Tepebaşı, şu anlamlara gelebilir:

Yerleşim

Kıbrıs, KKTC
 Tepebaşı, Girne (Yunanca: Διόριος / Diorios), de jure olarak Kıbrıs Cumhuriyeti'nin Girne Bölgesi'nde ve de facto olarak ise Kuzey Kıbrıs Türk Cumhuriyeti'nin Girne İlçesi'nde yer alan bir köy

Türkiye
 Tepebaşı, Bafra, Samsun ili Bafra ilçesine bağlı mahalle
 Tepebaşı, Beyoğlu,  İstanbul ili Beyoğlu ilçesinde semt
 Tepebaşı, Dicle, Diyarbakır ili Dicle ilçesine bağlı mahalle
 Tepebaşı, Elbistan, Kahramanmaraş ili Elbistan ilçesine bağlı mahalle
 Tepebaşı, Ermenek, Karaman ili Ermenek ilçesine bağlı köy
 Tepebaşı, Eskişehir ili ilçesi
 Tepebaşı, Göynük, Bolu ili Göynük ilçesine bağlı köy
 Tepebaşı, Güneysu,  Rize ili Güneysu ilçesine bağlı köy
 Tepebaşı mahalle, Keçiören, Ankara ili Keçiören ilçesine bağlı mahalle
 Tepebaşı, Şavşat, Artvin ili Şavşat ilçesine bağlı köy

Diğer
 Tepebaşı Tiyatrosu

Tepebaşı (anlam ayrımı)


«João Pedro» es el conjunto, de los nombres propios João y Pedro, que puede referirse a:

Personajes
 João Pedro Geraldino dos Santos Galvão (1992-), futbolista italiano.
 João Pedro Rodrigues (1966-), cineasta portugués.
 João Pedro Roriz (1982-), escritor brasileño.
 João Pedro Oliveira (1959-), compositor portugués.

João Pedro


Frikvarter - Kampen om Sommerferien er en animationsfilm fra Walt Disney Pictures. Filmen havde premiere i 2001, og er baseret på tv-serien Frikvarter.

Danske Stemmer
 Sebastian Jessen som T.J
 Mathias Klenske som Vince
 Amalie Ihle Alstrup som Spinelli
 Benjamin Hasselflug som Mikey
 Sara Poulsen som Gretchen
 Lukas Forchhammer som Gus
 Esper Hagen som Inspektør Prickly
 Torben Eskildsen som Mikey sang
 Annevig Schelde Ebbe som Becky
 Christian Damsgaard som Fenwick
 Vibeke Dueholm som Mrs. Finster
 Henning Jensen som Benedict

Øvrige:
 Pauline Rehne
 Peter Røschke
 Simon Stenspil
 Niclas Mortensen
 Annette Heick
 Sasia Mølgaard
 Amalie Dollerup
 Philip Corell Hansen
 Peter Zhelder
 Peter Aude
 Torben Sekov
 Lars Thiesgaard
 Donald Andersen
 Jens Jacob Tychsen
 Sune Hundborg
 Gawenda
 Teatergruppen

Kilder

Eksterne henvisninger

Amerikanske film fra 2001
Animationsfilm fra USA
Film fra Disney
Film baseret på tv-serier
Engelsksprogede film

Frikvarter - Kampen om Sommerferien


Teodor Munteanu (n. 1851, Lipova - d. 1909) a fost un deputat în Marea Adunare Națională de la Alba Iulia, organismul legislativ reprezentativ al "tuturor românilor din Transilvania, Banat și Țara Ungurească", cel care a adoptat hotărârea privind Unirea Transilvaniei cu România, la 1 decembrie 1918.

Biografie
Născut la Lipova, Teodor Munteanu urmează studiile la Institutul teologic, devenind mai apoi preot și membru al P.N.R. precum și membru al Gărzii Naționale Române din Lipova. După anul 1918, a fost numit în poziția de preot militar.

Activitatea politică
A fost numit delegat titular al cercului electoral Lipova la Marea Adunare Națională de la Alba Iulia de la 1 decembrie 1918.

Note

Bibliografie
 Ioan I. Șerban, Dorin Giurgiu, Ionela Mircea, Nicolae Josan, Dicționarul personalităților Unirii. Trimișii românilor transilvăneni la Marea Adunare Națională de la Alba Iulia, Muzeul Național al Unirii, Alba Iulia, 2003, ISBN 973-8141-90-7
 Gelu Neamțu, Mircea Vaida-Voevod, 1 decembrie 1918. Mărturii ale participanților, vol. I-II, Editura Academiei Române, București, 2005, ISBN 973-27-1258-9 (vol. I); ISBN 973-27-1264-3 (vol. II)

Lectură suplimentară
 Daniela Comșa, Eugenia Glodariu, Maria M. Jude, Clujenii și Marea Unire, Muzeul Național Transilvania, Cluj-Napoca, 1998
 Florea Marin, Medicii și Marea Unire, Editura Tipomur, Târgu Mureș, 1993
 Silviu Borș, Alexiu Tatu, Bogdan Andriescu, (coord.), Participanți din localități sibiene la Marea Adunare Națională de la Alba Iulia din 1 decembrie 1918, Editura Armanis, Sibiu, 2015

Vezi și
 Lista delegaților la Marea Adunare Națională de la Alba Iulia

Legături externe
  Membrii de drept ai Marii Adunării Naționale de la Alba-Iulia din 1 decembrie 1918, lista publicată în "Gazeta Oficială", Sibiu, nr. 1, 1/14 decembrie 1918

Nașteri în 1851
Decese în 1909
Preoți români
Delegați la Marea Adunare Națională de la Alba Iulia

Teodor Munteanu


Resultados por concelho
Os resultados nos concelhos do Distrito de Lisboa foram os seguintes:

Alenquer

Amadora

Arruda dos Vinhos

Azambuja

Cadaval

Cascais

Lisboa

Loures

Lourinhã

Mafra

Odivelas

Oeiras

Sintra

Sobral de Monte Agraço

Torres Vedras

Vila Franca de Xira

Lista de Deputados Eleitos
A lista apresentada é conforme a aplicação do Método D'Hondt:

Lisboa
Legislativas 2022

Eleições legislativas portuguesas de 2022 no distrito de Lisboa


Unutar ekonomije, koncept korisnosti koristi se za modeliranje cijene ili vrijednosti. Njegova se upotreba s vremenom značajno razvila. Izraz su u početku kao mjeru užitka ili sreće u teoriju utilitarizma uveli moralni filozofi poput Jeremyja Benthama i Johna Stuarta Milla. Izraz je prilagođen i ponovno primijenjen u neoklasičnoj ekonomiji, koja dominira modernom ekonomskom teorijom, kao funkcija korisnosti koja predstavlja preferenciju jednog potrošača u odnosu na skup izbora, ali nije usporediva među potrošačima. Ovaj koncept korisnosti je osoban i temelji se na izboru, a ne na zadovoljstvu, pa je i rigoroznije određen od izvornog koncepta, ali ga čini manje korisnim (i kontroverznim) za etičke odluke.

Funkcija korisnosti
Razmotrite skup alternativa s kojima se pojedinac suočava u odnosu na koje pojedinac ima preferencije. Funkcija korisnosti može predstaviti taj redoslijed ako je moguće dodijeliti pravi broj svakoj alternativi na takav način da se alternativi a dodijeli broj veći od alternative b ako i samo ako pojedinac preferira alternativu u odnosu na alternativu b. U ovoj situaciji netko tko odabere najpoželjniju alternativu nužno također bira alternativu koja maksimizira povezanu funkciju korisnosti.

Pretpostavimo da Jimmy ima funkciju korisnosti U =  gdje je x broj jabuka, a y broj čokolada. Alternativa A ima x = 9 jabuka i y = 16 čokolada; alternativa B ima x = 13 jabuka i y = 13 čokolada. Stavljanjem vrijednosti x, y u funkciju korisnosti dobiva se  = 12 za alternativu A i  = 13 za B, pa Jimmy preferira alternativu B.

Općenito gledano, funkcija korisnosti mjeri preferencije u pogledu skupa dobara i usluga. Često je korisnost povezana s pojmovima poput sreće, zadovoljstva i blagostanja koje je teško mjeriti. Dakle, ekonomisti koriste košaricu sklonosti potrošnje kako bi izmjerili te apstraktne, nemjerljive ideje.

Gérard Debreu precizno je definirao uvjete potrebne da bi se redoslijed preferencija mogao prikazati pomoću funkcije korisnosti. Za konačan skup alternativa one zahtijevaju samo da je redoslijed preferencija potpun (tako da pojedinac može odrediti koja je od bilo koje dvije alternative preferirana ili da su jednake), te da je sklonost prelazna .

Vrlo često skup alternativa nije konačan, jer čak i ako je broj robe konačan, odabrana količina može biti bilo koji realan broj na intervalu. Uobičajeno navedeni skup izbora u izboru potrošača je , gdje  je broj robe. U ovom slučaju postoji kontinuirana funkcija korisnosti koja predstavlja preferencije potrošača ako i samo ako su preferencije potrošača potpune, tranzitivne i kontinuirane.

Primjene
Korisnost obično primjenjuju ekonomisti u takvim konstrukcijama kao što je krivulja indiferencije, koja iscrtava kombinaciju roba koju bi pojedinac prihvatio da zadrži zadanu razinu zadovoljstva. Krivulje korisnosti i indiferencije koriste ekonomisti kako bi razumjeli temelje krivulja potražnje u analizi ponude i potražnje koja se koristi za analizu rada tržišta roba.

Opći dijagram krivulja indiferencije prikazan je dolje (slika 1). Okomite i vodoravne osi predstavljaju pojedinačnu potrošnju u odnosu na robu Y, odnosno X. Sve kombinacije robe X i Y duž iste krivulje indiferencije čine pojedince ravnodušnima, što znači da sve kombinacije duž krivulje indiferencije rezultiraju istom vrijednošću korisnosti.

Pojedinačna korisnost i društvena korisnost mogu se tumačiti kao vrijednost funkcije korisnosti, odnosno funkcije socijalne skrbi. Kad su povezane s proizvodnim ili robnim ograničenjima, pod nekim se pretpostavkama ove funkcije mogu koristiti za analizu Paretove učinkovitosti, kao što je prikazano u Edgeworth okvirima u krivuljama ugovora. Takva je učinkovitost središnji pojam u ekonomiji blagostanja .

U financijama se korisnost koristi za generiranje cijene pojedinca za imovinu koja se zove cijena indiferentnosti. funkcije korisnosti također su povezane s mjerama rizika, a najčešći je primjer mjera entropijskog rizika .

U području umjetne inteligencije, funkcije korisnosti koriste se za prenošenje vrijednosti različitih ishoda inteligentnim agentima. To omogućuje agentima da planiraju radnje s ciljem maksimiziranja korisnosti (ili "vrijednosti") dostupnih izbora.

Preferencije
Preferencije, kao ljudske specifične simpatije i antipatije, prvenstveno se koriste kada pojedinci donose odluke ili odlučuju među različitim alternativama. Na formiranje preferencija pojedinca utječu različiti čimbenici poput zemljopisnog položaja, spola, kulture i obrazovanja. Poredak korisnosti pokazuje sklonosti pojedinaca.

Iako su preferencije konvencionalni temelj mikroekonomije, često je zgodno preferencije predstaviti funkcijom korisnosti i neizravno analizirati ljudsko ponašanje pomoću funkcija korisnosti. Neka je X skup potrošnje, skup svih međusobno isključujućih košarica koje bi potrošač mogao zamisliti. Korisnička funkcija potrošača  svrstava svaku košaricu u skup potrošnje. Ako potrošač strogo preferira x od y ili je ravnodušan među njima, tada  .

Na primjer, pretpostavimo da je skup potrošačke potrošnje X = {ništa, 1 jabuka, 1 narančasta, 1 jabuka i 1 narančasta, 2 jabuke, 2 naranče}, a njegova korisna funkcija je u (ništa) = 0, u (1 jabuka) = 1, u (1 naranča) = 2, u (1 jabuka i 1 naranča) = 5, u (2 jabuke) = 2 i u (2 naranče) = 4. Tada ovaj potrošač preferira 1 naranču do 1 jabuku, ali preferira jednu od svake do 2 naranče.

U mikroekonomskim modelima obično postoji konačan skup L roba, a potrošač može konzumirati proizvoljnu količinu svake robe. To daje skup potrošnje , i svaka košarica roba  je vektor koji sadrži količine svake robe. U primjeru postoje dvije robe: jabuke i naranče. Ako kažemo da su jabuke prva roba, a naranče druga, onda je potrošnja postavljena  i u (0, 0) = 0, u (1, 0) = 1, u (0, 1) = 2, u (1, 1) = 5, u (2, 0) = 2, u (0, 2) = 4 kao i prije. Imajte na umu da u mora biti program funkcija na X, međutim, mora se definirati za svaku košaricu roba u X, pa sada treba definirati funkciju i za frakcijske jabuke i naranče. Jedna funkcija koja bi odgovarala ovim brojevima je

 Tranzitivnost(prijelaznost)

Preferencije pojedinaca dosljedne su u odnosu na košarice. Ako pojedinac preferira košaricu A nad košaricom B i preferira košaricu B nad košaricom C, tada pojedinac slabije preferira košaricu A nad košaricom B. Ako su a ≥ b i b ≥ c, tada je a ≥ b za sve (a, b, c)

 Nezasićenost (Monotone preferencije)

Ceteris paribus, pojedinci uvijek preferiraju više pozitivnih nego negativnih dobara, obrnuto. Što se tiče krivulja indiferencije, pojedinci će uvijek preferirati košarice koji leže na višoj krivulji indiferencije. Drugim riječima, ako je sve ostalo isto, više je bolje manje robe.

 Kad je dobro, preferira se više roba i ista razina potrošnje.
 Kad je loše, više se preferira roba manje, poput onečišćenja.

Otkrivena sklonost
Utvrđeno je da se korisnost ne može izravno mjeriti niti promatrati, pa su umjesto toga ekonomisti smislili način da zaključe temeljne relativne korisnosti prema promatranom izboru. Ove 'otkrivene preferencije', kako ih je nazvao Paul Samuelson, otkrivene su npr. U spremnosti ljudi da plate:Uzima se da je korisnost u korelaciji sa Željom ili Željom. Već se tvrdilo da se želje ne mogu mjeriti izravno, već samo neizravno, prema vanjskim pojavama do kojih proizlaze: i da se u onim slučajevima u kojima se ekonomija uglavnom tiče mjera nalazi u cijeni koju je osoba spremna platiti ispunjenje ili zadovoljenje njegove želje.

Otkrivena sklonost u financijama
U financijskim aplikacijama, npr. Optimizaciji portfelja, ulagač odabire financijski portfelj koji maksimizira njegovu vlastitu funkciju korisnosti ili, što je ekvivalentno, minimizira njegovu/njezinu mjeru rizika. Na primjer, suvremena teorija portfelja odabire varijancu kao mjeru rizika; druge popularne teorije su teorija očekivane korisnosti i teorija prospekata. Kako bi se odredila specifična funkcija korisnosti za svakog ulagača, mogao bi se osmisliti postupak upitnika s pitanjima u obliku: Koliko biste platili za x% šanse da dobijete y ? Otkrivena teorija preferencija predlaže izravniji pristup: promatrajte portfelj X* koji ulagač trenutno posjeduje, a zatim pronađite funkciju korisnosti/mjeru rizika tako da X* postane optimalan portfelj.

Funkcije
Bilo je kontroverzi oko pitanja može li se korisnost robe mjeriti ili ne. Svojevremeno se pretpostavljalo da je potrošač u stanju točno reći koliko je korisnosti dobio od robe. Ekonomisti koji su donijeli ovu pretpostavku pripadali su 'kardinalističkoj školi' ekonomije. Danas se funkcije korisnosti, koje izražavaju korisnost kao funkciju količine različitih potrošenih dobara, tretiraju kao kardinalne ili ordinalne, ovisno o tome jesu li ili se ne tumače kao da pružaju više informacija od jednostavnog redoslijeda preferencija u odnosu na svežnjeve robe, poput informacija o jačini preferencija.

Primjeri
Kako bi se pojednostavili izračuni, napravljene su različite alternativne pretpostavke koje se tiču pojedinosti o ljudskim sklonostima, a one podrazumijevaju različite alternativne funkcije korisnosti, kao što su:

 CES ( konstantna elastičnost supstitucije ili izoelastična ) korisnost
 Izoelastični alat
 Eksponencijalni uslužni program
 Kvazilinearna korisnost
 Homotetske preferencije
 Stone-Geary funkcija korisnosti
 Gormanov polarni oblik
 Preferencije Greenwood -Hercowitz -Huffman
 Postavke King – Plosser – Rebelo
 Hiperbolična apsolutna averzija prema riziku

Većina pomoćnih funkcija koje se koriste u modeliranju ili teoriji dobro se ponašaju. Obično su monotoni i kvazikonkavni. Međutim, moguće je da postavke ne mogu biti predstavljene uslužnom funkcijom. Primjer su leksikografske postavke koje nisu kontinuirane i ne mogu se predstaviti kontinuiranom funkcijom korisnosti.

Granična korisnost
Ekonomisti razlikuju ukupnu i graničnu korisnost. Ukupna korisnost(TU) je korisnost cjelokupne količine utrošenog dobra. Stopa promjene korisnosti zbog promjene količine jednog potrošenog dobra naziva se granična korisnost tog dobra. Granična korisnost mjeri nagib funkcije korisnosti s obzirom na promjene u jednom dobru. Granična korisnost(MU) je dodatna korisnost koju dobivate od korištenja dodatne jedinice dobra. Ona obično pada s potrošnjom dobra, idejom "smanjenja granične korisnosti". U zapisu računa, granična korisnost dobra X je . Kad je granična korisnost dobra pozitivna, njezina dodatna potrošnja povećava korisnost; ako je nula, potrošač je sit i ravnodušan u pogledu konzumiranja više; ako je negativan, potrošač bi platio da smanji svoju potrošnju.

Zakon opadajuće granične korisnosti
Racionalni pojedinci troše samo dodatnu jedinicu robe samo ako ona povećava graničnu korisnost. Međutim, zakon opadajuće granične korisnosti znači da se granična korisnost smanjuje kada osoba troši sve više i više nekog dobra. Odnosno dodatna potrošena jedinica donosi manje granične korisnosti koju je donijela prethodna potrošena jedinica. Na primjer, ispijanje jedne boce vode čini žednog zadovoljnim, jer se s povećanjem potrošnje vode može postupno osjećati loše što dovodi do smanjenja granične korisnosti na nulu, pa čak i postaje negativno. Nadalje, ovo se također koristi za analizu progresivnih poreza jer veći porezi mogu rezultirati gubicima korisnosti.

Načelo jednakograničnosti
Načelo jednakograničnosti je temeljni uvjet maksimalne korisnosti ili zadovoljstva. Ono kaže da će potrošač postići maksimalno zadovoljstvo ako je granična korisnost posljednje kune utrošene u neko dobro jednaka graničnoj korisnosti posljednje kune utrošene u neko drugo dobro.

Granična stopa supstitucije (MRS)
Granična stopa supstitucije nagib je krivulje indiferencije koja mjeri koliko se pojedinac spreman odreći jednog dobra da bi dobio drugo. Koristeći matematičku jednadžbu,  držeći da je U (x1, x2) konstanta. Dakle, MRS je onoliko koliko se pojedinac spreman odreći konzumiranja veće količine x1.

MRS je povezan s graničnom korisnošću. Odnos između granične korisnosti i MRS -a je:

Proračunska ograničenja
Potrošnja pojedinaca ograničena je proračunom(I). Graf proračunskog pravca je linija nagnuta prema dolje između osi X i Y. Sve košarice potrošnje u okviru potrošačke krivulje pojedincima omogućuju potrošnju bez korištenja cijelog proračuna jer je ukupni dohodak veći od ukupnih troškova svežnjeva (slika 2). Ako se uzmu u obzir samo cijene i količine dvije robe u jednoj košarici, proračunsko ograničenje moglo bi se formulirati kao , gdje su p1 i p2 cijene dviju roba, X1 i X2 su količine dviju roba.

Budžetski pravac pokazuje kombinace dobara ili usluga koje se mogu ostvariti pri danom dohotku uz pretpostavku da se on u cijelosti troši.

Nagib budžetskog pravca= -P(x)/P(y)

Ograničena optimizacija korisnosti
Racionalni potrošači žele maksimizirati svoju korisnost. No, kako se suočavaju s proračunskim ograničenjima, promjena cijene utjecala bi na količinu potražnje. Postoje dva faktora koji mogu objasniti ovu situaciju:

 Kupovna moć. Pojedinci postižu veću kupovnu moć kada se cijena robe smanji. Smanjenje cijene omogućuje pojedincima da povećaju svoju uštedu kako bi si mogli priuštiti druge proizvode.
 Učinak supstitucije. Ako se cijena dobra A smanji, tada roba postaje relativno jeftinija prema njezinim zamjenama. Tako bi pojedinci konzumirali više dobra A jer bi se korisnost time povećala.

Vidi također

 Zakon potražnje
 Granična korisnost
 Problem maksimizacije korisnosti
 Softver za donošenje odluka

Vanjske poveznice

 Definicija korisnosti prema Investopedia
 Anatomija korisnih funkcija tipa Cobb-Douglas u 3D
 Anatomija pomoćnih funkcija tipa CES u 3D
 Jednostavnija definicija s primjerom iz Investopedia
 Maksimiziranje originalnosti - redefiniranje klasične korisnosti
 Korisni model marketinga - oblik , mjesto , vrijeme , posjed i možda također zadatak

Izvori

Ekonomska znanost

Korisnost (ekonomska znanost)


Brandaris er en fyr på Terschelling, og også det ældste fyrtårn i Nederlandene.

Navnet er en afledning af Sint Brandarius, en helgen, som den nuværende landsby West-Terschelling i middelalderen blev opkaldt efter. Nogle mennesker tror, at navnet er afledt af Sankt-Brandaan, en maritim helgen, men det er aldrig blevet bevist.

Historie
Det første Brandaristårn blev bygget i 1323, for skibe, som var på vej til Amsterdam via Zuiderzee, for at markere den smalle åbning mellem Vlieland og Terschelling. En god mærkning var nødvendigt, fordi Vadehavets øer er meget ens set fra nordsøen. Hansestaden Kampen betalte med til opbygningen af det første fyr.

Øen Terschelling flyttede sig gradvist, så derfor styrtede det første Brandaristårn omkring 1570 i havet. Det varede til 1592 før opførelsen af et andet tårn begyndte, men det kollapsede før det blev færdigt, fordi man brugte dårlige byggematerialer. Det nuværende tårn daterer fra 1594. I 1837 blev Brandaris det første fyr i Nederlandene med en roterende fresnellinse. Elektrificering efterfulgte i 1907. Lampen blev udstyret med elektrisk drevet roteringsmotor i 1920. I 1977 blev fyret udstyret med en elevator. Lyset er nu helt automatisk og lyser hver 5. sekund.

På gavlen blev i 1994 offentliggjort et mindesten ved firehundredeårsdagen. En del af teksten lyder: "Fordi Kampen betaler for bjælker og sten, behøver borgere af Kampen ved ind- og udsejling af 'Vlie' ikke at betale 'told' for fyret".

På grund af påvirkning af vind og vejr og salt havluft er det nødvendigt at regelmæssigt vedligeholde Brandaris. I 2010 blev tårnet fuget på ny som opgave af Rijkswaterstaat. Tårnet har særlige fuglelys for at forhindre at fuglene rammer tårnet.

Fyrets karakteristika
Fyrets karakteristika er:
 Flammehøjde: 55,5 m
 Fyrtype: Anduvningsfyr
 Fyrkarakter: 1 hvidt blink hvert 5. second
 Form: Firkantet med Gul sten.

Galleri

Bryllup
Første salen er et af de steder som Terschelling Kommunen har godkendt for at gifte sig. (I Nederlandene må man kun blive gift på steder der er udpeget af kommunen). Man kan kun komme der gennem trappegangen.

Se også
 Fyr (navigation) for mere viden om fyrtårne.

Eksterne henvisninger

 Rijksmonument: 35032
 Brandaris og andre fyrtårne på vuurtorens.net

Fyrtårne i Nederlandene
Etableret i 1594
Rijksmonumenter

Brandaris


Syri i Kaltër (, ) er et kildevæld nær Muzinë i Sarandë Distrikt, Vlorë Amt, Albanien.

Kildevældet er et populært udflugtsmål. Det krystalklare blå vand vælder op fra et mere end 50 meter dybt hul i klippen. Der har været dykkere nede på 50 meters dybde, men det er stadigt uklart hvor dybt hullet egenligt er. Hullet har en diameter på ca. 10 m.

Kilden er udspringet for Bistricë floden, der er 25 km lang og ender i det Ioniske Hav syd for Sarandë.

Kildens udspring ligger 152 moh. og vandet vælder op med 18.400 l/s. Vandtemperaturen er 12,75 °C, med en maksimal afvigelse på 0,15 °C. Området omkring kildevældet er et naturreservat på 180 ha, som er bevokset med eg og ahorn. I sommeren 2004 var kildevældet tørlagt i en kort periode.

Galleri

Referencer

Eksterne henvisninger

 Blue Eye Spring (Syri I Kalter) - Sarandaweb.net

Albaniens geografi

Syri i Kaltër


Tavuklar Firarda (özgün adı: Chicken Run), 2000 yılı ABD yapımı 3D animasyon aile-macera filmidir. DreamWorks Animation ve Pathé Pictures tarafından üretilmiş olup yine DreamWorks Animation ve Pathé tarafından dağıtılmıştır. Peter Lord ve Nick Park senaryosunu yazdıkları filmi yine kendileri yönetmiştir. 23 Haziran 2000(ABD) tarihinde vizyona girmiş, dünya çapında toplam 224.834.564 $ hasılata ulaşmıştır. Devam filmi olan Tavuklar Firarda: Kurtarma Operasyonu filminin 15 aralık 2023'te Netflix tarafından yayınlanması planlanıyor.

Konusu
Yorkshire kırsalında  bir tavuk sürüsü, toplama kampına benzer bir yumurta çiftliğinde yaşıyor . Çiftlik, artık yumurtlayamayan tavukları öldürüp yiyen zalim Bayan Tweedy ve onun itaatkâr kocası Bay Tweedy tarafından yönetilmektedir. Asi Ginger'ın liderliğindeki tavuklar, kaçmaya çalışmak için sürekli yeni yollar bulur ama her zaman yakalanırlar. Bay Tweedy, tavukların organize olduğundan ve direniş planladığından şüpheleniyor, ancak karısı, çok az kar elde etmekten hayal kırıklığına uğrarken onun teorilerini reddediyor.

Bir gece Ginger, Rocky Rhodes adında bir Amerikan horozunun kümesin çitleri ve kaza yeri üzerinden süzüldüğüne tanık olur; tavuklar burkulan kanadını alçıya alır ve onu, Rocky'nin sahibi tarafından dönüşü karşılığında büyük bir ödül vaat edilen Tweedy'lerden saklar. Rocky'nin görünürdeki uçma yeteneklerinden ilham alan Ginger, ona ve diğer tavuklara kaçabilmeleri için uçmayı öğretmesine yardım etmesi için ona yalvarır. Rocky onlara eğitim dersleri veriyor. Bir akşam çiftliğe, çiftliği karlı bir turta yapma fabrikasına dönüştürme planının bir parçası olarak Bayan Tweedy'nin sipariş ettiği tavuklu börek makinesinin parçalarını içeren bir ekipman yükü teslim edilir. Tweedy'ler tavukların yiyecek paylarını artırıp yumurta üretimindeki düşüşü göz ardı ettiğinde Ginger, çiftin yeni planının tavukları kesim için şişmanlatmak olduğu sonucuna varır. Ginger ve Rocky tartışmaya girdikten sonra Rocky moral yükseltici bir dans partisi düzenler ve bu sırada kanadının iyileştiği ortaya çıkar. Ginger ertesi gün uçmayı göstermek konusunda ısrar eder, ancak Bay Tweedy makinenin montajını bitirir ve Ginger'ı bir test sürüşü için makineye koyar. Rocky onu kurtarır ve makineyi sabote ederek onlara tavukları uyarmaları ve çiftlikten bir kaçış planı yapmaları için zaman kazandırır.

Ertesi gün Ginger, Rocky'nin ayrıldığını fark eder ve arkasında kendisinin aslında kendi başına uçma yeteneği olmayan bir "tavuk güllesi" gösterisinin parçası olduğunu gösteren bir posterin bir kısmını bırakır. Yıkılmanın ortasında, Ginger, yaşlı horoz Fowler'ın çiftlikten kaçacak bir uçak inşa etmek için Kraliyet Hava Kuvvetleri'nde geçirdiği zamana dair hikayelerinden ilham alır. Bay Tweedy turta yapma makinesini tamir ederken tavuklar uçağın parçalarını birleştiriyor; kalkış rampası olarak bir şezlong ve pisti aydınlatmak için bir dizi Noel ışıkları kullanılıyor. Bayan Tweedy, Bay Tweedy'ye tüm tavukları makine için toplamasını emreder, ancak tavuklar onu bastırır ve Ginger'ın Fowler'ı pilotluk yapmaya ikna ettiği uçağı bitirir.

Bu sırada Rocky, Bayan Tweedy'nin tavuklu turtalarının reklamını yapan bir reklam panosuyla karşılaşır ve tavukları terk ettiği için suçluluk duygusuyla çiftliğe geri döner. Bay Tweedy bayılmadan önce sandalyeyi devirir ve uyarılan Bayan Tweedy, uçağın kalkmasına yardım ederken Ginger'a saldırır. Bayan Tweedy, giden uçağın kaptığı ışıklara tutunarak Ginger'la birlikte ayrılan Rocky tarafından bastırılır. Bayan Tweedy, bir baltayla ışıklara tırmanarak onu takip ediyor; Ginger, çizgiyi kesen bir balta vuruşundan kaçar ve Bayan Tweedy'nin ahır penceresinden uçmasına ve turta makinesinin emniyet valfine düşmesine neden olur. Sos basıncının çok yüksek olması nedeniyle turta makinesinin patlayarak sos topu haline gelmesine neden oluyor. Bay Tweedy bir kez daha ona tavukların organize olduğunu söyler ve artık karısının kendisine yönelik saldırgan davranışlarından bıktığı için ahırın kapısını onun üzerine iter.

Tavuklar, Tweedy'leri yendikten sonra zaferlerini kutlarken, Ginger ve Rocky birbirlerini öpüyorlar ve yuva yaptıkları bir adadaki kuş cennetine uçuyorlar . Bir süre sonra tavuklar yeni evlerine yerleşir ve Rocky ile Ginger romantik bir ilişkiye başlar. Film boyunca tavuklara yardım eden iki fare olan Nick ve Fetcher, kendi yumurta çiftliğini kurmaya karar verirler, ancak bunu başlatmak için tavuk mu yoksa yumurta mı kullanmaları gerektiği konusunda anlaşamazlar ve sohbeti gözden geçirmeye karar verirler. Tekrar.

Dış bağlantılar

Amerika Birleşik Devletleri çocuk filmleri
Havacılıkla ilgili filmler
Pathé filmleri
Hayvanlar ile ilgili animasyon filmler
Kurguda 1960'lar
Harry Gregson-Williams'ın müziğini yaptığı filmler
John Powell'ın müziğini yaptığı filmler
2000'lerde macera filmleri
Birleşik Krallık animasyon filmleri
DreamWorks Animation filmleri
İnsansı karakterler içeren filmler
Konusu Yorkshire'da geçen filmler
1950'lerde geçen filmler
Hapishane filmleri
Aardman Animations filmleri
Nick Park'ın yönettiği filmler
2000'lerde Amerika Birleşik Devletleri animasyon filmleri
Amerika Birleşik Devletleri komedi-macera filmleri
Hayvan hakları ile ilgili filmler
2000'lerde İngilizce filmler
2000 çıkışlı komedi filmleri
2000'lerde ilk yönetmenlik denemesi filmler

Tavuklar Firarda


Općinska nogometna liga Slavonska Požega za sezonu 1976./77. predstavljala je pretposljednji rang natjecanja, odnosno ligu petog stupnja nogometnog prvenstva SFRJ, a prvenstvo se igralo dvokružno. NK Zvijezda Kaptol kroz kvalifikacije nije uspjela izborit ulazak u Slavonsku nogometnu zonu. Iz lige nije nitko ispao u niži rang jer se sljedeće sezone liga proširila na 14 momčadi.

Tablica

Kvalifikacije za Slavonsku zonu
NK Zvijezda Kaptol – NK Jadran Gunja 3:0 (2:4)
NK Zvijezda Kaptol – NK Sava Stara Gradiška 1:2 (1:1)
NK Zvijezda Kaptol – NK Oriolik Oriovac 3:2 (0:4)
NK Zvijezda Kaptol – NK Nosteria Nuštar 1:1 (2:2)

U Slavonsku nogometnu zonu – Posavska skupina plasirali su se NK Sava Stara Gradiška i NK Oriolik Oriovac.

Unutrašnje poveznice
 Liga NSP Nova Gradiška 1976./77.

Vanjske poveznice

Izvori

 Nikola Brekalo, Ivica Šulc, Stjepan Marković: 80 godina nogometa u Jakšiću (1932. – 2012.), Jakšić, 2012.
 Jelenko Topić; Pola stoljeća nogometa: Nšk velika 1929. - NK Papuk 1979.
 M.Nosić; Zvijezda 1938. – 1978., Kaptol, 1978.

1976-77
Slavonska Požega
1976-77 Slavonska Požega

Općinska nogometna liga Slavonska Požega 1976./77.


Mihailo Petrović, serbisch Михаило Петровић (*  in Belgrad; † 8. Juni 1943 ebenda), war ein serbischer Mathematiker und Philosoph, der sich insbesondere mit Analysis beschäftigte.

Petrovic, dessen Vater Professor für Theologie war, studierte nach dem Abitur 1885 zunächst an der naturwissenschaftlich-mathematischen Sektion der Fakultät für Philosophie in Belgrad und ab 1889 in Paris, wo er sich auf die Aufnahmeprüfungen an die École normale supérieure vorbereitete und dort und an der Sorbonne Mathematik studierte. 1891 machte er einen Mathematik-Abschluss an der Sorbonne und 1894 wurde er dort bei Charles Hermite promoviert (Sur les zéros et les infinis des integrales des equations differentiels algebriques). Er war ab 1894 Professor für Mathematik an der Höheren Schule in Belgrad, der späteren (ab 1905) Universität Belgrad, wo er eine Mathematikerschule gründete. Einer seiner Schüler war Jovan Karamata. Während des Balkankriegs 1912/13, im Ersten und Zweiten Weltkrieg diente er als Offizier und er entwarf kryptographische Verfahren für die jugoslawische Armee.

Petrovic veröffentlichte über Differentialgleichungen, reelle und komplexe Analysis, Algebra sowie über Physik, Chemie und Astronomie. Er baute auch wissenschaftliche Instrumente wie einen Integrator zur Lösung von Differentialgleichungen, für den er auf der Weltausstellung in Paris 1900 und in London 1907 Preise erhielt. Er schrieb auch Reisebücher über seine Seereisen.

Seine gesammelten Werke erschienen in 15 Bänden.

1897 wurde er assoziiertes und 1899 Vollmitglied der Königlich Serbischen Akademie der Wissenschaften. Außerdem war er Mitglied der Akademien in Prag, Krakau, Warschau und Bukarest. 1939 wurde er Ehrendoktor der Universität Belgrad und erhielt den Orden des Heiligen Sava.

Er spielte Violine und war sehr an Fischerei interessiert – er absolvierte eine Lehre in Fischerei und legte die Meisterprüfung ab. Sein Spitzname war Alas (Flussfischer). Außerdem war er offizieller Vertreter in Fischerei-Verhandlungen mit Nachbarländern.

Das Haus Dom Mike Alasa, in dem Petrović mit seiner Schwester und deren Ehemann lebte und wo er 1943 starb, befindet sich im Belgrader Viertel Kosančićev Venac und steht unter Denkmalschutz.

Siehe auch
Ungleichung von Petrović

Einzelnachweise

Mathematiker (19. Jahrhundert)
Mathematiker (20. Jahrhundert)
Hochschullehrer (Universität Belgrad)
Person (Fischerei)
Mitglied der Serbischen Akademie der Wissenschaften und Künste
Ehrendoktor der Universität Belgrad
Jugoslawe
Geboren 1868
Gestorben 1943
Mann

Mihailo Petrović


The  was an attempted coup d'état in the Empire of Japan on 26 February 1936. It was organized by a group of young Imperial Japanese Army (IJA) officers with the goal of purging the government and military leadership of their factional rivals and ideological opponents.

Although the rebels succeeded in assassinating several leading officials (including two former prime ministers) and in occupying the government center of Tokyo, they failed to assassinate Prime Minister Keisuke Okada or secure control of the Imperial Palace. Their supporters in the army made attempts to capitalize on their actions, but divisions within the military, combined with Imperial anger at the coup, meant they were unable to achieve a change of government. Facing overwhelming opposition as the army moved against them, the rebels surrendered on 29 February.

Unlike earlier examples of political violence by young officers, the coup attempt had severe consequences. After a series of closed trials, nineteen of the uprising's leaders were executed for mutiny and another forty were imprisoned. The radical Kōdō-ha faction lost its influence within the army, while the military, now free from infighting, increased its control over the civilian government, which had been severely weakened by the assassination of key moderate and liberal-minded leaders.

Background

Army factional rivalry

The Imperial Japanese Army (IJA) had a long history of factionalism among its high-ranking officers, originally stemming from domainal rivalries in the Meiji period. By the early 1930s, officers in the high command had become split into two main informal groups: the Kōdō-ha "Imperial Way" faction led by General Sadao Araki and his ally General Jinzaburō Masaki, and the Tōsei-ha "Control" faction identified with General Tetsuzan Nagata.

The Kōdō-ha emphasized the importance of Japanese culture, spiritual purity over material quality, and the need to attack the Soviet Union (Hokushin-ron), while the Tōsei-ha officers, who were strongly influenced by the ideas of the contemporary German general staff, supported central economic and military planning (total war theory), technological modernization, mechanization and expansion within China (Nanshin-ron). The Kōdō-ha was dominant in the IJA during Araki's tenure as Minister of War from 1931 to 1934, occupying most significant staff positions, but many of its members were replaced by Tōsei-ha officers following Araki's resignation.

The "young officers"
IJA officers were divided between those whose education had ended at the Army Academy (an undergraduate academy) and those who had advanced on to the prestigious Army War College (a graduate school for midlevel officers). The latter group formed the elite of the officer corps, while officers of the former group were effectively barred by tradition from advancement to higher-level staff positions. A number of these lesser-privileged officers formed the army's contribution to the young, highly politicized group often referred to as the .

The young officers believed that the problems facing the nation were the result of Japan straying from the  (an amorphous term often translated as "national polity", it roughly signifies the relationship between the Emperor and the state). To them, the "privileged classes" exploited the people, leading to widespread poverty in rural areas, and deceived the Emperor, usurping his power and weakening Japan. The solution, they believed, was a "Shōwa Restoration" modeled on the Meiji Restoration of 70 years earlier. By rising up and destroying the "evil advisers around the Throne", the officers would enable the Emperor to re-establish his authority. The Emperor would then purge those who exploited the people, restoring prosperity to the nation. These beliefs were strongly influenced by contemporary nationalist thought, especially the political philosophy of the former socialist Ikki Kita. Almost all of the young officers' subordinates were from poor peasant family or working class, and believed that the young officers truly understood their predicaments and spirits.

The loose-knit young officers group varied in size, but is estimated to have had roughly 100 regular members, mostly officers in the Tokyo area. Its informal leader was Mitsugi (Zei) Nishida. A former IJA lieutenant and disciple of Kita, Nishida had become a prominent member of the civilian nationalist societies that proliferated in Japan from the late 1920s. He referred to the army group as the  faction. Involved at least to some extent in most of the political violence of the period, following the March and October incidents of 1931, the army and navy members of the group split and largely ended their association with civilian nationalists.

Despite its relatively small size, the Kokutai Genri-ha faction was influential, due in no small part to the threat it posed. It had sympathizers among the general staff and the Imperial Family, most notably Prince Chichibu, the Emperor's brother (and, until 1933, his heir), who was friends with Nishida and other Kokutai Genri-ha leaders. Despite being fiercely anti-capitalist, the faction had also managed to secure irregular funding from zaibatsu leaders who hoped to shield themselves.

The exact nature of the relationship between the Kōdō-ha and the Kokutai Genri-ha was complicated, with historians treating the two factions either as the same entity or as two groups forming a larger whole. However, contemporary accounts and the writings of members of the two groups make clear they were actually distinct groups in a mutually beneficial alliance. The Kōdō-ha shielded the Kokutai Genri-ha and provided it with access, while they in exchange benefited from their perceived ability to restrain the radical officers.

Political violence
The years leading up to the February 26 Incident were marked by a series of outbursts of violence by the young officers and their fellow nationalists against political opponents. Most notable was the May 15 Incident of 1932, in which young naval officers assassinated Prime Minister Inukai Tsuyoshi. This incident is significant because it convinced the young army officers (who were aware of, but not involved in, the attack) of the need to utilize troops in any potential coup attempt. The ringleaders of the incident, as in the previous March and October incidents, received relatively light punishments.

The direct prelude to the February 26 Incident, however, was the 1934 Military Academy Incident (November Incident) and its consequences. In this incident, Captain Takaji Muranaka and Captain Asaichi Isobe, prominent members of the Kokutai Genri-ha, were arrested for planning a coup with a group of military cadets. Muranaka and Isobe admitted discussing such a coup, but denied having any plans to actually carry it out. The military court investigating the incident found there was insufficient evidence to indict, but Muranaka and Isobe were suspended by the army. The two were convinced that the incident was a Tōsei-ha attack on the young officers and began circulating a pamphlet calling for a "housecleaning" of the IJA and naming Tetsuzan Nagata as the "chief villain". They were then expelled from the IJA.

It was at this time that the last Kōdō-ha officer in a prominent position, General Jinzaburō Masaki, was forced out of office. The insidious and cantankerous Masaki was generally disliked by his colleagues and his removal was not purely political but the young officers were enraged because, having become disillusioned with Araki for his failures to overcome resistance in the cabinet during his time as War Minister, Masaki had become the focus of their hopes. Muranaka and Isobe released a new pamphlet attacking Nagata for the dismissal, as did Nishida.

On 12 August 1935, in the Aizawa Incident, Lieutenant-Colonel Saburō Aizawa, a member of the Kokutai Genri-ha and a friend of Masaki, murdered Nagata in his office in retaliation. Aizawa's public trial, which began in late January 1936, became a media sensation, as Aizawa and the Kokutai Genri-ha leadership, in collusion with the judges, turned it into a soapbox from which their ideology could be broadcast. Aizawa's supporters in the mass media praised his "morality and patriotism", and Aizawa himself came to be seen as "a simple soldier who sought only to reform the army and the nation according to the true National Principle."

Richard Sims argues that the designation "Japanese fascism" is appropriate for the episode because:
it draws attention to the similarities of anti-communism, anti-liberalism, ambivalence toward capitalism, emphasis on national community, and aggressive and ambitious foreign policy, which Japan shared with Germany and Italy.

Preparations

Deciding to act
The Kokutai Genri-ha had long supported a violent uprising against the government. The decision to finally act in February 1936 was caused by two factors. The first was the decision announced in December 1935 to transfer the 1st Division, to which most of the Kokutai Genri-ha's officers belonged, to Manchuria in the spring. This meant that if the officers did not strike before then, any possible action would be delayed by years. The second was Aizawa's trial. The impact of his actions had impressed the officers, and they believed that by acting while his trial was still in progress, they could take advantage of the favorable public opinion it was engendering.

The decision to act was initially opposed by Nishida and Kita when they learned of it. The pair's relationship with most of the officers had become relatively distant in the years leading up to the uprising, and they were against direct action. However, once it was clear that the officers were determined to act anyway, they moved to support them. Another barrier to be overcome was opposition to the involvement of troops from Teruzō Andō, who had sworn an oath to his commander not to involve his men in any direct action. Andō's position in the 3rd Infantry Regiment (the largest source of troops) was essential to the plot, so Muranaka and Nonaka spoke with him repeatedly, ultimately wearing down his resistance.

February 26 was chosen because the officers had been able to arrange to have themselves and their allies serve as duty officers on that date, facilitating their access to arms and ammunition. The date also allowed Masaki to testify at Aizawa's trial as scheduled on the 25th.

Planning and manifesto
The uprising was planned in a series of meetings held between 18 and 22 February by Nishida, Yasuhide Kurihara, Teruzō Andō, Hisashi Kōno, Takaji Muranaka and Asaichi Isobe. The plan decided upon was relatively simple. The officers would assassinate the most prominent enemies of the kokutai, secure control of the administrative center of the capital and the Imperial Palace, then submit their demands (the dismissal of certain officers and the appointment of a new cabinet led by Mazaki). They had no longer-term goals, believing that those should be left to the Emperor. It is believed that they were prepared to replace Hirohito with Prince Chichibu if necessary, however.

The young officers believed they had at least tacit approval for their uprising from a number of important IJA officers after making a number of informal approaches. These included Araki, Minister of War Yoshiyuki Kawashima, Jinzaburō Masaki, Tomoyuki Yamashita, Kanji Ishiwara, Shigeru Honjō and their own immediate commanders, Kōhei Kashii and Takeo Hori. Kawashima's successor as Minister of War later remarked that if all the officers who had supported the rebels had been forced to resign, there wouldn't have been enough high-ranking officers left to replace them.

The young officers prepared an explanation of their intentions and grievances in a document entitled , which they wanted to be handed to the Emperor. The document was prepared by Muranaka, but written in Shirō Nonaka's name as he was the highest-ranking officer involved in the plot. The document was entirely in line with Kokutai Genri-ha ideals, blaming the genrō, political leaders, military factions, zaibatsu, bureaucrats and political parties for endangering the kokutai through their selfishness and disrespect for the Emperor and asserting the need for direct action:

Seven targets were chosen for assassination for "threatening the kokutai":

The first four mentioned in the above list survived the attempted coup. Saionji, Saitō, Suzuki and Makino were targeted because they were the most influential Imperial advisers. Okada and Takahashi were moderate political leaders who had worked to restrain the military. Finally, Watanabe was targeted as a member of the Tōsei-ha and because he had been involved with Masaki's removal.

Saionji's name was ultimately removed from the list, though the reasons why are disputed. Some of the officers' allies argued that he should be left alive to be used to help convince the Emperor to appoint Masaki as prime minister, and this is commonly given as the reason. However, Isobe testified later that he had rejected these suggestions and continued to make arrangements for the attack on Saionji. According to his account, the attack was only canceled after the officers assigned to carry it out (teachers at a military school in Toyohashi, Aichi Prefecture) could not agree over the use of cadets in the operation.

The Righteous Army

From 22 February on, the seven leaders managed to convince eighteen other officers to join the uprising with varying degrees of enthusiasm. Non-commissioned officers (NCOs) were informed on the night of 25 February, hours before the attacks started. Although the officers insisted that all NCOs participated voluntarily and any orders given were merely pro forma, many of the NCOs argued later that they had been in no real position to refuse to participate. The soldiers themselves, 70% of whom were less than a month out of basic training, were not told anything before the coup began, though many were (according to the officers) enthusiastic once the uprising began.

The bulk of the Righteous Army was made up of men from the 1st Division's 1st Infantry Regiment (11th and MG companies; 456 men) and 3rd Infantry Regiment (1st, 3rd, 6th, 7th, 10th, and MG companies; 937 men). The only other significant contribution was 138 men from the 3rd Imperial Guard Regiment. Including officers, civilians and men from other units, the total size of the Righteous Army was 1,558 men. An official count of 1,483 was given at the time; this number excludes the 75 men who participated in Nakahashi's attempt to secure the Imperial Palace (see below).

The coup leaders adopted the name  for this force and the password , adopted from the Meiji Restoration-era slogan, "Revere the Emperor, Destroy the Shogunate". Allies were also to display a three-sen postage stamp when approaching the army's lines.

Uprising

The night of 25 February brought heavy snowfall to Tokyo. This heartened the rebel officers because it reminded them of the 1860 Sakuradamon Incident in which shishi (political activists with ambitions) assassinated Ii Naosuke, the chief adviser to the Shōgun, in the name of the Emperor.

The rebel troops, divided into six groups, assembled their troops and left their barracks between 03:30 and 04:00. The attacks on Okada, Takahashi, Suzuki, Saito, the Ministry of War and the Tokyo Metropolitan Police headquarters occurred simultaneously at 05:00.

1st Infantry Regiment

Okada Keisuke

The attack on Okada consisted of 280 men from the 1st Infantry Regiment led by 1st Lieutenant Yasuhide Kurihara.

The troops surrounded the Prime Minister's Residence and forced its guards to open the gates. Upon entering the compound and attempting to find the prime minister, however, they were fired upon by four policemen. All four were killed after wounding six of the rebel soldiers, but the gunfire succeeded in warning Okada of the danger. He was taken into hiding by his brother-in-law, Colonel Denzō Matsuo. Matsuo, who was said to have resembled Okada, was then discovered and killed by the troops. The soldiers compared Matsuo's wounded face to a picture of the prime minister and concluded that they had succeeded in their mission. Okada escaped the next day, but this fact was kept a secret and he played no further role in the incident. After Matsuo's death, Kurihara's men assumed guard positions around the compound. They were joined by sixty men from the 3rd Imperial Guard (see below).

Seizure of the Ministry of War
Captain Kiyosada Kōda, accompanied by Muranaka, Isobe, and others, led 160 men to seize control of the Minister of War's residence, the Ministry of War itself and the General Staff Office. Once this had been accomplished, they entered the residence and asked to see Minister Kawashima. When they were admitted to see him at 06:30, they read their manifesto aloud and handed him a document in which they made numerous demands of the army, including:

 The rapid resolution of the situation by Kawashima in a way that "advanced the cause of the Restoration"
 The prevention of the use of force against the Righteous Army
 The arrest of Kazushige Ugaki (Governor-General of Korea), Jirō Minami (commander of the Kwantung Army), Kuniaki Koiso (commander of the Korean Army), and Yoshitsugu Tatekawa for being "the source of the destruction of military command".
 The immediate dismissal of Lieutenant Colonel Akira Mutō, Colonel Hiroshi Nemoto, and Major Tadashi Katakura from the Imperial Japanese Army for promoting "factionalism"
 The appointment of Araki as the new commander of the Kwantung Army.

As Minister of War (1924–27, 1929–31), Ugaki had overseen a reduction in size and modernization of the army. He had also failed to back the March Incident plotters (who had hoped to make him prime minister). Minami, Muto, Nemoto and Katakura were all prominent members of the Tōsei-ha faction. Katakura was also partly responsible for reporting the Military Academy Incident. When Isobe encountered him outside the Ministry of War later that morning, he shot him (non-fatally) in the head.

During this period, a number of officers sympathetic to the rebels were admitted, including General Mazaki, General Tomoyuki Yamashita, General Ryū Saitō and the Vice-Minister of War, Motoo Furushō. Saitō praised the young officers' spirit and urged Kawashima to accept their demands. Shortly before 09:00, Kawashima stated that he needed to speak with the Emperor and left for the Imperial Palace.

Makino Nobuaki
Captain Hisashi Kōno commanded a team consisting of seven members, including six civilians, to attack Makino, who was staying at Kōfūsō, part of the ryokan Itōya in Yugawara, Kanagawa Prefecture, with his family. Arriving at 05:45, they stationed two men outside, then entered the inn with weapons drawn, at which point policemen stationed inside opened fire, beginning a lengthy gunfight. A policeman notified Makino and his party of the attack and led them to a rear entrance. The assassins fired upon the group as they left, but did not realize that Makino had managed to escape. Kōno was wounded in the chest during the gunfire and one policeman, Yoshitaka Minagawa, was killed. As Kōno was carried from the fighting, the assassins set fire to the building. Hearing a single shot, Kōno believed Makino had shot himself inside the burning building. The men took Kōno to a nearby military hospital where all were arrested by military police.

Attack on the Asahi Shimbun
At approximately 10:00, Kurihara and Nakahashi boarded three trucks with sixty men and traveled from the Prime Minister's Residence to the offices of the Asahi Shimbun, a prominent liberal newspaper. Charging into the building, the officers forced the newspaper employees to evacuate while yelling that the attack was "divine retribution for being an un-Japanese newspaper". They then overturned and scattered the newspaper's type trays (containing 4,000 different characters) on the floor, temporarily preventing the newspaper from publishing. Following the attack the men distributed copies of the uprising's manifesto to nearby newspapers and returned to the Prime Minister's Residence.

3rd Imperial Guard

Takahashi Korekiyo

1st Lieutenant Motoaki Nakahashi of the 3rd Imperial Guard assembled 135 men and, telling his commanders that they were going to pay their respects at Yasukuni Shrine (or Meiji Jingū; sources differ), marched to Takahashi's personal residence. There he split his men in half and took one group to attack the residence while having the other stand guard outside. After the men smashed their way into the compound, confused servants led Nakahashi and Lieutenant Kanji Nakajima to Takahashi's bedroom. There, Nakahashi shot the sleeping Takahashi with his pistol while Nakajima slashed him with his sword. Takahashi died without waking.

Once Takahashi was dead, Nakahashi sent the group that had participated in the attack to join the troops already at the Prime Minister's Residence. He then accompanied the remaining group of men onward to the Imperial Palace.

Attempt to secure the Imperial Palace
Nakahashi and his 75 men entered the palace grounds using the western Hanzō Gate at 06:00. Nakahashi's unit was the scheduled , and he told the commander of the palace guard, Major Kentarō Honma, that he had been dispatched to reinforce the gates because of the attacks earlier that morning. Honma had been informed of the attacks, so he found Nakahashi's arrival unsurprising. Nakahashi was assigned to help secure the Sakashita Gate, the main entrance to the grounds directly in front of the Kyūden (the Emperor's residence).

Nakahashi's plan had been to secure the Sakashita Gate, then use flashlights to signal the nearby rebel troops at police headquarters to join him. Having gained control over access to the Emperor, the rebels would then be able to prevent anyone but Honjō and others they approved of from seeing him. Nakahashi had difficulty contacting his allies, however, and by 08:00 Honma had learned of his involvement in the uprising. Nakahashi was ordered at gunpoint to leave the palace grounds. He did so, joining Kurihara at the Prime Minister's Residence. His soldiers remained at the gate until they were relieved at 13:00, at which point they returned to their barracks. For this reason, these 75 soldiers were not included in the government's official tally of rebel forces.

3rd Infantry Regiment

Saitō Makoto
1st Lieutenant Naoshi Sakai led 120 men from the 3rd Infantry Regiment to Saitō's private residence in Yotsuya. A group of the soldiers surrounded the policemen on guard, who surrendered. Five men, including Sakai, entered the residence and found Saitō and his wife Haruko on the second floor in their bedroom. They shot Saitō, who fell to the ground dead. His wife covered him with her body and told the soldiers, "Please kill me instead!" They pulled her off and continued to fire at Saitō. Haruko was wounded by a stray bullet. Following Saitō's death, two officers led a group of men to attack General Watanabe. The rest left to assume a position northeast of the Ministry of War.

Kantarō Suzuki
Captain Teruzō Andō led 200 men of the 3rd Infantry Regiment to Suzuki's private residence just across from the Imperial Palace in Kōjimachi. They surrounded and disarmed the police on guard, then a group entered the building. After Suzuki was discovered in his bedroom, he was shot twice (sources differ as to who fired the shots). Andō then moved to deliver a coup de grace with his sword, when Suzuki's wife pleaded to be allowed to do it herself. Believing Suzuki to be mortally wounded, Andō agreed. He apologized to her, explaining that it was done for the sake of the nation. He then ordered his men to salute Suzuki and they left to guard the Miyakezaka junction north of the Ministry of War. Suzuki, although seriously wounded, would survive.

Andō had visited Suzuki at his home in 1934 to suggest that Araki be appointed prime minister following Saitō's resignation. Suzuki had rejected the suggestion, but Andō had come away with a favorable impression of Suzuki.

Watanabe Jōtarō

Following the attack on Saitō, twenty men led by 2nd Lieutenant Tarō Takahashi and 2nd Lieutenant Yutaka Yasuda boarded two trucks and headed to Watanabe's residence in Ogikubo, on the outskirts of Tokyo, arriving shortly after 07:00. Despite the two hours that had passed since the other attacks, no attempt had been made to warn Watanabe.

As the men attempted to enter the front of the residence, they were fired upon by military police stationed inside. Yasuda and another soldier were wounded. The soldiers then forced their way in through the rear entrance, where they encountered Watanabe's wife standing outside their bedroom on the second floor. Shoving her aside, they found Watanabe using a futon for cover. Watanabe opened fire with his pistol, whereupon one of the soldiers fired a burst at him with a light machine gun. Takahashi then rushed forward and stabbed Watanabe with his sword. Watanabe's nine-year-old daughter, Kazuko, witnessed his death as she hid behind a table nearby. The soldiers then boarded their trucks and left, taking their two wounded to a hospital, then assuming a position in northern Nagatachō.

Tokyo Metropolitan Police headquarters

Captain Shirō Nonaka took nearly a third of all the rebels' troops, 500 men from the 3rd Infantry Regiment, to attack the headquarters of the Tokyo Metropolitan Police, located directly south of the Imperial Palace, with the goal of securing its communication equipment and preventing the dispatch of the police's . They met no resistance and soon secured the building, possibly due to a police decision to leave the situation in the hands of the army. Nonaka's group was as large as it was because they were intended to move on to the palace itself.

After the occupation of the police headquarters, 2nd Lieutenant Kinjirō Suzuki led a small group to attack the nearby residence of Fumio Gotō, the Home Minister. Gotō was not home, however, and escaped the attack. This attack appears to have been the result of an independent decision by Suzuki rather than part of the officers' overall plan, however.

Government response and suppression of the uprising

Opposition of the Court faction and Emperor
The Imperial Palace learned of the uprising when Captain Ichitarō Yamaguchi, a supporter of rebel officers and duty officer for the 1st Infantry Regiment, informed his father-in-law, General Shigeru Honjō, the Emperor's chief aide-de-camp and member of the Kōdō-ha, at about 05:00. Honjō then contacted his subordinates and the chief of the military police and headed to the palace. The Emperor himself learned of the incident at 05:40 and met with Honjō shortly after 06:00. He told Honjō to end the incident, although he was not specific as to how.

With Saitō dead and Suzuki gravely wounded, the Emperor's chief remaining advisors were Kōichi Kido, Chief Secretary to the Lord Keeper; Kurahei Yuasa, Minister of the Imperial Household; and Vice-Grand Chamberlain Tadataka Hirohata. These officials met after learning of the attacks from Suzuki's secretary. They took a hard line, advising the Emperor that he should demand that efforts be concentrated on suppressing the uprising and that he must not accept the resignation of the current government, as doing so would "effectively be granting victory to the rebel army". It was after hearing this advice that Hirohito hardened his position.

Kawashima met with the Emperor at 09:30 after his meeting with the rebel officers at the Ministry of War. He read the officers' manifesto and demands aloud and then recommended the Emperor form a new cabinet to "clarify the kokutai, stabilize national life, and fulfill national defense." The Emperor refused and demanded that Kawashima suppress the uprising. When the remaining members of Okada's government, unaware that he was alive, attempted to resign that afternoon, Hirohito told them he would not allow it until the uprising had been suppressed.

The Minister of War's proclamation and de facto recognition
The Supreme Military Council (SMC) held an unofficial meeting in the afternoon, attended by a number of other officers including Kashii, Yamashita, Kawashima and Hajime Sugiyama, Vice Chief of Staff. The SMC, while a prestigious part of the IJA, had little function in peacetime and had therefore become a body to which high-ranking officers could be appointed without actually granting them power. For this reason, by 1936 a number of Kōdō-ha generals, including Araki and Mazaki, had been made members.

The authority of this meeting was disputed; it had not been convened by the Emperor, and Sugiyama argued that it had no authority. Araki countered that the "elders of the army" had a moral obligation to resolve the situation. The Kōdō-ha members and their supporters controlled a clear majority of the council.

Despite the Emperor's order to Kawashima that the uprising be suppressed, Araki proposed that a message be drafted to the rebels. This message, which came to be known as the "Minister of War's Proclamation", has become a point of controversy (it was issued in Kawashima's name because of the unofficial nature of the SMC meeting). Araki and other participants argued later that it had been intended to persuade the officers to surrender. Others interpreted it as an endorsement of the uprising.

The proclamation read:

The purpose of your actions has been reported to His Majesty.
We recognize that your motives are based on a sincere desire to clarify the national polity.
The current state of the national polity (including its defilement) is a matter of great regret to us.
All the Supreme War Councilors have agreed to unite and move forward in accordance with the principles stated above.
Beyond this everything depends upon His Majesty's will.Shillony translates the word  in the 2nd clause as "approve" rather than "recognize". Shillony (1973), p. 153

Once approved, Yamashita brought the message to the rebels in the Ministry of War, who were pleased but somewhat confused by its vagueness. Some of the officers later testified that Yamashita claimed that the Emperor had approved the message, but Yamashita denied this.

Another point of controversy was the proclamation's wording. Although the above text notes that the rebels' "motives" were recognized, another version of the text was distributed by Kashii (possibly at Kawashima's instructions) shortly after 15:30 to military units in Tokyo. This version recognized the rebels' "actions" rather than their "motives". This difference has been attributed to Kōdō-ha manipulation of the text after-the-fact. Araki, Yamashita and others claimed that what Kashii distributed was an earlier, unfinished draft of the proclamation.

Two other developments deepened the rebel officers' impression that their uprising had succeeded. At 15:00, shortly before the Minister of War's message was released, Kashii, acting as commander of the Tokyo garrison, ordered a state of  in the 1st Division's operational area (which included the area being occupied by the rebel troops). This had the effect of formally placing the rebel troops within the chain of command under Lieutenant General Takeo Hori's 3rd Infantry Regiment. Hori placed them under Colonel Satoshi Kofuji and charged them with maintaining law and order in their area. Thus, the rebel officers were no longer acting illegally by occupying their positions. As with the earlier Minister of War's Proclamation, this order was later justified as an attempt to convince the rebel officers to end their occupation. The officers were, however, encouraged by the act and convinced that they were on the verge of success.

The second positive development was the declaration of martial law. The cabinet initially opposed this measure, as it feared it would be used to impose military rule (just as the young officers hoped), but they had no choice but to approve it after Kawashima insisted it was necessary to resolve the uprising. The Privy Council concurred, and the edict was signed by the Emperor at 01:20 on the 27th. Kashii was made chief of Martial Law Headquarters. In his first order, issued later that morning, he ordered the rebel troops to enforce martial law in the Kōjimachi area (which they were occupying.)

Opposition within the military
Despite the above developments, the position of the Righteous Army was less secure than it seemed. Most significantly, as noted above, the Emperor and his court officials had taken a hard line towards the uprising. In addition, the rebels also faced important opposition within the military as well, especially from the Army General Staff and navy. Many within the army were pleased by the assassinations because they had removed a number of the army's opponents within the government. However, they could not accept the more radical social ideas included within a "Shōwa Restoration" and were not disposed to accept a Kōdō-ha-dominated cabinet. Others, such as Kanji Ishiwara, were infuriated at the rebel officers' use of troops without authorization.

The General Staff was effectively ruled by a triumvirate made up of the Chief of Staff, Vice Chief of Staff and Inspector General of Military Education. With Watanabe assassinated and the Chief of Staff (Prince Kan'in) ill and away from the capital, Vice Chief of Staff Sugiyama had full control. Sugiyama, a member of the Tōsei-ha, had from the beginning favored the forcible removal of the rebel occupation of the capital. His unwillingness to accept a new cabinet and present a united front with the SMC to the Emperor would ultimately be a major factor in the uprising's collapse. Initially concerned about the uncertainty of the situation, however, he only called in reinforcements from outside Tokyo.

The Naval Staff had taken a similarly dim view of the uprising, at least partly due to the attacks on three admirals (Okada, Saitō and Suzuki). It summoned the 1st Fleet to Tokyo on 26 February. By the afternoon of 27 February forty warships were stationed in Tokyo Bay and the navy's land forces (rikusentai) had been dispatched to defend naval installations in the city.

Negotiations and stalemate
Thus, by the evening of 26 February, the uprising had resulted in a stalemate. The Emperor and Sugiyama's opposition had prevented the achievement of its primary goal: the appointment of a military-dominated cabinet centered around Mazaki. Although the Righteous Army had managed to achieve a degree of official recognition for their actions, it was obvious that they could not occupy their positions indefinitely. Their presence was their strongest bargaining chip, but even their supporters felt that it needed to end.

It was for this reason that Araki, Mazaki and most of the other members of the SMC met with Muranaka and Kurihara at the Ministry of War on the night of 26 February. There they congratulated the officers again, but asked that they return to their units and leave the rest to the SMC. The rebel officers refused, correctly pointing out that it was only because they had fully armed troops behind them the generals were prepared to listen, and again spoke of the need to promote the Shōwa Restoration and form a "strong cabinet centered around the military". No agreement was reached.

This approach was followed by late-night negotiations at the Imperial Hotel between Ishiwara and Lieutenant Colonel Sakichi Mitsui, a supporter of the uprising. They reached a compromise: a new cabinet under Admiral Eisuke Yamamoto would be appointed and the rebel troops would return to their units. This compromise was rejected by both Sugiyama (who insisted the Emperor would not approve a new cabinet) and the rebel officers (who would only accept a Mazaki cabinet).

Finally a settlement seemed to have been reached when the rebel officers asked to see Mazaki on 27 February. Mazaki, accompanied by two other members of the SMC (Nobuyuki Abe and Yoshikazu Nishi), arrived at the Ministry of War at 16:00. Gathered there were all the rebel officers except Andō and Kurihara, who were in charge of the troops outside, and Kōno, who was still hospitalized. The rebels told Mazaki that they were entrusting everything to him. Mazaki thanked them, but explained that he could do nothing until they returned to their units. He also stated that he would fight them himself if they went against the Emperor's wishes. The rebels replied that if they received a formal order to return, they would of course obey it. Following the meeting, both Mazaki and the rebel officers were relieved. Mazaki believed the rebel officers would leave without violence and the rebels were apparently convinced that a Mazaki cabinet would be formed shortly after they did so. Kashii issued orders for the troops to stay the night in the buildings they had occupied and reported to the Emperor that the situation would be resolved by the morning.

The imperial command
However, unknown to Kashii, Mazaki and the rebel officers, Sugiyama had already asked the Emperor at 08:20 to issue an imperial command authorizing the use of force against the Righteous Army. This was immediately granted and issued to Sugiyama, to be released at his discretion. Addressed to Kashii, the command ordered him to quickly evict "the officers and men occupying the Miyakezaka area".

The Emperor had, by the end of 27 February, become increasingly impatient with the failure of the Army to suppress the uprising as he had ordered on the previous day. The Navy's quick response satisfied him but the Army's hesitation was inexplicable to the Emperor. He summoned Honjō throughout the day, demanding to know if the rebels had been suppressed. When Honjō spoke in defense of the officers' motives, the Emperor angrily replied "killing my ministers is tantamount to strangling me with cotton wool" and added that the rebels deserved no leniency. At one point, Hirohito became so impatient he threatened to assume personal command of the Imperial Guard and order them to attack the rebels himself.

The General Staff and Martial Law Headquarters decided to release the imperial command at 05:00 on the 28th. From this point on formal documents, which had previously used "uprising", the word chosen by the rebel officers themselves, began to use the word  instead.

At 08:00 the rebel officers' nominal superior, Major Kofuji, was told to inform the officers of the imperial command and order them to return to their units. However, Muranaka and Kōda had already heard of the command from Nakahashi. Believing the order to be a mistake, they went to see him. When they met Kofuji, he only told them to come to 1st Division Headquarters. There they met General Hori, who lied to them, telling them that no command had been issued. The relieved but skeptical officers left.

A meeting of the heads of the army – including Kawashima, Kashii and Sugiyama – had been held from the early morning onward (Araki and Mazaki had attempted to attend but had been told to leave, as the SMC had no authority). Kawashima and Kashii attempted to convince the group to avoid violence, but when 10:00 passed without any word of movement by the rebel officers, they approved the use of force. However, when Hori and Kofuji came to see Kashii at 10:40, the three agreed that it was too early to enact the imperial command. It has also been suggested that a lack of preparedness on the part of government forces was another factor. Either way, the action was delayed.

Yamashita visited the Ministry of War at 12:00 and told the rebel officers that the issuance of the imperial command was merely a matter of time and that they should "take responsibility". Hori joined the group at 12:30 and confirmed Yamashita's words. Shortly after, Kurihara, speaking for the group, asked that an Imperial messenger be sent. He said that the officers would commit suicide and the NCOs would take the soldiers back to their barracks. Yamashita, joined by Kawashima, immediately went to the Imperial Palace, where he informed Honjō of the officers' request for the Imperial Command for their suicide, perceived to be the only honourable way out for them. Honjō, thinking this was a good solution for all parties concerned, asked his majesty that the request be granted, but to his surprise, the Emperor flatly refused. His fury was such that he blurted "If they want to die, do as they wish. Do it on their own. An Imperial Command is out of question".

Not all the rebels had been prepared to commit suicide. Andō had been infuriated at the idea, yelling that "the generals want to use us as footstools and have us kill ourselves". His rejection of the idea and the Emperor's refusal led to a change of heart among the officers. By 13:30 they had decided to fight. Kofuji learned this at 14:00, when he finally attempted to gather the officers to read them the imperial command and they refused to return to their units (the orders had to be formally given in order to be valid). Soon after, at 16:00, Martial Law Headquarters announced that force would be used and the rebel troops were removed from Kofuji's command at 18:00. At 23:00 orders went out to begin preparations at 05:00 on 29 February for a general attack.

Final hours

By the morning of 29 February, the Righteous Army, consisting of less than 1,500, was surrounded by more than 20,000 loyal government troops and 22 tanks. The general attack was planned for 09:00. By 05:30 all civilians in the surrounding areas had been evacuated.

From 08:00 the IJA began a major propaganda push towards the rebel troops. Three planes scattered leaflets from the air, a giant ad balloon adorned with the words, "The Imperial Command has been issued, do not resist the Army colors!" was suspended nearby and a series of radio broadcasts were made over NHK. The broadcasts and leaflets assured soldiers it was not too late to return to their units and informed them of the imperial command. (The broadcasts would cause later problems, for they had promised all crimes would be forgiven.) These efforts, together with the hopeless odds, had a devastating effect. Desertions began shortly after midnight; by 10:00, many of the troops were gone.

Realizing the hopelessness, by noon all the officers except Andō had released their soldiers. Finally, at 13:00, Andō ordered his men to leave and unsuccessfully attempted suicide by shooting himself in the head. The rest assembled at the Ministry of War. There they met Yamashita and Ishiwara, who suggested that they commit suicide. They allowed the men to keep their sidearms and left. Colonel Nobutoki Ide, a member of the General Staff and Nonaka's former commander, came to the building and called for Nonaka to come outside. Shortly afterwards, Nonaka shot himself. Isobe claimed that Nonaka was forced to commit suicide in an attempt to pressure the rest of the officers to do the same. The final rebel officer to commit suicide was Kōno, still hospitalized from the failed attack on Makino, who stabbed himself with a knife a week later. The remaining officers were arrested by military police at 18:00. They were all stripped of their rank.

Aftermath

Trials
The Emperor signed an ordinance on March 4, 1936, establishing a  to try those involved in the uprising. All 1,483 members of the Righteous Army were interrogated, but ultimately only 124 were prosecuted: nineteen officers, 73 NCOs, nineteen soldiers and ten civilians. Of these, all of the officers, 43 NCOs, three soldiers and all of the civilians were found guilty. The trials related to the uprising took nearly eighteen months to complete.

The main trial of the ringleaders of the rebellion (the nineteen surviving officers, Isobe, Muranaka and two other civilians) began on 28 April. The trial was held in secret, and the defendants did not have rights to legal representation, call witnesses or appeal. The judges were not interested in hearing about the defendants' motives and intentions, and forced them to concentrate on their actions in their testimony. The trial was therefore far different from the ordinary court martial that Aizawa had faced a few months earlier. Charged with , the rebel officers argued that their actions had been approved by the Minister of War's Proclamation and their incorporation into the martial law forces, and that they had never been formally presented with the imperial command. The verdicts were handed down on 4 June and the sentences on 5 July: all were found guilty and seventeen were sentenced to death.

Four more trials took place for those directly involved in the attacks: one for those NCOs involved in the attacks on Saitō, Watanabe and Tokyo police headquarters; one for those NCOs involved in the attacks on Okada, Takahashi, Suzuki and the Ministry of War; one for the soldiers involved in those attacks; one for the NCO and six civilians involved in the attack on Makino. A series of trials were also held for 37 men charged with indirectly supporting the rebellion. Twenty-four were found guilty, with punishments ranging from life imprisonment to a fine of JP¥45. The most noteworthy of these were Ichitarō Yamaguchi (life imprisonment), Ryu Saitō (five years) and Sakichi Mitsui (three years).

Kita and Nishida were also charged as ringleaders of the rebellion and tried in a separate trial. Their actions during the uprising had only been indirect (primarily providing support over the telephone) and as such they did not actually meet the requirements of the charge. The chief judge, Major-General Isao Yoshida, protested to the Ministry of War that the charges were improper. However, the Tōsei-ha generals now dominant in the IJA had decided that the two men's influence had to be eliminated; Yoshida later wrote another judge to tell him that regardless of the lack of evidence, it had been decided that the two must die. They were sentenced to death on 14 August 1937.

The only significant military figure to be tried for involvement in the uprising was Mazaki, charged with collaborating with the rebel officers. Although his own testimony showed him to be guilty of the charge, he was found not guilty on 25 September 1937. This has been attributed to the influence of Fumimaro Konoe, who had become prime minister in June.

Fifteen of the officers were executed by firing squad on 15 July at a military prison in Shibuya. The execution of Muranaka and Isobe was delayed so that they could testify at Kita and Nishida's trial. Muranaka, Isobe, Kita and Nishida were executed by firing squad at the same location on 14 August 1937.

Change of government
Despite the failure of the coup, the February 26 Incident had the effect of significantly increasing the military's influence over the civilian government. The Okada cabinet resigned on 9 March and a new cabinet was formed by Kōki Hirota, Okada's foreign minister. This transition was not without its problems, however. When the selection of Hirota was made clear and efforts began to assemble a cabinet, General Hisaichi Terauchi, the new cabinet's Minister of War, made his displeasure with some of the selections clear. Hirota gave in to Terauchi's demands and changed his selections, choosing Hachirō Arita over Shigeru Yoshida as Minister of Foreign Affairs.

This interference with cabinet selection was followed by a demand that only active-duty officers be allowed to serve as Minister of War and Minister of the Navy. Until this point reserve and retired officers had been allowed to serve in these positions. This demand was accepted and authorized by imperial commands on 18 May. This change would have far-reaching implications for the Japanese government, as it effectively gave veto power over government policies to the military services. By asking a minister to resign and refusing to appoint a new officer to serve as his replacement, the services could cause a government to fall at their pleasure. This fate would, in fact, meet Hirota less than a year later when Terauchi resigned over Hirota's refusal to dissolve the Diet.

Personnel changes within the Army
Although only Mazaki faced criminal charges, this didn't mean that the Kōdō-ha didn't suffer any consequences from the incident. Under Terauchi's auspices, , most notably Ishiwara and Akira Mutō, began a purge of the military. Of the twelve full generals in the army, nine were removed from active service by the end of April, including Kōdō-ha members Araki, Mazaki, Kawashima and Honjō. At the same time, other Kōdō-ha officers and their supporters were either removed from active service or sent to positions away from the capital, where they would be less able to influence policy. Among these were Yamashita, Kashii, Kofuji, Hori, Hashimoto and Yanagawa. Although other, non-Kōdō-ha officers were also targeted to a limited extent, the focus of the actions was clearly on eliminating Kōdō-ha influence. Almost every high-ranking officer who had helped support the Righteous Army during the uprising was therefore affected.

Commemoration

The parents, widows, and children of the executed rebels, who were prevented by the government from commemorating them until the end of the Second World War, formed the . They have established two sites in Tokyo commemorating the officers of the February 26 Incident. In 1952, shortly after the end of the Allied occupation of Japan, they placed a gravestone entitled  in Kensōji, a temple in Azabu-Jūban, where the ashes of the executed men had been placed. The "twenty-two" signifies the nineteen men executed, the two who committed suicide (Nonaka and Kōno) and Aizawa. Then, in 1965, they placed a statue of Kannon, the Buddhist goddess of mercy, dedicated to the memories of the rebel officers and their victims at the former location of the Shibuya execution grounds.

Notes

References

 Bix, Herbert P. (2000). Hirohito and the Making of Modern Japan. Perennial.
 Brown, Delmer M. (1955). Nationalism in Japan. University of California Press.
 Chaen Yoshio (2001). Zusetsu Ni Niroku Jiken. Nihon Tosho Center.
 Crowley, James B. (1962). "Japanese Army Factionalism in the Early 1930s" The Journal of Asian Studies (21:3).
 Hane, Mikiso (1983). Emperor Hirohito and His Chief Aide-de-Camp: the Honjo Diary, 1933–36. University of Tokyo Press.
 Jansen, Marius (2002). The Making of Modern Japan. Harvard University Press.
 Kita Hiroaki (2003). Ni Niroku Jiken Zenkenshō. Asahi Shimbun.
 Shillony, Ben-Ami (1973). Revolt in Japan: The Young Officers and the February 26, 1936 Incident. Princeton University Press.
 Sims, Richard. "Japanese Fascism," (1982) History Today (Jan 1982), Vol. 32 Issue 1, pp. 10–13. online.
 Storry, Richard (1957). The Double Patriots: A Study of Japanese Nationalism. Greenwood Press.
 Yoshii Hiroshi (ed.) (1989). Mokugekisha ga Kataru Showa-shi (Vol. 4): 2/26 Jiken. Shin-Jinbutsuoraisha.

Attempted coups in Japan
Imperial Japanese Army
Rebellions in Japan
Conflicts in 1936
1936 in Japan
1930s coups d'état and coup attempts
February 1936 events
Events that led to courts-martial
Terrorist incidents in the 1930s
Fascist revolts
Political violence in Japan
Assassinations in Japan

February 26 incident


සූර්ය උදයාදී ක්‍රමය අනුව  සුමානයට දවස් 7කි.
සඳුදා

කුජදා

බුධදා

ගුරුදා

කිවිදා

ශනිදා

රිවිදා

හිරු උදාව සමග දවස ඇරඹී පසුදුනට හිරු උදාව සමග අවසන් වන බැවින් සුමානයද නිතැතින්ම  හිරු උදාවක් සමග දවස ඇරඹී හිරු උදාවකින් අවසන්වේ .

ආශ්‍රිත ලිපි
 රාහු කාලය

සූර්ය උදයාදී ක්‍රමයේ දවස්


Magnus Landin Jacobsen (20. kolovoza 1995.), danski rukometni reprezentativac. Sudjelovao na svjetskom prvenstvu 2019. godine.
Mlađi brat Niklasa Landina Jacobsena.

Od većih reprezentativnih uspjeha izdvajaju se osvajanje olimpijskog zlata u Riju 2016 te svjetskog naslova 2019. gdje je Danska bila jedan od suorganizatora.

Izvori

Danski rukometaši

Magnus Landin Jacobsen


Zhang Ziyi (Çince: 章子怡, Pinyin: Zhāng Zǐyí ; d. 9 Şubat 1979, Pekin). Çinli oyuncu. En bilinen rolü Oscar ödülü kazanan Kaplan ve Ejderha (Crouching Tiger Hidden Dragon) filmindeki Jiao Long rolüdür. Zhang Ziyi, Rush Hour 2, Kahraman (Hero), Parlayan Hançerler (House of Flying Daggers) ve Bir Geyşanın Anıları (Memoirs of a Geisha) gibi filmlerde rol aldı. 2001 yılında FHM dergisinin 100 güzel kadın sıralamasında 2. olmuştur.

Filmografi

Dış bağlantılar
 Beyazperde'de Zhang Ziyi

1979 doğumlular
20. yüzyılda kadın oyuncular
21. yüzyılda kadın oyuncular
Çinli sinema oyuncuları
En İyi Yardımcı Kadın Oyuncu Bağımsız Ruh Ödülü sahipleri
Yaşayan insanlar
Pekin doğumlular
Bağımsız Ruh Ödülü sahipleri
Toronto Sinema Eleştirmenleri Derneği En İyi Yardımcı Kadın Oyuncu Ödülü sahipleri
Toronto Sinema Eleştirmenleri Derneği Ödülü sahipleri

Zhang Ziyi


Gabi & Arsen naziv je desetog studijskog albuma Arsena Dedića, objavljenoga 1980. godine. Album je kolaboracija sa suprugom Gabi Novak. Izdan je za "RTV Ljubljanu".

Popis pjesama

Vanjske poveznice
 Discogs: Gabi i Arsen

Albumi Arsena Dedića
Albumi iz 1980.

Gabi i Arsen


Tonkinese is a domestic cat breed produced by crossbreeding between the Siamese and Burmese. Members of the breed share many of their parents' distinctively lively, playful personality traits and are similarly distinguished by a pointed coat pattern in a variety of colors. In addition to the modified coat colors of the "mink" pattern, which is a dilution of the point color (as in watercolors), the breed is now being shown in the foundation-like Siamese and Burmese colors: pointed with white and solid overall (sepia).

The best known variety is the short-haired Tonkinese, but there is a semi-longhaired (sometimes called Tibetan) which tends to be more popular in Europe, mainly in the Netherlands, Germany, Belgium, Luxembourg, and France.

History

It is believed that Tonkinese-like cats have existed in the West since at least the early 19th century. The founder of the American Burmese type, a female named Wong Mau imported to the United States in 1930, is thought to have been genetically a crossbreed of this type. (Wong Mau was actually a Tonkinese, though the "breed" was not recognized as such at the time. Some of today's Tonkinese can be tracked by pedigree back to Wong Mau).

More modern Tonkinese cats are the result of the crossbreeding programs of two breeders working independently of each other. Margaret Conroy, of Canada, and Jane Barletta, of the United States, crossed the Siamese and Burmese breeds, with the aim of creating the ideal combination of both parent breeds' distinctive appearance and lively personalities. The cats thus produced were moved from crossbreed classification to an established breed in 2001. The name is a reference to the Tonkin region of Indochina, though it is suggestive only, as the cats have no connection with the area.

In the West, Tonkinese cats under the age of sixth months have historically been referred to as "small-cats" rather than "kittens" to reflect a more direct translation from Burmese, although this term has become almost obsolete since the mid-20th century.

Description

Appearance

Tonkinese are a medium-sized cat, considered an intermediate type between the slender, long-bodied modern Siamese and European Burmese and the more "cobby", or substantially-built American Burmese. Like their Burmese ancestors, they are deceptively muscular and typically seem much heavier than expected when picked up. Tail and legs are slim but proportionate to the body, with distinctive oval paws. They have a gently rounded, slightly wedge-shaped head and blunted muzzle, with moderately almond-shaped eyes and ears set towards the outside of their head. The American style is a rounder but sculpted head with a shorter body and sturdier appearance to reflect the old-fashioned Siamese and rounded Burmese from which it was originally bred in the United States. While many American breeders avoided using the extreme "contemporary" Burmese in favor of the more moderate "traditional" Burmese, the original Tonkinese breed standard was based on the extreme spherical style of the Burmese descended from Wong Mau. Newer Tonkinese breeders wanted to avoid defective genes in the original Burmese lines, so avoided using cats they believed carried the so-called lethal genes. A very few older breeders simply worked around the problem by selective breeding, thereby eliminating problematic births. It is possible to find some descendants by knowledgeably reading Tonkinese pedigrees, which are available in Tonkinese databases.

Coat and color

Depending on the terminology used by a specific region or cat registry, the Tonkinese breed comes in certain or all of the following genetically possible cat coat colors:

 Black (brown, seal, natural)
 Blue
 Chocolate (champagne)
 Lilac (platinum)
 Cinnamon
 Fawn
 Red
 Cream
 Additional dilute modifiers (caramel, apricot)

Each of these colors is in turn divided into three types of colorpoint coat pattern:

 "point", the classic Siamese-style dark face, ears, legs and tail on a contrasting white or cream base, and blue eyes;
 "solid" or "sepia", similar to the Burmese, in which the color is essentially uniform over the body with only faintly visible points and golden-amber or green eyes; and
 "mink", a unique intermediate between the other two, in which the base is a lighter shade but still harmonious with the point color, and the eyes are a lighter blue-green, called aquamarine. They can be anywhere on the entire blue-green to green-blue spectrum.

Additionally, all colors can present in the tortoiseshell or tabby patterns. Owing to the comparatively recent development of the breed there is still some acceptable variation in these colors and patterns.

Color and pattern recognition
Depending on the cat registry, not all colors and patterns are allowed for the Tonkinese cat breed. Tonkineses are currently officially recognized by the Cat Fanciers' Association (CFA) and World Cat Federation (WCF) in only four base colors: black (brown, seal, natural), blue, chocolate (champagne), and lilac (platinum). All four base colors are allowed in the three colorpoint patterns. The Governing Council of the Cat Fancy (GCCF) accepts brown, blue, chocolate, lilac, cinnamon, and fawn, red, cream, plus caramel and apricot. These colors are allowed in the tortoiseshell and tabby patterns, and additionally the three colorpoint patterns. Similar to the GCCF, The International Cat Association (TICA) accepts all of the genetically possible colors and patterns, as they are not a selective association, whose breeds and colors are determined by its breed councils and the executive board.

Temperament
Like both parent breeds, Tonkinese are intelligent, active, vocal and generally people-oriented cats, playful and interested in everything going on around them; however, this also means they are easily susceptible to becoming lonesome or bored. Their voice is similar in tone to the Burmese, persistent but softer and sweeter than the Siamese, similar to the gentle quacking of a duck. Like Burmese, Tonkinese are reputed to sometimes engage in such dog-like behaviors as fetching, and to enjoy jumping to great heights.

Genetics
Tonkin is a crossbreed type, with coat color and pattern wholly dependent on whether individuals carry the Siamese or Burmese gene. Breeding two mink Tonkinese cats does not usually yield a full litter of mink kittens, as this intermediate pattern is the result of having one gene for the Burmese solid pattern and one for the Siamese pointed pattern.

Colors and patterns in any litter depend both on statistical chance and the color genetics and patterns of the parents. Breeding between two mink-patterned cats will, on average, produce half mink kittens and one quarter each pointed and sepia kittens. A pointed and a sepia bred together will always produce all mink patterned kittens. A pointed bred to a mink will produce half pointed and half mink kittens, and a sepia bred to a mink will produce half sepia and half mink kittens.

References

Further reading
Susie Page; The Complete Cat Owner's Manual; Fog City Press;  (hardback, 1997)
Linda Vousden; Tonkinese Cats; TFH/Kingdom;  (hardback, 1998)
Linda Vousden; Tonkinese Cats A History; Grosvenor House Publishing;  (softback, 2010)

External links

Allevamento Argento Vivo Tonkinesi
Canadian Cat Association: Breed Profile: Tonkinese
Tonkinese Breed Club UK: GCCF Breed Standard Tonkinese

Cat breeds
Cat breeds originating in Canada
Cat breeds originating in Thailand

Tonkinese cat


Bitka kod Aljubarrote, vojni sukob u kojemu je, 14. kolovoza 1385., riješen spor oko portugalskog prijestolja, između kastilijskog kralja Juana I., portugalskog pretendenta, i Joãoa I. od Aviza. Kastiljski je kralj u svoju službu uzeo francusko teško oklopljeno konjaništvo, a João I., engleske strijelce s dugim lukovima. Izvori navode da se na kastiljskoj strani nalazilo između 20 – 31,000 Ijudi, a na protivničkoj oko 6,600. Odlučnu pobjedu u bitci odnio je João I. te je uspostavio novu kraljevsku dinastiju te sačuvao nezavisnost Portugala. U spomen na pobjedu kralj je dao sagraditi grad Batalha te samostanom Santa Maria da Vitória na Batalha, u kojemu je i sam pokopan.

Tijek bitke
Portugalci su u centar bojnog reda postavili vitezove (oklopnike) koji su sjahali sa svojih konja, a na krila engleske i ostale strijelce i samostrijelce. Kastilijanci, s Francuzima na čelu, borbom s pješacima su iznenada s tri strane obuhvatili portugalski centar. No pritom su u potpunosti zanemarili svoja krila te su za pola sata bili su razbijeni i gotovo uništeni. Kada je nestalo obrane s krila i glavnina kastiljske vojske doživjela je strahoviti poraz.

Literatura

 "Alžubarota", U: Vojna enciklopedija, sv. 1., Beograd: Izdanje redakcije Vojne enciklopedije, 1970., str. 113.
 Edward McMurdo, The History of Portugal (2); The History of Portugal from the Reign of D. Diniz to the reign of D. Afonso V, General Books LLC, 2009., 234.
 Ch. Oman, A History of the Art of War, London, 1898,
 F. Liot, L' art militaire, sv. 1, Pariz, 1946.

Aljubarrote
Aljubarrote

Bitka kod Aljubarrote


{{Album
  |Titel= Håbets hotel
  |Kunstner= Michael Falch
  |Type= Studiealbum
  |Spor= 10
  |Genre= Poprock
  |Længde=
  |Udgivet= 1989
  |Producer=
  |Udgiver= Medley Records
  |Før= De vildeste fugle  (1988)
  |Nu= Håbets hotel  (1989)
  |Efter= Tossede verden  (1990)
  |Anmeldelser =
}}Håbets hotel'' er det fjerde studiealbum fra den danske rocksanger Michael Falch. Det blev udgivet i 1989.

Spor
 "Håbets Hotel" - 1:21
 "Dage" - 4:04
 "Hip Som Hap" - 4:11
 "Min Stjerne" - 3:52
 "Lykkelig Er Den" - 4:25
 "Atlanten" - 3:25
 "Så'n Bli'r Det Ikke I 90'erne" - 4:16
 "Pocahontas' Hævn" - 4:28
 "Himlen Er Næsten Blå" - 3:27
 "Kun En Drøm" - 4:44

Referencer

Eksterne henvisninger
 Håbets hotel på Discogs

Michael Falch-album
Album fra 1989

Håbets hotel


සැම වසරකම දෙසැම්බර් 1 වනදා සැමරෙන ලෝක ඒඩ්ස් දිනය දිනය,  එච්.අයි.වී ආසාදනය පැතිරීම නිසා ඇතිවන ඒඩ්ස් වසංගතය පිළිබඳ දැනුවත්කිරීම නැංවීමට කැපකර ඇත. රාජ්‍ය හා  සොඛ්‍ය නිලධාරින් විසින් බොහෝවිට ඒඩ්ස් ආශ්‍රිත මාතෘකා හා බැඳුනු කථා හෝ සමුළු හී සහභාගී වෙමින් මෙම දිනය සමරති. 1995 පටන්, එක්සත් ජනපදයේ ජනාධිපතිවරයා විසින් ලෝක ඒඩ්ස් දිනයේදී නිල ප්‍රකාශයක් සිදු කෙරේ. අනෙකුත් ජාතීන්ගේ රජයයන් මෙය අනුගමනය කරමින් මේ හා සමාන ප්‍රකාශ නිකුත් කළහ.

1981 සහ 2007 අතරතුර මිලියන 25 කට අධික ජනකායක් ඒඩ්ස් රෝගයට ගොදුරු වී මිය ගොස් ඇති අතර, 2007 වන විට ලොවපුරා ඇස්තමේන්තුගත මිලියන 33.2 ජනයා එච්.අයි.වී වැළැඳී ජිවත්වෙමින්, එය ලේඛනගත ඉතිහාසයේ මහත් ව්‍යසනකාරී වසංගත අතුරින් එකක් බවට  පත් කර ඇත.  ප්‍රතිරෙට්රොවයිරස ප්‍රතිකාර සහ උවටැන් ලබා දීම සඳහා ලොව බොහෝ ප්‍රදේශයන්හී මෑතදී වැඩිදියුණු කල හැකියාවන් අභිමුඛයේ වුව, ඒඩ්ස් වසංගතය 2007 වසර තුලදී ඇස්තමේන්තුගත මිලියන 2 ක ගොදුරක්  ගිල ගෙන ඇති අතර, එයින් 270,000 පමණ කුඩා දරුවන් වෙති.

ඉතිහාසය

ලෝක ඒඩ්ස් දිනයක් පිළිබඳ අදහස 1987 අගෝස්තු මාසයේදී ස්විට්සර්ලන්තයේ ජිනීවා නුවර ලෝක සෞඛ්‍ය සංවිධානයේ ඒඩ්ස් පිළිබඳ ගෝලීය වැඩසටහනෙහි මහජන තොරතුරු නිලධාරින් දෙදෙනෙකු වූ ජේම්ස් ඩබ්. බන් හා තෝමස් නෙට්ටර් වෙත පහළ විය.    බන් සහ නෙට්ටර් විසින් මෙම ඔවුන්ගේ අදහස, ඒඩ්ස් පිළිබඳ ගෝලීය  වැඩසටහනෙහි (දැන් UNAIDS ලෙසද හැඳින්වෙන) අධ්‍යක්ෂක ආචාර්යය ජොනතන් මාන් වෙත ඉදිරිපත් කළහ.   මෙම සංකල්පය ආචාර්යය මාන් ගේ සිත් ගත් අතර, එය ඔහු විසින් අනුමත කරනු ලදුව, ලෝක ඒඩ්ස් දිනය පළමුවෙන් සමරන දිනය 1988 දෙසැම්බර් 1 වන දිනය විය යුතුය යන නිර්දේශයටද එකඟ විය.

සැන් ෆ්‍රැන්සිස්කෝහී කේපිඅයික්ස්-ටීවී හී වාර්තාකාර රාජකාරියෙන් ප්‍රවාස නිවාඩු පිට සිටි ගුවන්විදුලි මාධ්‍යවේදියෙකු වූ බන් විසින් දෙසැම්බර් 1 දිනය නිර්දේශ කළේ බටහිර ප්‍රවෘත්ති මාධ්‍යයන් විසින් උපරිම ආවරණයක් ලබාදෙනු ඇතැයි උපකල්පනය කළ නිසාය. 1988 වසර එ.ජ. හී මැතිවරණ වසරක් වූ බැවින් බන් විසින් යෝජනා කරන ලද්දේ මාධ්‍යයන් ඔවුන්ගේ පශ්චාත්-මැතිවරණ ආවරණයෙන් පසුව වෙහෙසට පත්ව සිටි අවධියක ආවරණය සඳහා නැවුම් ප්‍රවෘත්තියක් පිළිබඳ මහත් සේ ලොල්වනු ඇති බවකි. බන් හා නෙට්ටර් නිශ්චය කළේ දෙසැම්බර් 1 වන දිනය මැතිවරණයෙන් පසුව සැලකිය යුතු කාලයක් පසුව හා නත්තල් නිවාඩුවට සැලකිය යුතු කාලයක් ඉදිරියෙන් පැමිණෙන දිනයක් බැවින් ප්‍රවෘත්ති ප්‍රචාරණ දින දසුනෙහි එතරම් කාර්යබහුල නොවන කාල සීමාවක් බැවින් ලෝක ඒඩ්ස් දිනය සඳහා සුදුසුතම දින වකවානුව බවයි.

1986 ජූනි 18 වන දිනදී  කේපීඅයිඑක්ස් හී  "ඒඩ්ස් ලයිෆ්ලයින්" (බන් විසින් සහ කේපීඅයිඑක්ස් හී විශේෂ ව්‍යාපෘති නිෂ්පාදක නැන්සි සැස්ලෝ විසින් දියත් කරනු ලැබූ ප්‍රජා අධ්‍යාපන ව්‍යාපෘතියකි) සඳහා ජනාධිපති රොනල්ඩ් රීගන් විසින් පිරිනැමුණු පෞද්ගලික අංශ ආරම්භණ වෙනුවෙන් වූ ජනාධිපතිමය උද්ධාරයකින් පිදුම් ලැබිණි.  "එඩ්ස් ලයිෆ්ලයින්" හී ඔහුගේ භූමිකාව නිසාවෙන්, එ. ජ. රජය වෙනුවෙන් ආචාර්යය මාන් විසින් බොන් ගෙන් ඉල්ලා සිටිනු ලැබුවේ, දෙවසරක ප්‍රවාස නිවාඩු ගෙන, රෝග පාලන කේන්ද්‍රයන්හී වසංගත අධ්‍යයනඥයෙකු වූ  ආචාර්යය මාන් හා  එක්ව, එක්සත් ජාතීන්ගේ ලෝක සෞඛ්‍ය සංවිධානය සඳහා,  ඒඩ්ස් පිළිබඳ ගෝලීය වැඩසටහන ඇරඹීමට උපකාර සපයන ලෙසයි. බන් මහතා විසින් මෙම ආරාධනය පිළිගනු ලදුව ඒඩ්ස් පිළිබඳ ගෝලීය වැඩසටහන සඳහා පළමුවන මහජන තොරතුරු නිලධාරි ලෙසින් නම් කරනු ලැබීය. මහජන සෞඛ්‍යය ඉතිහාසයෙහි රෝග සම්ප්‍රජානනය හා නිවාරණය පිළිබඳ ප්‍රත්‍යුත්ක්‍රම අතුරින් වැඩිම කාලයක් පැවැති ලෝක ඒඩ්ස් දින සැමරුමෙහි ප්‍රාරම්භක සැමරුම බන් හා නේට්ටර් යන්නන්ගේ මනසේ පිළිසිඳ ඔවුන් විසින් එය සැලසුම් කොට එය ක්‍රියාක්මක කෙරිණි.

එච්.අයි.වී/ඒඩ්ස් පිළිබඳ එක්සත් ජාතීන්ගේ ඒකාබද්ධ වැඩසටහන (UNAIDS) 1996දී ක්‍රියාත්මක වූ අතර ලෝක ඒඩ්ස් දිනය සැලසුම් කිරීම හා ප්‍රවර්ධනය කිරීම සම්බන්ධ කටයුතු එය විසින් පවරා ගන්නා ලදි. එක් දිනක් තුල අවධානය යොමු කරනවා වෙනුවට, UNAIDS විසින් 1997දී ලෝක ඒඩ්ස් ව්‍යාපාරයක් ක්‍රියාත්මක කළ අතර එය විසින් වසර පුරා පැවැති සන්නිවේදනය, නිවාරණය හා අධ්‍යාපනය ගැන අවධානය ඇති කෙරුණි.

පළමු වසර දෙක තුලදී, ලෝක ඒඩ්ස් දිනයේ තේමාව විසින් අවධානය යොමු කළේ කුඩා දරුවන් හා යෞවනයන් පිළිබඳවය.  සියළු වයස් වල පසුවන්නන් එච්.අයි.වී ආසාදිතව ඒඩ්ස් රෝගයෙන් පෙලෙන බව යන කරුණ නොසැලකූ මෙම තේමාවන් එකල දැඩි ලෙසින් විවේචනයට පාත්‍ර විය. කෙසේවෙතත් මෙම තේමාවන් විසින් එච්.අයි.වී/ඒඩ්ස් වසංගතය කෙරෙහි අවධානය යොමු කරවනු ලැබූ අතර, රෝගය පිළිබඳව පැවැති අපකීර්තිමත් මතිමතාන්තර අඩු කිරීමට උපකාරි වෙමින්, මෙම ගැටළුව පවුල් රෝගයක් ලෙසින් පිළිගැනුමේ අවශ්‍යතාවය හුවාදැක්වීමට උපකාරි විය.

2004 දී, ලෝක ඒඩ්ස් ව්‍යාපාරය ස්වායත්ත සංවිධානයක් බවට පත් විය.

සැම වසරකදීම,  දෙවන ජුවාම් පාවුළු සහ  දහසයවන බෙනඩික්ට් යන පාප් වහන්සේලා විසින් ලෝක ඒඩ්ස් දිනයේදී රෝගීන් හා වෛද්‍යවරුන් සඳහා සුපැතුම් පණිවුඩයක් නිකුත් කර තිබේ.

තේමා
එක් එක් ලෝක ඒඩ්ස් දින වැඩසටහනක්ම විශේෂිත තේමාවක් අරමුණු කර ගෙන සිදුකෙරෙන අතර, UNAIDS, WHO සහ එච්අයිවී/ඒඩ්ස් වැලැක්වීම සහ ප්‍රතිකාර කිරීමට සම්බන්ධ ආමූලිකයන්, ජාතික සහ ජාත්‍යන්තර කාර්යාංශයන් විශාල සංඛ්‍යාවක සමූපදේශනය ඔස්සේ එය තෝරා ගැනෙයි. 2008 වන විට, එක් එක් වසරක ලෝක ඒඩ්ස් දිනයේ තේමාව තොරාගනු ලැබුවේ ලෝක ඒඩ්ස් ව්‍යාපාරයේ ගෝලීය සුසැරවීම් කමිටුව (WAC) විසිනි.

2005 වසරෙහි සිට 2010 වසර දක්වා එක් එක් ලෝක ඒඩ්ස් දිනය සඳහා තේමාව වූයේ, "ඒඩ්ස් වලක්වන්න. පොරොන්දුව ඉටු කරන්න" යන්න වන අතර, එය සැලසුම් කර තුබූයේ,  එච්අයිවී/ඒඩ්ස් වැලැක්වීම, ප්‍රතිකාරය, සුරැකුම සහ සහයෝගය සඳහා විශ්ව ප්‍රවේශය,  2010 වසර වන විට ලඟාකරගැනුමට ඔවුන් එකඟවූ කැපවීම ඉටු කිරීමට දේශපාලන නායකයන් උනන්දු කිරීමටය.

2012  වසර වන විට, ලෝක ඒඩ්ස් දිනය සඳහා බහු-වසර තේමාව  වූයේ "ශූන්‍යය කරා එළඹීම: නව එච්අයිවී ආසාදන ශුන්‍යය කරන්න. ඒච්ස්-සබැඳි රෝගිතාවන් නිසා මරණ ශුන්‍යය කරන්න. වෙනස්කම් කිරීම ශුන්‍යය කරන්න" යන්නයි.

මෙම තේමාවන් එක් දිනයකට පමණක් සීමා නොවන අතර,   ජී8 සමුළුව වැනි අනෙකුත් ප්‍රධාන ගෝලීය ඉසව් මෙන්ම,  එක්සත් රාජධානියේ  ශිෂ්‍යයෝ ඒඩ්ස් සඳහා තිත තබති ව්‍යාපාරය වැනි දේශීය ව්‍යාපාරයන්හීද  සන්දර්භය තුල, වසර පුරා, එච්අයිවී/ඒඩ්ස් පිළිබඳ දැනුවත් කිරීම ඉස්මතු කිරීමට ජාත්‍යන්තර ප්‍රයත්නය තුල භාවිතා වෙයි.

ලෝක ඒඩ්ස් දිනය තේමා, 1988–වර්තමානය

සටහන්
වර්ල්ඩ් ඒඩ්ස් ඩේ: 10 ටිප්ස් ෆො යූසින් අ කොන්ඩෝම්

ලෝක ඒඩ්ස් දිනය


Buddusò (sardisk: Buddusò) er en by og en kommune (comune) i provinsen Sassari i regionen Sardinien i Italien. Byen ligger i 700 meters højde og har 3.871 indbyggere (2016). Kommunen har et areal på 176,84 km² og grænser til kommunerne Alà dei Sardi, Bitti, Oschiri, Osidda og Pattada.

Referencer

Henvisninger

Kommuner i provinsen Sassari

Buddusò