمره، ثم قرر الانصراف لخدمة لغته الإنكليزية، ودرس اللغتين الدنمركية والهولندية.

بدأ داوتي رحلاته بإسبانيا وإيطاليا ثم ذهب إلى اليونان فـــمصر حيث وصل القاهرة عام 1875م، ثم عبر صحراء سيناء حتى وصل مدينة البتراء حيث سمع عن مدائن صالح المدينة الأثرية في شمالي الحجاز التي لم تنجح كل من بوركهارت وبيرتون في الوصول إليها، وعزم داوتي على مشاهدتها وانضم إلى قافلة للحج تحت اسم مستعار (خليل)؛ وصل إلى مدائن صالح في نوفمبر / تشرين الثاني 1876م، واستطاع أن يتجول في المنطقة مستنسخاً الكتابات والرسوم المنقوشة في واجهات المقابر، وبدلاً من العودة مع الحجاج إلى دمشق آثر داوتي حياة البداوة وعاش مع جماعة بدوية وتجول معهم...

في الخامس من يوليو / تموز 1878م توجه مع قافلة للحجاج إلى الحجاز، ووصل الطائف ثم توجه إلى جدة في أغسطس / آب 1878م، وكتب كتابه الجزيرة العربية الصحراوية، ورسم فيه صورة فريدة من نوعها عن الجزيرة كما كتب عن حياة البدو وما يقاسونه من معاناة وشدة، وأبرز كثيراً من المفارقات في حياتهم الاجتماعية، وكجيولوجي أدرك الرتابة الفائقة لصحراء التيه القاحلة، كما أنه يعد من أكثر الرحالة الذين عانوا من الذل والهوان ومشاق الحياة.

أهم أعماله كتاب الترحال في صحاري العرب (Travels in Arabia Deserta) الذي كتبه عام 1888 وهو عبارة عن قصته عندما جاء عام 1876م ومكث عدة سنوات جال من خلالها أجزاء من الجزيرة العربية تحت اسم مستعار «خليل».
 انظر أيضا رحلات داوتي في الجزيرة العربية (كتاب)

انظر أيضا
 جورج سادلير

روابط خارجية

مراجع

  داوتي، تشارلس - الموسوعة العربية الميسرة، 1965
  دوتي - موسوعة المستشرقين للدكتور عبد الرحمن بديوي، 1992

خريجو كلية غونفيل وكايوس (كامبريدج)
خريجو كلية كينجز لندن
شعراء إنجليز
كتاب أدب رحلات إنجليز
كتاب غير روائيين ذكور إنجليز
مستكشفو آسيا
مستكشفو شبه الجزيرة العربية
مستكشفون إنجليز
مواليد 1259 هـ
مواليد 1843
مواليد في إنجلترا
وفيات 1344 هـ
وفيات 1926

تشارلز داوتي


Treća hrvatska nogometna liga je u sezoni 2019./20. igrana u pet skupina – "Istok", "Jug", "Sjever", "Središte",  i "Zapad", a sudjelovala su 72 kluba. Ovo je prvi put nakon sezone 2013./14 da se 3. HNL igra u pet skupina.
Kao posljedica pandemije COVID-19 u svijetu i Hrvatskoj, u ožujku je došlo do prekida odigravanja nogometnih natjecanja u Hrvatskoj
6. svibnja 2020. Hrvatski nogometni savez je donio odluku o konačnom prekidu natjecanja za 2. HNL i sve ostale niže lige, te se njihov trenutni poredak uzima kao konačan.

Istok

 Izvori:
 rsssf.com
 hns-cff.hr
 int.soccerway.com
 sportnet.hr

Jug

Sjever

Središte

 Izvori:
 rsssf.com
 hns-cff.hr
 int.soccerway.com
 sportnet.hr

Zapad

 Izvori:
 rsssf.com
 hns-cff.hr
 int.soccerway.com
 sportnet.hr

Kvalifikacije za 2. HNL
Igrano u srpnju 2020. godine
{| class="wikitable" style="text-align: center; font-size: 90%"
!klub1 !!GR !!klub2 !!1. ut !!2.ut
|-
|align="left"|Marsonia Slavonski Brod ||0:3 ||align="left"|Junak Sinj ||0:2 ||0:1
|-
|align="left"|Mladost Petrinja ||'1:3 ||align="left"|Opatija ||0:0 ||1:3
|-
|}"Junak" i "Opatija"'' su se plasirali u 2. HNL.
 Izvori:
 rsssf.com
 int.soccerway.com

Povezani članci
 1. HNL 2019./20.
 2. HNL 2019./20.
 4. rang HNL-a 2019./20.
 5. rang HNL-a 2019./20.
 6. rang HNL-a 2019./20.
 7. rang HNL-a 2019./20.
 8. rang HNL-a 2019./20.
 Hrvatski kup 2019./20.

Vanjske poveznice

Izvori

  rsssf.com, Croatia 2019/20 - Third Level

2019-20
 3

3. HNL 2019./20.


Serdar Ferhat Paşa (ö. 1595), III. Murad saltanatı döneminde 1 Ağustos 1591-4 Nisan 1592 tarihleri arasında yaklaşık sekiz ay, 16 Şubat 1595-7 Temmuz 1595 tarihleri arasında da yaklaşık dört ay sadrazamlık yapmış bir Osmanlı devlet adamıdır.

Yaşamı

İlk sadrazamlığından önceki hayatı

1590 tarihli Venedik elçilik raporunda Sırp kökenli olduğu iddia edilse de başta diğer birçok Venedik raporları olmak üzere, yerli kaynaklar onun Arnavut asıllı ve Enderun"da yetişmiş bir devşirme olduğu hususunda birleşirler. Çağdaş kaynak Mustafa Ali, Ferhat Ağa'nın Enderun'dayken geleceğin padişahı Şehzade Selim'e aş-pez olarak hizmet ettiğini iddia eder. Habsburg elçisi Wratislaw da Ferhad Ağa"nın ilk saray görevinin çaşnigirlik olduğunu belirtir. Enderûn'dan kapıcıbaşılık görevi ile çıkma yapmıştır. Kanuni Sultan Süleyman'ın son dönemlerinde sultanın teveccüh ve güvenini kazanmıştır.

Zigetvar seferinde Kanuni Sultan Süleyman ölünce sadrazam Sokullu Mehmed Paşa'nın direktiflerine uyarak sultanın ölümünün saklanması, sultanın cenazesinin orduya haber vermeden Belgrad'a ve oradan da İstanbul'a naklinin organizasyonu Ferhad Ağa nezaretinde yapılmıştır.

Sonra Ferhat Ağa büyük imrahor görevine atanmıştır. Bu görevi sırasında Budin Beylerlerbeyi Sokullu Mustafa Paşa'nın idamını gerçekleştirmiş ve padişah adına Kırım, Boğdan ve Erdel gibi bölgelere çeşitli bölgelere önemli görevlerle gönderilmiştir. 1581'de Ferhat Ağa'ya yeniçeri ağalığı görevi verilmiştir. Sultan III. Murad oğlu şehzade Mehmed (sonra III. Mehmed) için 29 Mayıs 1582'den 19 Temmuz'a kadar süren sünnet düğünü eğlenceleri tertip etmiş ve yeniçeri ağası olarak İstanbul'un asayiş ve emniyetinden sorumlu olan Ferhat Ağa bunların organizasyonunda da önemli rol oynamıştır.

Ferhat Ağa yeniçeri ağası olarak şehrin asayişinden mesul iken Ağustos 1582'de şehrin asayişini tehdit eden büyük bir skandal ortaya çıkmıştır. Saraydan yeni çıkma yapan kapıkulu sipahilerinin bazılarının bulundukları At Meydanı semtine fahişe getirip eğlendikleri tespit edilmiş; şehir subaşısı bir bölük yeniçeri ile bunların odalarını basmış ve büyük bir arbede çıkmıştır. Yeniçeri ağası olan Ferhat Ağa da bu arbedeye şahsen müdahale etmiş ve yeniçeriler sipahilere saldırıp iki sipahiyi öldürdükten sonra bu arbede bastırılabilmiştir. Bu arbedeyi ve bastırılışını şahsen gören günün sadrazamı Koca Sinan Paşa buna çok kızdırmıştır. Sinan Paşa Ferhat Ağa'yı yanına çağırarak
A bire kara köpek niye geldin? İki kana sebep oldun. Yıkıl git.
diyerek onu azarlayıp tahkir etmiştir. Sonra da durumu III. Murad'a arz ederek Ferhat Ağa'yı yeniçeri ağalığından azlettirip yerine Frenk Yusuf Ağa'yı göreve getirtmiştir. Bu olayın Ferhat Paşa ile Koca Sinan Paşa'nın arasının sonradan devamlı açık oluşuna yola açtığı ve yıllar sonunda Ferhat Paşa'nın idam edilmesine ilk neden olduğu belirtilmektedir. Yeniçeri Ağası Ferhat Ağa'nın sünnet düğünü sırasında makamından azledilmesine sebep olduğu iddia edilen bir başka hadise de padişahın düğün sırasında ocağa kanunsuz bir şekilde kaydının yapılmasını istediği kişilere ocağın nizamı bozulur diyerek engel olmak istemesidir.

Ferhat Ağa bundan sonra İstanbul'da beş ay açıkta kaldı. Koca Sinan Paşa İran Seferinde sonuç çıkaramadan 22 Temmuz'da İstanbul'a döndü ve başarısızlığı dolayısıyla 6 Aralık 1582'da sadrazamlıktan azledildi. Yerine Kanijeli Siyavuş Paşa sadrazamlığa getirildi. Bundan 27 gün sonra Rumeli Beylerbeyi olan İbrahim Paşa'ya kubbealtı veziri olarak görev verildi ve açıkta olan Ferhat Paşa da onun yerine Rumeli Beylerbeyi olarak atandı. 1583'te de Serdar Ferhat Paşa sadrazam olan Siyavuş Paşa tavsiyesiyle dördüncü vezirlik rütbesiyle İran Seferine serdar tayin edildi. Gelibolulu Mustafa Ali bu tayinde Valide Nurbanu Sultan'ın dahli olduğunu iddia eder.<ref>Atayı Tarihi Şakayık'''da Ferhat Paşa'nın Eylül 1582'de Rumeli Beylerbeyi ve Ocak 1582'de vezir olduğunu bildirilmektedir.</ref>

Ferhat Paşa İran'da bu seferde iken başarılar kazandı. Revan Kalesini ele geçirip tahkim edip kalenin mühimmat, levazımını ve askerlerini pekiştirip komutanlığına Cığalazade Yusuf Sinan Paşa'yı atadı. 1584 senesinde Gürcistan'da bir takım askeri seferlere başladı. Tiflis'e askeri destek sağlayıp Lori ve Gürî kalelerini eline geçirdi. Ahıska başta olmak üzere Gürcistan'ın diğer yerlerine akınlarda bulundu. Asker isyan edince Ahıska'da başarılı olamayıp geri dönmek zorunda kaldı. Yolda ise Gürcü asilerinden Maniçur'un baskınına uğradı.

28 Temmuz 1584'te sadrazam olan Özdemiroğlu Osman Paşa bu rütbesiyle bir ay sonra Serdar-ı Ekrem olarak yeni bir İran Seferi'ne çıktı. Yeni sadrazam onun hakkında padişaha övgü dolu sözler söyledi. Ferhat Paşa da savaş meydanında kazandığı ganimetleri padişaha sunmak üzere İstanbul'a dönerek vezirlik rütbesiyle göreve devam etti.

Özdemiroğlu Osman Paşa Tebriz'i fethettikten sonra hastalandı ve oradan ayrılıp yolda iken Açıçay'da 29 Ekim 1585'te öldü. Özdemiroğlu Osman Paşa ölmeden önce sadrazamlığa Ciğalazade Yusuf Sinan Paşa'nın getirilmesini istemişti ama Hoca Sadeddin Efendi Ferhad Paşa'nın sadrazam olmasını tavsiye etmişti. III. Murad bu iki tavsiyeye de uymayıp 1 Kasım 1585'te Hadim Mesih Mehmed Paşa'yı sadrazam olarak göreve getirdi.

Ferhad Paşa ise 1586'da ikinci defa İran cephesine serdar-ı ekrem tayin edildi. Ferhat Paşa merkez olarak Tebriz'i kullanarak Safevilerle savaşa girişti ve Gence eyaletini; Karabağ bölgesini ve Nihavend'ı alıp Osmanlı devletine kattı. 1587'de Safevi Şahı Hüdabende sulh anlaşması için Ferhat Paşa'ya müracaat etti. Müzakereler devam etmekte iken ölen Şah Hüdabende yerine Safevi Şahı olan oğlu I. Abbas müzakereleri terkedip yeniden savaşa başladı. Fakat batıdan Ferhat Paşa serdarlığında Osmanlı orduları Karabağ ve Gence civarlarında başarılı savaşlar vermekte olduğu ve doğudan Özbek Hanı Abdullah'ın hücumlara başlamış olduğu sırada Şah Abbas İran'ın iki cephede savaş yapamayacağını anlamıştı. 1590'da Şah Abbas bir barış antlaşması yapılmak üzere Tebriz'de merkezi olan Ferhat Paşa'ya başvurdu. Safevi devleti bir antlaşma müzakereleri yapıp antlaşma imzalamak için Erdebil hani "Mehdi Kulu Han"'ı müzakereci elçi olarak seçti ve rehine olarak Şah Abbas'ın kardeşi Hamza Mirza'nın oğlu "Haydar Mirza" bu heyete katıldı. Ferhat Paşa da bu İran heyeti ile birlikte İstanbul'a döndü ve ikinci vezirlik görevine devama başladı.

Safeviler ile Osmanlı Devleti arasında İstanbul'da yapılan müzakerelerden sonra 21 Mayıs 1590'da imzalanan antlaşma Ferhat Paşa Antlaşması  veya "İstanbul Antlaşması" adı ile anılır. Bu antlaşma ile Osmanlı devleti doğudaki en geniş sınırlarına ulaşmış ve Tebriz, Karabağ, Gürcistan, Dağıstan ve Şirvan Osmanlılara bırakılmıştır.

1594'te sadrazam olan Koca Sinan Paşa serdar-ı ekrem olarak Avusturya cephesinde bulunmaktayken ve çok şiddetli bir kış havası İstanbul'u tesiri altında bulundurmakta iken, III. Murad 15 Ocak 1595'te öldü. Manisa'da bulunan oğlu III. Mehmed İstanbul'a alelacele gelerek yeni padişah oldu. III. Mehmed sultanlığına 19 kardeşini öldürterek başlattı ve babasından aldığı devleti güya reform etmeye başladı. 16 Şubat 1595'te cephedeki sadrazam Koca Sinan Paşa'yı
Ölü padişahın mührüyle sadaret olunmaz.
gerekçesiyle azletti ve yerie ikinci vezir ve İstabul'da Sedaret Kaymakamı olan Ferhat Paşa'yı ikinci defa sadrazamlığa atadı.

Nisan 1595 başında Ferhat Paşa'nın konağında yapılan bir toplantıda Eflak isyanı meselesi konuşuldu ve isyan eden Eflak voyvodası Mihail üzerine bir sefer yapılması kararlaştırıldı. Fakat Ferhat Paşa aleyhtarı olan Koca Sinan Paşa ve taraftarları kapıkulu askerini kışkırtmaktaydı. Örneğin 23 Nisan günü Divan-ı Hümayundan konağına dönmekte olan Ferhat Paşa'nın yolu Haseki Hamamı önünde kesilip kapıkulu sipahilerin şikayetleri açıklanmış ve Ferhat Paşa tartaklanmıştı. Bu sipahi isyanı ve devam eden sipahi hücumları III. Mehmed tarafından yeniçeriler kullanılarak tepelenip dağıtıldı.

Ferhat Paşa orduyla 27 Nisan 1595'te Davutpaşa'dan Eflak seferine başladı. 14 Mayıs 1595'te alınan bir karara göre Eflak ve Boğdan'ın imtiyazlı voyvodalık statülerine son verildi ve bu iki bölgede valilikle idare edilen vilayet idaresinin kurulmaya başlandı. Ama Malkara'da sürgünde bulunan Koca Sinan Paşa taraftarları Ferhat Paşa'ya karşı çok yoğun bir kampanyaya giriştiler. Bu aksi propaganda kampanyası savaşa gitmek istemeyen yeniçeri ağalarını, subaylarını hatta neferlerini ve ulema ve medreseli softalara kadar çok kişiyi ilgilendirmekteydi. Ferhat Paşa Eflak'a varıp isyancı Eflak voyvodası Mihail'e erişmek için Rusçuk'ta Tuna Nehri üzerinden bir köprü kurdurmaya başladı. Tam bu sırada Ferhat Paşa aleyhinde entrikalar bir zirveye erişti. İstanbul'da bulunan Koca Sinan Paşa taraftarları Ferhat Paşa'nın isyancı Voyvoda Mihail ile bir gizli anlaşması olduğuna dair dedikodular ayuka çıktı. Bu entrikalardan etkilenen III. Mehmed, güya ordusunu reform etme hedefiyle, 7 Temmuz 1595'te Ferhat Paşa'yı sadrazamlıktan azledip yerine Koca Sinan Paşa'yı sadrazam tayin etti. Bunun yanında Sultan, azil edilen Ferhat Paşa'nın idam edilmesi için bir irade çıkardı ve cepheye bu iradeyi ifa edecek memurlar gönderildi.

 Ölümü

Ferhat Paşa cephede iken İstanbul'da bulunan adamları vasıtasıyla idam edilmesine dair Sultan'ın bir irade çıkardığından, daha bu iradeyi ifa  edecek Sultan memurları cepheye gelmeden haberdar oldu. Mührü hümayunu vezir Satırcı Mehmed Paşa'ya teslim etti ve gizlice İstanbul'a geldi. Kendine ait olan Metris Çiftliği'nde saklandı ve valide sultan Safiye Sultan ile aracılarla görüşüp onun yoluyla sultandan affın çıkmasını beklemeye koyuldu.

Fakat Ferhat Paşa'nın rakibi olan Koca Sinan Paşa Ferhat Paşa'nın saklandığı yeri öğrendi. Çeşitli entrikalarla Şeyhülislam Bostazade Mehmet Efendi'den bir fetva alıp bir ferman çıkarttı. Bostancılar çiftliğe gönderilerek Ferhat Paşa Yedikule zindanların getirildi. Ekim 1595'te orada cellatlar tarafından boğularak idam edildi. Cesedi Eyüpsultan'da yapılmakta olup inşası bitirilmemiş bulunan türbesine defnedildi.

Naima tarihine göre Sultan III. Mehmed  sonradan onun hakkında söylenenlerin iftira olduğunu anlayınca çok müteessir olmuştur.

 Değerlendirilmesi
Sicill-i Osmani'de şöyle değerlendirilir:
Gayretli, akıllı, tedbirli ve cesurdu.
Uzunçarşılı şunları bildirmektedir."
Ferhad Paşa kendisine her verilen vazifede başarı göstermiş olan 16. yüzyıl sonlarında gelen liyakatli vezirlerdendi... Doğru ve açık sözlü asabi olup değerli bir vezir olduğunu muassırları muttefikan beyan etmektedirler.

1595'te son sadrazamlığı sırasında çıkan Eflak isyanını bastırmada şüphesiz başarılı olacağı bilinmekteyken Eflak sınırını geçmeye hazırlanırken azil edilip katil iradesi çıkarılması Eflak isyanının büyüyüp bu ülke civarında yaşayan Müslüman Türk asıllılar için büyük bir felaket ve büyük bir halk göçmesine neden olduğu belirtilmektedir.

 Eserleri
Ferhad Paşa Kumkapı'da Mualla Mescidini, Halvetiye şeyhlerinden Mahmud Efendi için yaptırmıştır.

 Ayrıca bakınız
 Ferhat Paşa Antlaşması

 Kaynakça

 Dış bağlantılar
 Danişmend, İsmail Hâmi, (1961) Osmanlı Devlet Erkânı, İstanbul:Türkiye Yayınevi.
 Uzunçarşılı, İsmail Hakkı, (1954) Osmanlı Tarihi III. Cilt, 2. Kısım , XVI. Yüzyıl Ortalarından XVII. Yüzyıl Sonuna kadar), Ankara: Türk Tarih Kurumu (Altıncı Baskı 2011 ISBN 978-975-16-0010)
 Yücel, Yaşar ve Sevim, Ali (1991) Türkiye Tarihi Cilt IV (1566-1730), Ankara:AKDTYKTTK Yayınları
 İpşirli, Mehmed, "Ferhad Paşa" (1999) Yaşamları ve Yapıtlarıyla Osmanlilar Ansiklopedisi, C.1 s.450, İstanbul:Yapı Kredi Kültür Yayıncılık A.Ş. ISBN 975-08-0071-01.
 Mehmed Süreyya (haz. Nuri Akbayar) (1996), Sicill-i Osmani, İstanbul:Tarih Vakfı Yurt Yayınları ISBN 975-333-0383 C.IV s.17
 Lewis,B., Pellat,Ch. ve Schacht,J.. Yardimcilar Burton-Page,J., Dumont,C. ve Ménage,V.L. (ed) (1965] Encyclopedia of Islam 2.ed. Cilt.2 C-G'',  ISBN 90-04-07026-5

Osmanlı sadrazamları
1595 yılında ölenler
16. yüzyılda Osmanlılar
İdam edilmiş Osmanlılar
Doğum tarihi bilinmeyenler
İstanbul'da ölenler
Eyüpsultan Mezarlığı'na defnedilenler

Serdar Ferhat Paşa