Dublin Bus () is a State-owned bus operator providing services in Dublin. By far the largest bus operator in the city, it carried 138 million passengers in 2019. It is a wholly-owned subsidiary of Córas Iompair Éireann.

History

Dublin Bus was established on 2 February 1987, when Córas Iompair Éireann was split into 3 subsidiaries, Dublin Bus, Bus Éireann and Irish Rail. In September 2011, Dublin Bus received a significant technological upgrade with its introduction of real time passenger information.

The company does not run any services on Christmas Day.

Services

Dublin Bus operates an extensive network of 110 radial, cross-city and peripheral routes and 18 nighttime routes in the city of Dublin and the Greater Dublin Area. The company carries around 325,000 people each day. The main radial routes are focused upon Dublin's sixteen Quality Bus Corridors which provide buses with prioritised access, daytime on some routes, 24 hours on others, to the city centre.  Express buses (branded "Xpresso") operate on similar routes but have a limited number of stops and a higher minimum fare. These services run Monday to Friday at peak times and do not operate on public holidays.

Dublin Bus also runs a Ghost Bus Tour passing some of the supposedly haunted places in the city including St Kevin's Church and St Audoen's Church. The tour usually runs in the evening time and includes two stops where passengers leave the bus behind and visit locations where ghosts have allegedly been seen.

In April 2010, Dublin Bus announced it would be simplifying many of its routes around the city in order to create better efficiency. This programme was called Network Direct. However, as part of these measures, the company also announced that 150 jobs would be lost.

During the 2010s, Dublin Bus rolled out an RTPI system (Real Time Passenger Information) at certain stops, which shows the amount of time before a bus arrives directly to the user.

In 2016, the company carried 125 million passengers, which was a reduction of 14% compared to 2005 numbers (first full year of the Luas, which has seen an increase of 33.6% passengers in the same period).

Between September 2018 and March 2019, 24 Dublin Bus routes and 125 buses were progressively taken over by Go-Ahead Ireland after the National Transport Authority put their operation out to tender, however an equivalent number of new buses were provided to Dublin Bus to retain existing fleet numbers, with increased services and new routes or route variations introduced on the same day as Go-Ahead took over each route batch.

Nitelink
On 6 December 1991 Dublin Bus launched its first 'Nitelink' service aimed at facilitating Christmas revellers returning home from the city centre. The trial service operated from 6 December 1991 to 4 January 1992 (except for certain holidays) on a Mon-Sun basis and cost a flat fare of £2 per person irrespective of how long or short their journey. Nitelink initially consisted of only four routes serving 12 suburban destinations in total with buses leaving on the hour every hour until 3am, from College Street, D'Olier Street and Westmoreland Street. Nitelink is an express service, meaning passengers may only board the buses at the city centre termini and other select locations along the way, although they may disembark at any normal bus stop along the route. Upon completing the journey the buses return to the city centre without passengers.

Over the years the Nitelink service increased to 18 routes overnight, and, until January 2009 ran between Monday and Saturday, with the greatest service frequency being on Friday and Saturday nights. Due to cutbacks necessitated by the 2008 economic downturn in Ireland, the midweek schedule was scrapped. By 2014 there were 18 Nitelink routes running again. Nitelink routes 15n and 41n were discontinued on the 1 December 2019 when 24-hour services on routes 15 and 41 came into effect. Some other areas previously served by the 15n and 41n Nitelinks (but not by the 15 or 41) became incorporated into other Nitelink services. A year later on 13 December 2020, Nitelink route 39n was similarly discontinued when daytime route 39a began operating on a 24-hour basis. Route 25n was discontinued on 16 October 2022 as part of Phase 4.

Due to the COVID-19 pandemic, Nitelink services were paused between March 2020 and January 2022 with a brief respite between Fri 22 Oct 2021 and 19 December 2021 during which time services resumed. The service was halted again on Sun 19 December 2021 when an 8pm curfew was put in place on the hospitality industry due to an increase in COVID-19 cases. Dublin City Councillor Colm O'Rourke criticised the move, noting "The Nitelink is not just for clubbers; it's for workers and anyone else who needs a low-cost service to get home safely – including people on low wages or perhaps students who work the weekend". Nitelink services eventually returned to full operating hours from Friday 28 January 2022.

Currently, as of October 2022 the Nitelink service operates on Friday and Saturday nights only (technically the early hours of Saturday and Sunday) and consists of 12 separate routes that depart between the hours of 00:00 and 04:00 from the Dublin city centre locations of D'Olier Street, Westmoreland Street and Aston Quay. Each of the route numbers is suffixed by the letter 'n' to denote their night status.

Special (higher) fares apply on Nitelink buses than regular daytime bus services. On 2 September 2022 TFI announced that Nitelink fares across all 13 routes were being reduced with immediate effect; Leap fares by 33% and cash fares by 43%. Sorin Costica, Head of Operations at Dublin Bus said the reduction in fares would "...help reduce night-time carbon emissions by encouraging people to take the bus as opposed to travelling by car."

24-hour services
In 2014, Dublin Bus began looking to expand their Nitelink network and also introduce a new dedicated all-night service in the city. By late 2016, Dublin Bus 'Media and Communications Officer' Jennifer O'Brien stated that the company was looking at the possibility of introducing a 24-hour bus service in Dublin from 2017 in conjunction with the National Transport Authority on a phased basis. That same year, Dublin City Councillor Ciarán Cuffe (who also chaired the Council's transport committee) said Dublin needed to look at extending the public-transport service at night noting that the last regular bus left the city at around 11:30pm each weeknight and the last Luas at around half past twelve, or midnight on Sundays.

In December 2019, the first of Dublin's 24-hour services were eventually rolled out. As of June 2023, the company operates ten such routes (which run 24 hours per day, 7 days per week), consisting of routes 15, 39a, 41, C1, C2, C5, C6, N4, G1 and G2. Speaking of the 24/7 buses, Dublin Bus have noted that "They are some of our busiest routes, showing the clear appetite for all day and all-night bus services in Dublin." It has been noted, however, that the service frequency on some of the 24-hour routes at night is insufficient, leading to buses to become filled to capacity. The failure of scheduled buses showing up at night has also been flagged as an issue.

15 and 41
At midnight on 1 December 2019, routes 15 and 41 began operating on a 24-hours-a-day, seven-days-a-week basis with no difference in fare, marking the first time Dublin had a regular night bus service. These buses depart their terminals at intervals of 30 minutes between the hours of 11.30pm and 05:00am. Announcing the change, the NTA CEO Anne Graham explained "The patterns of work and socialising have changed. For instance, the success in attracting to the city, major employers who are headquartered many time-zones away, serving markets around the world, means that commercial and economic activity in Dublin continues around the clock".

In June 2022, chief executive of Dublin Bus Ray Coyne told 'Breakfast Business' on Newstalk radio that of the six 24-hour services the company was currently running, route number 15 was "probably the most successful one". He added "We're looking to see if we can increase the frequency on those (six 24-hour services)... the demand is extremely high". Commenting on the 24-hour services in Sep 2022, Gary Kelly, Chief Inspector with Dublin Bus explained how they were a "huge success" witnessing a "a big demand". He explained "The 41 from Abbey Street to Swords will often be full at 4am in the morning with workers on their way to Dublin Airport and revellers heading home to Swords [..] That one was badly needed over the years. Two years ago, all those workers would have (had) to drive to the airport and pay for parking, or take a taxi. I can't even imagine".

39a
Route 39a began 24-hour operation on the 13 December 2020.

C Spine (C1, C2, C5, C6)
On 28 November 2021 the National Transport Authority implemented Phase 2 of the rollout of its latest Dublin network with the C Spine, that consists of new C1-C4 routes serving the west of the city. The C1 and C2 services operate 24-hours a day, while the C3 and C4 buses turn into the C5 and C6, that operate through Chapelizod village instead of via the Chapelizod bypass at night. The night-time routes operate every hour, starting between 11:36pm and 00:35am every night of the week, and ending at 4am when normal services commence. Upon the introduction of the C Spine, Minister for Transport Eamon Ryan said that it "provides the communities on its route not just increased frequency, but also a night service offering commuters 24-hour bus connections."

N4
As part of BusConnects Phase 3, the N4 (Blanchardstown Shopping Centre – Point Village via Collins Avenue), came into operation on 29 May 2022. The route was originally supposed to begin in January 2022 but was delayed due to driver shortages. Driver shortages would also delay the rollout of the G-Spine routes later in the year. Anne Graham, CEO of the NTA, stated that "Today's launch is one further step in the delivery of an effective and efficient bus service for the Dublin city region. The network is beginning to take shape and we are confident that this Phase will be just as successful as the previous ones."

G Spine (G1, G2)
Phase 4 consisting of the G-Spine of routes G1 and G2 (both 24-hour), and daytime route 60, was launched on 16 October 2022. The phase was originally planned to launch on 28 August 2022 but needed to be pushed back until October 2022 due to driver shortages. Route G1 runs from the Red Cow Luas stop to Spencer Dock via Ballyfermot and the city centre, and G2 operates much the same route but instead connects Liffey Valley Shopping Centre with Spencer Dock, via Ballyfermot and the city centre. Overnight, the G1 and G2 run every hour between 12pm and 5am. One week after the routes launched, Senator Mary Seery Kearney noted she had already received numerous complaints concerning the new routes, with instances of buses not turning up and buses being full. Seery Kearney explained she had contacted the Oireachtas Transport Committee to urgently seek a meeting to review the situation.

Proposed developments

In May 2022, Dublin Bus announced it was considering the expansion of a 24-hour service to include a route that serves Bray. In his submission to the Joint Committee on Transport and Communications, Ray Coyne (Chief Executive of Dublin Bus) said "24/7 bus services are needed to deliver a truly all-day and all-night city [and] the broader economic needs of the city justify accelerating the introduction of 24/7 services on routes such as 46a, 155 and others".

In June 2022, Ray Coyne mentioned that Dublin Bus wanted to increase the frequency of buses operating on their six 24-hour routes. He particularly mentioned the success of the route 15, but added that "demand is extremely high" across all the night routes.

Speaking to TheJournal.ie in August 2022, a spokesperson for the Department of Transport noted that 24-hour services on the planned E-Spine, F-Spine and O-orbital routes set to start in 2023 are under consideration. The E and F routes are proposed to serve the Charlestown Shopping Centre and Northwood areas, the city centre, Bray and Dún Laoghaire. The O-orbital route are due to serve the North and South Circular Road areas. In addition, they noted that "the NTA has indicated that there is potential for each of the spine groups to have at least one route running 24 hours, but final decisions will be made closer to the time of each rollout".

Dublin Bus's official website includes an un-dated article named "Working Together To Build a Truly 24-Hour Dublin" which outlines their intention to introduce additional 24-hour routes to Dublin in advance of BusConnects' full implementation. Conscious of the fact that County Dublin's population is set to reach two million by 2030, the company acknowledged that Dublin is at the cusp of a transformational era as it develops into a truly 24-hour city. The company noted the challenges facing commuters in post-COVID Dublin, but also the opportunities: "Thousands of taxis have left the market. At the same time many new businesses are opening in our capital. Our hospitality sector is recovering strongly from the pandemic, and we are seeing the welcome return of large-scale events like concerts. So, we are confident that the customer demand is there for further 24-hour services".

In late September 2022, Transport for Ireland launched a campaign named "Around the city, around the clock" aimed at highlighting night-time bus services in Dublin in the run up to Christmas. Acting CEO of Dublin Bus, Andrea Keane, emphasised the economic importance of the service in 2022 noting that "The night-time economy in Dublin is growing post-pandemic and the TFI Network is expanding to reflect that. Night-time commuters can now hop on Dublin Bus services to get home affordably".

BusConnects

As part of the National Transport Authority's BusConnects network redesign project, in 2017 and 2018 a US-based consulting firm (Jarrett Walker + Associates) were employed to review and redesign the daytime bus network in and around Dublin. The purpose of the network redesign was to improve network functionality and increase bus ridership in the Dublin Metropolitan Area, an area which encompasses over 1.4 million people over several counties. It was noted that the traditional Dublin Bus network was good for many radial routes (i.e. taking people from the suburbs into the city core) but lacked orbital accessibility (i.e. getting from suburb to suburb). The initial network proposal was released for public consultation in summer 2018, and the revised proposal was released for public comment by October 2019. The NTA began implementing the new network in stages, starting in 2021. The company drew similarities between their proposed Dublin transport plan to that in place in Copenhagen, a city of comparable size and shape. As part of their contract, Jarrett Walker + Associates were not tasked with the expansion of 24-hour and night-time bus services in Dublin, as this was a separate decision taken by the NTA without their involvement.

On 27 June 2021, Phase 1 of the Bus Connects program was rolled out with routes 29a, 31/a/b and 32 being replaced by the "H Spine" routes H1, H2 and H3. Route 6 was also introduced to replace routes 31a and 31b in Howth. Increased frequency, particularly at weekends and earlier and later services, were also added with these changes.

Phase 2 of the BusConnects Network Redesign launched on 28 November 2021 in West Dublin and East Kildare. It involved the introduction of the C-Spine (C1, C2, C3, C4), route 52, eight peak-only routes (P29, X25, X26, X27, X28, X30, X31 and X32), six local routes (L51, L52, L53, L54, L58 and L59) and the two night-time routes of the C5 and C6. The Phase 2 routes are operated by Dublin Bus, with the exception of the L51 and L52 which are operated by Go-Ahead Ireland. A number of old Dublin Bus routes were discontinued with the introduction of the redesign, including the 25 and 66.

Phase 3, consisting of the N4 and N6 north Dublin orbitals, came into effect on 29 May 2022. The N4 travels from Point Village to Blanchardstown Shopping Centre serving Killester, Whitehall, DCU, Finglas and Connolly Hospital. The N6 travels from Kilbarrack to Finglas Village, serving Coolock, Beaumont and Ballymun. There is a 10 minute frequency on both the N4 and N6 at most times on weekdays and Saturdays, with the addition of a 24-hour service on the Route N4, running every 30 minutes every night of the week. The other routes in the new BusConnects network are due to be rolled out on a phased basis over the next several years.

Phase 4 consisting of the G-Spine of routes G1 and G2 (both 24-hour), and route 60, launched on 16 October 2022.

Phase 5a of the programme was launched on 25 June 2023, consisting of three new orbital routes operated solely by Go-Ahead Ireland.

Routes operated (BusConnects only)

Current routes

Withdrawn routes

Proposed routes

Impact of COVID-19
The COVID-19 pandemic led to the suspension of Airlink, Nitelink and some Xpresso services in March 2020; Airlink services were later permanently suspended five months later. With the easing of restrictions in January 2022, Dublin Bus announced all Nitelink services would return to normal from Friday 28 January 2022. The use of facemasks onboard became optional from Monday 28 February 2022.

Route map

Uniquely for a capital city's primary transit network, no full system-wide street and route map is available online. Dublin Bus cites high licensing fees from fellow state-owned company, Ordnance Survey Ireland (OSI).  OSI historically published a printed street map, reissued every two to five years, which included bus routes. However, the edition published June 2011 omitted these for the first time.

Dublin Bus's Core Route Map does, however, provide some visual information about key routes in the city.

Dublin Bus previously employed international design company 'Applied', and a Dublin consultancy, to assist in making its route maps more legible. The aim was to develop clearer route information, with the aim of improving access and encouraging the visitor economy.

Fares
In 2021, Dublin Bus fares migrated to a simplified system, with a short journey fare for journeys of up to three "fare stages" (roughly 2–3 km) and a normal fare for longer trips. Paying the normal fare using a TFI Leap Card allows free transfers to other Dublin Bus, Luas, and certain Iarnród Éireann services for a 90-minute period. Transfers are not available on paper tickets. Higher fares apply to limited-stop peak time Xpresso services (route numbers suffixed with X) and to late-night Nitelink services (route numbers suffixed with N).

In general, Dublin Bus encourages prepaid or reloadable ticket use, and for cash payment it operates an 'exact fare' policy. Passengers must place the exact fare in coins (notes are not accepted) in a "fare box" at the driver's cabin, and the ticket is issued. In case of overpayment, no change is given and a system of issuing 'refund due' receipts, which operated for many years, ended in September 2018.

The wide variety of pre-paid tickets historically issued for Dublin Bus services has been withdrawn over time. Fare capping applies to frequent use of the same Leap card within a day or calendar week (Monday to Sunday), and a "rambler" pack of five or 30 non-consecutive one-day unlimited travel can be purchased and loaded to a Leap card for a slight discount. Monthly and annual season tickets are also offered.

Prepaid tickets must be validated in a machine by the door of the bus at the start of each journey, although the validation process for leap cards differs depending on the distance being travelled and the ticket being used.

Old age pensioners and children aged five and under (as of 1 December 2017) are allowed to travel free of charge; this is part of the national "Free Travel Pass" system operated by the Department of Social Protection.

Passengers who choose not to pay a fare or who travel beyond the limit paid for may be issued a fine, called a "standard fare", of €50, which doubles to €100 if not paid within 3 weeks. Continued non-payment may result in prosecution.

Fleet
As of October 2019, the fleet consisted of 1,048 buses.

Preservation
As the vehicles of the Dublin Bus fleet come of age, they are withdrawn to make way for newer technology. Types of significance such as the GAC Ireland have been preserved by the National Transport Museum of Ireland who house R1 (the first Dublin United Tramways Leyland double-decker service bus in Dublin).

Many ex-CIÉ types have been acquired by private preservationists, some of whom associated with the Transport Enthusiasts Club (TEC). The vehicles are garaged, restored and run by the owners without state funds and take part in films, television programs and in vintage rallies. One event was CIE 60th. 30 October 2005 saw Dublin Bus host CIE 60th in the new Harristown depot. This event was done in coordination with the Transport Enthusiasts Club. Buses, new and old, were on display, showing the contrast and how far the company had come.

Dublin's main bus operator was formerly the Dublin United Transport Company. This company was incorporated into CIÉ in 1945.

Accidents

Christchurch
In 1989, a youth grabbed the steering wheel of a Tallaght bound double decker as it turned the corner opposite Christchurch and the bus crashed onto its side. Multiple passengers were injured but none were seriously injured.

Wellington Quay
On 21 February 2004, at Wellington Quay, Dublin, a bus mounted on pavement and crashed into a queue of 30 people, killing five and injuring 14. The driver was tried for dangerous driving causing death, his trial began in February 2007 at Dublin Circuit Court, but he was acquitted.

North Strand Road

On 5 February 2009, a bus en route from Abbey Street to Artane collided with a tree on North Strand Road and the entire roof section was torn off. The driver was treated in hospital for shock but there were no other injuries as no passengers were seated in the upper deck.

Dublin City Centre
On 16 September 2009, a collision between a Red Line Luas tram and a number 16 Dublin Bus from Ballinteer to Dublin Airport in Dublin City Centre at the intersection of Abbey Street and O'Connell Street injured 21 people. Three people, including the Luas driver, were cut out of the wreckage. The Luas was derailed in the accident. Two female passengers remained trapped on the bus for up to 45 minutes after the crash.

Smithfield
On 16 March 2019, an out of service double-decker bus (VG1) collided with a tram at the junction at Queen Street near the Smithfield Luas stop. Several people were hospitalised with non-life-threatening injuries.

Ballsbridge
On 2 October 2020, a double-decker operating on route 7A was involved in a serious collision with a stolen car at the junction of Northumerland Road and Haddington Road in Ballsbridge, resulting in the bus hitting a tree. Eight people were hospitalised, with two bus passengers requiring intensive care.

See also
 Dublin Area Rapid Transit, local rail services in Dublin
 Transport in Dublin

References

External links

Company website
Dublin Bus journey planner
Dublin Bus information on Dublin Public Transport portal

Bus companies of the Republic of Ireland
Bus transport in the Republic of Ireland
CIÉ
Transport companies established in 1987
Transport in County Dublin
Irish companies established in 1987

Dublin Bus


Mirco Pruijser né le 11 août 1989 à Hoofddorp, est un joueur de hockey sur gazon néerlandais. Il évolue au poste d'attaquant au Amsterdam Hockey & Bandy Club et avec l'équipe nationale néerlandaise.

Il a participé aux Jeux olympiques en 2016.

Carrière

Coupe du monde
  : 2018

Championnat d'Europe
  : 2015, 2017, 2021
  : 2019

Jeux olympiques
 Top 8 : 2016, 2020

Références

Liens externes

Naissance en août 1989
Joueur néerlandais de hockey sur gazon
Champion d'Europe de hockey sur gazon
Joueur de hockey sur gazon aux Jeux olympiques d'été de 2016
Joueur de hockey sur gazon aux Jeux olympiques d'été de 2020
Naissance à Haarlemmermeer

Mirco Pruijser


هذه قائمة ميداليات الألعاب الأولمبية الصيفية لعام 1960 التي أقيمت في إيطاليا وقد تحصل الاتحاد السوفييتي على المركز الأول برصيد 43 ذهبية.

روابط إضافية

مراجع

الألعاب الأولمبية الصيفية 1960
جداول ميداليات الألعاب الأولمبية الصيفية

قائمة ميداليات الألعاب الأولمبية الصيفية 1960


West Papua (), formerly Irian Jaya Barat (West Irian), is a province of Indonesia. It covers the two western peninsulas of the island of New Guinea, the eastern half of the Bird's Head Peninsula (or Doberai Peninsula) and the Bomberai Peninsula, along with nearby smaller islands. The province is bordered to the north by the Pacific Ocean, to the west by Southwest Papua, the Halmahera Sea and the Ceram Sea, to the south by the Banda Sea, and to the east by the province of Central Papua and the Cenderawasih Bay. Manokwari is the province's capital and largest city. West Papua is the second-least populous province in Indonesia (after South Papua). It had a population of 1,134,068 at the 2020 Census, and the official estimate for mid-2022 was 1,183,307. However, the total area and population was reduced by the Parliamentary decision on 17 November 2022 to create a 38th province of Indonesia, comprising Sorong city and the regencies of Sorong, South Sorong, Raja Ampat, Maybrat and Tambrauw; this new province, called Southwest Papua, came into existence from 8 December 2022. The reduced West Papua Province thus had a mid-2022 population estimated at only 561,403.

After the Japanese surrender, the Dutch remained in New Guinea until 1962 when they transferred the control of the region to the Indonesian government as a part of the New York Agreement. West Papua was legally created as a province in 1999, but it was not inaugurated until 2003. Consisting until 2022 of twelve regencies and one city, the province has a special autonomous status as granted by Indonesian legislation.

West Papua has a medium Human Development Index, which is the second lowest among Indonesia's 38 provinces. The Indonesian government has launched the building of ambitious infrastructure projects including the Trans-Papua Highway, airports, and other facilities. Detractors claim that these projects threaten Southeast Asia's and Oceania's last large regions of tropical rainforests and native cultures. According to Bank Indonesia, West Papua recorded an economic growth rate of 7.7% during 2018, which is higher than the national economic growth.

History

Etymology
There are several theories regarding the origin of the word Papua. One theory is that the name comes from the word 'Papo-Ua', named by the Tidore Sultanate, which in the Tidore language means "not joining" or "not being united", meaning that the island had no king. Before the age of colonization, the Tidore Sultanate controlled some parts of the Bird's Head Peninsula in what is now the province of Southwest Papua before expanding to also include coastal regions in the current province of Papua. This relationship played an important historical role in binding Indonesia to the Papua. Another theory is that the word Papua comes from the Malay word 'papuwah', which means 'frizzled hair'. It was first mentioned in 1812 Malay Dictionary by William Marsden, although it was not found on earlier dictionaries. In the records of 16th century Portuguese and Spanish sailors, the word 'Papua' is the designation for the inhabitants who inhabit the Raja Ampat Islands and the coastal parts of the Bird's Head Peninsula.

The former name of the province, Irian Jaya, was suggested during a tribal committee meeting in Tobati, Jayapura, formed by Atmoprasojo, head of bestuur school in the 1940s, Frans Kaisiepo the committee leader suggested name from Mansren Koreri myths, Iri-an from the Biak language of Biak Island, meaning "hot land" referring to local hot climate, but also from Iryan which means heated process as a methapor for a land that is entering new era. In Serui Iri-an () means "pillar of nation", while in Merauke Iri-an () means "rising spirit" or "to rise". The name was promoted in 1945 by Marcus Kaisiepo, brother of the future governor Frans Kaisiepo. The name Irian was politicized later by Marthin Indey and Silas Papare with the Indonesian acronym 'Ikut Republik Indonesia Anti Nederland' (Join the Republic of Indonesia oppose the Netherlands). The name was used throughout the Suharto administration, until it was changed to Papua during the administration of President Abdurrahman Wahid.

The Dutch, who arrived later under Jacob Le Maire and Willem Schouten, called it Schouten island. They later used this name only to refer to islands off the north coast of Papua proper, the Schouten Islands or Biak Island. When the Dutch colonized this island as part of the Dutch East Indies, they called it Nieuw Guinea.

Speakers align themselves with a political orientation when choosing a name for the western half of the island of New Guinea. The official name of the region is "Papua" according to International Organization for Standardization (ISO). Independence activists refer to the region as "West Papua", while Indonesian officials have also used "West Papua" to name the westernmost province of the region since 2007. Historically, the region has had the official names of Netherlands New Guinea (1895–1962), West Irian or Irian Barat (1962–73), Irian Jaya (1973–2002), Irian Jaya Barat (2003–2007), and Papua Barat (2007–present).

Pre-colonial era

Papuan habitation of the region is estimated to have begun between 42,000 and 48,000 years ago. Research indicates that the highlands were an early and independent center of agriculture, and show that agriculture developed gradually over several thousands of years; the banana has been cultivated in this region for at least 7,000 years. Austronesian peoples migrating through Maritime Southeast Asia settled in the area at least 3,000 years ago, and populated especially in Cenderawasih Bay. Diverse cultures and languages have developed in the island due to geographical isolation; there are over 300 languages and two hundred additional dialects in the region (see Papuan languages, Austronesian languages, Central–Eastern Malayo-Polynesian languages).

Ghau Yu Kuan, a Chinese merchant, came to Papua around the latter half of 500 AD and referred to it as Tungki, the area where they obtained spices. Meanwhile, in the latter half of 600 AD, the Sumatra-based empire of Srivijaya (7th century–13th century) referred to the island as Janggi. The empire engaged in trade relations with western New Guinea, initially taking items like sandalwood and birds-of-paradise in tribute to China, but later making slaves out of the natives. It was only at the beginning of 700 AD that traders from Persia and Gujarat began to arrive in what is now Papua and call it Dwi Panta or Samudrananta, which means 'at edge of the ocean'.

The 14th-century Majapahit poem Nagarakretagama mentioned Wwanin or Onin and Sran as a recognized territory in the east, today identified as Onin peninsula in Fakfak Regency in the western part of the larger Bomberai Peninsula south of the Bird's Head region of Western New Guinea. At that time, Papua was said to be the eighth region of the Majapahit Empire. Wanin or Onin was probably the oldest name in recorded history to refer to the western part of the island of New Guinea. A transcript from the Nagarakretagama says the following:

 Ikang sakasanusasanusa Makasar Butun Banggawai Kuni Ggaliyao mwang i [ng] Salaya Sumba Solot Muar muwah tigang i Wandan Ambwan Athawa maloko Ewanin ri Sran ini Timur ning angeka nusatutur.

According to some linguists, the word Ewanin is another name for Onin, while Sran popularly misunderstood to refers to Seram Island in Maluku, is more likely another name for Kowiai. The local Papuan kingdom in its native language is called Sran Eman Muun which is based in Kaimana and its furthest influence extends to the Kei Islands, in southeastern Maluku. In his book Nieuw Guinea, Dutch author WC. Klein explained the beginning of the influence of the Bacan Sultanate in Papua. There he wrote: In 1569 Papoese hoof den bezoeken Batjan. Ee aanterijken worden vermeld (In 1569, Papuan tribal leaders visited Bacan, which resulted in the creation of new kingdoms). According to the oral history of the Biak people, there used to be a relationship and marriage between their tribal chiefs and the sultans of Tidore. The Biak people is the largest Melanesian tribe that spreads on the northern coast of Papua, therefore the Biak language is also the most widely used and considered the language of Papuan unity. Due to the relationship of the coastal areas of Papua with the Sultans of Maluku, there are several local kingdoms on this island, which shows the entry of the system of feudalism that does not originated from Papua itself.

Since the 16th century, apart from the Raja Ampat Islands which was contested between the Bacan Sultanate, Tidore Sultanate, and Ternate Sultanate, other coastal areas of Papua from the island of Biak to Mimika have become a vassal of the Tidore Sultanate. The Tidore Sultanate adheres to the trade pact and custom of Uli-Siwa ( federation of nine ), so there were nine trade partners led by Tidore in opposition to Ternate-led Uli Lima ( federation of five ). In administering its regions in Papua, Tidore divide them to three regions, Korano Ngaruha (  ) or Raja Ampat Islands, Papoua Gam Sio ( ) and Mafor Soa Raha ( ). The role of these kingdoms began to decline due to the entry of traders from Europe to the archipelago which marks the beginning of colonialism in the Indonesian Archipelago. During Tidore's rule, the main exports of the island during this period were resins, spices, slaves and the highly priced feathers of the bird-of-paradise. Sultan Nuku, one of the most famous Tidore sultans who rebelled against Dutch colonization, called himself "Sultan of Tidore and Papua", during his revolt in 1780s. He commanded loyalty from both Moluccan and Papuan chiefs, especially those of Raja Ampat Islands. Following Tidore's defeat, much of the territory it claimed in western part of New Guinea came under Dutch rule as part of Dutch East Indies.

Colonial era
In 1511, Antonio d'Arbau, a Portuguese sailor, called the Papua region as "Os Papuas" or llha de Papo. Don Jorge de Menetes, a sailor from Spain also stopped by in Papua a few years later (1526–1527), he refers to the region as 'Papua', which was mentioned in the diary of Antonio Pigafetta, the clerk for the Magellan voyage. The name Papua was known to Pigafetta when he stopped on the island of Tidore.

On 16 May 1545, Yñigo Ortiz de Retez, a Spanish maritime explorer who in command of the San Juan de Letran, left port in Tidore, an island which was Spain's stronghold in the Maluku Islands and going by way of the Talaud Islands and the Schoutens, reached the northern coast of New Guinea, which was coasted till the end of August when, having got to the 5°S latitude, contrary winds and currents forced a return to Tidore where he arrived on 5 October 1545. Many islands were encountered and first charted, along the northern coast of New Guinea, and in the Padaidos, Le Maires, Ninigos, Kaniets and Hermits, to some of which Spanish names were given. On 20 June 1545 at the mouth of the Mamberamo River (that was charted as San Agustin) he took possession of the land for the Spanish Crown, in the process giving the island the name by which it is known today. He called it Nueva Guinea owing to the resemblance of the local inhabitants to the peoples of the Guinea coast in West Africa. The first map showing the whole island (as an island) was published in 1600 and shown 1606, Luís Vaz de Torres explored the southern coast of New Guinea from Milne Bay to the Gulf of Papua including Orangerie Bay, which he named Bahía de San Lorenzo. His expedition also discovered Basilaki Island, naming it Tierra de San Buenaventura, which he claimed for Spain in July 1606. On 18 October, his expedition reached the western part of the island in present-day Indonesia, and also claimed the territory for the King of Spain.

In 1606, a Duyfken expedition led by the commander Wiliam Jansen from Holland landed in Papua. This expedition consisted of 3 ships, where they sailed from the north coast of Java and stopped at the Kei Islands, at the southwestern coast of Papua. With the increasing Dutch grip in the region, the Spanish left New Guinea in 1663. In 1660, the Dutch recognized the Sultan of Tidore's sovereignty over New Guinea. New Guinea thus became notionally Dutch as the Dutch held power over Tidore.

Dutch New Guinea in the early 19th century was administered from the Moluccas. Although the coast had been mapped in 1825 by Lieutenant Commander D.H. Kolff, there had been no serious effort to establish a permanent presence in Dutch New Guinea. The British, however, had shown considerable interest in the area, and were threatening to settle it. To prevent this, the Governor of the Moluccas, Pieter Merkus, urged the Dutch government to establish posts along the coast. An administrative and trading post established in 1828 on Triton Bay on the southwest coast of New Guinea. The post was named Fort Du Bus for the then-Governor General of the Dutch East Indies, Leonard du Bus de Gisignies. On 24 August 1828, the birthday of King William I of the Netherlands, the Dutch flag was hoisted and Dutch claimed all of western Papua, which they called Nieuw Guinea. In the ceremony, multiple tribes and kingdoms of the region was invited. The Dutch reorganized VOC vassalization system of Tidore Sultanate with the Sultan being given new rattan baton with gold head (formerly having VOC stamp). Under him, Sendawan (King of Namatota), Kassa (King of Lahakia) and Lutu ("Orang Kaya" from Lobo and Mawara) were recognized as leader of the regions which was symbolized by three rattan batons with silver head. Under those three, The Netherlands also recognized another twenty eight tribes or vassal kingdoms. Almost 30 years later, Germans established the first missionary settlement on an island near Manokwari. While in 1828 the Dutch claimed the south coast west of the 141st meridian and the north coast west of Humboldt Bay in 1848, they did not try to develop the region again until 1896; they established settlements in Manokwari and Fak-Fak in response to perceived Australian ownership claims from the eastern half of New Guinea.

Under Tidore hegemony around Onin Peninsula, there was three main local kingdoms Atiati, Fatagar, and Rumbati led by Bauw dynasty. In 1878, there was a war between Rumbati on one side and Fatagar and Atiati on the other side. Atiati and Fatagar moved their capitals to Ega islands. After some time there was a conflict between Atiati and Fatagar, as a result Atiati moved its capital to the mainland on the coast just across Ega island which come to be known as Atiati in modern time. Meanwhile, Fatagar moved its capital to a place called Merapi, located on the eastern side of Fakfak town in modern time.

Great Britain and Germany had recognized the Dutch claims in treaties of 1885 and 1895. At much the same time, Britain claimed south-east New Guinea, later known as the Territory of Papua, and Germany claimed the northeast, later known as the Territory of New Guinea. The German, Dutch and British colonial administrators each attempted to suppress the still-widespread practices of inter-village warfare and headhunting within their respective territories. In 1901, the Netherlands formally purchased West New Guinea from the Sultanate of Tidore, incorporating it into the Netherlands East Indies.

Other local kingdoms around the area, were formerly under the dominion of Rumbati kingdom but achieved kingdom status when the Netherlands achieved hegemony of the area in 1898, these includes: Patipi kingdom centered in Patipi Bay in Fakfak, Sekar kingdom in Kokas led by Rumagesan dynasty, Wertuar kingdom centered in Sisir led by Heremba dynasty, Arguni kingdom centered in Arguni islands in Kaimana.
Other kingdoms in the area include Namatota Kingdom, and Sran Kingdom.

Modern era
During the Indonesian National Awakening period several Indonesian nationalists were interned in the Boven-Digoel detention camp in modern-day Papua province, mostly from the failed 1926 communist uprising. This began the long interaction and formation of local Indonesian nationalist movement in Western New Guinea. Following its independence declaration from the Netherlands in 1945, Indonesia claimed all of the territory of the former Dutch East Indies, including Western New Guinea. Local figures like Silas Papare created PKII In 1946 centered in Serui to begin preparation for revolution war against the Netherlands. To counter this Netherlands formed the Papuan Council.

In 1947 Malino Conference the formation of United States of Indonesia was considered but because of pressure from local Dutch politicians hoping to create a West New Guinea country for fleeing Indo-Eurasians, they decided against including West New Guinea in United States of Indonesia. This is contrary to the local Papuan delegates in the event, Frans Kaisiepo who argued for the inclusion of West Papua with Indonesia. This is also the first time 'Irian' is proposed to describe the territory as suggested by Kaisiepo. Kaisiepo was then rejected to becoming Dutch New Guinea representatives during 1949 Round-Table Conference which resulted in United States of Indonesia independence and postponement of the Western new Guinea status negotiation to the next year.

However, by 1950s Republic of Indonesia Government dissolved United States of Indonesia and many of the constituent merged to form United Republic of Indonesia. This angered the Dutch because it destroyed their influence in many of the formed republics constituent of BFO and the dissolving of Dutch-Indonesian Union. As a result, the region was still retained by the Dutch, which caused increasing tension of Netherlands with Indonesia.

By December 1957, Sukarno frustrated with the lack of progress for Western New Guinea negotiation, decided to nationalise around 246 Dutch companies dominating Indonesian economy. By early 1960s Indonesia also began to accept increasing amounts of Soviet-bloc military aid. This leads to increasingly aggressive stance by Indonesia. In April 1961, Netherlands announced the formation of a Nieuw Guinea Raad, intending to create an independent Papuan state. Indonesia declared intention of military confrontation by Formation of Tri Komando Rakjat (TRIKORA) speech in Yogyakarta, on 19 December 1961. Indonesia then began to direct military incursions into the half-island, which he referred to as West Irian. By the end of 1962, 3,000 Indonesian soldiers were present throughout West Irian/West Papua. Although most of these military incursion managed to make contact with local Indonesian nationalists most were unsuccessful in taking control and were captured by Dutch authority.

United States fearing more Indonesian shift toward the Soviet block, formulated a plan to resolve the Western New Guinea dispute. Indonesian delegation include several Indonesian nationalists from West Papua Who managed to flee and made contact during earlier incursions, such as: Marthen Indey and Silas Papare. It was agreed through the New York Agreement in 1962 that the administration of Western New Guinea would be temporarily transferred from the Netherlands to Indonesia and that by 1969 the United Nations should oversee a referendum of the Papuan people, in which they would be given two options: to remain part of Indonesia or to become an independent nation. This vote was referred to as the Act of Free Choice. However, the vote was reportedly conducted by consensus of government-selected delegates, numbering slightly over 1,000, which represent the elite of Papuan society, mostly Papuan tribal elders and local kings such as Machmud Singgirei Rumagesan kings of Sekar, and the few local Papuans luckily to receive education during the earlier period of Dutch East Indies. The referendum was recognised by the international community and the region became the Indonesian province of Irian Jaya (renamed Papua in 1999). The result of the compromised vote was rejected by West Papuan nationalists, who are mostly from the newer generation of Dutch New Guinea educated elites, who established the Free Papua Movement (OPM) which have roots in the earlier Dutch-formed Papuan Council. The independence movement for West Papua has continued, primarily through peaceful protest and international pressure, but also guerrilla warfare against the Indonesian administration.

The Papua conflict is an ongoing conflict in Western New Guinea between Indonesia and the Free Papua Movement (Indonesian: Organisasi Papua Merdeka, OPM). Subsequent to the withdrawal of the Dutch administration from the Netherlands New Guinea in 1962 and implementation of Indonesian administration in 1963, the Free Papua Movement has conducted a low-intensity guerrilla war against Indonesia through the targeting of its military, police, and civilian populations.

The province of West Papua was established out of the western portion of the province of Papua in February 2003, initially under the name of West Irian Jaya (Irian Jaya Barat). In November 2004, an Indonesian court agreed that the split violated Papua's autonomy laws. However, the court ruled that because the new province had already been established, it should remain separate from Papua. The ruling also prohibited the creation of another proposed province, Central Irian Jaya, as that division had not yet been formalised. The split is in line with the general trend of provincial splits that is occurring in all parts of Indonesia in the post-Suharto era.

The name of the province was changed to Papua Barat in 2007. The new name applies from that date, but a plenary session of the provincial legislative council is required to legalise the change of name, and the government needed to issue an implementing regulation. Since April 18, 2007 the government has issued the implementing regulation.

In November 2022, Sorong City and West Papua's westernmost regencies form the province of Southwest Papua despite their location on the northwestern part of the island.

Geography

The provincial area included eastern part of Doberai Peninsula (Bird's Head Peninsula) and Bomberai Peninsula. In the north, the province was bordered by the Pacific Ocean, the west by Southwest Papua, North Maluku province and Maluku province, the eastern part by Cenderawasih Bay, the south by the Ceram Sea and the southeast by Central Papua Province. The southeastern boundary of West Papua was almost the same as the Afdeling boundary ("part") West Nieuw-Guinea ("West New Guinea") in the Dutch East Indies. Since the creation of the new Southwest Papua Province, the residual West Papua Province consists of only seven regencies.

West Papua is located between 0–4 degrees South Latitude and 124–132 degrees East Longitude, just below the equator with an altitude of  above sea level. The area of West Papua before the creation of Southwest Papua was , and currently about .

The climate in West Papua also tends to be the same as the climate in the Papua Province, which is tropical with rainfall varying in each region.

The land condition in West Papua is almost the same as the Papua Province where the surface is in the form of cliffs and slopes. The types of soil in West Papua are latosol, resina, red and yellow medeteren, podsol, red yellow podsolic, gray red podsolic, litosol, alluvia, gray hydromorph.

The mountains in West Papua include the Arfak Mountains () in Arfak Mountains Regency, the Fak-Fak Mountains in Fak-Fak Regency, Mount Fudi () in Fak-Fak Regency, Kumafa Mountains in Fak-Fak Regency, Mount Togwomeri () in Manokwari Regency, Mount Wasada () in Manokwari Regency, Mount Wiwi () in Manokwari Regency.

Lakes in West Papua include Anggi Giji Lake in Manokwari Regency, Anggi Gita Lake in Manokwari Regency, Lake Yamur in Manokwari Regency.

The province is rich in karst areas. Many of these areas remain unexplored from a speleological point of view. Among the most important caves explored, there are the Lomo Longmot e Lomo Iono Besar (−360 e −315 meter deep), second and fourth cave for depth of Indonesia. This cave was explored in the 1990s by a French speleology expedition team in the Lina Mountains region, Irameba Village, Anggi District, Manokwari Regency. Recently the karst system of the Aouk-Kladuk river has been explored. At present, it is the largest underground river explored on the planet.

Administrative divisions

Before 1999, the areas forming (since 2003) West Papua province consisted of three regencies (kabupaten) – Manokwari, Sorong and Fakfak. The City of Sorong was separated from Sorong Regency on 4 October 1999 and established as a regency-level administration. Five new regencies were created on 11 December 2002 - Kaimara from part of Fakfak Regency, Raja Ampat (the Raja Ampat Islands off the west coast of Papua) and South Sorong (Sorong Selatan) from further parts of Sorong Regency, and Teluk Bintuni and Telek Wondama from parts of Manokwari Regency. In late 2008 two new regencies were created from other arts of Sorong Regency - Tambrauw on 29 October, and Maybrat on 19 December. Thus by 2009 the province was administratively divided into ten regencies (kabupaten) and the autonomous city (kota), which together were subdivided into 155 districts (distrik) at the 2010 Census. Two further new regencies were created on 25 October 2012 – South Manokwari (Manokwari Selatan) and Arfak Mountains (Pegunungan Arfak) – both from districts which were formerly parts of the Manokwari Regency, while four further districts of Manokwari Regency were added to Tambrauw Regency.

All the existing regencies in the reduced province are listed below with their areas and their populations at the 2010 Census and the 2020 Census, together with the official estimates as at mid 2022.

On 25 October 2013 the People's Representative Council began reviewing draft laws on the establishment of 57 prospective regencies/cities (and 8 new provinces). This included a new province of Southwest Papua to be created out of the existing West Papua province, together with three new regencies and one city to be formed within the residual West Papua Province – Raja Maskona (from Teluk Bintuni Regency), Okas (from Fakfak Regency), and West Manokwari (from Manokwari Regency), while the new city is Manokwari (from Manokwari Regency). Except for the creation of new provinces in Indonesian Papua, these projected changes have not yet (by 2023) been implemented.

Economy
This province has tremendous potential, both agriculture, mining, forest products and tourism. Pearls and seaweed are produced in Raja Ampat Regency while the only traditional weaving industry called Timor fabric is produced in South Sorong Regency. Fragrant nutmeg syrup can be obtained in Fak-Fak Regency as well as various other potentials. Besides that nature tourism is also one of the mainstays of West Papua, such as the Cenderawasih Bay National Park located in Teluk Wondama Regency. This National Park stretches from the east of the Kwatisore Peninsula to the north of Rumberpon Island with a coastline of 500 km, the land area reaches 68,200 ha, sea area 1,385,300 ha with details of 80,000 ha of coral reefs and 12,400 ha of ocean.

Demographics

Ethnic groups

51.48% of the total population in West Papua are the native Papuan people. They are several tribes in West Papua. The tribes that inhabit West Papua Province are Abun, Ambel, Arfak, Awe, Ayamaru, Ayfat, Aytino, Batanta, Biak, Biga, Bira, Borai, Butlih, Domu, Doreri, Emeyode, Fiawat, Hatam, Irarutu, Irires, Iwaro, Kais, Kawe, Koiwai, Kuri, Langanyan, Madekwana, Mairasi, Maniwak, Matbat, Mbaham, Matta, Meiah, Meybrat, Miere, Miyay, Moi, Moire, Moru, Moskona, Mpur, Napiti, Oburauw, Roon, Roswar, Sebyar, Sougb, Soviar, Sumuri, Tehit, Tepin, Wamesa, Warumba, Waruri, Wawiyai, Wondama, Yaben Nerigo, Yabin Konda.

When viewed from cultural characteristics, livelihoods and patterns of life, indigenous Papuans can be divided into two major groups, namely mountainous Papua or inland, highlands and lowland and coastal Papua. The belief pattern of traditional Papuan religions unites and absorbs all aspects of life, they have an integral worldview that is closely related to one another between material and spiritual worlds, which are secular and sacred and both function together.

The remaining population are mostly migrants from other parts of Indonesia, such as the Javanese, Buginese, Makassarese, Minahasan, Torajan, Butonese, and Moluccans.

Religion

The population of West Papua Province embraces different religions. Data in 2021 showed that the largest percentage of religious believers were Protestant Christians (54.17%), then Islam (36.74%), Catholic Christians (8.71%), Hinduism (0.19%), and Buddhism (0.19%). Islam had been present in the coastal region of Papua because of its past relationship with Tidore and Ternate sultanates. Based on family account of Abdullah Arfan, the dynasty of Salawati Kingdom, mentioned in the 16th century the first Papuan Muslim was Kalewan who married Siti Hawa Farouk, a muballighah from Cirebon, and changed his name to Bayajid who became the ancestor of Arfan clan. In the province, the city of Manokwari has come to be known as the "Gospel City", as it is directly inland from Mansinam Island where the first European missionaries settled on 5 February 1855. The date has become a significant local Christian holiday known as "Gospel Day", celebrated annually across West Papua and Papua.

Language
Indonesian is the official language in the Papua Barat province, just like other provinces in Indonesia. All road signs and documents released by the provincial government are written in Indonesian. However, Papuan Malay is used as the lingua franca of the province, both as a trade language and in inter-ethnic communication. Papuan Malay is considered to be similar to Ambonese Malay and Manado Malay language, and is mutually intelligible with Indonesian though it has been highly influenced by local languages. Nevertheless, its usage is currently diminishing as the proportion of people who are more fluent in Standard Indonesian is increasing.

The number of local languages used by the native peoples of the Papua Barat province reaches 34 consisting of approximately 14 Austronesian languages and 20 Papuan languages.

Regional languages in the Papua Barat province are threatened with extinction, because there are fewer and fewer users. Most regional languages in the province are threatened with extinction, if not immediately documented and preserved. The threat of extinction is due to economic, educational and political problems. The indigenous Papuans who transact on the market will use Indonesian, because the buyers or sellers are migrants or they speak a different Papuan language. The need for children to use Indonesian daily and the lack of education in schools about regional languages largely contributes to their disuse and extinction.

Culture
Like the other provinces which form part of Indonesian Papua, the Papua Barat province is inhabited by different tribes.

Traditional houses
An exhibition house called Rumah Kaki Seribu (Thousand Legs House) was recently built to exhibit musical instruments, traditional clothing, and handicrafts from the Papua Barat province. The architecture of this building is inspired from that of the region around Manokwari. This traditional house is a stilt house with many pillars. The traditional house whose original roof was made of straw or sago leaves and wood as its pillars. The poles that are made are short and some are high, the pillars are useful for protecting themselves from enemies and the threat of people with evil intentions or black magic.

Clothing
The traditional clothes in the West Papua region are named Serui. Not much different from traditional clothing in Papua, the form of clothing is almost the same for both men and women. They wear clothes and lower body coverings in the same shape. They also wear ornaments on the chest and head in the form of necklaces, bracelets, ornaments of birds of paradise on the other parts of the head. Equipment worn by men at weddings usually have the groom holding a shield such as an arrow or tombah to fulfill the Papuan custom.

Another West Papuan traditional clothing is called Ewer. This garment is purely made from natural ingredients, namely dried straw. With the progress and influence of modernization, these traditional clothes were then equipped with cloth for their superiors. The following is a picture of the traditional Ewer clothing typical of West Papuans. At present, natural materials such as straw or dry fiber are only used as skirts for women. The skirt is made by taking plant fibers and arranging them using a rope at the top. This skirt is made with two layers, the inner layer is knee-length, and the outer layer is shorter. To strengthen skirt ties, belts made of bark are used in such a way. Usually the carving motif is not complicated, namely the gingham with a geometric arrangement.

As for the shirt tops, they use baju kurung made of velvet fabric with knotted tufts on the edges of the arms, neck or waist. This article is derived from outside culture and is usually only used for West Papuans who live around the city of Manokwari. Apart from clothes and skirts, West Papuan traditional clothing for women is also equipped with a variety of accessories such as bracelets, necklaces and headgear. Bracelets and necklaces are usually made from hard grains which are arranged using a piece of yarn, while the head cover is made of cassowary feathers.

For men, the West Papuan traditional clothing worn in ancient times is very different from the traditional clothes worn and introduced today. In the past, men in general only used tassel skirts, the way and materials made were the same as those worn by women. The use of tassel skirts by men is not equipped with a boss so they will only be bare-chested. Today, custom Ewer clothing for men is made of velvet fabric with a more polite model. Knee-length shorts complete with a cloth covering dangling on the front are used as subordinates, while for superiors are used vest shirts made with fabric. Each edge of a piece of men's ewer shirt, both for pants, vests, and cloth covers is usually decorated with bright colored fabric borders. In addition, the indigenous men of West Papua also wear several other accessories to support their appearance. Necklaces and headgear, and war equipment in the form of shields, spears, chopsticks and arrows are some of what usually must be present.

Traditional dance

As West Papua consists of many tribes, there are many traditional dances from each tribe. The most common type of traditional dance is the war dance. This type of dance symbolizes heroism and valor for Papuans. It is usually danced by men with traditional clothing with bows and arrows as weapons. Historically this dance was perform by soldiers before tribal warfare. As tribal warfare largely been eliminated, but this dance was performed as a show or welcome reception. Usually this dance is performed by seven or more people. The music comes from shells, tifas and drums. The dancing is quite energetic and featured some war movements, including archery, jumping, and scouting enemies, among others.

Yospan dance is another dance originating from West Papua, this dance is an amalgamation of two traditional dances namely Yosim dances originating from the bay of Sairei (Serul, Waropen) and Pancar dances originating from Biak, Numfor and Manokwari. The musical instruments used for Yosim usually used are cuku lele (Ukulele), and guitars which shows foreign influences as these were not instruments from Papua. Included was also local bass made from three strings, with the strings made from Pandan leaves. As well as Kalabasa, a dried Calabash, which was then filled with beads. In Yosim dance, the women are dressed with weavings to cover the chest, and headress made from bird feathers. While the men are bare-chested and wearing the same headress. The dance movement are more energetic though simple. In Pancar dance, the music are from Tifa drums which is the universal instruments for coastal Papuans. The drum skin is usually made from soa-soa (lizards). The movements are more stiff following the Tifa beats.

Movements include Seka, this dance movement are usually from southern coast with famous version from Kaimana, Fakfak, and Timika. In Pacul Tiga, or Pancar Meneru the dancer swing forward three steps, and throw both arms and one leg to the left and right, which was then repeated fir the other leg. Jef movements are influenced by rock and roll dance from 1969 to 1971, Gale-Gale movements are from Wondama Bay and Mor-Mambor islands. Pancar movements are performed by the dancers move in a circle. These movements was inspired by animals, and have four variations.

Suanggi dance is from the region around Cendrawasih Bay the northern coast of New Guinea. This dance is basically an exorcism ritual by a bereaved husband after his wife become victim of possession by mythical creatures (angi-angi). Suanggi is an evil spirit which wander the earth because it cannot find peace and will take possession of a woman. The dance is usually only performed when death victims were found, which prompts the tribal leaders to initiate the ritual before the tribe members starting the dance.

Weapons
The bow and arrow is one of the main weapons typical of the tribes in Papua. These traditional weapons of bows and arrows are used for hunting and fighting. The bow is made of bamboo or wood, while the bowstring is made of rattan. The arrows are made of bamboo, wood, or kangaroo bones. Because of bow and arrow materials made from nature, special expertise is needed to use these traditional weapons. Spears are one of the traditional tribal weapons in Papua and West Papua. Traditional tribal spears in Papua are made from natural materials such as wood and stone. Each tribe has a different form of spear, including those with one spear and two spears.

In addition to bows, arrows and spears, indigenous tribes in Papua have traditional daggers made of cassowary bones or bamboo. This knife can be made from the bones of a cassowary or bamboo foot with a tapered tip, while the handle is decorated with cassowary feathers. Traditional weapons from Papua and West Papua made from the bones of cassowary birds are used as a tool in hunting and extracting forest products.

Stone axes are traditional tribal traditional weapons in Papua and West Papua. This stone ax is made of natural stone which is smashed and formed by the eyes of an ax, given a woven frame from a twist of wood fiber and forest orchids, used for cutting, picking and scraping.

Transport
In West Papua, the largest airport is Dominique Edward Osok Airport, located in Sorong. In addition, there are also Fakfak Airport, Rendani Airport in Manokwari and Utarom Airport in Kaimana. Major flights to the West Papua area from Jakarta, Surabaya and Makassar are usually via the airport in Sorong or Biak, then continue with smaller aircraft.

Tourism
In Doreri Bay there are three small islands: Mansinan Island, Lemon Island and Raimuti Island. These islands have a collection of coral reefs. It is estimated that this place has more than 20 former World War II wrecks. But what can be seen clearly is that there are around 6 ships such as Pasir Putih Wreck, a type of Navy patrol boat with a length of 12–22 meters. Pillbox Wreck, a type of commercial cargo carrier carrying around 9–16 meters of ammunition, Cross Wreck is a kind of patrol boat, Mupi Wreck and Shinwa Maru, a cargo ship.

The Cendrawasih Bay National Park have a unique geological structure and very important oceanographic history. This marine national park has extensive coral reefs of the highest quality in the world. Cendrawasih Bay National Park is in five regions and two provinces, namely Teluk Wondana Regency and Manokwari Regency in West Papua Province and Nabire Regency, Yapen Island Regency and Waropen Regency in Papua Province. Local communities living around national parks use marine resources as a source of life. Cendrawasih Bay National Park is a bay surrounded by several islands, including Biak Island, Yapen Island, and the mainland New Guinea. Administratively, the area is in two Regency, namely Teluk Wondama Regency, West Papua Province and Nabire Regency, Papua Province.

Raja Ampat is an archipelago that is administratively located in the Raja Ampat Regency, West Papua Province. This island is a destination for divers who are interested in the underwater scenery. Raja Ampat Islands is one of the 10 best waters for diving in the whole world, so it has the potential to be a tourist location, especially diving tours. In this place it is also home to 75% of the world's coral species, in the village of Saindarek, when the tides are lowest, we can see coral reefs without diving. Some unique species that can be found while diving in Raja Ampat are several types of pygmy seahorses, wobbegongs, and Manta rays.

Sawinggrai Tourism Village is a village located in Meos Mansar Subdistrict, Raja Ampat Regency, West Papua. It is one of the place in the province to see Bird of Paradise which is still maintained today. Sawinggrai Village Tourism Sites are currently inhabited by around 36 families and some of them have the expertise to make handicrafts typical of sculpture. There are four species of Bird of Paradise that are preserved here, namely the Red bird-of-paradise (Paradisaea Rubra), Magnificent bird-of-paradise (Cicinnurus Magnificus), Lesser bird-of-paradise (Paradisaea Minor) and Greater bird-of-paradise (Paradisaea Apoda). One of the four species, the Red bird of paradise, is a typical icon of Sawinggrai Village.

Villages

Aredo
Mogoi

Notable people
 Abdul Hakim Achmad Aituarauw, Indonesian politician and King of Kaimana
 Adolf Kabo, Indonesian footballer
 Boaz Solossa, Indonesian footballer
 Dominggus Mandacan, Indonesia politician
 Engelberd Sani, Indonesian footballer
 Johannes Abraham Dimara, Indonesia national hero, leader of Trikora infiltration force in Etna Bay
 Machmud Singgirei Rumagesan, Indonesian national hero
 Marlina Flassy, anthropologist and the first woman to be a Dean at Cenderawasih University
 Nehemia Solossa, Indonesian footballer
 Ricky Kambuaya, Indonesian footballer
 Ortizan Solossa, Indonesian footballer

See also

Free Papua Movement
Districts of West Papua
List of rivers of West Papua
Papua Conflict

Notes

References

Bibliography
 1989, 2003 Monbiot, George. Poisoned Arrows: An investigative journey through the forbidden lands of West Papua. London. Michael Joseph, Green Books.

External links

Provinces of Indonesia

Autonomous provinces
Ethnic conflicts in Indonesia
States and territories established in 2003
States and territories established in 1999
2003 establishments in Indonesia

West Papua (province)


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1997

Panamerikameisterschaft 1997 (Badminton)


Lockdown (2012) fue la octava edición Lockdown, un evento pago por visión de lucha libre profesional producido por la Total Nonstop Action Wrestling. El evento tuvo lugar el 15 de abril de 2012 en el Auditorio Municipal de Nashville, Tennessee. Como tradición de los eventos Lockdown, cada lucha se llevará a cabo dentro de una jaula de acero.

Resultados
 Team Garett (Garett Bischoff (Capitán), Austin Aries, Rob Van Dam, A.J. Styles & Mr. Anderson) derrotó al Team Eric (Eric Bischoff (Capitán), Gunner, Bully Ray, Kazarian & Christopher Daniels) en un Lethal Lockdown Match (26:10).
 Garrett cubrió a Eric después de golpearle con una guitarra.
 Como consecuencia, Eric Bischoff deberá abandonar TNA.
 El capitán del equipo perdedor debía abandonar TNA.
 Samoa Joe & Magnus derrotaron a The Motor City Machine Guns (Chris Sabin & Alex Shelley) en un Steel Cage Match reteniendo el Campeonato Mundial en Parejas de la TNA(11:20).
 Magnus cubrió a Shelley después de un "Snapmare/Diving Elbow Drop combination"
 Devon derrotó a Robbie E (con Robbie T) en un Steel Cage Match reteniendo el TNA Television Championship(3:25).
 Devon cubrió a Robbie después de un "Spinbuster"
 Después del combate, Robbie T y Robbie E atacaron a Devon
 Gail Kim (con Madison Rayne) derrotó a Velvet Sky en un Steel Cage Match reteniendo el Campeonato Femenino de la TNA(7:30).
 Kim cubrió a Sky con un "Roll-Up"
 Crimson derrotó a Matt Morgan en un Steel Cage Match(8:00).
 Crimson ganó tras escapar de la jaula.
 Jeff Hardy derrotó a Kurt Angle en un Steel Cage Match.
 Hardy cubrió a Angle después de un "Swanton Bomb" desde lo alto de la jaula.
 ODB & Eric Young derrotaron a Sarita & Rosita en un Steel Cage Match reteniendo los Campeonatos Femeninos en Parejas de la TNA(4:17).
 Bobby Roode derrotó a James Storm en un Steel Cage Match reteniendo el Campeonato Mundial Peso Pesado de la TNA(19:10).
 Roode ganó tras escapar de la jaula después de caer de ella después de una "Last Call" de Storm.

Véase también
 Eventos pago por visión de la TNA
 TNA Lockdown

Referencias

Enlaces externos
 Página oficial del evento
 Impact Wrestling.com
 Página oficial del Nashville Municipal Auditorium

TNA Lockdown
Lucha libre profesional en 2012

Lockdown (2012)


In information theory, the information content, self-information, surprisal, or Shannon information is a basic quantity derived from the probability of a particular event occurring from a random variable. It can be thought of as an alternative way of expressing probability, much like odds or log-odds, but which has particular mathematical advantages in the setting of information theory.

The Shannon information can be interpreted as quantifying the level of "surprise" of a particular outcome. As it is such a basic quantity, it also appears in several other settings, such as the length of a message needed to transmit the event given an optimal source coding of the random variable.

The Shannon information is closely related to entropy, which is the expected value of the self-information of a random variable, quantifying how surprising the random variable is "on average". This is the average amount of self-information an observer would expect to gain about a random variable when measuring it.

The information content can be expressed in various units of information, of which the most common is the "bit" (more correctly called the shannon), as explained below.

Definition
Claude Shannon's definition of self-information was chosen to meet several axioms:

 An event with probability 100% is perfectly unsurprising and yields no information.
 The less probable an event is, the more surprising it is and the more information it yields.
 If two independent events are measured separately, the total amount of information is the sum of the self-informations of the individual events.

The detailed derivation is below, but it can be shown that there is a unique function of probability that meets these three axioms, up to a multiplicative scaling factor. Broadly, given a real number  and an event  with probability , the information content is defined as follows:

The base b corresponds to the scaling factor above. Different choices of b correspond to different units of information: when , the unit is the shannon (symbol Sh), often called a 'bit'; when , the unit is the natural unit of information (symbol nat); and when , the unit is the hartley (symbol Hart).

Formally, given a random variable  with probability mass function , the self-information of measuring  as outcome  is defined as

The use of the notation  for self-information above is not universal. Since the notation  is also often used for the related quantity of mutual information, many authors use a lowercase  for self-entropy instead, mirroring the use of the capital  for the entropy.

Properties

Monotonically decreasing function of probability
For a given probability space, the measurement of rarer events are intuitively more "surprising", and yield more information content, than more common values. Thus, self-information is a strictly decreasing monotonic function of the probability, or sometimes called an "antitonic" function.

While standard probabilities are represented by real numbers in the interval , self-informations are represented by extended real numbers in the interval . In particular, we have the following, for any choice of logarithmic base:

 If a particular event has a 100% probability of occurring, then its self-information is : its occurrence is "perfectly non-surprising" and yields no information.
 If a particular event has a 0% probability of occurring, then its self-information is : its occurrence is "infinitely surprising".

From this, we can get a few general properties:

 Intuitively, more information is gained from observing an unexpected event—it is "surprising".
 For example, if there is a one-in-a-million chance of Alice winning the lottery, her friend Bob will gain significantly more information from learning that she won than that she lost on a given day. (See also Lottery mathematics.)
 This establishes an implicit relationship between the self-information of a random variable and its variance.

Relationship to log-odds
The Shannon information is closely related to the log-odds. In particular, given some event , suppose that  is the probability of  occurring, and that  is the probability of  not occurring. Then we have the following definition of the log-odds:

This can be expressed as a difference of two Shannon informations:

In other words, the log-odds can be interpreted as the level of surprise when the event doesn't happen, minus the level of surprise when the event does happen.

Additivity of independent events
The information content of two independent events is the sum of each event's information content. This property is known as additivity in mathematics, and sigma additivity in particular in measure and probability theory. Consider two independent random variables  with probability mass functions  and  respectively. The joint probability mass function is

because  and  are independent. The information content of the outcome  is
See  below for an example.

The corresponding property for likelihoods is that the log-likelihood of independent events is the sum of the log-likelihoods of each event. Interpreting log-likelihood as "support" or negative surprisal (the degree to which an event supports a given model: a model is supported by an event to the extent that the event is unsurprising, given the model), this states that independent events add support: the information that the two events together provide for statistical inference is the sum of their independent information.

Relationship to entropy
The Shannon entropy of the random variable  above is defined as

by definition equal to the expected information content of measurement of .
The expectation is taken over the discrete values over its support.

Sometimes, the entropy itself is called the "self-information" of the random variable, possibly because the entropy satisfies , where  is the mutual information of  with itself.

For continuous random variables the corresponding concept is differential entropy.

Notes
This measure has also been called surprisal, as it represents the "surprise" of seeing the outcome (a highly improbable outcome is very surprising). This term (as a log-probability measure) was coined by Myron Tribus in his 1961 book Thermostatics and Thermodynamics.

When the event is a random realization (of a variable) the self-information of the variable is defined as the expected value of the self-information of the realization.

Self-information is an example of a proper scoring rule.

Examples

Fair coin toss
Consider the Bernoulli trial of tossing a fair coin . The probabilities of the events of the coin landing as heads  and tails  (see fair coin and obverse and reverse) are one half each, .  Upon measuring the variable as heads, the associated information gain is
so the information gain of a fair coin landing as heads is 1 shannon. Likewise, the information gain of measuring tails  is

Fair die roll
Suppose we have a fair six-sided die.  The value of a dice roll is a discrete uniform random variable  with probability mass function The probability of rolling a 4 is , as for any other valid roll. The information content of rolling a 4 is thusof information.

Two independent, identically distributed dice
Suppose we have two independent, identically distributed random variables  each corresponding to an independent fair 6-sided dice roll.  The joint distribution of  and  is

The information content of the random variate  is

and can also be calculated by additivity of events

Information from frequency of rolls
If we receive information about the value of the dice without knowledge of which die had which value, we can formalize the approach with so-called counting variables

for , then  and the counts have the multinomial distribution

To verify this, the 6 outcomes  correspond to the event  and a total probability of .  These are the only events that are faithfully preserved with identity of which dice rolled which outcome because the outcomes are the same.  Without knowledge to distinguish the dice rolling the other numbers, the other  combinations correspond to one die rolling one number and the other die rolling a different number, each having probability . Indeed, , as required.

Unsurprisingly, the information content of learning that both dice were rolled as the same particular number is more than the information content of learning that one dice was one number and the other was a different number.  Take for examples the events  and  for . For example,  and .

The information contents are

Let  be the event that both dice rolled the same value and  be the event that the dice differed. Then  and . The information contents of the events are

Information from sum of die

The probability mass or density function (collectively probability measure) of the sum of two independent random variables is the convolution of each probability measure.  In the case of independent fair 6-sided dice rolls, the random variable  has probability mass function , where  represents the discrete convolution.  The outcome  has probability . Therefore, the information asserted is

General discrete uniform distribution

Generalizing the  example above, consider a general discrete uniform random variable (DURV)  For convenience, define . The probability mass function is In general, the values of the DURV need not be integers, or for the purposes of information theory even uniformly spaced; they need only be equiprobable. The information gain of any observation  is

Special case: constant random variable
If  above,  degenerates to a constant random variable with probability distribution deterministically given by  and probability measure the Dirac measure .  The only value  can take is deterministically , so the information content of any measurement of  isIn general, there is no information gained from measuring a known value.

Categorical distribution
Generalizing all of the above cases, consider a categorical discrete random variable with support  and probability mass function given by

For the purposes of information theory, the values  do not have to be numbers; they can be any mutually exclusive events on a measure space of finite measure that has been normalized to a probability measure .  Without loss of generality, we can assume the categorical distribution is supported on the set ; the mathematical structure is isomorphic in terms of probability theory and therefore information theory as well.

The information of the outcome  is given

From these examples, it is possible to calculate the information of any set of independent DRVs with known distributions by additivity.

Derivation
By definition, information is transferred from an originating entity possessing the information to a receiving entity only when the receiver had not known the information a priori.  If the receiving entity had previously known the content of a message with certainty before receiving the message, the amount of information of the message received is zero. Only when the advance knowledge of the content of the message by the receiver is less than 100% certain does the message actually convey information.

For example, quoting a character (the Hippy Dippy Weatherman) of comedian George Carlin, "Weather forecast for tonight: dark. Continued dark overnight, with widely scattered light by morning." Assuming that one does not reside near the polar regions, the amount of information conveyed in that forecast is zero because it is known, in advance of receiving the forecast, that darkness always comes with the night.

Accordingly, the amount of self-information contained in a message conveying content informing an occurrence of event, , depends only on the probability of that event.

for some function  to be determined below.  If , then .  If , then .

Further, by definition, the measure of self-information is nonnegative and additive. If a message informing of event  is the intersection of two independent events  and , then the information of event  occurring is that of the compound message of both independent events  and  occurring.  The quantity of information of compound message  would be expected to equal the sum of the amounts of information of the individual component messages  and  respectively:

Because of the independence of events  and , the probability of event  is

However, applying function  results in

Thanks to work on Cauchy's functional equation, the only monotone functions  having the property such that

are the logarithm functions .  The only operational difference between logarithms of different bases is that of different scaling constants, so we may assume

where  is the natural logarithm.  Since the probabilities of events are always between 0 and 1 and the information associated with these events must be nonnegative, that requires that .

Taking into account these properties, the self-information  associated with outcome  with probability  is defined as:

The smaller the probability of event , the larger the quantity of self-information associated with the message that the event indeed occurred.  If the above logarithm is base 2, the unit of  is shannon.  This is the most common practice.  When using the natural logarithm of base , the unit will be the nat. For the base 10 logarithm, the unit of information is the hartley.

As a quick illustration, the information content associated with an outcome of 4 heads (or any specific outcome) in 4 consecutive tosses of a coin would be 4 shannons (probability 1/16), and the information content associated with getting a result other than the one specified would be ~0.09 shannons (probability 15/16). See above for detailed examples.

See also
 Kolmogorov complexity
 Surprisal analysis

References

Further reading
C.E. Shannon, A Mathematical Theory of Communication, Bell Systems Technical Journal, Vol. 27, pp 379–423, (Part I), 1948.

External links
 Examples of surprisal measures
 "Surprisal" entry in a glossary of molecular information theory
 Bayesian Theory of Surprise

Information theory
Entropy and information

Information content


Emprunté au vocabulaire pastoral, la transhumance peut être envisagée comme le déplacement saisonnier du bétail d'une région asséchée et aride vers une autre plus favorable à la survie et l'épanouissement des animaux. Transposée à l'activité politique, elle renvoie à l'attitude d'un acteur politique qui pour une raison ou pour une autre décide de quitter son parti pour rejoindre un autre tout en se réservant la possibilité d'y retourner. Dans d'autres approches définitionnelles, le concept de transhumance politique est aussi élargi au collaborationnisme, aux alliances et à la dissidence politique.

Contexte
Des berges du Lac-Tchad au plateau de l'Adamaoua en passant par la plaine de la Bénoué, le Nord-Cameroun est une immense savane conquise par des pasteurs nomades peuls venus de l'Afrique de l'Ouest notamment du Fouta djallon. Dans cette partie du pays où les populations locales restent très attachées aux valeurs traditionnelles et religieuses qui prônent la loyauté et le respect de la parole donnée, la transhumance politique fait l'objet d'une appréciation différenciée. Pour les uns elle traduirait une altération des mœurs chez ces acteurs politiques animés par l'égoïsme et la poursuite des intérêts personnels. Pour les autres elle n'aurait rien de blâmable puisqu'elle est à leurs yeux une manifestation de la vitalité de la démocratie.

Composition des élites politiques au Nord-Cameroun
L'élite politique de la partie septentrionale du Cameroun est composée de personnalités importantes au rang desquels les chefs traditionnels et de «nouveaux» acteurs politiques.

Élites politiques traditionnelles
Au Nord Cameroun, les chefs traditionnels occupent une position privilégiée dans la gestion des affaires politiques. Il s'agit pour la plupart des autorités traditionnelles composées de lamiibè et sultans, des notables  et  leurs  progénitures. Lamiibè est le pluriel de lamiido en dialecte peul (le fulfulde) pour désigner celui qui gouverne. Le lamiido est un monarque à la tête d'un lamidat  (un micro-État avec des frontières bien délimités) dans le cadre des chefferies traditionnelles du Nord Cameroun ou bien d'un émirat pour certains pays de l'Afrique de l'Ouest comme le Nigeria. Il est à la fois détenteur du pouvoir politique et de l'autorité religieuse. Dans l'exercice de ses fonctions, il est assisté d'un gouvernement de douze notables (la faada). Il y aura à ses côtés par exemple l'alkaali (ministre de la justice), le galdima (ministre de la défense) ou encore l'imam (ministre du culte). Ce système d'organisation socio-politique a été institué dans le Nord Cameroun à la fin du XVIIIe début XIXe siècle à la suite de l'appel de l'émir de Sokoto Usman Dan Fodio. Celui-ci invitait l'ensemble des Peuls vivant en Afrique au sud du Sahara à se soulever contre les injustices auxquelles ils faisaient face au cours de leurs périples, à répandre l'islam et surtout à imposer le système lamidale dans tous les territoires conquis.

Élites politiques modernes
Au Nord Cameroun et plus largement dans tout le pays, deux facteurs ont contribué à la  formation et à l'émergence d'une nouvelle catégorie d'acteurs politiques: L'impérialisme occidental à travers l'instruction et l'ouverture démocratique des années 1990. Dès les premiers contacts entre les occidentaux qui se sentaient investis d'une mission «civilisatrice», l'éducation et la santé ont été confiées aux mouvements ecclésiastiques (les missions catholiques dans un premier temps puis les églises évangéliques et protestantes plus tard). Mais l'élite politique traditionnelle du Nord Cameroun à majorité musulmane et une bonne partie des populations étaient réticentes à envoyer leurs enfants se faire instruire par des missionnaires. Cependant une autre partie des populations qui était soit de confession chrétienne soit adepte de la religion traditionnelle («animistes») en a profité pour se soustraire à la domination des lamiibè. Parmi ces populations soignées et éduquées à l'occidental émerge une nouvelle catégorie d'acteurs qui peu à peu arrive à s'imposer sur la scène politique locale et même nationale. Dans une autre perspective, le retour au multipartisme autour des années 1990 dans la quasi-totalité des pays africains a été perçu comme «une seconde indépendance des peuples» après celle des années 1960. Même si le Rassemblement Démocratique du Peuple Camerounais (RDPC) du président Paul Biya est considéré par plusieurs analystes politiques comme le prolongement du parti unique qui a pu se maintenir au pouvoir depuis bientôt quarante ans, il n'en demeure pas moins que l'ouverture démocratique des années 1990 a permis l'émergence de nouveaux acteurs sur la scène politique. On pourrait en cela évoquer entre autres le Mouvement pour la Défense de la République (MDR) de Dakolé Daissala, le Front pour le Salut National du Cameroun (FSNC) d'Issa Tchiroma Bakary, et l'Alliance pour la Démocratie et le Développement (ADD) de Garga Haman Adji, tous des ressortissants du Nord Cameroun qui ont contribué à  influencer la scène politique au Cameroun.

Les élites et la transhumance politique
La transhumance politique n'est pas un phénomène nouveau dans l'environnement politique du Nord Cameroun. Les jeux d'intérêts et de pouvoir se traduisent soit par le désir de perpétuer la domination, soit pour s'en affranchir.

Le désir de perpétuer la domination
Pendant la période coloniale, les chefferies traditionnelles du Nord Cameroun ont été les principales forces de résistance à l'élargissement de l'influence allemande vers l'intérieur du territoire. Les conquêtes furent particulièrement difficiles parce que le colonisateur a dû faire face à de véritables armées et des soldats peuls aguerris au combat. L'officier Allemand Zintgraff fut tué par le lamiido Mohaman de Tibati en 1888 et plusieurs expéditions se sont soldées par des échecs. Mais en 1899 après un moment de répit, l'armée allemande se renforce et réussit à atteindre Garoua à travers le fleuve Bénoué. Entre 1899 et 1902 la majorité des résistances sont matées et les chefs sont vaincus. Les Allemands mettent à profit les querelles de succession dans les familles régnantes pour identifier des remplaçants qui leur seront facilement malléables. Ainsi débute une longue tradition de collaborationnisme et  d'opportunisme. En dépit de quelques épisodes de résistances, quasiment tous les chefs locaux ont travaillé en étroite collaboration avec les administrations coloniales et plus tard avec les régimes postcoloniaux. Le statut d'auxiliaires de l'administration leur a été octroyé et jamais ils ne militent dans un parti politique d'opposition. L'illustration la plus aboutie de cette forme de collaboration est le cas de Rey Bouba. En plus de siéger sur le trône de ce lamidat, Aboubakary Abdoulaye est aujourd'hui le premier vice-président du Sénat de la République du Cameroun (un des sénateurs nommés par décret présidentiel). Le but de ce type de manœuvre est qu'en échange de leur loyauté et de leur soutien politique aux différents régimes qui se succèdent, les lamiibè peuvent continuer à assoir leur autorité sur leurs sujets parfois au grand désarroi des populations non musulmanes et non peuls.

Stratégie d'affranchissement de la domination
En 1982 lorsque le président Ahmadou Ahidjo (peul et musulman) originaire du Nord Cameroun démissionne de ses fonctions, il est remplacé par son successeur constitutionnel le premier ministre Paul Biya (Sudiste de confession catholique). L'arrivée au pouvoir de celui-ci suscite de l'optimisme au sein des populations non islamo-peuls du Nord Cameroun qui aspiraient à se libérer de la domination des chefferies musulmanes. Dans un premier temps, le nouveau président de la République continue à promouvoir l'élite politique musulmane du Nord Cameroun sur recommandation de son prédécesseur. Mais à l'issue du coup d'Etat manqué du 6 Avril 1984 attribué aux partisans de l'ex-président, Paul Biya rompt toutes les relations privilégiées à l'égard de l'élite islamo-peul. Les «nouveaux acteurs» non musulmans instruits à l'école occidentale entrevoient en cette situation une opportunité pour s'émanciper de la domination ethnique et culturelle des chefs traditionnels peuls. Le président, quant à lui instrumentalise le facteur ethnique en nommant davantage ces derniers à des postes à responsabilité jadis occupés par les sympathisants de l'ancien régime. De ce fait, il crée une dynamique de compétition et parfois de conflit entre les groupes ethniques en prévision à une éventuelle reconquête du pouvoir par l'élite musulmane. Au tournant des années 1990, à la faveur de l'ouverture démocratique, les acteurs politiques non musulmans qui militaient ou sympathisaient avec le parti unique de l'ancien président l'Union Nationale Camerounaise (UNC) adhèrent massivement au parti du nouveau président le RDPC. D'autres en revanche créent leur propre parti mais viennent en soutien au RDPC lors des consultations électorales à travers des coalitions ou des alliances de partis. Depuis lors, la région de l'Extrême-Nord par exemple demeure le fief de l'électorat du président Paul Biya.

Effets de la transhumance politique
Le phénomène transhumant peut entraîner la multiplication des partis politiques à portée limitée et par là un affaiblissement de l'opposition politique.

Émiettement de la scène politique
À la faveur de la loi du 19 décembre 1990 relative aux libertés d'associations et du retour au multipartisme, le nombre de formations politiques a explosé au Cameroun. Dès 1991, soit à peine un an après la libéralisation de l'espace politique, 57 partis sont officiellement créés. 25 ans plus tard la direction des Affaires politiques au ministère de l'Administration territoriale et de la Décentralisation fait état de près de 300 partis politiques légalisés au Cameroun. Soit une moyenne de 11 partis politiques créés par an pour une population estimée à moins de 25 millions d'habitants. Pour certains observateurs, ce chiffre traduirait la vitalité de la démocratie camerounaise puisque dans les années 1990 il y a eu une forte mobilisation autour de ces partis politiques pour mettre en difficulté le parti au pouvoir. Pour d'autres ils serviraient plutôt à entretenir une démocratie de façade puisqu'il n'y a pas eu d'alternance à la tête de l'Etat depuis bientôt 40 ans. Quoi qu'il en soit, plusieurs leaders de ces partis politiques dits de l'opposition sont liés au parti au pouvoir soit par des arrangements qui leur permettent de bénéficier des postes ministériels soit par le truchement des plates-formes d'alliances et de collaborations qui les amènent à soutenir et/ou à légitimer la candidature du président lors des consultations électorales. Aujourd'hui, tous les partis politiques de l'opposition ont du mal à articuler leurs initiatives autour d'un objectif commun. Ils donnent l'impression d'être des entreprises lucratives au service de la satisfaction des ambitions personnelles de leurs dirigeants.

Affaiblissement de l'opposition à l'échelle nationale
Entre autres facteurs qui permettent de mieux comprendre l'affaiblissement de l'opposition au Cameroun, il y a bien sûr la mainmise de l'exécutif sur le système électoral, la désunion des partis politiques mais il y a surtout la prolifération des partis politiques aux ambitions personnelles. Sur ce dernier point justement, en 1992 l'opposition avait réussi à mettre en minorité RDPC parti au pouvoir en obtenant 92 sièges sur les 180 que compte l'assemblée nationale. Mais dans l'optique de conforter sa majorité, celui-ci forma une coalition avec le MDR de Dakolé Daissala et l'UPC d'Adamou Ndam Njoya contre la nomination de ceux-ci dans le gouvernement. En 1997, la même stratégie a été réitérée avec l'Union Nationale pour la Démocratie et le Progrès de Bello Bouba Maigari (pourtant deuxième parti politique d'opposition à cette époque) à travers une plateforme politique. Ce qui s'est soldé par l'occupation de quelques postes ministériels par certains cadres de ce parti au rang desquels son président national Bello Bouba Maigari. Certes les coalitions, les plateformes et même les alliances politiques sont des stratégies en science politique mais sur le long terme ces manœuvres peuvent entraîner un affaiblissement de l'opposition et ébranler considérablement ses capacités à faire pression sur le gouvernement et à se présenter comme une alternative fiable au régime en place. Aux élections législatives du 9 février 2020 par exemple, sur 167 députés élus, le parti au pouvoir conserve la majorité absolue avec 152 sièges, l'UNDP en seconde position obtient 7 sièges contre 5 sièges pour le SDF.

Notes et références

A voir aussi

articles connexes

 Dissidence

 Transfuges
 Coalition politique

Bibliographie
David, M., 2021, La transhumance politique et la réunification au Southern Cameroons: 1949-1960. Africana Studia, (33)

Kaptchouang, C. T., 2016, La transhumance politique au Cameroun (1990-2014). African Journal of Democracy and Governance, p.147-174.

POIRIER, M. C., & KYELEM, M. B. L., 2012, Nomadisme ou transhumance politique post-électoral et discipline de parti dans l'espace francophone. Bruxelles: Assemblée parlementaire de la francophonie-Commission Affaires Parlementaires, rapport définitif, p.8-9.

.Eltis, K., 2006, Rétablir l'intégrité du processus électoral: le droit à la participation politique utile et les transfuges. Revue générale de droit, p.629-651.

Gauthier, G., 2013, L'argumentation morale dans le débat public: Une confrontation asymétrique. Ethica, p.119-135.

Morton, D., 2006, Réflexions sur les transfuges politiques. Revue parlementaire canadienne, p.8

Concept sociologique

Transhumance politique (Nord-Cameroun)


.io Britanya Hint Okyanusu Toprakları için internet ülke kodu üst seviye alan adıdır. (CcTLD)

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Peter Martin Musikuwa (Kalimtulo, 3 de abril de 1952) - Sacerdote católico romano do Malawi, desde 2003 bispo de Chikwawa.

Foi ordenado sacerdote em 12 de julho de 1982 e incardinado na Arquidiocese de Blantyre. Ele foi, entre outros, conferencista e tesoureiro do centro catequético local e pai espiritual do seminário de Zomba.

Em 16 de abril de 2003, o Papa João Paulo II o nomeou Bispo de Chikwawa. Foi ordenado bispo em 28 de junho daquele ano pelo arcebispo Orlando Antonini.

Ver também

Bispos católicos do Malawi

Peter Martin Musikuwa