Robert Grant (1779 - ) est un avocat et homme politique britannique.

Biographie
Robert Grant est né en Inde, fils de Charles Grant, président des directeurs de la Compagnie britannique des Indes orientales, et frère cadet de Charles Grant. Rentrés chez eux avec leur père en 1790, les deux frères sont inscrits comme étudiants au Magdalene College de Cambridge en 1795. En 1801, Charles est quatrième wrangler et médaillé du chancelier principal; Robert est troisième wrangler et deuxième médaillé du chancelier.

Grant est admis au barreau le même jour que son frère, le 30 janvier 1807, et entre dans la pratique juridique, devenant sergent du roi à la cour du Duché de Lancastre et l'un des commissaires aux faillites. Il est élu député d'Elgin Burghs en 1818 et d'Inverness Burghs en 1826. Il représente cette dernière circonscription pendant quatre ans. En 1830 et 1831, il est élu pour Norwich, et en 1832 pour Finsbury. Il plaide pour la suppression des discriminations des Juifs et porte à deux reprises des projets de loi sur le sujet à la Chambre des communes. Ils sont cependant rejetés à la Chambre des lords, qui ne cède sur la question qu'en 1858, vingt ans après la mort de Grant. En 1832, il devient juge-avocat général et, en 1834, est nommé gouverneur de Bombay. En tant que gouverneur, Grant est un législateur et sous son mandat; une multitude de projets à grande échelle sont mis en avant qui transforment la forme de la politique britannique à l'Est. Il est un acteur clé dans la décision d'occuper Aden, qui est exécutée peu après sa mort.

Il meurt à Dapodi, près de Poona le 9 juillet 1838. Ses restes sont conservés dans l'église St. Mary's, Poona.

Œuvres
Dans sa jeunesse, Grant publie un essai sur le commerce et le gouvernement de l'Inde, ainsi qu'une esquisse de l'histoire des débuts de la Compagnie britannique des Indes orientales. Il est l'auteur d'un volume de poèmes sacrés, qui est édité et publié après sa mort par son frère, Lord Glenelg. Ce volume comprend quelques hymnes; son hymne le plus connu est " O Worship the King ", basé sur le Psaume 104.

Grant Medical College, la plus ancienne faculté de médecine de Mumbai, en Inde, porte le nom de Robert Grant, tout comme Grant Road et Grant Road Station dans la même ville.

Famille
Grant épouse Margaret, fille unique de David Davidson de Cantray, avec deux fils et deux filles :

 Charles Grant, ancien membre du Conseil en Inde ;
 Robert Grant, adjudant général adjoint ;
 Sibylla Sophia, mariée à Granville Ryder
 Constance Charemile, décédée dans son enfance.

Dix ans après sa mort, Margaret épouse Josceline Percy, deuxième fils du comte de Beverley, avec un fils, George Algernon, né en 1849, qui devient plus tard capitaine et lieutenant-colonel des Grenadier Guards.

Références

Liens externes

Membre du Conseil privé du Royaume-Uni
Décès en juillet 1838
Naissance en 1779
Étudiant de Magdalene College (Cambridge)
Représentant de l'Angleterre à la Chambre des communes
Représentant de l'Écosse à la Chambre des communes
Député du 11e Parlement du Royaume-Uni
Député du 10e Parlement du Royaume-Uni
Député du 8e Parlement du Royaume-Uni
Député du 6e Parlement du Royaume-Uni
Gouverneur de Bombay

Robert Grant (homme politique)


تعتبر جامعة راين ماين للعلوم التطبيقية  من أحدث الجامعات الألمانية الحكومية في ولاية هيسن وتقع في ثلاثة مناطق وهي فيسبادن وروزلس هايم وجينس هايم حيث تأسست سنة 1971 ويوجد بها 44 أختصاص وعدد الطلاب ما يقارب 10274 طالب وطالبة والعاملين ما يقارب 500 موظف وبروفيسور.

الأقسام والكليات

فيسبادن

قسم العمارة والهندسة المدنية

قسم المعلوماتية والتصميم المعلوماتي

قسم الخدمات الأجتماعية

قسم الأقتصاد

روزلس هايم

قسم الهندسات الطبيعية ويتكون من
كلية تقنية المعلومات

كلية الهندسة الكهربائية

كلية الهندسة الصناعية

كلية الهندسة البيئة

كلية الفيزياء الطبية

=جينس هايم

قسم تقنية المشروبات والخمور وبناء وعمارة البساتين

الروابط الخارجية
 موقع جامعة فيسبادن
 قسم العمارة والهندسة المدنية

مراجع

التعليم في فيسبادن
جامعات العلوم التطبيقية في ألمانيا
جامعات وكليات في ألمانيا
جامعات وكليات في هسن

جامعة راين ماين للعلوم التطبيقية


Herzsprung ist ein Ortsteil der Gemeinde Heiligengrabe im Landkreis Ostprignitz-Ruppin in Brandenburg.

Geographie

Geographische Lage
Herzsprung liegt in der Prignitz etwa neun Kilometer südlich von Wittstock/Dosse.

Nachbarortschaften

Geologie
Der Eisschild der Weichsel-Kaltzeit schrammte östlich an der Prignitz vorbei. Lediglich der Südosten zählt zum Jungmoränengebiet. Die nördliche Hälfte nimmt die Herzsprunger Sandfläche ein. Der Sander entstand durch das Abschmelzen der Frankfurter Eisrandlage. Der Naturraum gehört von der Genese her zur Wittstock-Ruppiner Heide. Beide Landschaften trennt jedoch die Dosse-Niederung.

Geschichte

Herkunft des Ortsnamens

Den Ortsnamen leiten Sprachwissenschaftler von den mittelniederdeutschen Worten hert, herte 'Hirsch' und sprink, sprunk 'Quelle' ab. Zusammengesetzt bedeutet er 'Hirschquelle'.

Die Sage Herzsprung fand eine wortwörtliche Erklärung:

Von der Bronzezeit bis zur Neuzeit

Die zwei Bronzeschilde von Herzsprung entstanden während der Späten Bronzezeit. Im 8. Jahrhundert v. Chr. wurden sie in einem damaligen, 1 km östlich gelegenen Moor deponiert. Ihre Entdeckung im Jahr 1844 und anschließende Erforschung etablierte den Begriff Bronzeschild Typ Herzsprung.

Wahrscheinlich bestanden vom 8. bis 12. Jahrhundert knapp 2 km östlich eine alt- und jungslawische Siedlung. Darauf wiesen die Flurnamen im alten Dorf, Wöhrden und Dorfstätte hin.

Die erste urkundliche Erwähnung erfolgte 1339. Ludwig I., Markgraf von Brandenburg überließ pfandweise die Vogtei Fretzdorf mit Herzesprung Denen von Kröcher. Das Landbuch Kaiser Karls IV. von 1375 erfasste wenige prignitzsche Ortschaften, darunter die der o. g. markgräflichen Verwaltungseinheit. Herzsprung umfasste 34 oder 35 Hufen, wovon lediglich 13 bestellt wurden. Außer der Teilwüstung verwies die Halbierung der Hufenpacht auf die spätmittelalterliche Agrarkrise. Im Dorf lebten 5 Kossäten. Hebungen hielten der Landesherr, Thilo Krichlendorf und Krege.

Anno 1422 stahlen mecklenburgische Raubritter Vieh, Frauenkleidung und Schmuck, Geräte aus Kirche und Kirchhof. Zuvor und danach sahen Vogtei und Ortschaft mehrfach Belehnungen und Verpfändungen. Eine einschneidende Veränderung brachte das Jahr 1438. Aus dem Pfandbesitz des Grafen von Lindow-Ruppin kaufte Konrad von Lintorff, Bischof von Havelberg das Haus Fretzdorf samt Zubehör. Gleichzeitig vereignete Friedrich I., Kurfürst von Brandenburg ihm und dem Domkapitel Havelberg das Gebiet. Das bedeute einen Übergang der Landesherrschaft zum Hochstift Havelberg (nicht identisch mit Bistum Havelberg). Die Verwaltungszugehörigkeit zum bischöflichen Amt Wittstock unterbrachen wie zuvor Belehnungen. Ab 1489 erwarben die von Krüsicke langfristig mehr und mehr Anteile, bezogen hier 1513 ihren Wohnsitz. Mit der Einführung der Reformation gelangte Herzsprung Mitte des 16. Jahrhunderts, formell 1571 wieder zur Mark Brandenburg.

In der Monarchie Preußen und der SBZ lag Herzsprung im Landkreis Ostprignitz. Am 25. Juli 1952 wurde Herzsprung dem neu gebildeten Kreis Wittstock im Bezirk Potsdam zugeordnet. Nach der Wende lag die Gemeinde im Landkreis Wittstock in Brandenburg. Am 22. Mai 1992 schloss sich Herzsprung dem Amt Wittstock-Land an. Nach der Kreisreform in Brandenburg am 6. Dezember 1993 kam die Gemeinde zum neu gebildeten Landkreis Ostprignitz-Ruppin.

Am 31. Dezember 2004 wurde Herzsprung, das sich gerichtlich erfolgreich gegen eine Eingemeindung nach Wittstock/Dosse gewehrt hatte, nach Heiligengrabe eingemeindet.

Einwohnerentwicklung

Es gilt zumeist der Gebietsstand des jeweiligen Jahres, 1817 mit Möllendorfshof, 1858–1927 Gemeinde- plus Gutsbezirk, 1925 mit Abbau Königsberg.

Sehenswürdigkeiten

Wirtschaft und Infrastruktur

Unternehmen
Seit dem hochmittelalterlichen Landesausbau lebte Herzsprung von Ackerbau und Tierhaltung. Die Schriftquellen berichteten darüber in Form von Abgaben und Schadensklagen. Das Landbuch Kaiser Karls IV. von 1375 wies die drei üblichen Getreidegattungen Roggen, Gerste und Hafer aus. Beim Raubzug von 1422 wurden hier 18 Pflugpferde, 120 Ochsen und Kühe erbeutet. Die Protokolle der Kirchenvisitationen des 16. Jahrhunderts zeigten in der Ostprignitz ein größeres Flachsanbaugebiet. Der Schwerpunkt lag im breiten Streifen von westlich der Jäglitz bis zur Dosse. Das Gebiet bot gute, mittlere und sandige Böden. Die zahlreichen Flussläufe und Fließe begünstigten die Verarbeitung der Flachsfasern.

Das Hufenland wurde im Rahmen der Dreifelderwirtschaft meist in drei Gewanne eingeteilt. Die Feldflur Herzsprungs bestand aus einem Großfeld, anders als in der fruchtbaren Lenzer Wische kein Ausdruck guter Bodenqualität. Das Dorf fiel in die 4. Steuerklasse. Die erstmals 1523 genannte Wassermühle stand zwischen dem hiesigen und dem lellichower Feld. Die schlechte Bodengüte beeinträchtigte nach dem Dreißigjährigen Krieg (1618–1648) deren Wiederaufbau.

Verkehr
Durch Herzsprung verlaufen die Landesstraßen 14 (Kyritz–Wittstock), 18 (nach Neuruppin) und 144 (nach Blumenthal). Die Bundesautobahn 24 mit der Anschlussstelle Herzsprung ist etwa vier Kilometer entfernt. An der Ausfahrt befindet sich der Autohof Herzsprung, der allerdings schon in der Gemarkung von Fretzdorf liegt.

Literatur
 Lieselott Enders (Bearbeitung): Historisches Ortslexikon für Brandenburg. Prignitz. Karte der Prignitz am Ende des Bandes (= Friedrich Beck, Klaus Neitmann [Hrsg.]: Historisches Ortslexikon für Brandenburg. Teil I; Veröffentlichungen des Brandenburgischen Landeshauptarchivs. Band 3). 2., überarbeitete und wesentlich erweiterte Auflage. Verlag Hermann Böhlaus Nachfolger, Weimar 1997, ISBN 3-7400-1016-9, Herzsprung s Wittstock, S. 345–349 (gibt einen Nachdruck von 2012).
 Lieselott Enders: Die Prignitz. Geschichte einer kurmärkischen Landschaft vom 12. bis zum 18. Jahrhundert. Im Gedenken an Johannes Schultze (= Klaus Neitmann [Hrsg.]: Veröffentlichungen des Brandenburgischen Landeshauptarchivs. Band 38). 1. Auflage. Verlag für Berlin-Brandenburg, Potsdam 2000, ISBN 3-935035-00-4.
 Johannes Schultze (Hrsg.): Das Landbuch der Mark Brandenburg von 1375 (= Brandenburgische Landbücher. Band 2; Veröffentlichungen der Historischen Kommission für die Provinz Brandenburg und die Reichshauptstadt Berlin. Band VIII, 2). Kommissionsverlag von Gsellius, Berlin 1940 (Digitalisat in Universitätsbibliothek Potsdam).

Weblinks

 Internetpräsenz des Ortsteils.
 Beitrag. In: RBB-Sendung "Landschleicher", 3. Februar 2008.

Einzelnachweise

Geographie (Heiligengrabe)
Ort im Landkreis Ostprignitz-Ruppin
Ehemalige Gemeinde (Landkreis Ostprignitz-Ruppin)
Ersterwähnung 1339
Gemeindeauflösung 2004

Herzsprung (Heiligengrabe)


Die Carthago Reisemobilbau GmbH ist ein deutscher Hersteller von Wohnmobilen mit Sitz in Aulendorf.

Unternehmen
Die Carthago Reisemobilbau GmbH wurde 1979 von Karl-Heinz Schuler gegründet. Die inhabergeführte Unternehmensgruppe beschäftigt heute über 1.400 Mitarbeiter. Schuler überführte die Carthago-Unternehmensgruppe 2014 in eine Stiftung.

Geschichte
Am 1. Juli 1979 gründete Karl-Heinz Schuler in Ravensburg nach Abschluss seines Studiums zum Wirtschaftsingenieur das Unternehmen Carthago. Ziel waren Innenausbauten von verschiedenen Transporter-Basismodellen zu Freizeitfahrzeugen. Der Markenname Carthago entstand eher zufällig, weil der Begriff dem Unternehmensgründer gefiel. Mitte der 1980er Jahre konzentrierte sich Carthago auf den Ausbau des VW Transporter und wuchs mit dem Carthago Malibu zum zweitgrößten Ausbauer von VW-Bussen in Europa. Die Fertigung belief sich auf rund 1.000 Campingbus-Wohnmobile im Jahr. 1991 präsentierte Carthago erstmals Wohnmobile mit eigenem Aufbau auf Fahrgestellen und drang damit in ein für Carthago neues Marktsegment ein. Erster Namensträger im neuen Programm wurde der Carthago Abakus auf Basis des VW T4. 1997 stellte Carthago mit dem Alkovenmobil Mondial auf Mercedes-Benz Sprinter ein Oberklasse-Wohnmobil vor. Im Jahr 2000 beschäftigte Carthago rund 100 Mitarbeiter und der Schwerpunkt des Unternehmens lag inzwischen auf der Fertigung von Wohnmobilen mit eigenem Aufbau. Im Jahr 2001 stellte Carthago die Fertigung von Campingbussen auf VW-Basis ein. Im Jahr 2002 strukturierte Carthago sein Programm neu. Unterhalb des M-Liner bildete der neue Integrierte namens Opus die Klammer zur gehobenen Wohnmobil-Mittelklasse. In dieser Mittelklasse siedelte Carthago im gleichen Jahr den chic an, ein Alkovenmobil. Mit ihm visierte Carthago die Klasse der Wohnmobile mit 3,5 t zulässigem Gesamtgewicht an. Gleichzeitig präsentierte Carthago im Jahr 2004 mit dem Mega-Liner ein integriertes Wohnmobil der Linerklasse auf einem MAN-Fahrgestell. Im Jahr 2007 fertigte Carthago mit 260 Mitarbeitern mehr als 1000 Wohnmobile.

2008 errichtete Carthago ein neues Werk in Odranci/Slowenien. Aus dem chic wurde der chic c-line I, ein integriertes Reisemobil speziell für die Klasse mit 3,5 t zulässigem Gesamtgewicht mit Vollaluminium-Sandwich für die Wände und einem durchgehenden Doppelboden. 2009 folgten der chic c-line T und der chic high-line, der später zum Carthago highliner umbenannt wurde. Mit chic e-line und chic s-plus baute Carthago die Familie der Baureihe chic rasch aus. Im Jahr 2010 beschäftigte Carthago bereits 450 Mitarbeiter. Ab 2011 baute die Marke mit dem c-tourer ihr Angebot aus. Neues Spitzenmodell der Marke wurde im Jahr 2012 der Carthago liner de luxe auf Iveco Daily und MAN-Basis. Die Mitarbeiterzahl des Unternehmens war inzwischen auf 800 Köpfe gestiegen.

Im Jahr 2013 verlegte Carthago seinen Firmensitz vom Gründungsstandort Ravensburg nach Aulendorf in Oberschwaben. Hier hatte Carthago ein neues Werk, eine Verkaufsausstellung, ein Service-Center mit angeschlossenem Lager sowie die neue Unternehmenszentrale – Carthago-City – gebaut. Das Areal umfasst 100.000 m², von denen 30.000 m² überbaut wurden. Im gleichen Jahr gründete Carthago die Tochtermarke Malibu (Malibu GmbH & Co. KG). Ein Jahr später führt Carthago die neue Generation des chic c-line ein. Das gilt ab 2015 ebenso für den chic e-line und chic s-plus. Zwei Jahre später, 2018, folgte dann die Einführung des liner-for-two. 2019 stellt Carthago den chic e-line new generation auf Mercedes-Benz vor. Seit 2020 gibt es den c-tourer T alternativ auf Mercedes-Benz Sprinter.

Marken
Die Carthago Gruppe fertigt unter der Stammmarke Carthago integrierte und teilintegrierte Wohnmobile im gehobenen Preissegment. Die Tochtermarke Malibu stellt Vans auf der Basis von Transporter-Kastenwagen im Premium-Segment sowie teilintegrierte und integrierte Wohnmobile für die gehobene Mittelklasse her.

Standorte
Carthago produziert an zwei Standorten. Der Hauptsitz ist seit 2013 in Aulendorf/Oberschwaben. Seit 2008 gibt es ein Montagewerk in Odranci im Nordosten Sloweniens.

 Werk Aulendorf/Deutschland: Firmenzentrale mit Entwicklungs- und Konstruktionsabteilung, der Schulungseinrichtung namens Carthago Akademie sowie Produktion der Baureihen chic e-line/s-plus und liner-for-two.
 Werk Odranci/Slowenien: Produktion der Baureihen chic c-line, c-tourer, c-compactline sowie des Malibu Van und der Malibu Wohnmobile.

Weblinks
 Website von Carthago

Einzelnachweise

Wohnmobilhersteller
Karosseriehersteller
Unternehmen (Ravensburg)
Aulendorf
Gegründet 1979

Carthago Reisemobilbau


En geología se denomina roca madre, base rocosa, sustrato rocoso u horizonte R a la roca consolidada bajo las zonas recubiertas por materiales alterados o disgregados, suelos o regolitos, de la superficie de un planeta terrestre, por lo general de la Tierra. Es el horizonte basal de la estructura de un suelo. Cuando la roca madre experimenta la meteorización del subsuelo se forma un saprolito en su límite superior: una zona entre la roca inalterada y el suelo de rocas fragmentadas y meteorizadas no consolidadas.

La base rocosa de un suelo se conoce también como roca matriz y la identificación de esta, a través de excavaciones, perforaciones o por métodos geofísicos, es una tarea importante en la mayoría de los proyectos de ingeniería civil.

Los depósitos superficiales pueden ser extremadamente gruesos, de tal manera que la roca madre se encuentra a cientos de metros bajo la superficie.

Los mapas geológicos, por lo general, presentan la distribución de los diferentes tipos de roca de un área sin los recubrimientos superficiales de poco espesor, es decir, las rocas que se verían expuestas si los suelos y otros depósitos de escasa entidad fueran eliminados. Para cartografiar los suelos se realizan mapas específicos, los mapas edafológicos o de suelos.

Véase también
 Capa
 Estrato
 Estratificación cruzada

Referencias

Conceptos relacionados con la petrología
Rocas

Roca madre


En snude er en fremstukket del af et dyrs ansigt, der består af næse, mund og kæbe. På mange dyr kaldes det samme område en mule. De våde håløse område omkring næseborene ved næsen kaldes Rhinarium (i daglig tale "kolde våde næse" på nogle dyr). Rinarium bliver ofte associeret med en en bedre lugtesans. Snuden har normalt mange nerver og er derfor et følsomt punkt, der kan betragtes som et svagt eller sårbart sted på de fleste dyr, idet slag på snuden kan lamme eller slå dyret ud pga. opbygningen, og i nogle tilfælde kan den falde af, hvis man anvender tilpas meget kraft.

Snude findes hos pattedyr i en lang række forksellige former. Nogle dy, inklusive bjørne og store katte, har kasse-agtige snuder, mens andre
har en mere spids form. Svin har en flad cylinderisk snude.

Dyrene bruger deres snuder til en række forskellige formål. Elefantens snabel bruges både til at spise og drikke, men også til at flytte ting og sociale formål og kontakt. Svin bruger snuden til at grave i jorden, og mange havpattedyr inklusive søelefanter og hvalrosser, benytter ligeledes snudepartiet til at søge efter føde på havbunden.

Galleri

Referencer

Eksterne henvisninger

Dyreanatomi

Snude


An outfielder is a person playing in one of the three defensive positions in baseball or softball, farthest from the batter. These defenders are the left fielder, the center fielder, and the right fielder. As an outfielder, their duty is to catch fly balls and ground balls then to return them to the infield for the out or before the runner advances, if there are any runners on the bases. As an outfielder, they normally play behind the six players located in the field.
By convention, each of the nine defensive positions in baseball is numbered. The outfield positions are 7 (left field), 8 (center field) and 9 (right field). These numbers are shorthand designations useful in baseball scorekeeping and are not necessarily the same as the squad numbers worn on player uniforms.

Outfielders named to the MLB All-Century Team are Hank Aaron, Ty Cobb, Joe DiMaggio, Mickey Mantle, Willie Mays, Stan Musial, Pete Rose, Babe Ruth, Ted Williams, Carl Yastrzemski, and Ken Griffey Jr.

Strategy

Players can be characterized as either corner outfielders or a center fielder. Corner outfielders are often slower and have less defensive value than the center fielder. However, there are some important differences between right fielders and left fielders. Right fielders tend to have the best throwing arms of the outfield so they can make the long throw to third base, but often are not as fast as left fielders. Center fielders are generally the fastest and most athletic of the three, because they have to run the farthest in order to field balls in the gaps and back up the other outfielders when balls are hit to them. Outfielders should also be able to read where the ball may be placed based on what the pitcher is throwing. They can tell what the pitcher is throwing by the middle infielders, second base and short stop, in which they show the numbers the catcher is giving to the pitcher behind their back to determine the pitch and tell where the ball could possibly be hit to.

Many of the best power hitters in baseball play in the outfield, where they do not have as constant involvement in fielding plays as other positions, especially before the institution of the designated hitter. For example, Babe Ruth was moved from pitcher to the outfield. Left fielders and right fielders are more often slow power hitters, and center fielders are usually fast base-runners and good defensive players. Center field is often considered the most difficult outfield position, requiring both a good throwing arm and speed. Center fielders on many teams often bat lead off.

Players who do not routinely start games, but often substitute as a pinch hitter or defensive replacement in the outfield are referred to as fourth outfielders or even fifth outfielders. These players can usually play any of the three outfield positions.

Corner outfielders
Corner outfielders are outfielders who play the corner positions of right field and left field.  Corner outfielders often have less speed than center fielders, but make up for this deficiency with their offensive play. The main differences between left and right fielders are, first, that left fielders handle more chances because right-handed pull hitters tend to hit balls to left; second, that right fielders typically have stronger arms; third, that right fielders are frequently (not always) slower and less agile defensively. Many left fielders have had the speed to play center field, but have lacked the throwing ability required.

An example of an ultra-fast left fielder is Rickey Henderson (Ben Oglivie and Lou Brock can fit this description too), whereas the slow-footed but very strong-armed Carl Furillo, "The Reading Rifle", sets a standard for right fielders in the terms specified here.

References

Baseball positions

Outfielder


Manuel Matallana Gómez (Madrid, 25 de diciembre de 1894-Ibíd., 8 de marzo de 1956) fue un militar español que participó en la Guerra Civil Española, jugando un importante papel al final de la contienda. Su actitud dudosa en los últimos meses del conflicto, motivó que posteriormente fuera acusado de pertenencia a la quinta columna y colaboracionismo con agentes franquistas. En marzo de 1939 mantuvo contactos con agentes franquistas para establecer las condiciones de la rendición y, una vez fracasados los mismos, firmó la orden de rendición incondicional de todas las tropas republicanas.

Biografía

Carrera militar
Nacido en Madrid en 1894 en el seno de una familia conservadora y de alto nivel social. Como hijo de un capitán de infantería, Matallana siguió también la carrera castrense. Entre 1909 y 1912 realizó sus estudios en la Academia Militar de Infantería de Toledo, participando posteriormente en la Guerra de Marruecos durante varios periodos alternos. En 1923 marchó a la Escuela Superior de Guerra de Madrid, donde estuvo cursando estudios de Estado Mayor durante 3 años, licenciándose con el diploma de Estado Mayor.

Se encontraba destinado en la La Coruña cuando se produjo la proclamación de la Segunda República Española, a la que pronto juró fidelidad junto a gran parte del Ejército español. Por sus anteriores servicios en la Campaña de Marruecos, en esta época fue condecorado con la gran cruz de la Orden de San Hermenegildo. Aunque durante esta época se mantuvo en la carrera castrense y continuó con su formación militar, también se interesó por la Jurisprudencia y en 1934, tras realizar los estudios correspondientes, obtuvo la licenciatura de Derecho.

Guerra Civil Española
Tras el golpe de Estado en España de julio de 1936, dio comienzo la Guerra Civil Española y Matallana se mantuvo fiel a la República, ocupando en los primeros meses de la contienda diversos puestos burocráticos de poca importancia. El 21 de mayo de 1937 sustituyó a Vicente Rojo en la jefatura del Estado Mayor del Ejército del Centro, aunque volvió a colaborar con él nuevamente a propósito de la planificación de la Ofensiva de Brunete. En septiembre del mismo año fue ascendido a Coronel.

El 30 de abril de 1938, tras el corte en dos de la zona republicana, pasó a ocupar la jefatura de Estado Mayor de recién creado Grupo de Ejércitos de la Región Central (GERC), y desde allí planificó la defensa de Valencia frente a la nueva amenaza franquista que se cernía sobre la capital levantina. Como parte del dispositivo defensivo dirigió las obras para la construcción de la Línea XYZ (también conocida Línea Matallana), un sistema de defensa en profundidad que se alargaba desde la provincia de Teruel hasta el Mar Mediterráneo. El asalto franquista largamente esperado comenzó en junio con una gran concentración de unidades militares y aunque lanzó numerosas acometidas, las tropas republicanas lograron resistir la embestida. Por la reciente victoria defensiva en Valencia, el 16 de agosto Matallana fue ascendido al generalato.

En los últimos meses de 1938 estuvo colaborando con Vicente Rojo como encargado de la planificación y organización del Plan P, una proyectada ofensiva republicana sobre los frentes de Extremadura y Andalucía que contaría con un desembarco señuelo en Motril. Matallana, que al principio colaboró plenamente en su planificación, terminó oponiéndose abiertamente. Después de efectuar numerosas protestas y negativas, el Plan se suspendió finalmente junto a la también nula colaboración del General Miaja. El fracasado Plan P fue sustituido por una ofensiva menor en el Frente de Extremadura, comenzada en 5 de enero de 1939, pero a pesar de los avances y el territorio conquistado el resultado fue decepcionante y a principios de febrero las tropas republicanas habían vuelto a su punto de partida. La deficiente actuación del Ejército Popular en esta ofensiva volvió a plantear numerosas dudas sobre Matallana, cuyo cuartel general había emitido numerosas órdenes contradictorias prohibiendo nuevas ofensivas y ralentizando el avance. Matallana, por otra parte, mantenía cada vez una actitud más derrotista, en especial después de la derrota republicana en la Batalla del Ebro y la Campaña de Cataluña. Lo cierto es que desde comienzos de año la quinta columna madrileña venía tanteando la lealtad de Matallana y otros oficiales, y Matallana empezaba a contactar con agentes del servicio secreto franquista.

El 16 de febrero asistió a una reunión en el aeródromo de Los Llanos (Albacete) entre el presidente del gobierno Negrín y los principales dirigentes militares republicanos. Al encuentro asistieron los generales Menéndez, Miaja, Escobar y Moriones, y el almirante Buiza. Se expuso la necesidad de negociar con Franco el final de la guerra, en vista de la pésima situación militar de la República. Matallana dijo que era una locura continuar la lucha y apeló al humanitarismo del jefe del gobierno. Si bien no se decidió el final de la guerra, algunos militares republicanos liderados por el coronel Casado ya se encontraban conspirando contra el gobierno para dar un golpe de Estado, hacerse con el control del resto de la España republicana y negociar el final de la guerra con Franco. Hacia finales de febrero Matallana tuvo una intensa actividad con el envío de informes al cuartel general de Franco en los que detallaba los puntos débiles y puntos fuertes del Grupo de Ejércitos de la Región Central, en previsión de un ataque del Ejército franquista.

Matallana se encontraba junto a Negrín en su cuartel general de Elda cuando el 5 de marzo se produjo el Golpe de Casado, por supuesto sin comunicar al presidente su connivencia con los golpistas. Cuando Matallana volvió a Madrid, allí se unió abiertamente a los sublevados. En vista de la resistencia que estaban ofreciendo las unidades comunistas frente al golpe de Estado, el 9 de marzo Matallana confesó a los agentes franquistas con los que mantenía contacto que «esperaba que una ofensiva general de Franco liberara Madrid». El golpe de Estado, no obstante, triunfó finalmente y a partir de entonces él y Casado se convirtieron en los principales interlocutores con agentes franquistas. En las últimas semanas de marzo Matallana se encargó de la represión de los comunistas participantes en la resistencia contra el golpe de Casado. Cuando se produjo la ofensival final de los ejércitos franquistas, el 29 de marzo emitió las órdenes y disposiciones finales por las que ordenaba la rendición de los ejércitos republicanos, lo que facilitó en gran medida el avance franquista y el final de la guerra.

Represaliado y últimos años
Detenido en Valencia el 29 de marzo, el 9 de agosto fue juzgado por un consejo de guerra sumarísimo. Aunque los jueces franquistas valoraron sus anteriores «servicios prestados a la causa nacional», ello no lo libró de las represalias, y el consejo de guerra lo condenó a 30 años de cárcel. Posteriormente, por orden de Franco la pena le fue reducida considerablemente el 5 de julio de 1940 y salió en libertad condicional en mayo de 1941. Después de cumplir la pena de cárcel, pasó sus últimos años de vida con estrecheces económicas. En 1952 intentó que se le reconociera su graduación militar en el Ejército Popular aduciendo que su causa había prescrito ya, pero no consiguió ningún cambio por parte de las autoridades franquistas.

Notas

Referencias

Bibliografía

Enlaces externos

Matallana Gómez, Manuel
Matallana Gómez, Manuel
Matallana Gómez, Manuel
Matallana Gómez, Manuel
Matallana Gómez, Manuel
Matallana Gómez, Manuel
Caballeros grandes cruces de la Orden de San Hermenegildo
Nacidos en Madrid
Fallecidos en Madrid

Manuel Matallana Gómez


La Carretera de Nebraska 59, y abreviada NE 59 (en inglés: Nebraska Highway 59) es una carretera estatal estadounidense ubicada en el estado de Nebraska. La carretera inicia en el Oeste desde la Segmento occidental;  oeste de Creighton Segmento del este;  sur de Coleridge hacia el Este en la Segmento occidental;  este de Magnet Segmento del este;  norte de Laurel. La carretera tiene una longitud de 60,3 km (37.49 mi).

Mantenimiento
Al igual que las autopistas interestatales, y las rutas federales y el resto de carreteras estatales, la Carretera de Nebraska 59 es administrada y mantenida por el Departamento de Carreteras de Nebraska por sus siglas en inglés NDOR.

Véase también

Referencias

Enlaces externos

 Página oficial de NDOR

 Lista de Autopistas por estado
 Lista de sitios web de carreteras para cada estado

Carreteras estatales de Nebraska

Carretera de Nebraska 59


Masonski redovi ili obredi, masonska tijela ili pridružena tijela (ili redovi) slobodnog zidarstva kolektivni je naziv organizacija i redova koji su dio široko rasprostranjenog bratstva slobodnog zidarstva i svaki od njih ima svoju strukturu i terminologiju.

Sažetak odnosa između masonskih organizacija
Osnovna jedinica slobodnog zidarstva je masonska loža, koja sama može inicirati slobodnog zidara. Takve lože kontrolira velika loža s nacionalnim ili regionalnim ovlastima za sve lože na njenoj teritoriju. Masonska loža dodjeljuje tri masonska stupnja učenika, pomoćnika i majstora masona (ili zidara).

Premda nema stupnja u slobodnom zidarstvu višeg od onog majstora masona, postoje dodatni stupnjevi koji se nude samo onima koji su majstori masoni. Većinu njih nadgledaju njihova vlastita tijela koja su neovisna od velikih loža.

Ujedinjena velika loža Engleske (koja nema izravnu vlast nad ostalim velikim ložama, ali kao najstarija velika loža na svijetu ima povijesni utjecaj i autoritet u smislu regularnosti i prakse) definira "čisto, drevno Slobodno zidarstvo" koje se sastoji od tri stupnja učenika, pomoćnika i majstora masona, uključujući vrhovni Red svetog kraljevskog luka.

Stupanj Svetog kraljevskog luka je iz antike i ima posebnu važnost u mnogim masonskim sustavima, uključujući i sve tri najstarije "konstitucije" (masonska autoriteta) odnosno velike lože Engleske, Škotske i Irske, u kojima se smatra (variranjem konstitucijskih definicija) završetkom glavne masonske strukture.

Mnoge druge organizacije, od kojih je većina poznata kao "masonske" ili se pod nazivom koji se identificira kao masonski, uvjetuju da kandidati za članstvo budu "dobrostojeći" majstori masoni (sve članarine uplaćene i bez bilo kakvih stegovnih postupaka). U nekim su zemljama, osobito u Sjedinjenim Državama, Škotski obred i Yorčki obred su dva glavna pravca na raspolaganju. U drugim zemljama, prije svega Engleskoj, Škotskoj, Irskoj i mnogim zemljama Commonwealtha, postoji veliki broj "samostalnih" redova i stupnjeva bez krovne organizacije "obreda". Neka od ovih masonskih tijela koriste brojeve kao neformalan način upućivanja na (ili identifikacije) stupnjeve koji im se dodijele, ali najvažniji i, prema tome, "najviši" stupanj je uvijek treći, odnosno stupanj majstora. Ta druga masonska tijela (koja se ponekad nazivaju i "pridruženi stupnjevi" ili "pobočni stupnjevi") izborna su potraga onima koji žele proširiti svoje masonsko članstvo i aktivnost i nakon tri stupnja učenika, pomoćnika i majstora masona.

U nekim zemljama, osobito u Sjedinjenim Državama, postoje i organizacije povezane sa slobodnim zidarima koje u članstvo primaju i majstore masona i one koji nisu masoni a su povezani s njima, poput Reda istočne zvijezde, Međunarodnog reda Jobinih kćeri i Red amaranta. Ostale pridružene organizacije poput Reda DeMolay-a i Međunarodnog reda duge za djevojke primaju ne-masone i ne uvjetuju da kandidati bude povezani s majstorom masonom. Te pridružene organizacije za ne-masone se rijetko susreću u europskom slobodnom zidarstvu.

Povijest
U razdoblju od 1740. do 1813. godine pojavilo se mnoštvo masonskih redova, obreda i stupnjeva. Ti su novi obredi proširili opseg masonerije i obuhvatili mnoga razrađivanja, od kojih su neki uključivali elemente koji su se prije toga radili u okviru zanata. Mnogi su se obredi pokazali kao prolazni i izumrli (neki nisu ništa više od zapisa i bez dokaza da su se ikada radili) dok su se neki pokazali otpornijima i preživjeli.

Priznavanje
Različite masonske jurisdikcije razlikuju se u svojim odnosima s pridruženim redovima, ako ih imaju. Neke daju formalno priznanje, dok ih druge smatraju potpuno izvan slobodnog zidarstva. Ovo dovodi do toga da se neki redovi uopće ne smatraju pridruženim redovima, već su zasebne organizacije u kojima je potrebno biti mason za prijem u članstvo.

Članstvo
Svaki masonski red postavlja svoje uvjete za članstvo koji se uvelike razlikuju. Mnogi od njih, posebno oni koji zapravo dodjeljuju dodatne masonske stupnjeve i velerede, ograničavaju članstvo samo na majstore masone. Drugi uvjetuju da je kandidat majstor ili u obiteljskom odnosu s jednim. Treći uvjetuju kandidatu da bude kršćanin. Za ostale je potrebno prethodno članstvo u drugim skupinama ili obnašanje određene dužnosti u tvoj skupini.

Članstvo je ponekad otvoreno, a ponekad i po pozivu. U Sjedinjenim Državama, Yorčki i Škotski obred daju mogućnost predstavke na raspolaganje svim majstorima masonima, ali zadržavaju pravo odbijanja pojedinih, dok druge skupine, poput vitezova masona, uvjetuju da se možeš uključiti samo po pozivu aktivnog člana.

Obredi, redovi i stupnjevi

Engleska i Wales

U Engleskoj i Walesu, nakon stupnjeva zanatskog slobodnog zidarstva, postoji veliki broj zasebno upravljanih stupnjeva i obreda otvorenih samo za zanatske slobodne zidare. Po engleskoj Konstituciji, Sveti kraljevski luk je jedini stupanj koji formalno priznaje Ujedinjena velika loža Engleske, a koja prevazilazi tri stupnja zanatskog slobodnog zidarstva. Međutim, veliki majstor Ujedinjene velike lože Engleske je upućen na i priznaje ostale obrede i stupnjeve, a svi njihovi članovi su neminovno masoni podložni engleskoj Konstituciji. Od masonskih redova sljedeći su najpopularniji:
 Sveti kraljevski luk (engl. Holy Royal Arch) se u Engleskoj i Walesu radi kao samostalni stupanj, odvojeno od zanatskog slobodnog zidarstva. Članovi se sastaju u kapitelima Kraljevskog luka od kojih je svaki pridružen zanatskoj loži a, također, nose i isti broj. Ovim redom upravlja Vrhovno poglavarstvo Kapitela sa sjedištem u središnjici Ujedinjene velike lože Engleske u Londonu i s kojom dijeli puno zajedničkih službenika. Zanatske lože u Engleskoj i Walesu obično imaju predstavnika Kraljevskog luka, a novopečeni majstori masoni aktivno se potiču da traže uzvišenje u Svetom kraljevskom luku prije nego što razmotre članstvo u nekoj drugom masonskom redu.
 Red majstora masona znaka (engl. Order of Mark Master Masons) se, po engleskoj Konstituciji, dodjeljuje samo u ložama majstora masona Znaka, koje su neovisne od Ujedinjene velike lože Engleske i upravljane iz Mark Masons' Hall-a u Londonu. Unutar Reda, članovi se također mogu priključiti mornarima Kraljevskog luka.
 Red tajnog nadzornika (engl. Order of the Secret Monitor) se, po engleskoj Konstituciji, se sastaje u konklavama, svaki sa starješinom na čelu. Redom se upravlja iz Mark Masons' Hall-a u Londonu. Unutar Reda, članovi se također mogu priključiti Redu grimizne vrpce.
 Drevni i prihvaćeni obred za Englesku i Wales (engl. Ancient and Accepted Rite for England and Wales), kolokvijalno poznat kao "Rose Croix". Po engleskoj konstituciji, Obred se sastaje u Kapitelu Rose Croix i otvoren je samo za majstore masone koji vjeruju u kršćansko Trojstvo. Kandidati su "upotpunjeni" u 18. stupnju, s tim da su prethodni stupnjevi dodijeljeni samo po imenu. Nastavak do 30. stupnja i više ograničen je na one koji su predsjedavali kapitelom. Redom upravlja 'Vrhovno vijeće 33. stupnja za Englesku i Wales' u Londonu.
 Vitez templar (engl. Knights Templar) Članom se postaje samo na poziv. Kandidati moraju biti majstori masoni, masoni Kraljevskog luka i vjerovati u kršćansko Trojstvo. Vitezovi Templari se sastaju u zapovjedništvima. Redom se upravlja iz Mark Masons' Hall-a u Londonu. Unutar Reda, članovi se također mogu priključiti Malteškim vitezovima i/ili Svećenicima vitezova templara.
 Red kraljevskih i odabranih majstora (engl. Order of Royal and Select Masters) ima sjedište u Mark Masons' Hall-u u Londonu. Djeluje u stupnjevima: izabrani majstor (engl. Select Master), kraljevski majstor (engl. Royal Master), najvrsniji majstor (engl. Most Excellent Master) i najodličniji majstor (engl. Super-Excellent Master) koji pokazuju vezu između stupnjeva majstora masona, majstora masona Znaka i Svetog Kraljevskog luka.
 Red crvenog križa cara Konstatina, Svetoga groba i svetog Ivana Evanđelista (engl. Order of the Red Cross of Constantine, the Holy Sepulchre and of St John the Evangelist), kolokvijalno poznat kao "Crveni križ cara Konstatina". Kandidati moraju biti majstori masoni, masoni Kraljevskog luka i vjerovati u kršćansko Trojstvo. Članovi se sastaju u konklavi. Red djeluje u tri stupnja, a također upravlja i s dva dodatna i različita reda koja su kršćanskog karaktera. Redom se upravlja iz Mark Masons' Hall-a u Londonu.
 Savezni masonski stupnjevi (engl. Allied Masonic Degrees) su skupina od pet ranije samostalnih stupnja koja se dodjeljuju samo na poziv. Kandidati moraju biti majstori masoni, masoni Kraljevskog luka i majstori masoni Znaka. Članovi također mogu biti pozvani da se priključe u Red vitezova masona. Članovi se sastaju u koncilima i njima se upravlja iz Mark Masons' Hall-a u Londonu.

Škotska
Upravljačka tijela su Velika loža Škotske i Vrhovno poglavarstvo Velikog kraljevskog luka Škotske.

Prema škotskoj masonskoj Konstituciji u stupanj majstora Znaka se može podići ili unutar zanatske lože nakon podizanja u stupnja majstora masona ili unutar Kapitela Kraljevskog luka prije podizanja u izvrsnog majstora. Također, prema istoj Konstituciji, nitko ne može biti podignut u masona Kraljevskog luka a da prethodno nije podignut u stupanj majstora masona Znaka.

Brojni su drugi redovi otvoreni za zanatske slobodne zidare, od kojih su sljedeći u Škotskoj:
 Kraljevski red Škotske (engl. Royal Order of Scotland)
 Drevni i prihvaćeni škotski obred
 Masonski Vitez templar
 Crveni križ cara Konstatina, koji ima pet stupnjeva.

Sjeverna Amerika
U Sjedinjenim Državama i Kanadi postoje dva glavna masonska pridružena reda:
 Drevni i prihvaćeni škotski obred slobodnih zidara
 Yorčki obred (engl. York Rite), ponekad nazivan i Američki obred, koji skupa sa zanatskom ložom sadrži tri odvojena i različita tijela: Kapitel Kraljevskog luka, Koncil Kripte i Zapovjedništvo vitezova Templara.

Hrvatska
U Hrvatskoj je Drevni i prihvaćeni škotski obred zastupljen u gotovo svim obedijencijama, dok je Yorčki obred prisutan u najmanje dvije.

Pored dva spomenuta obreda, regularna Velika loža Hrvatske ima i Crveni križ cara Konstatina.

Ostatak Europe
U Skandinaviji i nordijskim državama, uključujući Švedsku, Norvešku, Island, Dansku i Finsku, slobodno zidarstvo postoji uglavnom u obliku Švedskog obreda.

Francuski obred je najprisutniji u Francuskoj, Luksemburgu, Grčkoj i Brazilu.

Ostali obredi i redovi
Sljedeća pridružena tijela imaju masonske stupnjeve. Oni koji podnese prijavnicu ili budu pozvani u članstvo moraju biti u stupnju majstora masona, iako svako tijelo može imati dodatne uvjete za članstvo:
 Savezni masonski stupnjevi (engl. Allied Masonic Degrees). U SAD-u, vijeća ovih stupnjeva dodjeljuju 12 masonskih stupnjeva, dok u Kanadi dodjeljuju devet stupnjeva pored svečanosti priključenja. U Engleskoj se dodjeljuje samo pet stupnjeva.
 Antički red plemenitih čepova (engl. Ye Antient Order of Noble Corks) je šaljivi pobočni stupanj. U Škotskoj je povezan s masonerijom Kraljevskog luka. U Engleskoj i Europi je samostalan red. U SAD-u je dio Saveznih masonskih stupnjeva.
 Red vitezova masona (engl. Order of Knight Masons). Koncili vitezova masona širom svijeta djeluju pod Velikim koncilom Vitezova masona sa sjedištem u Irskoj. U Škotskoj se stupnjevi rade u kombiniranom redoslijedu (skupa s Marinerima kraljevskog luka) pod nazivom loža i koncil, a pod nadzorom Vrhovnog poglavarstva Velikog Kraljevskog luka Škotske. U SAD-u, stupnjevima, uz neke iznimke, upravlja Veliki koncil Vitezova masona SAD-a koje se odvojilo od prvog Velikog koncila tijekom 1950-ih.
 Ispravljeni škotski obred (engl. Rectified Scottish Rite), poznat i kao Chevaliers Bienfaisants de la Cite Sainte (skraćeno CBCS) od svog najvišeg egzoteričnog čina,
 Societas Rosicruciana je rozenkrojcerski red u kojem se dodjeljuje devet stupnjeva, iliti razreda.
 Red svetog Tome Akonskog (engl. Order of St. Thomas of Acon) je prigodni viteški red. Članovi se sastaju u kapelama.

Ostali povezani redovi
Ovi povezani redovi i organizacije mladih uobičajeno se nalaze u sjevernoj i srednjoj Americi, a nešto manje u južnoj Americi. Uglavnom nisu prisutni u Europi, osim u područjima američkog utjecaja, osobito područjima dugoročne američke vojne prisutnosti.
 Šrajneri (engl. Shriners) su povijesno poznati kao Drevni arapski red plemića mističnog hrama (engl. Ancient Arabic Order of the Nobles of the Mystic Shrine). Šrajneri se susreću u "centrima" ili "hramovima", a dobro su poznati po svojim kestenastim fesovima, raskošnim povorkama i sponzorstvu mreže dječjih bolnica.
 Kraljevski red džestera (engl. Royal Order of Jesters), kolokvijalno poznat kao Džesteri, su godišnje ograničeni na trinaest inicijacija od strane lokalnih "sudova". Inicijacija, po pozivu i jednoglasnom balotažom, ograničen je na članove koji su "dobrostojeći" Šrajneri.
 Mistični red velom prikrivenih proroka očaranog carstva (engl. Mystic Order of Veiled Prophets of the Enchanted Realm), kolokvijalno poznat kao Grotto i njihovi članovi nove crne fesove.
 Red Quetzalcoatl (engl. Order of Quetzalcoatl) je skupina prisutna uglavnom na zapadu i jugozapadu Sjedinjenih Država.
 Visoki cedrovi libanonski (engl. Tall Cedars of Lebanon) se organiziraju u "Šume" i sastaju se u masonskim hramovima ili banketnim dvoranama. Neki sebe nazivaju "siromahovi Šrajneri", a njihov moto je "Zabava, veselje i druženje", a članovi nose šešir u obliku piramide.

Sljedeći povezani redovi primaju masone i žene iz obitelji masona:
 Red istočne zvijezde (engl. Order of the Eastern Star). Članstvo je ograničeno samo na majstore masone i njima bliske žene. Kapitel vode žene dok je majstor mason tu samo da pomogne u otvaranju Kapitela. Žene iz obitelji mogu biti supruga, sestra, kćeri, majka, unuke, i druge.
 Red amaranta (engl. Order of the Amaranth) je američki red za muške majstore masone i žene iz njihovih obitelji. Redom upravlja Vrhovno vijeće, s velikim sudovima u svakoj američkoj državi, dodano je mali broj izvan SAD-a, u Kanadi, Australiji i na Filipinima.

Mladež
Postoji nekoliko je udruga mladih povezanih s masonima, uglavnom u Sjevernoj Americi, a kolektivno ih nazivaju masonskim organizacijama mladih.
 Red Pitagorejsih vitezova (engl. Order of the Knights of Pythagoras) je za dječake u dobi od 8 do 18 godina pod patronatom Prince Hall masonerije.
 Međunarodni red DeMolay (engl. DeMolay International) je za dječake i mlade muškarce u dobi od 12 do 21 godine i najzastupljeniji je. Postoje organizacije koja se nalaze u Argentini, Arubi, Australiji, Boliviji, Brazilu, Kanadi, Francuskoj, Njemačkoj, Italiji, Japanu, Panami, Paragvaju, Peruu, Filipinima, Rumunjskoj, Srbiji, Sjedinjenim Državama i Urugvaju. Red nosi ime po posljednjem velikom majstoru Vitezova templara de Molay-u.
 Udruga mladih nada bratstva (španj. Asociacion de Jovenes Esperanza de la Fraternidad) je za dječake i mlade muškarce u dobri od 14 do 21 godine u Meksiku, Sjedinjenim Državama i latinskoj Americi.
 Međunarodni red Jobinih kćeri (engl. Job's Daughters International, JCI) je za djevojčice i djevojke u dobi od 10 do 20 godine koje su kćerke majstora masona ili pod njihov pokroviteljstvom ako nisu u sredstvu. Njihove organizacije se nalaze u Australiji, Brazilu, Kanadi, Filipinima i Sjedinjenim Državama.
 Međunarodni red duge za djevojke (engl. International Order of the Rainbow for Girls) je za djevojčice i djevojke u dobi od 11 do 20 godine. Red djeluje u Arubi, Australiji, Boliviji, Brazilu, Kanadi, Italiji, Paragvaju, Filipinima, Portoriku i Rumunjska.
 Udruga trokuta (engl. Organization of Triangles Inc.) je za djevojčice i djevojke u dobi od 10 do 21 godine i djeluje u New Yorku. Osnovana je 1925. godine.
 Sazviježđe mlađih zvijezda (engl. Constellation of Junior Stars) je neprofitna organizacija povezana s masonerijom za djevojčice i djevojke u dobi od 10 do 21 godine i djeluje u New Yorku.

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The Theory of Moral Sentiments is a 1759 book by Adam Smith. It provided the ethical, philosophical, economic, and methodological underpinnings to Smith's later works, including The Wealth of Nations (1776), Essays on Philosophical Subjects (1795), and Lectures on Justice, Police, Revenue, and Arms (1763) (first published in 1896).

Sympathy
Smith departed from the "moral sense" tradition of Anthony Ashley-Cooper, 3rd Earl of Shaftesbury, Francis Hutcheson, and David Hume, as the principle of sympathy takes the place of that organ. "Sympathy" was the term Smith used for the feeling of these moral sentiments. It was the feeling of understanding the passions of others. It operated through a logic of mirroring, in which a spectator imaginatively reconstructed the experience of the person he watches:

As we have no immediate experience of what other men feel, we can form no idea of the manner in which they are affected, but by conceiving what we ourselves should feel in the like situation. Though our brother is on the rack, as long as we ourselves are at our ease, our senses will never inform us of what he suffers. They never did, and never can, carry us beyond our own person, and it is by the imagination only that we can form any conception of what are his sensations. Neither can that faculty help us to this any other way, than by representing to us what would be our own, if we were in his case. It is the impressions of our own senses only, not those of his, which our imaginations copy. By the imagination, we place ourselves in his situation...

However, Smith rejected the idea that Man was capable of forming moral judgements beyond a limited sphere of activity, again centered on his own self-interest:

The administration of the great system of the universe ... the care of the universal happiness of all rational and sensible beings, is the business of God and not of man. To man is allotted a much humbler department, but one much more suitable to the weakness of his powers, and to the narrowness of his comprehension: the care of his own happiness, of that of his family, his friends, his country.... But though we are ... endowed with a very strong desire of those ends, it has been entrusted to the slow and uncertain determinations of our reason to find out the proper means of bringing them about. Nature has directed us to the greater part of these by original and immediate instincts. Hunger, thirst, the passion which unites the two sexes, and the dread of pain, prompt us to apply those means for their own sakes, and without any consideration of their tendency to those beneficent ends which the great Director of nature intended to produce by them

The rich only select from the heap what is most precious and agreeable. They consume little more than the poor, and in spite of their natural selfishness and rapacity, though they mean only their own conveniency, though the sole end which they propose from the labours of all the thousands whom they employ, be the gratification of their own vain and insatiable desires, they divide with the poor the produce of all their improvements. They are led by an invisible hand to make nearly the same distribution of the necessaries of life, which would have been made, had the earth been divided into equal portions among all its inhabitants, and thus without intending it, without knowing it, advance the interest of the society, and afford means to the multiplication of the species.

In a published lecture, Vernon L. Smith further argued that Theory of Moral Sentiments and Wealth of Nations together encompassed:

"one behavioral axiom, 'the propensity to truck, barter, and exchange one thing for another,' where the objects of trade I will interpret to include not only goods, but also gifts, assistance, and favors out of sympathy ... whether it is goods or favors that are exchanged, they bestow gains from trade that humans seek relentlessly in all social transactions. Thus, Adam Smith's single axiom, broadly interpreted ... is sufficient to characterize a major portion of the human social and cultural enterprise. It explains why human nature appears to be simultaneously self-regarding and other-regarding."

The Theory of Moral Sentiments: Edition 6
Consists of 7 parts:
 Part I: Of the propriety of action
 Part II: Of merit and demerit; or of the objects of reward and punishment
 Part III: Of the foundations of our judgments concerning our own sentiments and conduct, and of the sense of duty.
 Part IV: Of the effect of utility upon the sentiments of approbation.
 Part V: Of the influence of custom and fashion upon the sentiments of moral approbation and disapprobation.
 Part VI: Of the character of virtue
 Part VII: Of systems of moral philosophy

Part I: Of the propriety of action
Part one of The Theory of Moral Sentiments consists of three sections:
 Section 1: Of the sense of propriety
 Section 2: Of the degrees of which different passions are consistent with propriety
 Section 3: Of the effects of prosperity and adversity upon the judgment of mankind with regard to the propriety of action; and why it is more easy to obtain their approbation in the one state than the other

Part I, Section I: Of the Sense of Propriety
Section 1 consists of 5 chapters:
 Chapter 1: Of sympathy
 Chapter 2: Of the pleasure of mutual sympathy
 Chapter 3: Of the manner in which we judge of the propriety or impropriety of the affections of other men by their concord or dissonance with our own
 Chapter 4: The same subject continued
 Chapter 5: Of the amiable and respectable virtues

Part I, Section I, Chapter I: Of Sympathy
According to Smith, people have a natural tendency to care about the well-being of others for no other reason than the pleasure one gets from seeing them happy. He calls this sympathy, defining it "our fellow-feeling with any passion whatsoever" (p. 5). He argues that this occurs under either of two conditions:
 We see firsthand the fortune or misfortune of another person
 The fortune or misfortune is vividly depicted to us

Although, this is apparently true, he follows to argue that this tendency lies even in "the greatest ruffian, the most hardened violator of the laws of society" (p. 2).

Smith also proposes several variables that can moderate the extent of sympathy, noting that the situation that is the cause of the passion is a large determinant of our response:
 The vividness of the account of the condition of another person
An important point put forth by Smith is that the degree to which we sympathize, or "tremble and shudder at the thought of what he feels", is proportional to the degree of vividness in our observation or the description of the event.
 Knowledge of the causes of the emotions
When observing the anger of another person, for example, we are unlikely to sympathize with this person because we "are unacquainted with his provocation" and as a result cannot imagine what it is like to feel what he feels. Further, since we can see the "fear and resentment" of those who are the targets of the person's anger we are likely to sympathize and take side with them. Thus, sympathetic responses are often conditional on—or the magnitude for understanding another person is determined by—the causes of the emotion the person is experiencing.
 Whether other people are involved in the emotion
Specifically, emotions such as joy and grief tell us about the "good or bad fortune" of the person we are observing them in, whereas anger tells us about the bad fortune with respect to another person. It is the difference between intrapersonal emotions, such as joy and grief, and interpersonal emotions, such as anger, that causes the difference in sympathy, according to Smith. That is, intrapersonal emotions trigger at least some sympathy without the need for context whereas interpersonal emotions are dependent on context.

He also proposes a natural 'motor' response to seeing the actions of others: If we see a knife hacking off a person's leg we wince away, if we see someone dance we move in the same ways, we feel the injuries of others as if we had them ourselves.

Smith makes clear that we sympathize not only with the misery of others but also the joy; he states that observing an emotional state through the "looks and gestures" in another person is enough to initiate that emotional state in ourselves. Furthermore, we are generally insensitive to the real situation of the other person; we are instead sensitive to how we would feel ourselves if we were in the situation of the other person. For example, a mother with a suffering baby feels "the most complete image of misery and distress" while the child merely feels "the uneasiness of the present instant" (p. 8).

Part I, Section I, Chapter II: Of Pleasure and mutual sympathy
Smith continues by arguing that people feel pleasure from the presence of others with the same emotions as one's self, and displeasure in the presence of those with "contrary" emotions. Smith argues that this pleasure is not the result of self-interest: that others are more likely to assist oneself if they are in a similar emotional state. Smith also makes the case that pleasure from mutual sympathy is not derived merely from a heightening of the original felt emotion amplified by the other person. Smith further notes that people get more pleasure from the mutual sympathy of negative emotions than positive emotions; we feel "more anxious to communicate to our friends" (p. 13) our negative emotions.

Smith proposes that mutual sympathy heightens the original emotion and "disburdens" the person of sorrow. This is a 'relief' model of mutual sympathy, where mutual sympathy heightens the sorrow but also produces pleasure from relief "because the sweetness of his sympathy more than compensates the bitterness of that sorrow" (p. 14). In contrast, mocking or joking about their sorrow is the "cruelest insult" one can inflict on another person:
To seem to not be affected by the joy of our companions is but want of politeness; but to not wear a serious countentance when they tell us their afflictions, is real and gross inhumanity (p. 14).
He makes clear that mutual sympathy of negative emotions is a necessary condition for friendship, whereas mutual sympathy of positive emotions is desirable but not required. This is due to the "healing consolation of mutual sympathy" that a friend is 'required' to provide in response to "grief and resentment", as if not doing so would be akin to a failure to help the physically wounded.

Not only do we get pleasure from the sympathy of others, but we also obtain pleasure from being able to successfully sympathize with others, and discomfort from failing to do so. Sympathizing is pleasurable, failing to sympathize is aversive. Smith also makes the case that failing to sympathize with another person may not be aversive to ourselves but we may find the emotion of the other person unfounded and blame them, as when another person experiences great happiness or sadness in response to an event that we think should not warrant such a response.

Part I, Section I, Chapter III: Of the manner in which we judge of the propriety or impropriety of the affections of other men by their concord or dissonance with our own
Smith presents the argument that approval or disapproval of the feelings of others is completely determined by whether we sympathize or fail to sympathize with their emotions. Specifically, if we sympathize with the feelings of another we judge that their feelings are just, and if we do not sympathize we judge that their feelings are unjust.

This holds in matters of opinion also, as Smith flatly states that we judge the opinions of others as correct or incorrect merely by determining whether they agree with our own opinions. Smith also cites a few examples where our judgment is not in line with our emotions and sympathy, as when we judge the sorrow of a stranger who has lost her mother as being justified even though we know nothing about the stranger and do not sympathize ourselves. However, according to Smith these non-emotional judgments are not independent from sympathy in that although we do not feel sympathy we do recognize that sympathy would be appropriate and lead us to this judgment and thus deem the judgment as correct.

"Utopian" or Ideal Political Systems: "The man of system . . . is apt to be very wise in his own conceit; and is often so enamoured with the supposed beauty of his own ideal plan of government, that he cannot suffer the smallest deviation from any part of it.
He goes on to establish it completely and in all its parts, without any regard either to the great interests, or to the strong prejudices which may oppose it.
He seems to imagine that he can arrange the different members of a great society with as much ease as the hand arranges the different pieces upon a chess-board.
He does not consider that the pieces upon the chess-board have no other principle of motion besides that which the hand impresses upon them; but that, in the great chess-board of human society, every single piece has a principle of motion of its own, altogether different from that which the legislature might choose to impress upon it.
If those two principles coincide and act in the same direction, the game of human society will go on easily and harmoniously, and is very likely to be happy and successful.
If they are opposite or different, the game will go on miserably, and the society must be at all times in the highest degree of disorder."

— Adam Smith, The Theory of Moral Sentiments, 1759

Next, Smith puts forth that not only are the consequences of one's actions judged and used to determine whether one is just or unjust in committing them, but also whether one's sentiments justified the action that brought about the consequences. Thus, sympathy plays a role in determining judgments of the actions of others in that if we sympathize with the affections that brought about the action we are more likely to judge the action as just, and vice versa:

If upon bringing the case home to our own breast we find that the sentiments which it gives occasion to, coincide and tally with our own, we necessarily approve of them as proportioned and suitable to their objects; if otherwise, we necessarily disapprove of them, as extravagant and out of proportion (p. 20).

Part I, Section I, Chapter IV: The same subject continued
Smith delineates two conditions under which we judge the "propriety or impropriety of the sentiments of another person":
 1 When the objects of the sentiments are considered alone
 2 When the objects of the sentiments are considered in relation to the person or other persons

When one's sentiments coincide with another person's when the object is considered alone, then we judge that their sentiment is justified. Smith lists objects that are in one of two domains: science and taste. Smith argues that sympathy does not play a role in judgments of these objects; differences in judgment arise only due to difference in attention or mental acuity between people. When the judgment of another person agrees with us on these types of objects it is not notable; however, when another person's judgment differs from us, we assume that they have some special ability to discern characteristics of the object we have not already noticed, and thus view their judgment with special approbation called admiration.

Smith continues by noting that we assign value to judgments not based on usefulness (utility) but on similarity to our own judgment, and we attribute to those judgments which are in line with our own the qualities of correctness or truth in science, and justness or delicateness in taste. Thus, the utility of a judgment is "plainly an afterthought" and "not what first recommends them to our approbation" (p. 24).

Of objects that fall into the second category, such as the misfortune of oneself or another person, Smith argues that there is no common starting point for judgment but are vastly more important in maintaining social relations. Judgments of the first kind are irrelevant as long as one is able to share a sympathetic sentiment with another person; people may converse in total disagreement about objects of the first kind as long as each person appreciates the sentiments of the other to a reasonable degree. However, people become intolerable to each other when they have no feeling or sympathy for the misfortunes or resentment of the other: "You are confounded at my violence and passion, and I am enraged at your cold insensibility and want of feelings" (p. 26).

Another important point Smith makes is that our sympathy will never reach the degree or "violence" of the person who experiences it, as our own "safety" and comfort as well as separation from the offending object constantly "intrude" on our efforts to induce a sympathetic state in ourselves. Thus, sympathy is never enough, as the "sole consolation" for the sufferer is "to see the emotions of their hearts, in every respect, beat time to his own, in the violent and disagreeable passions" (p. 28). Therefore, the original sufferer is likely to dampen his feelings to be in "concord" with the degree of sentiment expressible by the other person, who feels only due to the ability of one's imagination. It is this which is "sufficient for the harmony of society" (p. 28). Not only does the person dampen his expression of suffering for the purpose of sympathizing, but he also takes the perspective of the other person who is not suffering, thus slowly changing his perspective and allowing the calmness of the other person and reduction of violence of the sentiment to improve his spirits.

As a friend is likely to engage in more sympathy than a stranger, a friend actually slows the reduction in our sorrows because we do not temper our feelings out of sympathizing with the perspective of the friend to the degree that we reduce our sentiments in the presence of acquaintances, or a group of acquaintances. This gradual tempering of our sorrows from the repeated perspective-taking of someone in a more calm state make "society and conversation...the most powerful remedies for restoring the mind to its tranquility" (p. 29).

Part I, Section I, Chapter V: Of the amiable and respectable virtues
Smith starts to use an important new distinction in this section and late in the previous section:
 The "person principally concerned": The person who has had emotions aroused by an object
 The spectator: The person observing and sympathizing with the emotionally aroused "person principally concerned"

These two people have two different sets of virtues. The person principally concerned, in "bring[ing] down emotions to what the spectator can go along with" (p. 30), demonstrates "self-denial" and "self-government" whereas the spectator displays "the candid condescension and indulgent humanity" of "enter[ing]into the sentiments of the person principally concerned."

Smith returns to anger and how we find "detestable...the insolence and brutality" of the person principally concerned but "admire...the indignation which they naturally call forth in that of the impartial spectator" (p. 32). Smith concludes that the "perfection" of human nature is this mutual sympathy, or "love our neighbor as we love ourself" by "feeling much for others and little for ourself" and to indulge in "benevolent affections" (p. 32). Smith makes clear that it is this ability to "self-command" our "ungovernable passions" through sympathizing with others that is virtuous.

Smith further distinguishes between virtue and propriety:

Part I, Section II: Of the degrees of which different passions are consistent with propriety
Section 2 consists of 5 chapters:
 Chapter 1: Of the passions which take their origins from the body
 Chapter 2: Of the passions which take their origins from a particular turn or habit of the imagination
 Chapter 3: Of the unsocial passions
 Chapter 4: Of the social passions
 Chapter 5: Of the selfish passions

Smith starts off by noting that the spectator can sympathize only with passions of medium "pitch". However, this medium level at which the spectator can sympathize depends on what "passion" or emotion is being expressed; with some emotions even the most justified expression of cannot be tolerated at a high level of fervor, at others sympathy in the spectator is not bounded by magnitude of expression even though the emotion is not as well justified. Again, Smith emphasizes that specific passions will be considered appropriate or inappropriate to varying degrees depending on the degree to which the spectator is able to sympathize, and that it is the purpose of this section to specify which passions evoke sympathy and which do not and therefore which are deemed appropriate and not appropriate.

Part I, Section II, Chapter I: Of the passions which take their origins from the body
Since it is not possible to sympathize with bodily states or "appetites which take their origin in the body" it is improper to display them to others, according to Smith. One example is "eating voraciously" when hungry, as the impartial spectator can sympathize a little bit if there is a vivid description and good cause for this hunger, but not to a great extent as hunger itself cannot be induced from mere description. Smith also includes sex as a passion of the body that is considered indecent in the expression of others, although he does make note that to fail to treat a woman with more "gaiety, pleasantry, and attention" would also be improper of a man (p. 39). To express pain is also considered unbecoming.

Smith believes the cause of lack of sympathy for these bodily passions is that "we cannot enter into them" ourselves (p. 40). Temperance, by Smith's account, is to have control over bodily passions.

On the contrary, passions of the imagination, such as loss of love or ambition, are easy to sympathize with because our imagination can conform to the shape of the sufferer, whereas our body cannot do such a thing to the body of the sufferer. Pain is fleeting and the harm only lasts as long as the violence is inflicted, whereas an insult lasts to harm for longer duration because our imagination keeps mulling it over. Likewise, bodily pain that induces fear, such as a cut, wound or fracture, evoke sympathy because of the danger that they imply for ourselves; that is, sympathy is activated chiefly through imagining what it would be like for us.

Part I, Section II, Chapter II: Of the passions which take their origins from a particular turn or habit of the imagination
Passions which "take their origins from a particular turn or habit of the imagination" are "little sympathized with". These include love, as we are unlikely to enter into our own feeling of love in response to that of another person and thus unlikely to sympathize. He further states that love is "always laughed at, because we cannot enter into it" ourselves.

Instead of inspiring love in ourselves, and thus sympathy, love makes the impartial spectator sensitive to the situation and emotions that may arise from the gain or loss of love. Again this is because it is easy to imagine hoping for love or dreading loss of love but not the actual experience of it, and that the "happy passion, upon this account, interests us much less than the fearful and the melancholy" of losing happiness (p. 49). Thus, love inspires sympathy for not for love itself but for the anticipation of emotions from gaining or losing it.

Smith, however, finds love "ridiculous" but "not naturally odious" (p. 50). Thus, we sympathize with the "humaneness, generosity, kindness, friendship, and esteem" (p. 50) of love. However, as these secondary emotions are excessive in love, one should not express them but in moderate tones according to Smith, as:
All these are objects which we cannot expect should interest our companions in the same degree in which they interest us.
Failing to do so makes bad company, and therefore those with specific interests and "love" of hobbies should keep their passions to those with kindred spirits ("A philosopher is company to a philosopher only" (p. 51)) or to themselves.

Part I, Section II, Chapter III: Of the unsocial passions
Smith talks of hatred and resentment next, as "unsocial passions." According to Smith these are passions of imagination, but sympathy is only likely to be evoked in the impartial spectator when they are expressed in moderate tones. Because these passions regard two people, namely the offended (resentful or angry person) and the offender, our sympathies are naturally drawn between these two. Specifically, although we sympathize with the offended person, we fear that the offended person may do harm to the offender, and thus also fear for and sympathize with the danger that faces the offender.

The impartial spectator sympathizes with the offended person in a manner, as emphasized previously, such that the greatest sympathy occurs when the offended person expresses anger or resentment in a temperate manner. Specifically, if the offended person seems just and temperate in coping with the offense, then this magnifies the misdeed done to the offended in the mind of the spectator, increasing sympathy. Although excess anger does not beget sympathy, neither does too little anger, as this may signal fear or uncaring on the part of the offended. This lack of response is just as despicable to the impartial spectator as is the excesses of anger.

However, in general, any expression of anger is improper in the presence of others. This is because the "immediate effects [of anger] are disagreeable" just as the knives of surgery are disagreeable for art, as the immediate effect of surgery is unpleasant even though long-term effect is justified. Likewise, even when anger is justly provoked, it is disagreeable. According to Smith, this explains why we reserve sympathy until we know the cause of the anger or resentment, since, if the emotion is not justified by the action of another person, then the immediate disagreeableness and threat to the other person (and by sympathy to ourselves) overwhelm any sympathy that the spectator may have for the offended. In response to expressions of anger, hatred, or resentment, it is likely that the impartial spectator will not feel anger in sympathy with the offended but instead anger toward the offended for expressing such an aversive. Smith believes that there is some form of natural optimality to the aversiveness of these emotions, as it reduces the propagation of ill will among people, and thus increases the probability of functional societies.

Smith also puts forth that anger, hatred, and resentment are disagreeable to the offended mostly because of the idea of being offended rather than the actual offense itself. He remarks that we are likely able to do without what was taken from us, but it is the imagination which angers us at the thought of having something taken. Smith closes this section by remarking that the impartial spectator will not sympathize with us unless we are willing to endure harms, with the goal of maintaining positive social relations and humanity, with equanimity, as long as it does not put us in a situation of being "exposed to perpetual insults" (p. 59). It is only "with reluctance, from necessity, and in consequence of great and repeated provocations" (p. 60) that we should take revenge on others. Smith makes clear that we should take very good care to not act on the passions of anger, hatred, resentment, for purely social reasons, and instead imagine what the impartial spectator would deem appropriate, and base our action solely on a cold calculation.

Part I, Section II, Chapter IV: Of the social passions
The social emotions such as "generosity, humanity, kindness, compassion, mutual friendship and esteem" are considered overwhelmingly with approbation by the impartial spectator. The agreeableness of the "benevolent" sentiments leads to full sympathy on the part of the spectator with both the person concerned and the object of these emotions and are not felt as aversive to the spectator if they are in excess.

Part I, Section II, Chapter V: Of the selfish passions
The final set of passions, or "selfish passions", are grief and joy, which Smith considers to be not so aversive as the unsocial passions of anger and resentment, but not so benevolent as the social passions such as generosity and humanity. Smith makes clear in this passage that the impartial spectator is unsympathetic to the unsocial emotions because they put the offended and the offender in opposition to each other, sympathetic to the social emotions because they join the lover and beloved in unison, and feels somewhere in between with the selfish passions as they are either good or bad for only one person and are not disagreeable but not so magnificent as the social emotions.

Of grief and joy, Smith notes that small joys and great grief are assured to be returned with sympathy from the impartial spectator, but not other degrees of these emotions. Great joy is likely to be met with envy, so modesty is prudent for someone who has come upon great fortune or else suffer the consequences of envy and disapprobation. This is appropriate as the spectator appreciates the lucky individual's "sympathy with our envy and aversion to his happiness" especially because this shows concern for the inability of the spectator to reciprocate the sympathy toward the happiness of the lucky individual. According to Smith, this modesty wears on the sympathy of both the lucky individual and the old friends of the lucky individual and they soon part ways; likewise, the lucky individual may acquire new friends of higher rank to whom he must also be modest, apologizing for the "mortification" of now being their equal:
He generally grows weary too soon, and is provoked, by the sullen and suspicious pride of the one, and by the saucy contempt of the other, to treat the first with neglect, and the second with petulance, till at last he grows habitually insolent, and forfeits the esteem of them all... those sudden changes of fortune seldom contribute much to happiness (p. 66).
The solution is to ascend social rank by gradual steps, with the path cleared for one by approbation before one takes the next step, giving people time to adjust, and thus avoiding any "jealousy in those he overtakes, or any envy in those he leaves behind" (p. 66).

Small joys of everyday life are met with sympathy and approbation according to Smith. These "frivolous nothings which fill up the void of human life" (p. 67) divert attention and help us forget problems, reconciling us as with a lost friend.

The opposite is true for grief, with small grief triggering no sympathy in the impartial spectator, but large grief with much sympathy. Small griefs are likely, and appropriately, turned into joke and mockery by the sufferer, as the sufferer knows how complaining about small grievances to the impartial spectator will evoke ridicule in the heart of the spectator, and thus the sufferer sympathizes with this, mocking himself to some degree.

Part I, Section III: Of the effects of prosperity and adversity upon the judgment of mankind with regard to the propriety of action; and why it is more easy to obtain their approbation in the one state than in the other
Section 3 consists of 3 chapters:
 Chapter 1: That though our Sympathy with Sorrow is generally a more lively Sensation than our Sympathy with Joy, it commonly falls much more short of the Violence of what is naturally felt by the Person principally concerned
 Chapter 2: Of the Origin of Ambition, and of the Distinction of Ranks
 Chapter 3: Of the Corruption of our Moral Sentiments, which is occasioned by this Disposition to admire the Rich and the Great, and to despise or neglect Persons of poor and mean Condition

Part I, Section III, Chapter I: That though our Sympathy with Sorrow is generally a more lively Sensation than our      Sympathy with Joy, it commonly falls much more short of the Violence of what is naturally felt by the Person principally concerned

Part I, Section III, Chapter II: Of the Origin of Ambition, and of the Distinction of Ranks
The rich man glories in his riches, because he feels that they naturally draw upon him the attention of the world, and that mankind are disposed to go along with him in all those agreeable emotions with which the advantages of his situation so readily inspire him. At the thought of this, his heart seems to swell and dilate itself within him, and he is fonder of his wealth, upon this account, than for all the other advantages it procures him. The poor man, on the contrary, is ashamed of his poverty. He feels that it either places him out of the sight of mankind, or, that if they take any notice of him, they have, however, scarce any fellow-feeling with the misery and distress which he suffers.
Great King, live for ever! is the compliment, which, after the manner of eastern adulation, we should readily make them, if experience did not teach us its absurdity. Every calamity that befalls them, every injury that is done them, excites in the breast of the spectator ten times more compassion and resentment than he would have felt, had the same things happened to other men. A stranger to human nature, who saw the indifference of men about the misery of their inferiors, and the regret and indignation which they feel for the misfortunes and sufferings of those above them, would be apt to imagine, that pain must be more agonizing, and the convulsions of death more terrible to persons of higher rank, than to those of meaner stations.

Upon this disposition of mankind, to go along with all the passions of the rich and the powerful, is founded the distinction of ranks, and the order of society. Even when the people have been brought this length, they are apt to relent every moment, and easily relapse into their habitual state of deference to those whom they have been accustomed to look upon as their natural superiors. They cannot stand the mortification of their monarch. Compassion soon takes the place of resentment, they forget all past provocations, their old principles of loyalty revive, and they run to re-establish the ruined authority of their old masters, with the same violence with which they had opposed it. The death of Charles I brought about the Restoration of the royal family. Compassion for James II when he was seized by the populace in making his escape on ship-board, had almost prevented the Revolution, and made it go on more heavily than before.

Part I, Section III, Chapter III: Of the Corruption of our Moral Sentiments, which is occasioned by this Disposition to admire the Rich and the Great, and to despise or neglect Persons of poor and mean Condition
This disposition to admire, and almost to worship, the rich and the powerful, and to despise, or, at least, to neglect persons of poor and mean condition, though necessary both to establish and to maintain the distinction of ranks and the order of society, is, at the same time, the great and most universal cause of the corruption of our moral sentiments. That wealth and greatness are often regarded with the respect and admiration which are due only to wisdom and virtue; and that the contempt, of which vice and folly are the only proper objects, is often most unjustly bestowed upon poverty and weakness, has been the complaint of moralists in all ages.
We desire both to be respectable and to be respected. We dread both to be contemptible and to be contemned. But, upon coming into the world, we soon find that wisdom and virtue are by no means the sole objects of respect; nor vice and folly, of contempt. We frequently see the respectful attentions of the world more strongly directed towards the rich and the great, than towards the wise and the virtuous. We see frequently the vices and follies of the powerful much less despised than the poverty and weakness of the innocent. To deserve, to acquire, and to enjoy the respect and admiration of mankind, are the great objects of ambition and emulation. Two different roads are presented to us, equally leading to the attainment of this so much desired object; the one, by the study of wisdom and the practice of virtue; the other, by the acquisition of wealth and greatness. Two different characters are presented to our emulation; the one, of proud ambition and ostentatious avidity. the other, of humble modesty and equitable justice. Two different models, two different pictures, are held out to us, according to which we may fashion our own character and behaviour; the one more gaudy and glittering in its colouring; the other more correct and more exquisitely beautiful in its outline: the one forcing itself upon the notice of every wandering eye; the other, attracting the attention of scarce any body but the most studious and careful observer. They are the wise and the virtuous chiefly, a select, though, I am afraid, but a small party, who are the real and steady admirers of wisdom and virtue. The great mob of mankind are the admirers and worshippers, and, what may seem more extraordinary, most frequently the disinterested admirers and worshippers, of wealth and greatness.
n the superior stations of life the case is unhappily not always the same. In the courts of princes, in the drawing-rooms of the great, where success and preferment depend, not upon the esteem of intelligent and well-informed equals, but upon the fanciful and foolish favour of ignorant, presumptuous, and proud superiors; flattery and falsehood too often prevail over merit and abilities. In such societies the abilities to please, are more regarded than the abilities to serve. In quiet and peaceable times, when the storm is at a distance, the prince, or great man, wishes only to be amused, and is even apt to fancy that he has scarce any occasion for the service of any body, or that those who amuse him are sufficiently able to serve him. The external graces, the frivolous accomplishments of that impertinent and foolish thing called a man of fashion, are commonly more admired than the solid and masculine virtues of a warrior, a statesman, a philosopher, or a legislator. All the great and awful virtues, all the virtues which can fit, either for the council, the senate, or the field, are, by the insolent and insignificant flatterers, who commonly figure the most in such corrupted societies, held in the utmost contempt and derision. When the duke of Sully was called upon by Lewis the Thirteenth, to give his advice in some great emergency, he observed the favourites and courtiers whispering to one another, and smiling at his unfashionable appearance. 'Whenever your majesty's father,' said the old warrior and statesman, 'did me the honour to consult me, he ordered the buffoons of the court to retire into the antechamber.'

It is from our disposition to admire, and consequently to imitate, the rich and the great, that they are enabled to set, or to lead what is called the fashion. Their dress is the fashionable dress; the language of their conversation, the fashionable style; their air and deportment, the fashionable behaviour. Even their vices and follies are fashionable; and the greater part of men are proud to imitate and resemble them in the very qualities which dishonour and degrade them. Vain men often give themselves airs of a fashionable profligacy, which, in their hearts, they do not approve of, and of which, perhaps, they are really not guilty. They desire to be praised for what they themselves do not think praise-worthy, and are ashamed of unfashionable virtues which they sometimes practise in secret, and for which they have secretly some degree of real veneration. There are hypocrites of wealth and greatness, as well as of religion and virtue; and a vain man is as apt to pretend to be what he is not, in the one way, as a cunning man is in the other. He assumes the equipage and splendid way of living of his superiors, without considering that whatever may be praise-worthy in any of these, derives its whole merit and propriety from its suitableness to that situation and fortune which both require and can easily support the expence. Many a poor man places his glory in being thought rich, without considering that the duties (if one may call such follies by so very venerable a name) which that reputation imposes upon him, must soon reduce him to beggary, and render his situation still more unlike that of those whom he admires and imitates, than it had been originally.

Part II. Of Merit and Demerit; or, of the Objects of Reward and Punishment

Section I. Of the Sense of Merit and Demerit
Chap. I. That whatever appears to be the proper Object of Gratitude, appears to deserve Reward; and that, in the same Manner, whatever appears to be the proper Object of Resentment, appears to deserve Punishment

Chap. II. Of the proper Objects of Gratitude and Resentment

Chap. III. That where there is no Approbation of the Conduct of the Person who confers the Benefit, there is little Sympathy with the Gratitude of him who receives it: and that, on the contrary, where there is no Disapprobation of the Motives of the Person who does the Mischief, there is no sort of Sympathy with the Resentment of him who suffers it

Chap. V. The analysis of the sense of Merit and Demerit

Section II. Of Justice and Beneficence

Chap. I. Comparison of those two virtues

Chap. II. Of the sense of Justice, of Remorse, and of the consciousness of Merit

Chap. III. Of the utility of this constitution of Nature

Chap. IV. Recapitulation of the foregoing chapters

Section III. Of the Influence of Fortune upon the Sentiments of Mankind, with regard to the Merit or Demerit of Actions

Chap. I. Of the causes of this Influence of Fortune

Chap. II. Of the extent of this influence of fortune

Chap. III. Of the final cause of this Irregularity of Sentiments

Part V, Chapter I: Of the influence of Custom and Fashion upon the Sentiments of Approbation and Disapprobation
Smith argues that two principles, custom and fashion, pervasively influence judgment. These are based on the modern psychological concept of associativity: Stimuli presented closely in time or space become mentally linked over time and repeated exposure. In Smith's own words:
When two objects have frequently been seen together, the imagination requires a habit of passing easily from one to the other. If the first is to appear, we lay our account that the second is to follow. Of their own accord they put us in mind of one another, and the attention glides easily along them. (p. 1)
Regarding custom, Smith argues that approbation occurs when stimuli are presented according to how one is accustomed to viewing them and disapprobation occurs when they are presented in a way that one is not accustomed to. Thus, Smith argues for social relativity of judgment meaning that beauty and correctness are determined more by what one has previously been exposed to rather than an absolute principle. Although Smith places greater weight on this social determination he does not discount absolute principles completely, instead he argues that evaluations are rarely inconsistent with custom, therefore giving greater weight to customs than absolutes:
I cannot, however, be induced to believe that our sense of external beauty is founded altogether on custom...But though I cannot admit that custom is the sole principle of beauty, yet I can so far allow the truth of this ingenious system as to grant, that there is scarce any one external form to please, if quite contrary to custom...(pp. 14–15).

Smith continues by arguing that fashion is a particular "species" of custom. Fashion is specifically the association of stimuli with people of high rank, for example, a certain type of clothes with a notable person such as a king or a renowned artist. This is because the "graceful, easy, and commanding manners of the great" (p. 3) person are frequently associated with the other aspects of the person of high rank (e.g., clothes, manners), thus bestowing upon the other aspects the "graceful" quality of the person. In this way objects become fashionable. Smith includes not only clothes and furniture in the sphere of fashion, but also taste, music, poetry, architecture, and physical beauty.

Smith also points out that people should be relatively reluctant to change styles from what they are accustomed to even if a new style is equal to or slightly better than current fashion: "A man would be ridiculous who should appear in public with a suit of clothes quite different from those which are commonly worn, though the new dress be ever so graceful or convenient" (p. 7).

Physical beauty, according to Smith, is also determined by the principle of custom. He argues that each "class" of things has a "peculiar conformation which is approved of" and that the beauty of each member of a class is determined by the extent to which it has the most "usual" manifestation of that "conformation":
Thus, in the human form, the beauty of each feature lies in a certain middle, equally removed from a variety of other forms that are ugly. (pp. 10–11).

Part V, Chapter II: Of the influence of Custom and Fashion upon Moral Sentiments
Smith argues that the influence of custom is reduced in the sphere of moral judgment. Specifically, he argues that there are bad things that no custom can bring approbation to:
But the characters and conduct of a Nero, or a Claudius, are what no custom will ever reconcile us to, what no fashion will ever render agreeable; but the one will always be the object of dread and hatred; the other of scorn and derision. (pp. 15–16).
Smith further argues for a "natural" right and wrong, and that custom amplifies the moral sentiments when one's customs are consistent with nature, but dampens moral sentiments when one's customs are inconsistent with nature.

Fashion also has an effect on moral sentiment. The vices of people of high rank, such as the licentiousness of Charles VIII, are associated with the "freedom and independency, with frankness, generosity, humanity, and politeness" of the "superiors" and thus the vices are endued with these characteristics.

See also

Notes

References
 Bonar, J. (1926). "The Theory of Moral Sentiments by Adam Smith", Journal of Philosophical Studies, vol. 1, pp. 333–353.
 Doomen, J. (2005). "Smith's Analysis of Human Actions", Ethic@. An International Journal for Moral Philosophy vol. 4, no. 2, pp. 111–122.
 Hume, D. (2011). New Letters of David Hume, ed. Raymond Klibansky and Ernest C. Mossner, Oxford: Oxford University Press.
 Macfie, A.L. (1967). The Individual in Society: Papers on Adam Smith, Allen & Unwin.
 Morrow, G.R. (1923). "The Ethical and Economic Theories of Adam Smith: A study in the social philosophy of the 18th century", Cornell Studies in Philosophy, no. 13, pp. 91–107.
 Morrow, G.R. (1923). "The Significance of the Doctrine of Sympathy in Hume and Adam Smith", Philosophical Review, vol. XXXII, pp.. 60–78.
 Otteson, James R. (2002). Adam Smith's Marketplace of Life, Cambridge University Press.
 Raphael, D.D. (2007). The Impartial Spectator, Oxford U.P.
 Schneider, H.W. editor (1970) [1948]. Adam Smith's Moral and Political Philosophy, New York: Harper Torchbook edition
 Smith, Adam ([1759, 1790, 6th ed.], 1976). The Theory of Moral Sentiments. Description. D. D. Raphael and A. L. Macfie. eds. Oxford & LibertyClassics.
 Smith, Vernon L. (1998). "The Two Faces of Adam Smith," Southern Economic Journal, 65(1), pp. 1–19.

External links
 The Project Gutenberg EBook of The Essays of Adam Smith, by Adam Smith (2018)\. Scroll down to the 1st work: The Theory of Moral Sentiments, ([1759] 1790, 6th ed.
 The Theory of Moral Sentiments at Wikisource: Searchable, free
 The Theory of Moral Sentiments at MetaLibri Digital Library: Pdf, free
 Contains a version of this work, slightly modified for easier reading

1759 non-fiction books
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Modern philosophical literature

The Theory of Moral Sentiments


Jalgpalliklubi Nõmme Kalju (også kendt som Nõmme Kalju) er en estisk fodboldklub. Klubben har hjemme i Tallinn.

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Pr. 18. maj 2022.

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Etableret i 1997
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Prostantheroideae, potporodica medićevki. Sastoji se od desetak rodova, a ime je dobila po rodu Prostanthera

Rodovi

 genus Chloanthes R. Br.
 genus Cyanostegia Turcz.
 genus Dicrastylis J.L. Drumm. ex Harv.
 genus Hemiandra R. Br.
 genus Hemigenia R. Br.
 genus Hemiphora (F. Muell.) F. Muell.
 genus Lachnostachys Hook.
 genus Mallophora Endl.
 genus Microcorys R. Br.
 genus Newcastelia F. Muell.
 genus Physopsis Turcz.
 genus Pityrodia R. Br.
 genus Prostanthera Labill.
 genus Tectona L.f.
 genus Westringia Sm.
 genus Wrixonia F. Muell.

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Usnače (biljke)

Prostantheroideae


Jacquetta af Luxemburg, grevinde Rivers (født 1415/1416 – død 30. maj 1472) var den ældste datter af Peter 1. af Luxemburg, greve af Saint-Pol og Brienne og hans gemalinde Margarete af Baux (Margherita del Balzo af Andria).

Hun var en fransk adelsdame (og luxemburgsk prinsesse), der fik en fremtrædende, men ofte overset, rolle i Rosekrigene. Gennem sit kortvarige første ægteskab med Johan af Lancaster, hertug af Bedford, (bror til kong Henrik 5. af England), blev hun tæt allieret med Huset Lancaster.

Senere skiftede hun og hendes anden mand Richard Woodville side. I resten af deres liv støttede de Huset York. Tre års efter Edvard 4. af England tiltrædelse som konge giftede Jacquettas ældste datter Elizabeth Woodville sig med Edvard 4., og Elizabeth blev dronning af England (Queen consort of England). Gennem dem blev Jacquetta mormor til den engelske dronning Elizabeth af York (gift med kong Henrik 7. af England) og oldemor til kong Henrik 8. af England.

Jacquetta blev stammoder til alle engelske (senere britiske) konger og regerende dronninger siden 1509.

Jacquetta og Richard Woodville fik 14 børn.

Som gammel blev Jacquetta anklaget for hekseri i 1470 og igen efter sin død (dvs. i 1484). Hun blev frikendt begge gange.

Se også

Huset Luxemburg
Huset Lancaster
Kongelige fra England

Jacquetta af Luxemburg, grevinde Rivers


Surpriza este un film românesc din 2004 regizat de Isabela Petrașincu.

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 2004 în film

Filme românești
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Filme din 2004
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Surpriza