Der SV Fellbach (Sportverein Fellbach 1890 e. V.) ist ein Sportverein in Fellbach (Region Stuttgart), der 1890 gegründet wurde. Mit dem 2010 fertiggestellten Sportzentrum Loop konnte das Sportangebot in vielen Bereichen erweitert werden, sodass heute in 19 Abteilungen über 5.000 Mitglieder aktiv sind.

Volleyball

Ein Aushängeschild des SV Fellbach ist die Volleyballabteilung mit fünf Frauen-, vier Männer- und zahlreichen Jugendmannschaften. Die erste Männermannschaft spielte von 2012 bis 2019 in der zweiten Bundesliga. In den 1990er Jahren spielten die Männer in der ersten Bundesliga und wurden 1998 Deutscher Vizemeister. In dieser Zeit spielten auch Nationalspieler wie Oliver Heitmann, Michael Dornheim, Dirk Oldenburg, Holger Werner, Jörg Ahmann, Frank Bachmann oder Simon Tischer beim SV Fellbach.

In der Saison 2022/23 spielen sowohl die erste Frauen- als auch die erste Männermannschaft in der Regionalliga Süd.

Basketball
2007 gelang der Herrenmannschaft des SV Fellbach der Sprung von der Oberliga in die 2. Regionalliga. 2016 führte Trainer Marian Thede den SV in die 1. Regionalliga Südwest, Kapitän der Aufsteigermannschaft war Andreas Tsiminos (zuvor Spieler beim VfB Waiblingen und beim TV 1860 Lich), der dann begann, sich als Leiter der Basketballabteilung abseits des Spielfeldes für den Verein einzusetzen und als solcher für den Erfolg im Jahr 2023 mitverantwortlich zeichnete, als die Mannschaft unter der Leitung von Trainer Kristiyan Borisov die Meisterschaft in der höchsten Amateurspielklasse gewann und sich auf diese Weise den Aufstieg in die 2. Bundesliga ProB sicherte. Zur Meistermannschaft gehörten mehrere Spieler mit Erfahrung aus dem Berufsbasketball, darunter Andreas Kronhardt, Zaire Thompson, Helge Wezorke und der US-Amerikaner Andre William "Scooter" Gillette.

Trainer der Herrenmannschaft

Handball
Die Handballabteilung des SV Fellbach hat in der aktuellen Spielzeit 2019/2020 insgesamt 23 Teams, fünf Aktive, darunter zwei Frauen- und drei Männermannschaften, sowie 18 Jugendmannschaften – von der Kreisliga A bis zur Baden-Württemberg Oberliga. Mit über 400 Mitgliedern ist der SV Fellbach einer der größten und erfolgreichsten selbstständigen Handballvereine in der Region Stuttgart.

Die Heimspiele des SV Fellbach werden in der Zeppelinhalle in Fellbach ausgetragen.

Kader für die Saison 2019/20

BW-OL

Weitere Sportarten
Außer Volleyball werden beim SV Fellbach noch die Sportarten American Football, Badminton, Basketball, Bowling, Budo, Fußball, Gewichtheben, Handball, Koronarsport, Leichtathletik, Nordic Walking, Ringen, Rock 'n' Roll, Schwimmen, Ski, Tischtennis, Turnen und Versehrtensport ausgeübt.

Weblinks
offizielle Homepage des Vereins
Homepage der Volleyballabteilung
Homepage der Basketballabteilung
Homepage der Handballabteilung

Einzelnachweise

Fellbach, SV
Fellbach, SV
Fellbach, SV
Organisation (Fellbach)
Gegründet 1890
Fellbach, SV

SV Fellbach


Lothar Geitler (1899–1990) est un botaniste, mycologue et phycologue et cytologiste autrichien.

Publications
  Geitler L., 1933. Diagnosen neuer Blaualgen von den Sunda-Inseln. Archiv für Hydrobiologie, Supplement 12: 622–634.

Références

Liens externes

Botaniste autrichien du XXe siècle
Naissance en mai 1899
Décès en mai 1990
Phycologue autrichien
Universitaire autrichien du XXe siècle

Lothar Geitler


ශාන්ත ලුසියා නැගෙනහිර කැරිබියන් මුහුදේ පිහිටි දූපත් රටකි. එය අත්ලන්තික් සාගරයට මායිම් වේ. එය පිහිටා ඇත්තේ උතුරින් හා ඊසාන දෙසින් දුපත් වන සෙන්ට් වින්සන්ට් හා ග්‍රෙනඩයින්ස්, වයඹ දෙසින් බාබඩෝස් සහ දකුණින් මාටිනින් වලටය. එය වර්ග කි.මී. 620 (වර්ග සැතපුම් 385) සහ ජනගහනය 160,000 ක් වන අතර අගනුවර වන්නේ කැස්ට්‍රයිස් ය. මෙම දූපත් රාජ්‍යයන් ශ්‍රේෂ්ඨ පුද්ගලයන් වන ආතර් ලුවිස් හා ඩෙරෙන් බෝල්කොට් හට නිවහන විය. මෙය පළමු යුරෝපියානු ජනාවාසින් විසින් 'සෙන්ට් ලුසි ඔශ් සයිරන්ස්' ලෙස පසුව නම් කරන ලදි. ඔවුන් 1660 වර්ෂයේ දී ස්වදේශී කැරිබි ජනයා සමඟ ගිවිසුමක් අත්සන් කරන ලදි. බ්‍රිතාන්‍යයන් 1663 සිට 1667 දක්වා දුපතේ පාලනය ලබාගත් අතර පසුකාලීනව මෙම දුපත ප්‍රංශය සමඟ 14 වතාවක් යුද වැදුනු අතර, දුපතේ පාලනය නිරන්තරයෙන් වෙනස් විය. 1814 දී බ්‍රිතාන්‍යයන් නිත්‍ය වශයෙන් මෙහි පාලනය තමන් යටතට ගත් අතර සෙන්ට් ලුසියා බටහිර ඉන්දියානුවන් අතර හෙලන් නමින් හැදින්විනි. මෙහි බ්‍රිතාන්‍ය නීතියට අනුව සම්පාදිත නීති පද්ධතියක් ඇත. අධිකරණය ස්වාධීන වන අතර සාධාරණ තීන්දු දෙයි. ආර්ථික පද්ධතිය ලෝකයේ පැවති මුල්‍ය බිඳ වැටීමට ඔරොත්තු දුන් අතර, පසුබෑම සංචාරක ව්‍යාපාරයට බලපෑම් ඇති කළේය. 1924 වර්ෂයේ නියෝජිත රාජ්‍යයක් ඇති වු අතර, 1958 සිට 1962 දක්වා මෙම දුපත බටහිර ඉන්දියානු සංගමයේ සාමාජිකයෙක් විය. 1979 පෙබරවාරි 22 වනදා සෙන්ට් ලුසියා පොදු රාජ්‍ය මණ්ඩලයේ නිදහස් රටක් ලෙස පත් විය. මෙය ඔවුන් සෑම වර්ෂයකම ජාතික නිවාඩු දිනයක් ලෙස සමරන අතර මෙරට ලා ෆැන්කොෆොනියාහි ද සාමාජිකයෙකි.

දූපත් රටවල්

ශාන්ත ලුසියා


La prueba de oxidasa es una prueba usada en microbiología para determinar si una bacteria produce alguna de las citocromo c oxidasas. La prueba hace uso de discos impregnados con el reactivo N,n,n,n-tetrametil-p-fenilendiamina (o TMFD) o N,N-Dimetil-p-fenilendiamina (o DMFD), el cual también es un indicador redox. El reactivo pasa de azul oscuro a granate al ser oxidado, y se vuelve transparente al ser reducido. Las bacterias oxidasa positiva poseen citocromo oxidasa o indofenol oxidasa (una hemoproteína). Ambas catalizan el transporte de electrones de compuestos donantes (NADH) a receptores de electrones (por lo general el oxígeno). En la prueba, el reactivo TMFD actúa como donante artificial de electrones para la enzima oxidasa. El reactivo oxidado forma el compuesto coloreado de indofenol azul. El sistema citocromo está normalmente presente solo en los organismos aerobios capaces de usar el oxígeno como aceptor final de hidrógeno. El producto final de este metabolismo puede ser agua o peróxido de hidrógeno.

Clasificación
La prueba separa en las posibles cepas Oxidasa positiva u oxidasa negativa.

Oxidasa positiva
Significa que la bacteria sí posee citocromo c oxidasa, por lo que puede usar oxígeno en la producción de energía con una cadena de transporte de electrones. Un ejemplo de identificación pre-eliminar es la identificación de los géneros Neisseria y Moraxella, el cual Neisseria es un diplococo y Moraxella un coco y cocobacilo no fermentador que puede confundirse con Neisseria y los dos son Gram-negativos oxidasa positiva.
Muchos Gram-negativos, como los bacilos curvados como Helicobacter pylori, Vibrio cholerae y Campylobacter jejuni son oxidasa positiva.

Oxidasa negativa
Las enterobacterias son las típicas oxidasa negativa. El que no la poseen significa que no puede usar el oxígeno en la cadena de transferencia de electrones o aplican una citocromo diferente para transferir electrones al oxígeno.

Procedimiento
 Cada disco se moja con unas cuatro asadas de agua desionizada.
 Con el asa bacteriológica se transfiere una gran masa de bacteria pura al disco
 Se observa el disco por tres minutos, en ese tiempo el área de inoculación debe pasar entre azul oscuro y granate o incluso negro, entonces los resultados son positivos. Si no hay cambio en esos tres minutos, la prueba es negativa.

La prueba también es posible de hacer en placas de Agar Tripticasa soya con la bacteria inoculada en línea y poniendo 2-3 gotas del reactivo en la superficie de cada organismo a poner a prueba

Referencias

Bacteriología
Técnicas microbiológicas

Prueba de la oxidasa


Teizm ya da tanrıcılık, tanrı veya tanrıların var olduğu inancıdır. Teizm inanışına göre tanrılar din gönderebilir veya insanların yaşadığı Dünya'ya etki eden olaylara sebep olabilir. Günümüzde en yaygın teist inanışlar Hristiyanlık ve İslam'dır.

Teizm, dini inanışlar başta olmak üzere tüm tanrı inanışlarını kapsayan geniş bir tanım olarak ortaya çıktı. Ardından 17. yüzyılda bir tanrı inanışı olarak ortaya çıkan deizm felsefesinin Avrupa'da yükselişinden sonra teizm ile deizmi ayırt etmek için; teizm sıklıkla "dinler yollayan tanrı" veya "insanlar üzerinde egemenlik kuran tanrı" inanışlarını tanımlamak için kullanılmaya başlandı. Terim, Yunanca "Tanrı" anlamına gelen theos kelimesinden türetilmiştir, ilk kez Ralph Cudworth tarafından kullanılmıştır.

Daha detaylı tanımıyla teizm, tanrının doğasını ve evrenle tanrı arasındaki ilişkiyi açıklayan; kişisel, mevcut ve aktif olarak evrenin kuruluş ve yönetiminden sorumlu bir Tanrı betimlemesi içeren bir öğretidir.  Bu yaklaşıma göre Tanrı dünya ve insanlar ile sürekli ilişki içerisindedir. Tanrı veya tanrıların Dünya üzerindeki egemenliğine inananlara veya akıllı tasarıma inananlara da teist denir.

Ayrımlar

Monoteizm

Monoteizm, sadece tek bir tanrı olduğu inancıdır. Bu inanışa göre tanrının bir ortağı ya da başka bir tanrı yoktur. Bazı modern monoteistik dinler Bahailik, İslam, Hristiyanlık, Yahudilik, Sihizm ve Ekankar'dır.

Politeizm

Politeizm, birden fazla tanrı olduğu inancıdır. Antik Mısır dini, Antik Roma dönemindeki dini inanışlar ve belli özellikleriyle Neopaganizm örnek gösterilebilir. Bu inanış antik çağ dönemlerinde oldukça yaygındı, ardından özellikle orta çağ itibarıyla tek tanrılı inanışlar daha yüksek sayıda takipçi kitlelere sahip oldu.

Agnostik teizm

Agnostik teizm, en az bir yaratıcıya inanan ancak bunun doğruluğunun ile birlikte yanlışlığının da bilinmediğini veya hiçbir zaman bilinemeyeceğini savunan bir felsefi görüştür. Bu düşünce "bilmek" ve "inanmak" kavramlarının arasındaki farka da vurgu yapar. "Bir insanın Tanrı'nın varlığını bilemeyiz demesi ama var olduğuna inanması" manasına gelmektedir.

Panteizm ve Panenteizm

 Panteizm, her şeyi kapsayan içkin bir Tanrı  veya evrenin ya da doğanın Tanrı ile aynı olduğu görüşüdür.
 Panenteizm, panteizmde olduğu gibi evrenin kendisinin Tanrı olduğunu, evrensel panteist görüşten farklı olarak Tanrının evrene aşkın ve mutlak değişmez olduğu görüşüdür.

Bazıları bu iki kavram arasındaki farkı anlamsız bulurken diğerleri önemli bir nokta olarak görebilir. Panteizm veya panenteizm terimleri tek başlarına tektanrıcılık veya çoktanrıcılık ifade etmez. Bir öğreti panenteistik veya panteistik olsa dahi birden fazla Tanrıyı savunuyor ya da tam tersi tek bir Tanrının varlığını savunuyor olabilir.

Deizm

Deizm, evreni yaratan tanrının vahiy aracı olmaksızın sadece akılla veya doğal dünyaya yapılacak gözlemle kavranabileceği ve tanrının sonradan insanlığa ve evrene müdahalede bulunmadığı inancıdır. Deizm doğaüstü olayları (örneğin kehanetleri, mucizeleri, vahiy, cennet, cehennem vb.) reddeder. Buna rağmen klasik deizm döneminin ilk filozoflarında cennet ile cehennem inançlarına net karşı çıkış bulunmamaktadır.

Deizm insanlığa müdahalede bulunmayan ve Dünya üzerine bir egemenlik kurmayan tanrı inancını içerir. Esasen deizm de tanrı inanışı içermesinden ötürü teizm tanımında yer almasına rağmen özellikle klasik deist filozofların ve günümüz modern deistlerinin, müdahaleci teistik dinlere karşı verdiği eleştirilerden dolayı deizm bazen teizm kategorisinde değerlendirilmemektedir.

 Polideizm: Deizmin politeistik formudur veya Politeizm'in deistik formudur. Bu inanışa göre evren birkaç Tanrı'nın kolektif yaratıcılığı sonucu yaratılmıştır. Bu tanrıların her biri evrenin bir parçasını yarattıktan sonra evren ile pratik anlamda ilgilenmeyi bırakmıştır.
 Pandeizm: Panteizm'in deistik formudur veya Deizm'in panteistik formudur.
 Panendeizm: Panenteizm'in deistik formudur veya Deizm'in panenteistik formudur.

Tanrılaştırma

Tanrılaştırma ya da Apotheosis, dünyasal bir varlığın veya ölümlü bir insanın Tanrı ya da Yarı Tanrı katına yükseltilmesi.

Antropoteizm

Tanrının şekil olarak, nitelikleri bakımından veya fiziksel güç gibi kavramlarda insana benzetilmesi tavrına verilen addır.

Kaynakça

Ayrıca bakınız

 Yaratılışçılık
 Akıllı tasarım

Teizm

Teizm


La Casa real incaica, denominada también Ayllu Real o Familia Imperial Incaica, de los emperadores Sapa Incas Huayna Cápac y Túpac Yupanqui. Es necesario aclarar que la denominación panaka se daba a las familias de los reyes-sacerdotes antiguos incas, pertenecientes a la dinastía Hurin Cusco, en tanto la denominación de Ayllu Real corresponde a la dinastía Hanan Cusco, según asegura el investigador Donato Amado. En consecuencia el más elevado rango de la nobleza inca pertenece al aillu real del Inca Huayna Cápac, cuya casa fue la última en gobernar hasta y durante la conquista hispana. Pasados unos años y después del primer choque cultural-militar con los castellanos, luego de su derrota fue respetada por parte de la Corona Española, y conservada en la ciudad del Cusco, bajo un régimen jurídico de excepción, por lo simbólico de su representación. Sin embargo, en la época republicana peruana sufrieron la usurpación de sus bienes, invalidación de sus títulos, y otras reformas que disminuyeron su poder político y aniquilaron su fortuna económica. Los descendientes de su mayorazgo o rama medular se pueden rastrear hasta nuestros días en la ciudad del Cusco, antigua capital del imperio de los incas, llamado Tahuantinsuyo o «Imperio de las Cuatro Regiones».

Descendencia del inca Túpac Yupanqui

Descendencia de la panaca de Túpac Yupanqui

La panaca del inca Túpac Yupanqui apoyó a Huáscar en su enfrentamiento contra Atahualpa, por ello sería perseguida y diezmada parcialmente por los capitanes atahualpistas. No obstante, los sobrevivientes apoyaron a los conquistadores españoles y obtuvieron a cambio diversas mercedes y privilegios, además de cacicazgos en el Cuzco y el Alto Perú. Entre las diferentes ramas se encuentran:
 Familia Cusicanqui. Caciques de Pacajes y Calacoto durante la época virreinal. Entre sus descendientes se encuentran los políticos bolivianos Silvia Rivera Cusicanqui y Hernán Siles Zuazo, expresidente del país altiplánico, y Felipe Cusicanqui, artista visual y pintor chileno.
 Familia Fernández Cornejo, establecida originalmente en Arequipa y con presencia en Moquegua, Bolivia y Argentina. Descendían de la ñusta Catalina Páucar Ocllo, posible hija del inca Túpac Hualpa, aunque del linaje de Túpac Yupanqui, a través de su nieta Mariana de Grado Maldonado casada con Diego Fernández Cornejo. Entre los descendientes de esta pareja se encuentran los políticos argentinos José Antonio Fernández Cornejo, Jorge Zorreguieta y la reina Máxima de los Países Bajos, además de los políticos peruanos Nicolás de Araníbar Fernández Cornejo, José Gregorio Paz Soldán, Toribio Pacheco y José Luis Bustamante y Rivero, incluyendo a los intelectuales y escritores igualmente peruanos: Mariano Eduardo de Rivero y Ustariz, los hermanos Mateo y Mariano Felipe Paz Soldán, Juan de Arona, José Santos Chocano y Mario Vargas Llosa.

Descendencia de Bárbola Coya Yupanqui

A través de Bárbola Coya Yupanqui, sobrina (posible nieta) de Túpac Yupanqui y mujer del conquistador García Díaz de Castro, ha quedado una vasta descendencia establecida en Chile y Argentina, entre cuyas ramas se encuentran:
 Familia Medina y Ramírez de Montalvo, establecida en Tucumán y con presencia en Argentina. Descendían del encomendero Diego de Medina y Díaz de Castro, hijo de Catalina Díaz de Castro Yupanqui y nieto por lo tanto del conquistador García Díaz de Castro y la palla Bárbola. Entre sus descendientes destacan los políticos argentinos Benjamín Villafañe y su hijo Benjamín Villafañe Chaves, así como el escritor Raúl Vera Ocampo.
 Familia Prado y Medina, establecida originalmente en Tucumán y con presencia en Chile. Descendían de Petronila de Medina y Garnica, bisnieta de la palla Bárbola y nieta del conquistador Gaspar de Medina. Entre sus descendientes destacan Mateo de Toro Zambrano y los siguientes condes de la Conquista, a través de la familia Correa de Saa y Toro-Zambrano, así como Melchor Concha y Toro e Ignacio de la Carrera, padre de los hermanos Carrera, próceres de la independencia de Chile.
 Familia Garmendia Alurralde, establecida originalmente en Tucumán y con presencia en Chile y Argentina. Descienden de Elena María Alurralde, madre de los patriotas tucumanos Ildefonso de las Muñecas y José Ignacio Garmendia y Alurralde, además de Luisa Garmendia Alurralde, esposa del general Francisco Antonio Pinto, tercer presidente de Chile y ancestros por lo tanto de importantes personajes chilenos como Aníbal Pinto, Manuel Bulnes Pinto, Gonzalo Bulnes, Fernando Ariztía Ruiz y Sebastián Piñera.

Descendencia del inca Huayna Cápac

Descendencia del inca Atahualpa

Investigaciones sustentan que el inca Atahualpa, hijo de Huayna Cápac, dejó una importante descendencia en el Ecuador. De la cual se podría nombrar al tronco familiar Proaño de Ecuador, pues el genearca de esta familia, el capitán Francisco Proaño de los Ríos, no dejó descendencia con su legítima esposa Agustina Suárez de Figueroa, pero sí la tuvo de su unión con Isabel Atahualpa Inca y María. Así dio inicio a la familia Proaño en el Ecuador. Sin embargo otras investigaciones afirman que este linaje se extinguió en el año de 1624. Lo cual estaría en duda, ya que actualmente existen descendientes de Francisco Proaño en el Ecuador y su única descendencia fue por medio de Isabel y María descendientes del Inca Atahualpa.

Descendencia de Paullu Inca

Es el conjunto de los descendientes de Cristóbal Paullu Inca, hijo del emperador Huayna Cápac, de quien actualmente una de sus ramas detenta el mayorazgo o descendencia directa patrilineal. Tanto por su descendencia legítima como por sus hijos legitimados por el emperador Carlos V, tenemos las siguientes ramas:

Familia Obando Tito Atauchi

Son los descendientes de Quispe Topa Inka, que asumió el nombre colonial de Bartolomé Topa Atao o Quispe Tito Atauchi, quienes durante el  adoptaron el apellido Ramos Tito Atauchi y en el , el de Obando u Obando Titu Atauchi. Según el historiador John Hemming esta rama de la familia real incaica es el resultado de la unión de la descendencia de dos Casas Incas de mucha importancia o de dos hijos príncipes del emperador Huayna Capac: Paullo Inca y Titu Atauchi Inca. Sin embargo el estudio del genealogista Ronald Elward, refiere que más bien son descendientes del Canciller Titu Atauchi otro príncipe Inca hermano del emperador Huayna Capac Inca, cuya hija o nieta tuvo un hijo con el príncipe Paullo Inca, que fue legitimado por el emperador Carlos V, llamado Bartolomé Titu Atauchi. En la actualidad se destacan las siguientes 2 ramas principales:
 Rama Obando Titu Atauchi Inca. Descendientes de los nobles incas don Lizandro Obando (Titu Atauchi) Camero: cuyos hijos conocidos según la referida investigación del diario El Comercio de Lima, son Agripino Obando Chávez y Gregorio Obando Chávez. Herederos: Gladys Obando Montes, Sylvain Obando, Marie Angehelie Alarcón Obando, Ruth Obando Montes, José Luis Obando Montes, Jael Obando Montes, Joselyn Alarcón Obando, Tifany Zarate Obando.

 Rama Paredes Obando Titu Atauchi Inca. Descendientes del patricio intelectual cusqueño Luis Felipe Paredes Obando (Obando-Tito-Atauchi Inca): Herederos conocidos, según la citada investigación genealógica publicada en el diario El Comercio, son Teresa Paredes Tresierra, Nanci Paredes Tresierra y el abogado Fernando Zora-Carvajal Aguirre. Cabe resaltar que el citado Luis Felipe Paredes Obando, es además heredero testamentario de don Ángel Vega Enríquez (último descendiente público del linaje Betancourt Tupac Amaru). Actualmente entre los miembros más conocidos de este linaje, según información de esta familia descendiente del Emperador Inca Huayna Capac de la ciudad de Cusco, en el contexto internacional y nacional, se destacan el economista Carlos Paredes Gonzales, excandidato a la segunda vicepresidencia de la república del Perú, coordinador del Proyecto Sierra Productiva. Asimismo, se tiene a Antonio Maldonado Paredes, abogado penalista de fama internacional, especialista en Derechos Humanos y exprocurador anticorrupción de la república del Perú.
 Rama adicional Sahuaraura Tito Atauchi. Un miembro de los Ramos Tito Atauchi, se vinculó en el  con los Sahuaraura, caciques de Quispicanchis. Destacaron en el bando fidelista durante la Gran Rebelión tupamarista y su miembro más destacado, Justo Sahuaraura Inca, vivió a inicios de la República. Sin embargo, este tronco emparentado por matrimonio, en realidad según la visión andina de sucesión de los Ayllus y Panakas Reales de Cusco, es la descendencia más representativa de la Casa Real o linaje del emperador Pachacutec, abuelo del último sapam Inka Huayna Capac.

Familia Carlos Inca (diluida en ramas femeninas)

En el pasado la rama legítima y heredera de los bienes y beneficios otorgados por la Corona Española, que desde el  se diluyo en la rama femenina (Bustamante Carlos Inca), que obtuvo diferentes mercedes y reconocimientos. Fundada por Carlos Inca y proseguida por su hijo Melchor Carlos Inca, ambos encomenderos y regidores del Cabildo del Cuzco, este último fue desterrado a España donde obtuvo el hábito de caballero de la Orden de Santiago. Dejó vasta descendencia ilegítima, como Juan Melchor Carlos Inca, así como hijas que prolongarían el apellido en el Cuzco virreinal.

Familia Choquehuanca

Conformada por los descendientes de Diego Chuquihuanca y posteriormente emparentada con importantes casas cacicales y linajes collas y aymaras. Sus principales miembros se establecieron en Azángaro ocupando la dignidad cacical, destacando entre ellos José Domingo Choquehuanca. En la actualidad pertenecen a esta rama reconocidos políticos bolivianos como David Choquehuanca y Víctor Hugo Cárdenas.

Descendencia de Inés Huaylas Ñusta
A través de Quispe Sisa, bautizada como Inés Huaylas Yupanqui e hija del inca Huayna Cápac y, según unas fuentes, de la princesa Paccha Duchicela, Shyri XVI del Reino de Quito, y según otras de Contarguacho (señora de Anan Huaylas); unida sucesivamente con el marqués Francisco Pizarro y Francisco de Ampuero, quedó la siguiente descendencia:
 Francisca Pizarro Yupanqui, Nacida en la provincia de Jauja, se estableció en España y contrajo matrimonio con su tío Hernando Pizarro. Sus descendientes obtuvieron el Marquesado de la Conquista, linaje en la actualidad extinto.
 María Ana Isabel Josefa de Ampuero y Huaylas, casó en primeras nupcias con el rico hacendado Francisco de Valverde y Contreras-Ulloa, descendiente a su vez de Mafalda de la Cerda, del linaje de los Infantes de la Cerda, primogénitos de Alfonso X "El Sabio", rey de Castilla. Una de sus descendientes entroncó con los condes de las Lagunas, linaje al cual pertenece Fernando de Trazegnies Granda, actual V marqués de Torrebermeja.

En segundas nupcias, casó con Juan de Avendaño y Azurpay, hijo a su vez del conquistador Diego de Avendaño, caballero de la Orden de Santiago y de su mujer, la ñusta Juana Azurpay, hija del inca Huayna Cápac.

Descendencia de Manco Inca

Casa de Santiago de Oropesa (extinta aproximadamente en 1740)

Se considera la descendencia femenina de Sayri Túpac, hijo de Manco Inca. A través de su hija Beatriz Clara Coya de Loyola (casada luego con Martín García Óñez de Loyola, conquistador de Chile y pariente de San Ignacio de Loyola); que luego continuaría su hija Ana María Lorenza García Sayri Túpac de Loyola (por haberse casado con Juan Enríquez de Borja, hijo del marqués de Alcañices y descendiente de San Francisco de Borja, y a través de esta sangre entroncarse con la más alta nobleza española como la Casa de Enríquez y, evidentemente, la Casa de Borja o Borgia, con título de Grandeza de España). La cual, luego de su matrimonio en 1614, recibió el título de Marquesa de Santiago de Oropesa.

Descendencia de Túpac Amaru I

Considerados descendientes de Túpac Amaru I, último gobernante inca de Vilcabamba:

Familia Betancur-Túpac Amaru (extinta en 1932)

Sostenían ser descendientes de Juan Tito quien contrajo matrimonio con Gabriela de Arce y procrearon a Manuela Túpac Amaru y Arce. Esta dama se casó con el criollo Bernardo de Betancur y Hurtado de Arbieto, cuyos hijas protagonizaron un sonado litigio reclamando el derecho a poseer el Marquesado de Santiago de Oropesa. Sin embargo, es probable que este linaje descienda en realidad de Alonso Tito Atauchi, otro nieto del emperador Huayna Cápac, puesto que José Gabriel Condorcanqui denominado Tupac Amaru, alegó en la Audiencia de Lima (en 1777) que falsificaron documentos e inclusive que arrancaron páginas de un libro bautismal para socavar la legítima posición de los Condorcanqui-Tupac Amaru. Tema confuso y rebatible. Dicho proceso judicial fue lamentable y produjo difamaciones mutuas entre las dos familias, por eso también se afirma que Condorcanqui era un impostor. Las opiniones son diversas, según José Antonio Del Busto no se demostró parentesco lineal alguno de los Betancur con los Túpac Amaru (Del Busto Duthurburu, 1981).

También perteneció a este linaje Trinidad Enríquez Ladrón de Guevara, mujer de letras, primera lideresa social feminista, y primera mujer universitaria de América del Sur. El último descendiente público de este interesante linaje Betancur-Túpac Amaru, fue Ángel Vega Enríquez, sobrino de la anterior, fundador del diario El Sol del Cusco, fallecido en 1932 tras una sacrificada y heroica vida en contra de los poderes que explotaban al pueblo indígena, además se le considera como el fundador e inspirador de la corriente ideológica indigenista cusqueña. Según referencia del historiador Manuel Jesús Aparicio, no tuvo descendencia o hijos, sin embargo dejó simbólicos herederos testamentarios, entre ellos los intelectuales cusqueños Rafael Aguilar Páez y Luis Felipe Paredes Obando. Linaje extinto por la rama Vega y Enríquez, tanto Ángel Vega Enríquez como Trinidad Enríquez no dejaron descendientes. Posiblemente existan otros descendientes de este histórico linaje inca de la alta nobleza, Betancur-Túpac Amaru, que se conservan en el anonimato, como la rama que durante los inicios de la república peruana apellidó Laza.

Familia Condorcanqui-Túpac Amaru  (extinta en 1827)

Su principal representante fue el cacique rebelde José Gabriel Condorcanqui Noguera, además de sus parientes próximos como Diego Cristóbal Túpac Amaru y Andrés Túpac Amaru, entre otros. Descendientes de una hija natural de Felipe Túpac Amaru, último señor de Vilcabamba. Linaje posiblemente extinto en el año de 1827. José Gabriel Condorcanqui Noguera, precursor de la independencia peruana, peticionó a las autoridades judiciales del Virreinato ser reconocido como marqués de Oropesa, título que se le daba al posible heredero a la corona de los Incas. Además se atribuyó la corona Incaica en forma arbitraria pasando por encima de otros legítimos herederos a dicho magno título.  Esto causó la indignación del Consejo de los 24 Incas, representación corporativa legal y legítima colonial de los Incas con sede en la ciudad de Cusco, quienes se opusieron a Condorcanqui. Ni siquiera los más notables descendientes de los Incas de la ciudad de Cusco, se atrevieron a coronarse como Sapa Inca. La soberbia e individualismo del prócer de la independencia José Gabriel Condorcanqui produjo la división de los Incas y su enfrentamiento. Punto de inicio de la decadencia y pérdida de poder de la nobleza Incaica Colonial.

Intentos de Reconstitución
En la década de 1990, el ingeniero Gregorio Alfredo Inca Roca Concha (quien afirma descender de Inca Roca) emprendió la búsqueda de los descendientes de las panucas reales incaicas para reunirlos en un "Consejo de la Nación Tawantinsuyana". En 2001 presentó al presidente Alejandro Toledo el "Proyecto de ley para la restauración de la nobleza inca del Tawantinsuyo", la que tenía por objetivo conseguir el reconocimiento político de los descendientes incaicos por parte del Gobierno (de un modo análogo a la Casa Real Afroboliviana) y lograr la creación de un Congreso del Tawantinsuyo que se asemejara a la institución virreinal del Consejo de los 24 nobles electores incas. Se sabe que el proyecto fue rechazado. Así mismo a lo largo del  han aparecido numerosos personajes y familias que se han atribuido un linaje nobiliario indígena, tanto en América como en la misma Europa, y algunas de ellas ya han empezado a buscar reconocimiento y restitución de mercedes.

En la década del 2010 otro grupo de supuestos descendientes incaicos crearon una institución neo-incasica otorgando títulos y condecoraciones a ciudadanos peruanos y extranjeros afines a su causa. Con ello, el Consejo de Nobles electores Incas se restituyó de dudosa manera en el , por un grupo de supuestos descendientes de Huiracocha Inca, Huayna Cápac, Quizu Yupanqui, Tito Atauchi, Paullu Inca y Pumacahua, quienes nombraron a la nueva institución como "Consejo de los 4 Electores Incas del Cuzco", otorgando títulos y condecoraciones a ciudadanos peruanos y extranjeros afines a su causa a favor de la defensa del Patrimonio, como el investigador neerlandés Ronald Elward Haagsma en busca de los genes incas, o al escritor Demetrio Tupayupanqui por su traducción de la obra El Quijote al quechua. Incluso habrían logrado la restitución formal del Alférez Real de los Incas desde el 2021, eligiendo en 2023 a Juan Sebastián Velásquez Peláez, de la Panaca Atayupanqui-Pachacutec, como su alférez actualmente. Otras instituciones existentes son la de la 'Panaca de Atawyupanqui Pachacuti' y la 'Panaca Sinchi Roca'; también existen los 'Tisoc' (herederos de Inca Lloqe Yupanqui), pero estos últimos no han querido usar el título "panaca".

Cuestionamientos en el mundo académico:
Frente a esto, la historiadora Rocío Quispe-Agnoli se ha mostrado algo escéptica, señalando en el 2021 que:

Estudio genético de los Incas:
La Universidad de San Martín de Porres emprendió en la década del 2010 un proyecto de investigación genético para identificar a los descendientes de los Incas en el Perú. Para la investigación se utilizaron muestras genéticas de 12 familias de los distritos de San Sebastián y San Jerónimo en Cuzco, porque según los investigadores "existen documentos en los cuales se indica que desde 1570 esas familias fueron reportadas con miembros de los linajes de los Incas". También se tomaron muestras de ADN de pobladores del lago Titicaca y de Pacaritambo. Los resultados preliminares indicaron que 18 personas están estrechamente relacionadas con las poblaciones nativas que habitan en el sur del Cuzco, así como en el altiplano peruano y el norte de Bolivia. "Lo que nos dice que los antepasados de los Incas vinieron de lago Titicaca haciendo escala en Pacaritambo".

Sin embargo hasta la fecha no se han encontrado los Mallquis (momia de un soberano fallecido) de los gobernantes Incas de la pre-conquista. Los investigadores señalaron que para certificar su trabajo, que hasta el momento es una teoría, deben de "buscar y ubicar el lugar donde probablemente yace el cuerpo o restos óseos de alguno de los Incas o de sus hijos […] cuando se consiga la información del ADN antiguo de los Incas, se podrá ver si coinciden o no, y así completar esa historia".

Como se sabe los Mallquis de los Incas fueron remitidos a Lima alrededor de 1560, para ser exhibidos en el Hospital Real de San Andrés. Siendo registrados por última vez en 1638 por el clérigo Antonio de la Calancha quien escribió: "Estos son los cuerpos que envió el Licenciado Polo a Lima, en tiempo del primer Marqués de Cañete, y están en un corral del Hospital de San Andrés.". Desde esa fecha se le ha perdido el rastro a los restos de los antiguos soberanos Incas.

Referencias

Bibliografía

 Aparicio Vega, Manuel Jesús. Revista del Instituto Americano de Arte de Cusco, 2012, Cusco. Artículo Argel Vega Enríquez Historiografía.
 Justo Sahuaraura Inca. Recuerdos de la Monarquía Peruana (París 1850).
 Ari Zighelboim. Un inca cuzqueño en la corte de Fernando VI: Estrategias personales y colectivas de las élites indias y mestizas hacia 1750
 Arq. Jessica Esquivel. Artículo: La parroquia de Hospital de Naturales en el Cusco colonial 1572-1821
 David Garrett. Sombras del Imperio. La nobleza indígena del Cuzco, 1750-1825. Instituto de Estudios Peruanos. Lima, 2009.
 Ronald Elward. Dinastías autóctonas de Perú y Bolivia y sus descendientes hoy.

Enlaces externos
 Revelan historia de los actuales descendientes de los Incas. El Espectador

Nobleza incaica
Inca

Casa real incaica


Nous est un documentaire français réalisé par Alice Diop, sorte de  sociologique et politique.

Le film sort en salles en France le , quelques semaines après sa diffusion à la télévision sur Arte.

Synopsis
Alice Diop suit la ligne du , à la rencontre des habitants des territoires périphériques. Elle évoque également la figure de ses parents, tous deux disparus : sa mère, dont seules subsistent quelques rares images, et son père qu'elle a pu filmer plus longuement. Le  est  qui relie , du mécanicien immigré qui vit dans une camionnette à La Courneuve, aux catholiques traditionalistes assistant à une messe à la mémoire de Louis XVI à la basilique Saint-Denis, en passant par des personnes âgées rencontrées par la sœur de la réalisatrice, infirmière en Seine-Saint-Denis, par des jeunes se prélassant au soleil au Blanc-Mesnil, puis par l'écrivain Pierre Bergounioux à son domicile de Gif-sur-Yvette, et jusqu'à des adeptes de la chasse à courre dans la vallée de Chevreuse.

Intentions
Alice Diop a été inspirée par le livre de François Maspero Les Passagers du Roissy-Express, paru en 1990. Cet ouvrage relatait la randonnée de l'éditeur et écrivain le long de la ligne du RER B. À cette approche sociologique et politique, la réalisatrice mêle sa propre histoire. Elle part à la recherche des traces de ses parents sénégalais, arrivés en France dans les années 1960.

Elle s'interroge sur qui est ce , expression utilisée par Libération après les attentats de 2015 :

Critiques
Dans le quotidien Le Monde, qui accorde l'appréciation  au film, Mathieu Macheret écrit : Sur Slate.fr Jean-Michel Frodon écrit :

Fiche technique

Distribution

 Pierre Bergounioux
 Marcel Balnoas
 Ethan Balnoas
 Florence Roche
 Ismael Soumaïla Sissoko
 Bamba Sibi
 Ndeye Sighane Diop

Distinctions
 2021
 Prix du meilleur film, sélection Rencontres de la Berlinale
 Film d'ouverture du festival Cinéma du réel

Notes et références

Liens externes

Film français sorti en 2021
Film documentaire français
Film documentaire sur la société
Film documentaire sur la France
Film dont la sortie a été reportée en raison de la pandémie de Covid-19
Film tourné en France
Ligne B du RER d'Île-de-France
Film d'Arte

Nous (film)


Current River Township ist der Name folgender Townships in den Vereinigten Staaten:

 Current River Township (Arkansas)
 Current River Township (Missouri)

Current River Township


ISO 3166-2:MD este un standard al Organizației Internaționale de Standarizare, care definește geocodurile aplicabile pentru Republica Moldova. Este un substandard al standardului general ISO 3166-2.

În prezent pentru Moldova, ISO 3166-2 este definit pentru o unitate teritorială autonomă, 3 orașe (municipii), 32 de raioane, și 1 unitate teritorială. Cele trei orașe au un statut special egal cu raioanele.

Fiecare cod este format din două părți, separate printr-o cratimă. Prima parte este MD – codul ISO 3166-1 alpha-2 pentru R. Moldova. A doua parte este format din două litere.

Datorită nerecunoașterii internaționale, Transnistria este recunoscută ca făcând parte din Republica Moldova și nu are propriul cod ISO 3166-1.

Coduri curente
Numele compartimentare sunt enumerate ca în standardul ISO 3166-2 publicat de Agenția de întreținere ISO 3166 (ISO 3166/MA).

Numele compartimentare sunt sortate în ordinea alfabetică a Republicii Moldova: a, â, ă, b-i, î, j-s, ș, t, ț, u-z.

Coduri anterioare adăugirii I-2

Vezi și
 ISO 3166-2, coduri pentru reprezentarea numelor țărilor și a subdiviziunilor acestora.
 ISO 3166-1, coduri pentru țări, teritorii dependente și zone de interes geografic.

Legături externe
ISO Online Browsing Platform: MD
Raioanele Republicii Moldova la Statoids.com

Raioane din Republica Moldova
2:RO

ISO 3166-2:MD


Le canon de 28 cm SK L/40 est un canon naval allemand qui est utilisé pendant la Première et la Seconde Guerre mondiale comme armement principal des pré-dreadnoughts de classe Braunschweig et Deutschland.

Canons navals
Le canon de 28 cm SK L/40 pèse , a une longueur totale de  et une longueur de forage de  . Bien que désigné comme  , son calibre réel est de . Il utilise le bloc coulissant horizontal de Krupp, ou "coin", plutôt que la vis interrompue couramment utilisée dans les canons lourds d'autres nations. La charge propulsive doit donc être chargée dans un étui métallique (généralement en laiton) qui assure l'obturation, ou l'étanchéité de la culasse, pour empêcher le gaz propulseur en expansion de s'échapper. Le canon de 28 cm SK L/40 est le dernier gros canon naval allemand à charger toute sa charge propulsive dans une seule douille ; les canons ultérieurs nécessitent une charge avant en plus de la charge principale dans la douille.

La tourelle Drh.L. C/01 est utilisée par les cuirassés des classes Braunschweig et Deutschland, une tourelle à double canon à chaque extrémité. Ses canons peuvent s'abaisser de 4° et s'élever de 30° et peuvent se déplacer d'environ 150° de chaque côté de la ligne médiane. Ils peuvent tirer un obus perforant L / 2,6 de  jusqu'à une portée maximale de  à l'élévation maximale. Ces navires stockent 85 cartouches par canon. La cadence de tir pour les deux types de tourelles est d'environ 2 coups par minute.

Le traité de Versailles autorise les Allemands à conserver quatre pré-dreadnoughts, même si seuls deux,  et le , sont réarmés avec leurs canons d'origine de 28 cm SK L/40. Le premier tire les premiers coups de feu de la Seconde Guerre mondiale lorsqu'elle commence à bombarder les défenses polonaises sur la Westerplatte le 1er septembre 1939 tandis que la seconde participe également à la campagne de Pologne. Cependant, les deux navires sont relégués à des tâches d'entraînement peu de temps après.

Canons de défense côtière

Certains des canons SK L/40 de 28 cm sont transférés de la marine (Kaiserliche Marine) à l'armée allemande lorsque les pré-dreadnoughts commencent à être désarmés et relégués à des tâches d'entraînement en 1916 après que la bataille du Jutland a prouvé qu'ils ne sont pas adaptés au combat naval contemporain. Une modification évidente apportée pour le service terrestre est le placement d'un grand contrepoids juste à l'avant des ourillons pour contrer la prépondérance du poids vers la culasse. Ce dispositif, bien que lourd, est plus simple que l'ajout d'équilibreurs pour remplir la même fonction. Il est équipé d'un système hydro-pneumatique permettant d'absorber le recul du tir et de remettre le canon en position de tir, prêt pour la prochaine salve. Les quatre premiers canons sont placés dans des montages  Bettungsschiessgerüst (plate-forme de tir) (BSG) en 1917 pour des tâches de défense côtière dans le cadre de la "Batterie Graf Spee" sur l'île de Wangerooge. Il s'agit d'un affût semi-portatif qui peut être mis en place n'importe où après plusieurs semaines de travail pour préparer la position. Il tourne sur un pivot à l'avant de l'affût et l'arrière est soutenu par des galets reposant sur un rail semi-circulaire et est parfois équipé d'un . La cadence de tir du canon dans ces montages est d'environ un coup toutes les cinq minutes.

Pendant la Seconde Guerre mondiale, seuls sept canons sont utilisés comme fonctions de défense côtière sur les supports BSG. Les quatre canons de la "Batterie Graf Spee" ont survécu à la Première Guerre mondiale et ont été transférés à Brest, en France, en 1940.

Canons ferroviaires
Une vingtaine d'autres canons des cuirassés sont mis sur des supports de chemin de fer comme le 28 cm SK L/40 "Bruno" et utilisés comme canons de chemin de fer. Un certain nombre sont conservés par la Kaiserliche Marine et utilisés pour des tâches de défense côtière, mais les autres sont utilisés par la Heer dans des rôles plus traditionnels d'artillerie lourde à longue portée. Les armes survivantes sont utilisées par les Allemands pendant la Seconde Guerre mondiale comme fonctions de défense côtière.

Munition
Avant et pendant la Première Guerre mondiale, l'arme utilise environ  de propergol RP C/12 ( Rohr-Pulver – poudre à tube)  qui est un mélange de nitrocellulose, de nitroglycérine et de petites quantités d'autres additifs avec un pouvoir calorifique de 950 et une température d'explosion non refroidie de 2975 kelvins. Pendant la Seconde Guerre mondiale, il est remplacé par le RP C / 38 qui substitue le dinitrite de diéthylène glycol par la nitroglycérine qui a un pouvoir calorifique de 810 et une température d'explosion non refroidie de 2495 K. Cela a le mérite d'être plus difficile à enflammer, ce qui réduit le risque d'un incendie ou d'une explosion catastrophique, et réduit les effets érosifs du propulseur gazeux sur l'alésage du canon/ Les sources diffèrent sur la quantité de RP C / 38 utilisée par le canon pendant la Seconde Guerre mondiale; Campbell parle de , mais Hogg parle de .

Ces canons montés tirent deux types d'obus pendant la Première Guerre mondiale : les types perforants (AP) L/2.6 et explosifs (HE) L/2.9. Pendant la Seconde Guerre mondiale, les canons tirent une plus grande variété d'obus, y compris des obus explosifs L / 2,9, L / 4,3 et L / 4,1 et un projectile lourd HE L / 4,4; les cartouches AP et HE pèsent , tandis que le projectile lourd pèse .

En raison de la plus grande élévation disponible dans la monture BSG, le Sprgr L/4,4 m. Bdz. tu. Kz. (avec Haube) a une portée maximale de .

Pénétration de blindage
Une source attribue à l'obus Pzgr L / 2,6 la capacité de pénétrer  de blindage latéral à .

Notes et références

Bibliographie

Liens externes

 SK L/40 sur NavWeaps.com

Artillerie côtière
Artillerie navale allemande
Artillerie de calibre 280 mm
Arme de la Première Guerre mondiale
Arme de la Seconde Guerre mondiale

Canon de 28 cm SK L/40


Alek Wek (born 16 April 1977) is a South Sudanese-British model and designer who began her fashion career at the age of 18 in 1995. She has been hailed for her influence on the perception of beauty in the fashion industry. She is from the Dinka ethnic group in South Sudan, but fled to Britain in 1991 to escape the civil war in Sudan. In 2015, she was listed as one of BBC's 100 Women.

Early life
Alek was born in Wau in Sudan (now South Sudan), in a two-bedroom house without electricity or running water, and is the seventh of nine children. Her mother Akuol (b. 1946) was a housewife, and her father Athian (1933–1985) was an education official. Her name reportedly means "Black Spotted Cow".

When the civil war broke out in Wau in 1985, the Wek family had to flee from both rebel and government forces. Her father, Athian, once broke his hip in a bicycle accident, and his hip was repaired with metal pins. Long periods of walking caused Athian's hip to get infected, and upon the family's return to Wau, he became paralysed and endured a haemorrhage. He died at a relative's home in Khartoum.

Career

Beginnings
After arriving in London at age 14, Alek's psoriasis immediately cleared. She enrolled in the London College of Fashion and studied Fashion Business and Technology.

Alek was discovered at an outdoor market in 1995 in Crystal Palace, London by a Models 1 scout. She appeared in the music video for "GoldenEye" by Tina Turner that year, and shortly thereafter began fashion modeling. She was signed to Ford Models in 1996 and also appeared in the "Got 'Til It's Gone" music video by Janet Jackson that year. She was named "Model of the Year" in 1997 by MTV, and was the first African model to appear on the cover of Elle that year.

Modelling
Alek has modelled for many notable fashion houses. She has appeared on the cover of American, French, German and South African Elle as well as i-D, Cosmopolitan, Glamour, Forbes Magazine Africa and Ebony. She has also been featured in editorials in American and British Vogue. In 2002 she made her acting debut in The Four Feathers as Sudanese princess Aquol. Herb Ritts photographed her for a 1999 calendar in a Joanne Gair body painting that was a highlight of Gair's first retrospective.

In September 2015, Alek walked for Marc Jacobs at Spring/Summer 2016 New York Fashion Week, later appearing in the label's Spring Summer 2016 campaign. In May 2016, she modelled for four special edition covers of Brazilian Elle.

Image
Dark-skinned models were rare, if not unheard of, in the high fashion industry. As a result, Alek's mainstream success was celebrated by black women all over the world. Oprah Winfrey commented that "if Alek had been on the cover of a magazine when I was growing up, I would have had a different concept of who I was." In a speech on beauty and self-perception, Kenyan actress Lupita Nyong'o stated that she had been a self-conscious, insecure teenager before seeing Alek in the spotlight: "When I saw Alek, I inadvertently saw a reflection of myself that I could not deny. Now, I had a spring in my step because I felt more seen, more appreciated by the far-away gatekeepers of beauty".

Designing
Alek also designs a range of designer handbags called "Wek 1933", which are available throughout selected Selfridges department stores. The name refers to the year her father was born. Her inspiration for the designs came from the brass-clasp briefcase carried by her father.

Campaigning
Since 2002, Alek has been an advisor to the U.S. Committee for Refugees Advisory Council, which helps to raise awareness about the situation in Sudan, as well as the plight of refugees worldwide.

She is a missionary for World Vision, an organisation which combats AIDS, an ambassador for Doctors Without Borders in Sudan, and devotes time to UNICEF.

In 2007, she released an autobiography, entitled Alek: From Sudanese Refugee to International Supermodel, documenting her journey from a childhood of poverty in Sudan to the catwalks of Europe.

In 2011, she appeared as a guest judge in the sixteenth cycle of America's Next Top Model.

In July 2012, she returned to South Sudan with the UN Refugee Agency to highlight the stories of refugees returning from the north and the massive efforts needed to build and stabilise the country. In 2012, Alek teamed up with Amarula as the face of their campaign African Originals.

Personal life
As of 2009, Wek resided in Brooklyn, New York. She was in a relationship with Riccardo Sala, an Italian real estate developer, for twelve years; they separated in 2013. She is the aunt of the runway model Ataui Deng.

Filmography

See also
List of refugees

References

External links

1977 births
Living people
Alumni of the London College of Fashion
British female models
South Sudanese emigrants to the United Kingdom
British expatriates in the United States
Dinka people
IMG Models models
People from Western Bahr el Ghazal
South Sudanese female models

Alek Wek


جبل وِرْغَة (بالأمازيغية: ⴰⴷⵔⴰⵔ ⵏ ⵡⴻⵔⵖⴰ ، وتنطق Adrar n Werɣa أو Adrar n Wergha، بالإنجليزية: The Ouergha Mountain) جبل يقع بشمال غربي الجمهورية التونسية بولاية الكاف، حيث توجد شرقه مدينة الكاف وغربه مدينة ساقية سيدي يوسف. يبلغ ارتفاعه 912 م.

كلمة وِرْغَة هي كلمة أمازيغية، أصلها «ئوْراغ» وتعني «أصفر» باللغة الأمازيغية.

مراجع

مواضيع ذات صلة
 جبال تونس
 ولاية الكاف

ورغة

جبل ورغة


The Muisca (also called Chibcha) are an indigenous people and culture of the Altiplano Cundiboyacense, Colombia, that formed the Muisca Confederation before the Spanish conquest. The people spoke Muysccubun, a language of the Chibchan language family, also called Muysca and Mosca. They were encountered by conquistadors dispatched by the Spanish Empire in 1537 at the time of the conquest. Subgroupings of the Muisca were mostly identified by their allegiances to three great rulers: the hoa, centered in Hunza, ruling a territory roughly covering modern southern and northeastern Boyacá and southern Santander; the psihipqua, centered in Muyquytá and encompassing most of modern Cundinamarca, the western Llanos; and the iraca, religious ruler of Suamox and modern northeastern Boyacá and southwestern Santander.

The territory of the Muisca spanned an area of around  from the north of Boyacá to the Sumapaz Páramo and from the summits to the western portion of the Eastern Ranges. Their territory bordered the lands of the Panche in the west, the Muzo in the northwest, the Guane in the north, the Lache in the northeast, the Achagua in the east, and the Sutagao in the south.

At the time of the Spaniard invasion, the area had a large population, although the precise number of inhabitants is not known. Estimates vary from 500,000 to over 3 million inhabitants. Their economy was based on agriculture, salt mining, trading, metalworking, and manufacturing.

Due to Spanish colonization, the population of the Muisca has drastically decreased and assimilated into the general population. The descendants of the Muisca are often found in rural municipalities including Cota, Chía, Tenjo, Suba, Engativá, Tocancipá, Gachancipá, and Ubaté. A census by the Ministry of Interior Affairs in 2005 reports a total of 14,051 Muisca people in Colombia.

Important contributors to the knowledge about the Muisca have been their main conquistador, Gonzalo Jiménez de Quesada; Spanish poet, soldier, and priest Juan de Castellanos (16th century); bishop Lucas Fernández de Piedrahita and Franciscan Pedro Simón (17th century); and Javier Ocampo López and Gonzalo Correal Urrego (recent).

History of the Muisca

Knowledge of events up until 1450 is mainly derived from mythological contexts, but thanks to the Chronicles of the West Indies we do have descriptions of the final period of Muisca history, prior to Spanish arrival.

Background
Excavations in the Altiplano Cundiboyacense (the highlands of Cundinamarca and Boyacá departments) show evidence of human activity since the Archaic stage at the beginning of the Holocene era. Colombia has one of the most ancient archaeological sites of the Americas: El Abra, which is estimated to be approximately 13,000 years old. Other archaeological traces in the region of the Altiplano Cundiboyacense have led scholars to talk about an El Abra Culture: In Tibitó, tools and other lithic artifacts date to 9740 BCE; on the Bogotá savanna, especially at Tequendama Falls, other lithic tools dated a millennium later were found that belonged to specialized hunters. Human skeletons were found that date to 5000 BCE. Analysis demonstrated that the people were members of the El Abra Culture.

Muisca era
Scholars agree that the group identified as Muisca migrated to the Altiplano Cundiboyacense in the Formative era (between 1000 BCE and 500 CE), as shown by evidence found at Aguazuque and Soacha. Like the other formative-era cultures of America, the Muiscas were transitioning between being hunter-gatherers and becoming sedentary farmers. Around 1500 BCE, groups of agrarians with ceramic traditions came to the region from the lowlands. They had permanent housing and stationary camps, and worked the salty water to extract salt. In Zipacón there is evidence of agriculture and ceramics. The oldest settlement of the highlands dates to 1270 BCE. Between 800 BCE and 500 BCE, a second wave of migrants came to the highlands. Their presence is identified by multicolor ceramics, housing, and farms. These groups were still in residence upon the arrival of the Spanish invaders. They left abundant traces of their occupation that have been studied since the 16th century, and allow scientists to reconstruct their way of life. It is possible that the Muisca integrated with more ancient inhabitants, but the Muisca were the ones who molded the cultural profile and the social and political organization. Their language, a dialect of Chibcha, was very similar to those peoples of the Sierra Nevada de Santa Marta (Kogui, Ijka, Wiwa, and Kankuamo) and the Sierra Nevada del Cocuy (U'wa).

Wars

Zipa Saguamanchica (ruled 1470 to 1490) was in a constant war against aggressive tribes such as the Sutagao, and especially the Panche, who would also make difficulties for his successors, Nemequene and Tisquesusa. The Caribs were also a permanent threat as rivals of the zaque of Hunza, especially for the possession of the salt mines of Zipaquirá, Nemocón and Tausa.

Timeline of inhabitation of the Muisca area

Political and administrative organization

The Muisca people were organized in a confederation that was a loose union of states that each retained sovereignty. The confederation was not a kingdom, as there was no absolute monarch, nor was it an empire, because it did not dominate other ethnic groups or peoples. It is hard to compare the Muisca Confederation with other American civilizations, such as the Aztec or the Inca empires. The Muisca Confederation was one of the biggest and best-organized confederations of tribes on the South American continent.

Every tribe within the confederation was ruled by a chief or a cacique. Most of the tribes were part of the Muisca ethnic group, sharing the same language and culture and forming relations through trade. They united in the face of a common enemy. The army was the responsibility of the zipa or zaque. The army was made up of the güeches, the traditional ancient warriors of the Muisca.

The Muisca Confederation existed as the union of two lesser confederations. The southern confederation, headed by the zipa, had its capital at Bacatá (now Bogotá). This southern polity included the majority of the Muisca population and held greater economic power.

The northern territory was ruled by the zaque, and had its capital in Hunza, known today as Tunja. Although both areas had common political relations and affinities and belonged to the same tribal nation, there were still rivalries between them. Among the territories there were four chiefdoms: Bacatá, Hunza, Duitama, and Sogamoso. The chiefdom was composed by localities. The tribes were divided into Capitanías (ruled by a capitan). There were two kinds: Great Capitania (sybyn) and Minor Capitania (uta). The status of Capitan was inherited by maternal lineage.

Confederation (zipa or zaque)
--> Priests (Iraca)
--> Chiefdoms (Cacique)
--> Capitanía (Capitan)
--> Sybyn
--> Uta

 Territories of the zipa:
 Bacatá rule: Teusaquillo, Tenjo, Subachoque, Facatativá, Tabio, Cota, Chía, Engativá, Usme, Zipaquirá, Nemocón and Zipacón
 Fusagasugá District: Fusagasugá, Pasca and Tibacuy
 Ubaté District: Ubaté, Cucunubá, Simijaca, Susa
 Guatavita District: Gachetá, Guatavita and Suesca, Chocontá, Teusacá, Sesquilé, Guasca, Sopó, Usaquén, Tuna, Suba
 Territories of the zaque:
 Hunza rule: Soracá, Ramiriquí, Samacá, Machetá, Tenza, Tibiritá, Lenguazaque and Turmequé
 Territory of Tundama: Cerinza, Oicatá, Onzaga, Sativanorte, Sativasur, Soatá, Paipa, Tobasia
 Territory of Sugamuxi: Busbanzá, Toca, Pesca, Pisba, Tópaga
 Autonomous chiefdoms: Charalá, Chipatá, Tinjacá, Saboyá, Tacasquirá

The Muisca legislation was consuetudinary, that is to say, their rule of law was determined by long-extant customs with the approval of the zipa or zaque. This kind of legislation was suitable to a confederation system, and it was a well-organized one. The natural resources could not be privatized: woods, lakes, plateaus, rivers and other natural resources were common goods.

Language

Chibcha, also known as muysca, mosca, or muysca cubun, belongs to the Chibchan languages. It was spoken across several regions of Central America and the north of South America. The Tairona culture and the U'wa, related to the Muisca culture, speak similar languages, which encouraged trade. The Muisca used a form of hieroglyphs for numbers.

Many Chibcha words were absorbed or "loaned" into Colombian Spanish:
 Geography: Many names of localities and regions were kept. In some cases, the Spanish named cities with a combination of Chibcha and Spanish words, such as Santa Fe de Bogotá (Chibcha: "Bacatá"). Most of the municipalities of the Boyacá and Cundinamarca departments are derived from Chibcha names: Chocontá, Sogamoso, Zipaquirá, and many others.
 Fruits, such as curuba and uchuva.
 Relations: the youngest child is called cuba, or china for a girl; muysca means people.

Economy

The Muisca had an economy and society considered to have been one of the most powerful of the American Post-Classic stage, mainly because of the precious resources of the area: gold and emeralds. When the Spaniards arrived in Muisca territory they found a rich state, with the Muisca Confederation controlling mining of the following products:
 emeralds: Colombia is the primary producer of emeralds in the world
 copper
 coal: the coal mines still operate today at Zipaquirá and other sites. Colombia has some of the world's most significant coal reserves.
 salt: there were mines in production at Nemocón, Zipaquirá, and Tausa
 gold: gold was imported from other regions, but it was so abundant that it became a preferred material for Muisca handicrafts. The many handicraft works in gold and the zipa tradition of offering gold to the goddess Guatavita contributed to the legend of El Dorado.

The Muisca traded their goods at local and regional markets with a system of barter. Items traded ranged from those of basic necessity through to luxury goods. The abundance of salt, emeralds, and coal brought these commodities to de facto currency status.

Having developed an agrarian society, the people used terrace farming and irrigation in the highlands. Main products were fruits, coca, quinoa, yuca and potatoes.

Another major economic activity was weaving. The people made a wide variety of complex textiles. The scholar Paul Bahn said: "the Andean cultures mastered almost every method of textile weaving or decoration now known, and their products were often finer than those of today."

Culture

The Muisca were an agrarian and ceramic society of the Andes of the north of South America. Their political and administrative organization enabled them to form a compact cultural unity with great discipline. In Spanish, it is called cultura muisca

The contributions of the Muisca culture to the Colombian national identity have been many.

Heraldry
Pre-Columbian Muisca patterns appear in various seals of modern municipalities located on the Altiplano Cundiboyacense, for instance Sopó and Guatavita, Cundinamarca. The remaining Muisca people in central Colombia also have their own seal.

Sports
The Muisca culture had certain sports which were part of their rituals. The turmequé game, also known as tejo, has survived and became a popular sport of Colombia. Also important were matches of wrestling. The winner received a finely woven cotton blanket from the chief and was qualified as a guecha warrior.

Religion

Muisca priests were educated from childhood and led the main religious ceremonies. Only the priests could enter the temples. Besides the religious activities, the priests had much influence in the lives of the people, giving counsel in matters of farming or war. The religion originally included human sacrifice, but the practice may have been extinct by the time of the Spanish conquest, as there are no first-hand Spanish accounts.

Oral tradition suggests that every family gave up a child for sacrifice, that the children were regarded as sacred and cared for until the age of 15, when their lives were then offered to the Sun-god, Sué.

Deities
 Sué, Suá, Zuhé or Xué (The Sun god): he is the father of the Muisca. His temple was in Suamox, the sacred city of the Sun. He was the most venerated god, especially by the Confederation of the zaque, who was considered his descendant.
 Chía (The Moon-goddess): her temple was in what is today the municipality of Chía. She was widely worshipped by the Confederation of the zipa, who was considered her son.
 Bochica: though not properly a god, he enjoyed the same status as one. He was a chief or hero eternized in the oral tradition. The land was flooded by a goddess, a beautiful and sometimes mean woman, or by Chibchacum, protector of the farmers. Bochica listened to the complaints of the Muisca about floods. With his stick, he broke two rocks at the edge of the Tequendama Falls and all the water came out, forming a waterfall. Bochica punished Huitaca and Chibchacum:  He made Huitaca an owl and made her hold up the sky. Chibchacum was tasked with holding up the Earth.
 Bachué: the mother of the Muisca people. It was said that a beautiful woman with a baby came out of Lake Iguaque. Bachué sat down at the bank of the lake and waited for the child to grow up. When he was old enough, they married and had many children, who were the Muisca. Bachué taught them to hunt, to farm, to respect the laws, and to worship the gods. Bachué was so good and loved that the Muisca referred to her as Furachoque (Good woman in Chibcha). When they became old, Bachué and her husband decided to go back to the deep of the lagoon. That day the Muisca were so sad, but at the same time very happy because they knew their mother was very happy. Other versions of the legend say that after stepping into the lagoon of Iguaque, Bachué ascended to the sky and became Chía; in other versions Chia and Bachué are two different figures.

Astronomy

The cult of the Muisca centered on two main deities; Sué for the Sun and Chía for the Moon. They developed a vigesimal (based on 20) calendar and knew exactly the timing of the summer solstice (June 21), which they considered the Day of Sué, the Sun god. The Sué temple was in Sogamoso, the sacred city of the Sun and the seat of the Iraca (priest). The Muisca name of the city, Suamox or Sugamuxi, means "City of the Sun". On the solstice, the zaque went to Suamox for a major festival where ritual offerings were made. It was the only day of the year when the zaque showed his face, as he was considered a descendant of the Sun god.

Mythology

The Muisca mythology is well documented. Many of the writers who contributed to the Chronicles of the West Indies were based in Bogotá. They recorded many of the myths as they were interested in the traditions and culture of the conquered people. The Muisca territory became the seat of the colonial administration for the New Kingdom of Granada (Spanish: Nuevo Reino de Granada).

El Dorado

The origin of the legend of El Dorado (Spanish for "The Golden One") in the early 16th century may be located in the Muisca Confederation. The zipa offered gold and other treasures to the Guatavita goddess. To do so, the zipa covered himself with gold dust and washed it off in the lake while tossing gold trinkets into the waters. This tradition was well known outside the Confederation, as far as the Caribbean Sea; the Spaniards were attracted by stories of a "city of gold" that did not exist. Indigenous people sometimes got rid of the avaricious Spaniards in that way, pointing them in the direction of other peoples. Lake Guatavita was explored by conquistadors who were looking for gold offerings from the zipa to the goddess. The legend grew until the term became a metaphor for any place where great wealth may be found or made.

Architecture

The Muisca did not construct large stone structures. They didn't use the abundant rock to leave monumental ruins as has happened with other American cultures. Their houses were built with materials such as clay, canes, and wood. The houses had a conical form, most of them to the point that Gonzalo Jiménez de Quesada, founder of Bogotá, gave the area the name Valle de los Alcázares ("Valley of the Palaces"). The houses had small doors and windows, and the dwellings of the higher rank citizens were different. The Muisca used little furniture as they would typically sit on the floor.

The Spanish conquest

Rivalries between the zaque and the zipa were taken advantage of by the Spaniards as they conquered the heart of what would be Colombia. Some of them, such as Sebastián de Belalcázar, Gonzalo Jiménez de Quesada, and Nicolás de Federman, interested in locating El Dorado, discovered the rich plains of Cundinamarca and Boyacá. The presence of the Spaniards gave hope to both sovereigns that, were they to make one Confederation, they could prevail in a war against the Spaniards. But the Spaniards prevailed.

The reaction of the chief leaders and the people did little to change the destiny of the Confederations. The Spanish executed the last Muisca sovereigns, Sagipa and Aquiminzaque, in 1539 and 1540 respectively. In 1542 Gonzalo Suárez Rendón finally put down the last resistance and the territories of the Confederations were shared by Belalcazar, Federmann, and De Quesada. Later the Spanish Crown would elect De Quesada as the man in charge, with the title adelantado de los cabildos de Santa Fe y Tunja.

Last Muisca sovereigns

Under the colonial regime

When the Muisca structure disappeared under the Spanish Conquest, the territory of the Confederations of the zaque and zipa were included in a new political division within the Spanish colonies in America. The territory of the Muisca, located in a fertile plain of the Colombian Andes that contributed to make one of the most advanced South American civilizations, became part of the colonial region named Nuevo Reino de Granada. The priests and nobility of the Muisca were eliminated. Only the Capitanias remained. Much information about the Muisca culture was gathered by the Spanish administration and by authors such as Pedro de Aguado and Lucas Fernández de Piedrahita. The Spaniards created indigenous areas to keep the survivors, who were obligated to work the land for them under the quasi-genocidal encomienda system. The colonial era contributed to the importance of Bogotá, and people from the area would play an important role in the fights for independence and republican consolidation. The wars of independence of three nations (Colombia with Panamá, Venezuela, and Ecuador) were led by the descendants of aboriginals; Spaniard-affiliated elites were forcibly deported after independence.

Independent Colombia

20th century
After independence in 1810, the new state dissolved many of the indigenous reservations. The one in Tocancipá was dissolved in 1940. The one in Sesquilé was reduced to 10% of its original size. Tenjo was reduced to 54% of its original size after 1934. The Reservation of Cota was re-established on land bought by the community in 1916, and then recognized by the 1991 constitution; the recognition was withdrawn in 1998 by the state and restored in 2006.

In 1948 the state forbade the production of chicha, a corn-based alcoholic drink. This was a blow to the culture and economy of the Muisca. The ban remained until 1991. Since then, the "Festival of the chicha, maize, life, and joy" is celebrated every year in Barrio La Perseverancia, a neighborhood in Bogotá where most of the chicha is produced.

21st century

Since 1989, there has been a process of reconstruction of the indigenous councils by the surviving members of the Muisca Culture.  Muisca Councils currently working are Suba, Bosa, Cota, Chía, and Sesquilé. The councils had an Assembly in Bosa on 20–22 September 2002, called the First General Congress of the Muisca People. In that congress, they founded the Cabildo Mayor del Pueblo Muisca, affiliated to the National Indigenous Organization of Colombia (ONIC). They proposed linguistic and cultural recuperation, defense of the territories nowadays occupied by others, and proposed urban and tourist plans. They support the communities of Ubaté, Tocancipá, Soacha, Ráquira, and Tenjo in their efforts to recover their organizational and human rights.

The Muisca people of Suba opposed the drying up of the Tibabuyes wetland and wanted to recover the Juan Amarillo wetland. They defended the natural reserves like La Conejera, part of the Suba Hills that is considered by the Shelter's Council to be communal land. Suati Magazine (The Song of the Sun) is a publication of poetry, literature, and essays about Muisca culture.

The community of Bosa made important achievements in its project of natural medicine in association with the Paul VI Hospital and the District Secretary of Health of Bogotá. The community of Cota has reintroduced the growing of quinua, and regularly barter their products at market.

Toward the end of 2006 there was a report on the Muisca population:

 Three Muisca councils: Cota, Chía, and Sesquilé, with a population of 2,318 persons
 in the Capital District 5,186 people are registered as belonging to the Muisca ethnic group
 in the localities of Suba and Bosa, 1,573 people are registered
 the report does not include the number of people of the Muisca ethnic group in the entire territory of the ancient Muisca Confederation or outside that territory. It does not include Muisca Creole persons, it is to say, those of mixed Muisca ancestry.

Muisca research

Studies of Muisca culture are abundant and have a long tradition. The first sources come from the Chronicles of the West Indies, which work lasted for three centuries during the existence of the colonial New Kingdom of Granada.

After the independence wars in 1810, there was a surge of interest in the study of the Muisca culture. Indigenous Colombians established the capital of their republic in Bogotá, the former viceroyal city, which was the capital of the confederation of the zipa, and was known as Bacatá. Research shows that this site was the cradle of an advanced society whose process of consolidation was cut short by the Spanish conquest.

This search for an identity resulted in giving emphasis to the Muisca culture and overlooking other native nations, which were seen as wild people. Researchers wrongly concluded that the Muisca culture inhabited a previously empty land and that all archeological finds could be attributed solely to the Muisca. In 1849 president Tomás Cipriano de Mosquera invited Italian cartographer Agustín Codazzi, who led the Geography Commission with Manuel Ancízar and did descriptive studies of the national territory and an inventory of the archaeological sites. The result of the expedition was published in Bogotá in 1889 as Peregrinación Alfa. Argüello García pointed out that the goal of that expedition in the context of the new nation was to underline the pre-Hispanic societies and in that sense, they centered on the Muisca culture as the main model. A similar tendency can be found in the works of Ezequiel Uricoechea. An objection to that point of view came from Vicente Restrepo: his work Los chibchas antes de la conquista española showed them as barbarians.

Miguel Triana, in his work La Civilización Chibcha suggested that the rock art symbols were writing. Wenceslao Cabrera Ortíz was the one who concluded that the Muisca were migrants to the highlands; in 1969 he published on this and reported about excavations at the El Abra archaeological site. Those publications opened a new era in the studies of the pre-Hispanic cultures in Colombia.

Recent archaeological work has also concentrated on the creation and composition of Muisca goldwork, with this data being made available for wider research.

Named after the Muisca and their culture

Several (fossil) flora and fauna found in Colombia in the area of the Muisca have been named after the people. Two volcanoes on Jupiter's moon Io have been named after the Muisca religion and mythology.

See also

 Spanish conquest
 Aztec, Maya, Muzo
 New Kingdom of Granada, indigenous peoples in Colombia
 Panche, Achagua, Guane, Guayupe, Lache, Tegua
Tunjo

References

Bibliography

  Université de Montréal.

Further reading

 Friede, Juan 1961: Los chibchas bajo la dominación española (tr.en. The Chibcha People under the Spaniard Rule). Bogotá: La Carreta

 González de Pérez, María Stella 1987: Diccionario y Gramática Chibcha (Chibchan Dictionary and Grammar). Manuscrito anónimo de la Biblioteca Nacional de Colombia. Bogotá: Instituto Caro y Cuervo
 Enciclopedia de Colombia a su alcance Espasa Siglo (Colombian Encyclopedia within reach – Espasa Century). Tomo 1 Bogotá, Colombia 2003
 Hernández Rodríguez Guillermo 1949: De los Chibchas a la Colonia y la República (tr.en. From the Chibcha People to the Colony to the Republic). Bogotá: Ediciones Paraninfo, 1991
 Historia de Colombia (tr.en. History of Colombia). Tomo 1 Zamora Editores, Bogotá, Colombia 2003
 Gran Enciclopedia de Colombia Tematica. Tomos 1 y 11 Círculo de Lectores, Bogotá, Colombia 1994
 Fundación Misión Colombia: Historia de Bogota, Conquista y Colonia. Tomo 1 Salvat-Villegas editores, Bogotá, Colombia 1989

 Londoño, Eduardo 1998: Los muiscas: una reseña histórica con base en las primeras descripciones. Bogotá: Museo del Oro
 Llano Restrepo, María Clara y Marcela Campuzano 1994: La Chicha, una bebida fermentada a través de la historia. Bogotá: Instituto Colombiano de Antropología

 Tovar Pinzón, Hermes 1980: La formación social chibcha. Bogotá. CIEC

External links

 The Art of Pre-Columbian Gold: The Jan Mitchell Collection – The Metropolitan Museum of Art exhibition catalog – available online as PDF
 Muisca Indigenous Heritage – development cooperation story of the Wikibook  Development Cooperation Handbook
 Muisca: "Chibchan Indians" – Online Books Page
 Books on the Muisca – Ibero-American Institute – Berlin
  Nicely animated video about the Muisca and their religious origin
  Animated video about the Spanish conquest of the Muisca – Tisquesusa, Quemuenchatocha and Aquiminzaque

Pre-Columbian cultures
Indigenous culture of the Americas
Indigenous peoples in Colombia
Prehistory of Colombia
Articles containing video clips

Muisca


Octav Botez (n. 15 mai 1884, Iași – d. 25 septembrie 1943, Iași) a fost un critic și istoric literar român.

Biografie

S-a născut în Iași. Tatăl său, Panait Botez, era general în Armata Română, mama sa a fost Smaranda (născută Nastasachi) și fratele său mai mare a fost Eugeniu Botez (cunoscut mai târziu ca scriitor sub pseudonimul Jean Bart). A urmat școala primară în cartierul Sărărie, apoi Colegiul Național și Facultatea de Litere din cadrul Universității din Iași, unde a studiat între 1901 și 1906.

Prima sa lucrare publicată a apărut în 1904 în revista Arhiva a lui Alexandru D. Xenopol. A trecut în 1909 un examen de calificare pentru filozofie și limba franceză și a predat la liceu din 1909 până în 1913. În 1923 a obținut titlul științific de doctor în filozofie, cu o teză despre Xenopol ca teoretician și filosof al istoriei, și i-a fost acordat titlul de docent în 1930. În 1927 a devenit conferențiar la Facultatea de Litere a Universității din Iași. În 1936, după moartea lui Garabet Ibrăileanu, a devenit profesor titular la Catedra de istoria literaturii române moderne, deținând această poziție până la moartea sa.

Articolele sale au apărut în Arhiva precum și în alte reviste din Iași, în special Viața Românească; el aparținea cercului intelectual asociat cu această publicație. Recenziile sale au fost adunate în volumul de debut Pe marginea cărților (1923), dar el a scris numai ocazional critică literară, preferând în schimb să se concentreze pe probleme de istoriografie literară, așa cum a exemplificat în Figuri și note istorico-literare (apărut postum în 1944).

Decorații
 Semnul Onorific "Răsplata Muncii pentru 25 ani în Serviciul Statului" (13 octombrie 1941)

Postume
În prezent, strada din Iași unde a locuit îi poartă numele. Casa scriitorului Octav Botez aflată pe Strada Octav Botez nr. 1 este înscrisă pe lista monumentelor istorice cu codul IS-II-m-B-03747.

Operă literară
 Pe marginea cărților. Scriitori români și străini, Iași, 1923;
 Alexandru Xenopol, gânditor. Considerațiuni generale, Iași, 1925;
 Alexandru Xenopol, teoretician și filosof al istoriei, București, 1928;
 "Copilul în literatura română. Începutul nuvelei românești", în volumul Cursuri libere de vară, Soroca, 1935;
 În jurul teoriei genurilor literare. Observații estetico-critice, Iași, 1930;
 Naturalismul în opera lui Delavrancea, București, 1936;
 "Raport privitor la proclamarea de "doctor honoris causa" a d-lui M. Sadoveanu", în volumul lui Mihail Sadoveanu, Culegere de povestiri, cu note biografice de Profira Sadoveanu și studii de Gheorghe Bogdan-Duică și ~, Craiova, 1939;
 Titu Maiorescu și locul lui în cultura românească, Iași, 1940;
 Figuri și note istorico-literare, București, 1944;
 Scrieri, ediție îngrijită de Ilie Dan, prefață de Zaharia Sângeorzan, Iași, 1977.

Note

Nașteri în 1884
Decese în 1943
Ieșeni
Absolvenți ai Universității din Iași
Învățători și profesori români
Critici literari români
Istorici literari români

Octav Botez


Sir Henry Crofts (juin 1590 - mars 1667) est un homme politique anglais qui siège à la Chambre des communes à plusieurs reprises entre 1624 et 1660.

Biographie
Crofts est le fils aîné de Sir John Crofts de Little Saxham et West Stow et de son épouse Mary Shirley, fille de Sir Thomas Shirley de Wiston, Sussex. Il est anobli le 3 février 1611. En 1624, il est élu député d'Eye. En 1626, il est élu député de Derby. Il succède à son père vers 1628 .

Crofts est un anglican affirmé et n'est pas actif pendant la guerre civile anglaise, bien qu'il ait été nommé commissaire d'arrangement pour le Suffolk en 1642. En 1646, les séquestres l'obligent à céder une partie de la succession due à sa fille, qui s'est mariée sans le consentement de son père à Sir Frederick Cornwallis, un royaliste. Cela lui est rendu lorsque la séquestration est levée en 1648 .

En avril 1660, Crofts est élu député de Bury St Edmunds au Parlement de la Convention dans une élection contestée. Il devient juge de paix en juillet 1660 et devient sous-lieutenant et commissaire à l'évaluation en août 1660, occupant toutes les fonctions jusqu'à sa mort .

Crofts meurt à l'âge de 77 ans et est enterré à Little Saxham le 31 mars 1667 .

Crofts épouse le  novembre 1610, Elizabeth Wortley, la fille de Sir Richard Wortley de Wortley, Yorkshire. Ils ont cinq fils et cinq filles. Elizabeth meurt le  octobre 1643 et il se remarie à Margaret et a un autre fils. Marguerite est décédée le 26 mai 1674.

Trois de ses fils s'exilent avec Charles II et l'aîné, Guillaume, est élevé à la pairie en 1658 . Un fils est tué en France lors du duel du célèbre nain de la reine Jeffrey Hudson le 16 octobre 1644 .

Une fille Elizabeth Crofts épouse Frederick Cornwallis (1er baron Cornwallis) en 1643.

Sa sœur Cecilia Crofts épouse Thomas Killigrew.

Références

Décès en mars 1667
Naissance en juin 1590
Décès à 76 ans

Henry Crofts