Jovan "Jovica" Stanišić (), né le  à Ratkovo en Serbie, est un ancien officier du renseignement serbe qui a dirigé le Service de sécurité de l'État (SDB) au sein du ministère de l'Intérieur Serbie de 1992 à 1998.

Bien qu'on en sache très peu sur lui dans les années 1990, il est largement considéré comme le « cerveau et chef d'orchestre du chaos contrôlé » pendant la majeure partie des guerres de Yougoslavie. En dépit d'être la personne la plus proche du président de la Serbie  Slobodan Milošević, avec un impact énorme sur les événements en temps de guerre, il a gardé des contacts permanents avec tous les facteurs impliqués dans le conflit.

Stanišić a été poursuivi pour crimes de guerre en Croatie et en Bosnie-Herzégovine entre 1991 et 1995, devant le Tribunal pénal international pour l'ex-Yougoslavie (TPIY) avec Franko Simatović. Il a été initialement acquitté le  par le TPIY pour son rôle dans les guerres, mais le verdict a ensuite été annulé le  après appel des procureurs (Chambre d'appel du TPIY).

Le nouveau procès devant le Mécanisme international appelé à exercer les fonctions résiduelles des Tribunaux pénaux (MIFRTP) a commencé le .

La base des opérations de Stanišić et Simatović s'est révélée être en Bosnie occidentale, où ils commandaient des forces régionales.

Le , il a été reconnu coupable de meurtre, d' expulsion, de transfert forcé et de persécution en tant que crimes contre l'humanité commis lors du nettoyage ethnique de Bosanski Šamac, et condamné à 12 ans de prison.

Le , la Chambre d'appel a rejeté les appels interjetés par Jovica Stanišić et Franko Simatović, a annulé leur acquittement relatif à leur participation à une entreprise criminelle commune, et a alourdi leur peine en la portant à 15 ans d'emprisonnement chacun, mettant ainsi fin à cette procédure judiciaire qui a duré 20 ans.

Le verdict du jugement prouve officiellement l'implication du régime serbe de Milošević dans les crimes commis en Bosnie, ce que les dirigeants de Serbie ont toujours nié.

Carrière professionnelle

Agent de l'UDBA (1975-1991)

Stanišić est diplômé de la faculté de sciences politiques de l'université de Belgrade en 1974 et a été employé à l'Administration de la sécurité de l'État république fédérative socialiste de Yougoslavie (UDBA) en 1975. Il a rapidement gravi les échelons de l'agence. Pendant la guerre froide , l'UDBA yougoslave avait une réputation de cruauté similaire à celle de son homologue soviétique du KGB. Entre le milieu des années 1960 et l' éclatement de la Yougoslavie dans les années 1990, l'UDBA a assassiné plus d'une centaine d'émigrés politiques yougoslaves (c'est-à-dire des dissidents yougoslaves) dans le monde, principalement en Europe occidentale et aux États-Unis. Beaucoup de ces assassinats ont été perpétrés par des criminels qui, en échange de la clémence pour d'autres crimes, ont fait le « sale boulot » pour le pays.

Chef du SDB (1991-1998)

Avec l'éclatement de la Yougoslavie , une nouvelle agence du Service de sécurité de l'État (Služba državne bezbednosti ou SDB) a été formée en . Jovica Stanišić a été l'adjoint du chef Zoran Janaćković au sein du nouveau Service de sécurité de l'État (SDB) du ministère de l'Intérieur (Serbie) tout au long de 1991. Bien qu'il soit député, il était largement considéré comme le chef de facto de l'agence. Le , il a été nommé chef de l'agence alors que le ministre de l'Intérieur était Zoran Sokolović. Il est resté à ce poste jusqu'au . Pendant cette période, il a également été ministre adjoint des Affaires intérieures de la Serbie.
Au début des guerres de Yougoslavie , le Service de sécurité de l'État Serbie dirigé par Stanišić a établi des unités paramilitaires spéciales, notamment la « Garde volontaire serbe » (Srpska Dobrovoljačka Garda SDG), également connue sous le nom des « Tigres d'Arkan »), l'Unité d'opérations spéciales-JSO « Bérets rouges » ou (Crvene Beretke), et  les Scorpions (Škorpioni). Ils auraient été créés dans le but d'entreprendre des actions militaires spéciales en Croatie (république serbe de Krajina) et en régions autonomes serbes (SAO) de Bosnie-Herzégovine, dans le but d'expulser de force les non-Serbes de ces régions.

Il a ensuite été rendu public en 2018 que la Bosnie occidentale était en fait le centre principal des opérations militaires de Stanišić et que lui et Franko Simatović ont commandé les forces régionales lors de l'opération « Pauk » (« araignée ») à Cazinska Krajina, en Bosnie entre 1994 et 1995. Une carte montrant 30 postes de commandement que Stanišić avait mis en place dans l'ouest de la Bosnie avait été secrètement interceptée de son commandement également dans le village de Magarcevacas, en Croatie.

Ces unités paramilitaires secrètes ont été entraînées dans divers centres d'entraînement, financés et équipés par le Service de sécurité de l'État Serbie, puis déployées dans des endroits en Croatie et en Bosnie où elles étaient subordonnées à d'autres « forces serbes », en particulier la Défense territoriale serbe locale. La plupart des recrues étaient des criminels vétérans, dont Željko Ražnatović Arkan , qui était l'assassin du SDB responsable de nombreux coups à travers l'Europe occidentale dans les années 1970 et 1980.

Disparition de la vue du public (1998-2000)

Après avoir été démis de ses fonctions en  en raison de désaccords avec Mirjana Marković et le ministre de l'Intérieur Vlajko Stojiljković, il a été nommé conseiller à la sécurité nationale de la Serbie. En , Radomir Marković est devenu le nouveau directeur de l'agence. En 1999, la guerre du Kosovo s'est intensifiée et les États-Unis ont lancé et mené le bombardement de l'OTAN sur la Yougoslavie , qui a duré 78 jours et a ainsi mis fin à la guerre. Depuis lors, le Kosovo n'était plus sous contrôle de la république fédérale de Yougoslavie (Serbie) et était administré en vertu de la résolution 1244 du Conseil de sécurité des Nations unies.
De 1998 à 2000, lors d'une série de guerres mafieuses au cours des dernières années du régime de Milošević, la plupart des membres éminents de la résistance serbe, dont certains faisaient partie des unités paramilitaires, et des agents de sécurité ont été assassinés dans des circonstances mystérieuses. Ces meurtres ont peut-être été organisés par le régime afin qu'il n'y ait aucun témoin contre Milošević et ses complices au Tribunal pénal international pour l'ex-Yougoslavie. Cependant, Stanišić et son proche associé Franko Simatović ont évité un sort similaire. Enfin, Milošević a été renversé le , après 14 ans au pouvoir.

Procès du TPIY

Acte d'accusation et procès (2003-2013)
Après l'assassinat de Zoran Đinđić, Stanišić a été arrêté le  lors de l'opération Sabre par la police serbe et remis au Tribunal pénal international pour l'ex-Yougoslavie (TPIY) le . L'acte d'accusation original contre Stanišić et Franko Simatović a été créé en , et a ensuite été modifié à plusieurs reprises. Il a plaidé non coupable de tous les chefs d'accusation lors de sa première comparution devant le tribunal le . Son affaire a été traitée en même temps que celle de Franko Simatović. Il a été accusé de persécution, de meurtre, d'expulsion et d'actes inhumains.

Selon l'accusation, Stanišić, en tant qu'officier clé du renseignement, supervisait les unités paramilitaires spéciales serbes, notamment la Garde volontaire serbe (Tigres d'Arkan), l'Unité d'opérations spéciales (Bérets rouges) et les Scorpions, qui ont été secrètement établis avec l'aide du Service de Sûreté de l'État Serbie (SDB) en  et s'est poursuivi jusqu'en 1995. Ces unités secrètes étaient composées de commandos et de criminels qui ont pillé sur leur chemin à travers la Croatie et la Bosnie, commettant de nombreux crimes de guerre. L'accusation prétend que Stanišić, en sa qualité d'officier clé du renseignement, supervisait ces unités secrètes.
Vers , Jovica Stanišić et Franko Simatović ont établi un centre d'entraînement dans les régions autonomes serbes (SAO) de la république de Croatie. Dans ce centre, Stanišić et Simatović ont organisé, fourni, financé et dirigé la formation des unités paramilitaires et « forces serbes ». Plus tard, d'autres camps d'entraînement ont été créés dans certaines parties de la Croatie et régions autonomes serbes de la Bosnie-Herzégovine. Ces camps ont été financés par la SDB de la République de Serbie.

Stanišić et Simatović sont jugés pour avoir eu la responsabilité du commandement dans les événements suivants : massacres à Baćin, Lipovača, Vukovići et Saborsko, Škabrnja, Bruška, Dalj et massacre d'Erdut (en Croatie) ; également pour les meurtres de Bosanski Šamac, Sanski Most, le massacre de Doboj, Bijeljina, Srebrenica et Zvornik (en Bosnie-Herzégovine). Une partie de l'accusation, selon laquelle Stanišić faisait partie d'une « entreprise criminelle commune » comprenant l'ancien président serbe Slobodan Milošević et d'autres hommes politiques serbes, a été conclue lors du procès de Milan Martić.
Il est accusé d'avoir "tenté de créer une Grande Serbie en utilisant les zones où vivaient les Musulmans de Bosnie et les Croates de Bosnie". L'un des arguments cruciaux de l'accusation et des preuves que lui et Simatović étaient directement responsables de la création des unités paramilitaires était un film de 1997 tourné au quartier général de l'Unité des opérations spéciales où de hauts responsables politiques et du renseignement, dont Milošević lui-même, ont visité l'unité, déformant l'histoire de l'unité et son bilan de guerre. En 2009, le procès s'est officiellement ouvert six ans après la première comparution de Stanišić devant le tribunal. Entre 2003 et 2013, Stanišić a passé de nombreuses années en prison, et il a obtenu à plusieurs reprises une libération provisoire.

Acquittement et appel (2013-2017)
Stanišić et Simatović ont été acquittés de toutes les charges le , quatre ans après le début du procès et dix ans après son extradition vers le TPIY.
Cependant, son acquittement ainsi que celui de Franko Simatović ont été annulés le  par la chambre d'appel du TPIY des Nations unies qui a annulé le verdict initial jugé erroné, car fondé sur le fait que les hommes ne pouvaient être coupables que s'ils avaient  " spécifiquement dirigé" les crimes.

Le , Simatović et Stanišić ont obtenu une libération temporaire. De retour en Serbie, les deux hommes devaient se présenter chaque jour à un poste de police local à Belgrade et remettre leurs passeports au ministère de la Justice de Serbie. Lui et Simatović étaient en liberté provisoire de  à .

Nouveau procès MIFRTP (2017-présent)
Un nouveau procès a débuté le  et est géré par le Mécanisme international appelé à exercer les fonctions résiduelles des Tribunaux pénaux (MIFRTP), qui a repris les affaires restantes du TPIY à sa clôture en .

Les juges ont confirmé l'existence d'une entreprise criminelle commune visant à expulser la population non serbe du territoire de Bosnie et de Croatie auquel les Serbes considèrent avoir droit. L'objectif de l'entreprise criminelle est « partagé par certains politiciens de haut rang, l'armée et la police en Serbie », et il a été conclu qu'il existait un lien entre le régime du président serbe Slobodan Milošević et la campagne de nettoyage ethnique en Bosnie-Herzégovine.

Le , Stanišić et Simatović ont été reconnus coupables de meurtre, d'expulsion, de transfert forcé et de persécution en tant que crimes contre l'humanité commis à Bosanski Šamac en , et condamnés à 12 ans de prison.
Bosanski Šamac est une ville sur la rive de la rivière Sava, qui est la frontière naturelle de la Bosnie avec la Croatie. Elle a été attaquée le  par des unités de l'Armée populaire yougoslave, contrôlées depuis Belgrade, et des groupes paramilitaires serbes. Après que les serbes ont pris le contrôle de la ville, des musulmans et des croates ont été arrêtés. Beaucoup ont été exécutés sur place, tandis que d'autres ont été envoyés dans des camps de concentration.

Cette décision marque la première fois que de hauts responsables serbes du régime de Slobodan Milošević dans les années 1990 sont reconnus coupables de crimes de guerre commis en Bosnie.
Les juges ont affirmé qu'il n'y avait pas suffisamment de preuves pour les tenir responsables d'une campagne de terreur plus large menée par les escadrons de la mort qui ont ravagé la Bosnie et la Croatie dans les années 1990.
Daniel Serwer, un ancien envoyé américain en Bosnie qui a aidé à négocier l'accord de paix de Dayton a déclaré : «J'aurais préféré une décision géographiquement moins limitée, car je suis convaincu que leur culpabilité s'étend bien au-delà de Bosanski Šamac. Mais la décision ne laisse aucun doute sur l'implication de la Serbie dans les atrocités commises en temps de guerre en Bosnie-Herzégovine. » Nataša Kandić, militante serbe des droits de l'homme et fondatrice du Centre de droit humanitaire basé à Belgrade, a affirmé, que cela montrait que ce n'étaient pas des individus serbes mais des institutions qui étaient complices, arguant que « personne ne peut désormais innocenter la Serbie et dire qu'elle n'a pas participé à ces crimes ».

Le , le Mécanisme international appelé à exercer les fonctions résiduelles des Tribunaux pénaux a confirmé en appel la condamnation de deux anciens chefs de la sécurité d'État de Serbie, Jovica Stanišić et Franko Simatović, et alourdi leur peine de prison à 15 ans. Stanišić et Simatović sont tenus responsables de l'organisation, du financement et du soutien des forces spéciales de la sécurité de l'État de Serbie, telles que l'Unité des opérations spéciales, les Bérets rouges, les Tigres d'Arkan et les Scorpions. Ces unités ont commis les crimes les plus odieux pendant les guerres en ex-Yougoslavie. Le noyau dur venait de Serbie, auquel se joignaient plus tard d'autres combattants serbes, recrutés parmi la population locale de Bosnie et de Croatie.

En tant qu'anciens hauts responsables serbes, Stanišić et Simatović ont été reconnus coupables de participation à une entreprise criminelle commune visant à l'expulsion violente et permanente de la population non serbe du territoire de la Croatie et de la Bosnie-Herzégovine. Ils portent la responsabilité de meurtres, d'expulsions, d'actes inhumains et de persécutions. Dans cette entreprise criminelle commune, ont été impliquées les plus hautes personnalités politiques et militaires de Serbie, y compris  Milošević, ainsi que le président de république serbe de Bosnie, Radovan Karadžić, le chef des Serbes de Croatie, Goran Hadžić, et d'autres. Cela confirme la participation directe de la Serbie aux crimes commis pendant la guerre de Bosnie-Herzégovine.
, a commenté le procureur général Serge Brammertz.

Controverse
La Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) des États-Unis a soumis au tribunal un document scellé attestant de son rôle d'agent infiltré aidant à ramener la paix dans la région.

Notes et références

Articles connexes
 Milorad Ulemek
 Kontraobaveštajna služba (KOS)
 UDBA (Uprava državne bezbednosti)

Liens externes
 Stanišić & Simatović (IT-03-69) icty.org
 STANIŠIĆ et SIMATOVIĆ (MICT-15-96) unmict.org
 Čovek koji nije izašao iz senke - Jovica Stanišić  vreme.com

Naissance en juillet 1950
Nationaliste serbe
Personnalité politique serbe
Guerre de Bosnie-Herzégovine
Personnalité de la guerre de Bosnie-Herzégovine
Personnalité politique condamnée pour crime de guerre
Personnalité condamnée par le Tribunal pénal international pour l'ex-Yougoslavie

Jovica Stanišić


Ferdinand Maxmilian Brokoff (în cehă: Ferdinand Maxmilián Brokoff, 12 septembrie 1688 - 8 martie 1731) a fost un sculptor și cioplitor din epoca barocă.

Biografie
S-a născut în Cherveny Hrádek, lângă Chomutov, Boemia, ca al doilea fiu al Elisabetei și al lui Jan Brokoff. În scurtă vreme, talentul său l-a depășit pe cel al fratelui său mai mare, Michael Brokoff, precum și pe cel al tatălui său.  Opera artistică a lui Ferdinand Brokoff este de multe ori considerată egală ca importanță cu opera lui Matthias Braun. La început el l-a ajutat în special pe tatăl său, dar din 1708 a lucrat în mod independent și doi ani mai târziu, pe când avea vârsta de 22 de ani, a dobândit celebritate ca sculptor al mai multor statui de pe Podul Carol din Praga (statuile Sf. Adalbert, statuia Sf. Gaetano, grupul statuar al lui Francis Borgia, statuile Sfinților Ignațiu și Francisc Xaverius, statuile Sfinților Ioan din Matha, Felix de Valois și Ivo inclusiv celebra statuie a lui Turk etc.).

În jurul anului 1714 Ferdinand Brokoff a început să colaboreze cu arhitectul austriac Johann Bernhard Fischer von Erlach și s-a mutat la Viena (în timp ce își îndeplinea încă comenzile primite de la Praga), unde a lucrat la biserica Sf. Carol Borromeu. El a fost, de asemenea, activ în Silezia (Wrocław), dar a trebuit să se întoarcă la Praga, în curând, din cauza tuberculozei care se extindea. Cu toate acestea, el a continuat să sculpteze în Praga și a realizat unele opere semnificative în 1720, ca de exemplu grupul statuar monumental și stâlpul din piața Hradčany (Hradčanské náměstí, 1726). Cam prin aceeași perioadă (1722) i s-a comandat realizarea a 13 piese ale Calvarului pentru a fi amplasate în nișele scării Castelului Nou, un proiect care nu a fost niciodată realizat.

Spre sfârșitul vieții sale, boala l-a împiedicat treptat, să mai lucreze singur, așa că a creat doar proiectele și modelele, care au fost realizate de mai tinerii săi colaboratori. El a murit la Praga.

Sculpturi

Note

Legături externe
 foto-Krzeszow
 Imagini de la Krzeszow
 Krzeszow

Nașteri în 1688
Decese în 1731
Sculptori cehi
Eponime ale asteroizilor

Ferdinand Brokoff


Sandallar, Bolu - Bolu ili merkez ilçesine bağlı köy
 Sandallar, Çaycuma - Zonguldak ili Çaycuma ilçesine bağlı köy
 Sandallar, Mağusa - Kuzey Kıbrıs Türk Cumhuriyeti'nin Mağusa bölgesinde bir köy

Sandallar


Big Wave Bay or Tai Long Wan () is the name of several bays in Hong Kong:

Big Wave Bay, Hong Kong Island
Big Wave Bay Beach, Hong Kong
Tai Long Wan, Chi Ma Wan
Tai Long Wan (Sai Kung District)
Tai Long Wan, Shek Pik

Big Wave Bay


Das Haus Schloßberg 10  ist ein denkmalgeschütztes Gebäude in der Stadt Quedlinburg in Sachsen-Anhalt.

Lage
Es befindet sich am Schlossberg, südlich der Quedlinburger Altstadt und gehört zum UNESCO-Weltkulturerbe. Unmittelbar südlich grenzt das gleichfalls denkmalgeschützte Haus Schloßberg 9 an.

Architektur und Geschichte
Das zweistöckige Fachwerkhaus entstand um 1580. An der Fassade finden sich die für die Bauzeit typischen Fächerrosetten.  Bedeckt wird das Gebäude von einem steilen Satteldach. Das Erdgeschoss des Hauses ist hoch, das Obergeschoss niedrig ausgeführt. Etwa um 1860 erfolgte ein Umbau des Hauses. In diesem Zusammenhang entstand an der Ostseite ein etwas niedrigerer zweigeschossiger Anbau.

Siehe auch
 Liste der Kulturdenkmale in Quedlinburg

Literatur
 Landesamt für Denkmalpflege Sachsen-Anhalt (Hrsg.): Denkmalverzeichnis Sachsen-Anhalt. Band 7: Falko Grubitzsch, unter Mitwirkung von Alois Bursy, Mathias Köhler, Winfried Korf, Sabine Oszmer, Peter Seyfried und Mario Titze: Landkreis Quedlinburg. Teilband 1: Stadt Quedlinburg. Fliegenkopf, Halle 1998, ISBN 3-910147-67-4, S. 228.

Kulturdenkmal in Quedlinburg
Fachwerkhaus in Quedlinburg
Schloßberg (Quedlinburg)

Schloßberg 10 (Quedlinburg)


بلدية باياركال , هي بلدية تقع في مقاطعة المرية. جنوب شرق إسبانيا. يبلغ عدد سكانها 303 نسمة.

وصلات خارجية
  (بالإسبانية)

مراجع

أماكن مأهولة في المرية
بلديات المرية

باياركال


Wolfsgarten steht für

 Wolfsgarten (Berlin), eine Ortslage in Berlin-Köpenick
 Schloss Wolfsgarten in Langen, Hessen
 Wolfsgarten (Erzgebirge), Wolfsgrube (Fanganlage) bei Breitenbrunn
 Forsthaus Wolfsgarten, Malstatt, Saarland
 Wolfsgarten (Zehdenick), ein Wohnplatz der Stadt Zehdenick, Landkreis Oberhavel, Brandenburg
 Wolfsgarten, Kreis Neidenburg, Ostpreußen, seit 1945: Wilczyce (Nidzica) im Powiat Nidzicki, Woiwodschaft Ermland-Masuren, Polen

Siehe auch:
 Wolfgarten

Wolfsgarten


Un corp ceresc constituit într-un disc protoplanetar este numit planetezimal.  Este vorba de un concept introdus printr-una din principalele teorii acceptate în prezent în materie de formare a planetelor, denumită ipoteza planetezimalelor, enunțată de Viktor Safronov, care se sprijină pe coalescența particulelor de praf interstelar în corpuri compacte de peste câteva zeci de kilometri lungime, susceptibile să se atragă gravitațional, pentru a constitui protoplanete de talia unei planete pitice.

O definiție
Definiția următoare  a fost formulată de specialiștii  participanți la conferința From Dust to Planetesimals (De la praf la planrtezimale) care s-a ținut la castelul Ringberg, în Germania, din 11 până în 15 septembrie 2006 :

Această definiție nu este totuși recunoscută de Uniunea Astronomică Internațională și alte surse pot propune definiții diferite.  În plus, distincția nu este tranșată între planetezimal și protoplanetă

Note

Lectură suplimentară
 Discovering the Essential Universe by Neil F. Comins (2001)

Vezi și
 Obiect mic din Sistemul Solar

Sistemul solar
Planete minore

Planetezimal


est une espèce fossile d'araignées aranéomorphes de la famille des Synotaxidae.

Distribution
Cette espèce a été découverte en Russie dans de l'ambre de la mer Baltique. Elle date du Paléogène.

Description
Le mâle holotype mesure .

Systématique et taxinomie
Cette espèce a été décrite sous le protonyme Elucus infelix par Petrunkevitch en 1950. Elle est placée dans le genre Anandrus par Wunderlich en 1986.

Publication originale
 Petrunkevitch, 1950 : « Baltic amber spiders in the Museum of Comparative Zoology. » Bulletin of the Museum of Comparative Zoology, , ,  (texte intégral).

Liens externes

Notes et références

Références taxonomiques

Synotaxidae
Espèce fossile d'araignées (nom scientifique)
Animal du Paléogène
Résine fossile
Paléontologie en Russie
Taxon fossile décrit en 1950
Taxon fossile décrit par Alexander Petrunkevitch

Anandrus infelix


Vinovica je vrsta jakoga alkoholnog pića. Proizvodi ju se destilacijom vina s ili bez vinskog taloga na manje od 86% vol. alkohola. Smije se napraviti redestilacija, ali na istu alkoholnu jakost. Da bi se vinovicu smjelo staviti na tržište, mora udovoljiti ovim uvjetima:
 alkoholna jakost gotovog proizvoda: najmanje 37,5% vol.;
 količina hlapivih tvari najmanje 140 grama na hektolitar, preračunato na 100% vol. alkohola;
 količina metanola najviše 400 grama na hektolitar, preračunato na 100% vol. alkohola.
 Nesmije se dodavati razrijeđeni niti nerazrijeđeni alkohola.
 Smije ju se aromatizirati.
 Karamel smije biti dodan vinovici samo kao sredstvo za prilagodbu boje.

Izvori

Žestoka alkoholna pića
Enologija

Vinovica


Lenah H. Sutcliffe Higbee (May 18, 1874 – January 10, 1941) was a pioneering Canadian-born United States Navy military nurse, who served as Superintendent of the U.S. Navy Nurse Corps during World War I. She was the first woman to be awarded the Navy Cross.

Early life and education
Higbee was born Lenah H. Sutcliffe in Chatham, New Brunswick, Canada, on 18 May 1874.  She completed nurses' training at the New York Post-Graduate Hospital in 1899 and entered private practice soon thereafter. Lenah Higbee took postgraduate training at Fordham Hospital, New York in 1908.

In 1899, she married retired Marine Corps Lieutenant Colonel John H. Higbee. His first wife Isabel Higbee had died in 1898. John Higbee had served as a Marine Corps officer from 1861 to 1898. He died in April 1908 and was interred at Arlington National Cemetery.

Career
In October 1908, she joined the newly established U.S. Navy Nurse Corps as one of its first twenty members. These nurses, who came to be called "The Sacred Twenty", were the first women to formally serve as members of the Navy. The Navy required its first Nurse Corps candidates to be between 22 and 44 years old and also unmarried. As a 34-year-old widow, Higbee met these requirements.

She was promoted to Chief Nurse in 1909. Lenah Higbee became Chief Nurse at Norfolk Naval Hospital in April 1909.

In January 1911, Higbee became the second Superintendent of the U.S. Navy Nurse Corps. For her achievements in leading the Corps through the First World War, Chief Nurse Higbee was the first woman awarded the Navy Cross. Navy nurses Marie Louise Hidell, Lillian M. Murphy and Edna E. Place were also awarded the Navy Cross in 1920 for their World War I service, but these women all received the award posthumously after having succumbed to the Spanish flu, which they contracted while caring for hospital patients.

Navy Cross citation

Later life and death
She resigned from the position of Superintendent and retired from the Navy on 23 November 1922.

Higbee died at Winter Park, Florida, on 10 January 1941 and is buried at Arlington National Cemetery, in Arlington, Virginia.

Legacy
The US Navy has named two ships in her honor;
 , a  commissioned in 1945, as the first U.S. Navy warship to bear the name of one of its female members.
 , an  guided missile destroyer, commissioned 13 May 2023.

References

Further reading

External links

 Photos of Lenah Higbee
 Nurses and the U.S. Navy  –Overview and Special Image Selection Naval Historical Center
 Lenah Sutcliffe Higbee Naval History and Heritage Command

1874 births
1941 deaths
Canadian emigrants to the United States
Female United States Navy officers
United States Navy Nurse Corps officers
American nursing administrators
United States Navy personnel of World War I
American women in World War I
Female nurses in World War I
Recipients of the Navy Cross (United States)
Burials at Arlington National Cemetery

Lenah Higbee


Joseph Bowie (San Luis, Misuri, 17 de octubre de 1953) es un trombonista y cantante estadounidense de jazz, hermano del trompetista Lester Bowie.

Bowie comenzó tocando en grupos de rhythm and blues y, más tarde, con Oliver Lake y Julius Hemphill, actuando con este último en París, en 1972. Trabajará después con su hermano Lester, con Frank Lowe (1975-77) y otros músicos relacionados con la escena de free jazz de San Luis, incluyendo a su otro hermano, Byron Bowie (saxo alto). En 1980, forma el grupo de jazz fusión Defunkt, con el que permanece hasta 1986, aunque más tarde volverá hasta la actualidad. Continuará tocando también con diversos músicos, hasta su traslado a Holanda en 2003.

Bowie es uno de los principales representantes de los que Berendt llama "free funk", junto a Ronald Shannon Jackson. Posee un sonido graso y agudo, al límite de la ruptura, expresionista y, a veces, violento.

Bibliografía

 Joachim E. Berendt: El Jazz: Origen y desarrollo. Fondo de Cultura Económica. Madrid, 1986. ISBN 84-375-0260-8)

 CARLES, Phillipe; CLERGEAT, André y COMOLLI, Jean-Louis: Dictionaire du jazz. Robert Laffont Edt., París, 1988. ISBN 2-221-04516-5

Referencias

Enlaces externos

 Página oficial de Defunkt

 Kosen Rufu
 Yusef Lateef
 Hans Dulfer
 Emmergency Room
 Kim Clarke
 John Mulkerin

Trombonistas de jazz de Estados Unidos
Cantantes de jazz de Estados Unidos
Músicos de free jazz
Músicos de jazz moderno
Nacidos en San Luis (Misuri)

Joseph Bowie


Pouls cirkelperformance er en film instrueret af Ole Schelde.

Handling
Dokumenterer Poul Gernes som performer i et hans mest kendte happeningnumre opført på Toftevangskolen i 1967. Gernes drejer langsomt og skulpturelt rundt om sig selv.

Referencer

Eksterne henvisninger

Danske film fra 1967

Eksperimentalfilm fra Danmark

Pouls cirkelperformance


අවුරුදූ මිලියන 400 ක් පමණ අතීතයක් ඇති සත්වයෙක් ලෙස මෝරා හැදින්විය හැකිය.මිහිමත සිටි ඩයෝනසර් සත්වයන් සිටින සමයෙ‍් සිට මෙම මත්ස්‍යයන් සිටින බව පිලිගැනේ.එමෙන්ම සාගරයේ වෙසෙන විශාලම සත්ව කොට්ඨාශයක් හා ඉතාමත් දරුණු මත්ස්‍ය විශේෂය ලෙස ද මෝරා හැදින්වීමට පුලුවන.අවුරැදු 20-25 ත් අතර ආයුකාලයක් ජීවවෙන අතර ඩෝග් ෆිෂ් ෂාක් නමින්හැදින්වෙන මෝරා අව්රැදු 100 ක් පමණ කාලයක් ජීවත් වේ.මොවුන්ගේ ආහාරයන් ලෙස සැලකෙන්නේ ප්ලැන්ක්ටන්(ජලයෙහි පාවෙන ශාක හා සත්ව විශේෂ)කුණු වු මස් සීල් මත්සයින හා ජලයේ වෙසෙන ක්ෂීරපායීමත්සයින් මොවුන්ගේ ප්‍රධාන ආහාරය ලෙස හැදින්විය හැකිය.

මෝරා‍ගෙ‍් ශරීරය කාටිලේජවලින‍් සෑදී ඇති බැවින් කටු දක්නට නොලැබේ.මොවුන්ට ආශ්වාස ප්‍රාශ්වාස කිරීම සදහා දික් සිදුරැ පහත් හතත් අතර කරමල් දැකිය හැකිවේ.එමෙන්ම ඔවුන්ගේ දත් ද ඉතාමත් තියුණු වේ.මොවුන්ගේ වරල් ඉතාමත් ඉහළ වටිනාකමක් දරයි.

වසරකට මෝරුන් මිලියන 26 ත් 73 ත් අතර ප්‍රමාණයක් මිනිසුන් විසින් මරා දමනු ලබන අතර මෝරුන් අතින් වසරක මිනිසුන්පස්දෙනෙක් පමණ මරණයට පත්වේ.

මෝරුන් විශේෂ 350 ක් පමණ සාගරයේ වෙසෙන බව සොයාගෙන ඇත.මෙයින් දිගින් සෙන්ටිමීටර 22ක් පමණ (අගල් 9 ක් පමණ) වන කුඩා මෝරාගේ සිට මීටර් 12ක් පමණ (අඩි 41ක් පමණ) දිගින් විශාල,මේ සාගරය තුළ ඇති බව සොයාගෙන ඇත.සාගරයේ වෙසෙන ඉතාමත් ශක්තිමත් දත් ඇති මොවුන් ඉතාමත් වේගවත්ව පිහිනිය හැකි මත්සය්‍ය විශේෂයක් වන, මෝරුන් ඔවුන්ගේ ගොදුරැ වෙත එන ගමන නතර කිරීමට නොහැකි අතර එසේ නතර කිරීම වෙනුවට ඔවුන් ගොදුරු මගහැර යාම පමණක් සිදුකරයි.

පින්තූර ගැලරිය

මෝරුන් වර්ග
අද ලෝකයේ මෝරුන් වර්ග රාශියක් දැකිය හැකිය
 ග්රේ ස්මූත්හොන්ඩ්
 කවිඳු ෂාක්
 ලෙපර්ඩ් ෂාක්
 හෝන් ෂාක්

 ස්වේල් ෂාක්

 එන්ජල් ෂාක්

 බ්ලු ෂාක්

 මාකෝ ෂාක්

 ට්රේෂර් ෂාක්

 හැමර්හෙඩ් ෂාක්

 ග්රේට් වයිට් ෂාක් එසේ ලෝකයේ ඇති මෝරුන් වර්ග කිහිපයකි.

මොවුන්ට ඉතාමත් තියුණු ඉවක් ඇත.සැතපුම් කාලක් පමණ දුර ඇති ලේ වල ඉව ඔවුන්ට ඉතාමත්හොදින් දැනේ.හොදින් වැඩුණු මෝරෙකුගේ මුඛයේ දත් 24000 ක් පමණ දක්නට ලැබේ.මෙම මත්ස්‍යයින්ට වර්ණ නොපෙනේ.මොවුන්ගේ ශරීරය සෑදී ඇත්තේ,කාටිලේජ වලිනි.මොවුන්ගේසම ඉතාමත් ඝණවන අතර සමහර මෝරුන්ට පීනන විටදී හුස්ම ගැනීමට අපහසුය.කෙටි දුර පිහිනීමේදී මෝරෙකුට පැයකට සැතපුම් 50 ක පමණ වේගයකින් පිහිනීමට හැකියාව ඇත.

මෝරුන් සමග සහජීවනයෙන් ජීවත්වන මත්ස්‍යය විශේෂ දෙකක් සොයාගෙන ඇත.ඔවුන් නම් පයිලට් හා රෙමෝරා ලෙස හදුන්වයි.රෙමෝරා මත්ස්‍යයන් මෝරුන්ගේ සමේ වෙසෙන පරපෝෂිතයන් ආහාරයට ගන්නා නිසා මොවුන් නිසා ද මෝරුන් ස්වභාවිකව ආරක්ෂා වේ.

මෝරා ඉතාමත් සෞඛ්‍යසම්පන්න සතෙකි.මෝරාගේ ශරීරය විෂබීජවලින් තොරය.මොවුන්ට තුවාලයක් වුවද ඉතාමත් ඉක්මනින් සුවඅතට හැරේ.මොවුන්ගේ ශරීරයට විෂබීජ හා රෝග ඉතාමත් ඉක්මනින් මර්දනයකර ගැනීමට හැකියාව ඇත.අද බොහෝසෙයින් අසන්නට ලැබෙන රෝගයක් වන පිළිකාව,මෝරාට නොවැලදෙන රෝගයකි.පිළිකාවලට ඔරොත්තුදීමේ හොඳ සෞඛ්‍යසම්පන්න බවක් මෝරා සතුව ඇත.මෝරුන්ගේ අස්ථි පන්ජරයෙන් ගනුලබන රසායනික ර්‍ද්‍රව්‍යයකින් පිලිස්සුණු රෝගීන්ට ස්ථිර ප්‍රථිකාර වශයෙන් කෘතීම සමක් සාදාගැනීමට හැකිබව සොයාගෙන ඇත.තවද මසට හා මෝරුන්ගේ වරල් සඳහා ද මොවුන් මරනු ලබයි.මෝරා‍ගේ පරම සතුරා මිනිසා වේ.

මේ අඩවිත් බලන්න
 ජෛව විවිධත්වය

මෝරා


An Teuscheria integrilabia in uska species han Liliopsida nga ginhulagway ni Dodson. An Teuscheria integrilabia in nahilalakip ha genus nga Teuscheria, ngan familia nga Orchidaceae.

Mabibilngan ini ha Ecuador. Waray hini subspecies nga nakalista.

Mga kasarigan

Teuscheria

Teuscheria integrilabia


Tous les chats sont gris (Paha perhe) est un film finlandais réalisé par Aleksi Salmenperä, sorti en 2010.

Synopsis
Tilda, la fille de Mikael, un juge respecté, réapparaît et perturbe l'équilibre familial.

Fiche technique
 Titre : Tous les chats sont gris
 Titre original : Paha perhe
 Réalisation : Aleksi Salmenperä
 Scénario : Aleksi Salmenperä
 Musique : Ville Tanttu
 Photographie : Tuomo Hutri
 Montage : Samu Heikkilä
 Production : Aki Kaurismäki
 Société de production : Sputnik et Yleisradio
 Société de distribution : Jour2Fête (France)
 Pays :
 Genre : Drame
 Durée : 95 minutes
 Dates de sortie :
 :
 :

Distribution
 Ville Virtanen : Mikael Lindgren
 Lauri Tilkanen : Daniel « Dani »
 Pihla Viitala : Tilda
 Vera Kiiskinen : Laura
 Niki Seppälä : Milo
 Ismo Kallio : Jaan
 Tomi Salmela : Kari
 Reino Nordin : Samuli
 Sara Paavolainen : Anna
 Asko Sarkola : Erik
 Pertti Sveholm : Jaakko
 Henriikka Salo : Seija

Distinctions
Le film a été nommé pour trois Jussis et a reçu celui du meilleur acteur pour Ville Virtanen.

Notes et références

Liens externes

Film finlandais sorti en 2010
Film dramatique finlandais

Tous les chats sont gris (film, 2010)


محمد قنديل (11 مارس 1929 - 9 يونيو 2004)، مغني مصري، من أشهر أغانيه أغنية «جميل وأسمر». كما غنى أيضاً «سماح»، «يا حلو صبح». كما غنى «يا رايحين الغورية»، و«بين شطين وميّه»، وكلاهما من تأليف محمد علي أحمد، وتلحين كمال الطويل.

نشأته
ولد محمد قنديل في شبرا بالقاهرة. الاسم الحقيقي قنديل محمد حسن. كان أبوه موسيقياً من هواة العزف على العود والقانون، وزوج عمته هو الموسيقار المطرب عبد اللطيف عمر. تلقى تعليمه بمدارس شبرا والتحق بمعهد الموسيقى الشرقية

احترف الغناء منذ أن كان مطرباً صغيراً بملهى ليلي بإمبابة، وكانت أول أغنياته للإذاعة المصرية عام 1946 وهي «يا ميت لطافة يا تمر حنة». قدّم للإذاعة أكثر من خمسة وأربعين عاما من فن الغناء العربي وتراثه بين الأغنية الشعبية والموال والدور والموشح والأغنية السينمائية والأغاني الوطنية والصور الغنائية في الإذاعتين المرئية والمسموعة.

من أغانيه
 سماح
 جميل وأسمر
 سحب رمشه ورد الباب
 أبو سمرة السكرة
 إن شا الله ما اعدمك
 مالي بيه
 يا رايحين الغورية
 أهل إسكندرية
 تلات سلامات
 يا حلو صبح
 بين شطين وميه
 زي البحر غرامك

صورة غنائية للإذاعة
 السوق
 العباسة
 الموكب
 الصديق
 أم شناف
 العين والعافية
 المدمس

أفلامه

 عبيد المال
 عرق جبيني
 عزيزة
 شاطئ الأسرار
 في صحتك 1955
 صراع في النيل
 رجل في حياتي
 عندما نحب 1967

مصادر

وصلة خارجية

أشخاص من القاهرة
مغنون مصريون
مواليد 1347 هـ
مواليد 1929
وفيات 1425 هـ
وفيات 2004

محمد قنديل


An Leymotrigia zarubinii in uska species han Liliopsida nga ginhulagway ni Galina A. Peschkova. An Leymotrigia zarubinii in nahilalakip ha genus nga Leymotrigia, ngan familia nga Poaceae. Waray hini subspecies nga nakalista.

Mga kasarigan

Leymotrigia

Leymotrigia zarubinii


Willacoochee est une ville américaine située dans le comté d'Atkinson, en Géorgie. Selon le recensement de 2020, sa population est de .

Liens externes

Municipalité en Géorgie (États-Unis)
Comté d'Atkinson

Willacoochee (Géorgie)


Giro d'Italia 2000 var den 83. udgave af Giro d'Italia, en af cykelsportens Grand Tours. Løbet startede med en prolog på 4,6 km, der blev kørt gennem Rom. Løbets sidste etape var den 4. juni og endte i Milano. Tyve hold deltog i løbet, der blev vundet af italieneren Stefano Garzelli fra  holdet. Toer og treer blev de italienske ryttere Francesco Casagrande og Gilberto Simoni.

Hold
I alt 20 hold blev inviteret at deltage ved Giro d'Italia 2000. Hvert hold sendte en trup med ni ryttere, så giroen startede med en peloton, der bestod af 180 cyielryttere. Af de 180 ryttere der startede denne udgave af Giro d'Italia, var det i alt 127 ryttere der gennemførte og kom i mål i Milano..

De 20 hold der deltog i løbet var:

Trøjernes fordeling gennem løbet

Resultater

Samlede resultat

Pointkonkurrencen

Bjergkonkurrencen

Intergirokonkurrencen

Trofeo Fast Team

Trofeo Super Team

Mindre klassifikationer

Andre mindre kendte konkurrencer, hvis førere ikke modtog nogen speciel trøje, blev hædret under Giroen. Andre priser inkluderer Bilboa mest angrebsivrige pokal konkurrencen, hvilket var en opsamling af points opnået i placeringer når de krydsede mellemliggende spurter, bjergpas og slutplaceringen. Italieneren Massimo Strazzer vand konkurrencen om den mest angrebsivrige rytter. Top Runner Trophy Liquigas konkurrencen blev vundet af Francesco Casagrande.

Referencer

2000
Cykelløb i 2000

Giro d'Italia 2000


.az, Azerbaycan'ın İnternet Ülke Alan Kodu (CcTLD) kod harfleri. Azerbaycan İletişim tarafından işletilmeketedir.

Bazı ikinci seviye alanları bunlardır: .az are com.az, net.az, int.az, gov.az, org.az, .edu.az, .info.az, .pp.az, .mil.az, .name.az, .pro.az ve biz.az.

Azerbaycan'da internet
az
1993 tanıtımları

.az


Kosningar í Bandaríkjunum fóru fram þann 7. nóvember árið 1972.
 Forsetakosningar í Bandaríkjunum 1972
 Öldungadeildarkosningar í Bandaríkjunum 1972
 Fulltrúadeildarkosningar í Bandaríkjunum 1972
 Fylkisstjórakosningar í Bandaríkjunum 1972

1972
1972

Kosningar í Bandaríkjunum 1972


Jean François Lyotard; (10 Ağustos 1924 - 21 Nisan 1998), Fransız filozof, edebiyat teorisyeni, postmodernizmin ve postmodern felsefe 'nin öncülerinden olan çağdaş Fransız düşünürü.

Modernizmin-sonrası ya da ötesi olarak algılanan süreci Lyotard Postmodern Durum olarak tanımladı ve aynı adlı kitabında moderniteyi ve modern düşünceyi bu bağlamda sorunsallaştırdı. Postmodern felsefe  içinde ve postmodernizm üzerine yapılan tartışmalarda en çok gönderme yapılan isimlerden birisi oldu. Postmodernizmin en önemli teorisyenlerinden biri olan Lyotard'ın temel eseri Postmodern Durum'dur.

Lyotard, postmodernliği endüstri sonrası toplumun içinde bulunduğumuz şu anki evresine karşılık gelen bir durum ya da koşul olarak tanımlamıştır. Modernliği, bilim ve devleti meşrulaştırmak amacıyla kullanılan üst anlatıların oynadığı rol ile açıklayan Lyotard, bu üst anlatılardan ilerlemenin kesinliğini ve vazgeçilmezliğini vurgulayan iki tanesinin, modern bilimle Fransız Devriminin sonucu olan siyaset anlayışının özgürleştirici anlatısıyla, Hegelcilik ve Marksizmin spekülatif tarih felsefelerinin Batı kültürünü anlamak açısından büyük önem taşıdığını savunur.

Postmodern terimi günümüzde pek çok sanatsal, entelektüel ve akademik alanda kullanılmaktadır. Derrida, Lyotard, Baudrillard vb. postmodernist kuramcılardır.

Lyotard'ın çözümü, Wittgensteincı dil oyunlarının meydana getireceği heterojen ve çoksesli yapıdır. Lyotard'a göre, mutlak bir konsensüs değil de, zamansal ve yerel konsensüsler aranmalı, geçici sözleşmelerin peşine düşülmelidir. Başka bir deyişle, görüşlerinin ifade ettiği kökten kuşkuculuğa karşın, Lyotard ahlaki ya da siyasi hiççiliğe düşmemiştir.

Adaletin ne modası geçmiş, ne de kuşkulu bir değer olduğunu öne süren Lyotard, modernliğin demokratik potansiyelinin yenilenmesi ve derinleştirilmesi, onun demokratik güç ve itkilerinin diyalektik bir biçimde yoğunlaştırılması gerektiğini belirtmiştir. Dil oyunlarının indirgenemez çokluğunu ve çeşitliliğini benimseyen filozof, bakış açılarının çeşitliliğiyle seslendirilme hakkının yılmaz bir savunucusu olmuştur.

Yaşamı

Jean-François Lyotard 10 Ağustos 1924'te Versay'de doğdu. 1956 yılında felsefe yeterlik sınavlarını başarıyla verdikten sonra, Cezayir'in Konstantin kentindeki lisede bir yıl ve ardından Fransa'da La Fléche adlı lisede yedi yıl boyunca felsefe öğretmenliği yaptı.

1954 ile 1964 yılları arasında Sosyalizm ya da Barbarlık adlı Fransız radikal Marksist dergiye, ardından İşçi Gücü adlı başka bir dergiye düzenli yazılar yazdı. Düşünsel yaşamının başlangıcında Marksist bir konumda bulunan Lyotard daha sonra, 1974 yılından itibaren (Economie Libidinale–Libidinal Ekonomi kitabıyla birlikte) Marksizm ve Modernizm temelli öğretileri eleştiren bir yöne geçti. Lyotard'da bu kitaptan itibaren Nietzsche'ci bir teorik-politik konuma geçişin izleri görülür.

1968 Mayıs'ı olayları sırasında, Lyotard Sorbonne-Nantere'de dersler verdi. 1987 yılında emekli olana dek önce Paris Üniversitesi'nde, daha sonra ise Saint-Denis 'de öğretim üyesi olarak çalıştı. Aynı zamanda Paris'teki Uluslararası Felsefe Koleji'nin kurucu üyesi olan Lyotard, değişik aralıklarla bulunduğu sekiz yıl boyunca ABD'nin çeşitli üniversitelerinde Fransız felsefesi ile eleştirel kuram üstüne dersler verdi. Bir süre Almanya'da da konuk profesör olarak da bulunmuştur.

Lyotard, 21 Nisan 1998'de Paris'te lösemiden öldü.

Düşünce kaynakları
Lyotard'ın ilk çalışmalarından itibaren Fenomenoloji, Yapısalcılık, Hegelci diyalektik ve Marksçı siyaset kuramı gibi belli başlı alanlarda farklı açılımlar ortaya koyduğu ve eleştirel bir bakış açısı geliştirmeye yöneldiği söylenebilir. Dolayısıyla bu ögelerin kendi üzerinde etkisi de söz konusudur. 1954 yılında yayımladığı  La Phénoménologie (Fenomenoloji) başlıklı kitabında Martin Heidegger ve Merleau-Ponty etkisi görülür; burada nesnelci, öznelci ve idealist eğilimleri aşmak üzere fenomenolojinin olanaklarından yararlanmaya çalışıldığı görülür.

Bunlardan başka Lyotard'ın üzerinde Wittgenstein'ın, Emmanuel Levinas'in, Theodor W. Adorno'nun, Jacques Derrida'nın etkili olduğunu belirtmek gerekir. Lyotard, yapısalcı anlayıştan önemli şeyler almakla birlikte birçok kuramsal meselede ona karşı çıkmış, hem Dil'i anlamak bakımından dil bilimde  hem de özellikle Sigmund Freud'un değerlendirilmesi bakımından psikanalizde yapısalcılık-dışı bir yol izlemiştir. Jacques Lacan'ın  okuduğu anlamda Freud'u benimsemez.

Lyotard ve Postmodern durum
Postmodern Durum adlı kitabı 1979 yılında yayınlandığında, yalnızca Fransa da ve belli bir entelektüel çevrede değil, her alanda ve ülkede etkili olmuş ve kısa sürede sürekli göndermeler yapılan bir metne dönüşmüştür.

1983 yılında Le Differende yayımlanır, burada Lyotard Wittgensteinci bir dil felsefesini uyarlamış olarak görünür. Lyotard bu doğrultuda kışkırtıcı modernizm okumaları gerçekleştirmiş ve kıta felsefesinin eleştirel kolunun güçlü isimlerinden biri olarak yer almıştır.

Lyotard, Wittgenstein'dan aldığı dil oyunları anlayışını geliştirir. Her dil oyununun kuralları yalnızca kendi içinde belirlenimli olduğundan dolayıdır ki, Lyotard'a göre dil oyunlarının çoğulluğunu benimsemek gerekir. Lyotard  dil oyunlarının indirgenemez çokluğunu ve çeşitliliğini benimser. Dolayısıyla Lyotard'a göre, her dil oyunu kendini kendi bakış açısının çeşitliliğiyle seslendirme hakkına sahip olabilmelidir.

Lyotard'a göre postmodern durum, hem maddi koşullardaki  değişimleri hem de düşünsel alandaki kopuşları içeren bir sürecin  toplam ifadesidir. Buna yol açan her şeyden önce derin bir inançsızlık hali ya da başka bir deyişle kökensel bir  kuşkudur. Burada söz konusu olan Modernite 'nin ya da Modernliğin meşruiyetine dair bir kuşkudur ve tüm bir modern projenin kendisine ve temel nosyonlarına yöneliktir. Lyotard, bu kuşkunun izlerini sürer ve anlamlandırır. Buna göre artık Büyük Anlatılar olarak adlandırdığı modernizme içkin bir düzine temel kavramın (İlerleme, Aydınlanma, Rasyonellik, Özgürlük, Evrensellik vb.)  inandırıcı olmadığı tespit edilir. Bu kuşku halinin  kendisiyle birlikte başlayan yeni yaşam tarzı dönemin adı postmodern durumdur.

Bu durum içerisinde, Lyotard bilgiyle ilgili modernist hedeflerin tamamen tartışmalı olduklarını belirtir ve amaçlarla ilgili bu tartışmayı bir karara bağlamanın sağlam ya da nihai bir yolunun  olmadığını gözler önüne serer. Burada ortaya ölçülemezlik ya da karşılaştırılamazlık denilen teorik sorun çıkar. Buna göre farklı adalet ve hakikat konumları birbiriyle karşılaştırılamaz ve birbirine indirgenemezdirler. Şu halde tek bir hakikate, salt bir akıl'a, evrensel bir yaşam konumuna yani tarihin ve ilerlemenin tek ve evrensel bir yönü olduğuna inanmak ve bunu teorik olarak temellendirebilmek olanaklı değildir.

Bu beraberinde meşruiyet sorununu getirir. Bilginin meşrulaştırımı artık bir Büyük Anlatı 'ya dayandırılamayacaktır, çünkü Endüstri-sonrası- toplumlar'daki kültürel ve toplumsal gelişmelerin bir sonucu olarak artık Büyük Anlatılar'a duyulan güven yerini derin bir kuşkuya bırakmıştır. Endüstri-sonrası-toplum, bilgi ve informasyon teknolojisinin büyük bir rol oynadığı üretim yapısına geçiş yapmıştır. Bunun sonucunda gelişen Büyük Anlatılar'a yönelik inançsızlik tüm tarih felsefeleri'ne, teleolojik anlayışlara ve erekselci tarihsel vaadlerle ortaya çıkan politik ideolojiler'e kuşkuyla bakılmaktadır. Açıktır ki böyle bir değerlendirmenin eleştirel hedefi Modern toplum ve devlet anlayışları olduğu gibi, Marksist öğretinin kendisidir de.

Lyotard'a göre postmodernizmin siyasal anlamı, totaliterliğe karşı çıkıştır. Bu yönde aşırı iyimser olmakla eleştirilmiştir. Totaliterizm, modernizmdeki her tür öğretiye içkin hale gelen  birlik ve düzen anlayışlarından, dahası mutlak akıl ve hakikat anlayışından  gelir. Bunlara karşı heterojen ve çok sesliliği önerir, ki bu onun Wittgensteinci dil oyunları anlayışına uygun bir görüştür. Mutlak bir uzlaşmaya değil, geçici sözleşmelerin peşinde olunmalıdır. Lyotard'in kuşkuculuğu, nihilizme varmaz, adalet modası geçmiş bir kavram değildir ona göre, modernliğin demokratik potansiyeli vardır ve yapılması gereken onun yenilenmesi ve derinleştirilmesidir.

Kaynakça
 Felsefe Sözlüğü-  Hazırlayanlar: A.Baki Güçlü  / Erkan Uzun / Serkan Uzun  / Ü.Hüsrev Yoksal, Bilim ve Sanat Yayınları
 Felsefe Sözlüğü, Ahmet Cevizci, Paradigma Yayınları
 Meşruluk Üzerine Notlar, Lyotard, Çeviren:Haldun Bayrı, Defter dergisi, sayı 16
 Postmodern Durum, Lyotard, 1979, Vadi yayınları.

1924 doğumlular
1998 yılında ölenler
Fransız filozoflar
Postmodern düşünürler
Postmodern felsefe
Versay doğumlular
Paris'te ölenler

Jean-François Lyotard


Stefan Brands é um empreendedor e matemático holandês que projetou os protocolos criptográficos centrais da tecnologia U-Prove da Microsoft. Versões anteriores desses protocolos foram implementadas por DigiCash, Zero-Knowledge Systems, Credentica e um consórcio de bancos e organizações de TI europeus. Ele é autor de vários artigos científicos e livros sobre criptografia e privacidade.

Brands foi um arquiteto principal na Microsoft, um professor adjunto na Universidade McGill e um consultor do comissário de proteção de dados do Canadá e do Centro de Informação sobre Privacidade Eletrônica.

Empregados da Microsoft

Stefan Brands


Make My Day er en kortfilm fra 2008 instrueret af Pelle Møller efter manuskript af Pelle Møller.

Handling
En kortfilm om en mand, der ankommer til en skadestue sammen med sin søn, der har forstuvet sin ankel i skolen. Faderen har altid fortalt sønnen om ikke at lade nogen nedgøre ham. Men når den behandlende læge viser sig at være en af de gutter, som mobbede faderen tilbage i hans skoledage, bliver faderen meget underdanig. Og pludselig er det sønnen, der må stå op for sin underdanige far.

Referencer

Eksterne henvisninger

Kortfilm fra Danmark
Danske film fra 2008

Make My Day


Atletik Kulüp Omonia Lefkoşa (Yunanca: Αθλητικός Σύλλογος Ομόνοια Λευκωσίας), Kıbrıs Cumhuriyeti ve Lefkoşa futbol kulübüdür. Omonia 20 şampiyonluk, 12 Kıbrıs Kupası ve 14 Kıbrıs Süper Kupası kazandı. Kulüp, 1948 yılında kuruldu ve 1953 yılında Kıbrıs Futbol Federasyonu'na üye oldu. Atletik kulüp olarak bilinen Omonia'nın basketbol, voleybol, futbol ve bisiklet kolları vardır.

Tarihçe
Omonia, II. Dünya Savaşı'ndan hemen sonra 1948 yılında kuruldu. Kulübün kuruluşu (diğer birkaç kulüple bağlantılıdır), politik türbülansı çağrıştıran bu dönemde gerçekleşti. Omonia taraftarları solculuğu seçti.

Omonia 1953 yılında Kıbrıs Futbol Federasyonu'na üye olmasıyla birlikte Kıbrıs Birinci Lig'de oynamaya başladı. 60'lı yıllarda kulübün Kıbrıs futbolunda adını duyurmasıyla 1960-61 sezonunda ilk şampiyonluğunu yaşadı.

Omonia bu sezonu ikinci gelen Anorthosis Famagusta'un 7 puan önünde kapadı. Sonraki kupalarda da aralarında ciddi bir rekabet oluştu. Omonia 20 lig şampiyonluğu ve 12 Kıbrıs Kupası ile Kıbrıs Cumhuriyeti'nin şu anki en başarılı kulübüdür, en yakın rakibi ise APOEL'dir.

Omonia, 1970'li yıllarda ligin hâkimiydi. Şimdi bile kırılamamış bir rekora sahiptir. 1974-1979 yılları arasında 6 kere üst üste şampiyon oldu.

Omonia'nın yetiştirdiği oyuncu Sotiris Kaiafas, en iyi Kıbrıslı Rum futbolcularındandı. Duyguları etkileyecek kadar Gregory Savvas kadar iyi oynuyordu. Kaiafas gelmiş geçmiş Kıbrıslı Rum en iyi oyuncudur. Avrupa Altın Ayakkabı ödülüne sahiptir. Avrupa'nın en büyük gol kralı haline 1976 yılında 39 gol atarak geldi.

Kaiafas'ın gidişinden sonra Omonia yeniden yetenek yetiştirmenin yollarını bulmuştu. 1981, 1985, 1987'de ve 1989'da yine şampiyon oldu. Fakat 90'lı yıllarda Anorthosis Ammohostu onu gölgelemeye mecbur bıraktı.

Alman asıllı Raufmann 1998 yılında kulübe geldi ve dört sene içinde Ada'da iz bırakmayı sağladı. Kıbrıs Cumhuriyeti vatandaşı olup Kıbrıs Cumhuriyeti millî futbol takımında da oynadı. Daha sonra 37 yaşında sakatlığından sonra jubilesini yaparak futbolu bıraktı. 1990'lı yılların diğer bir yıldızI ise Kostas Malekos'tur, daha sonraları Omonia'nın en büyük rakiplerinden biri ve görüş zıtlığı olan APOEL'ye geçti.

6 yıl bekledikten sonra Omonia 1999-00 sezonunda yine Kıbrıs Kupası'nı kazandı. Bu kupayı kazanmak taraftarlar için büyük bir gelenek olmuştu. 1980-1984 yılları arasında kupa, 4 yıl Lefkoşa'da kaldı.

2000-01 yılında şampiyonlukta yine Omonia bayrağı dalgalandı. Henk Haouart, sezonun yarısında Anorthosis Ammohostu'yı 3-1 yenerek Omonia'nın şampiyonluğu garantiledi. 2002-03 yılında Toni Saveski antrenörlğü geçti ve kulüp on dokuzuncu şampiyonluğunu yaşadı. Omonia 2004-05 yılında ise Kıbrıs Kupası'yla yetinmek zorunda kaldı.

Taraftarlar
Omonia taraftarları sol ideolojiyi ve sosyalizm'i benimser. Maçları sırasında açtıkları Che Guevara ve Anti-Faşizm bayrakları da bunun göstergesidir. Kulüp ayrıca Kıbrıs'ta en çok taraftara sahiptir. 2009/2010 senesinde yaklaşık 7.000 kombine bilet satmıştır.

2001 yılında, Omonia yıl boyunca bilet satma rekorunu 109.303 bilet satarak eline geçirmişti. 2003 yılında ise bu rekoru tekrar kırıp toplam 140.740 bilet sattı. 2004 yılında ise toplam 143.033 bilet satıldı.

Stadyum
Takımın şu an kullandığı stadyum GSP Stadyumu'dur. Pancypria Stadyumu olarak da bilinir.Stadyum'u APOEL ve Lefkoşa'nın diğer bir büyüğü Olympiakos tarafından da kullanılmaktadır. 1999'a kadar Makario Stadium'unu kullanmaktaydılar.

Takımın 32.000 koltuk kapasiteli olacak olan yeni stadyumunun 2009-2010 yılında bitmesi planlanmaktadır. Bittiğinde Kıbrıs Rum Kesimi'nin en büyük ve en yeni stadyumu olacak.

Güncel kadrosu

Başarıları

Futbol
Kıbrıs Futbol Federasyonu

Kıbrıs Amatör Futbol Federasyonu

Diğer sporlar

Voleybol
 Kupa:
 Şampiyonluk (3): 1999, 2006, 2009

Futsal
 Kıbrıs Futsal Ligi:
 Şampiyonluk (1): 2009

Kaynakça

Dış bağlantılar
 Omonoia Haber web sitesi
 Shoot2score'da AS Omonia
 national-football-teams'de AS Omonia

Çok takımlı spor kulüpleri

AS Omonia


O Tratado de Aranjuez foi um acordo entre a França e a Espanha assinado em Aranjuez em 12 de abril de 1779 pelo diplomata francês Charles Gravier, conde de Vergennes e o primeiro-ministro espanhol, o conde de Floridablanca, pelo qual a Espanha interveio na Guerra da Independência do Estados Unidos.

Considerado como parte dos chamados Pactos Familiares, estabeleceu o compromisso das duas potências europeias de invadir conjuntamente a Inglaterra (algo que acabou não acontecendo), bem como a recuperação para a Espanha de Gibraltar, Menorca (1782), Flórida (1783) e Honduras Britânicas, além da suspensão dos direitos comerciais de madeira dos ingleses na costa de Campeche. Por seu lado, a França exigia a expulsão dos ingleses da Terra Nova, a recuperação do Senegal, o direito de comércio com a Índia.

Tratados da Espanha
Tratados da França

Tratado de Aranjuez (1779)


An Mycaranthes monostachya in uska species han Liliopsida nga syahan ginhulagway ni John Lindley, ngan ginhatag han pagkayana nga asya nga ngaran ni Stephan Rauschert. An Mycaranthes monostachya in nahilalakip ha genus nga Mycaranthes, ngan familia nga Orchidaceae. Waray hini subspecies nga nakalista.

Mga kasarigan

Mycaranthes

Mycaranthes monostachya


(BORUTO-ボルト- NARUTO NEXT GENERATIONS, Boruto: Naruto Next Generations?) este o manga japoneză din seria scrisă de Ukyō Kodachi și ilustrată de Mikio Ikemoto. Serializat în Shueisha, în stilul modelului shōnen, revista Weekly Shōnen Jump, Boruto este un spin-off și continuarea de Masashi Kishimoto a modelului Naruto și urmează ispravile lui lui Boruto Uzumaki, fiul lui Naruto Uzumaki și echipa sa ninja. Un anime de televiziune-serie adaptată a început să fie difuzat pe TV Tokyo la data de 5 aprilie 2017.

Plot
Ani mai târziu, după cel de-al Patrulea Mare Război Ninja, acum supervizor a noii generație în Lume Ninja, Naruto Uzumaki își atinge visul de a deveni cel de-al Șaptelea Hokage, după ce el și Hinata Hyuga s-au căsătorit. Ei au doi copii: Boruto și Himawari. Boruto a devenit parte dintr-o echipa ninja condusă de Konohamaru Sarutobi, care constă, de asemenea, și din Sarada Uchiha, fiică a Sasuke Uchiha și Sakura Haruno si Mitsuki, fiul artificial a lui Orochimaru. Datorită faptului că Boruto are impresia că Naruto își plasează atenția asupra datoriilor sale, ci nu a familiei, Boruto devine supărat pe el pentru că lipsește de la ziua de naștere a Himawari-ei. Boruto îl întâlnește pe Sasuke atunci când el se întoarce în sat pentru a-l avertiza pe Naruto despre amenințarea iminentă. Boruto reușește să-l convingă pe Sasuke să-l învețe Rasengan să-i fie de folos pentru viitorul Examen Chuunin. Boruto acționează impulsiv folosind dispozitivul creat de Katasuke, numit Kote, dar Naruto îl descalifica pe Boruto în timpul meciului cu Shikadai Nara, fiul lui Shikamaru si Temari. Cei doi au un argument pe care Momoshiki și Kinshiki Ōtsutsuki, de care Sasuke l-a avertizat pe Naruto, apar și-l răpesc pe Naruto, ca să-l poată folosi pe Kurama pentru a-l reînvia pe Shinju din dimensiunea din care au venit.

Anime
La evenimentul Naruto si Boruto din Jump Festa de 17 decembrie 2016, a fost anunțat că seria manga ar fi primit un nou anime, care mai târziu a fost confirmat a fi un anime de televiziune din categoria seriilor adaptare, care va cuprinde o poveste originală. seria anime, supravegheată de creatorul Ukyō Kodachi, va fi co-regizat de Noriyuki Abe și Hiroyuki Yamashita, cu seria compusă de Makoto. Uezu, animația fiind produsă de Pierrot, designul personajelor de Tetsuya Nishio și Hirofumi Suzuki, muzică și compusă de Yasuharu Takanashi și -yaiba-. Premiera a fost pe TV Tokyo, pe data de 5 aprilie 2017. Viz Media a licentiat seria pentru America de Nord.

Referințe

Serii manga
Naruto
Anime

Boruto: Naruto Next Generations


Liaquat Ali Khan (1 October 189516 October 1951) was a Pakistani lawyer, politician and statesman who served as the first prime minister of Pakistan from 1947 until his assassination in 1951. He was one of the leading figures of the Pakistan Movement and is revered as Quaid-e-Millat ().

Khan was born in Karnal to an Urdu-speaking family. He was educated at the Aligarh Muslim University and University of Oxford. After first being invited to the Indian National Congress, he later opted to join the All-India Muslim League led by Muhammad Ali Jinnah, an Indian independence activist who later advocated for a separate Muslim nation-state out of Hindu-majority India. Khan assisted Jinnah in the campaign for what would become known as the Pakistan Movement. He was a democratic political theorist who promoted parliamentarism in British India.

Khan's premiership oversaw the beginning of the Cold War, in which Khan's foreign policy sided with the United States-led Western Bloc over the Soviet Union-led Eastern Bloc. He promulgated the Objectives Resolution, in 1949, which stipulated Pakistan to be an Islamic democracy. He also held cabinet portfolio as the first foreign minister, defence minister, and frontier regions minister from 1947 until his assassination in 1951. Prior to the part, Khan briefly tenured as Finance minister of British India in the Interim Government that undertook independence of Pakistan and India, led by Louis Mountbatten, the then-Viceroy of India.

In March 1951, he survived an attempted coup by left-wing political opponents and segments of the Pakistani military. While delivering a speech in the Company Bagh of Rawalpindi, Khan was shot dead by an Afghan militant Said Akbar for unknown reasons. Khan was posthumously given the title Shaheed-e-Milat ('Martyr of the Nation') and is honored as one of Pakistan's greatest prime ministers.

Early life

Family background and education

Muhammad Liaquat Ali Khan was born on 1 October 1895 in Karnal, British India. He was the second of four sons of the wealthy land owner Rukn-ud-Daulah Shamsher Jung Nawab Bahadur Rustam Ali Khan of Karnal and his wife, Mahmoodah Begum, the daughter of Rajpur in Saharanpur's Quaher Ali Khan. He received his early education at home before attending school in Karnal.

Despite being "courteous, affable and socially popular" and coming from an aristocratic family known for its philanthropy, his biographer Muhammad Reza Kazimi notes that little is known of his early life and that which is has to be pieced together from snippets of mostly hagiographic writings. The family claimed a Persian origin going back to Nausherwan the Just, the Saasanid king of Persia, although this may be no more than legend, and they were settled in Uttar Pradesh by the time of his grandfather, Nawab Ahmad Ali Khan. They had adopted the Urdu language.

According to his family, Nawab Ahmad Ali Khan gained sufficient prestige that the British East India Company recognised him with titles such as Rukun-al-Daulah, Shamsher Jang and Nawab Bahadur, which they say were later inherited by his sons. The validity of those titles has been questioned because the family estates in Uttar Pradesh were diminished as a result of the Indian Rebellion of 1857, after which Uttar Pradesh itself ceased to be an autonomous area.

His family had deep respect for the Indian Muslim thinker and philosopher Syed Ahmad Khan, and his father had a desire for the young Liaqat Ali Khan to be educated in the British educational system; therefore, his family sent Ali Khan to the famous Aligarh Muslim University (AMU), where he obtained degrees in law and political science.

In 1913, Ali Khan attended the Muhammadan Anglo-Oriental College (now Aligarh Muslim University), graduating with a BSc degree in Political science and LLB in 1918, and married his cousin, Jehangira Begum, also in 1918, however the couple later separated. After the death of his father in 1919, Ali Khan, with British Government awarding the grants and scholarship, went to England, attending Oxford University's Exeter College to pursue his higher education. In 1921, Ali Khan was awarded the Master of Law in Law and Justice, by the college faculty who also conferred on him a Bronze Medallion. While a graduate student at Oxford, Ali Khan actively participated in student unions and was elected Honorary Treasurer of the Majlis Society—a student union founded by Indian Muslim students to promote the Indian students' rights at the university. He was called to the Bar at the Inner Temple of London in 1922 but never practised.

Political activism in British India

Ali Khan returned to his homeland India in 1923, entering in national politics, determining to eradicate to what he saw as the injustice and ill-treatment of Indian Muslims under the British Indian Government and the British Government. His political philosophy strongly emphasised a divided India, first gradually believing in the Indian nationalism. The Congress leadership approached to Ali Khan to become a part of the party, but after attending the meeting with Jawaharlal Nehru, Ali Khan's political views and ambitions gradually changed. Therefore, Ali Khan refused, informing the Congress Party about his decision, and instead joining the Muslim League in 1923, led under another lawyer Muhammad Ali Jinnah. Soon Jinnah called for an annual session meeting in May 1924, in Lahore, where the goals, boundaries, party programmes, vision, and revival of the League, was an initial party agenda and, was carefully discussed at the Lahore caucus. At this meeting, Khan was among those who attended this conference, and recommending the new goals for the party.

United Province legislation

Ali Khan was elected to the provisional legislative council in the 1926 elections from the rural Muslim constituency of Muzaffarnagar. Ali Khan embarked his parliamentary career, representing the United Provinces at the Legislative Council in 1926. In 1932, he was unanimously elected Deputy President of UP Legislative Council.

During this time, Ali Khan intensified his support in Muslim dominated populations, often raising the problems and challenges faced by the Muslim communities in the United Province. Ali Khan joined hands with academician Sir Ziauddin Ahmed, taking to organise the Muslim students' communities into one student union, advocating for the provisional rights of the Muslim state. His strong advocacy for Muslims' rights had brought him into national prominence and significant respect was also gained from Hindu communities whom he fought against at higher levels of the government. Ali Khan remained the elected member of the UP Legislative Council until 1940, when he was elected to the Central Legislative Assembly; he participated actively, and was the influential member in legislative affairs, where his recommendations would also be noted by other members.

In his parliamentary career, Ali Khan established his reputation as "eloquent and principled spokesman" who would never compromise on his principles even in the face of severe odds. Ali Khan, on several occasions, used his influence and good offices for the resolution of communal tension.

Allying with Muslim League

Ali Khan rose to become one of the influential members of the Muslim League, and was one of the central figures in the Muslim League delegation that attended the National Convention held at Calcutta. Earlier the British Government had formed the Simon Commission to recommend the constitutional and territorial reforms to the British Government.  The commission, compromising seven British Members of Parliament, headed under its Chairman Sir John Simon, met briefly with the Congress Party and Muslim League leaders. The commission had introduced the system of dyarchy to govern the provinces of British India, but these revisions met with harsh criticism and clamour by the Indian public. Motilal Nehru presented his Nehru Report to counter British charges. In December 1928, Ali Khan and Jinnah decided to discuss the Nehru Report. In 1930, Ali Khan and Jinnah attended the First Round Table Conference, but it ended in disaster, leading Jinnah to depart from British India to Great Britain. In 1932, Ali Khan married for a second time to Begum Ra'ana who was a prominent economist and academic who became an influential figure in the Pakistan movement.

Ali Khan firmed believed against the unity of Hindu-Muslim community, and worked tirelessly for that cause. In his party presidential address delivered at the Provisional Muslim Education Conference at AMU in 1932, Ali Khan expressed the view that Muslims had "distinct [c]ulture of their own and had the (every) right to persevere it". At this conference, Liaquat Ali Khan announced that:

Soon, he and his new wife departed to England, but did not terminate his connections with the Muslim League. With Ali Khan departing, the Muslim League's parliamentary wing disintegrated, with many Muslim members joining the either Democratic Party, originally organised by Ali Khan in 1930, and the Congress Party. At the deputation in England, Ali Khan made close study of organising the political parties, and would soon return to his country with Jinnah.

In 1930, Jinnah urged Prime Minister Ramsay MacDonald and his Viceroy Lord Irwin to convene a Round Table Conferences in London. In spite of what Jinnah was expecting, the conference was a complete failure, forcing Jinnah to retire from national politics and permanently settle in London and practise law before the Privy Council.

During this time, Liaquat Ali Khan and his wife joined Jinnah, with Ali Khan practising economic law and his wife joining the faculty of economics at the local college. Ali Khan and his wife spent most of their time convincing Jinnah to return to British India to unite the scattered Muslim League mass into one full force. Meanwhile, Choudhry Rahmat Ali coined the term Pakstan in his famous pamphlet Now or Never; Are We to Live or Perish Forever?.

Pakistan movement

When Muhammad Ali Jinnah returned to India, he started to reorganise the Muslim League. In 1936, the annual session of the League met in Bombay (now Mumbai). In the open session on 12 April 1936, Jinnah moved a resolution proposing Khan as the Honorary General Secretary. The resolution was unanimously adopted and he held the office till the establishment of Pakistan in 1947. In 1940, Khan was made the deputy leader of the Muslim League Parliamentary party. Jinnah was not able to take active part in the proceedings of the Assembly on account of his heavy political work. It was Khan who stood in his place. During this period, Khan was also the Honorary General Secretary of the Muslim League, the deputy leader of their party, Convenor of the Action Committee of the Muslim League, Chairman of the Central Parliamentary Board and the managing director of the newspaper Dawn.

The Pakistan Resolution was adopted in 1940 at the Lahore session of the Muslim League. The same year elections were held for the central legislative assembly which were contested by Khan from the Barielly constituency. He was elected without contest. When the twenty-eighth session of the League met in Madras (now Chennai) on 12 April 1941, Jinnah told party members that the ultimate aim was to obtain Pakistan. In this session, Khan moved a resolution incorporating the objectives of the Pakistan Resolution in the aims and objectives of the Muslim League. The resolution was seconded and passed unanimously.

In 1945–46, mass elections were held in India and Khan won the Central Legislature election from the Meerut Constituency in the United Provinces. He was also elected Chairman of the League's Central Parliamentary Board. The Muslim League won 87% of seats reserved for Muslims of British India. He assisted Jinnah in his negotiations with the members of the Cabinet Mission and the leaders of the Congress during the final phases of the Freedom Movement and it was decided that an interim government would be formed consisting of members of the Congress, the Muslim League and minority leaders. When the Government asked the Muslim League to send five nominees for representation in the interim government, Khan was asked to lead the League group in the cabinet. He was given the portfolio of finance. The other four men nominated by the League were Ibrahim Ismail Chundrigar, Ghazanfar Ali Khan, Abdur Rab Nishtar, and Jogendra Nath Mandal. By this point, the British government and the Indian National Congress had both accepted the idea of Pakistan and therefore on 14 August 1947, Pakistan came into existence.

Prime Minister of Pakistan (1947-51)

Ali Khan administration: Immigration and census

After independence, Khan was appointed as the first Prime Minister of Pakistan by the founding fathers of Pakistan. Quaid Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah took oath from Liaqat Ali Khan. The country was born during the initial beginning of the extensive competition between the two world superpowers, the United States and Soviet Union. Khan faced with mounted challenges and difficulties while trying to administer the country. Khan and the Muslim League faced dual competitions with socialists in West-Pakistan and, the communists in East Pakistan. The Muslim League found it difficult to compete with socialists in West Pakistan, and lost considerable support in favor of socialists led by Marxist leader Faiz Ahmad Faiz. In East Pakistan, the Muslim League's political base was eliminated by the Pakistan Communist Party after a staging of a mass protest.

On the internal front, Khan, faced with socialist nationalist challenges and different religious ideologies saw the country fall into more unrest. Problems with Soviet Union and Soviet bloc further escalated after Khan failed to make a visit to Soviet Union, due to his hidden intentions. Khan envisioned an un-aligned foreign policy, and the country became more inclined to the United States and this ultimately influenced Khan's policy towards the Western bloc.

His government faced serious challenges including the dispute over Kashmir with India, forcing Khan to approach his counterpart the Prime Minister of India Jawaharlal Nehru. A settlement was reached to end the fighting, while Nehru also referred the issue to the United Nations. Ali Khan sent the recommendation to Jinnah to appoint Abdul Rashid as the country's first Chief Justice, and Justice Abdur Rahim as President of the Constitutional Assembly, both of them were also founding fathers of Pakistan. Some of the earliest reforms Khan took were to centralise the Muslim League, and he planned and prepared the Muslim League to become the leading authority of Pakistan.

The Daily Times, a leading English-language newspaper, held Liaquat Ali Khan responsible for mixing religion and politics, pointing out that "Liaquat Ali Khan had no constituency in the country, his hometown was left behind in India. Bengalis were a majority in the newly created state of Pakistan and this was a painful reality for him". According to the Daily Times, Liaquat Ali Khan and his legal team restrained from writing down the constitution, the reason being simple: The Bengali demographic majority would have been granted political power and, Liaquat Ali Khan would have been sent out of the prime minister's office. The Secularists also held him responsible for promoting the Right-wing political forces controlling the country in the name of Islam and further politicised the Islam, despite its true nature.

Economic and education policy

As Prime Minister Ali Khan took initiatives to develop educational infrastructure, science and technology in the country, with the intention of carrying the vision of successful development of science and technology to aid the essential foreign policy of Pakistan. In 1947, with Jinnah inviting physicist Rafi Muhammad Chaudhry to Pakistan, Liaquat Ali Khan called upon chemist Salimuzzaman Siddiqui, awarding him citizenship, and appointing him as his first government science adviser in 1950. During this same time, Khan also called physicist and mathematician Raziuddin Siddiqui, asking him to plan and establish educational research institutes in the country and develop an anti India programs. Khan asked Ziauddin Ahmed to draft the national educational policy, which was submitted to his office in November 1947, and a road map to establishing education in the country was quickly adopted by Khan's government.

Khan's government authorised the establishment of the Sindh University. Under his government, science infrastructure was slowly built but he continued inviting Muslim scientists and engineers from India to Pakistan, believing it essential for Pakistan's future progress.

In 1947, Khan and his Finance minister Malick Ghulam proposed the idea of Five-Year Plans, by putting the country's economic system on investment and capitalism grounds. Focusing on an initial planned economic system under the directives of private sector and consortium industries in 1948, economic planning began to take place during his time in office, but soon collapsed partly because of unsystematic and inadequate staffing. Khan's economic policies were soon heavily dependent on United States aid to the country. In spite of planning an independent economic policy, Khan's economic policies focused on the United States' aid programme, on the other hand, Nehru focused on socialism and went on to be a part of Non Aligned Movement. An important event during his premiership was the establishment of a National Bank in November 1949, and the installation of a paper currency mill in Karachi. Unlike his Indian counterpart Jawaharlal Nehru, under Khan Pakistan's economy was planned, but also an open free market economy

Constitutional annex

During his early days in office, Khan first adopted the Government of India Act 1935 to administer the country, although his lawmakers and legislators continued to work on a different document of governance. Finally in 1949 after Jinnah's death, Prime Minister Khan intensified his vision to establish an Islamic-based system in the country, presenting the Objectives Resolution—a prelude to future constitutions, in the Constituent Assembly. The house passed it on 12 March 1949, but it was met with criticism from his Law Minister Jogendra Nath Mandal who argued against it. Severe criticism were also raised by MP Ayaz Amir On the other hand, Liquat Ali Khan described as this bill as the "Magna Carta" of Pakistan's constitutional history. Khan called it "the most important occasion in the life of this country, next in importance, only to the achievement of independence". Under his leadership, a team of legislators also drafted the first report of the Basic Principle Committee and work began on the second report.

War with India

At a meeting of the Partition Council, Liaquat Ali Khan had rejected an offer from Vallabhbhai Patel regarding Kashmir and Hyderabad State. Patel had offered Kashmir to Pakistan in exchange for Pakistan relinquishing its claim to Hyderabad. Ali rejected this offer, preferring to keep Hyderabad, ignoring that the distance between the two would prevent Hyderabad's accession to Pakistan in any case. Pakistani statesman Shaukat Hayat Khan resigned in protest of this folly; Hyderabad went to India anyway; and the two nations went to war over Kashmir.

Soon after appointing a new government, Pakistan entered a war with India over Kashmir. The British commander of the Pakistan Army General Sir Frank Walter Messervy refused to attack the Indian army units. When General Douglas Gracey was appointed the commander in chief of the Pakistan Army, Liaquat Ali Khan ordered the independent units of the Pakistan Army to intervene in the conflict. On the Kashmir issue, Khan and Jinnah's policy reflected "Pakistan's alliance with U.S and United Kingdom" against "Indian imperialism" and "Soviet expansion". However, it is revealed by historians that differences and disagreement with Jinnah arose over the Kashmir issue. Jinnah's strategy to liberate Kashmir was to use military force. Thus, Jinnah's strategy was to "kill two birds with one stone", namely decapitate India by controlling Kashmir, and to find a domestic solution through foreign and military intervention.

On Khan's personal accounts and views, the prime minister preferred a "harder diplomatic" and "less military stance". The prime minister sought a dialogue with his counterpart, and agreed to resolve the dispute of Kashmir in a peaceful manner through the efforts of the United Nations. According to this agreement a ceasefire was effected in Kashmir on 1 January 1949. It was decided that a free and impartial plebiscite would be held under the supervision of the UN. The prime minister's diplomatic stance was met with hostility by the Pakistan Armed Forces and the socialists and communists, notably the mid-higher level command who would later sponsor an alleged coup led by the communists and socialists against his government.

Soviet Union and United States

In 1949, the Soviet Union's leader, Joseph Stalin, sent an invitation to Ali Khan to visit the country, followed by a U.S. invitation after they learned of the Soviet move. In May 1950, Khan paid a state visit to the United States after being persuaded to snap ties with the Soviet Union, and set the course of Pakistan's foreign policy toward closer ties with the West, despite it being the Soviet Union who sent its invitation of Khan to visit the country first. The visit further cemented strong ties between the two countries and brought them closer. According to many sources, Khan's formulated policies were focused on Movement of Non-Aligned Countries, and his trip to U.S. in 1950, Khan had made clear that Pakistan's foreign policy was neutrality. Being a newly-born nation with trouble in planning the economy, Khan asked the U.S. for economic and moral support to enable it to stand on its feet. The United States gladly accepted the offer and continued its aid throughout the years. But ties deteriorated after the United States asked Khan to send two combat divisions to support U.S. military operations in the Korean War. Khan wanted to send the divisions, but asked the U.S. for assurances on Kashmir and the Pashtunisation issue, which the U.S. declined to give. Khan decided not to send the divisions, a clear indication that Pakistan was working towards the Non-Aligned Movement. The United States began work on a policy to keep Pakistan impartial, and India on the other hand, remained a keystone to bringing stability in South Asia. By June and July 1951, Pakistan's relations with U.S. deteriorated further, with Nehru visiting the United States, pressuring Pakistan to recall her troops from Kashmir.

Khan began to develop tighter relations with the Soviet Union, China, Poland, and Iran under its Premier Mohammed Mossadegh as well. Khan sent invitations to Stalin and the Polish Communist leader Władysław Gomułka to visit the country. However, the visits never happened after Khan was assassinated and Stalin died. In 1948, Pakistan established relations with the Soviet Union, and an agreement was announced a month later. The offing of U.S. trade had frustrated Khan, therefore, Khan sent career Foreign service officer Jamsheed Marker as Pakistan Ambassador to the Soviet Union, a few months later, a Soviet Ambassador arrived in Pakistan, with her large staff and accompanied military attaches. In 1950, Ali Khan established relations with China by sending his ambassador, making Pakistan to become first Muslim country to establish relations with China, a move which further dismayed the United States. While in Iran, Liaquat Ali Khan talked to the Soviet Ambassador and Moscow promptly extended an invitation to him to visit the Soviet Union.

Struggle for control

Ali Khan's ability to run the country was put in doubt and great questions were raised by the communists and socialists active in the country. In 1947–48 period, Ali Khan-Jinnah relations was contentious, and the senior military leadership and Jinnah himself became critical of Khan's government. In his last months, Jinnah came to believe that his Prime Minister Khan was a weak prime minister—highly ambitious—and not loyal to Jinnah and his vision in his dying days.

The death of Jinnah was announced in 1948, as a new cabinet was also re-established. Ali Khan faced the problem of religious minorities during late 1949 and early 1950, and observers feared that India and Pakistan were about to fight their second war in the first three years of their independence. At this time, Ali Khan met Indian Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru to sign the Liaquat-Nehru Pact in 1950. The pact was an effort to improve relations and reduce tension between India and Pakistan, and to protect the religious minorities on both sides of the border.

Prime Minister Liaquat Ali Khan did not take over the office of Governor-General, instead appointing Khawaja Nazimuddin, a Bengali statesman from East-Pakistan.  When Jinnah died, he had held three major positions: Governor-General; President of Muslim League; and the Constituent Assembly of which he served both its president and legal adviser.  Although Ali Khan was a legislator and lawyer, he lacked Jinnah's political stature.

Differences and problems also leveled up with the Pakistan Armed Forces, and a local and native section of Pakistan Army was completely hostile towards Ali Khan's diplomatic approach with India. The existence of high level opposition was revealed in the Rawalpindi conspiracy, sponsored by Chief of General Staff Major-General Akbar Khan, and headed by communist leader Faiz Ahmad Faiz. Another difference came when Khan also intensified policies to make the country a parliamentary democracy and federal republic. During his tenure, Khan supervised the promulgation of the October Objectives in 1949 which passed by the Constituent Assembly. The document was aimed as an Islamic, democratic and federal constitution and government. Disagreement existed about the approach and methods to realise these aims.

The third major difference was itself in the Muslim League; the party had weak political structure with no public base ground or support. Its activities reveled in high factionalism, low commitment to resolve public problems, corruption and incompetency of planning social and economics programmes. In East Pakistan, Ali Khan's lack of attention for the development of the Bengali section of the state brought about a bad juncture for the prime minister and his party, where its ideology was vague. In terms of its political base, it was both weak and narrow, and could not compete in West-Pakistan as well as in East-Pakistan where traditional families were endowed with enormous political power. In West Pakistan, the Muslim League failed to compete against the socialists, and in East Pakistan the communists.

1951 military scandal

Ali Khan's relation with General Sir Douglas Gracey deteriorated, prompting General Gracey to retire soon after the conflict. In January 1951, Ali Khan approved the appointment of General Ayub Khan to succeed Gracey as the first native Commander-in-Chief of the Pakistan Army.

During this time the socialists gained a significant amount of support. Senior military leaders and prominent socialists plotted to overthrow the government of Ali Khan. Those involved reportedly included Chief of General Staff Major General Akbar Khan and Marxist-socialist politician Faiz Ahmad Faiz, the leaders of the coup plot. The Military Police arrested many in the military services; more than 14 officers were charged for plotting the coup. The Rawalpindi Conspiracy, as it became known, was the first attempted coup in Pakistan's history. The arrested conspirators were tried in secret and given lengthy jail sentences.

Assassination

On 16 October 1951, Khan was shot twice in the chest while he was addressing a gathering of 100,000 at Company Bagh (Company Gardens), Rawalpindi. The police immediately shot the presumed murderer who was later identified as professional assassin Said Akbar. Khan was rushed to a hospital and given a blood transfusion, but he succumbed to his injuries.
Said Akbar Babrak was an Afghan national from the Pashtun Zadran tribe. He was known to Pakistani police prior to the assassination of Liaquat Ali Khan. The exact motive behind the assassination has never been fully revealed and much speculation surrounds it. An Urdu daily published in Bhopal, India, saw a US hand behind the assassination.

Upon his death, Khan was given the honorific title of "Shaheed-e-Millat", or "Martyr of the Nation". He is buried at Mazar-e-Quaid, the mausoleum built for Jinnah in Karachi. The Municipal Park, where he was assassinated, was renamed Liaquat Bagh (Bagh means Garden) in his honor. It is the same location where ex-Prime Minister Benazir Bhutto was assassinated in 2007.

First cabinet and appointments

Legacy

He is Pakistan's longest serving Prime Minister spending 1,524 days in power. His legacy was built up as a man who was the "martyr for democracy" in the newly-founded country. Many in Pakistan saw him as a man who sacrificed his life to preserve the parliamentary system of government. After his death, his wife remained an influential figure in the Pakistani foreign service, and was also the Governor of Sindh Province in the 1970s. Liaquat Ali Khan's assassination remains an unsolved mystery, and all traces leading to the conspirator were removed. Popularly, he is known as Quaid-i-Millat (Leader of the Nation) and Shaheed-i-Millat (Martyr of Nation), by his supporters. His assassination was a first political murder of any civilian leader in Pakistan, and Liaqat Ali Khan is remembered fondly by most Pakistanis. In an editorial written by Daily Jang, the media summed up that "his name will remain shining forever on the horizon of Pakistan".

In Pakistan, Liaquat Ali Khan is regarded as Jinnah's "right hand man" and heir apparent, as Jinnah once had said. His role in filling in the vacuum created by Jinnah's death is seen as decisive in tackling critical problems during Pakistan's fledgling years and in devising measures for the consolidation of Pakistan. After his death, the government of Pakistan released a commemorative stamp and his face is printed on postage stamps across the country.

Liaquat Ali Khan's former personal residence is located at Jansath Tehsil of Muzaffarnagar, Uttar Pradesh about 80 km from his ancestral estate and is now being considered by the Uttar Pradesh government to be opened as a tourist destination. His family had strong ties with the British Government.

Eponym

Liaquat National Library, Pakistan's largest library and open-source library, named after him.
Liaquat University of Medical and Health Sciences, medical university established in the memory of Liaquat Ali Khan.
Liaquat National Hospital, government hospital named after Liaquat Ali Khan.
Liaquat National Garden, government-owned garden where Liaquat Ali Khan was assassinated.
Liaquat Pur, census-designated town-city named after Liaquat Ali Khan.
Liaquat Pur Railway Station, a railway station in Liaquatpur also named after Liaquat Ali Khan.
Liaquatabad Town, a populated town in Karachi named after Liaquat Ali Khan.

Assessment of foreign policy

Others argue that Khan had wanted Pakistan to remain neutral in the Cold War, as declared three days after Pakistan's independence when he declared that Pakistan would take no sides in the conflict of ideologies between the nations. Former serviceman Shahid M. Amin has argued that the Soviets themselves could not settle convenient dates for a visit, and that, even during his visit to the United States, Liaquat had declared his intention to visit the Soviet Union. Amin also notes that "Failure to visit a country in response to its invitations has hardly ever become the cause of long-term estrangement".

Popular culture
In Pakistan alone, many documentaries, stage and television dramas have been produced to enlighten Liaqat Ali Khan's struggle. Internationally, Liaquat Ali Khan's character was portrayed by Pakistan's stage actor Yousuf "Shakeel" Kamal in the 1998 film Jinnah.

See also

 Conservatism in Pakistan
 Pakistan Muslim League
 History of Pakistan
 List of unsolved murders
 History of Cold War (1947–1953)
 State within a state
 Pakistani political families

Notes

References

Further reading

External links

 Pictures of Liaquat Ali Khan's Visit to the USA—type Pakistan in the search bar.

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1895 births
1951 deaths
People from Uttar Pradesh
Aligarh Muslim University alumni
Alumni of Exeter College, Oxford
Faculty of Law, Aligarh Muslim University alumni
All India Muslim League members
Members of the Central Legislative Assembly of India
Leaders of the Pakistan Movement
Indian people of World War II
Finance Ministers of India
Pakistani people of Iranian descent
Prime Ministers of Pakistan
Pakistani MNAs 1947–1954
First Pakistani Cabinet
Pakistani anti-communists
Foreign Ministers of Pakistan
Defence Ministers of Pakistan
Assassinated prime ministers
Assassinated Pakistani politicians
Deaths by firearm in Pakistan
Unsolved murders in Pakistan
Members of the Constituent Assembly of Pakistan
1950s assassinated politicians
Assassinated former national legislators in Asia

Liaquat Ali Khan


Fredrik Bengt Fries (, Helsingborg - , Estocolmo) fue un zoólogo sueco. Estudió en la Universidad de Lund.

Trabajos
 Monographia tanyporum Sueciae. Con Carolo Frederico Fallen, 17 pp. 1823
 Observationes entomologicæ. 1824
 Beskrifning nya insekter från Colombien. 1833
 Skandinaviens Fiskar, malade efter lefvande exemplar och ritade l' a sten. Stockholm: P. A. Norstedt & Soner (A history of Scandinavian fishes 1836-57. Con Carl Ulric Ekström [1] and Carl Jakob Sundevall
 A history of Scandinavian fishes. Parte 1. Con Carl U. Ekström, Carl Jacob Sundevall. Editor F. A. Smitt, ilustró Wilhelm von Wright. 2ª edición de P. A. Norstedt & Söner, publ., 744 pp. 1892
 Ichthyologiska Bidrag. Editor P.A. Norstedt & Söner, 65 pp. 1938

Enlaces externos

 Goran Waldeck

Zoólogos de Suecia
Profesores de Suecia
Escritores en latín
Escritores en sueco
Nacidos en Helsingborg
Fallecidos en Estocolmo

Bengt Fredrik Fries


Baran engereği (Vipera berus barani), engerekgiller (Viperidae) familyasından bayağı engereğin Türkiye'de endemik olan bir alttürü.

Sırt bölgesinin rengi genel olarak siyah ya da grimsi kahverengi. Kuyruk ucu sarımsı. Bazen sırt biraz açık renkli olur. Bu halde benekler zikzaklı olur. Genel olarak küçük kemiriciler, kertenkeleler ve çeşitli omurgasız hayvanlarla beslenirler. Kemiricilerle beslendikleri için yararlıdırlar. Boyları 55 cm kadar olur.

Kısa boylu bitkilerin altında, taşlık yerlerde yaşarlar. Yüksekliği 400 metreye (bilinen) kadar olan yerlerde bulunabilirler.

İsmini Türkiye'nin önde gelen herpetologlarından Prof. Dr. İbrahim Baran'dan almaktadır.

Sakarya'da, Torosların Silifke civarındaki yerlerde habitatın uygun olduğu alanlarda dağılım gösterirler.

Kaynakça

Engerek
Türkiye'deki yılanlar
Türkiye endemik hayvanları

Baran engereği


أندريه بريفن  (6 أبريل 1929 في برلين - 28 فبراير 2019 في نيويورك) هو ملحن وعازف بيانو وقائد فرقة موسيقية أمريكي ألماني.

حياته
قبل سفر عائلته إلى باريس عام 1937 زار أندريه المعهد الموسيقي الملكي في برلين، وبعد دراسته في معهد الموسيقى في باريس هربت العائلة اليهودية عام 1941 إلى الولايات المتحدة الأمريكية بسبب النازيين، مع بلوغه سن الثالثة عشر بدأ مسيرته مع تسجيلات في إذاعة

روابط خارجية

مراجع

أشخاص من برلين
أشخاص من منطقة لوس أنجلوس الكبرى
أشخاص يحتمل أن يكونوا أحياء
ألمان من أصل يهودي بولندي
أمريكيون متجنسون
أمريكيون من أصل بولندي يهودي
أمريكيون من أصل يهودي ألماني
حائزون على جائزة الأوسكار لأفضل موسيقى تصويرية
حائزون على جائزة غرامي
خريجو ثانوية بيفرلي هيلز
خريجو معهد باريس للموسيقى
زملاء الأكاديمية الأمريكية للفنون والعلوم
عازفو بيانو أمريكيون
عازفو بيانو أميركيون في القرن 20
عازفو بيانو أميركيون في القرن 21
عازفو بيانو بيبوب
عازفو بيانو جاز ألمان
عازفو بيانو جاز أمريكيون
عازفو بيانو ذكور ألمان
عازفو بيانو سوينغ
عازفو بيانو كلاسيكي أمريكيون
عازفو بيانو كلاسيكيون ألمان
عازفو بيانو كلاسيكيون ذكور
عازفو بيانو كلاسيكيون ذكور ألمان
عازفو بيانو كلاسيكيون ذكور ألمان القرن 20
عازفو بيانو كلاسيكيون ذكور ألمان القرن 21
عازفو بيانو كلاسيكيون ذكور أمريكيون
عازفو بيانو كلاسيكيون في القرن 20
عازفو بيانو كلاسيكيون في القرن 21
عازفو بيانو كلاسيكيون يهود
عازفو وعازفات بيانو أمريكيون
فائزون بجائزة غرامي للإنجاز مدى الحياة
فنانو آر سي إيه فيكتور
قادة فرسان من وسام استحقاق جمهورية ألمانيا الاتحادية
قادة فرق موسيقية ألمان في القرن 20
قادة فرق موسيقية ألمان في القرن 21
قادة فرق موسيقية أمريكيون في القرن 20
قادة فرق موسيقية أمريكيون في القرن 21
قادة فرق موسيقية ذكور ألمان
قادة فرق موسيقية ذكور أمريكيون
كتاب أغان أمريكيون يهود
كتاب مذكرات ألمان
كتاب مذكرات أمريكيون
مكرمون من مركز كينيدي
ملحنو أوبرا ألمان
ملحنو بيانو
ملحنو بيبوب
ملحنو جاز
ملحنو جاز ألمان
ملحنو جاز أمريكيون يهود
ملحنو جاز ذكور أمريكيون
ملحنو جاز في القرن 20
ملحنو جاز في القرن 21
ملحنو سوينغ
ملحنون ألمان في القرن 20
ملحنون ألمان في القرن 21
ملحنون أمريكيون في القرن 20
ملحنون أمريكيون في القرن 21
ملحنون حائزون على درجة فارس
ملحنون كلاسيكيون ألمان
ملحنون كلاسيكيون أمريكيون
ملحنون كلاسيكيون أمريكيون يهود
ملحنون وملحنات جاز أمريكيون
ملحنون وملحنات كلاسيكيون ألمان
ملحنون وملحنات كلاسيكيون أمريكيون
مهاجرون ألمان إلى الولايات المتحدة
مواليد 1929
مواليد في برلين
موزعون موسيقيون ألمان
موزعون موسيقيون أمريكيون
موسيقيو جاز ذكور أمريكيون
موسيقيو جاز يهود
موسيقيون حائزون على درجة فارس
موسيقيون ذكور ألمان في القرن 20
موسيقيون ذكور ألمان في القرن 21
موسيقيون ذكور أمريكيون في القرن 20
موسيقيون ذكور أمريكيون في القرن 21
موسيقيون كلاسيكيون أمريكيون يهود
موسيقيون كلاسيكيون يهود
موسيقيون من برلين
مؤلفو أوبرات
مؤلفو أوبرا أمريكيون
مؤلفو الأوبرا يهود
مؤلفو موسيقى أفلام
مؤلفو موسيقى أفلام أمريكيون
مؤلفون موسيقيون في القرن 21
مؤلفون موسيقيون في القرن ال20
وفيات 2019
وفيات مرتبطة بالمرض في ولاية نيويورك
يهود ألمان
يهود ألمان في القرن 20
يهود ألمان في القرن 21
يهود ألمان هاجروا للولايات المتحدة هربا من النازية
يهود أمريكيون في القرن 20
يهود أمريكيون في القرن 21
مؤلفو موسيقى أفلام أمريكيون ذكور

أندريه بريفن


Regla del producto puede hacer referencia a diversos resultados de matemáticas relacionados con una multiplicación.
 En combinatoria, la regla del producto es un principio usado para determinar el número de formas en que se puede efectuar una elección que consta de varias etapas.
 En cálculo diferencial    , la regla del producto es un método para calcular la derivada de un producto de funciones.

Regla del producto