Walter Francis White (July 1, 1893 – March 21, 1955) was an American civil rights activist who led the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP) for a quarter of a century, from 1929 until 1955. He directed a broad program of legal challenges to racial segregation and disfranchisement. He was also a journalist, novelist, and essayist.

White first joined the NAACP as an investigator in 1918, at the invitation of James Weldon Johnson. He acted as Johnson's assistant national secretary and traveled to the South to investigate lynchings and race riots. Being fair skinned, at times he was able to pass as white to facilitate his investigations and protect himself in tense situations. White succeeded Johnson as the head of the NAACP, leading the organization from 1929 to 1955. He joined the Advisory Council for the Government of the Virgin Islands in 1934, but he resigned in 1935 to protest President Franklin D. Roosevelt's silence at Southern Democrats' blocking of anti-lynching legislation to avoid retaliatory obstruction of his New Deal policies.

White oversaw the plans and organizational structure of the fight against public segregation. He worked with President Harry S. Truman on desegregating the armed forces after World War II and gave him a draft for the Executive Order to implement this. Under White's leadership, the NAACP set up its Legal Defense Fund, which conducted numerous legal challenges to segregation and disfranchisement, and achieved many successes.  Among these was the Supreme Court ruling in Brown v. Board of Education (1954), which determined that segregated education was inherently unequal. White also quintupled NAACP membership to nearly 500,000.

Early life

Walter was the son of George and Madeline White. By the time he was born, his father had attended Atlanta University, which is still known today as one of the South's historically black colleges, and became a postal worker, an admired position in the federal government. His mother had graduated from the same institution and became a teacher. (She had been briefly married in 1879 to Marshall King, who died the same year.) White received a good education growing up. He attended the Atlanta public schools, finished the Atlanta University high school in 1912, and the college there in the class of 1916. This period of study enabled White to spend eight years in the old Atlanta's unusual atmosphere at its zenith. There he was exposed to instruction which had been enriched by a decade of W. E. B. Du Bois' research. Undoubtedly White's life work reflected on the "Old Atlanta University's pioneer and still unequaled contributions in Southern colored institutions of higher learning." The White family belonged to the influential First Congregational Church, founded after the Civil War by freedmen and the American Missionary Association, based in the North. Of all the black denominations in Georgia, the Congregationalists were among the most socially, politically and financially powerful. Membership in First Congregational was the ultimate status symbol in Atlanta.

Of mixed race with African and European ancestry on both sides, White had features showing the latter. He emphasized in his autobiography, A Man Called White (p. 3): "I am a Negro. My skin is white, my eyes are blue, my hair is blond. The traits of my race are nowhere visible upon me." Of his 32 great-great-great-grandparents, only five were black, and the other 27 were white.  All members of his immediate family had fair skin, and his mother, Madeline, was also blue-eyed and blonde. The oral history of his mother's family asserts that her maternal grandparents were Dilsia, an enslaved woman concubine, and her owner, William Henry Harrison. Harrison had six children with Dilsia and, much later, was elected president of the United States in 1840, but served for only 31 days. Madeline's mother, Marie Harrison, was one of Dilsia's daughters with Harrison. Held in enslavement in La Grange, Georgia, where she had been sold, Marie became a concubine to Augustus Ware. The wealthy white man bought her a house, had four children with her, and passed on some wealth to them. White and his family identified as Negro and lived among Atlanta's Negro community (despite White and his siblings inheriting a bit less than 16 percent African ancestry and being able to pass as white).

George and Madeline White took a kind but firm approach in rearing their children, encouraging hard work and regular schedules. In his autobiography, White relates that his parents ran a strict schedule on Sundays; they locked him in his room for silent prayer, a time so boring that he almost begged to do homework. His father forbade Walter from reading any books less than 25 years old so he chose to read Dickens, Thackeray, and Trollope by the time he was 12. When he was 8, he threw a rock at a white child who called him a derogatory name for drinking from the fountain reserved for black people. Events such as this shaped White's self-identity. He began to develop skills to pass for white, which he used later to preserve his safety as a civil rights activist in the South.

Career
White was educated at Atlanta University, a historically black college. W. E. B. Du Bois had already moved to the North before White enrolled, but Du Bois knew White's parents well. Du Bois had taught two of White's older siblings at Atlanta University. Du Bois and Walter White later disagreed about how best to gain civil rights for black people, but they shared a vision for the country. (See Atlanta Conference of Negro Problems.)

After graduating in 1916, White took a position with the Standard Life Insurance Company, one of the new and most successful businesses started by black people in Atlanta.

He also worked to organize a chapter of the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP), which had been founded in 1909. He and other leaders were successful in getting the Atlanta School Board to support improving education for black children, who were taught in segregated schools, which were traditionally underfunded by the white-dominated legislature. (Black people had been effectively disfranchised at the turn of the century by Georgia's passage of a new constitution making voter registration more difficult, as did all the other former Confederate states.)

At the invitation of activist and writer James Weldon Johnson, 25-year-old White moved to New York City. In 1918, he started working at the national headquarters of the NAACP. White began as secretary assistant of the NAACP; Du Bois and other leaders got over their concerns about his youth. White became an undercover agent in investigating lynchings in the South, which were at a peak. With his keen investigative skills and light complexion, White proved to be the NAACP's secret weapon against white mob violence.

White passed as white as a NAACP investigator, finding both more safety in hostile environments and gaining free communication with white people in cases of violations of civil and human rights. He sometimes became involved in Klan groups in the South to expose those involved in lynchings and other murders. In the Little Rock, Arkansas, area he escaped on a train, having been harbored by several prominent black families because of threats that a black man "passing for white" was being hunted down to be lynched. The NAACP publicized information about these crimes, but virtually none was ever prosecuted by local or state southern governments.

To become a popular leader, White had to compete with the appeal of Marcus Garvey; he learned to display a skillful verbal dexterity. Roy Wilkins, his successor at the NAACP, said, "White was one of the best talkers I've ever heard."

Throughout his career, Walter White spoke out against segregation and discrimination but also black nationalism. Most notably, White and Du Bois's 1934 conflict was over the latter's endorsement of black people's voluntary separation within US society.

Marriage and family
White married Gladys Powell in 1922. They had two children, Jane White, who became an actress on Broadway and television; and Walter Carl White, who lived in Germany for much of his adult life. The Whites' 27-year marriage ended in divorce in 1949.

Because White was a public figure of a noted African-American rights organization, he generated great public controversy shortly after his divorce by marrying Poppy Cannon, a divorced white South African woman, who was a magazine editor with connections in the emerging television industry. Many of his black colleagues and acquaintances were offended. Some claimed the leader had always wanted to be white; others said he had always been white.

Gladys and their children broke off with White and his second wife. White's sister said that he had wanted all along simply to pass as a white person. His son changed his name to Carl Darrow, signifying his disgust and desire to separate himself from his father.

Marie Harrison
Marie Harrison was White's grandmother. Harrison was born into slavery to a mother named Dilsia. Harrison was fathered by future President William Henry Harrison. According to White's oral history, when Harrison decided to run for president, he concluded that it would not be politically advantageous for him to have "bastard slave children" in his home. So, he gave four of Dilsia's children (including Marie Harrison) to his brother. His brother sold them to Joseph Poythress, one of the earliest white settlers of LaGrange, Georgia.

NAACP

Investigating riots and lynchings
White used his appearance to increase his effectiveness in conducting investigations of lynchings and race riots in the American South. He could "pass" and talk to white people as one of them, but he could talk to black people as one of them and identified with them. Such work was dangerous: "Through 1927 White would investigate 41 lynchings, 8 race riots, and two cases of widespread peonage, risking his life repeatedly in the backwaters of Florida, the piney woods of Georgia, and in the cotton fields of Arkansas."
In his autobiography, A Man Called White, he dedicates an entire chapter to a time when he almost joined the Ku Klux Klan undercover. White became a master of incognito investigating. He started with a letter from a friend who recruited new members of the KKK.  After correspondence between him and Edward Young Clark, leader of the KKK, Clark tried to interest White in joining. Invited to Atlanta to meet with other Klan leaders, White declined, fearing that he would be at risk of his life if his true identity were discovered. White used the access to Klan leaders to further his investigation into the "sinister and illegal conspiracy against human and civil rights which the Klan was concocting." After deeper inquiries into White's life, Clark stopped sending signed letters. White was threatened by anonymous letters that stated his life would be in danger if he ever divulged any of the confidential information he had received. By then, White had already turned the information over to the U.S. Department of Justice and New York Police Department. He believed that undermining the hold of mob violence would be crucial to his cause.

White first investigated the October 1919 Elaine Race Riot, where white vigilantes and Federal troops in Phillips County, Arkansas killed between 100 and 237 black sharecroppers. The case had both labor and racial aspects. Black sharecroppers were meeting on issues related to organizing with an agrarian union, which white vigilantes were attempting to suppress. They had established guards because of the threat, and a white man was killed. The white militias had come to the town and hunted down black people in retaliation for that death and to suppress the labor movement.

During the Tulsa race massacre, White was inadvertently deputized. One of his fellow deputies told him he could shoot any black person and the law would be behind him.

Granted press credentials from the Chicago Daily News, White gained an interview with Arkansas Governor Charles Hillman Brough, who would not have met with him as the NAACP representative. Brough gave White a letter of recommendation to help him meet people and his autographed photograph.

Learning that his identity was discovered, White was in Phillips County briefly before taking the first train back to Little Rock. The conductor told him that he was leaving "just when the fun is going to start" because they had found out that there was a "damned yellow nigger down here passing for white and the boys are going to get him." Asked what they would do to him, the conductor told White, "When they get through with him he won't pass for white no more!" "High yellow" is a term used to refer to black people of mixed-racial descent and visible European features.

White published his findings about the riot and trial in the Daily News, the Chicago Defender, and The Nation, as well as the NAACP's own magazine, The Crisis. Governor Brough asked the United States Postal Service to prohibit mailings of the Chicago Defender and The Crisis to Arkansas, and others tried to get an injunction against distribution of the Defender at the local level.

The NAACP provided legal defense of the black men convicted by the state for the riot and carried the case to the U.S. Supreme Court. Its ruling overturned the Elaine convictions and established important precedent about the conduct of trials. The Supreme Court found that the original trial was held under conditions that adversely affected the defendants' rights. Some of the courtroom audience were armed, as was a mob outside, so there was intimidation of the court and jury. The 79 black defendants had been quickly tried and convicted by an all-white jury: 12 were found guilty of murder and sentenced to death; 67 were condemned to sentences from 20 years to life. No white man was prosecuted for any of the many black deaths.

Scottsboro Trial
White's first major struggle as leader of the NAACP centered on the Scottsboro Trial in 1931. It was also a case that tested the competition between the NAACP and the American Communist Party to represent the black community. The NAACP and Walter White wanted to increase their following in the black community. Weeks after White started in his new position at the NAACP, nine black teenagers looking for work were arrested after a fight with a group of white teens as the train both groups were riding on passed through Scottsboro, Alabama. Two white girls accused the nine black teenagers of rape.

Locked in a cell awaiting trial, the "Scottsboro boys looked to be prime lynching material: dirt poor, illiterate, and of highly questionable moral character even for teenagers." The Communist Party and the NAACP both hoped to prove themselves as the party to represent the black community. Scottsboro was an important battle ground for the two groups. The Communists had to destroy black citizens' faith in the NAACP in order to take control of leadership, and they believed that a Scottsboro victory was a way to solidify this superior role over the NAACP. Their case against the NAACP was easier, as White and other leaders were second in approaching the case after the International Labor Defense. Ultimately, the differing approaches to the case demonstrated the conflicting ideals between the two organizations. To White, "Communism meant that blacks have two strikes against them: blacks were aliens in white society where skin color was more important than initiative or intelligence, and blacks would also be Reds which meant a double dose of hatred from white Americans." White believed the NAACP had to keep distance and independence from the Communist Party for this reason. Ultimately, the Communist leaders failed to consolidate their position with black people.

White said: "The shortsightedness of the Communist leaders in the United States (led to their eventual failure); Had they been more intelligent, honest, and truthful there is no way of estimating how deeply they might have penetrated into Negro life and consciousness." White meant the Communist's philosophy of branding anyone opposed to their platform was their failure. He believed the NAACP had the best defense counsel in the country, but the Scottsboro boys' families chose to go with the ILD partly because they were first on the scene.

White believed in capitalist America and used communist propaganda as leverage to promote his own cause in securing civil liberties. He advised white America to reconsider its position of unfair treatment because they might find the black population choosing radical alternative methods of protest. Ultimately, White and other NAACP leaders decided to continue involvement with the Scottsboro boys since it was only one of many efforts they had.

In his autobiography, White gave a critical summary of the injustice in Scottsboro:

In the intervening years it had become increasingly clear that the tragedy of a Scottsboro lies, not in the bitterly cruel injustice which it works upon its immediate victims, but also, and perhaps even more, in the cynical use of human misery by Communists in propagandizing Communism, and in the complacency with which a democratic government views the basic evils from which such a case arises. A majority of Americans still ignore, the plain implications in similar tragedies.

Anti-lynching legislation
White was a strong proponent and supporter of federal anti-lynching bills, which were unable to surmount the opposition by the Southern Democrats in the Senate. One of White's many surveys showed that 46 of 50 lynchings during the first six months of 1919 were black victims, 10 of whom were burned at the stake. After the Chicago Race Riot of 1919, White, like Ida Wells-Barnett, concluded the causes of such violence were not rape of a white woman by a black man, as was often rumored, but rather the result of "prejudice and economic competition."

That was also the conclusion of a Chicago city commission, which investigated the 1919 rioting; it noted specifically that ethnic Irish in South Chicago had led the anti-black attacks. The Irish were considered highly political and strongly territorial against other groups, including more recent white immigrants from eastern Europe.

In the late 1910s, newspapers reported a decreasing number of southern lynchings but postwar violence in Northern and Midwestern cities increased under the competition for work and housing by returning veterans, immigrants and black migrants. In the Great Migration, hundreds of thousands of black people were leaving the South for jobs in the North. The Pennsylvania Railroad recruited tens of thousands of workers from Florida alone.

Rural violence also continued. White investigated violence in 1918 in Lowndes and Brooks counties, Georgia. The worst case was when "a pregnant black woman [was] tied to a tree and burned alive after which (the mob) split her open, and her child, still alive, was thrown to the ground and stomped by some of the members."

White lobbied for federal anti-lynching bills during his time as leader of the NAACP. In 1922, the Dyer Anti-Lynching Bill was passed overwhelmingly by the House, the "first piece of legislation passed by the House of Representatives since Reconstruction that specifically protected blacks from lynchings." Congress never passed the Dyer bill, as the Senate was controlled by Southerners who opposed it.

Black people were then largely disfranchised in southern states, which were politically controlled by white Democrats. At the turn of the 20th century, the state legislatures had passed discriminatory laws and constitutions that effectively created  barriers to voter registration and closed black people out of the political process. White sponsored other civil rights legislation, which was also defeated by the Southern bloc: the Castigan-Wagner bill of 1935, the Gavagan bill of 1937, and the VanNuys bill of 1940. Southerners had to mount a major political and financial effort to take the Castigan-Wagner bill out of consideration and to defeat the Gavagan bill.

White had become a powerful figure: segregationist senator James F. Byrnes of South Carolina said in session about the Dyer bill, "One Negro has ordered this bill to pass. If Walter White should consent to have this bill laid aside its advocates would desert it as quickly as football players unscramble when the whistle of the referee is heard." White's word was the only thing that kept the bill before Congress. Although the bill did not pass the Senate, White and the NAACP secured widespread public support for the cause. By 1938, a Gallup poll found that 72% of Americans and 57% of Southerners favored an anti-lynching bill. White also contributed to creating alliances among civil rights activists, many of whom went on to lead in the movement from the 1950s.

Attacks on Paul Robeson
During the McCarthy era, White did not openly criticize McCarthy's campaign in Congress against communists, which was wide-ranging. American fears of communism were heightened, and the FBI had been trying to classify civil rights activists as communists. White feared a backlash that might cost the NAACP its tax-exempt status and end up with people equating civil rights with communism.<ref>Mark Newman, "Civil Rights and Human Rights", review of Carol Andersen's Eyes Off the Prize: The United Nations and the African American Struggle for Human Rights, 1944–1955, in 'Reviews in American History, Vol. 32, No. 2, June 2004, pp. 247–254, accessed April 12, 2008.</ref>

White criticized singer/activist Paul Robeson, who admitted to pro-Soviet leanings. Together with Roy Wilkins, the editor of The Crisis, he arranged for distribution of "Paul Robeson: Lost Shepherd", a leaflet against Robeson, which was written under a pseudonym.

Literary career
Through his cultural interests and his close friendships with white literary power brokers Carl Van Vechten and Alfred A. Knopf, White was one of the founders of the "New Negro" cultural flowering. Popularly known as the Harlem Renaissance, the period was one of intense literary and artistic production. Harlem became the center of black American intellectual and artistic life. It attracted creative people from across the nation, as did New York City in general.

Writer Zora Neale Hurston accused Walter White of stealing her designed costumes from her play The Great Day. White never returned the costumes to Hurston, who repeatedly asked for them by mail.

After Hattie McDaniel was the first African-American to win an Oscar, the 1939 Academy Award for Best Supporting Actress in Gone with the Wind and beating Olivia de Havilland, White accused her of being an Uncle Tom. McDaniel responded that she would "rather make seven hundred dollars a week playing a maid than seven dollars being one"; she further questioned White's qualification to speak on behalf of blacks, since he was light-skinned and only one-eighth black.

White was the author of critically acclaimed novels: Fire in the Flint (1924) and Flight (1926).  His non-fiction book Rope and Faggot: A Biography of Judge Lynch (1929) was a study of lynching. Additional books were A Rising Wind (1945), his autobiography A Man Called White (1948), and How Far the Promised Land (1955). Unfinished at his death was Blackjack, a novel on Harlem life and the career of an African-American boxer.

Awards and honors
 1927 – White received the Harmon Award (William E. Harmon Foundation Award for Distinguished Achievement among Negroes) for his book Rope and Faggot: An Interview with Judge Lynch, a study of lynching.
 1937 – Awarded the Spingarn Medal by the NAACP, for outstanding achievement by an African American.
 2002 – Molefi Kete Asante listed Walter Francis White on his list of 100 Greatest African Americans.
 2009 – White was inducted into the Georgia Writers Hall of Fame.

Death
White died of a heart attack in New York City on March 21, 1955. He was 61.

See also

 List of civil rights leaders

References

Further reading
 Baime, A.J., White Lies: The Double Life of Walter F. White and America's Darkest Secret. New York: Mariner Books, 2022.
 Cortner, Richard C., A Mob Intent on Death: The NAACP and the Arkansas Riot Cases. Middletown, CT: Wesleyan University Press, 1988.
 Kluger, Richard. Simple Justice. New York: Knopf Doubleday Publishing Group, 1977.
 Zangrando, Robert L. and Ronald L. Lewis, Walter F. White: The NAACP's Ambassador for Racial Justice. Morgantown, WV: West Virginia University Press, 2019.

External links

 Stuart A. Rose Manuscript, Archives, and Rare Book Library, Emory University: Walter and Gladys Powell White family papers, 1890-2010
 Walter Francis White and Poppy Cannon Papers. Yale Collection of American Literature, Beinecke Rare Book and Manuscript Library.
 Part of his life is retold in the radio drama "Investigator For Democracy", a presentation from Destination Freedom''

1893 births
1955 deaths
African-American activists
NAACP activists
African-American journalists
Journalists from New York City
African-American writers
American anti-lynching activists
Clark Atlanta University alumni
Harlem Renaissance
Harrison family of Virginia
Activists from Atlanta
Spingarn Medal winners
William Henry Harrison
Writers from Georgia (U.S. state)
Writers from New York City
Activists from New York (state)
20th-century American writers
American anti-communists

Walter White (NAACP)


Le dème de Fáris, en  / Dímos Farídos, est un ancien dème du district régional de Laconie, en Grèce. Depuis 2010, il est fusionné au sein du dème de Sparte.

Selon le recensement de 2011, la population du dème compte .

Notes et références

Voir aussi

Liens externes

Dème dans le Péloponnèse
Ancien dème en Grèce
Laconie

Dème de Fáris


Çakallı, Hatay ilinin Belen ilçesine bağlı bir mahalledir.

Coğrafya
Hatay iline 47 km, Belen ilçesine 8 km uzaklıktadır.

Nüfus

Dış bağlantılar

Belen'in mahalleleri

Çakallı, Belen


VLAN-ovi, odnosno virtualne lokalne mreže rade stavljanjem oznaka (engl. tag) na mrežne okvire i kasnijim rukovanjem tim oznakama na mrežnim elementima (uređajima ili računalima); stvarajući izgled i funkcionalnost mrežnog prometa koji je fizički na jednoj mreži, ali djeluje kao da je podijeljen između zasebnih mreža. Na ovaj način, VLAN-ovi mogu držati mrežne uređaje i aplikacije odvojenima unatoč tome što su povezani na istu fizičku mrežu i bez potrebe za postavljanjem višestrukog skupa kabliranja ili dodatnih mrežnih uređaja.

Protokol koji se danas najčešće koristi za podršku VLAN-ovima je IEEE 802.1Q.

Standard IEEE 802.1Q definira sustav VLAN označavanja za okvire Ethernet i popratne procedure koje će koristiti premosnici (engl. bridges) i preklopnici (engl. switches) u rukovanju takvim okvirima. Standard također sadrži odredbe za shemu prioritizacije kvalitete usluge (QoS) poznatu kao IEEE 802.1p i definira Generic Attribute Registration Protocol (GARP).

Dijelovi mreže koji su svjesni VLAN-ova (tj. sukladni IEEE 802.1Q) uključuju VLAN oznake. Kada mrežni okvir uđe u dio mreže koji je svjestan VLAN-a, dodaje se oznaka koja predstavlja članstvo u VLAN-u. Svaki ovakav mrežni okvir mora biti prepoznatljiv s pripadnošću točno određenog (jednog) VLAN-a. To znači da, ako primjerice mrežni okvir pripada VLAN mreži 100, da će on nositi VLAN (802.1Q) oznaku VLAN 100.

Dio 802.1Q zaglavlja koji se odnosi na VLAN mreže (polje VLAN identifier – VID) je veličine 12 bitova, pa je prema tome moguće definirati maksimalno 4096 VLAN mreža.

Povezani članci
 VLAN (Virtual Local Area Network)

Izvori
Ethernet

IEEE 802.1Q


المدى الحراري  هو الفرق بين أعلى وأدنى درجة حرارة تسجلان خلال فترة زمنية معينة، ويمكن ان يكون هذا المدى إما يوميا أو شهريا أو سنويا. يكون المدى الحراري (متوسط الحرارة) في المناطق المعتدلة منخفضا.

المتوسط الحراري
 هو متوسط الحرارة ليوم وتقاس درجة الحرارة عادة ثلاث مرات يوميا أوقاتها: الثامنة صباحا، والثانية بعد الظهر، والثامنة مساءً، ويؤخذ متوسط الثلاث قراءات وبذلك نحصل على المتوسط اليومي لدرجة الحرارة، وتحصل بعض الدول على هذا المتوسط من طرح اقل درجة من أكبر درجة أي الفارق بين أقصى درجة وأدنى درجة حرارية سجلت في ذلك اليوم في منطقة ما (المدى الحراري يأخذ كمتوسط حراري)
 المدى الحراري السنوي، وهو الفارق بين أقصى معدل حراري شهري وأدنى معدل حراري شهري لمنطقة ما.

أكبر مدى حراري سجل على الأرض بمحطة فركواينسك (Verkhoïansk) بسيبيريا حيث بلغ 104.4° وهو الفارق بين 67.7تحت الصفر شتاء و36.7° فوق الصفر صيفا.

المصادر

أجسام مضادة
أمراض المناعة الذاتية
درجة الحرارة
زراعة الكرمة
ظواهر جوية
علم المناخ
فحوصات طبية

مدى حراري


Radu Niculescu-Cociu () a fost un general român care a luptat în cel de-al Doilea Război Mondial.

Generalul Radu Niculescu-Cociu a fost trecut în rezervă pe data de 18 martie 1944. În cadrul procesului intentat generalului Aurel Aldea în 1946, Radu Niculescu-Cociu a fost judecător la Curtea Militară de Casare și Justiție, împreună cu generalii Mihail Lascăr, Constantin Argeșanu, Ilie Crețulescu și Grigore Nicolau și cu colonelul Alexandru Burada. Curtea Militară de Casare și Justiție l-a condamnat pe generalul Aurel Aldea la muncă silnică pe viață pentru complotare împotriva statului, la 3 ani închisoare corecțională și 200.000 lei amendă pentru procurare de documente publice interesând ordinea de stat și la 10 ani detenție riguroasă, 5 ani de degradare civică și 50.000 lei cheltuieli de judecată pentru răzvrătire.

Prin Decretul Consiliului de Stat al Republicii Populare Romîne nr. 500/1964 i s-a conferit lui Radu Niculescu-Cociu Ordinul "23 August" clasa a III-a "pentru merite deosebite în opera de construire a socialismului, cu prilejul celei de a XX-a aniversări a eliberării patriei".

Decorații
  Ordinul "Coroana României" în gradul de Comandor (8 iunie 1940)
 Ordinul "23 August" clasa a III-a (1964)

Note

Legături externe
  Generals.dk

Nașteri în 1888
Decese în 1979
Generali români din Al Doilea Război Mondial
Decorați cu Ordinul 23 August
Judecători
Decorați cu Ordinul Coroana României

Radu Niculescu-Cociu


Harry Fox Agency (HFA) este un furnizor de gestionare a drepturilor și colector și distribuitor de taxe mecanice de licență în numele editorilor de muzică din Statele Unite ale Americii. HFA are peste 48.000 de clienți care publică muzică și emite cel mai mare număr de licențe pentru formate fizice și digitale din industria muzicală. A fost fondată în 1927 de către National Music Publishers Association. Agenția a fost vândută organizației SESAC în anul 2015, care a fost achiziționată de către The Blackstone Group în anul 2017.

Referințe

Companii din Statele Unite ale Americii

Harry Fox Agency


A Avenida Maria Lacerda Montenegro é o principal e mais movimentado logradouro do bairro de Nova Parnamirim, na cidade de Parnamirim, no estado do Rio Grande do Norte, no Brasil.

É uma extensa via que mescla estabelecimentos comerciais com condomínios residenciais.

É um dos metros quadrados mais caros da região. Nesta via, são encontradas várias opções de comércio como hipermercados e supermercados, academias, escolas, postos de combustíveis, bares, restaurantes, entre outros.

O nome da avenida homenageia a mãe do ex-deputado estadual Olavo Lacerda Montenegro.

Ver também

 Parnamirim
 Nova Parnamirim

Referências

Geografia de Parnamirim (Rio Grande do Norte)
Logradouros do Rio Grande do Norte

Avenida Maria Lacerda Montenegro


Yenibedir, Kırklareli ilinin Lüleburgaz ilçesine bağlı bir köydür.

Tarihçe
Daha önceleri Bedir köyünün bir mahallesi iken, 12 Mart 1951'de Eskibedir ve Yenibedir mahalleleri ayrıldı ve ayrı birer köy statüsü kazandılar.

Coğrafya
Köy, Kırklareli il merkezine 60 km, Lüleburgaz ilçe merkezine 7 km uzaklıktadır. Köy Lüleburgaz'ın güneydoğusunda ve  numaralı Edirne-İstanbul (Lüleburgaz-Çorlu) devlet yolu üzerindedir.

Nüfus

Kaynakça

Dış bağlantılar

Lüleburgaz belde ve köyleri

Yenibedir, Lüleburgaz


تيلوس أغراس (Τέλλος Άγρας، ولد 1880 - مات 7 يونيو 1907) هو الاسم الحربي لسارانيتس-تيلوس أغابينوس (Σαράντης-Τέλλος Αγαπηνός) وهو ضابط في الجيش اليوناني لعب دورًا عسكريًا بارزًا أثناء الصراع المقدوني، وتعتبره اليونان أحد شهدائها في الصراع من أجل مقدونيا. وقد خلدت الروائية اليونانية بينيلوبي دلتا بطولته في روايتها «أسرار المستنقع».

أرثوذكس شرقيون يونانيون
مواليد 1880
مواليد في غارغاليانوي
وفيات 1907

أفراد عسكريون يونانيون في الصراع المقدوني

تيلوس أغراس


Articles with hCards

ලින් ඇල්ටන් ද සිල්වා (1919 ජූනි 16 - 1982 මැයි 22) ශ්‍රී ලාංකික දේවධර්මාචාර්යවරයෙකු සහ මෙතෝදිස්ත අමාත්‍යවරයෙකි . ඔහු Dialogue (1961-1981) නමින් හැඳින්වෙන බෞද්ධ-ක්‍රිස්තියානි හමුවීම පිළිබඳ පළමු දේවධර්ම සඟරාවේ නිර්මාතෘ සහ සංස්කාරක විය. නව සිංහල බයිබලය ලෙස ප්‍රකාශයට පත් කරන ලද සිංහල බයිබලයේ පැරණි ගිවිසුම සංශෝධනය කිරීමේ ප්‍රධාන පරිවර්තකයා විය. (1973-1982), සහ ශ්‍රී ලංකාවේ අධ්‍යයනය සහ සංවාදය සඳහා වූ Ecumenical Institute (EISD) හි අධ්‍යක්ෂ (1962-1982). ලින් ද සිල්වා ශ්‍රී ලංකාවේ බෞද්ධ ක්‍රිස්තියානි සංවාදයේ ප්‍රමුඛතම ක්‍රිස්තියානි වෘත්තිකයෙකු ලෙස පුළුල් ලෙස සලකනු ලබන අතර, මෙම සංවාදයේ පුරෝගාමියෙකු ලෙසද සැලකේ.

අධ්‍යාපනය
ද සිල්වා 1938 සිට  1942 දක්වා ඔහු බැංගලෝරයේ එක්සත් දේවධර්ම විද්‍යාලයේ අමාත්‍යාංශය සඳහා පුහුණු වූ අතර  ඔහු කොල්ලුපිටිය, වැල්ලවත්ත, මහනුවර, බදුල්ල, ගාල්ල, කලහේ, මුට්වාල් සහ සීදූව ඇතුළු ස්ථානවල මෙතෝදිස්ත දේව සේවකයකු ලෙස කටයුතු කළේය. ඔහු පළමු ස්ථාන දෙකෙහි වසර දෙකක්ද, මහනුවරදී වසර භාගයක්ද, කලහේ වසර දෙකක්ද, මුතුවල්හි වසර තුනක්ද, සීදූවෙහි වසර තුනහමාරක්ද සේවය කළේය.  1950 සැප්තැම්බර් මාසයේදී ද සිල්වා මෙතෝදිස්ත දේව සේවකයකු ලෙස පැවිදි විය.

යොමු කිරීම්

1982 මරණ
1919 උපත්

ලින් ද සිල්වා


(I am a M.G. Chathura lakshan school student. all of the current content of this article was prepared by me and if there is any error, I kindly ask you to correct it.)

ක්වොන්ටම් පරිගණනය යනු සුපිරි පිහිටීම, මැදිහත්වීම් සහ පැටලීම වැනි ක්වොන්ටම් යාන්ත්‍ර විද්‍යාවේ සංසිද්ධි උපයෝගී කර ගත හැකි ගණනය කිරීම් වර්ගයකි. ක්වොන්ටම් ගණනය කිරීම් සිදු කරන උපාංග ක්වොන්ටම් පරිගණක ලෙස හැඳින්වේ.වර්තමාන ක්වොන්ටම් පරිගණක ප්‍රායෝගික යෙදුම් සඳහා සාමාන්‍ය (සම්භාව්‍ය) පරිගණක අභිබවා යාමට නොහැකි තරම් කුඩා වුවද, විශාල අවබෝධයන් සම්භාව්‍ය පරිගණකවලට වඩා සැලකිය යුතු තරම් වේගවත් පූර්ණ සංඛ්‍යා සාධකකරණය (RSA සංකේතනයට යටින් පවතින) වැනි ඇතැම් පරිගණක ගැටලු විසඳීමට සමත් යැයි විශ්වාස කෙරේ. ක්වොන්ටම් පරිගණනය පිළිබඳ අධ්‍යයනය ක්වොන්ටම් තොරතුරු විද්‍යාවේ උප ක්ෂේත්‍රයකි.

ක්වොන්ටම් පරිපත වඩාත් බහුලව භාවිතා වන ක්වොන්ටම් ගණනය කිරීමේ ආකෘති කිහිපයක් තිබේ. අනෙකුත් ආකෘතීන් අතර ක්වොන්ටම් ටියුරින් යන්ත්‍රය, ක්වොන්ටම් ඇනීලිං සහ ඇඩියාබැටික් ක්වොන්ටම් ගණනය කිරීම් ඇතුළත් වේ. බොහෝ ආකෘතීන් පදනම් වී ඇත්තේ ක්වොන්ටම් බිට් හෝ "ක්විට්" මත වන අතර එය සම්භාව්‍ය ගණනය කිරීමේදී බිට් වලට තරමක් සමාන වේ. කියුබිට් එකක් 1 හෝ 0 ක්වොන්ටම් තත්ත්‍වයක හෝ 1 සහ 0 තත්ත්‍වයේ සුපිරි පිහිටුමක විය හැක. කෙසේ වෙතත්, එය මනින විට, එය සෑම විටම 0 හෝ 1 වේ; එක් ප්‍රතිඵලයක සම්භාවිතාව මැනීමට පෙර q බිට් හි ක්වොන්ටම් තත්ත්වය මත රඳා පවතී. q බිට් භාවිතා නොකරන එක් ආකෘතියක් වන්නේ අඛණ්ඩ විචල්‍ය ක්වොන්ටම් ගණනය කිරීමයි.

භෞතික ක්වොන්ටම් පරිගණකයක් තැනීමේ උත්සාහයන් උසස් තත්ත්වයේ කියුබිට් නිර්මාණය කිරීම අරමුණු කරගත් ට්‍රාන්ස්මොන්, අයන උගුල් සහ ස්ථාන විද්‍යාත්මක ක්වොන්ටම් පරිගණක වැනි තාක්ෂණයන් කෙරෙහි අවධානය යොමු කරයි.  මෙම කියුබිට් සම්පූර්ණ ක්වොන්ටම් පරිගණකයේ මත පදනම්ව වෙනස් ලෙස නිර්මාණය කළ හැකිය. පරිගණක ආකෘතිය, ක්වොන්ටම් තාර්කික ද්වාර, ක්වොන්ටම් ඇනීලිං, හෝ ඇඩිබැටික් ක්වොන්ටම් ගණනය කිරීම් භාවිතා කරන්නේද යන්න. දැනට ප්‍රයෝජනවත් ක්වොන්ටම් පරිගණක තැනීමට සැලකිය යුතු බාධා ගණනාවක් පවතී. qubits ක්වොන්ටම් විසංයෝජනයෙන් පෙළෙන බැවින් ක්වොන්ටම් තත්ත්‍වයන් පවත්වා ගැනීම විශේෂයෙන් අපහසු වේ. එබැවින් ක්වොන්ටම් පරිගණක දෝෂ නිවැරදි කිරීම අවශ්ය වේ.

සම්භාව්‍ය පරිගණකයකින් විසඳිය හැකි ඕනෑම ගණනය කිරීමේ ගැටලුවක් ක්වොන්ටම් පරිගණකයකින්ද විසඳිය හැක. අනෙක් අතට, ක්වොන්ටම් පරිගණකයකින් විසඳිය හැකි ඕනෑම ගැටළුවක් සම්භාව්‍ය පරිගණකයකින් ද විසඳිය හැකිය, අවම වශයෙන් ප්‍රතිපත්තිමය වශයෙන් ප්‍රමාණවත් කාලයක් ලබා දී ඇත. වෙනත් වචන වලින් කිවහොත්, ක්වොන්ටම් පරිගණක පල්ලිය-ටියුරින් නිබන්ධනයට කීකරු වේ. මෙයින් අදහස් කරන්නේ ක්වොන්ටම් පරිගණක සම්භාව්‍ය පරිගණකවලට වඩා ගණනය කිරීමේ හැකියාව අනුව අමතර වාසි ලබා නොදෙන අතර, ඇතැම් ගැටළු සඳහා ක්වොන්ටම් ඇල්ගොරිතමවලට අදාළ දන්නා සම්භාව්‍ය ඇල්ගොරිතමවලට වඩා කාල සංකීර්ණතා සැලකිය යුතු ලෙස අඩු බවයි. කැපී පෙනෙන ලෙස, ක්වොන්ටම් පරිගණකවලට ඕනෑම සම්භාව්‍ය පරිගණකයකට විසඳිය නොහැකි ඇතැම් ගැටලු ඉක්මනින් විසඳිය හැකි යැයි විශ්වාස කෙරේ - එය "ක්වොන්ටම් ආධිපත්‍යය" ලෙස හැඳින්වේ. ක්වොන්ටම් පරිගණක ආශ්‍රිත ගැටළු වල පරිගණක සංකීර්ණත්වය අධ්‍යයනය කිරීම ක්වොන්ටම් සංකීර්ණතා න්‍යාය ලෙස හැඳින්වේ.

ක්වොන්ටම් පරිපථය
ක්වොන්ටම් ගණනය කිරීමේ පවතින ආකෘතිය ක්වොන්ටම් තාර්කික ද්වාර ජාලයක් අනුව ගණනය කිරීම් විස්තර කරයි.මෙම ආකෘතිය බූලියන් පරිපථවල සංකීර්ණ රේඛීය-වීජීය සාමාන්‍යකරණයකි.

 තොරතුරු බිටු වලින් සමන්විත හැකි අවස්ථා ඇත. සියලුම මතක තත්ව නියෝජනය කරන දෛශිකයකට මෙලෙස  ඇතුළත් කිරීම් ඇත (එක් එක් ප්‍රාන්තය සඳහා එකක්). මෙම දෛශිකය සම්භාවිතා දෛශිකයක් ලෙස සලකනු ලබන අතර මතකය විශේෂිත තත්වයක තිබිය යුතු බව නියෝජනය කරයි.

සම්භාව්‍ය පරිගණකවල බිටුවලට සුපිරි ස්ථානගත වීමේ හැකියාවක් නැත, එබැවින් එක් ප්‍රවේශයකට 1ක අගයක් තිබිය යුතුය (එනම් මෙම තත්වයේ සිටීමේ 100% සම්භාවිතාවක්) සහ අනෙකුත් සියලුම ඇතුළත් කිරීම් ශුන්‍ය වේ.

ක්වොන්ටම් යාන්ත්‍ර විද්‍යාවේදී සම්භාවිතා දෛශික ඝනත්ව ක්‍රියාකරුවන්ට සාමාන්‍යකරණය කළ හැක. ක්වොන්ටම් තත්ත්‍ව දෛශික විධිමත්භාවය සාමාන්‍යයෙන් මුලින්ම හඳුන්වා දෙනු ලබන්නේ එය සංකල්පමය වශයෙන් සරල නිසාත්, සම්පූර්ණ ක්වොන්ටම් පද්ධතියම දන්නා පවිත්‍ර අවස්ථා සඳහා ඝනත්ව න්‍යාස විධිමත්භාවය වෙනුවට එය භාවිතා කළ හැකි නිසාත් ය.

අපි ආරම්භ කරන්නේ එක් ක්වොන්ටම් බිට් එකකින් පමණක් සමන්විත සරල මතකයක් සලකා බැලීමෙනි. මනින විට, මෙම මතකය අවස්ථා දෙකෙන් එකකින් සොයාගත හැකිය: ශුන්‍ය තත්වය හෝ එක් තත්වය. අපි Dirac අංකනය භාවිතා කරමින් මෙම මතකයේ තත්වය නිරූපණය කළ හැක.

ක්වොන්ටම් පරිගණනය


Gianna Jessen (* 6. April 1977 in Los Angeles) ist eine US-amerikanische Sängerin und Aktivistin der Lebensrechtsbewegung. Sie überlebte den Versuch eines Schwangerschaftsabbruchs.

Leben
Ihre bei Giannas Geburt 17 Jahre alte Mutter ließ in der 30. Schwangerschaftswoche (7. Monat) eine Abtreibung vornehmen. Der mit einer Salzlösung vorgenommene Eingriff schlug jedoch fehl und Jessen kam lebend zur Welt. Die versuchte Abtreibung führte zu infantiler Zerebralparese. Die Eltern gaben Jessen kurz danach zur Adoption frei.

Jessen ist eine Lebensrechtsaktivistin. Sie hielt vor dem US-amerikanischen Kongress und dem britischen Unterhaus Reden.

Trotz der Prognose, niemals gehen zu können, lief sie im Jahr 2005 ihren ersten Marathonlauf. Danach nahm sie erfolgreich am London-Marathon 2006 teil. Jessen ist auch als Sängerin tätig, zeitweise begleitet von ihrem Freund Michael Logen, und hat einige Songs selbst geschrieben und veröffentlicht. 1999 erschien eine Biographie Jessens, geschrieben von Jessica Shaver.

Am 23. März 2012 startete der Spielfilm October Baby in den US-amerikanischen Kinos, der frei auf der Lebensgeschichte von Gianna Jessen beruht.

Siehe auch
 Oldenburger Baby

Einzelnachweise

Weblinks
 Jessens Website (englisch)

Lebensrechtsaktivist
Sänger
US-Amerikaner
Geboren 1977
Frau

Gianna Jessen


Zacharia Mpolokeng (* 16. April 1967) ist ein ehemaliger südafrikanischer Marathonläufer.

Bei der nationalen Meisterschaft im Halbmarathon belegte er 1997 den neunten und 2000 den 20. Platz.

2001 wurde er Vierter bei der nationalen Marathonmeisterschaft, gewann den Halbmarathonbewerb des Two Oceans Marathons und siegte beim Dublin-Marathon. 2002 gewann er den Pjöngjang-Marathon und wurde Dritter in Dublin, 2004 kam er in Dublin auf den fünften Platz.

Persönliche Bestzeiten

 Halbmarathon: 1:03:40 h, 6. August 2000, Durban
 Marathon: 2:14:03 h, 29. Oktober 2001, Dublin

Weblinks

 Athletenporträt von Zacharia Mpolokeng bei der IAAF (englisch)
 Athletenporträt bei Tilastopaja OY

Marathonläufer (Südafrika)
Mann
Südafrikaner
Geboren 1967

Zacharia Mpolokeng


Die Laxenburger Allianz von 1682 war eine Kreisassoziation verschiedener Reichsstände, Reichskreise und des Kaisers Leopold I. als Reaktion auf die Bedrohung für die Integrität des Reiches durch Ludwig XIV. Ihr ging die Frankfurter Allianz (auch Frankfurter Union) von 1679 voraus. Nach Ablauf des Bündnisses kam es 1686 zur Augsburger Allianz.

Vorgeschichte
Seit längerem gab es im Reich Bündnisse von Reichsständen im Zusammenhang mit der französischen Expansionspolitik (Reunionspolitik). So schlossen sich 1673 im Quedlinburger Rezeß der Nieder- und der Obersächsische Reichskreis zusammen. Dieser wurde kurze Zeit später durch den Beitritt des Fränkischen Reichskreises zur Mühlhauser Assoziation erweitert.

Allerdings stellten diese noch kein Bündnis gegen Frankreich dar. Ernst August von Hannover bemühte sich um ein Bündnis aus Bayern, Braunschweig und möglicherweise Brandenburg. Im Süden gab es Gespräche zwischen dem Schwäbischen, Fränkischen und Bayerischen Kreis zu einer gemeinsamen Verteidigungspolitik.

Frankfurter Allianz
Die eigentliche Initiative ging insbesondere von Georg Friedrich von Waldeck aus. Ein weiterer Protagonist war der Fürstbischof von Bamberg und Würzburg Peter Philipp von Dernbach. Dieser stand der Funktionsfähigkeit des Reichstages zunehmend skeptisch gegenüber.

Auf Drängen von Waldecks hin schlossen sich verschiedene kleine Reichsstände, insbesondere aus der Wetterau, dem Westerwald und der Eifel, zur Frankfurter Allianz zusammen. Neben dem Schutz des Reiches ging es den Partnern auch darum, ihre Interessen gegenüber stärkeren Reichsständen, insbesondere dem Hochstift Münster, zu wahren. Es ging ihnen gegenüber Frankreich um die Wahrung des Westfälischen Friedens und des Friedens von Nimwegen.

Laxenburger Allianz
Insbesondere die Inbesitznahme Straßburgs durch Frankreich machte deutlich, wie groß die Gefahr war, die von Ludwig XIV. hinsichtlich der Integrität des Reiches ausging. Gerade bei Bischof Dernburg führte dies dazu, dass er vor der Gefahr warnte, die von Frankreich drohte.

Waldeck plante, den Bund zu erweitern. Ein wichtiger Punkt für die Attraktivität des Bundes war, dass mit dem Beitritt und der Leistung von zusätzlichen freiwilligen Kosten eine Art Lastenausgleich verbunden war. Wer militärische Zusatzleistungen erbrachte, brauchte nicht mehr die teuren Quartierbelastungen für die Armierten Reichsstände oder die Kaiserliche Armee tragen. Auf der anderen Seite waren mit dem Beitritt erhebliche Lasten verbunden. Die beteiligten Stände waren bereit, zur Aufstellung einer gemeinsamen Armee 130 Römermonate aufzubringen. Waldecks Planung ging von drei Armeen aus. Allerdings machte dies eine Erweiterung der Mitgliederzahl nötig. Dernbach fand den Plan überzeugend und setzte sich für den Beitritt des Fränkischen Kreises ein.

In der Folge setzte sich unter anderem Wilhelm III. von Oranien für eine Erweiterung der Allianz ein. Ihr traten schließlich auch Hessen-Kassel, Hessen-Darmstadt, die Abtei Fulda, die Hochstifte Bamberg und Würzburg sowie der Oberrheinische, der Fränkische und der Schwäbische Reichskreis bei.

Die Initiatoren bemühten sich darüber hinaus um den Beitritt des Kaisers. Dieser zögerte zunächst. Da Brandenburg zu der Zeit mit Frankreich verbündet war und auch andere starke Reichsstände wenig Neigung zu einer Beteiligung zeigten, war Leopold I. schließlich bereit, sich zu beteiligen. Auf Schloss Laxenburg bei Wien trat daher 1682 auch Leopold I. dem Bündnis zum Schutz der Reichsgrenzen bei. Kurze Zeit später schlossen sich auch Sachsen-Gotha und Sachsen-Eisenach an.

Die Beteiligung des Kaisers gab der Assoziation der Reichskreise eine neue Qualität. Es ging nicht mehr um die Interessen einiger Kreise, sondern um die Reichsverteidigung insgesamt. Der Kaiser versuchte mit der Laxenburger Allianz, das verbreitete Assoziationswesen für sich nutzbar zu machen. Bemerkenswert war, dass in der Allianz sowohl protestantische wie auch katholische Stände vereint waren. Die Laxenburger Allianz bildete den Kern einer starken kaiserlichen Partei im Reich.

Ziel war es, den inneren Frieden im Reich aufrechtzuerhalten und eine erste Abwehr gegen eine mögliche französische Bedrohung zu schaffen.

Das Bündnis war auf drei Jahre abgeschlossen. Vereinbart wurde die Aufstellung von drei Reichsarmeen mit insgesamt 30.000 Mann unter dem Oberbefehl des Kaisers, die entlang des Rheins stationiert werden sollten. Die mittlere Armee sollte Waldeck selbst kommandieren. Damit war ohne Beteiligung des Reichstages ein faktischer Reichskrieg gegen Frankreich möglich geworden. Zwar war kurz zuvor die Reichsdefensionsordnung beschlossen worden, aber durch die hinhaltende Politik Brandenburgs war diese nur bedingt wirksam.

Über das Reich hinaus kam es zu einer Verbindung auch mit Schweden und den Niederlanden. Kurköln, Kurmainz und Brandenburg standen abseits und kritisierten, dass der Bund einen Krieg mit Frankreich provozieren könnte.

Allerdings entwickelte sich das Bündnis in der Praxis langsamer als gedacht. So liefen die Rüstungen nur schleppend an. Zudem starb 1683 mit Dernburg einer der Initiatoren der Allianz.

Letztlich kam das Bündnis aber nicht gegenüber Frankreich, sondern gegenüber dem osmanischen Reich zum Einsatz. Nach Ablauf der Vertragsfrist begann insbesondere Leopold I. 1685 mit der Werbung für eine Erneuerung und Erweiterung des Bundes. Diese nahm in der Augsburger Assoziation von 1686 Gestalt an.

Literatur
 Karl Otmar von Aretin: Das Alte Reich 1648–1806. Band 1: Föderalistische oder hierarchische Ordnung. (1648–1684). 2., durchgesehene Auflage. Klett-Cotta, Stuttgart 1997, ISBN 3-608-91488-9, S. 298–302.
 Karl Otmar von Aretin: Das Reich. Friedensordnung und europäisches Gleichgewicht 1648–1806. Klett-Cotta, Stuttgart 1986, ISBN 3-608-91074-3, S. 190 f.
 Johannes Burkhardt, Wolfgang Reinhard: Vollendung und Neuorientierung des frühmodernen Reiches. 1648–1763 (= Handbuch der deutschen Geschichte. Band 11). 10., völlig neu bearbeitete Auflage. Klett-Cotta, Stuttgart 2006, ISBN 3-608-60011-6, S. 125–130.
 Heinz Duchhardt: Barock und Aufklärung (= Oldenbourg Grundriss der Geschichte. Band 11). 4., neu bearbeitete und erweiterte Auflage. Oldenbourg, München 2007, ISBN 978-3-486-49744-1, S. 34 f.

Heiliges Römisches Reich in der Frühen Neuzeit
Militärbündnis
Leopold I. (HRR)

Laxenburger Allianz


La estación de Port-la-Nouvelle, es una estación ferroviaria francesa de la línea Narbona - Portbou, situada en la comuna de Port-la-Nouvelle, en el departamento de Aude, en la región de Languedoc-Rosellón. Por ella transitan únicamente trenes regionales.

Situación ferroviaria
La estación se sitúa en el PK 425,125 de la línea férrea Narbona - Portbou entre las lagunas de Leucate y Bages-Sigean dando lugar a un trazado muy peculiar en el cual las vías parecen cruzar en medio de las aguas.

Historia
La estación fue inaugurada el 20 de febrero de 1858 por la Compañía de Ferrocarriles del Mediodía con el nombre de estación de la Nouvelle.  Poco después fue renombrada a su nombre actual por las autoridades locales para potenciar un balneario local. La compañía que disponía de la concesión inicial fue absorbida por la Compañía de Ferrocarriles de París a Orléans en 1935 dando lugar a la Compañía PO-Mediodía. Dos años después, la explotación pasó a manos de la SNCF.

La estación
La estación posee dos andenes, uno central y otro lateral y tres vías principales que se completan con más vías de servicio. Una pasarela facilita el cambio de andenes. El edificio para viajeros está abierto sin interrupción y dispone de taquillas y máquinas expendedoras de billetes.

Servicios ferroviarios

Regionales
Los TER cubren los siguientes trayectos:
 Línea Toulouse ↔ Cerbère
 Línea Narbona / Nîmes / Aviñón ↔ Cerbère

Referencias

Enlaces externos

Estaciones de ferrocarril de Francia inauguradas en 1858
Estaciones de ferrocarril de la región de Occitania
Estaciones de ferrocarril del departamento de Aude

Estación de Port-la-Nouvelle


Vidljivost je najveća udaljenost na kojoj se danju na obzoru (horizontu) na svijetloj pozadini neba golim okom dobro razabire taman predmet, a noću svjetlost poznate jačine. Vidljivost se utvrđuje danju s pomoću takozvanog repera (izrazitih predmeta kojima je udaljenost poznata, na primjer tornjeva, drveća), a noću s pomoću svjetala. U meteorologiji se vidljivost određuje u različitim smjerovima. U vremenskim prognozama obično se objavljuje najmanja vidljivost.

Vidljivost u atmosferi

Daljina vidljivosti ili vidljivost određena je stupnjem raspršivanja svjetlosti ili difuznom refleksijom u atmosferi. Vidljivost ima posebno značenje u kopnenom, zračnom i pomorskom prometu, pa se razmatra odvojeno dnevna i noćna vidljivost.

Vidljivost danju
Danju se promatraju udaljeni predmeti na nekoj pozadini, najčešće svijetloj pozadini neba. Vidljivost zavisi od mnogih činilaca: od optičkog stanja atmosfere određenoj, s jedne strane, oslabljenjem svjetlosnog snopa od predmeta do promatrača te, s druge strane, prisutnošću čestica na kojima se svjetlost raspršuje; od svojstava promatranog predmeta (kutna visina, oblik, boja i stupanj reflektivnosti svjetla od premeta i drugo); od svojstava pozadine na kojoj se promatra predmet (njegove svjetline, boje i drugo); od stupnja osvijetljenosti te od fizioloških svojstava oka promatrača.

Neki predmet dovoljne veličine može se promatrati samo ako se razlikuje svojom svjetlinom ili bojom od pozadine na kojoj se ističe. Ta se razlika opisuje takozvanim kontrastom k s obzirom na svjetlinu, odnosno na boju ili oboje. Ako se između predmeta i oka promatrača zamisli stožac, kojemu se vrh nalazi u oku promatrača, a osnovica ili baza u razini predmeta, onda raspršenje svjetlosti na molekulama i česticama u promatranom stožcu stvara neku vrstu svjetlosne zavjese ili koprene. Prividni se kontrast između predmeta i svjetlije pozadine u toliko više smanjuje u koliko se povećava udaljenost oka od predmeta. S dovoljno velikom udaljenošću dosegne kontrast graničnu vrijednost kad se predmet više ne može vidjeti. Prag kontrastne osjetljivosti oka ε za gubitak vidljivosti predmeta uzima se da je 0,02, a on zavisi od kutnih dimenzija predmeta. Po danu za kutne dimenzije predmeta veće od 20', ε ostaje nepromijenjen i ne zavisi od osvijetljenosti i veličine predmeta. U sumrak i noću, kad se osvijetljenost znatno smanjuje, ε se povećava.

Za razliku od optičke vidljivosti, koja zavisi od brojnih već navedenih čimbenika, u praksi služi pojam meteorološka vidljivost, pod kojom se podrazumijeva najveća udaljenost na kojoj motritelj normalnog vida uz postojeću prozirnost atmosfere može vidjeti i raspoznati taman predmet određenih mjera (takozvani reper), kad se on ističe na nebu prema obzoru (horizontu). Kutni promjer predmeta treba da bude veći od 20'. Vidljivost se određuje u vodoravnom ili približno vodoravnom smjeru, pa se takva vidljivost naziva vodoravnom vidljivošću (kraće vidljivost). Na aerodromima se određuje i okomita i kosa vidljivost.

Meteorološka vidljivost S se određuje omjerom:

gdje je: ε - prag kontrastne vidljivosti, a α - indikator ili pokazatelj oslabljenja svjetlosti, vezan s prozirnošću atmosfere. Prema sadržaju aerosola daljina se vidljivosti mijenja u širokom opsegu. Za idealno čistu atmosferu vidljivost je oko 350 kilometara. Indikator α dobiva se nadalje iz odnosa:

gdje je: l - udaljenost repera od promatrača, a p - koeficijent prozirnosti atmosfere sveden na jediničnu udaljenost. Za meteorološku je vidljivost prema definiciji ε = 0,02, pa je:

i time Smet određuje stanje prozirnosti atmosfere.

Na meteorološkim se postajama većinom subjektivno određuje vidljivost desetstupanjskom skalom prikazanom u tablici.

Kod određivanja vidljivosti odabiru se reperi na standardnim udaljenostima od promatrača, što tamnije boje (po mogućnosti crne), koji se ističu prema nebu i koji u vodoravnom smjeru nemaju kutni promjer veći od 5°, a manje od 20' (zvonici, stupovi, usamljene kuće i slično). Valja istaći da u prirodi nema apsolutno crnih tijela, pa je zbog toga meteorološka vidljivost zapravo veća od stvarne.

Vidljivost noću
Određivanje vidljivosti noću i u sumrak osniva se na ustanovljivanju vidljivosti umjetnih izvora svjetlosti (električna žarulja). U tu je svrhu, osim udaljenosti izvora svjetlosti, potrebno poznavati i jakost izvora svjetlosti. Jakost svjetlosti dobiva se množenjem snage žarulje s faktorom 1,7 kandela po vatu.

Da bi se dobila veza između danje i noćne vidljivosti, uzima se najprije da se izvor svjetlosti nalazi na takvoj udaljenosti da ga se može smatrati točkastim. Vidljivost se tada određuje pomoću osvjetljenja E u zjenici oka promatrača. Ta veličina zavisi od jakosti zračenja izvora svjetlosti I, udaljenosti izvora svjetlosti l od motritelja i od stupnja prozirnosti p, to jest:

Izvor svjetlosti vidjet će se sve do tada dok E bude veće od praga svjetlosne osjetljivosti oka, to jest minimalnog osvjetljenja E0, koje još može zamijeniti oko. Ta je pak veličina zavisna od svjetline pozadine, donekle drukčija kod različitih ljudi, i mijenja se čak kod istog motritelja. Osobito ju mnogo mijenjaju uvjeti motrenja: posebno ako motritelj uđe u tamu iz osvjetljenog prostora. Vrijeme prilagodbe oka (adaptacije oka) je najmanje od 10 do 15 minuta. Kao srednja vrijednost kod opažanja u prirodi uzima se vrijednost minimalnog osvjetljenja E0 = 2∙10-7 lx.

Ako se E izjednači s pragom osjetljivosti E0, dobije se on a granična udaljenost L iza koje se svjetlost više neće vidjeti, pa se vidljivost određuje iz izraza:

Uzme li se za E0 vrijednost 2∙10-7 lx, uz poznatu vrijednost jakosti svjetla I i nađe li se iz motrenja vrijednost L, može se odrediti p, pa iz izraza:

i veličina α, koja određuje meteorološku vidljivost Smet. Tako na primjer za žarulju snage 200 W, za koju je u danoj situaciji određena vidljivost noću 2 000 m, dobiva se odgovarajuća dnevna vidljivost 1 300 m. Obično se za preračunavanje upotrebljavaju nomogrami.

Vizibilimetri
Vizibilimetri su mjerni instrumenti za mjerenje vidljivosti. Najčešće se upotrebljavaju na zračnim lukama, a sastoje se od davača izvora svjetlosti i niza reflektora postavljenih na različitim udaljenostima od mjesta opažanja. Moderne izvedbe vizibilimetara koriste se laserskim zrakama, a vrijednost vidljivosti pokazuju se na digitalnim pokazivalima ili se zapisuju na pisalu.

Obzor

Pravi obzor se najčešće razlikuje od prirodnog obzora zbog raznih prepreka. Na oceanu, na razini mora, daleko od kopna, astronomski, pravi i prirodni obzor su jednaki. Uzdignete li se iznad morske površine, prividni ili vidljivi obzor se spušta ispod astronomskog obzora.

Prije izuma radija, udaljenost do prirodnog obzora ili daljina obzora je ujedno predstavljala maksimalni komunikacijski domet. Udaljenost prirodnog obzora na oceanu iznosi približno  km, gdje h predstavlja visinu očiju promatrača u metrima.

Primjer:
 Za promatrača čije su oči na visini 1,70 m, obzor je udaljen 4,7 km;
 Za promatrača čije su oči na visini 100 m, obzor je udaljen 36 km.

Ova se dva promatrača međusobno mogu vidjeti s udaljenosti od 40,7 km (4,7 km + 36 km). Naravno, ovaj račun ne uzima u obzir prozirnost atmosfere (vidljivost).

Izvori

Meteorološke veličine

Vidljivost


Ethic of Radical Finitude peti je studijski album njemačkog ekstremnog metal sastava Downfall of Gaia. Diskografska kuća Metal Blade Records objavila ga je 8. veljače 2019. godine.

Popis pjesama

Zasluge
Downfall of Gaia
Anton Lisovoj – vokali, bas-gitara
Dominik Goncalves dos Reis – vokali, gitara
Marco Mazzola – gitara
Michael Kadnar – bubnjevi
Dodatni glazbenici
Nikita Kamprad – vokali (na pjesmi "We Pursue the Serpent of Time")
Hidehidehide – ambijentalna podloga (na pjesmama 2 i 3)
Mers Sumida – vokali (na pjesmi "Guided Through a Starless Night")
Ostalo osoblje
Jan Oberg – snimanje
Kevin Antreassian – snimanje
V. Santura – miksanje, mastering
Markus Grasseck – dizajn, omot albuma

Izvori

Albumi iz 2019.
Albumi sastava Downfall of Gaia

Ethic of Radical Finitude


Eric William Hoskins  (born November 29, 1960) is a Canadian physician and former politician who served as Ontario Minister of Health and Long-Term Care from 2014 to 2018. A member of the Liberal Party, he sat as a member of the Provincial Parliament (MPP) from 2009 to 2018, representing the electoral district of Toronto—St. Paul's in the Ontario Legislature.

He served as a cabinet minister in the governments of Dalton McGuinty and Kathleen Wynne in the portfolios of Health and Long-Term Care (2014 – 2018), Economic Development, Trade, and Employment (2013 – 2014), Children and Youth Services (2011 – 2012), and Citizenship and Immigration (2010 - 2011). In 2013 he contended for the leadership of the Ontario Liberal Party, which was won by Kathleen Wynne. Hoskins resigned from cabinet and the legislature on February 26, 2018, three months before the provincial election. On June 20, 2018, the federal government announced that Hoskins had been appointed Chair of the Advisory Council on the Implementation of National Pharmacare.

A medical doctor and former president of War Child Canada, Hoskins was made an Officer Order of Canada in 2008 for his humanitarian work.

Early life and education
Hoskins was born on November 29, 1960, in Simcoe, Ontario. After he attended Simcoe Composite School for high school, Hoskins completed a bachelor of science (B.Sc.) in chemistry at McMaster University in 1982 and graduated with a doctor of medicine (M.D.) from McMaster University Medical School in 1985. After an internship in internal medicine, Hoskins was awarded a Rhodes scholarship and subsequently continued his studies at the University of Oxford where he completed a doctor of philosophy (DPhil) in public health and epidemiology. Hoskins also holds a master of science (M.Sc.) from the London School of Hygiene & Tropical Medicine and a postgraduate diploma in health economics from The University of Aberdeen. He is a fellow of the Royal College of Physicians and Surgeons of Canada and is board-certified in the specialty of community medicine (public health).

Career

Working in conflict areas
From 1987 to 1990, Hoskins lived and worked in Sudan providing humanitarian relief to Ethiopian refugees in eastern Sudan, and to displaced civilians in southern Sudan. In 1991, Hoskins co-founded the International Study Team, and led a group of international experts to examine the impact of war on the civilian population in Iraq. The study provided a detailed humanitarian assessment of post-Gulf War Iraq.

Having seen the impact of war on Iraqi children, Hoskins lobbied the Canadian government to release over 2 million dollars of frozen Iraqi assets held in Canadian banks, and spent the following two years overseeing the purchase and distribution of food and medicine to tens of thousands of at-risk Iraqi children.

Department of Foreign Affairs
In 1997, Hoskins joined the Department of Foreign Affairs Canada as Lloyd Axworthy's Senior Policy Advisor. While at the Department of Foreign Affairs, he was responsible for contributing to Canadian foreign policy in the areas of human rights, human security, humanitarian affairs, peace building, war-affected children and Africa.

Hoskins later also served as an advisor to the Office of the Special Representative for Children and Armed Conflict at the United Nations, and has been involved in setting United Nations policy on issues concerning the protection of children living with war.

War Child Canada
Hoskins is the co-founder and former president of War Child Canada, a charitable organization that works to raise funds for relief and development programs in support of war-affected children around the world. Working alongside his wife, War Child Executive Director Samantha Nutt, Hoskins helped the organization develop international relief programs and spread awareness of the issues facing war-affected children. He worked with the United Nations and non-governmental organizations in some of the world's worst conflict areas including Sudan, Ethiopia, Eritrea, Somalia, Sierra Leone, Iraq, Burundi, Afghanistan and Pakistan.

As President of War Child Canada, Hoskins was a frequent contributor to Maclean's magazine on war-related issues. He was a regular commentator on CTV, CBC and other major broadcast networks concerning the impact of war on civilians.

First foray into politics
On April 21, 2007, Hoskins was chosen as the Liberal candidate in the riding of Haldimand—Norfolk for the 2008 Federal election. On October 14, 2008, he was defeated by Conservative incumbent Diane Finley.

Provincial politics
On August 12, 2009, Hoskins was nominated as the provincial Liberal candidate in the St. Paul's by-election. On September 19, 2009, he defeated Toronto Sun columnist Sue-Ann Levy running for the Progressive Conservatives.

On January 18, 2010, he was named Minister of Citizenship and Immigration in Dalton McGuinty's second government.

In the 2011 Ontario election, Hoskins was easily re-elected defeating PC candidate Christine McGirr by 16,076 votes. After the election he was appointed as Minister of Children and Youth Services.

Hoskins resigned on November 9, 2012, to stand as a candidate in the Ontario Liberal Party leadership election. He was eliminated after the first ballot and he endorsed Kathleen Wynne, the eventual winner.  On February 11, 2013, he was appointed Minister of Economic Development, Trade & Employment.

Hoskins was re-elected in June 2014, and was appointed by Kathleen Wynne as Minister of Health and Long-Term Care.

On February 26, 2018, Hoskins announced his resignation as an MPP and as Minister of Health and Long-Term Care.

Pharmacare leader

On June 20, 2018, Prime Minister Justin Trudeau appointed Hoskins to head a national pharmacare strategy.

Awards and recognition
In April 2008, Hoskins was made an Officer of the Order of Canada by Governor General Michaëlle Jean for his humanitarian work.
At the age of 33, Hoskins became the youngest recipient of the United Nations Association in Canada's Lester B. Pearson Peace Medal and was later awarded the Meritorious Service Cross by the Governor General of Canada in the name of the Queen of Canada for his work in war-torn communities around the world.

Hoskins has been awarded the Ministry of Citizenship and Immigration Citation for Citizenship, was a member of Canada's Top 40 Under 40 Award, and won the Distinguished Alumni Award from McMaster University.

Hoskins and his wife, Samantha Nutt, received Honorary Doctorates of Law from McMaster University in May 2005 for their work promoting human rights and their role in delivering humanitarian assistance to some of the world's most vulnerable populations. Hoskins also has honorary degrees from Brock and Niagara Universities.

Cabinet portfolios

Electoral record

References

External links

1960 births
Alumni of the University of Aberdeen
Alumni of Balliol College, Oxford
Canadian humanitarians
Canadian public health doctors
Canadian Rhodes Scholars
Health ministers of Ontario
Candidates in the 2008 Canadian federal election
Living people
McMaster University alumni
Members of the Executive Council of Ontario
Officers of the Order of Canada
Ontario candidates for Member of Parliament
Ontario Liberal Party MPPs
People from Norfolk County, Ontario
Politicians from Toronto
Simcoe Composite School alumni
Liberal Party of Canada candidates for the Canadian House of Commons

Eric Hoskins


Zeugma,  Gaziantep'in Nizip ilçesine bağlı Belkıs köyünde bulunan antik yerleşim.

Asur Ticaret Kolonileri Çağından beri Fırat nehrini geçmek isteyen ticaret kervanlarının ve orduların kullandığı önemli noktalardan birisidir. Büyük İskender'in generallerinden I. Seleukos'un kurduğu kentten beri kesintisiz bir yerleşime sahne olmuş; antik kentin büyük kısmı, yapımı 2000'de tamamlanan Birecik Barajı suları altında kalmıştır.

Zeugma'da Roma İmparatorluğu döneminden kalma evlerin ve villaların tabanlarını süsleyen mozaikleri, kent baraj suları altında kalmadan önce başlatılan kurtarma kazıları sonucunda ortaya çıkartılmıştır. Kazılarda ortaya çıkartılan, toplamda 2 bin 500 metrekarelik bir alan kaplayan ünlü mozaikler Gaziantep şehrindeki Zeugma Mozaik Müzesi'nde sergilenir.

Tarihçe

Helenistik dönem öncesi
Zeugma antik kentinin bulunduğu yer, Mittani, Geç Hitit ve Geç Asur Krallıkları gibi Anadolu ve Mezopotamya kültürlerini benimsemiş Aramca gibi Sami dilleri konuşan topluluklar tarafından M.Ö. 3 binden itibaren iskan edilmiştir.  Yerleşim, o devirde farklı medeniyetlerin mallarını taşıyan kervan ticaret yollarının ortasında yer almaktaydı. Kentin en yüksek tepesi olan Belkıs Tepe'nin M.Ö. 2 binin sonlarından itibaren önemli bir Geç Hitit Kutsal Alanı olduğu düşünülür.

Helenistik dönem
Fırat kıyısında eski yerleşimin bulunduğu yer, M.Ö. 300'lerde Makedon Kral  Büyük İskender'in Doğu Seferi sırasında fethedilmiş ve fethedilen topraklarda yaşayan yerel halkları Helenleştirme politikası gereği, İskender'in generallerinden I. Seleukos yeni bir şehir inşa etmiştir.

Fırat'ın karşılıklı iki yakasında yaklaşık olarak 20 bin dönümlük bir arazide kurulan şehir, büyük olasılıkla bir Makedon askeri kent kolonisi modelinde idi. Batı yakası Seleukos'un adıyla "Seleukos Euphrates" (Fırat Silifkesi) olarak, doğu yakası ise Seleulos'un eşi Apama'nın adına "Apamae" olarak adlandırılmıştır. Doğu ve batı yakası arasında taştan bir köprü bulunmakta idi. Bu iki şehir için M.Ö. 1. yüzyıldan itibaren "köprü", "geçit", "yolların kesiştiği yer"  anlamını taşıyan Zeugma ismi kullanılmıştır.

Kommagene dönemi
M.Ö. 63 yılında Romalı komutan Pompeius Seleukos Zeugma kentini,  Roma toprakları ile düşman bölgeler arasında bir tampon görevi gören Kommegene Krallığı'nın yönetimine verdi. Zeugma, hem yüzölçümü hem de barındırdığı nüfus (80.000 kişi) sayesinde Kommagene Krallığı'nın en büyük 4 şehrinden birisiydi Kommagene döneminden iki bütünleştirilmiş tapınak günümzüe kadar geldi. Bu tapınaklarda hem Helenistik hem de Kommagene krallığında hâkim olan inanışların tapınma alanları bulunmaktadır.

Roma dönemi
MS I. yy.'da Roma Devleti, tampon krallıklara son vermiş ve  geçmişte tampon krallıkların bulunduğu alanlara lejyonlar yerleştirmiştir. Kommagene Krallığı da M.S 17 yılında ölümünden sonra Roma yönetimine girdi ve Romalılaşmaya başladı.

Zeugma, Roma Devleti'nin doğu sınırı olan Fırat Nehri üzerindeki konumu ile stratejik bir öneme sahip bir kent idi. Kente M.S 18'de X. Roma Lejyonu Fretensis yerleştirildi. Bu lejyonun Yahudi İsyanlarını bastırmak için Kudüs'e gitmesi ardından MS 66 yılında  IV. Roma Lejyonu Scythica kente konuşlandırıldı. Kent genişleyerek Helenistik dönemdeki sınırlarının dışına taştı.

Roma döneminde Zeugma, sadece bir ordu karargahı olmakla kalmadı;  Romalıların Fırat'ın öte tarafındaki düşmanı ve ezeli rakibi olan Part Kralları ve komutanlarıyla diplomatik görüşmelerini yaptığı bir merkez görevi de üstlendi. Öyle ki Zeugma'dan  Statius'un Silvae adlı eserinde Zeugma'dan "'Zeugma, Romalılar'ın barış yolu" sözleriyle bahsedilmiştir. Bu buluşmaların en önemlilerinden birisi Roma İmparatoru Gaius Caesar'ın Fırat üzerinde bir adada Part Kralı V. Phraates ile yaptığı buluşmadır. Zeugma, ev sahipliği ettiği bu diplomatik görüşmeler nedeniyle Roma'yı mimari anlamda fiziksel ve görsel olarak da temsil eden bir prestij ve propaganda kenti olmuştur.

İmparator Septimius Severus döneminde yapılan seferler sonucunda  Fırat Nehri, Roma İmparatorluğu'nun doğu sınırı olma özelliğini Dicle nehrine bıraktı ve böylece Zeugma bir sınır karakolu olma özelliğini yitirdi.

M.S. 200'lü yıllarda Zeugma antik kenti, Roma İmparatorluğu'nun en görkemli şehirlerinden biri haline geldi.  Fırat kıyısından tepelere doğru inşa edilmiş kıymetli mozaik ve fresklerle süslenmiş bitişik nizam yamaç evleri günümüze kadar gelerek dönemin zenginiğini yansıtmıştır.

Kent,  büyük ordusuyla Roma İmparatorluğu üzerine sefere çıkan Sasani Kralı I. Şâpur tarafından 253 yılında yakılıp yıkıldı.

Arkeolojik çalışmalar

Zeugma kentinin adı, antik kaynaklarda adı geçmekle birlikte yakın döneme kadar nerede olduğu bilinmemekte idi. Kentin kalıntıları ilk defa 1738 yılında Richard Pococke adlı seyyah tarafından bulunup yayımlanmış;  bu kalıntıların Zeugma antik kenti olabileceği ilk defa 1917 yılında Fransız gezgin F. Cumont  tarafından ileri sürülmüştü. 1970'lerde Alman araştırmacı Jörg Wagner'in  Belkıs köyü yakınındaki kalıntıların  IV. Roma Lejyonu Scythica  damgaları taşıyan çatı tuğlaları bulmasından sonra bu kalıntıların Zeugma antik kentine ait olduğu genel kabul görmüştür.

Zeugma çevresindeki 20. yüzyılın başlarında bölgeye gelen yabancı tarihi eser kaçakçılarının teşvikiyle köylüler antik kenti kazarak çıkarılan eserleri yabancılara satmakta ve  yurtdışına gitmesine sebep olmakta idi. Bölgede ilk kez 1987 yılında kaçakçıların yarım bıraktığı iki mezar odasında Gaziantep ve Malatya Müze Müdürlüklerinin birlikte yürüttüğü kazıda mezar heykeltıraşlığına ait eserler ele geçti.

Kültür Bakanlığı, 1989 yılında Güneydoğu Anadolu Projesi kapsamında baraj çalışmalarında su altında kalacak alanları saptayarak; bölgedeki beş barajın oluşturduğu göl altında kalacak arkeolojik yerleşim yerlerini tespit etti. 1992'de bir müze bekçisinin haber vermesi ile insan figürlü bir mozaik bulundu.  Avustralya Ünviersitesi'nden David Kennedy'nin de katılımı ile kurtarma kazıları başladı. 1960'lı yıllarda kaçırılarak ABD'ye götürülen Metioxos-Partenope Mozaiğinden geriye kalanlar bulundu; günümüzde "Dionysus Villası" olarak anılan Roma villası kazılarak ortaya çıkarıldı.

Dionysos Villası'nda yapılan 1995 yılı kazılarında Dionysus'un Düğü Mozaiği ele geçirildi ve tanıtıldı. Aynı yıl, kazılara Fransa'nın Nantes Üniversitesinden Catherine Abadie Reynal ve ekibi birlikte katıldı. 1997'de İsviçreli ve Alman ekipler de kazılara katıldı. 1998-1999 yıllarında aralıksız devam eden kazılarda şehrin alt kısmında bulunan villa'da Aktatos ve Çingene Kızı mozaiği ele geçiridi. Bu mozaiklerle beraber şehrin arşiv binası bulundu; on binlerce mühür baskısı ele geçti. Aynı yıl bir villada Dionysos başı ve Okeanos ve Tethys mozaikleri çıkartılarak müzeye taşındı. 2000 yılında kazılar Kültür ve Turizm Bakanlığı Bakanlığı, Packard Beşeri Bilimler Enstitüsü'nün (Packard Humanities Institute) ve Türkiye İş Bankası'nın destekleriyle yürütüldü; Oxford Arkeoloji şirketi ve İngiliz, İtalyan, Fransız ve Türk arkeologları kazıda yer aldı. 4 Ekim 2000 tarihinde baraj suları yükselip Belkıs Tepesi'nin eteklerindeki antik kenti sular altında bırakmasıyla kazılar son buldu.

Zeugma'dan çıkarılan mozaiklerin restorasyon çalışmaları 2004 yılına kadar devam etti. 2005 yılında mozaikler Gaziantep Müzesi'nin sergilenmeye başladı. Zeugma kazıları, Ankara Üniversitesi'nden Kutalmış Görkay'ın bilimsel başkanlığında sürdürüldü ve pek çok yeni mozaik bulundu. Zeugma kentini ve dönemin yaşamını gerçeğe en yakın biçimde tanıması amacıyla 9 Eylül 2010'da açılan  Zeugma Mozaik Müzesi açıldı ve Zeugma Mozaikleri orada sergilenmeye başladı.

Bullaları
Bullalar, eski zamanlarda mühür yerine kullanılan baskılardır. Bu baskılar Zeugma'da yaklaşık olarak 100.000 adet bulunmuştur. Arkeologlar bu sayının "müze kayıtlarında bulunan en fazla bulla" olduğunu söylemiştir; bu sayede Zeugma, sahip olduğu bullalar sayesinde bir dünya rekoruna sahiplik yapmaktadır.

Ayrıca bakınız

 Zeugma Mozaik Müzesi
 Çingene Kızı

Kaynakça

Dış bağlantılar

 Zeugma Müzesi Fotoğrafları
 Zeugma Araştırmaları 1994-1999
 Belkıs/Zeugma Antik Kenti Hakkında Mülâhazalar
 Zeugma'nın Kronolojik Tarihi
 Zeugma Gerçeği ve Gaziantep'te Çağdaş Müzecilik
 Zeugma Müzesi'nden birkaç fotoğraf (Gaziantep, Türkiye)

Gaziantep ilindeki görülecek yerler
Türkiye'deki eski yerleşim birimleri
Gaziantep ilindeki arkeolojik sitler
Nizip

Zeugma


Ligu je osvojio NK LIV Vladislavci, i u kvalifikacijama za 1. ŽNL Osječko-baranjsku izborio plasman u viši rang. Iz lige zbog reorganizacije natjecanja nitko nije ispao.

Tablica

Rezultati

Izvori

 RSSSF.com
 Web arhiva NK Tomislav Livana: rezultati 2005./06.

2005-06
osječko-baranjska-2-osijek

2. ŽNL Osječko-baranjska NS Osijek 2005./06.


An Urospatha meyeri in uska species han Liliopsida nga ginhulagway ni Heinrich Wilhelm Schott. An Urospatha meyeri in nahilalakip ha genus nga Urospatha, ngan familia nga Araceae. Waray hini subspecies nga nakalista.

Mga kasarigan

Urospatha

Urospatha meyeri


Crkva i samostan sv. Klare u Splitu, Hrvatska, zaštićeno su kulturno dobro. Nalazi se u ulici kralja Zvonimira 18.

Opis dobra
Građeni su od 1884. do 1913. godine. Arhitekti su bili Emil Vecchietti i graditelj zvonika. Neostilski sklop crkve i samostana izgrađen je 1884. prema projektu Emila Vecchietija. Prostrani sklop s vrtom opasan je visokim zidom. Crkva je građena na mjestu kapele sv. Josipa koja se spominje u dokumentima iz 17. st. Glavno pročelje završava neorenesansnim polukružnim zabatom i gleda na Pojišansku ulicu. Samostanska zgrada je izdužena kamena dvokatnica, s nizom prozora s lučnim završetkom. Sjeverno od samostanske zgrade je zvonik iz 1912., nadograđen 1913. pod nadzorom graditelja Ante Radice. Crkva i samostan čuvaju vrijednu zbirku umjetnina iz starog samostana klarisa, među kojima se ističe slikano romaničko raspelo s kraja 13. st., nastalo u radionici splitske slikarske škole.

Zaštita
Pod oznakom Z-3864 zavedena je kao nepokretno kulturno dobro - pojedinačno, pravna statusa zaštićena kulturnog dobra, klasificiranog kao sakralna graditeljska baština.

Orgulje

Orgulje u crkvi sagradio je oko 1750. don Petar Nakić, osnivač dalmatinsko-mletačke orguljarske škole. Prvotni vlasnik bila je splitska katedrala.  30. travnja 1901. samostan sv. Klare otkupio za ondašnjih 600 kruna. Godine 2011. orgulje je temeljito i cjelovito restaurirala Umjetnička radionica Heferer. Orgulje iz ovoga samostana posjeduju 17 vokalnih registara raspoređenih na manualu i pedalu. Sustav na koji rade je mehanički, sa zračnicama na kliznice.

Dispozicija:

Tamburo (reg. povlačnica)
Tiratutti
Pedalna spojka (fiksna)
Uccelleti

Karakteristike
visina ugodbe: a = 432 Hz / 18 °C
tlak svirnog zraka: 55 mm WS
ugodba: proširena srednjotonska ugodba (Vallotti)

Izvori

Klara
Zaštićeni sakralni kompleksi u Splitsko-dalmatinskoj županiji
Samostani u Splitu

Crkva i samostan sv. Klare u Splitu


Carlos Blanco Galindo (Cochabamba, 12 de marzo de 1882-Cochabamba, Bolivia, 2 de octubre de 1943) fue un militar y político boliviano, presidente de Bolivia entre los años 1930 y 1931.

Biografía
Nació en Cochabamba el 2 de marzo de 1882  hijo de Cleómedes Blanco y de Edelmira Galindo, su esposa fue Alicia D'arlach. Luego de estudiar sin concluir la profesión de abogado, hizo estudios militares en escuelas del ramo, en Argentina, egresando como subteniente. Terminados sus estudios, fue profesor en el Colegio Militar del Ejército de la ciudad de La Paz y en la Escuela de Guerra, haciendo una honrosa carrera hasta alcanzar el grado de General. Fue asimismo, Coronel Honorario del Ejército peruano.

Hijo predilecto de Cochabamba, "Doctor Honoris Causa" de la Universidad Mayor de San Simón, Jefe del Estado Mayor General, Delegado Plenipotenciario en la Conferencia de Paz del chaco.

Ascenso al poder

Llegó al mando presidencial como presidente interino el 25 de junio de 1930 y permaneció en el cargo hasta el 5 de marzo de 1931.

Blanco Galindo produjo la recomposición política de la oligarquía. El suyo fue un gobierno de transición. No hizo obras porque su gobierno fue provisorio.

El 25 de julio de 1930 fue designado presidente de la Junta de Gobierno conformada a la caída del presidente Hernando Siles Reyes. Su gobierno fue breve, habiéndose ocupado de reformar la Constitución para decidir que el presidente de la república sólo puede ser reelegido después de dos períodos posteriores al suyo: se concedió, asimismo, la autonomía universitaria, mediante referéndum.

Convocó a elecciones generales, que fueron ganadas por la fórmula de Daniel Salamanca, republicano genuino, y José Luis Tejada Sorzano, liberal.

El 5 de marzo de 1931, la Junta entregó la presidencia a  Daniel Salamanca, y Blanco Galindo fue nombrado Embajador ante la Santa Sede, y luego Ministro Plenipotenciario en Suiza. Posteriormente fue Prefecto de Cochabamba y finalmente Ministro de Defensa.

Falleció en Cochabamba el 2 de octubre de 1943 a los 61 años.

Sus restos descansan en el Mausoleo de la Familia Blanco Galindo, ubicado en el Cementerio General de Cochabamba, por sus valores patrimoniales está citado en la Ley Municipal Nro 503/2019 que declara al Cementerio General de Cochabamba Patrimonio Arquitectónico, Histórico y Cultural del Municipio de Cochabamba.

Datos estadísticos

Demografía

Referencias

Militares de Bolivia
Políticos de Bolivia
Presidentes de Bolivia
Historia de Bolivia
Personas de la Guerra del Chaco

Carlos Blanco Galindo