Antonio Smareglia (Pula,  – Grado, ) est un compositeur italien, auteur d'opéras à grand succès entre le  et le . Partant d'une première tendance wagnérienne, atténuée par la référence des derniers opéras de Verdi, il s'oriente vers un drame plus abstrait et symbolique dans le triptyque de Silvio Benco.

Biographie
Antonio Francesco Smareglia est né à Pula dans un territoire austro-hongrois le  d'un père italien Francesco, propriétaire terrien originaire de Dignano et d'une mère croate Julija Štiglić originaire de Ičići. Après les premières années de son enfance passées dans son Istrie natale et à Pula, Smareglia a d'abord déménagé à Gorizia pour des raisons d'études, puis à Vienne et enfin à Graz.

En 1871, il s'inscrit au Conservatoire de Milan avec pour professeur le célèbre chef d'orchestre Franco Faccio.

Dans la seconde moitié des années 1870, il entre en relations avec Arrigo Boito et avec les cercles de la Scapigliatura milanaise. Son poème symphonique Leonora a été sélectionné pour l'Exposition universelle de Paris (1878).

Ses débuts ont lieu au Teatro Dal Verme de Milan le  avec l'opéra  (livret d'Angelo Zanardini, d'après Henry Wadsworth Longfellow) , suivi de  (livret de Fulvio Fulgonio) (). Ces premières créations ont été bien accueillies tant par la critique que par le public italien de l'époque, même sans pouvoir s'insérer dans le grand répertoire lyrique.

Le  (livret de Vincenzo Valle d'après la trilogie dramatique Il re Nala d'Angelo De Gubernatis inspirée du Mahābhārata), quant à lui, présenté pour la première fois au Teatro La Fenice de Venise en 1887, a été un échec total et s'est fait huer bruyamment par les spectateurs présents. Le fiasco a certainement été préparé par Giulio Ricordi, avec lequel Smareglia avait eu de sérieux démélés, à la fois de nature musicale et sentimentale. Smareglia a détruit alors la partition, mais il a adapté les meilleurs passages dans l'opéra Pittori fiamminghi et dans d'autres ouvrages.

Antonio Smareglia avait épousé Maria (dite Jetti) Polla (1864-1918), mariée à Pula très jeune, âgée seulement de . Le couple a eu cinq enfants Ariberto (1889-1944), Mario (1891-1935) ainsi que les filles Giulia (1886-1962), Maria (1892-1962) et Silvia (1894-1991).

Succès

Son premier, grand succès, Smareglia l'obtiendra le  au Hoftheater à Vienne, avec  dirigé par Hans Richter, sur un livret de Luigi Illica et Francesco Pozza, traduit en allemand par Max Kalbeck. L'œuvre qui a pour thème un épisode se déroulant en Hongrie au , a été acclamée dans de nombreux théâtres européens et aussi au Metropolitan Opera de New York, où elle a été jouée, en allemand, en 1890. L'opéra a été rejoué à  Prague le  en tchèque, puis à Dresde le , sous la direction de Ernst von Schuc. Il a été repris au Hofoper de Vienne le , avec Richter. Une fois révisé et rebaptisé Pittori fiamminghi, il a été joué à Trieste le .

Son opéra suivant, Cornill Schut, (parfois appelé Cornelius Schut), a connu également un grand succès d'abord à Prague (1893), puis à Dresde, Munich et Vienne. La création en Italie a eu lieu le   à Trieste. L'action se déroule dans et autour d'Anvers entre 1600 et 1630, et se concentre sur le personnage principal, un peintre qui veut atteindre la gloire éternelle avec son art.

Le , le compositeur s'impose à Trieste, avec les Nozze istriane avec un livret de Luigi Illica, certainement son œuvre la plus populaire et la plus significative, mais certainement pas la meilleure. L'action se déroule à Dignano, à l'époque contemporaine. L'opéra est imprégné de couleur locale et s'inspire du folklore istrien. Il ne craint pas d'avoir des côtés humoristiques. Nozze istriane est également plébiscité à Vienne et dans de nombreux théâtres européens importants de l'époque (Prague, Berlin, etc.) mais il peine à s'imposer dans le Royaume d'Italie où il est présenté pour la première fois au public du Teatro La Fenice à Venise seulement en 1905. Ce n'est pas surprenant, car Smareglia était un fervent adepte de Wagner et sa musique a une filiation clairement post-wagnérienne.

Smareglia rencontre à ce moment le poète et écrivain de Trieste Silvio Benco (1874-1949). Leur collaboration qui s'est poursuivie dans trois nouveaux opéras (La falena, Oceàna, Abisso) refuse de se plier au style des opéras italiens de cette époque. Ils ont baptisé leurs créations de théâtre de poésie. Ce théâtre donnait la place principale au poète et la musique se libérait de l'action pour créer l'ambiance qui devait imprégner toute l'œuvre . Cependant, l'idée de Benco, accueillie avec enthousiasme par Smareglia, de « racheter » la musique italienne au nom de Wagner s'avérera fausse, et cela a lentement conduit Smareglia dans une impasse, dans un véritable isolement culturel.

L'opéra La falena a été joué au Théâtre Rossini de Venise le  sous la direction de Gialdino Gialdini. L'action se situe dans un espace et un temps éloignés (« aux premiers temps chrétiens sur une côte européenne de l'Atlantique ». Une femme fatale est prisonnière de son amour pour un jeune roi nommé Stellio. La musique plaisait, libérant grandeur, mysticisme et beauté harmonique.

La falena était le premier d'une trilogie d'œuvres qui trouvera son accomplissement avec Oceàna dirigé par Arturo Toscanini à la Scala de Milan le  et avec Abisso créé le  également à la Scala, sous la direction de Tullio Serafin. Dans Oceàna, selon Benco, l'opéra devait donner « un'impressione continua di fantasmagoria in un regno di pura musica (une impression continue de fantasmagorie dans un royaume de musique pure) ». Le sujet de Abisso est la bataille de Legnano, 1176. Smareglia emploie un orchestre somptueux et opulent qui enveloppe les airs dans la trame symphonique.

Derniers opéras

En 1900, Smareglia, à la suite d'une opération de la cataracte non réussie, a perdu complètement la vue. Ses deux derniers opéras ont été ainsi composés en les dictant à sa femme, à son fils Mario et à ses élèves. En 1921, il a été nommé professeur au conservatoire de Trieste. Ses dernières années se sont déroulées dans des conditions modestes voire difficiles. Il a reçu le secours de bienfaiteurs, comme l'éditeur Carlo Saiz.

À la mort d'Arrigo Boito, Toscanini a proposé à Smareglia de terminer l'opéra Nerone  laissé inachevé par le grand écrivain et artiste d'opéra de Padoue. Ayant accepté cette mission, le compositeur, après avoir achevé l'œuvre, en a été inexplicablement privé et chassé, sans explications, par Toscanini lui-même. Une explication plausible pourrait être celle d'avoir exposé des doutes sur la validité effective de l'œuvre au chef d'orchestre au caractère colèreux et dictatorial. Toscanini a fait ensuite terminer l'œuvre par Vincenzo Tommasini.

Peu de temps avant sa mort, Antonio Smareglia a procédé à une refonte radicale de son opéra Cornill Schut, et l'a proposée au public de Trieste en 1928 sous le titre de . Cela a été son dernier succès. Le , il est mort à Grado des suites de l'aggravation de son état de santé : il souffrait d'une tumeur à la gorge.

Compositions

Opéras

Autres
 Quattro canti pour voix et piano (Milan, 1875)
 Nell'onde chiare
 Ruba ai fior
 Una mesta sospirando (ballata)
 Deh! Spegni, o Dio
 Leonora, symphonie descriptive (Milan, 1877)
 Barcarola, pour piano (Milan, 1884)
 Inno dei canottieri istriani, per chœur masculin à 4 voix et piano, texte de Nazario Stradi (Pula, 1886)
 Ruhelos! (Senza pace!), pour voix et piano, texte de Felix Falzari (Vienne, 1896)
 Inno a Tartini, per voci e banda, texte de Silvio Benco (Trieste, 1896)
 Oceàna, suite pour orchestre. Aussi pour piano à 2 ou 4 mains (Milan, 1902)
 Due canzoni gradesi, pour voix et piano, textes de Biagio Marin (Trieste, 1929)
 Per le strae solesae
 Co sarè morto
 Tre canti sacri, pour voix et piano
 Salve regina (Trieste, 1919)
 Pater noster (Trieste, 1929)
 Ave Maria (Trieste, 1929)
 Cantico a Maria, per voci bianche e organo, texte de Monsignor Cleva (1930)
 Liriche pour voix et piano (opera omnia a cura di Luigi Donorà, Udine, 1989)

Place de la musique de Smareglia
Smareglia n'a pas eu beaucoup de chance avec ses œuvres. En plus de l'isolement culturel, qui a été évoqué, et de la disparition de la zone d'influence de l'Empire austro-hongrois, qui faisait de lui pratiquement un « étranger chez lui », sa musique a une évidente connotation centre-européenne. La calomnie selon laquelle « il portait malheur » lancée avec une ruse diabolique à Milan, après la représentation d'Oceàna, a énormément contribué à son isolement. Cette méchanceté lancée contre lui a été perpétrée par le journaliste de Trieste Stefani, qui voulait le punir pour sa non-adhésion à la cause irrédentiste pendant la Première Guerre mondiale. Stefani s'est beaucoup excusé par la suite, mais malheureusement la calomnie a énormément pris racine à Trieste et dans la Vénétie julienne et est encore très ressentie aujourd'hui.

Mais le vrai problème de Smareglia, comme de nombreux compositeurs qui ont été ses élèves et qui donneront plus tard naissance à la Trieste Music School, était celui d'une musique clairement d'Europe centrale, considérée par les Italiens comme trop autrichienne ou slave, et par les peuples centre-européens comme trop italienne. On a affaire à une musique d'une zone frontière, qui ne peut être classée ni d'un côté ni de l'autre de manière précise. Elle constitue un véritable cas dans l'Europe musicale, engendré par le mélange de diverses traditions typiques de l'Istrie et de Trieste.

Sur tous ces problèmes et sur l'œuvre du compositeur, la musicologie s'est généralement abstenue ou s'est limitée à quelques essais, généralement d'une portée limitée. La lacune a été comblée en 2004 par la biographie complète de Smareglia contenant l'analyse complète de toute sa production musicale et de sa vie tourmentée, Le opere di Antonio Smareglia (Les œuvres d'Antonio Smareglia), écrite par le musicologue de Trieste Paolo Petronio.

Concours international de composition "Antonio Smareglia"
L'Accademia di Studi Pianistici "Antonio Ricci" a créé en 2009 à Udine un concours international de composition "Antonio Smareglia". Le  a été ouvert en 2020, organisé par l'Accademia di Studi Pianistici "Antonio Ricci" et Società Filologica Friulana.

Bibliographie

 Slavko Zlatić, Antonio Smareglia, u. Istra, 1977

Notes et références

Voir aussi

Articles connexes
 Musique italienne
 Liste de compositeurs italiens de musique classique

Liens externes

Compositeur italien du XIXe siècle
Compositeur italien du XXe siècle
Compositeur italien de la période romantique
Compositeur italien de musique classique de la période moderne
Compositeur italien d'opéra
Naissance à Pula
Naissance en mai 1854
Décès en avril 1929
Décès dans la province de Gorizia
Décès à 74 ans

Antonio Smareglia


William Howard Stein (født 25. juni 1911, død 2. februar 1980) var en amerikansk biokemiker. Han modtog nobelprisen i kemi i 1972.

Opvækst og uddannelse
Stein blev født i New York City. Han var søn af Beatrice Cecilla (Borg), der var børnerettighedsaktivist, og Fred Michael Stein, der var bankmand. Han blev uddannet på Phillips Exeter Academy, Harvard University og Columbia University.

Karriere
Efter endt uddannelse blev han ansat som forsker under Max Bergmann på Rockefeller University, hvor meget af hans vigtigste arbejde blev udført.

Stein modtog nobelprisen i kemi i 1972 sammen med Christian Boehmer Anfinsen og Stanford Moore, for deres forskning i ribonuklease og særligt for deres bidrag til forståelsen af sammenhængen mellem molekylets kemiske struktur og katalytiske aktivitet.

I 1958 udviklede han og Stanford Moore det første automatiske analyse af aminosyrer, som faciliterede fastlåelsen af proteinsekvenserne. Stein forblev på Rockefeller i hele sin karriere og var gæsteprofessor på Washington University at St. Louis, Haverford College, University of Chicago og Harvard University.

Referencer

Nobelprismodtagere fra USA
Nobelprismodtagere i kemi
Biokemikere fra USA

William Howard Stein


Coriolan Zuiac (n. 26 ianuarie 1875, Doman, comitatul Caraș-Severin, Regatul Ungariei – d. 24 februarie 1942, Bocșa Vasiovei, Regatul României) a fost un deputat în Marea Adunare Națională de la Alba Iulia, organismul legislativ reprezentativ al "tuturor românilor din Transilvania, Banat și Țara Ungurească", cel care a adoptat hotărârea privind Unirea Transilvaniei cu România, la 1 decembrie 1918.

Biografie
A absolvit Institutul Teologic din Caransebeș, apoi a fost preot în Bocșa Vasiovei unde a dirijat și instruit corul Doina. După anul 1918 a fost președinte al Cercului Muzical din Bocșa Montană, iar în timpul lui Octavian Goga a fost deputat.

Activitate politică
A fost delegat titular al cercului electoral Bocșa Română din județul Caraș-Severin la Marea Adunare Națională de la Alba-Iulia din 1 decembrie 1918.

Note

Bibliografie

 Ioan I. Șerban, Dorin Giurgiu, Ionela Mircea, Nicolae Josan, Dicționarul personalităților Unirii. Trimișii românilor transilvăneni la Marea Adunare Națională de la Alba Iulia, Muzeul Național al Unirii, Alba Iulia, 2003, ISBN 973-8141-90-7

Lectură suplimentară

 Daniela Comșa, Eugenia Glodariu, Maria M. Jude, Clujenii și Marea Unire, Muzeul Național Transilvania, Cluj-Napoca, 1998
 Florea Marin, Medicii și Marea Unire, Editura Tipomur, Târgu Mureș, 1993
 Silviu Borș, Alexiu Tatu, Bogdan Andriescu, (coord.), Participanți din localități sibiene la Marea Adunare Națională de la Alba Iulia din 1 decembrie 1918, Editura Armanis, Sibiu, 2015

Legături externe

  Membrii de drept ai Marii Adunării Naționale de la Alba-Iulia din 1 decembrie 1918, lista publicată în "Gazeta Oficială", Sibiu, nr. 1, 1/14 decembrie 1918

Vezi și

 Lista delegaților la Marea Adunare Națională de la Alba Iulia

Nașteri în 1875
Decese în 1942
Preoți români
Delegați la Marea Adunare Națională de la Alba Iulia
Bănățeni
Români din Austro-Ungaria

Coriolan Zuiac


Clapham High Street railway station is on the South London line in Clapham, within the London Borough of Lambeth, Greater London. It is  measured from  (the former LC&DR platforms also being  measured from ). It is served by London Overground services between Clapham Junction and Dalston Junction, with a limited service to . Southeastern services from Lewisham pass through the station, however proposals to call at the station have been limited by the age of Southeastern's rolling stock.

It is close to  tube station, and interchange between the two is counted as an Out of Station Interchange on Oyster, so that users are charged for only one journey, rather than two separate journeys.

History
The station was opened on 25 August 1862 by the London, Chatham and Dover Railway (LCDR) as Clapham, renamed Clapham & North Stockwell from May 1863. The London, Brighton and South Coast Railway (LBSCR) route (current Atlantic Line, often referred to by its old name of South London Line) was authorized by an 1863 Act of Parliament and parallels the original 1862 LCDR route eastwards between Wandsworth Road and Brixton and beyond. Until the 1923 grouping all lines through the station were owned by the LCDR, with two leased to the LBSCR for their sole use.

The original 'south' 1862 line was leased to the LBSCR in 1867 and the LCDR used the new 'north' 1867 lines.

The existing platforms, together with the Grade II listed 1862 station building, form the original station. These platforms were used by the LCDR from 1862 to 1867, and the LBSCR until the 1923 grouping.

The 1867 LCDR platforms were closed on 3 April 1916 and subsequently demolished. The eastbound platform's station building was destroyed by a bomb in 1944.

The LCDR 1866 station building (on the north side) was partially demolished in 1924 after the 1916 closure, finally being demolished in the late 1970s. In British Rail days, access to the platforms was via a subway on the north side.

The original south 1862 building was sold, being initially used as a furniture warehouse before being redeveloped in 2003 as residential accommodation. It is now Grade II listed. The platform had a full-length canopy that was demolished in the late 1970s.

The line between  and  was electrified at 6600 V AC on the overhead system on 1 December 1909. It was re-electrified in 1928 using third rail 660 V DC and the overhead was dismantled.

In 1937 it was renamed Clapham before receiving its current name in 1989 to avoid confusion with Clapham Junction.

In 2012 Southern refurbished the eastbound platform, erecting a new fence and repaving the surface. In late 2012, London Overground erected new waiting shelters and station name signs.

Services

The typical off-peak and peak service is four London Overground trains per hour to Clapham Junction and four trains per hour to Dalston Junction via Shoreditch High Street, joining the East London line at Surrey Quays.

Until 8 December 2012, Clapham High Street was served by a twice-hourly Southern service between  and .

From 9 December 2012, London Overground services began operating between  and , completing the orbital route around London. As a result, all Southern services were withdrawn and replaced with London Overground services, with four trains calling per hour.

Connections
London Buses routes 50, 88, 155, 322, 345 and P5 and night route N155 serve the station.

References

External links

Department for Transport letter regarding the withdrawal of Victoria services

Railway stations in the London Borough of Lambeth
Former London, Chatham and Dover Railway stations
Railway stations in Great Britain opened in 1862
Railway stations served by London Overground
Clapham
1862 establishments in England
Grade II listed buildings in the London Borough of Lambeth
Grade II listed railway stations

Clapham High Street railway station


Cassiope abbreviata, bilja vrsta iz porodice vrjesovki. Izvorni areal ove vrste je Kina (zapadni središnji Sichuan). To je polugrm i prvenstveno raste u subalpinskom ili subarktičkom biomu.

To su grmovi visoki 15-20 cm. Stabljike su u početku polegle ili uspravne, tanke, na kraju razgranate, oštre, žljezdaste.Llisna plojka jajolika ili trokutasto-jajolika, 2,5–3 × 1–1,2 mm, kožasta, gola, duboko izbrazdana, brazda 1/3–1/2 duljine. Čaška ljubičastocrvena; režnjevi duguljasti ili jajasti, oko 3 mm, rub opnasti. Vjenčić bijel, zvonast, 5-7 mm; režnjevi uspravni, jajasto-trokutasti, ca. 2 mm. Prašnici oko 2,5 mm. Ovarij oko 1 mm u promjeru. Cvatnja: svibanj–kolovoz.

Staništa
Rubovi šikara rododendrona, mahovinasta i kamenita mjesta; 3800–4000 m. visine. Središnji dio zapadnog Sichuana (Baoxing).

Izvori

Vanjske poveznice

Kasijope
Flora Kine

Cassiope abbreviata


Bob Rock, pravim imenom Robert Rock, jedan je od glavnih likova u talijanskom stripu "Alan Ford". Tajni je agent Grupe TNT i najbolji prijatelj Alana Forda. Vlasnik je psa Nosonje. Prvi put se pojavljuje u epizodi "Grupa TNT".

Životopis

Bob Rock rođen je u kriminalnoj obitelji. Njegov otac Ebenezer osuđen je zbog svojih zločina na smrtnu kaznu i pogubljen na električnoj stolici, a njegova majka poginula je tijekom pljačke banke gdje su je ubili policajci. Bob Rock ima još 3 brata blizanca koja se zovu Tim, Tom i Tumb, a koja su imena dobila tako što je njihov pijani otac u bolnici, nakon njihovoga rođenja, a upitan o imenima za sinove, pao niz stepenice i onda im je bolnička službenica upisala imena po zvuku koji je pri padu proizvelo udaranje njegove glave o stepenice i pod. Za razliku od Boba, njegova braća se bave kriminalom. Bob se dragovoljno prijavio kao tajni agent u Grupu TNT, ali je morao dugo čekati jer je ispred njega već bio Grunf, bivši njemački znanstvenik koji je također htio postati član grupe. Kad je napokon na njega došao red, Debeli šef ga nije htio primiti jer dolazi iz zločinačke obitelji. Srećom, iza zavjese je bio Broj 1 koji se brzo upleo i natjerao Šefa da primi Boba u grupu, te je on tako postao član Grupe TNT. Bob otada živi i radi kao tajni agent. Doživio je mnoga razočaranja u ljubavi, dobio psa Nosonju na brigu i postao meta za grudanje dječaka u susjedstvu tijekom zime. Živčan je i lako se naljuti, a njegovi su otrovni komentari najčešće upućeni Broju 1 s kojim se gotovo neprestano svađa. Voli se buniti zbog nepravde i siromaštva, zbog čega je redovita žrtva snažnijih i moćnijih od njega. Često podmeće i svima ostalima, čak i kad je na tajnom zadatku. Njegova braća su u zatvoru u Yumi gdje ih Bob često posjećuje, iako ga ondašnji stražar ne voli.

Izgled

Bob je vrlo niska rasta (samo 150 cm), zbog čega je smatran patuljkom. Vrlo je mršav (samo 47 kg) i ima veliki nos. Star je 35 godina i ima crnu kosu. Obučen je u škotski ogrtač. On je autoportret crtača stripa, Magnusa.

Citati

 Bolje živjeti sto godina kao milijunaš nego sedam dana u bijedi!

 Bjež'mo, Alane, njih su dvojica, a mi smo sami!

 Bolje biti bogat i zdrav, jer ako si siromašan, džaba ti to što si bolestan.

 Ne bi bio živ, kad ne bi zbog nečega umro. (Jeremiji)

Unutarnje poveznice

 Alan Ford

 Broj 1

 Grupa TNT

 Nosonja

Izvori

Junaci stripa
Likovi iz stripa Alan Ford
Grupa TNT

Bob Rock


An Ischaemum tropicum in uska species han Liliopsida nga ginhulagway ni Bryan Kenneth Simon. An Ischaemum tropicum in nahilalakip ha genus nga Ischaemum, ngan familia nga Poaceae. Waray hini subspecies nga nakalista.

Mga kasarigan

Ischaemum

Ischaemum tropicum


ألكسندر آرتشيبنكو (بالإنجليزية: Alexander Archipenko بالأوكرانية: Олександр Порфирович Архипенко) (ولد في كييف 1887 - توفي في نيويورك 1964) هو رسّام ونحات أوكراني - أمريكي شهير، يعتبر أحد أبرز فناني المدرسة التكعيبية.

ولد آرتشيبنكو عام 1887 في كييف والتي تقع الآن في أوكرانيا، والتي كانت في ذلك الوقت تقع في الإمراطورية الروسية. ثم انتقل إلى موسكو عام 1906 ومن ثم إلى باريس عام 1909، وقد عرض العديد من أعماله في كل تلك المدن. كما أنشأ مدرسة ً للفن خاصة به في برلين.

هاجر آرتشيبنكو إلى الولايات المتحدة عام 1923 وحصل لاحقا ً على جنسيتها. وقد عرض هناك العديد من أعماله خصوصا ً في مجال الفن التكعيبي. وما تزال الكثير من أعماله تعرض للعامة في العديد من المعارض والمتاحف الفنية في الولايات المتحدة وألمانيا وروسيا وبريطانيا وإيطاليا وإسرائيل وتايوان.

من بين أشهر أعماله «المرأة الماشية» Walking Woman عام 1912 و«مباراة الملاكمة» Boxing match عام 1913.

روابط خارجية

مراجع

أرثوذكس شرقيون أوكرانيون
أشخاص من كييف
أشخاص من محافظة كييف
أعضاء الأكاديمية الأمريكية للفنون والآداب
أمريكيون متجنسون
أمريكيون من أصل أوكراني
رسامون أوكرانيون
رسامون ورسامات أمريكيون
فنانون تكعيبيون
فنانون ذكور أمريكيون في القرن 20
فنانون ذكور أوكرانيون في القرن 20
فنانون ذكور في القرن 20
فنانون من كييف
فنانون وفنانات روس
مستقبلية
مهاجرون من الإمبراطورية الروسية إلى الولايات المتحدة
مواليد 1887
مواليد في كييف
نحاتو الفن الحديث
نحاتون أمريكيون
نحاتون أمريكيون في القرن 20
نحاتون أوكرانيون
نحاتون ذكور أوكرانيون
وفيات 1964
وفيات في نيويورك

ألكسندر آرتشيبنكو


Öner Gürcan (Ankara, 31 Mayıs 1952 - 10 Ağustos 2004), Türk yazardır. Süvari Binbaşı Fethi Gürcan ve Esma hanım'ın dört çocuğundan biri. Babası, Albay Talat Aydemir ile 21 Mayıs 1963 başarısız ihtilal girişimi sonucunda Haziran 1964'te idam edildiğinde 12 yaşında olan Öner Gürcan, Cumhuriyet tarihinde pek bilinmeyen bir dönem olan 22 Şubat 1962 ayaklanması ve 21 Mayıs 1963 ihtilal girişimi hakkında uzun yıllar araştırma yaptı. Bu döneme ait belge ve bilgi eksikliğini o dönemin canlı tanıkları ile konuşarak tamamladı.

Ölümünden sonra bu çalışmaları ailesi tarafından derlenerek Ben İhtilalciyim adı altında 2005 yılında kitaplaştırıldı. 27 Mayıs 1960, 22 Şubat 1962 ve 21 Mayıs 1963'te yaşananları, olayların perde arkasını öğrenmek isteyenler için Ben İhtilalciyim başvurulacak kaynak kitaplardandır.

Çocukluğundan beri eklem ve kalp romatizması olan Öner Gürcan, devam etmekte olduğu Hacettepe Üniversitesi Diş Hekimliği Fakültesindeki eğitimini sağlık sorunları yüzünden yarım bırakmak zorunda kalmıştır.

1952 doğumlular
2004 yılında ölenler
20. yüzyıl Türk yazarları
21. yüzyıl Türk yazarları
Resim aranan yazarlar

Öner Gürcan


A 2.ª edição anual do Latin American Music Awards foi realizada em 6 de outubro de 2016 no Dolby Theatre em Los Angeles, Califórnia, nos Estados Unidos. Apresentada pela cantora mexicana Lucero pelo segundo ano consecutivo, a cerimônia foi transmitida ao vivo pela Telemundo.

Vencedores e indicados
As indicações foram divulgadas em 31 de agosto de 2016. Com seis indicações cada, Banda MS e Yandel lideram a lista de indicados, seguidos por Nicky Jam e Enrique Iglesias com cinco indicações, enquanto J Balvin e Los Plebes de Ariel Camacho têm quatro cada. Os vencedores estão listados em primeiro e em negrito.

2016
Prémios de música em 2016
2016 na televisão nos Estados Unidos
2016 na Califórnia

Latin American Music Awards de 2016


Olaylar

Doğumlar
 veya 520, İmparator Sushun, Japonya'nın geleneksel veraset düzenine göre 32. imparatoru (ö. 593)

Ölümler

521


Ofu i Olosega dijelovi su vulkanskog dubleta u otočju Manuʻa, koji je dio Američke Samoe u otočju Samoa. Ovi otoci blizanci, formirani od štitastih vulkana, imaju ukupnu duljinu od 6 km i ukupnu površinu od 12 km2. Zajedno imaju oko 500 stanovnika. Geografski, otoci su ostaci vulkana, međusobno odvojeni 137 metara širokim tjesnacem Āsaga, koji se sastoji od .ptkovodnog koraljnog grebena . Prije 1970. ljudi su prelazili između dva otoka čekajući oseku i zatim gacajući preko plitke vode tjesnaca. Godine 1970., tjesnac je premošćen jednotračnom cestom.

Najviši vrh na otoku Ofu je planina Tumutumu (također nazvana Tumu), visine 491 m. Najviši vrh na Olosegi je planina Piumafua (629 m). Posljednja vulkanska erupcija bila je 1866., 3 km jugoistočno od Olosege.

Prapovijesni artefakti otkriveni na Ofuu tijekom arheoloških terenskih radova 1980-ih značajno su unaprijedili razumijevanje drevne povijesti Ofua, a posebno Otočja Samoa i Polinezije općenito. Artefakti uključuju keramiku, bradve i obrađene dijelove školjki i kostiju. Pronađeni su uzorci obične keramike s crvenom bojom za koju se čini da je izrađena u tradiciji kulture Lapita. Terenski rad, koji je proveo tim koji je uključivao stručnjaka za pacifičku arheologiju Patricka Vintona Kircha, usredotočio se na mjesto zvano To'aga (lokacija AS-13-1), obalni potez duljine 2 km na južnoj obali Ofua. Datiranje artefakata sugeriralo je da je Ofu bio kontinuirano naseljen ljudima oko 3000 godina.

Ofu

Ofu je zapadni dio vulkanskog izdanka otoka Ofu-Olosega i najzapadniji otok otočja Manu'a. Glavno selo otoka Ofu nalazi se na zapadnoj obali, zaštićeno iza pučinskog otočića (erodirana stožac od sedra) poznatog kao Nu'utele. Ofu ima malu zračnu luku  i luku za brodove koji opslužuju stanovništvo na Ofu i Olosegi. Let dvaput tjedno iz Pago Paga traje oko pola sata, ali je zračna luka zatvorena od travnja 2021. zbog obnove piste, ostavljajući otok bez zračnog prometa.

Većina južne obale i povezanog koraljnog grebena dio su Nacionalnog parka Američke Samoe.

Otoci čćinečini okrug Ofu, dio distrikta Manuʻa. Ima površinu od 7,215 km 2, a prema popisu iz 2010. službeno je imao 176 stanovnika.

Na južnoj obali otoka nalazi se laguna To'aga koja ima veliku raznolikost koralja i riba. Ova lokacija predmet je dugotrajnih istraživanja i studija o koraljnim grebenima i globalnim klimatskim promjenama.

Otok je također dom samoanskom letipasu (Pteropus samoensis), vrste šišmiša kojoj prijeti gubitak staništa.

Olosega

Olosega je najmanji otok u otočju Manuʻa. Za vrijeme oseke moguće je prošetati do otoka Ofu. Ime potječe od samoanskog ʻOlosega, "tvrđava papagaja".

Otok Olosega je ostatak štitastog vulkana Sili, čija kaldera možda leži potopljena uz sjevernu obalu.

Vulkanska erupcija 1866. zapravo je bila 3 km istočno od Olosege, na srednjooceanskom grebenu koji se proteže na istok jugoistok do obližnjeg Taʻūa .

Otok ima površinu od 5.163 km², a prema popisu iz 2010. imao je službeno stanovništvo od 172 stanovnika.

Postoje četiri sela na Olosegi: Olosega, Lalomoana, Sili i Faiava .

Galerija

Izvori

Vanjske poveznice
 Office of the Governor. 2004. Manu'a ma Amerika. A brief historical documentary. Manu'a Centennial. 16 July 1904. 16 July 2004. Office of the Governor, American Samoa Government. 20 p.

 National Park Service map of the Manu'a Islands
 Persistence of Coral Reefs Under Extreme Environmental Stress in American Samoa  G. Piniak, C. Birkeland, and G. Garrison (2004). University of Hawaii.

Američka Samoa
Otoci u američkim vanjskim područjima
Stranice s nepregledanim prijevodima

Ofu-Olosega


Biblioteca Universității "Lucian Blaga" din Sibiu este biblioteca din cadrul Universității "Lucian Blaga" din Sibiu, una dintre cele mai vechi universități din România. Datorită automatizării proceselor de bibliotecă, aceasta este una dintre cele mai moderne biblioteci din țară.

Istoricul bibliotecii

 În anul 1969 a luat ființă Biblioteca Institutului de Învățământ Superior, filiala din Sibiu a Universității "Babeș Bolyai" din Cluj;
 În anul 1990 aceasta devine Biblioteca Universitară, odată cu înființarea universității din Sibiu;
 Colecțiile bibliotecii au sporit an de an, completând fondul inițial, prin achiziții, schimb de publicații și donații din partea unor oameni de cultură și instituții;
   Biblioteca a fost puternic informatizată în anul 1992, când au fost introduse cărțile ăn programul de gestionare a bazei de date CDS-ISIS.
   În 1996 colectivul Catedrei de Calculatoare a realizat Acces for Windows, un program de bibliotecă folosit și la Biblioteca Americană (Library of Congress).
   De asemenea, în 1996 s-a creat o rețea locală de calculatoare formată dintr-un server și șase calculatoare. Proiectul a fost realizat cu ajutorul Comunității Europene și programului de cooperare universitară Tempus.
   Abia în 1998 a fost achiziționat softul de bibliotecă Alice for Windows pe baza căruia a fost creat catalogul informatizat de bibliotecă.

 În anul 2004 s-a demarat procesul de conversie     retrospectivă a datelor, ce a condus la obținerea Catalogului general informatizat     al bibliotecii.

  În 2006 biblioteca a achiziționat softul dedicat Softlink – Liberty3, bazat pe tehnologii web. Datorită acestui soft, biblioteca a beneficiat de baza informatică necesară demersului activităților de bibliotecă.

   Din anul 2007 Biblioteca ULBS se înscrie în Rolinest, cel mai mare catalog virtual colectiv național.

 În februarie 2014 are loc migrarea spre Liberty5, noua versiune a softului     dedicat de bibliotecă. Printre facilitățile acestui soft se numără catalogul     online și realizarea proceselor de bibliotecă:  catalogare, împrumut interbibliotecar,     circulație, achiziție.

Colecții și servicii

Biblioteca pune la dispoziția utilizatorilor servicii și produse precum:

  O pagină nouă și ușor de utilizat a bibliotecii;
  Modulul Selected Dissemination of Information (SDI), un serviciu prin care diseminarea selectivă a informației furnizează facilități pentru utilizatorii fideli ai bibliotecii;
  Reviste și cărti în format electronic ce au ca arie de referință o gamă largă de domenii;
  Furnizarea de referințe bibliografice prin intermediul poștei electronice și posibilitatea rezervării publicațiilor de interes;
  670.000 unități documentare, reprezentând aproximativ 485.000 înregistrări în catalogul informatizat; 15.000 volume periodice;
 Abonamente la publicații periodice interne și externe, în format fizic și electronic;
 Este posibilă consultarea colecțiilor bibliotecii aflate în acces liber la raft pe patru nivele (aproximativ 2.750 mp);
 415 locuri pentru studiu dotate cu calculatoare conectate la Internet și o arie largă de acoperire wireless.
  Șase cabinete individuale de studiu echipate cu calculatoare conectate la Internet și cu materiale de referință. De asemenea cuprinde și un spațiu multimedia, dotat corespunzător pentru învățarea specializată a limbilor străine;
  Calculatoare, scanere și imprimante multifuncționale repartizate pe fiecare nivel;
  Sistem modern de securizare a unităților documentare (RFID), echipat cu etichete inteligente, cu soft compatibil cu sistemul automatizat de gestiune al bibliotecii;
  Sistem modern de obținere a informațiilor de către utilizator, prin intermediul monitoarelor pe care sunt afișate datele de interes;
 Liberty 5-soft dedicat de bibliotecă;
 Acces la cele mai importante baze de date științifice prin programul național Anelis-Plus: Science Direct, Springerlink, ProQuest, Ebsco, Oxford Journals, Thomson ISI – Web of Science, Sage HSS Collection, Scopus, MatSciNet;
 Legis – aplicație ce permite accesarea actelor legislative în format electronic;
 Infostandarde – aplicație ce permite accesul la pachetul complet de standarde românești.

Note

Sibiu
Universitatea Lucian Blaga din Sibiu

Biblioteca Universității „Lucian Blaga” din Sibiu


María Cambrils Sendra, née à El Cabañal, Valence en 1878 et morte à Pego le 22 décembre 1939, est une écrivaine et féministe espagnole. Autodidacte, elle a fait partie de l'élite intellectuelle de la classe ouvrière en tant que auteure d'articles et conférencière. Elle a publié de nombreux articles dans la presse ouvrière, spécialement El Socialista. Elle est auteure du livre Feminismo socialista (1925), un référent sur les droits des femmes et l'action féministe et socialiste.

Biographie
Elle a vécu la plupart de sa vie à Valencia où ses parents (un ouvrier et une mère analphabète) ont émigré de Pego (Alicante). Elle s'est mariée avec José Martínez Dols. À la mort d'est la recherche sur sa vie indique qu'il a résidé dans un couvent sans identifier et qu'il a même pu y avoir été religieuse pendant une saison après enviudar. Dans ses écrits il rappelle sa "vie conventual" et démontre le je manie de textes religieux avec solvabilité, pourtant ne se sont pas localisé des données précises. ils non plus se connaissent des détails de comment il s'a produit le virement de sa vie lorsque depuis le décennie des ans dix a connu à celui que il a été son collègue , ancien leader anarchiste né en Jumilla et membre du Parti Socialiste Ouvrier Espagnol (PSOE) aussi bien qu'elle.

Dans ses écrits, elle explique que ce sont ses lectures et ses discussions avec une voisine de Valence qui lui ont ouvert les yeux sur la doctrine de la rédemption prolétarienne et le rôle que les femmes devaient y jouer.

Entre 1924 et 1933, elle a écrit des centaines d'articles dans la presse ouvrière, principalement dans El Socialista, média où elle était pratiquement la seule femme à contribuer régulièrement, publiant ses articles aux côtés de ceux du fondateur Pablo Iglesias, Julián Besteiro, Andrés Saborit, Indalecio Prieto ou Largo Caballero. Elle a aussi collaboré avec El Pueblo, El obrero de Elche, Revista Popular, El obrero Balear, El Popular, Mundo Obrero et La Voz del Trabajo.

Elle a aussi collaboré avec Le Village, L'ouvrier de Elche, Revue Populaire, L'Ouvrier Balear, Le Populaire, Monde Ouvrier et la La Voix du Travail.

Ses textes portent souvent sur la situation des femmes et la nécessité d'une action féministe, aussi dans son parti, elle reprochait à ses militants qu'ils n'étaient pas suffisamment actifs dans la libération de leurs camarades féminins.

En 1925, elle a publié à Valence le livre Feminismo Socialista prologué par Clara Campoamor, texte de grande répercussion, considéré fondamental dans l'évolution du féminisme de gauche par les historiennes, et l'une des premières œuvres publiées en espagnol sur la relation intime entre ces deux concepts. Elle y aborde le féminisme de classe engagé avec l'époque de l'Espagne du premier tiers du XXe siècle. Elle a financé une édition, dédiée à Pablo Iglesias, à qui elle appelait « vénérable maître » et dont la recette était pour l'imprimerie de El Socialista. « Todo hombre que adquiera y lea este libro deberá facilitar su lectura a las mujeres de su familia y de sus amistades, pues con ello contribuirá a la difusión de los principios que conviene conozca la mujer en bien de las libertades ciudadanas"[1], affirmait-on dans l'introduction. Le livre a été réédité en 1992 par l'Association Clara Campoamor, de Bilbao.

En 1933, pour des raisons de santé, elle s'est installée avec José Alarcón à Pego, où il est conseiller municipal et secrétaire général du Groupe Socialiste, dirigeant de l'UGT et membre du Conseil d'administration de la Casa del Pueblo de 1933 à 1939. À la fin de la guerre civile, et bien qu'on n'ait pas pu prouver des crimes de sang, Alarcón a été fusillé à Alicante avec Aquilino Barrachina et d'autres socialistes de Pego le 11 avril 1940. María Cambrils, soignée par ses nièces pendant une maladie alors qu'Alarcón était en prison, est morte le 22 décembre 1939. Elle a été enterrée dans une fosse sans nom et sans pierre tombale.

Une histoire ignorée pendant des années
La connaissance des aspects biographiques de María Cambrils est récente. La seule photographie d'elle connue, incluse dans cet article, a été publiée pour la première fois en 2004 par Elvira Cambrils. D'après les dires de la journaliste Rosa Solbes, dans certains milieux, on a même pensé que María Cambrils était le pseudonyme d'un homme jusqu'à trouver des témoignages de survivants qui avaient des données spécifiques sur l'auteure, comme ceux du vétéran de la CNT Leonardo Herández ou Juan Bautista Pons, garde d'assaut pendant la Deuxième République.

En avril 2015 l'Université de Valence a publié une monographie intitulée María Cambrils, el despertar del feminismo socialista, qui contient sa biographie, son livre Feminismo Socialista et plus d'une centaine d'articles publiés entre 1924 et 1933 dans Le Socialista, L'Ouvrier Balear, Le Village, Revue Populaire... Le travail a été réalisé par la journaliste Rose Solbes, l'historienne Ana Aguado et l'archiviste Joan Miguel Almela avec préface de Carmen Alborch.

Feminisme Socialiste
María Cambrils a représenté un tournant dans la formulation des approches égalitaires et féministes au sein du socialisme dans le premier tiers du  XXe siècle en Espagne, selon des chercheurs de l'Université de Valence qui, en 2015, ont récupéré dans le livre María Cambrils, el despertar del feminismo socialista son travail et sa biographie.

Inspirée par August Bebel Cambrils elle a écrit: "nous les femmes ouvrières ne pouvons pas oublier que la seule force politique bonne qui défend le feminisme, est le socialisme" et a défini son œuvre comme "plaidoyer contre l'injustice, l'oppression, le mariage indissoluble et la violence avec les maladies cardiaques.

Dans ses textes, elle défend le lien essentiel entre socialisme et féminisme et questionne le rôle de l'Église, institution qui, selon elle, ne conserve rien de l'esprit compatissant du défenseur des plus faibles. Elle parle aussi du suffrage des femmes, de l'enseignement, de la maternité, de la recherche sur la paternité, du feodalisme agricole, de  l'antiféminisme déguisé, du divorce, des avancées et des problèmes des femmes ailleurs dans le monde, et l'organisation des femmes. Elle afronte également la misogynie ouvrière, critique le fait que nombre de ses collègues ne se soucient pas de l'égalité et l'éducation de leur compagnes, et dénonce qu'ils ne se battent pas pur le sufrage. "La femme moderne -écrit-elle aspire à coparticiper au droit, non à s'imposer, comme le prétendent  capricieusement les ennemis du féminisme. Nous ne voulons pas la miséricorde mais justice".

Reconnaissances
Au début de la transition espagnole, en 1976, un groupe d'économistes socialistes de Valence, dont faisaient partie Ernest Lluch et Dolors Bramon entre autres, prend le nom de María Cambrils. Ils écrivent plusieurs articles dans l'hebdomadaire Dos y  Dos sur les femmes dans le contexte économique de l'époque et la simultainéité nécessaire du feminismo et le socialisme.

À Bilbao, le Centre d'Information, de l'enfance, de la jeunesse et la femme d'euskadi porte son nom.

L'exposition "100 femmes espagnoles qui ont ouvert la voix à l'égalité" organisée par l'Institut de la Femme Espagnole, lui a consacré une référence où il n'y avait presque pas d'information outre celle qui apparaisait dans la couverture de son livre.

En janvier de 2016, le Conseil par la femme et l'égalité de la mairie de Valence a inclus le nom de María Cambrils dans la liste de noms proposés pour récupérer l'histoire des femmes à travers les noms des rues de la ville.

La ville valencienne de Pego (d'où provient sa famille) a mis son nom à une place, et à Pincanya, près  de Valence, à une passerelle.

En 2019, la Fondation créée par le Parti Socialiste du Pays valencien (PSPV-PSOE) porte son nom ainsi que les prix pour l'égalité que l'UGT du Pays valencien octroie tous les 8 mars.

Œuvres
 Feminismo Socialista (1925) Valencia, Tipografía Las Artes
 El Socialista Colaboraciones y artículos (1925-26)

Références

Bibliographie
 Solbes, Rosa; Aguado, Ana; Almela, Joan Miquel; (2015) María Cambrils, el despertar del feminismo socialista. Biografía, textos y contextos (1877-1939) Universidad de Valencia. Colección Historia
 Aguado, Ana (2003). "Feminismo socialista y/o socialismo feminista: María Cambrils", en Arenal. Revista de historia de las mujeres.  Vol.10, n. 2 (julio-diciembre, 2003), p., 243-254.

Liens externes

Naissance à Valence (Espagne)
Personnalité du Parti socialiste ouvrier espagnol
Écrivain espagnol du XXe siècle
Naissance en 1878
Décès en décembre 1939

María Cambrils


Heinrich Castritius Geldorp (eigentlich Hendrik van Casteren, auch bekannt als Hendrik van Geldorp oder Henricus Castritius Geldorpius, Pseudonym Gratianus Verus) (* 1522 in Geldorp; † 1585 in Westfriesland) war ein zunächst römisch-katholischer, später calvinistischer Theologe und Humanist.

Biografie

Heinrich Castritius Geldorp wurde 1522 in Geldrop in Nordbrabant geboren. Er studierte an der Universität Löwen und verfasste Gedichte in Latein. Er unterrichtete Latein und leitete als Rektor mehrere Schulen, zunächst in Sneek in Friesland, später dann 1557/8 am Gymnasium in Delft in Südholland.

Reformatorische Bewegungen in den Niederlanden bewegten Geldorp zur Flucht nach Duisburg. Geldorp hatte sich zwar von der katholischen Kirche nicht trennen wollen, 1558 traf ihn aber der Kirchenbann. Duisburg gehörte zu dieser Zeit dem Herzogtum Jülich-Kleve-Berg an, wo sich auch seit 1544 die Reformation ausbreitete. Doch der Landesherr Herzog Wilhelm blieb einer zwischen den Glaubensparteien vermittelnden Linie auf der Grundlage des Humanismus des Erasmus von Rotterdam treu. Wilhelm plante seit 1551 die Errichtung einer klevischen Landesuniversität in Duisburg (siehe Alte Universität Duisburg) in Konkurrenz zu den "altgläubig" gebliebenen Universitäten zu Köln und Löwen, und so überzeugte ihn die Stadt Duisburg zur Errichtung eines akademischen Gymnasiums, des heutigen Landfermann-Gymnasiums.

Geldorp wurde 1559 erster Rektor dieser Schule; weitere Lehrer waren Georg Cassander (1513–1566), Gerhard Mercator (1512–1594) und Johann Otho (um 1520–1581). Geldorp warb mittels Plakaten um Lehrkräfte und konnte so Johannes Molanus gewinnen, der eigene Schüler aus Bremen mitbrachte. Mit Molanus kam es im Folgenden immer häufiger zu Streit, weswegen Geldorp nach nur zweijähriger Tätigkeit 1561 entlassen und Molanus als sein Nachfolger eingestellt wurde.

Geldorp zog von Duisburg nach Homberg, das zu diesem Zeitpunkt zur Grafschaft Moers gehörte. Auf Betreiben seines Landesherrn Hermann von Neuenahr-Moers erstellte Geldorp ab 1578 ein Gutachten, das die 1573 erfolgte Auflösung des Moerser Karmeliterklosters und Vereinnahmung des Klostervermögens rechtfertigen sollte. Dieses sollte der Einrichtung und dem Aufbau eines Gymnasiums (des heutigen Gymnasiums Adolfinum) in Moers dienen.

1582 sollte er als Professor an die im Jahr 1575 gegründete Universität Leiden berufen werden, diese Pläne zerschlugen sich aber. 1583 ging er nach Ruhrort, bevor er dann nach Aussagen seines Schülers Heinrich von Hövel, eines westfälischen Schriftstellers, 1585 in Westfriesland starb.

Schriften

 Heinrich Geldorp: Gutachten über die Errichtung eines Gymnasiums in Moers

Literatur

 Harald Küst: Heinrich Castritius Geldorp. Ein verbitterter Humanist. In: Ein Gelehrten-Netzwerk im 16. Jahrhundert. Mercators Nachbarn. Mercator-Verlag, Duisburg 2020, ISBN 978-3-946895-31-2, S. 56–61.

Einzelnachweise

Renaissance-Humanist
Person der Reformation
Römisch-katholischer Theologe (16. Jahrhundert)
Reformierter Theologe (16. Jahrhundert)
Deutscher
Geboren 1522
Gestorben 1585
Mann

Heinrich Castritius Geldorp


Hrvatski odbojkaški kup Snježane Ušić za seniorke za sezonu 2021./22. je osvojila "Marina Kaštela" iz Kaštel Gomilice.

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|'''13. ||<small> 10. veljače 2022. ||Zagreb, <small> ''SD Peščenica ||Dinamo Zagreb - Kaštela (Kaštel Stari) ||<center> '''2:3 ||<small> 25:21, 25.18, 20:25, 18:25, 13:15 ||
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|'''14. ||<small> 26. veljače 2022. ||Zagreb, <small> Dom odbojke -  Bojan Stranić ||Mladost Zagreb - Marina Kaštela (Kaštel Gomilica) ||<center> '''0:3 ||<small> 24:26, 22:25, 18:25 ||
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Završnica
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|'''15. ||<small> 9. ožujka 2022. ||Kaštel Stari, <small> ''GD Kaštela ||bgcolor="silver"|Kaštela (Kaštel Stari) ||bgcolor="gold"|Marina Kaštela (Kaštel Gomilica) ||<center> 0:3 ||<small> 13:25, 17:25, 18:25 ||<small> "Marina Kaštela" pobjednik kupa
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Povezani članci
 Kup Hrvatske u odbojci za žene
 Superliga 2021./22.
 1. HOL 2021./22.
 1.B HOL 2021./22.
 2. HOL 2021./22.

Vanjske poveznice
 natjecanja.hos-cvf.hr, Hrvatska odbojkaška natjecanja
 hos-cvf.hr, Hrvatski odbojkaški savez
 odbojka.hr
 crovolleyball.com

Izvori

 natjecanja.hos-cvf.hr, HRVATSKI ODBOJKAŠKI KUP SNJEŽANE UŠIĆ - 2021./2022. – seniorke, pristupljeno 20. ožujka 2022.
 natjecanja.hos-cvf.hr, HRVATSKI ODBOJKAŠKI KUP SNJEŽANE UŠIĆ - 2021./2022. – seniorke, wayback arhiva

2021-22

Hrvatski odbojkaški kup Snježane Ušić 2021./22.


Un teselado regular o teselado con polígonos regulares es un teselado del plano que emplea un solo tipo de polígonos regulares. Estos patrones geométricos han sido ampliamente utilizados con fines decorativos desde la antigüedad. Solo son posibles teselados regulares empleando triángulos equiláteros, cuadrados y hexágonos regulares. El primer tratamiento matemático sistemático del tema fue el de Kepler.

Teselados Perfectos

Según Branko Grünbaum y Shephard (sección 1.2), se dice que un teselado está hecho a la perfección si el grupo de simetría del teselado opera transitivamente sobre los elementos del teselado, donde un elemento consiste de un vértice mutuamente incidente, una arista y una tesela. Esto significa que por cada par de elementos hay una operación de simetría que los asocia entre sí.

Esto es equivalente a un teselado arista con arista de polígonos regulares congruentes. Debe haber seis triángulos, cuatro cuadrados o tres hexágonos regulares en cada vértice, produciendo las tres teselaciones regulares.

Teselados de Arquímedes, uniformes o semirregulares

La transitividad de vértice significa que por cada par de vértices existe una operación de simetría que asocia el primer vértice con el segundo.

Si el requisito de la transitividad de elemento se relaja a transitividad de vértice, mientras que se mantiene la condición de la teselación arista con arista, aparecen ocho teselaciones adicionales posibles, conocidas como teselados de Arquímedes, uniformes o teselados semirregulares. Téngase en cuenta que hay dos formas especulares (enantiomorfas o quirales) del teselado 34.6 (hexagonal romo), las cuales se muestran en la siguiente tabla. Todos los otros teselados regulares y semirregulares son aquirales.

Grünbaum y Shephard distinguen la descripción de estos teselados como de Arquímedes refiriéndose únicamente a la propiedad local de que la disposición de las teselas alrededor de cada vértice es la misma, y el término uniforme se refiere a la propiedad global de la transitividad de vértice. Aunque estos producen el mismo conjunto de teselados en el plano, en otros espacios existen teselados de Arquímedes que no son uniformes.

Combinaciones de polígonos regulares que pueden reunirse en un vértice

Los ángulos internos de los polígonos que confluyen en un vértice deben sumar 360 grados.  Un -gono regular tiene un ángulo interno de  grados. Hay diecisiete combinaciones de polígonos regulares cuyos ángulos interiores suman 360 grados, cada uno referido a una especie de vértice, y en cuatro casos hay dos órdenes distintos cíclicos de polígonos, produciendo veintiún tipos de vértice. Solo once de estos pueden presentarse en un teselado uniforme de polígonos regulares. En particular, si hay tres polígonos que se encuentran en un vértice y uno tiene un número impar de lados, los otros dos polígonos deben ser del mismo tamaño. Si no es así, tendrían que alternarse alrededor del primer polígono, lo cual es imposible si su número de lados es impar.

Con tres polígonos en un vértice:
 7.3.42 (no puede aparecer en ningún teselado de polígonos regulares)
 8.3.24 (no puede aparecer en ningún teselado de polígonos regulares)
 9.3.18 (no puede aparecer en ningún teselado de polígonos regulares)
 3.10.15 (no puede aparecer en ningún teselado de polígonos regulares)
 3.122 - semi-regular, teselado hexagonal truncado
 4.5.20 (no puede aparecer en ningún teselado de polígonos regulares)
 4.6.12 - semi-regular, teselado trihexagonal truncado
 4.82 - semirregular, teselado cuadrado truncado
 52.10 (no puede aparecer en ningún teselado de polígonos regulares)
 63 - regular, teselado hexagonal

A continuación se presentan los diagramas de vértices como:

Con cuatro polígonos en un vértice:
 32.4.12 - no uniforme, hay dos tipos de vértices: 32.4.12 y 36
 184.108.40.206 - no es uniforme, tiene dos tipos diferentes de vértices: 188.8.131.52 y 188.8.131.52.4
 32.62 - no es uniforme, se presenta en dos modelos con vértices: 32.62/36 and 32.62/220.127.116.11.
 220.127.116.11 - semirregular, teselado trihexagonal
 44 - regular, teselado cuadrado
 3.42.6 - no es uniforme, tiene vértices 3.42.6 y 18.104.22.168.
 18.104.22.168 - semi-regular, teselado rombitrihexagonal

A continuación se presentan los diagramas de vértices como:

Con 5 polígonos en un vértice:
 34.6 - teselado hexagonal romo, posee dos formas entianomórficas o quirales
 33.42 - semirregular, teselado triangular elongado
 126.96.36.199 - semirregular, teselado cuadrado romo

A continuación se presentan los diagramas de vértices como:

Con 6 polígonos en un vértice:
 36 - regular, Teselado triangular

Debajo figura su diagrama:

Otros teselados arista con arista

Se puede dibujar cualquier número de teselados no-uniformes de polígonos regulares con aristas compartidas (arista con arista). He aquí cuatro ejemplos:

            32.62 y 36
          32.62 y 184.108.40.206

            32.4.12 y 36
          3.42.6 y 220.127.116.11

Tales teselados periódicos se pueden clasificar por el número de órbitas de los vértices, aristas y teselas. Si hay  órbitas de vértices, el teselado se conoce como -uniforme o -isogonal; si hay  órbitas de teselas, es llamado -isoédrico, si hay  órbitas de aristas, es llamado -isotoxal. Los ejemplos anteriores son cuatro de los veinte teselados 2-uniformes. Chavey clasifica todos los teselados de polígonos regulares con aristas compartidas que son al menos 3-uniformes, 3-isoédricos o 3-isotoxales.

El plano hiperbólico

Estos teselados están también relacionados con los poliedros regulares y semirregulares y los teselados del plano hiperbólico. Los poliedros semirregulares se hacen a partir de caras que son polígonos regulares, pero sus ángulos en un punto suman menos de 360 grados. Los polígonos regulares en la geometría hiperbólica tienen ángulos más pequeños que el que poseen en el plano. En ambos casos, que la disposición de polígonos sea la misma en cada vértice, no significa que el poliedro o el teselado sea vértice-transitivo.

Algunos teselados regulares del plano hiperbólico (usando la proyección del modelo de disco de Poincaré) son:

Véase también
 Lista de teselados uniformes
 Símbolo de Wythoff
 Teselación
 Grupo cristalográfico plano
 Poliedro regular (Sólidos platónicos)
 Poliedro semirregular (incluyendo a los sólidos de Arquímedes)
 Geometría hiperbólica
 Teselado de Penrose
 Teselado con rectángulos

Referencias

 D. M. Y. Sommerville, An Introduction to the Geometry of n Dimensions. New York, E. P. Dutton, 1930. 196 pp. (Dover Publications edition, 1958) Chapter X: The Regular Polytopes

Enlaces externos

Enlaces a teselados generales y euclídeos:

Enlaces a teselados hiperbólicos:

Geometría euclidiana plana
Teselado

Teselado regular


An Schoenoxiphium rufum in uska species han Liliopsida nga ginhulagway ni Christian Gottfried Daniel Nees von Esenbeck. An Schoenoxiphium rufum in nahilalakip ha genus nga Schoenoxiphium, ngan familia nga Cyperaceae. Waray hini subspecies nga nakalista.

Mga kasarigan

Schoenoxiphium

Schoenoxiphium rufum


Achomawi (also Achumawi, Ajumawi and Ahjumawi) are the northerly nine (out of eleven) bands of the Pit River tribe of Palaihnihan Native Americans who live in what is now northeastern California in the United States. These 5 autonomous bands (also called "tribelets") of the Pit River Indians historically spoke slightly different dialects of one common language, and the other two bands spoke dialects of a related language, called Atsugewi. The name "Achomawi" means river people and properly applies to the band which historically inhabited the Fall River Valley and the Pit River from the south end of Big Valley Mountains, westerly to Pit River Falls. The nine bands of Achumawi lived on both sides of the Pit River from its origin at Goose Lake to Montgomery Creek, and the two bands of Atsugewi lived south of the Pit River on creeks tributary to it in the Hat Creek valley and Dixie Valley.

Population

Achomawi speaking territories reached from Big Bend to Goose Lake. This land was also home to the closely related Atsugewi peoples. Descendants of both cultures later were forcibly relocated onto the Pit River Reservation. Estimates for the pre-contact populations of most native groups in California have varied substantially. Alfred L. Kroeber estimated the combined 1770 population of the Achomawi as 3,000 and the Atsugewi as 300. A more detailed analysis by Fred B. Kniffen arrived at the same figure. T. R. Garth estimated the Atsugewi population at a maximum of 900. Edward S. Curtis, a photographer and author in the 1920s, gave an estimate of there being 240 Atsugewi and 985 Achomawi in 1910. As of 2000, the Achomawi population is estimated at 1,500.

Language

The Achomawi language and the Atsugewi language are classified together as the Palaihnihan languages, and more broadly in a possible northern group of the proposed Hokan phylum with Yana, the Shastan languages, Chimariko, Karuk, Washo, and the Pomo languages.

Historical culture

Lodging and villages
Each of the nine tribes in the "Achomawi" language group had defined separate territories up and down the banks of the Pit River (which they called "Achoma").   Within their respective territories, each band had several villages, which were apparently composed of extended family members, and had about 20-60 inhabitants per village.  The bands were organized by having one central village with smaller satellite villages. The lower Pit River bands existed in a more densely forested mountain zone, while the upper Pit River bands had a drier sage brush and juniper zone.  Their housing, food sources, and seasonal movements therefore also varied.  In the summer, the Achomawi band, and other upper Pit River bands usually lived in cone-shaped homes covered in tule-mat and spent time under shade or behind windbreaks of brush or mats. In the winter, larger houses were built. Partially underground, these winter homes had wooden frames which supported a covering made of a mix of bark, grass and tule.

Family life
In marriage, the bridegroom lived in the bride's home briefly, hunting and working for the bride's relatives. Eventually she would move with him to his family, in what is known as a patrilocal pattern. They have a patrilineal society, with inheritance and descent passed through the paternal line. The traditional chiefdom was handed down to the eldest son.

When children were born, the parents were put into seclusion and had food restrictions while waiting for their baby's umbilical cord to fall off. If twins were born, one of them was killed at birth.

The Achomawi buried their dead in a flexed position, on the side, facing east; at times they were placed in woven baskets at burial. Those who died outside the community were cremated, and their ashes were brought back for burial among their people. The dead's belongings and relatives' offerings were buried or burned with the body, and the dead's house was born. There were no special ceremonies or rituals. When women became widows, they would crop their hair and rub pitch into the stubble and on her face. A widow would also wear a necklace with lumps of pitch around her neck. These items were worn for about three years. After a widow's hair grew to reach her upper arm, she was permitted to marry her dead husband's brother.

For leisure, women within the community would play a double ball game. The Achomawi also built and used sweat lodges.

Dress and body art
Achomawi men wore buckskin with coats and shirts. A deerskin with a hole cut out in the middle was put over the heads after the sides were sewn together to provide armholes, and then it would be belted. Buckskin leggings with fringe were rare but occasionally worn by Achomawi. Moccasins of twined tule and stuffed with grass were the most common type of footwear. Deerskin moccasins were worn during dry weather. An apron like kilt was also seen within communities, similar to the breechcloth of Eastern communities. Women wore short gowns or tops similar to the men, along with a deerskin skirt or a fringed apron. Bucksin moccasins and a basket cap were also standard among women. Both men and women's clothing might be decorated with porcupine quill embroidery.
Both men and women did have tattoos. Women would have three lines tattooed under the mouth and perhaps a few lines on the cheek. Men had septum piercings with dentalium shell or other jewelry.

Subsistence
The Achomawi fished, hunted and gathered from around the area. Deer, wildfowl, bass, pike, trout, and catfish were caught. Wild plant foods, herbs, eggs, insects and larvae were also gathered. The only meat avoided by the Achomawi was the domestic dog and salt was used in extreme moderation, as the community believed that too much salt caused sore eyes.

Fishing
Fishing was a major source of food supply for the Achomawi. The Sacramento sucker was described as being of "paramount importance" to the Achomawi. Salmon was scarce for eastern groups, while those in the lower Pit River found it in abundance. The salmon was sun dried, lightly roasted or smoked, and then stored in large bark covered baskets in slabs or in crumbled pieces.

Fishermen used nets, baskets and spears to fish, and fish traps to catch the Sacramento sucker. Ten fish traps were found and are on display at the Ahjumawi Lava Springs State Park. Made of stone, the traps consisted of a large outer wall that connects two points of land on the lake. The wall was built to the water level out of lava stones. A central opening in the wall, which measured between 20-50 centimeters, was supplied to allow the suckers to enter the traps. The opening pulls in the spring water outflow that is strong enough to carry in the suckers. To entrap the fish, a log, dip net or a canoe prow, and then they were speared. The stones are described as labyrinths due to the many interior channels and pools they form.

Aside from traps, other tools were made and used by the community for fishing blue rose is the first time to see, including fish hooks and spear points made of bone and horn. Achomawi fish hooks were made of deer bone, and fishing spears consisted of a long wooden shaft with a double-pointed bone head with a socket in which the base of the shaft was installed. A line was fastened to the spear point which was then held by the spearsman for control. Hemp was also used to make cords to make fishing nets and rawhide was used for fishing weirs. The Achomawi made five types of fishing nets, three of them were dip nets, one a gill net and the fifth a seine.

The three dip nets were shaped like bags. One type, called taláka'yi, was suspended on the prongs of a forked pole, and was used from a canoe, land, or from wading and was used for catching suckers, trout and pike. Another dip net, a tamichi, was used only for fishing suckers. The tamichi was four to five feet deep and wide when closed. The mesh at the lower edge of the bags opening are threaded along a stick which is then placed in the water to catch the fish. The fisherman would wade in the water while moving the net while women and children would wade pushing the fish towards the fisherman. When the fish enter the net, the fisherman releases the bag which then closes. The third bag, the lipake, was small with an oval hoop sewn into the opening. The fisherman would dive into the water and would hold the net in one hand while driving the suckers in with his free hand. Upon succeeding at capturing the fish, the fisherman would then flip the hoop over the net to close it for safe capture.

The other two nets were generally used for capturing trout and pike. The gill net, called tuwátifshi, was 40 to 60 feet long and was weighted with stones to sink it. One end was fasted to a tree and the other to a buoy; when a fish was captured the buoy would move. The seine, talámámchi, was six to feet in depth and extended across the stream from one side to the other in calm water. Stones were used to sink the lower edge, and buoys were used on the upper edge. The fisherman would sit in a canoe at one bank, and a pulley was attached to the opposite shore. When the net was tugged upon by the fish, the fisherman would haul in the float line with the pulley to remove the catch.

Minnows were also caught for drying. They were captured with a fish trap made of willow rods and pine root weft. Cylindrical in shape, the mouth of the trap had splints converging inwards, which would prevent the scape of the fish, were controlled by two weirs. A weir, called tatápi, was placed in shallow streams to capture trout, pike and suckers. A row of stakes were placed in the bottom of the stream and stones, logs, stumps and dirt was piled up against the stakes so that the water would be dammed and have to pour over the weir and into a trap on the other side. Another weir, the tafsifschi, was used in a larger stream to catch allis (steelhead trout) when they would return to sea in the fall. The tafsifschi consisted of two fence sections which extended from opposite river banks at a down-stream angle; almost meeting mid-river. They were connected by a short section of wall made by lashing horizontal poles close together across the gap. This was the lowest point in the created dam, and water would pour over carrying the fish into the basket on the other side of the gap. Salmon would be caught by spear, seine, or in nets that hung above water falls or dams.

Hunting
Due to the dry nature of the Achomawi's land, deer was not always abundant, hence their unique way of hunting deer compared to other Californian Natives America. A deep pit would be dug along a deer trail, covered with brush,  the trail restored including adding deer tracks using a hoof, and all dirt and human evidence taken away. The settlers' cattle would also fall in these pits, so much so that the settlers convinced the people to stop this practice.  The pits were most numerous near the river because the deer came down to drink and so the river is named for these trapping pits. Deer hunting was always preceded by ritual. Rituals also existed that did not involve the hunting process but involved the avoidance of deer meat. Adolescent girls would stuff their nostrils with fragrant herbs to avoid smelling venison being cooked while going through their maturity ceremony.

Waterfowl, like ducks, were snared by a noose stretched across streams. Rabbits would be driven into nets.

Gathering
A variety of foodstuffs was gathered by the Achomawi people throughout the year. Acorns were a staple for Achomawi and other California native societies. Due to a scarcity of oak trees in the Achomawi territories these nuts were largely procured from neighboring cultures. Tule was utilized by the Achomawi in creating twine, mats and shoes; in addition to being a food source. Sprouts were gathered in early spring and then cooked or eaten raw. Fruit bearing trees were also a source of nutrition, including the Oregon grape, Oregon plum, Pacific yew, and Whiteleaf manzanita. Other plants harvested annually included camas, in addition to several species of seed bearing grasses, Indian potatoes and lilies. These bulbs and seeds were preserved and stored for use in the winter months in addition for occasional use in trade.

Religion
Adolescent boys sought guardian spirits called tinihowi and both genders experienced puberty ceremonies. A victory dance was also held in the community, which involved the toting of a head of the enemy with women participating in the celebration. Elder men would fast to increase the run of fish and women and children would eat out of sight of the river to encourage fish populations. Spiritual presences were identified with mountain peaks, certain springs, and other sacred places.

Achomawi shamans maintained the health of the community, serving as doctors. Shamans would focus on "pains" which were physical and spiritual. These pains were believed to have been put on people by other, hostile shamans. After curing the pain, the shaman would then swallow it. Both men and women held the role of shaman. A shaman was said to have a fetish called kaku by Kroeber  or  by Dixon. Kroeber relied upon Dixon's work in this part of California. (The letter q was supposed to represent a velar spirant x, as in Bach, in the system generally used at that time for writing indigenous American languages. The Achumawi Dictionary does not have this word.) Dixon described the  as a bundle of feathers which were believed to grow in rural places, rooted in the earth, and which, when secured, dripped of blood constantly. It was used as an oracle to locate pains in the body. Quartz crystal was also revered within the community and was obtained by diving into a waterfall. In the pool in the waterfall the diver would find a spirit (like a mermaid) who would lead the diver to a cave where the crystals grew. A giant moth cocoon, which symbolized the "heart of the world", was another fetish, and harder to obtain.

Puberty rites
A girl would begin her puberty ritual by having her ears pierced by her father or another relative. She would then be picked up, dropped, and then hit with an old basket, before running away. During this part, her father would pray to the mountains for her. The girl would return in the evening with a load of wood, another symbol of women's roles within the community, like the basket. She would then build a fire in front of her house and dance around it throughout the night, with relatives participating; around the fire or inside the house. Music would accompany the dance, made by a deer hoof rattle. During the ritual time, she would have herbs stuffed up her nose to avoid smelling venison being cooked. In the morning, she would be picked up and dropped again, and she would run off with the deer hoof rattle. This repeated for five days and nights. On the fifth night, she would return from her run to be sprinkled with fir leaves and bathed, completing the ritual.

Boys' puberty rites were similar to the girls ritual but adds shamanistic elements. The boys ears are pierced, and then he is hit with a bowstring and runs away to fast and bathe in a lake or spring. While he is gone, his father prays for the mountains and the Deer Woman to watch over the boy. In the morning, he returns, lighting fires during his trip home and eats outside the home and then runs away again. He stays several nights away, lighting fires, piling up stones and drinking through a reed so that his teeth would not come into contact with water. If he sees an animal on the first night in the lake or spring or dream of an animal; that animal would become his personal protector. If the boy has a vision like this, he will become a shaman.

War traditions and weaponry
In general Achomawi held a significantly negative view of actual warfare, finding it be an undesirable outcome. Joining in a battle or killing an enemy was believed to give a particular contamination. Only through "a rigorous program of purification" could an individual remove it. Sinew-backed bows were their primary weapon. These bows had a noticeably flatter design than those used by the Yurok and other California tribes. Body armor would be made of hard elk or bear hide with a waistcoat of thin sticks wrapped together.

Arts

Basket-making

The Achomawi follow in the tradition of other California tribes, with their skills in basketry. Baskets are made of willow and are colored with vegetable dyes. Their basketry is twined, and compared to the work of the Hupa and Yurok are described as being softer, larger, and with designs that lack the focus on one horizontal band. The shapes are similar to those made by the Modoc and have slightly rounded bottoms and sides, wide openings and shallow depth. Baskets sizes and shapes depend on the intended use. Some baskets are created for women to wear as caps, some for cooking on hot stones, holding semi-liquid food or water. Willow rods are used for the warp and pine root is used for the weft. In the caps, only tule fiber is used. A burden basket was also made by the Achomawi, as was a mesh beater which would be used to harvest seeds into the burden baskets, made of willow or a mix of willow and pine root.

Most baskets are covered in a light white overlay of xerophyllum tenax, though it is believed that those covered in xerophyllum tenax are for trade and sale only, not for daily use. The xerophyllum tenax protects the baskets artwork and materials when used, helpful for when boiling or holding water. Anthropologist Alfred Kroeber believed that by 1925 the Achomawi were no longer cooking in baskets, and were merely making them for sale and trade.

Canoes
The Achomawi made simple dugout canoes of pine or cedar. Longer, thinner and less detailed than the Yurok redwood boats and Modoc canoes, the canoes were produced for transportation and hunting.

History

Early history
Relations with the nearby Atsugewi speakers were traditionally favorable for the majority of Achomawi. Yet the close proximity between the Illmawi band of Achomawi and the Atsugewi inhabitants of Hat Creek (haatiiw̓iw), the Atsuge (haatííw̓iwí - ″Hat Creek People″, own name: atuwanúúci), were terse. These bad feelings arose in part from particular Atsuge trespassing upon Illmawi territory while traveling through to collect obsidian from the nearby Glass Mountain (sáttít - ″flint place″, also name for Medicine Lake).

In their networks with neighboring cultures Achomawi exchanged their furs, basketry, steatite, rabbit-skin blankets, food and acorn in return for goods such as epos root, clam beads, obsidian and other goods. Through these commercial dealings goods from the Wintun (iqpiimí - ″Wintun people″, númláákiname - Nomlaki (Central Wintu people)), Modoc and possibly the Paiute (aapʰúy - ″stranger″) were transported by the Achomawi. Eventually they would also trade for horses with the Modoc. The Achomawi used beads for money, specifically dentalia.

Contact between the Achomawi and Atsugewi speakers with the Klamath (ál ámmí - ″Klamath people″) and Modoc (lutw̓áámí' / lútʰám - ″Modoc people″) to the north largely wasn't documented. Despite this Garth found it probable that there were extensive interactions between the cultures prior to the adoption of horses by the Northerners. Leslie Spier concluded that the Klamath and their Modoc relatives gained horses in the 1820s. Achomawi settlements became victim to slave raids by Modoc and Klamath horsemen. In particular the residents around Goose Lake, the Hewisedawi, were used by the Goose Lake Modoc (lámmááw̓i - ″Goose Lake Modoc″) "as a source of supply of slaves (cah̓h̓úm - slave; lit. ″dog″- later also meaning ″horse″) who might be traded for other goods." Captured people would be sold into slavery at an intertribal slave market at The Dalles in present-day Oregon.

The Madesi band, Achomawi residents around modern Big Bend, had particularly cordial relationships with the Wintun. The nearby Shasta (sástayci / sastííci - ″Shasta people″) and Yana (tʰísayci - ″Yana people″) were "powerful enemies" that would on occasion attack Madesi settlements.

European contact
In 1828 fur trappers and traders visited Achomawi land. It wasn't until the 1840s and the California gold rush when outsiders began to arrive in large numbers and taking land and disturbing the Achomawi lifeways. The Rogue River Wars in 1855-56 brought a strong U.S. military presence to the area, as well.

Late 19th and 20th centuries
In 1871 community members participated in the first Ghost Dance movement, and other future religious revitalization movements after moving to a reservation. In 1921, a smallpox epidemic took its toll on the Achomawi's.

Present day
The majority of Achomawi people are enrolled in the federally recognized Pit River Tribe. The tribe consists of several autonomous bands - nine Achomawi and two (perhaps three) Atsugewi bands:

Upriver Achomawi (Eastern Achomawi)
 h̓ééwíssátééwi ("Highland People"), h̓ééwíssáy̓tuwí ("Goose Lake People"), usually Hewisedawi/Hay-wee-see-daw-wee/Hewise (″Those from On Top″, "The People Who Live High Up"): several Hewise villages were situated around the Goose Lake, their territory stretched from Fandango Valley south through the Warner Mountains to Cedar Pass; west across the Pit River and out onto the high plateau area called Devils Garden; north up to the west side of Goose Lake. Other villages were located in the south of the territory along the Pit River and out on the Devils Garden area; usually referred to as "Goose Lake Achomawi" or "Goose Lake People"
 astaaqííw̓awí, usually Astarawi / Astariwawi; in Atsugewi Astakwaini owte (both: "Hot [Springs] People"): their four settlements were located along the Pit River in the area of Canby, California and the nearby hot springs; usually referred to as "Hot Springs Achomawi" or "Canby People"
 q̓úsyálléq̓tawi, q̓ússiálláq̓tawí, q̓óssi álláq̓tawí, usually Kosealekte/Kosalektawi/Qosalektawi ("Juniper liking People"); in Atsugewi Astakwaini owte ("Hot Springs People"): their three settlements were located in the headwaters of the Pit River southwards to the area of Alturas, California; usually referred to as "Alturas Achomawi"
 h̓ámmááw̓i ("Upriver People", "High Plateau People"), usually Hammawi ("South Fork of Pit River People"); in Atsugewi Apishi: their main village Hamawe/Hammawi was in the vicinity of Likely, California (formerly South Fork) at the South Fork of the Pit River, another eight settlements were also located along the South Fork; usually referred to as "Likely Achomawi"
 atw̓áámi ("Valley People") or atw̓ámsini ("Valley Dwellers"), usually Atuami/Atwamwi or Atwamsini; in Atsugewi Akui owte ("Big Vally People"): their 27 settlements were located along Ash Creek and Pit River in the high country of Big Valley; usually referred to as "Big Valley Achomawi" or "Big Valley People"
Downriver Achomawi (Western Achomawi)
 acúmmááwi ("[Pit] River People"), wannúkyumiʔ ("Fall River People"), usually Ajumawi/Achumawi/Achomawi proper ("River People"); in Atsugewi Dicowi owte ("Fall River People"): their 17 settlements were located along the Fall River and Pit River (acúmmá - "river") up to Fall River Mills, California; usually referred to as "Fall River Achomawi" or "Fall River Mills People"
 ílmááwi ("Canyon People"), usually Ilmawi/Ilmewi/Ilmiwi ("People of the Village of Ilma"); in Atsugewi Apahezarini: occupied 13 settlements along Pit River from the mouth of Burney Creek to a few miles below Fall River Mills; usually referred to as "Cayton Valley Achomawi"
 iic̓áátawí ("Burney Valley People"), usually Itsatawi ("Goose Valley People"); in Atsugewi Bomari owte ("Pit River People"): their 25 settlements centered on the Goose Valley and the lower Burney Creek area; had close ties to the Madesi; usually referred to as "Goose Valley Achomawi"
 matéési, usually Madesi (Mah-day-see/Madessawi) ("People of the Village of Mah-dess' (Big Bend)", "Madesi Valley People"); in Atsugewi Dakyupeni or Psicamuci (no translation): their territory included Big Bend and its Hot Springs and the surrounding area of the Lower Pit River (Ah-choo'-mah in the Madesi dialect), and several of its tributaries, such as Kosk Creek (An-noo-che'che) and Nelson Creek (Ah-lis'choo'-chah). Their main village Mah-dess'  or Mah-dess' Atjwam (″Madesi Valley″) was on the north bank of the Pit River, east of Kosk Creek, and was directly across the river from the smaller villages that surrounded the hot springs on the river's south bank, which were called Oo-le'-moo-me, Lah'-lah-pis'-mah, and Al-loo-satch-ha.; usually referred to as "Big Bend Achomawi" or "Big Bend People", sometimes as "Montgomery Creek People"

and the two (perhaps three?) Atsugewi bands
 haatííw̓iwí; in Atsugewi Atuwanúúci (both: "Hat Creek People"), usually Atsugewi; in Atsugewi Atsugé (both: "Pine-tree People"): their five settlements were mainly along Hat Creek between Mount Lassen and the Pit River as well as along Burney Creek (the families settling there are sometimes considered a separate Wamari'i / Wamari'l band); usually referred to as "Hat Creek Indians" or "Pine Tree Tribe"
 ammítci ("People of Ammít, i.e. Dixie Valley"), usually Apwarugewi; in Atsugewi Aporige / Apwaruge ("People of Apwariwa, i.e. Dixie Valley") or Mahuopani ("Juniper-tree People"): their 12 settlements were located along Beaver Creek, Pine Creek, Willow Creek, Susan River and on the shores of Eagle Lake and Horse Lake, but their main settlement area was along Horse Creek in Little Valley and Dixie Valley; usually referred to as "Horse Creek Indians" or "Dixie Valley Tribe"Willow Creek (Lassen County, California)
 wanúmcíw̓awí; in Atsugewi Wamari'i / Wamari'l (both: "Burney Valley People"): their settlements were located along the Burney Creek up to its confluence with the Pit River (mostly counted among the Atsugewi band)); usually referred to as "Hat Creek Indians" or "Pine Tree Tribe"

that since time immemorial have resided in the area known as the  square, located in parts of Shasta, Siskiyou, Modoc, and Lassen counties in the state of California.

There is a Housing Authority that through Government grants has developed community housing projects, such as  housing for low income families and elders. The Tribe operates a Day Care center, and environmental program. The Pit River Tribe currently operates Pit River Casino, a Class III gaming facility located on  in Burney, California.

Today there are around 1,800 tribal members enrolled in contemporary Achumawi federally recognized tribes, that are as follows:
Pit River Tribe (Achomawi bands: Ajumawi, Astarawi, Atwamsini, Hammawi, Hewisedawi, Ilmawi, Itsatawi, Kosalektawi, and Madesi, Atsugewi bands: Atsuge and Aporige)
 Alturas Indian Rancheria (Achomawi name: q̓ússiálláq̓tawí / q̓óssi álláq̓tawí - "Kosealekte/Kosalektawi/Qosalektawi" or "Alturas/Altʰúúlas Achomawi"; Population: 0 living on rancheria)
 Big Bend Rancheria (Achomawi name: matéési - "Madesi (Mah-day-see/Madessawi)" or "Big Bend Achomawi"; Population: 5 living on rancheria)
 Likely Rancheria (Achomawi name: h̓ámmááw̓i - "Hammawi" or "Likely Achomawi"; Population: 0 living on rancheria)
 Lookout Rancheria (Population: 21 living on rancheria)
 Montgomery Creek Rancheria (Achomawi name: íípʰuníw̓ca or íípʰuunídial/íípʰuurí - "Madesi (Mah-day-see/Madessawi)" or "Montgomery Creek [Achomawi]"; Population: 4 living on rancheria)

The following rancherias are shared with other communities:
 Redding Rancheria (Wintu, Achomawi bands, and Yana; Population: 24 living on rancheria)
 Roaring Creek Rancheria. (Achomawi and Atsugewi bands; Population: 18 living on rancheria)
 Susanville Indian Rancheria (Washoe, Achomawi, Mountain Maidu, Northern Paiute, and Atsugewi; Population: 1,272 with 342 living on rancheria)
 XL Ranch (Achomawi and Atsugewi bands, and some Northern Paiute; Population: 62 living on rancheria)
 Big Valley Rancheria (Achomawi name: atw̓áámi / atw̓ámsini - "Atwamsini (Atuami/Atwamwi)" or "Big Valley Achomawi"; Xa-Ben-Na-Po Band of Eastern (Clear Lake) Pomo and Achomawi; Population: 168 living on rancheria)
 Round Valley Indian Tribes (Yuki, Konkow Maidu, Mitoám Kai (Little Lake) Pomo and other Pomo bands, Nomlaki (Central Wintu), Cahto, Wailaki, and Achomawi; Population: 68 living on rancheria)
 Lytton Band of Pomo Indians (Achomawi, Nomlaki, and Gualála (Ahkhawalalee) Pomo; Population: 0 living on rancheria)
 Picayune Rancheria (Chukchansi Yokuts, Pomo, and approximately 60 other tribes; Population: 65 living on rancheria.)

See also
 Achumawi language
 Achomawi traditional narratives
 Edechewe

References

Bibliography

Further reading
 Evans, Nancy H., 1994. "Pit River," in Native America in the Twentieth Century: An Encyclopedia, ed. Mary B. Davis (NY: Garland Pub. Co).
 Garth, T. R. 1978. "Atsugewi". In California, edited by Robert F. Heizer, pp. 236–243. Handbook of North American Indians, William C. Sturtevant, general editor, vol. 8. Smithsonian Institution, Washington, D.C.
 Jaimes, M. Annette, 1987. "The Pit River Indian Claim Dispute in Northern California," Journal of Ethnic Studies, 14(4): 47–74.
 Mithun, Marianne. 1999. The Languages of Native North America. Cambridge University Press.
 Olmsted, D.L. and Omer C. Stewart. 1978. "Achumawi" in Handbook of North American Indians, vol. 8 (California), pp. 225–235. William C. Sturtevant, and Robert F. Heizer, eds. Washington, DC: Smithsonian Institution. /0160045754.
 Tiller, Veronica E. Velarde, 1996. Tiller's Guide to Indian Country (Albuquerque: BowArrow Pub. Co.): see X-L Ranch Reservation, pp. 308–09. There is a new later edition, 2005.

External links

 Official website of the Pit River Tribe
 A bibliography for the Achomawi from Shasta Public Libraries
 Achomawi Bibliography, from California Indian Library Collections Project

Pit River tribes
Native American tribes in California
Native American history of California
Shasta County, California

Achomawi


Alpine A310 er en sportsvogn bygget af den franske Alpine fabrik fra 1971 til 1984.

A310 er bygget i 4 (3 versioner) og 6 cylindret version med 2 forskellige undervogne, gearkasser og 3 eller 4 huls fælge.

Historie

Motorsport

Rally

Rally Monte Carlo
i 1976 sponserede Renault selv deltagelse i Rally Monte Carlo med en 4 cyl A310 Gr 4 og blev kørt af Jean-Pierre Nicholas og Vincent Laverne. På enkelte etaper klarede den sig rimeligt med en samlet 5 plads, men kunne ikke hamle op med den suverene Lancia Stratos. Michelle Mouton blev bedste kvindelige kører i en Alpine A110.

Franske Rally
I 1977 deltog en A610 V6 Gr 5 i det Franske Rally som Alpine vandt med Guy Frequelin.

Paris Dakar
Thierry Reverchon og Georges Vaills deltog i 1981 med en ombygget Alpine A310. Bilen var ombygget med 2 tanke men den 1800ccm 4 cyl motor var kun ombygget med en anden knat. Bilen udgik med 5000 km til mål men eksistere til dato.

Le Mans
A310 deltog i Le Mans i 1977 og 1978.

I 1974 indså Alpine at A310 ikke havde tilstrækkeligt kræfter til at være konkurrencedygtig på lang sigt. I samarbejde med Renault Gordini udviklede man en motor baseret på V6 PRV på 2.8 L med lucas Insprøjtning. Motoren udviklede 300Hk og var rygtedes til at være 3 sekunder hurtigere end 911 Turbo på banen i Dijon. Projektet blev opgivet, da det ikke fik opbakning fra Renaults ledelse pga. høje omkostninger på motoren.

I 1977 fik Hervé Poulain overtalt Bernard Decure til at deltage i Le Mans. De fik overtalt Alpine til at bruge det oprindelige chassis, men uden den oprindelige motor. Chassiet blev forstærket og en motor med Weber 46 og andre knaster blev udviklet til at yde 225Hk. Om det var samme der lå til grund for den senere boulogne motor med 193 Hk kan der kun gisnes om. Bilen var sponsoreret af Dieppe's handelskammer og er kendt i dag som "Poisson Dieppois, Poisson de Choix",  (Fisk fra Dieppe er din favorit fisk). Poisson Dieppois kvalificerede sig som 51, kørte sig op til en 29 plads og udgik med en defekt kølerslange.

I 1978 stillede en Alpine A310 op igen men kvalificerede sig ikke til start

Produktion

1971–1976

A310 1600 Series 1 (55 L tank, 3 bolt undervogn, 4-cylinder, 5-gear)

1977–1985

A310 V6 Serie 2 (62L tank, V6, 3 og 4 bolt undervogn, 4 og 5 gear)

Referenceliste

Renault-bilmodeller

Alpine A310


Peđa Grbin (Pula, 24. svibnja 1979.), hrvatski političar i pravnik. Dana 3. listopada 2020., izabran je za predsjednika SDP-a.

Životopis

Djetinjstvo i obrazovanje
Rođen je 24. svibnja 1979. godine u Puli, gdje je pohađao osnovnu školu i gimnaziju.
Diplomirao je pravo na Pravnom fakultetu Sveučilišta u Zagrebu.

Godine 2006., otvara vlastitu odvjetničku kancelariju.

Politička karijera
Godine 1998. postaje član SDP-a.

Od 2016. bio je potpredsjednik SDP-a. U listopadu 2020. izabran je za novog predsjednika SDP-a.

Izvori

Vanjske poveznice
 Peđa Grbin na sabor.hr

Životopisi, Pula
Hrvatski političari od 1989.
SDP

Peđa Grbin


Bridget O'Donnel est une femme irlandaise qui incarne, par son témoignage et par le dessin qui la représente avec ses deux enfants, les victimes de la grande famine qui sévit au milieu du  en Irlande, à la suite de la baisse drastique des récoltes de pomme de terre causée par le mildiou.

Biographie
Le , le journal londonien The Illustrated London News propose le témoignage de Bridget O'Donnel comme illustration de la grande famine irlandaise et de la politique d'expulsion des fermiers menée par les grands propriétaires :

Bridget O'Donnel et ses deux filles survivantes sont emmenées au workhouse de Kilrush. Une femme du même nom et sa fille émigrent en 1850, à partir de Kilrush, à New York en passant par Liverpool. Probablement est-ce la même personne. On peut penser que son mari a émigré aux  États-Unis avant l'éviction de la famille de sa ferme et qu'ainsi il a pu économiser et envoyer à sa femme de quoi financer le voyage.

Comme cette famille, les paysans les plus souvent expulsés cultivent de très petites surfaces, moins de 5 acres (2 hectares) de terres, et ne peuvent pas payer le loyer pour ces terres, alors que sévit la famine.

Symbole
Bridget O'Donnel incarne la femme héroïque qui défie les propriétaires. Son portrait avec ses deux filles, réalisé par , publié dans le journal londonien The Illustrated London News en complément de l'article, donne un visage à la famine et fait de Bridget O'Donnel une incarnation symbolique. Dès 1847, James Mahony publie des dessins de femmes avec des enfants, comme des Vierge à l'Enfant, pour illustrer la famine. Toutefois, ce dessin, dont les personnages sont plus émaciés et sont plus habillés en haillons que dans les travaux publiés précédemment par James Mahony, dégage une impression étrange, notamment par le contraste entre les traits fins du visage, le corps presque androgyne et les longs membres fins.

Ce dessin est sans doute la représentation la plus répandue actuellement de la grande famine irlandaise. Une statue en bronze, sculptée par Elizabeth McLaughlin, qui est une copie sculpturale de ce dessin, a été érigée à Roscommon en 1999.

D'autre part, le fait que les propres mots de Bridget O'Donnel, prononcés par une femme pauvre, soient repris tels quels dans cet article, probablement par James Mahony lui-même, est une nouveauté.

Notes et références

Articles connexes
 Grande famine irlandaise

Personnalité féminine irlandaise
Personnalité irlandaise du XIXe siècle
Histoire contemporaine de l'Irlande
Irlande
Époque victorienne

Bridget O'Donnel


An Phyllostachys parvifolia in uska species han Liliopsida nga ginhulagway ni Cheng De Chu ngan H.Y.Chou. An Phyllostachys parvifolia in nahilalakip ha genus nga Phyllostachys, ngan familia nga Poaceae. Waray hini subspecies nga nakalista.

Mga kasarigan

Mga sumpay ha gawas

Phyllostachys

Phyllostachys parvifolia


Der SV Viktoria Allenstein war ein deutscher Sportverein aus der ostpreußischen Stadt Allenstein (heute Olsztyn). Die Fußballabteilung spielte fünf Spielzeiten in der erstklassigen Gauliga Ostpreußen.

Geschichte
Nach der Gründung des Vereins 1916 spielte Viktoria Allenstein im Ligensystem des Baltischen Rasen- und Wintersport-Verbandes (BRWV). 1920/21 konnte der Verein erstmals die Bezirksliga Südostpreußen gewinnen und qualifizierte sich somit für die ostpreußische Endrunde. Dort scheiterte der Verein bereits in der Ausscheidungsrunde an der SV Masovia Lyck mit 1:2. Nachdem in den kommenden Spielzeiten der VfB Osterode die Bezirksliga dominierte, konnte 1923/24 vor den Lokalrivalen SV Allenstein und SV Hindenburg Allenstein zum zweiten Mal die Bezirksliga gewonnen werden. In der ostpreußischen Endrunde erreichte der Verein nach einem 4:1-Sieg im Entscheidungsspiel über den SV Sensburg 1929 das Finale, musste sich in diesem jedoch dem Seriensieger VfB Königsberg mit 2:5 geschlagen geben. Auch 1924/25 erreichte Allenstein als Bezirksmeister Südostpreußens das Finale der ostpreußischen Fußballendrunde, wieder war der VfB Königsberg jedoch stärker, Allenstein verlor mit 2:4. Ein ähnliches Bild zeigte sich in der Spielzeit 1925/26, im Rundenturnier der ostpreußischen Endrunde verlor Viktoria Allenstein nur das Spiel gegen Königsberg, so dass am Ende erneut der Vizemeistertitel Ostpreußens errungen wurde. Neu in dieser Spielzeit war jedoch, dass erstmals auch der Vizemeister Ostpreußens für die baltische Fußballendrunde teilnehmen durfte. In dieser erreichte Viktoria Allenstein den vierten Platz von sechs Teilnehmern. Durch die erfolge auf Bezirksebene qualifizierte sich Allenstein für die ab der Spielzeit 1926/27 neu eingeführte oberste Ostpreußenliga. Während der vier Jahre des Bestehens dieser Liga erreichte der Verein überwiegend Mittelfeldplatzierungen, konnte sich aber nicht gegen die spielstarken Königsberger Vereine um den ostpreußischen Meistertitel durchsetzen. 1930/31 gab es erneut eine Umstrukturierung des Ligabetriebs, aus der Ostpreußenliga entstanden drei gleichrangige Ligen. Viktoria Allenstein spielte fortan in der Abteilungsliga III Süd, welche 1931 gewonnen werden konnte. In der anschließenden ostpreußischen Endrunde wurde Allenstein sieglos Letzter.

Mit Machtübernahme der Nationalsozialisten 1933 wurden die Fußballverbände aufgelöst und durch Sportgaue ersetzt. Die vier besten Vereine aus der Abteilungsliga III Süd für die eigentlich vorgesehene Spielzeit 1933/34 qualifizierten sich für die erstklassige Gauliga Ostpreußens. Durch den dritten Tabellenplatz erreichte
Viktoria Allenstein die Qualifikation zur Gauliga Ostpreußen 1933/34. In der Gauliga kam Allenstein nicht über das Mittelmaß hinaus. In der Spielzeit 1934/35 profitierte der Verein von der Aufstockung der Liga von zwei auf vier Staffeln (aufgeteilt nach den Bezirken Ostpreußens), andernfalls wäre er in die zweitklassige Bezirksklasse abgestiegen. Ab der Saison 1935/36 spielte Viktoria Allenstein im Bezirk Allenstein innerhalb der Gauliga Ostpreußen, wo aber der SV Hindenburg Allenstein und SV Masovia Lyck das Spielgeschehen dominierten. Infolgedessen war der dritte Platz in der Saison 1935/36 das beste Endergebnis. Nachdem die Gauliga nach der Spielzeit 1937/38 von 28 auf zehn Mannschaften verkleinert wurde, reichte dem SV Allenstein der vierte Tabellenplatz im Bezirk Allenstein nicht, so dass der Verein in die Zweitklassigkeit abstieg. Zur Spielzeit 1939/40 bildete der Verein mit dem SV Allenstein eine Kriegsspielgemeinschaft und spielte nochmals ein Jahr in der Erstklassigkeit. Als letzter Höhepunkt der Vereinsgeschichte ist die Teilnahme an den Gauliga-Aufstiegsspielen 1940 zu sehen; jedoch ging das Aufstiegsspiel gegen Preußen Mlawa mit 0:7 verloren.

Nach dem Zweiten Weltkrieg wurde das einstmals deutsche Allenstein unter polnische Verwaltung gestellt. Der SV Viktoria Allenstein wurde, wie alle übrigen deutschen Vereine und Einrichtungen, zwangsaufgelöst.

Erfolge
 Teilnahme an der Gauliga Ostpreußen: 1933/34, 1934/35, 1935/36, 1936/37, 1937/38, 1939/40 (als Kriegsspielgemeinschaft)
 Teilnahme an der baltischen Fußballendrunde: 1925/26

Quellen

Einzelnachweise

Ehemaliger Fußballverein (Ostpreußen)
Viktoria
Sportverein (Olsztyn)
Viktoria Allenstein
Viktoria Allenstein

Viktoria Allenstein


Hinterkaifeck var en lille gård beliggende mellem de bayerske byer Ingolstadt og Schrobenhausen, cirka 70 kilometer nord for München. Om aftenen den 31. marts 1922 blev de seks beboere på gården dræbt med en hakke. Mordene forbliver uopklarede.

De seks ofre var landmanden Andreas Gruber (63 år) og hans kone Cäzilia (72 år); deres datter Viktoria Gabriel (35 år); Viktorias børn Cäzilia (7 år) og Josef (2 år), samt pigen i huset Maria Baumgartner (44 år).

Hinterkaifeck var aldrig det officielle stednavn. Navnet tilhørte egentlig den nærliggende gård i landsbyen Kaifeck, beliggende knapt en kilometer nord for hovedafdelingen af Kaifeck, skjult i skoven (præfikset Hinter som er en del af mange tyske stednavne betyder bagved) som del af byen Wangen, der blev indkorporeret ind i Waidhofen i 1971.

Forbrydelsen
Et par dage før forbrydelsen fortalte landmanden Andreas Gruber sine naboer, at han havde observeret fodspor i sneen som ledte fra skovkanten og op til gården, men ikke nogen som ledte samme vej tilbage. Han snakkede også om, at have hørt fodtrin fra loftsrummet, samt at have haft fundet en for ham ukendt avis på gården. Endvidere var gårdens nøgler bortkommet flere dage forinden mordene. Ingen af disse hændelser var blevet rapporteret til politiet i tiden op til forbrydelsen.

Seks måneder tidligere havde den forrige tjenestepige forladt sin plads i huset og hævdet, at stedet skulle være hjemsøgt. Den nye pige, Maria Baumgartner, begyndte hos familien på dagen for mordene og blev slået ihjel blot timer efter sin ankomst.

Hvad der præcis hændte den fredag aften kan ikke siges med sikkerhed. En teori er, at det ældre par, såvel som deres datter Viktoria og hendes datter Cäzilia alle blev lokket ind i laden, en efter en, hvor de blev slået ihjel. Gerningsmanden eller gerningsmændene fortsatte derefter ind i huset, hvor de myrdede den to-årige Josef der sov i en tremmeseng i moderens soveværelse, såvel som tjenestepigen Maria Baumgartner der sov i sit kammer.

Den følgende tirsdag (4. april) opsøgte naboer gården, da ingen af dens beboere var blevet set i flere dage. Postmanden havde bemærket, at den post han havde leveret den forgående lørdag stadig var hvor han havde efterladt den. Endvidere var den unge Cäzilia ikke mødt i skole om mandagen, ej hellere var hun blevet set der om lørdagen.

Efterforskningen
Inspektør Georg Reingruber og hans kolleger fra det münchiske politi efterforskede mordene. Mere end hundrede mistænkte er uden resultat blevet afhørt gennem årene. Det seneste, frugtesløse forhør fandt sted så sent som i 1986.

I 2007 fik eleverne på politiskolen i Fürstenfeldbruck opgaven at efterforske sagen på ny med moderne kriminaltekniske metoder. De kom til den konklusion, at det er umuligt fuldstændigt at opklare forbrydelsen ovenpå den forgangne tid der var gået siden begivenhederne fandt sted. Sagen mangler beviser, fordi datidens efterforskningsteknikker var primitive. Tillige er beviser gået tabt og mistænkte er siden afgået ved døden. Politieleverne kom alligevel frem til en hovedmistænkt, men navngav ikke vedkommende i respekt for nulevende efterkommere.

Politiet antog i første omgang motivet til at være røveri og forhørte i den forbindelse flere indbyggere fra de omkringliggende byer, såvel som rejsende håndværkere og vagabonder. Man gik dog bort fra teorien om røveri, da et større pengebeløb blev fundet i huset. Det menes, at den eller de skyldige blev på gården i flere dage - nogen havde fodret kvæget, spist i køkkenet, tillige med at naboer har set røg fra husets skorsten hen over weekenden - og at enhver som måtte have ledt efter penge ville have haft fundet dem.

Bortgangen af Viktorias ægtemand, Karl Gabriel, hvis død indtraf i de franske skyttegrave under Første Verdenskrig, blev draget i tvivl, idet hans lig aldrig officielt var blevet fundet. På trods af dette, fortalte de fleste af hans soldaterkammerater samstemmende, at de havde set ham dø under kamphandlingerne. Soldaternes forklaring blev godtaget af politiet.

Dagen efter fundet af ligene foretog retslægen Johann Paptist Aumüller obduceringer i laden. Det blev her fastslået, at en hakke var det mest sandsynlige mordvåben og at den yngre Cäzilia havde været i live i flere timer efter angrebene. Liggende i halmen ved siden af sin moder og bedsteforældre havde havde hun hevet sit hår ud i totter. Ligene fik fjernet hovederne og kranierne blev sendt til München hvor clairvoyante uden held undersøgte dem.

Efterspil
De seks ofre ligger begravet på kirkegården i Waidhofen hvor der er opført et mindesmærke. Da kranierne gik tabt under kaosset omkring Anden Verdenskrig, blev de aldrig leveret tilbage til München.

Gården blev revet ned i 1923 - et år efter mordene. Tæt ved hvor den lå står nu et mindesmærke.

I populærkultur
Der er lavet to film under navnet Hinterkaifeck: En fra 1981 af Hans Fegert samt en anden fra 1991 af Kurt H. Hieber.

I 2006 udgav forfatteren Andrea Maria Schenkel en roman med titlen Tannöd, hvori hun fortæller historien om Hinterkaifeck. I Schenkels bog er steder og navne ændret. Ligeledes har den franske forfatter Pierre Magnan udgivet bogen Murdered House, som angiveligt er inspireret af hændelserne i Hinterkaifeck. I Magnans roman overlever det yngste offer i midlertid og vender som voksen tilbage til gården for at efterforske forbrydelsen.

Den münchiske journalist Peter Leuschner har udgivet to bøger fra henholdsvis 1979 og 1997 med titlen Hinterkaifeck: Der Mordfall. Spuren eines mysteriösen Verbrechens. Den anden bog er et tillæg til den første. Løst oversat til dansk bliver titlen til: "Hinterkaifeck. Mordsagen. Spor efter en mystisk forbrydelse". I sin bog citerer Leuschner de originale politirapporter.

I 2009 udkom filmen Hinter Kaifeck instrueret af Esther Gronenborn.

Referencer

Uopklarede mord
Konspirationsteorier
Forbrydelser i Tyskland

Hinterkaifeck-mordene