Kathy Yaeji Lee (; Nova Iorque, 6 de agosto de 1993), conhecida profissionalmente como Yaeji, é uma cantora, DJ e produtora coreano-americana. Seu estilo musical combina elementos de house music e hip hop com vocais suaves cantados em inglês e coreano.

Início de vida
Kathy Yaeji Lee nasceu em 6 de agosto de 1993 em Flushing, Queens (Nova Iorque), como filha única de uma família coreana. Ela se mudou de Nova Iorque para Atlanta quando tinha 5 anos e depois para a Coreia do Sul durante a terceira série. Enquanto morava na Coreia do Sul, Yaeji alternava entre diferentes escolas internacionais anualmente, levando-a a encontrar amigos na Internet, onde descobriria a música pela primeira vez. Ela também estudou brevemente em uma escola no Japão antes de voltar para a Coreia.

Yaeji voltou para os Estados Unidos para estudar arte conceitual, Estudos do Leste Asiático e design gráfico na Universidade Carnegie Mellon em Pittsburgh, na Pensilvânia. Ela começou a se dedicar ao DJing como um hobby enquanto frequentava a Carnegie Mellon, creditando a festa música eletrônica Hot Mass com a sua "doutrinação na vida noturna". Yaeji aprendeu a usar o Traktor e começou a ser DJ em festas em casas. Ela foi DJ por dois anos antes de aprender o Ableton, fazendo sua própria música e estreando na estação de rádio WRCT da faculdade Carnegie Mellon. Yaeji se formou na Carnegie Mellon em 2015.

Carreira
Após a formatura, Yaeji se mudou de volta para Nova Iorque para se envolver na cena musical e para se tornar DJ. Seu primeiro single, "New York '93", referindo-se ao seu ano de nascimento, foi lançado através da gravadora nova-iorquina Godmode em 29 de fevereiro de 2016, seguido também por um cover de "Guap", música do DJ australiano Mall Grab, que foi lançado em maio do mesmo ano. Ela havia previamente lançado músicas no SoundCloud, porém elas foram removidas; entre elas "Areyouami", que foi lançada quando ela estava na faculdade.

Seu primeiro EP homônimo incluindo os dois singles anteriores foi lançado pela Godmode em 31 de março de 2017.

Yaeji começou a ganhar atenção após sua primeira sessão no Boiler Room em maio de 2017, que contou com um remix do single "Passionfruit" de Drake. A música foi posteriormente lançada oficialmente na página do Soundcloud da Godmode.

O primeiro de vários singles independentes, "Therapy", foi lançado em julho de 2017 seguido por um single digital de duas faixas: Remixes, Vol. 1 em 1 de agosto e o single "Last Breath" em 28 de agosto.

O videoclipe do single "Drink I'm Sippin On" foi lançado no canal do YouTube da 88rising em outubro de 2017, ganhando rapidamente mais de 1 milhão de visualizações em duas semanas.

Em 3 de novembro de 2017, Yaeji lançou seu segundo EP, EP2, com críticas positivas e sucesso comercial moderado. O vídeo de "Raingurl" foi lançado em 16 de novembro.

Yaeji foi nomeada para a lista longa Sound of 2018 da BBC em novembro de 2017. Ela também se apresentou no Festival Coachella de 2018.

Em 2021, "Raingurl" chegou à lista de reprodução do Spotify da revista T do New York Times, "Right Here: Asian Women Artists in the West". Ela também se apresentou no festival de música BRIC 's Celebrate Brooklyn!, onde ela foi agitada pelos fãs.

Vida pessoal
Yaeji atualmente mora no Brooklyn.

Discografia

Mixtapes

Extended plays

Singles

Como artista convidada

Remixes

Vídeos
 "New York '93" (2016)
 "Guap" (2016)
 "Noonside" (2017)
 "Feel It Out" (2017)
 "Therapy" (2017)
 "Last Breath" (2017)
 "Drink I'm Sippin On" (2017)
 "Raingurl" (2017)
 "One More" (2018)
 "Waking Up Down" (2020)
 "What We Drew " (2020)

Leitura complementar

Ligações externas

Naturais do Queens
Alunos da Universidade Carnegie Mellon
Musicistas lésbicas

Yaeji


Spring Breakers es una película estadounidense de comedia dramática de 2013 escrita y dirigida por Harmony Korine y protagonizada por James Franco, Ashley Benson, Vanessa Hudgens, Selena Gomez y Rachel Korine. La película sigue a cuatro jóvenes en edad universitaria que deciden robar un restaurante de comida rápida con el fin de pagar por sus vacaciones de primavera.

La película tuvo un lanzamiento limitado, estrenándose solo en 11 cines de Estados Unidos. Fue seleccionada para competir por el León de Oro en el Festival Internacional de Cine de Venecia de 2012.

Sinopsis
Cuatro estudiantes de universidad llamadas Faith (Selena Gomez), Brit (Ashley Benson), Candy (Vanessa Hudgens) y Cotty (Rachel Korine) planean reunir dinero para su viaje de vacaciones de primavera atacando un puesto de comida rápida. Pero eso es solo el principio. Durante una noche de fiesta, las chicas son arrestadas con cargos por drogas. Con resaca y vestidas solo con sus bikinis, comparecen ante un juez, pero son liberadas inesperadamente por Alien (James Franco), un matón local traficante de armas y drogas que las toma bajo su ala y las lleva a las vacaciones más salvajes de la historia. Duro por fuera, pero con un lado amable, Alien se gana el corazón de las chicas, y las llevará en un viaje que nunca olvidarán.

Reparto

 James Franco como Alien.
 Ashley Benson como Brit.
 Vanessa Hudgens como Candy.
 Selena Gomez como Faith.
 Rachel Korine como Cotty.
 Heather Morris como Bess.
 Gucci Mane como Archie.
 Ash Lendzion como Forest.
 Sidney y Thurman Sewell/The ATL Twins como Gemelos Narcotraficantes.

Producción
De acuerdo con Harmony Korine, escribió la película para «compensar» sus propias vacaciones de primavera, ya que se dedicó por completo al skate, se perdió lo que él vio como una oportunidad para «actividades hedonistas». La formación original para las protagonistas era Selena Gomez, Vanessa Hudgens y Emma Roberts. Rachel Korine fue la primera en confirmarse en el proyecto. Emma Roberts se retiró de la filmación a mediados de 2012 debido a «diferencias creativas que no podían ser resueltas». El director Korine reunió a propósito un grupo de actrices jóvenes conocidas con una reputación similar a la de Roberts en Hollywood. La película se filmó entre marzo y abril de 2012 en y a los alrededores de St. Petersburg, Florida. Una vista previa de tres minutos de la película se estrenó en el Festival de Cine de Cannes 2012. Se confirmó que Skrillex produciría la banda sonora de la película.

Recepción
La película recibió críticas generalmente positivas. La página de críticas Rotten Tomatoes da una puntuación "fresca" de 67% basada en los comentarios de 173 críticos, con una calificación media de 6,4 sobre 10. El consenso del sitio dice lo siguiente: "Spring Breakers mezcla un punzante comentario social con bikini cheesecake y un desempeño virtuoso de James Franco". En Metacritic, la película tiene una puntuación de 63 sobre 100, basado en los comentarios de 40 críticos, lo que indica "críticas generalmente favorables".

A principios de 2015, Indiewire colocó a Spring Breakers en el puesto 50 de las 50 mejores películas de la década del 2010.

Premios y nominaciones

Doblaje

Doblaje mexicano
Estudio de doblaje: Doblajes París

Referencias

Películas de A24 (empresa)
Películas de suspenso
Películas policíacas
Películas censuradas
Neo-noir

Spring Breakers


Terken, Çorum ilinin Mecitözü ilçesine bağlı bir köydür.

Tarihçe
Köyün adı, 1541 yılı kayıtlarında Etrakiye, 1862 yılı kayıtlarında Türkler, 1928 yılı kayıtlarında ise Tirkân ya da Türkan olarak geçmektedir.

Coğrafya
Köy, Çorum il merkezine 45 km, Mecitözü ilçe merkezine 17 km uzaklıktadır.

Nüfus

Kaynakça

Dış bağlantılar

Mecitözü belde ve köyleri

Terken, Mecitözü


Los arrecifes de coral españoles son colonias coralinas repartidas por todo el territorio marítimo español. España es de los primeros países europeos en cuanto a biodiversidad marina. No obstante, pocas son las zonas marítimas protegidas del país en cuestión. Una de las causas es la poca información que se tiene sobre estos corales. El cuidado de la diversidad marítima no se ha tenido en cuenta en España hasta hace unos años, cuando diferentes grupos ecologistas comenzaron a promover la creación de áreas protegidas marítimas.

LIFE+
LIFE (del francés:  L''Instrument Financier de l'E'nvironment, "Instrumento Financiero del Medio Ambiente") es un programa de la Comisión Europea dedicado al medio ambiente de la Unión Europea. el proyecto LIFE+ INDEMARES coordinado por la Fundación Biodiversidad y con la participación de otros 9 socios, comenzó en 2009, y su objetivo es contribuir a la protección y uso sostenible de la biodiversidad en los mares españoles mediante la identificación de espacios de valor para la Red Natura 2000. Para ello dedica un especial esfuerzo a la investigación de hábitats de profundidad entre los que se han encontrado, en varias de sus 10 zonas de estudio, arrecifes de coral.

Zonas coralinas descubiertas
Según WWF, el coral español se puede dividir en dos regiones: continental (península ibérica) y macaronésico (Canarias).

En las Islas Canarias (zona de abundancia coralina) encontramos:
 Mar de Gran Canaria: es el único arrecife coralino de Canarias de Coral Blanco. Importantes especies como la Lophelia pertusa o la Madrepora oculata se encuentran en Gran Canaria.

 Banco de Concepción: se trata de una zona a unos 100 km al noreste de Lanzarote que alberga un gran arrecife coralino y una gran cantidad de esponjas.

En la Península, la zona más reciente descubierta es El Idrisi y se encuentra 45 km de Málaga y a 450 metros de profundidad. Otro recientemente descubierto es el coral blanco del Mar de Alborán, cerca de la pequeña isla. Así los corales situados en Península y Baleares son:
 Banco de Galicia: existe a unos 260 km al oeste de Vigo una concentración de Lophelia o comúnmente llamados corales de agua fría.

 Canal de Menorca: se trata de una importante concentración de coral rojo entre la isla de Mallorca y Menorca.

 Montañas Submarinas y Conos Volcánicos de Alborán: en este ecosistema submarino se encuentra un arrecife de coral blanco que se organiza en los volcanes submarinos de la zona.

 Frente de Doñana: a 2.000m de profundidad se encuentra frente a Doñana un importante arrecife de coral blanco.

 El Cachucho: conocido como el Banco del Danés. Es una montaña submarina casi inexplorada y virgen que alberga un gran número de especies endémicas

Zonas de investigación
INDEMARES actualmente está estudiando diez zonas coralinas de España:
 Banco de Galicia
 Cañón de Avilés
 Cabo de Creus
 Golfo de Cádiz
 Seco de los Olivos
 Delta del Ebro e Islas Columbretes
 Canal de Menorca
 Isla y Mar de Alborán
 Banco de la Concepción
 Isla de Fuerteventura

Referencias

Véase también
 Áreas protegidas en España

Enlaces externos
 Mapa de las zonas marítimas protegidas propuestas por WWF de España
 Mapa de las zonas marítimas protegidas propuestas por WWF de las Islas Canarias
 INDEMARES

Áreas protegidas de España
Arrecifes de España
Corales
Fauna marina
Mares de España

Arrecifes de coral de España


Andreas Skov Olsen (Hillerød, 29 de dezembro de 1999) é um futebolista dinamarquês que atua como meio-campo. Atualmente joga pelo Club Brugge.

Carreira no clube

Nordsjælland
Foi relacionado pela primeira vez para a equipe principal em 17 de julho de 2017, onde ficou no banco durante todo o jogo contra o OB.

Olsen fez sua primeira partida pelo Nordsjælland en 23 de julho de 2017, aos 17 anos. Ele começou no banco, mas substituiu Emiliano Marcondes aos 95 minutos em uma vitória por 3–2 contra o Brøndby IF na Superliga dinamarquesa. Poucos dias depois, ele jogou 72 minutos em uma partida válida pela Copa da Dinamarca contra o time amador Vejgaard B, onde marcou e deu assistência para um gol.

Olsen foi oficialmente promovido ao time principal no verão de 2018. Terminou a temporada marcando 22 gols no campeonato.

Bologna
Em 24 de julho de 2019, foi confirmado que Olsen havia deixado a Dinamarca após duas temporadas na Superliga dinamarquesa para ingressar no Bologna.

Club Brugge
Em 28 de janeiro de 2022, o Bologna anunciou a transferência de Olsen para o Club Brugge da Bélgica, onde assinou um contrato de quatro anos e meio. Ele fez sua estreia em 2 de fevereiro em uma partida da Copa da Bélgica contra o Gent, saindo do banco no intervalo e dando a assistência decisiva para Charles De Ketelaere, garantindo uma vitória por 1–0. Em 17 de julho de 2022, Olsen marcou o gol da vitória do Brugge na Supercopa da Bélgica contra o Gent.

Carreira internacional
Olsen foi convocado para a seleção principal da Dinamarca para as partidas da Liga das Nações da UEFA de 2020–21 contra a Bélgica e a Inglaterra em setembro de 2020. Ele fez sua estreia em 7 de outubro de 2020 em um amistoso contra as Ilhas Faroe e marcou um gol na vitória por 4–0.

 Placares e resultados listam a contagem de gols da Dinamarca primeiro, a coluna de placar indica o placar após cada gol de Olsen.

Títulos
Club Brugge

 Jupiler Pro League: 2021–22
 Supercopa da Bélgica: 2022

Ligações externas

Pessoas vivas
Nascidos em 1999
Futebolistas do Club Brugge Koninklijke Voetbalvereniging
Futebolistas do Bologna Football Club 1909
Futebolistas do FC Nordsjælland
Jogadores da Seleção Dinamarquesa de Futebol
Jogadores da Eurocopa de 2020
Jogadores da Copa do Mundo FIFA de 2022

Andreas Skov Olsen


Akademija je događaj koji se s prigodnim programom organizira nekim povodom. O povodu ovisi sadržaj i način izvedbe akademije. Svečana akademija je danas najčešći organizirani oblik, kao svečanost povodom obilježavanja raznih obljetnica na svim društvenim razinama.

U povijesti
Pojam "akademija" potječe od naziva mjesta na kome je Platon držao školu filozofije. Zajedničke teme u nekom području, kao što su razne škole, znanstvene, filozofske ili umjetničke rasprave, bile su počevši od renesanse osnova za stvaranje raznih institucija, koje su pritom preuzele glavno značenje pojma "akademija".

Koncem 18. stoljeća akademijom su nazivani popularni koncerti koje su održavali mnogi glazbenici. Najpoznatiji od njih je Mozart, s mnogobrojnim akademijama održanim nakon preseljenja u Beč, kao što je na primjer prva u nizu od šest akademija održana 23. ožujka 1783. godine.

Oblici

U naše se vrijeme akademijom nazivaju svečanosti ili skupovi upriličeni povodom (ili u sklopu) proslave nekog značajnog događaja. Najčešće su to svečanosti obilježavanja raznih obljetnica na svim društvenim razinama te se stoga takvi događaji označavaju kao "svečana akademija".

Akademije se mogu razlikovati po načinu izvedbe i po sadržaju.

Većina akademija održava se u zatvorenom prostoru (aule, kazališne, koncertne i druge dvorane). Pristup može biti ograničen samo za uzvanike ili slobodan. Na otvorenom prostoru (gdje spada i stadion) pristup je po pravilu slobodan.

Neki znanstveni skupovi (simpoziji) također mogu biti organizirani kao akademije.

Sljedeći primjeri poredani su prema broju organiziranih akademija:
 Školske ustanove imaju najveći broj organiziranih akademija. Visokoškolske ustanove ih organiziraju godišnje, povodom dana škole ili na kraju školske godine. Ostale školske ustanove ih organiziraju povodom značajnih obljetnica.
 Akademije se često organiziraju i povodom obljetnica značajnih državnih događaja.
 I tvrtke organiziraju akademije povodom obilježavanja obljetnica i postignuća u radu.
 Športske organizacije organiziraju akademije povodom obljetnica, često i na otvorenom prostoru.

Sadržaj programa ovisi o namjeni akademije.
 Kod svečanih akademija posebni uzvanici i gosti u svojim govorima navode povijest, uspjehe i značajna dostignuća subjekta akademije. Kod nekih akademija može slijediti prigodni kulturno-umjetnički program.
 Kod športskih akademija koje se održavaju na otvorenom, osim govora i kulturno-umjetničkog dijela, mogu se preko demonstracija predstavljati športovi ili organizirati natjecanja.
 Program znanstvenih akademija obično je bez zabavnog sadržaja i sastoji se od raznih predavanja vodećih stručnjaka iz odgovarajućeg područja. Tu spadaju i glazbene akademije, koje mogu uključiti izvođenje glazbenih djela.

Izvori
 Natuknica "akademija" u Hrvatskoj enciklopediji, www.enciklopedija.hr (pristupljeno: 6. svibnja 2020.)
 Natuknica "akademija (4)" na Hrvatskom jezičnom portalu, hjp.znanje.hr (pristupljeno: 6. svibnja 2020.)
 Priopćenje "U Hrvatskome saboru održana svečana akademija u povodu 20. obljetnice članstva Republike Hrvatske u Ujedinjenim narodima i potvrde njezina međunarodnog priznanja" na stranici Hrvatskog sabora, www.sabor.hr (objavljeno: 29. svibnja 2012., pristupljeno: 8. svibnja 2020.)
 "Održana svečana akademija povodom Hajdukova rođendana, čestitala i Kolinda: Hajduk je nacionalna institucija", članak Slavena Alfirevića u Slobodnoj Dalmaciji, slobodnadalmacija.hr (objavljeno: 13. veljače 2017., pristupljeno: 7. svibnja 2020.)
 "Sto godina Dinama - provincijski kič posvađan s logikom i činjenicama", komentar Tihomira Ponoša u riječkom Novom listu, novilist.hr (objavljeno: 27. travnja 2011., pristupljeno: 7. svibnja 2020.)
 "Svečana akademija OŠ Voštarnica", najava događaja u Zadarskom listu, www.zadarskilist.hr (objavljeno: 3. listopada 2016., pristupljeno: 7. svibnja 2020.)
 Vijest "Svečana akademija povodom Preradovićevog 200-tog rođendana održana u Grabrovnici", sa stranice Kuća Petra Preradovića, www.preradovic.eu (objavljeno: 20. ožujka 2018., pristupljeno: 7. svibnja 2020.)
 Vijest "HOO slavi 20 godina!" na stranici Hrvatskog hrvačkoh saveza, www.hhs.hr (objavljeno: 6. rujna 2018., pristupljeno: 8. svibnja 2020.)
 Svečana akademija u sklopu programa obilježavanja dana Univerziteta u Nišu u lipnju 2019. godine, www.ni.ac.rs  (pristupljeno: 8. svibnja 2020.)
 Vijest "Farmaceutska tvrtka PharmaS ugošćuje poznate svjetske liječnike", Andreja Šantek, Poslovni dnevnik, www.poslovni.hr (objavljeno: 30. listopada 2012., pristupljeno: 7. svibnja 2020.)

Manifestacije

Akademija (događaj)


Gliese 382 (GJ 382 / HIP 49986 / G 162-25) es una estrella de magnitud aparente +9,26.
Encuadrada en la constelación de Sextans, el sextante, visualmente se localiza 3,5 grados al sur de α Sextantis.
Se encuentra a 25,7 años luz del sistema solar y las estrellas conocidas más cercanas a ella son Gliese 381 y Gliese 393, situadas respectivamente a 2,4 y 3,3 años luz de distancia.

Gliese 382 es una enana roja de tipo espectral M2.0V.
Tiene una temperatura efectiva de 3446 K y una masa equivalente al 56 % de la masa del Sol.
Su luminosidad bolométrica —que incluye una importante fracción de radiación emitida como luz infrarroja— es igual al 6,8 % de la luminosidad solar.
La medida de su diámetro angular —0,685 milisegundos de arco— permite evaluar su diámetro real, siendo éste algo más grande que la mitad del radio solar.
Gira sobre sí misma con una velocidad de rotación proyectada —límite inferior de la misma— de 1,3 km/s.
Presenta una metalicidad —abundancia relativa de elementos más pesados que el helio— comparable a la solar ([Fe/H] = +0,07).

Referencias

Enanas rojas
Constelación de Sextans

Gliese 382


بنشعي هي إحدى القرى اللبنانية من قرى قضاء زغرتا في محافظة الشمال.

في القرنين السابع والثامن عشر أطلق على بلدة بنشعي لقب (باريس الصغيرة )لما تتمتع به من ثقافة شعبها - وما كانت تحتويه من بيوت جميلة وكبيرة ما زال بعضها صامدا حتى الآن - وكانت تحتوي أيضا على كل ما يتطلبه المرء من مراكز رفاهية وفندق وميدان للخيل وصالة بليارد وحوانيت ومقاهي وعيادة أستشفائية -وأطباء -ألخ...

أشتهر أبناء بنشعي قديما بنزاهتهم وشجاعتهم وكرمهم واحتضانهم لكل من يلجأ أليهم - لذلك أختارها بطل لبنان يوسف بك كرم مقرا يلجأ أليه في الأيام الصعبة وكان أبناء بنشعي يناصرونه ويساعدوه على أعدائه -فحاربوا ألى جانبه في معاركه ضد جيش الأحتلال العثماني ووفّروا له مكان الأقامة والتموين له ولرجاله - وما معركة بنشعي الشهيرة (28 كانون الثاني 1866) ألاّ خير دليل على ذلك.

تعتبر عائلة رعيش هي العائلة الوحيدة المعروفة تاريخيا في بلدة بنشعي منذ مئات السنين -واشتق من العائلة عدة عائلات منهم- نادر - شيت -وغيرهم - ومع الوقت أصبحت بنشعي مركزا شتويا واستقطبت عدد من العائلات التي أتخذت من البلدة مقرا دائما لها بسبب المصاهرة وروابط القربى -ومن هذه العائلات جبرين - مارون - عبد النور - الحايك - رزق -وغيرهم
هاجر الكثير الكثير من أبناء البلدة ألى دنيا الأغتراب منهم بسبب الحروب ومنهم بسبب الأضطهاد أو طلب الرزق والعلم -حتى أصبح عدد المغتربين من أبناء البلدة أضعاف مضاعفة بالنسبة لعدد سكانها اليوم

تمتاز بلدة بنشعي بموقعها المشرف على معظم محافظة الشمال والبحر - وأيضا بأحراجها الواسعة وتلالها المشرفة ووديانها الرائعة وبساتين الزيتون التي تغطي معظم أراضيها

تعتبر بلدة بنشعي من أقدم القرى التاريخية في لبنان- يشتق أسمها من كلمة بنشعيا وهي لفظة أرامية تعني أبناء شعيا -حيث كان فيها مقام للنبي أشعيا تحوّل فيما بعد ألى كنيسة سميت لاحقا كنيسة القديس روحانا -بعد أن أعتنق أبناء البلدة الديانة المسيحية - وهي من أقدم الكنائس في لبنان على الأطلاق -يوجد في بنشعي محلة تدعى خرائب الروم -وهي بقايا مملكة رومانية أندثرت تاركة وراءها أسما وبعد المعالم من حجارة ضخمة وقبور وأجران عبثت بها الأيدي الجاهلة وسارقوا الآثار والباحثين عن الكنوز - وقد هدمت هذه البلدة عدة مرات عبر التاريخ بسبب الحروب حتى تحوّلت من مملكة ألى قرية - وهي تمتاز بمركزها الأستراتيجي الذي يجعلها حصنا منيعا ومكانا يسهل الدفاع عنه.ممّا جعلها مطمعا للطامعين قديما وحديثا .

مراجع

أماكن مأهولة في محافظة لبنان الشمالي
تجمعات مارونية في لبنان
قرى لبنان
قضاء زغرتا

بنشعي


Roy Jay Glauber (New York, 1. rujna 1925. – Newton, Massachusetts, 26. prosinca 2018.), američki teorijski fizičar. Diplomirao (1946.) i doktorirao (1949.) na Harvardovu sveučilištu u Cambridgeu, gdje je radio kao profesor fizike. Bio je najmlađi znanstvenik uključen u Projekt Manhattan i proračunavanje kritične mase atomske bombe. Teorijski je povezao optiku i kvantnu mehaniku. Objasnio je da je temeljna razlika između svjetlosti emitirane iz vrućih izvora (na primjer električne žarulje) i laserske svjetlosti u tome što je svjetlost vrućih izvora mješavina svjetlosti više različitih frekvencija i faza, dok laseri emitiraju svjetlost jedinstvene frekvencije i faze (koherentnu svjetlost). Bavio se teorijom visokoenergetskih sudara hadrona, koherencijama između bozona u Bose-Einsteinovu kondenzatu. Za doprinos kvantnoj teoriji optičke koherentnosti dobio Nobelovu nagradu za fiziku 2005. (te su godine nagrađeni i J. L. Hall i T. W. Hänsch).

Koherentni valovi
Koherentni valovi (koherencija je međusobna usklađenost dvaju ili više procesa) su mehanički ili elektromagnetski jednakih frekvencija, polarizacija i stalnog odnosa faza. Ako se takvi valovi superponiraju, nastaje stacionarna interferencija valova. Koherentne je valove teško dobiti iz dvaju neovisnih izvora, ali se to obično ostvaruje dijeljenjem vala iz jednog izvora u dva snopa i zatim njihovom superpozicijom. U optici je izumom lasera dobiven stalan izvor monokromatskih koherentnih valova, pa se on koristi gdje god je potrebno stvaranje interferencijskih slika, na primjer pri analizi titranja membrana, u interferometriji, u holografiji i drugo.

Dugobazična interferometrija

Dugobazična interferometrija ili VLBI (akronim od engl. Very Long Baseline Interferometry: interferometar s vrlo dugačkom bazom) je vrsta astronomske interferometrije, koja se koristi u radio astronomiji, a predstavlja uporabu međusobno povezanih i pažljivo koordiniranih radio teleskopa razmještenih širom svijeta, tako da djeluju kao jedan. Ona omogućuje istovremeno promatranje s više radio teleskopa, tako da obradom podataka dobijemo promatranje kao da je vršeno jednim radio teleskopom, veličine kao razmak između njih. Utvrđivanje postojanja radioizvora, najčešće izvora čiji su signali vrlo slabi i postizanje što veće rezolucije kod radio teleskopa je ograničeno. Zbog povećanja kutnog razlučivanja (rezolucije) i određivanja strukture vrlo slabih izvangalaktičkih radioizvora, astronomi su sredinom 1960-tih, po načelima optičke interferometrije, konstruirali radio interferometre.

Konstrukcijom radiointerferometara, sustava od dva ili više radio teleskopa, duljina baze (udaljenost između antena) jednaka je efektivnom promjeru radio teleskopa. Na taj je način izbjegnuta gradnja velikih antena, a znatno je povećano kutno razlučivanje (rezolucija). U prvim su interferometrijskim mjerenjima (engl. Short Baseline Interferometry – SBI), radiosignali primani prijamnicima s oscilatorom i preko kabela prenošeni u središnju korelacijsku stanicu. Udruživanje teleskopa pri promatranju na primjer kvazara ili praćenju svemirske letjelice Cassini-Huygens prilikom pada u atmosferu Titana, omogućava znatno povećanje razlučivanja.

Michelson-Morleyev pokus

Michelson-Morleyjev pokus je najznačajniji i najutjecajniji pokus s takozvanim nultim rezultatom u povijesti znanosti, izveden 1887. u Clevelandu u suradnji A. A. Michelsona i E. W. Morleyja. Pokus je bio namijenjen utvrđivanju relativne brzine gibanja Zemlje u odnosu na eter, hipotetičko sredstvo kojim se, kako se vjerovalo, šire valovi svjetlosti. Tijekom pokusa osjetljivi Michelsonov interferometar indirektno je uspoređivao duljine putova svjetlosti, koja se gibala u dva međusobno okomita smjera: u smjeru gibanja Zemlje oko Sunca i okomito na taj smjer. Ideja pokusa bila je jednostavna: ako je brzina svjetlosti stalna s obzirom na pretpostavljeni eter kroz koji se Zemlja giba, onda bi se njezino gibanje moglo utvrditi uspoređivanjem brzine svjetlosti u smjeru gibanja Zemlje, gdje bi trebalo doći do zbrajanja brzine svjetlosti i brzine gibanja Zemlje, s brzinom svjetlosti pod pravim kutom prema smjeru gibanja Zemlje. Međutim, razlike nije bilo, otuda naziv nulti rezultat. Izostanak tog učinka obesnažio je stoljetnu teoriju o postojanju etera i pridonio spoznaji kako je brzina svjetlosti univerzalna konstanta. Premda nije pouzdano potvrđeno da je Albert Einstein u oblikovanju teorije relativnosti 1905. pošao baš od toga rezultata, pokus je omogućio prihvaćanje nove fizike i novih pojmova prostora i vremena u usporedbi s klasičnom Newtonovom fizikom.

Optička koherentna tomografija
Optička koherentna tomografija je neinvazivna slikovna dijagnostička metoda koja se primjenjuje za morfološki prikaz prednjega segmenta oka, žute pjege i glave vidnoga živca.

Izvori

Američki fizičari
Teoretski fizičari
Dobitnici Nobelove nagrade za fiziku

Roy Jay Glauber


Wang Zhizhi (, pronounced ; born 8 July 1977) is a Chinese former professional basketball player who was the head coach of the Bayi Rockets, the team with which he spent his domestic career in the Chinese Basketball Association (CBA). He also played in the National Basketball Association (NBA) for the Dallas Mavericks, Los Angeles Clippers, and Miami Heat, becoming China's first player to compete in the NBA.

Early life
The son of two former basketball players, Wang Zhizhi started playing basketball at the age of 8, and when he was 14 his parents signed him up for the People's Liberation Army, considering the PLA to have the best coaching and facilities in China. He grew up watching weekly NBA game broadcasts on television in Beijing, idolizing Hakeem Olajuwon and Charles Barkley. Although Wang was born in 1977, when processing his travel documents, authorities instead represented his birth year as 1979 so that he could participate longer in youth athletics competitions.

Early CBA career
Wang signed his first professional contract with the Bayi Rockets in 1994. When the Chinese Basketball Association staged its first season in 1995–96, Wang was one of the youngest players in the league, but he soon became a starter and key member on the star-studded squad.

From 1995–96 until his departure for the National Basketball Association after the 2000–01 season, he and the import-less Bayi Rockets won the first six CBA championships, but the team's dynasty was upended by Yao Ming and the Shanghai Sharks as soon as Wang left for the NBA.

NBA career
To the surprise of almost all Chinese basketball officials and reporters, the Dallas Mavericks of the National Basketball Association selected Wang with the 36th pick in the second round of the 1999 NBA draft. Dallas' assistant general manager Donnie Nelson had grown an interest in Wang ever since he spotted him in a 1993 game in Russia. Once Wang's agent Xia Song learned about Wang's real date of birth, which made him 22 and automatically eligible for the draft, he contacted Nelson and started arranging for his client to join the NBA. Xia was in Dallas on draft night, and had a proof of Wang's age through his old military identification. Unprepared and confused, the Bayi Rockets refused to allow their only center to leave for the National Basketball Association, at least immediately.

After long periods of negotiations, Wang was finally let go by his team and the Chinese basketball officials to pursue his NBA dream, two years after he was drafted. He became the first ever Chinese player to play in the National Basketball Association. Wang arrived in Dallas after winning his last CBA championship title when there were fewer than ten games left in the 2000–01 season. Despite some adjustment difficulties, Wang managed well by averaging 4.8 points per game and 1.4 rebounds per game, making the team's playoff roster. Two days after Dallas were eliminated from the playoffs, Wang hurried back to China to play in the 2001 East Asian Games according to an agreement formed between the Chinese authorities and the Dallas Mavericks.  However, Wang still had one obligation to fulfill before being allowed to return to the National Basketball Association. His former club Bayi requested that he stay in China to play in the 2001 National Games in November 2001. Wang returned to Dallas after barely defeating Yao Ming's Shanghai team by one point in the final, but he found that he had a lot of catching up to do as other players already had two months of preparation and training.

Wang's contract with Dallas expired after the 2001–02 season. With his future up in the air, he decided that he would spend the summer in the United States, rather than returning to China for training, as the Dallas Mavericks had promised the Chinese basketball officials. Wang fired his agent Xia Song when the latter suggested otherwise, and following the advice of his American-born Chinese friend Simon Chan, moved to Los Angeles without telling either Dallas or his Chinese side about his intentions. During his stay, Chinese basketball officials faxed two letters to him urging him to return to China as soon as possible to train with the Chinese national basketball team. A major blow to all parties involved was an article by Jodie Valade that appeared in The Dallas Morning News which hinted that Wang, who had not yet stated his intentions, might consider defecting to the United States. China sent two military officials who had known Wang very well to go to the United States for a final negotiation. During a press conference, Wang stressed that the relationship between him and the Chinese was like one between "a son and a mother", and the conflict was all a big misunderstanding. He was ultimately dismissed from the Chinese national team for failing to return to China for practice in 2002.

Wang signed with the Los Angeles Clippers in 2002 and after a season with them, he was placed on waivers. The Miami Heat decided to sign Wang to a multi-year contract after picking him up. He became a free agent at the end of the 2004–05 season after playing for two seasons with Miami, over which he played 34 games and averaged 2.5 PPG.

Later CBA career
Following the 2004–05 season, Wang returned to China to rejoin Bayi in the Chinese Basketball Association, but would not be activated by the Rockets until the 2006–07 season. The impact of his return was immediate, as in March 2007, he led Bayi to their eighth CBA title. Wang was named CBA Finals MVP for the second time in his career as the Rockets beat the Guangdong Southern Tigers in the championship series.

He announced his retirement at the end of the 2013–14 season, but briefly returned to the court the next year, after Bayi went 0–7 in their first seven games. On July 12, 2016, Wang officially finalized his retirement from professional basketball. He had already become an assistant coach for the Rockets in 2015, and took over as head coach prior to the 2018–19 season.

National team career
Wang became the first ever Chinese player to be invited to play for the international squad against the best American high school players in the prestigious Nike Hoop Summit. He started the game and scored six points and six rebounds. He was then offered a basketball scholarship from John Thompson to play for Georgetown University. Wang was included in the Chinese national basketball team for the 1996 Summer Olympics, where he averaged 11.1 points per game and 5.6 rebounds per game, helping the team to finish as 8th place overall. After leading the Chinese national team to the 1999 FIBA Asia Championship title, Wang again starred for China in the 2000 Summer Olympics, averaging 13.5 points per game and 5.0 rebounds per game.

On 10 April 2006, following weeks of rumors from the Chinese media, Wang returned to China from the National Basketball Association after being expelled from the national team for four years due to conflicts with Chinese officials. He publicly apologized for his past mistakes and stated that he wanted to represent his national team in the 2006 FIBA World Championship as well as the 2008 Summer Olympics. Over a period of four weeks in the lead-up to the 2006 FIBA World Championship, he was a significant contributor to the Chinese national team in the absence of injured Houston Rockets player Yao Ming, scoring 4.3 points per game and 2.6 rebounds per game in eight matches before suffering a torn ligament during an exhibition against France in July 2006. Wang recovered in time to play in the tournament and averaged 8.2 points per game and 3.5 rebounds per game.

Career statistics

CBA statistics
Regular season and Playoffs combined

NBA statistics

Regular season

|-
| align="left" |
| align="left" | Dallas
| 5 || 0 || 7.6 || .421 || .000 || .800 || 1.4 || 0.0 || 0.0 || 0.0 || 4.8
|-
| align="left" |
| align="left" | Dallas
| 55 || 0 || 10.9 || .440 || .414 || .737 || 2.0 || 0.4 || 0.2 || 0.2 || 5.6
|-
| align="left" |
| align="left" | L.A. Clippers
| 41 || 1 || 10.0 || .383 || .348 || .724 || 1.9 || 0.2 || 0.2 || 0.2 || 4.4
|-
| align="left" |
| align="left" | Miami
| 16 || 0 || 7.1 || .370 || .286 || .900 || 1.1 || 0.1 || 0.2 || 0.3 || 3.0
|-
| align="left" |
| align="left" | Miami
| 19 || 0 || 4.8 || .472 || .667 || .583 || 1.0 || 0.3 || 0.2 || 0.1 || 2.3
|-
| colspan="2" align=center|Career
| 136 || 1 || 9.2 || .417 || .387 || .735 || 1.7 || 0.3 || 0.2 || 0.2 || 4.0

Playoffs

|-
| align="left" | 2001
| align="left" | Dallas
| 5 || 0 || 4.6 || .375 || .500 || 1.000 || 0.4 || 0.2 || 0.2 || 0.2 || 2.0
|-
| align="left" | 2002
| align="left" | Dallas
| 8 || 0 || 5.5 || .438 || .500 || .500 || 1.0 || 0.4 || 0.0 || 0.1 || 2.5
|-
| align="left" | 2004
| align="left" | Miami
| 3 || 0 || 2.3 || .000 || .000 || .000 || 0.0 || 0.3 || 0.0 || 0.0 || 0.0
|-
| colspan="2" align=center|Career
| 16 || 0 || 4.6 || .417 || .500 || .667 || 0.7 || 0.3 || 0.2 || 0.1 || 1.9

References

External links

 Expelled star Wang makes humble return to China (Washington Post)
 Stats at Basketball-reference.com
 Wang wants spot on Chinese National Team (ESPN.com)
 Player profile at www.Asia-Basket.com

1977 births
Living people
2006 FIBA World Championship players
2010 FIBA World Championship players
Asian Games gold medalists for China
Asian Games medalists in basketball
Basketball players at the 1996 Summer Olympics
Basketball players at the 1998 Asian Games
Basketball players at the 2000 Summer Olympics
Basketball players at the 2006 Asian Games
Basketball players at the 2008 Summer Olympics
Basketball players at the 2010 Asian Games
Basketball players at the 2012 Summer Olympics
Basketball players from Beijing
Bayi Rockets players
Centers (basketball)
Chinese expatriate basketball people in the United States
Chinese men's basketball players
Dallas Mavericks draft picks
Dallas Mavericks players
Los Angeles Clippers players
Medalists at the 1998 Asian Games
Medalists at the 2006 Asian Games
Medalists at the 2010 Asian Games
Miami Heat players
National Basketball Association players from China
Olympic basketball players for China

Wang Zhizhi


Raúl Gonzalez Blanco veya genel deyişle Raúl (d. 27 Haziran 1977, Madrid), forvet bölgesinde oynamış, solak İspanyol eski futbolcudur. Real Madrid ile geçirdiği 2010 yılına kadar kulübün tüm zamanlarda en golcüsü oldu. Ayrıca üç kez UEFA Şampiyonlar Ligi şampiyonluğu yaşadı ve Şampiyonlar Ligi'nde 144 maçta 71 gol atarak 2014 yılı Kasım ayına kadar en golcüsü konumundaydı. Bu rekoru daha sonra Ronaldo tarafından kırıldı. Raúl, 2010 yılında Real Madrid'den ayrılırken 741 maç yaptı ve 323 gol attı.

Kariyeri

Kulüp kariyeri

Yetiştiği takımlar
Raúl, futbola San Cristóbal de los Ángeles'te başladı. Ardından Atlético Madrid'e geçti. Oradaki iyi performansıyla Atlético Madrid'in ezeli rakibi Real Madrid'de futbola devam etti. Real Madrid B takımında 16 maç yaptı ve 17 gol atarak daha 17 yaşında A takıma alındı.

Kulüp kariyeri
Önce orta sahada görev yaptı, daha sonra ise forvette oynamaya başladı. Takımda kaptanlığa kadar yükseldi. Real Madrid ile birçok şampiyonluk yaşadı ve UEFA Şampiyonlar Ligi'nde başarılı oldu. Şampiyonlar Ligi'nde oynadığı 130 maçta attığı 66 golle Avrupa kupalarında en fazla gol atan futbolcu olan Gerd Müller'in rekorunu egale etti. Real Madrid formasıyla La Liga'da attığı 296 golle La Liga tarihininde de en fazla gol atan futbolcudur. Aynı zamanda kulübü Real Madrid ile kaleci Casillas ile birlikte futbol kariyeri sonuna kadar sözleşme imzaladı. Fakat 2009-10 sezonunda José Mourinho'nun göreve gelmesiyle Schalke 04'e transfer oldu. Schalke 04'te geçirdiği iki sezonun ardından Mayıs 2012'de Katar'ın El-Sadd takımına transfer olan Raul, yeni kulübünde de 7 numaralı formayı giydi.

Millî takım kariyeri
İspanya ile çıktığı 102 maçta 44 gol atarak millî takımının en golcü futbolcusu oldu. Fakat bu rekor David Villa tarafından kırıldı. 1998 yılında Fransa'da düzenlenen 1998 FIFA Dünya Kupası'na katılarak ilk büyük turnuvasına çıktı. Bu turnuvada Nijerya'ya 1 gol attı.

Jubilesi
22 Ağustos 2013 tarihi itibarıyla Real Madrid'in El-Sadd takımını 5-0 yendiği maçta jubilesini yaparak futbola veda etmiştir. İlk yarı Real Madrid, ikinci yarı ise El-Sadd forması giyen futbolcu, maçın 22. dakikasında Real Madrid adına birde gol kaydetmiştir.

Özel hayatı
Özel hayatında ise 1999 yılında Mamen Sanz adlı manken ile evlendi. 2000 yılında Jorge adından bir oğlu oldu. Jorge adı; Raúl'un çok sevdiği kendisini keşfeden Jorge Valdano'dan gelmekteydi. Arkasından 2002 yılında Hugo adında 2. oğlu dünyaya geldi. Bu oğlunun da ünlü futbolcu Hugo Sanchez'den ismini aldığı söylenmektedir. Jorge, Hugo, ikizler Héctor ve Mateo ve de María olmak üzere toplam 4 oğlu ve 1 kızı vardır. Raúl, her golünden sonra yüzüğünü öperek eşine olan sevgisini göstermektedir.

İstatistikleri

Kulüp
24 Ağustos 2011 itibarıyla

Millî takım
6 Eylül 2006 itibarıyla

|-
|1996||4||1
|-
|1997||6||0
|-
|1998||10||4
|-
|1999||9||10
|-
|2000||11||3
|-
|2001||9||5
|-
|2002||9||6
|-
|2003||10||8
|-
|2004||13||3
|-
|2005||12||2
|-
|2006||9||2
|-
!Toplam||102||44
|}

Başarıları

Kulüp
Real Madrid
La Liga: 6
1994-95, 1996-97, 2000-01, 2002-03, 2006-07, 2007-08
Copa del Rey
İkinci (2): 2001-02, 2003-04
Supercopa de España: 4
1997, 2001, 2003, 2008
UEFA Şampiyonlar Ligi: 3
1997-98, 1999-00, 2001-02
UEFA Süper Kupası: 1
2002
Kıtalararası Kupa: 2
1998 ve 2002
FIFA Kulüpler Dünya Kupası
Dördüncü (1): 2000

Schalke 04
DFB-Pokal: 1
2010-11
DFL-Supercup: 1
2011

Millî takım
İspanya
U-20
FIFA 20 Yaş Altı Dünya Kupası
Dördüncü (1): 1995
U-21
1996 Yaz Olimpiyatları
Gümüş madalya (1): 1996

Kaynakça

Dış bağlantılar

 Raúl González Blanco Real Madrid profili
 Raúl González Schalke 04 profili

 Raúl González Blanco Soccerway.com profili
 Raúl ESPNsoccernet profili

1977 doğumlular
İspanyol futbolcular
İspanya millî futbol takımı futbolcuları
Real Madrid CF futbolcuları
FC Schalke 04 futbolcuları
1996 Yaz Olimpiyatları futbolcuları
1998 FIFA Dünya Kupası futbolcuları
2000 Avrupa Futbol Şampiyonası futbolcuları
2002 FIFA Dünya Kupası futbolcuları
2004 Avrupa Futbol Şampiyonası futbolcuları
2006 FIFA Dünya Kupası futbolcuları
FIFA 100
La Liga futbolcuları
Bundesliga futbolcuları
İspanyol gurbetçi futbolcular
Almanya'daki gurbetçi futbolcular
Yaşayan insanlar
Madrid doğumlu futbolcular
Forvet futbolcular
İspanya 23 yaş altı millî futbol takımı futbolcuları
İspanya 21 yaş altı millî futbol takımı futbolcuları
İspanya 20 yaş altı millî futbol takımı futbolcuları
İspanya 18 yaş altı millî futbol takımı futbolcuları
UEFA Şampiyonlar Ligi'ni kazanan futbolcular
El-Sadd futbolcuları
Katar'daki gurbetçi futbolcular
Amerika Birleşik Devletleri'ndeki gurbetçi futbolcular
FIFA Century Club
New York Cosmos (2010) futbolcuları
North American Soccer League futbolcuları
İspanyol Olimpiyat futbolcuları
Pichichi Ödülü sahipleri
Dûrî Nücûm Katar futbolcuları
Real Madrid C futbolcuları
Real Madrid Castilla futbolcuları
Real Madrid Castilla teknik direktörleri
Segunda División B teknik direktörleri
Segunda División B futbolcuları
La Liga 2 futbolcuları
İspanyol teknik direktörler

Raúl González


The term "new world order" refers to a new period of history evidencing dramatic change in world political thought and the balance of power in international relations. Despite varied interpretations of this term, it is primarily associated with the ideological notion of world governance only in the sense of new collective efforts to identify, understand, or address global problems that go beyond the capacity of individual nation-states to solve.

The phrase "new world order" or similar language was used in the period toward the end of the First World War in relation to Woodrow Wilson's vision for international peace; Wilson called for a League of Nations to prevent aggression and conflict. The League of Nations failed, and neither Franklin Roosevelt nor Harry S. Truman used the phrase "new world order" much when speaking publicly on international peace and cooperation. Indeed, in some instances when Roosevelt used the phrase "new world order", or "new order in the world" it was to refer to Axis powers plans for world domination. Truman speeches have phrases such as "better world order", "peaceful world order", "moral world order" and "world order based on law", but not so much "new world order". Although Roosevelt and Truman may have been hesitant to use the phrase, commentators have applied the term retroactively to the order put in place by the World War II victors including the United Nations and the Bretton Woods system as a "new world order."

The most widely discussed application of the phrase of recent times came at the end of the Cold War. Presidents Mikhail Gorbachev and George H. W. Bush used the term to try to define the nature of the post-Cold War era and the spirit of great power cooperation that they hoped might materialize. Gorbachev's initial formulation was wide-ranging and idealistic, but his ability to press for it was severely limited by the internal crisis of the Soviet system. In comparison, Bush's vision was not less circumscribed: "A hundred generations have searched for this elusive path to peace, while a thousand wars raged across the span of human endeavor. Today that new world is struggling to be born, a world quite different from the one we've known". However, given the new unipolar status of the United States, Bush's vision was realistic in saying that "there is no substitute for American leadership". The Gulf War of 1991 was regarded as the first test of the new world order: "Now, we can see a new world coming into view. A world in which there is the very real prospect of a new world order. ... The Gulf War put this new world to its first test".

Historical usage

The phrase "new world order" was explicitly used in connection with Woodrow Wilson's global zeitgeist during the period just after World War I during the formation of the League of Nations. "The war to end all wars" had been a powerful catalyst in international politics, and many felt the world could simply no longer operate as it once had. World War I had been justified not only in terms of U.S. national interest, but in moral terms—to "make the world safe for democracy". After the war, Wilson argued for a new world order which transcended traditional great power politics, instead emphasizing collective security, democracy and self-determination. However, the United States Senate rejected membership of the League of Nations, which Wilson believed to be the key to a new world order. Senator Henry Cabot Lodge argued that American policy should be based on human nature "as it is, not as it ought to be". Nazi activist and future German leader Adolf Hitler also used the term in 1928.

The term fell from use when it became clear the League was not living up to expectations and as a consequence was used very little during the formation of the United Nations. Former United Nations Secretary General Kurt Waldheim felt that this new world order was a projection of the American dream into Europe and that in its naïveté the idea of a new order had been used to further the parochial interests of Lloyd George and Georges Clemenceau, thus ensuring the League's eventual failure. Although some have claimed the phrase was not used at all, Virginia Gildersleeve, the sole female delegate to the San Francisco Conference in April 1945, did use it in an interview with The New York Times.

The phrase was used by some in retrospect when assessing the creation of the post-World War II set of international institutions, including the United Nations; the U.S. security alliances such as NATO; the Bretton Woods system of the International Monetary Fund and the International Bank for Reconstruction and Development; and even the Truman Doctrine and Marshall Plan were seen as characterizing or comprising this new order.

H. G. Wells wrote a book published in 1940 entitled The New World Order. It addressed the ideal of a world without war in which law and order emanated from a world governing body and examined various proposals and ideas.

Franklin D. Roosevelt in his "Armistice Day Address Before the Tomb of the Unknown Soldier" on November 11, 1940, referred to Novus ordo seclorum, inscribed on the Great Seal of the United States and traced to antiquity. By this phrase, Virgil announced the Augustan Golden Age. That Age was the dawn of the divine universal monarchy, but Roosevelt on that occasion promised to take the world order into the opposite democratic direction led by the United States and Britain.

On June 6, 1966, New York Senator Robert F. Kennedy used the phrase "new world society" in his Day of Affirmation Address in South Africa.

Post-Cold War usage

The phrase "new world order" as used to herald in the post-Cold War era had no developed or substantive definition. There appear to have been three distinct periods in which it was progressively redefined, first by the Soviets and later by the United States before the Malta Conference and again after George H. W. Bush's speech of September 11, 1990.
 At first, the new world order dealt almost exclusively with nuclear disarmament and security arrangements. Mikhail Gorbachev would then expand the phrase to include United Nations strengthening and great power cooperation on a range of North–South economic, and security problems. Implications for NATO, the Warsaw Pact, and European integration were subsequently included.
 The Malta Conference collected these various expectations and they were fleshed out in more detail by the press. German reunification, human rights and the polarity of the international system were then included.
 The Gulf War crisis refocused the term on superpower cooperation and regional crises. Economic North–South problems, the integration of the Soviets into the international system and the changes in economic and military polarity received greater attention.

Mikhail Gorbachev's formulation
The first press reference to the phrase came from Russo-Indian talks on November 21, 1988. Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi used the term in reference to the commitments made by the Soviet Union through the Declaration of Delhi of two years previous. The new world order which he describes is characterized by "non-violence and the principles of peaceful coexistence". He also includes the possibility of a sustained peace, an alternative to the nuclear balance of terror, dismantling of nuclear weapons systems, significant cuts in strategic arms and eventually a general and complete disarmament.

Three days later, a Guardian article quotes NATO Secretary General Manfred Wörner as saying that the Soviets have come close to accepting NATO's doctrine of military stability based on a mix of nuclear as well as conventional arms. In his opinion, this would spur the creation of "a new security framework" and a move towards "a new world order".

However, the principal statement creating the new world order concept came from Mikhail Gorbachev's December 7, 1988 speech to the United Nations General Assembly. His formulation included an extensive list of ideas in creating a new order. He advocated strengthening the central role of the United Nations and the active involvement of all members—the Cold War had prevented the United Nations and its Security Council from performing their roles as initially envisioned. The de-ideologizing of relations among states was the mechanism through which this new level of cooperation could be achieved. Concurrently, Gorbachev recognized only one world economy—essentially an end to economic blocs. Furthermore, he advocated Soviet entry into several important international organizations, such as the CSCE and International Court of Justice. Reinvigoration of the United Nations peacekeeping role and recognition that superpower cooperation can and will lead to the resolution of regional conflicts was especially key in his conception of cooperation. He argued that the use of force or the threat of the use of force was no longer legitimate and that the strong must demonstrate restraint toward the weak. As the major powers of the world, he foresaw the United States, the Soviet Union, Europe, India, China, Japan and Brazil. He asked for cooperation on environmental protection, on debt relief for developing countries, on disarmament of nuclear weapons, on preservation of the ABM treaty and on a convention for the elimination of chemical weapons. At the same time, he promised the significant withdrawal of Soviet forces from Eastern Europe and Asia as well as an end to the jamming of Radio Liberty.

Gorbachev described a phenomenon that could be described as a global political awakening:

In the press, Gorbachev was compared to Woodrow Wilson giving the Fourteen Points, to Franklin D. Roosevelt and Winston Churchill promulgating the Atlantic Charter and to George Marshall and Harry S. Truman building the Western Alliance. While visionary, his speech was to be approached with caution as he was seen as attempting a fundamental redefinition of international relationships, on economic and environmental levels. His support "for independence, democracy and social justice" was highlighted, but the principle message taken from his speech was that of a new world order based on pluralism, tolerance and cooperation.

A month later, Time Magazine ran a longer analysis of the speech and its possible implications. The promises of a new world order based on the forswearing of military use of force was viewed partially as a threat, which might "lure the West toward complacency" and "woo Western Europe into neutered neutralism". However, the more overriding threat was that the West did not yet have any imaginative response to Gorbachev—leaving the Soviets with the moral initiative and solidifying Gorbachev's place as "the most popular world leader in much of Western Europe". The article noted as important his de-ideologized stance, willingness to give up use of force, commitment to troop cuts in Eastern Europe (accelerating political change there) and compliance with the ABM treaty. According to the article, the new world order seemed to imply shifting of resources from military to domestic needs; a world community of states based on the rule of law; a dwindling of security alliances like NATO and the Warsaw Pact; and an inevitable move toward European integration. The author of the Time article felt that George H. W. Bush should counter Gorbachev's "common home" rhetoric toward the Europeans with the idea of "common ideals", turning an alliance of necessity into one of shared values. Gorbachev's repudiation of expansionism leaves the United States in a good position, no longer having to support anti-communist dictators and able to pursue better goals such as the environment; nonproliferation of nuclear, chemical and biological weapons; reducing famine and poverty; and resolving regional conflicts. In A World Transformed, Bush and Brent Scowcroft's similarly concern about losing leadership to Gorbachev is noted and they worry that the Europeans might stop following the U.S. if it appears to drag its feet.

As Europe passed into the new year, the implications of the new world order for the European Community surfaced. The European Community was seen as the vehicle for integrating East and West in such a manner that they could "pool their resources and defend their specific interests in dealings with those superpowers on something more like equal terms". It would be less exclusively tied to the U.S. and stretch "from Brest to Brest-Litovsk, or at least from Dublin to Lublin". By July 1989, newspapers were still criticizing Bush for his lack of response to Gorbachev's proposals. Bush visited Europe, but "left undefined for those on both sides of the Iron Curtain his vision for the new world order", leading commentators to view the U.S. as over-cautious and reactive, rather than pursuing long-range strategic goals.

Malta Conference

In A World Transformed, Bush and Scowcroft detail their crafting of a strategy aimed at flooding Gorbachev with proposals at the Malta Conference to catch him off guard, preventing the U.S. from coming out of the summit on the defensive.

The Malta Conference on December 2–3, 1989 reinvigorated discussion of the new world order. Various new concepts arose in the press as elements on the new order. Commentators expected the replacement of containment with superpower cooperation. This cooperation might then tackle problems such as reducing armaments and troop deployments, settling regional disputes, stimulating economic growth, lessening East–West trade restrictions, the inclusion of the Soviets in international economic institutions and protecting the environment. Pursuant to superpower cooperation, a new role for NATO was forecast, with the organization perhaps changing into a forum for negotiation and treaty verification, or even a wholesale dissolution of NATO and the Warsaw Pact following the resurrection of the four-power framework from World War II (i.e. the United States, United Kingdom, France and Russia). However, continued U.S. military presence in Europe was expected to help contain "historic antagonisms", thus making possible a new European order.

In Europe, German reunification was seen as part of the new order. However, Strobe Talbott saw it as more of a brake on the new era and believed Malta to be a holding action on part of the superpowers designed to forestall the "new world order" because of the German question. Political change in Eastern Europe also arose on the agenda. The Eastern Europeans believed that the new world order did not signify superpower leadership, but that superpower dominance was coming to an end.

In general, the new security structure arising from superpower cooperation seemed to indicate to observers that the new world order would be based on the principles of political liberty, self-determination and non-intervention. This would mean an end to the sponsoring of military conflicts in third countries, restrictions on global arms sales, and greater engagement in the Middle East (especially regarding Syria, Palestine and Israel). The U.S. might use this opportunity to more emphatically promote human rights in China and South Africa.

Economically, debt relief was expected to be a significant issue as East–West competition would give way to North–South cooperation. Economic tripolarity would arise with the U.S., Germany and Japan as the three motors of world growth. Meanwhile, the Soviet social and economic crisis was manifestly going to limit its ability to project power abroad, thus necessitating continued U.S. leadership.

Commentators assessing the results of the Conference and how the pronouncements measured up to expectations, were underwhelmed. Bush was criticized for taking refuge behind notions of "status quo-plus" rather than a full commitment to new world order. Others noted that Bush thus far failed to satisfy the out-of-control "soaring expectations" that Gorbachev's speech unleashed.

Gulf War and Bush's formulation

Bush started to take the initiative from Gorbachev during the run-up to the Persian Gulf War, when he began to define the elements of the new world order as he saw it and link the new order's success to the international community's response in Kuwait.

Initial agreement by the Soviets to allow action against Saddam Hussein highlighted this linkage in the press. The Washington Post declared that this superpower cooperation demonstrates that the Soviet Union has joined the international community and that in the new world order Saddam faces not just the U.S., but the international community itself. A New York Times editorial was the first to assert that at stake in the collective response to Saddam was "nothing less than the new world order which Bush and other leaders struggle to shape".

In A World Transformed, Scowcroft notes that Bush even offered to have Soviet troops amongst the coalition forces liberating Kuwait. Bush places the fate of the new world order on the ability of the U.S. and the Soviet Union to respond to Hussein's aggression. The idea that the Persian Gulf War would usher in the new world order began to take shape. Bush notes that the "premise [was] that the United States henceforth would be obligated to lead the world community to an unprecedented degree, as demonstrated by the Iraqi crisis, and that we should attempt to pursue our national interests, wherever possible, within a framework of concert with our friends and the international community".

On March 6, 1991, President Bush addressed Congress in a speech often cited as the Bush administration's principal policy statement on the new world order in the Middle East following the expulsion of Iraqi forces from Kuwait. Michael Oren summarizes the speech, saying: "The president proceeded to outline his plan for maintaining a permanent U.S. naval presence in the Persian Gulf, for providing funds for Middle East development, and for instituting safeguards against the spread of unconventional weapons. The centerpiece of his program, however, was the achievement of an Arab-Israeli treaty based on the territory-for-peace principle and the fulfillment of Palestinian rights". As a first step, Bush announced his intention to reconvene the international peace conference in Madrid.

A pivotal point came with Bush's September 11, 1990 "Toward a New World Order" speech (full text) to a joint session of Congress. This time it was Bush, not Gorbachev, whose idealism was compared to Woodrow Wilson and to Franklin D. Roosevelt at the creation of the United Nations. Key points picked up in the press were:
 Commitment to U.S. strength, such that it can lead the world toward rule of law, rather than use of force. The Gulf crisis was seen as a reminder that the U.S. must continue to lead and that military strength does matter, but that the resulting new world order should make military force less important in the future.
 Soviet–American partnership in cooperation toward making the world safe for democracy, making possible the goals of the United Nations for the first time since its inception. Some countered that this was unlikely and that ideological tensions would remain, such that the two superpowers could be partners of convenience for specific and limited goals only. The inability of the Soviet Union to project force abroad was another factor in skepticism toward such a partnership.
 Another caveat raised was that the new world order was based not on U.S.-Soviet cooperation, but really on Bush-Gorbachev cooperation and that the personal diplomacy made the entire concept exceedingly fragile.
 Future cleavages were to be economic, not ideological, with the First and Second World cooperating to contain regional instability in the Third World. Russia could become an ally against economic assaults from Asia, Islamic terrorism and drugs from Latin America.
 Soviet integration into world economic institutions such as the G7 and establishment of ties with the European Community.
 Restoration of German sovereignty and Cambodia's acceptance of the United Nations Security Council's peace plan on the day previous to the speech were seen as signs of what to expect in the new world order.
 The reemergence of Germany and Japan as members of the great powers and concomitant reform of the United Nations Security Council was seen as necessary for great power cooperation and reinvigorated United Nations leadership
 Europe was seen as taking the lead on building their own world order while the U.S. was relegated to the sidelines. The rationale for U.S. presence on the continent was vanishing and the Persian Gulf crisis was seen as incapable of rallying Europe. Instead, Europe was discussing the European Community, the CSCE and relations with the Soviet Union. Gorbachev even proposed an all-European security council to replace the CSCE, in effect superseding the increasingly irrelevant NATO.
 A very few postulated a bi-polar new order of U.S. power and United Nations moral authority, the first as global policeman, the second as global judge and jury. The order would be collectivist in which decisions and responsibility would be shared.
These were the common themes which emerged from reporting about Bush's speech and its implications.

Critics held that Bush and Baker remained too vague about what exactly the order entailed:

The New York Times observed that the American left was calling the new world order a "rationalization for imperial ambitions" in the Middle East while the right rejected new security arrangements altogether and fulminated about any possibility of United Nations revival. Pat Buchanan predicted that the Persian Gulf War would in fact be the demise of the new world order, the concept of United Nations peacekeeping and the U.S.'s role as global policeman.

The Los Angeles Times reported that the speech signified more than just the rhetoric about superpower cooperation. In fact, the deeper reality of the new world order was the U.S.' emergence "as the single greatest power in a multipolar world". Moscow was crippled by internal problems and thus unable to project power abroad. While hampered by economic malaise, the U.S. was militarily unconstrained for the first time since the end of World War II. Militarily, it was now a unipolar world as illustrated by the Persian Gulf crisis. While diplomatic rhetoric stressed a U.S.-Soviet partnership, the U.S. was deploying troops to Saudi Arabia (a mere 700 miles from the Soviet frontier) and was preparing for war against a former Soviet client state. Further, U.S. authority over the Soviets was displayed in 1. The unification of Germany, withdrawal of Soviet forces, and almost open appeal to Washington for aid in managing the Soviet transition to democracy; 2. Withdrawal of Soviet support for Third World clients; and 3) Soviets seeking economic aid through membership in Western international economic and trade communities.

The speech was indeed pivotal but the meaning hidden. A pivotal interpretation of the speech came the same month a week later on September 18, 1990. Charles Krauthammer then delivered a lecture in Washington in which he introduced the idea of American unipolarity. By the fall 1990, his essay was published in Foreign Affairs titled "The Unipolar Moment". It had little to do with Kuwait. The main point was the following:

In fact, as Lawrence Freedman commented in 1991, a "unipolar" world is now taken seriously. He details:

Washington's capacity to exert overwhelming military power and leadership over a multinational coalition provides the "basis for a Pax Americana". Indeed, one of the problems with Bush's phrase was that "a call for 'order' from Washington chills practically everyone else, because it sounds suspiciously like a Pax Americana". The unipolarity, Krauthammer noted, is the "most striking feature of the post-Cold War world". The article proved to be epochal. Twelve years later, Krauthammer in "The Unipolar Moment Revisited" stated that the "moment" is lasting and lasting with "acceleration". He replied to those who still refused to acknowledge the fact of unipolarity: "If today's American primacy does not constitute unipolarity, then nothing ever will". In 1990, Krauthammer had estimated that the "moment" will last forty years at best, but he adjusted the estimation in 2002: "Today, it seems rather modest. The unipolar moment has become the unipolar era". On the latter occasion, Krauthammer added perhaps his most significant comment—the new unipolar world order represents a "unique to modern history" structure.

Presaging the Iraq War of 2003

The Economist published an article explaining the drive toward the Persian Gulf War in terms presaging the run-up to the Iraq War of 2003. The author notes directly that despite the coalition, in the minds of most governments this is the U.S.' war and George W. Bush that "chose to stake his political life on defeating Mr Hussein". An attack on Iraq would certainly shatter Bush's alliance, they assert, predicting calls from United Nations Security Council members saying that diplomacy should have been given more time and that they will not wish to allow a course of action "that leaves America sitting too prettily as sole remaining superpower". When the unanimity of the Security Council ends, "all that lovely talk about the new world order" will too. When casualties mount, "Bush will be called a warmonger, an imperialist and a bully". The article goes on to say that Bush and James Baker's speechifying cannot save the new world order once they launch a controversial war. It closes noting that a wide consensus is not necessary for U.S. action—only a hardcore of supporters, namely Gulf Cooperation Council states (including Saudi Arabia), Egypt and Britain. The rest need only not interfere.

In a passage with similar echoes of the future, Bush and Scowcroft explain in A World Transformed the role of the United Nations Secretary-General in attempting to avert the Persian Gulf War. Secretary-General Javier Pérez de Cuéllar arrived at Camp David to ask what he could do to head off the war. Bush told him that it was important that we get full implementation on every United Nations resolution: "If we compromise, we weaken the UN and our own credibility in building this new world order," I said. "I think Saddam Hussein doesn't believe force will be used—or if it is, he can produce a stalemate". Additional meetings between Baker or Pérez and the Iraqis are rejected for fear that they will simply come back empty-handed once again. Bush feared that Javier will be cover for Hussein's manipulations. Pérez suggested another Security Council meeting, but Bush saw no reason for one.

Following the Persian Gulf War
Following the Persian Gulf War which was seen as the crucible in which great power cooperation and collective security would emerge the new norms of the era—several academic assessments of the "new world order" idea were published.

John Lewis Gaddis, a Cold War historian, wrote in Foreign Affairs about what he saw as the key characteristics of the potential new order, namely unchallenged American primacy, increasing integration, resurgent nationalism and religiosity, a diffusion of security threats and collective security. He casts the fundamental challenge as one of integration versus fragmentation and the concomitant benefits and dangers associated with each. Changes in communications, the international economic system, the nature of security threats and the rapid spread of new ideas would prevent nations from retreating into isolation. In light of this, Gaddis sees a chance for the democratic peace predicted by liberal international relations theorists to come closer to reality. However, he illustrates that not only is the fragmentary pressure of nationalism manifest in the former Communist bloc countries and the Third World, but it is also a considerable factor in the West. Further, a revitalized Islam could play both integrating and fragmenting roles—emphasizing common identity, but also contributing to new conflicts that could resemble the Lebanese Civil War. The integration coming from the new order could also aggravate ecological, demographic and epidemic threats. National self-determination, leading to the breakup and reunification of states (such as Yugoslavia on one hand and Germany on the other) could signal abrupt shifts in the balance of power with a destabilizing effect. Integrated markets, especially energy markets, are now a security liability for the world economic system as events affecting energy security in one part of the globe could threaten countries far removed from potential conflicts. Finally, diffusion of security threats required a new security paradigm involving low-intensity, but more frequent deployment of peacekeeping troops—a type of mission that is hard to sustain under budgetary or public opinion pressure. Gaddis called for aid to Eastern European countries, updated security and economic regimes for Europe, United Nations-based regional conflict resolution, a slower pace of international economic integration and paying off the U.S. debt.

However, statesman Strobe Talbott wrote of the new world order that it was only in the aftermath of the Persian Gulf War that the United Nations took a step toward redefining its role to take account of both interstate relations and intrastate events. Furthermore, he asserted that it was only as an unintended postscript to Desert Storm that Bush gave meaning to the "new world order" slogan. By the end of the year, Bush stopped talking about a new world order and his advisers explained that he had dropped the phrase because he felt it suggested more enthusiasm for the changes sweeping the planet than he actually felt. As an antidote to the uncertainties of the world, he wanted to stress the old verities of territorial integrity, national sovereignty and international stability. David Gergen suggested at the time that it was the recession of 1991–1992 which finally killed the new world order idea within the White House. The economic downturn took a deeper psychological toll than expected while domestic politics were increasingly frustrated by paralysis, with the result that the United States toward the end of 1991 turned increasingly pessimistic, inward and nationalistic.

In 1992, Hans Köchler published a critical assessment of the notion of the "new world order", describing it as an ideological tool of legitimation of the global exercise of power by the U.S. in a unipolar environment. In Joseph Nye's analysis (1992), the collapse of the Soviet Union did not issue in a new world order per se, but rather simply allowed for the reappearance of the liberal institutional order that was supposed to have come into effect in 1945. However, this success of this order was not a fait accomplis. Three years later, John Ikenberry would reaffirm Nye's idea of a reclamation of the ideal post-World War II order, but would dispute the nay-sayers who had predicted post-Cold War chaos. By 1997, Anne-Marie Slaughter produced an analysis calling the restoration of the post-World War II order a "chimera ... infeasible at best and dangerous at worst". In her view, the new order was not a liberal institutionalist one, but one in which state authority disaggregated and decentralized in the face of globalization.

Samuel Huntington wrote critically of the "new world order" and of Francis Fukuyama's End of History theory in The Clash of Civilizations and the Remaking of World Order:
The expectation of harmony was widely shared. Political and intellectual leaders elaborated similar views. The Berlin wall had come down, communist regimes had collapsed, the United Nations was to assume a new importance, the former Cold War rivals would engage in "partnership" and a "grand bargain," peacekeeping and peacemaking would be the order of the day. The President of the world's leading country proclaimed the "new world order"...
The moment of euphoria at the end of the Cold War generated an illusion of harmony, which was soon revealed to be exactly that. The world became different in the early 1990s, but not necessarily more peaceful. Change was inevitable; progress was not... The illusion of harmony at the end of that Cold War was soon dissipated by the multiplication of ethnic conflicts and "ethnic cleansing," the breakdown of law and order, the emergence of new patterns of alliance and conflict among states, the resurgence of neo-communist and neo-fascist movements, intensification of religious fundamentalism, the end of the "diplomacy of smiles" and "policy of yes" in Russia's relations with the West, the inability of the United Nations and the United States to suppress bloody local conflicts, and the increasing assertiveness of a rising China. In the five years after the Berlin wall came down, the word "genocide" was heard far more often than in any five years of the Cold War.
The one harmonious world paradigm is clearly far too divorced from reality to be a useful guide to the post–Cold War world. Two Worlds: Us and Them. While one-world expectations appear at the end of major conflicts, the tendency to think in terms of two worlds recurs throughout human history. People are always tempted to divide people into us and them, the in-group and the other, our civilization and those barbarians.

Despite the criticisms of the new world order concept, ranging from its practical unworkability to its theoretical incoherence, Bill Clinton not only signed on to the idea of the "new world order", but dramatically expanded the concept beyond Bush's formulation. The essence of Clinton's election year critique was that Bush had done too little, not too much.

American intellectual Noam Chomsky, author of the 1994 book World Orders Old and New, often describes the "new world order" as a post-Cold-War era in which "the New World gives the orders". Commenting on the 1999 U.S.-NATO bombing of Serbia, he writes:

Following the rise of Boris Yeltsin eclipsing Gorbachev and the election victory of Clinton over Bush, the term "new world order" fell from common usage. It was replaced by competing similar concepts about how the post-Cold War order would develop. Prominent among these were the ideas of the "era of globalization", the "unipolar moment", the "end of history" and the "Clash of Civilizations".

Viewed in retrospect
A 2001 paper in Presidential Studies Quarterly examined the idea of the "new world order" as it was presented by the Bush administration (mostly ignoring previous uses by Gorbachev). Their conclusion was that Bush really only ever had three firm aspects to the new world order:
 Checking the offensive use of force.
 Promoting collective security.
 Using great power cooperation.

These were not developed into a policy architecture, but came about incrementally as a function of domestic, personal and global factors. Because of the somewhat overblown expectations for the new world order in the media, Bush was widely criticized for lacking vision.

The Gulf crisis is seen as the catalyst for Bush's development and implementation of the new world order concept. The authors note that before the crisis the concept remained "ambiguous, nascent, and unproven" and that the U.S. had not assumed a leadership role with respect to the new order. Essentially, the Cold War's end was the permissive cause for the new world order, but the Persian Gulf crisis was the active cause.

They reveal that in August 1990 U.S. Ambassador to Saudi Arabia Charles W. Freeman Jr. sent a diplomatic cable to Washington from Saudi Arabia in which he argued that U.S. conduct in the Persian Gulf crisis would determine the nature of the world. Bush would then refer to the "new world order" at least 42 times from the summer of 1990 to the end of March 1991. They also note that Secretary of Defense Dick Cheney gave three priorities to the Senate on fighting the Persian Gulf War, namely prevent further aggression, protect oil supplies and further a new world order. The authors note that the new world order did not emerge in policy speeches until after Iraq's invasion of Kuwait, maintaining that the concept was clearly not critical in the U.S. decision to deploy. John H. Sununu later indicated that the administration wanted to refrain from talking about the concept until Soviet collapse was more clear. A reversal of Soviet collapse would have been the death knell for the new order.

Bush and Scowcroft were frustrated by the exaggerated and distorted ideas surrounding the new world order. They did not intend to suggest that the U.S. would yield significant influence to the United Nations, or that they expected the world to enter an era of peace and tranquility. They preferred multilateralism, but did not reject unilateralism. The new world order did not signal peace, but a "challenge to keep the dangers of disorder at bay".

Bush's drive toward the Persian Gulf War was based on the world making a clear choice. Baker recalls that UNSCR 660's "language was simply and crystal clear, purposely designed by us to frame the vote as being for or against aggression". Bush's motivation centered around 1. The dangers of appeasement; and 2. Failure to check aggression could spark further aggression. Bush repeatedly invoked images of World War II in this connection and became very emotional over Iraqi atrocities being committed in Kuwait. He also believed that failure to check Iraqi aggression would lead to more challenges to the U.S.-favored status quo and global stability. While the end of the Cold War increased U.S. security globally, it remained vulnerable to regional threats. Furthermore, Washington believed that addressing the Iraqi threat would help reassert U.S. predominance in light of growing concerns about relative decline, following the resurgence of Germany and Japan.

The Gulf War was also framed as a test case for United Nations credibility. As a model for dealing with aggressors, Scowcroft believed that the United States ought to act in a way that others can trust and thus get United Nations support. It was critical that the U.S. not look like it was throwing its weight around. Great power cooperation and United Nations support would collapse if the U.S. marched on the Baghdad to try to remake Iraq. However, practically, superpower cooperation was limited. For example, when the U.S. deployed troops to Saudi Arabia, Soviet Foreign Minister Eduard Shevardnadze became furious at not being consulted.

By 1992, the authors note that the U.S. was already abandoning the idea of collective action. The leaked draft of the Wolfowitz-Libby 1992 Defense Guidance Report effectively confirmed this shift as it called for a unilateral role for the U.S. in world affairs, focusing on preserving American dominance.

In closing A World Transformed, Scowcroft sums up what his expectations were for the new world order. He states that the U.S. has the strength and the resources to pursue its own interests, but has a disproportionate responsibility to use its power in pursuit of the common good as well as an obligation to lead and to be involved. The U.S. is perceived as uncomfortable in exercising its power and ought to work to create predictability and stability in international relations. The U.S. needs not be embroiled in every conflict, but ought to aid in developing multilateral responses to them. The U.S. can unilaterally broker disputes, but ought to act whenever possible in concert with equally committed partners to deter major aggression.

Recent political usage
Former U.S. Secretary of State Henry Kissinger stated in 1994: "The New World Order cannot happen without U.S. participation, as we are the most significant single component. Yes, there will be a New World Order, and it will force the United States to change its perceptions". Then on January 5, 2009, when asked on television by CNBC anchors about what he suggests U.S. President Barack Obama focus on during the current Israeli crises he replied that it is a time to reevaluate American foreign policy and that "he can give new impetus to American foreign policy. ... I think that his task will be to develop an overall strategy for America in this period, when really a 'new world order' can be created. It's a great opportunity. It isn't such a crisis."

Former United Kingdom Prime Minister and British Middle East envoy Tony Blair stated on November 13, 2000, in his Mansion House speech: "There is a new world order like it or not." He used the term in 2001, November 12, 2001 and 2002. On January 7, 2003, he stated that "the call was for a new world order. But a new order presumes a new consensus. It presumes a shared agenda and a global partnership to do it."

Former United Kingdom Prime Minister Gordon Brown (then Chancellor of the Exchequer) stated on December 17, 2001: "This is not the first time the world has faced this question—so fundamental and far-reaching. In the 1940s, after the greatest of wars, visionaries in America and elsewhere looked ahead to a new world and—in their day and for their times—built a new world order."

Brown also called for a "new world order" in a 2008 speech in New Delhi to reflect the rise of Asia and growing concerns over global warming and finance. Brown said the new world order should incorporate a better representation of "the biggest shift in the balance of economic power in the world in two centuries." He went on to say: "To succeed now, the post-war rules of the game and the post-war international institutions—fit for the Cold War and a world of just 50 states—must be radically reformed to fit our world of globalisation." He also called for the revamping of post-war global institutions including the World Bank, G8 and International Monetary Fund. Other elements of Brown's formulation include spending £100 million a year on setting up a rapid reaction force to intervene in failed states.

He also used the term on January 14, 2007, March 12, 2007, May 15, 2007, June 20, 2007, April 15, 2008 and on April 18, 2008. Brown also used the term in his speech at the G20 Summit in London on April 2, 2009.

Iranian President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad has called for a "new world order" based on new ideas, saying the era of tyranny has come to a dead-end. In an exclusive interview with Islamic Republic of Iran Broadcasting (IRIB), Ahmadinejad noted that it is time to propose new ideologies for running the world.

Georgian President Mikheil Saakashvili said, "It's time to move from words to action because this is not going to go away. This nation is fighting for its survival, but we are also fighting for world peace and we are also fighting for a Future World Order."

Turkish President Abdullah Gül said: "I don't think you can control all the world from one centre. There are big nations. There are huge populations. There is unbelievable economic development in some parts of the world. So what we have to do is, instead of unilateral actions, act all together, make common decisions and have consultations with the world. A new world order, if I can say it, should emerge."

On the Colbert Report, guest John King (of CNN) mentioned Obama's "New World Order" after Stephen Colbert joked about the media's role in getting Obama elected.

Some scholars of international relations have advanced the thesis that the declining global influence of the U.S. and the rise of largely illiberal powers such as China threaten the established norms and beliefs of the liberal rule-based world order. They describe three pillars of the prevailing order that are upheld and promoted by the West, namely, peaceful international relations (the Westphalian norm), democratic ideals and free-market capitalism. Stewart Patrick suggests that emerging powers, China included, "often oppose the political and economic ground rules of the inherited Western liberal order" and Elizabeth Economy argues that China is becoming a "revolutionary power" that is seeking "to remake global norms and institutions."

Russian political analyst Leonid Grinin believes that despite all the problems, the U.S. will preserve the leading position within a new world order since no other country is able to concentrate so many leader's functions. Yet, he insists that the formation of a new world order will start from an epoch of new coalitions.

Xi Jinping, China's paramount leader, has called for a new world order, in his speech to the Boao Forum for Asia, in April 2021. He criticized US global leadership and its interference on other countries' internal affairs. "The rules set by one or several countries should not be imposed on others, and the unilateralism of individual countries should not give the whole world a rhythm," he said.

U.S. President Joe Biden said during a gathering of business leaders at the White House in March 2022 that the recent changes in global affairs caused by the Russian invasion of Ukraine provided an opportunity for a new world order with U.S. leadership, stating that this project would have to be carried out in partnership with "the rest of the free world."

According to Tony Blair's the annual Ditchley lecture in July 2022, China, not Russia, will bring about the largest geopolitical change of this century. The era of western political and economic domination is coming to an end. The future of the world will be at the very least bipolar and possibly multipolar. The east and west can now coexist on equal level for the first time in contemporary history.

The role of soft power must not be overlooked by the west, according to Blair, as China and other nations like Russia, Turkey, and Iran invest money in the developing world while forging close political and military ties.

See also

 Anti-globalization movement
 Criticisms of globalization
 Global policeman
 Globalization
 Hegemony
 Imperialism
 Liberal international order
 New Order (Nazism)
 New world order (Bahá'í)
 New World Order (conspiracy theory)
 Novus ordo seclorum
 Old Order (disambiguation)
 Project for the New American Century
 Technological utopianism
 World Federalist Movement/Institute for Global Policy
 World government
 World Orders Old and New

Notes

References

External links

Cold War
Political catchphrases
Foreign relations of the Soviet Union
Soviet Union–United States relations
Presidency of George H. W. Bush
History of globalization

New world order (politics)


Zdenka Marić-Čorkalo (Zagreb, 1951.), hrvatska liječnica i književnica

Životopis
Rodila se u Zagrebu, no od najranijeg djetinjstva živi u Splitu. Završila je studij medicine i specijalizaciju iz anesteziologije. Udana je za supruga Antu te imaju sina Stipu i kći Jerolimu. Kao specijalistica anesteziologije zaposlena je u KBC Firule u Splitu, a u toj je ulozi iz profesionalnih i domoljubnih razloga sudjelovala i u Domovinskom ratu. Ratnih pet godina je kao anesteziolog, dragovoljac i hrvatska braniteljica bila je u osam ratnih bolnica u Hrvatskoj i BiH (Dubrovnik, Ston, Ploče, Neum, Tomislavgrad, Livno, Rama-Rumboci, Nova Bila a potom 1996. kao ispomoć u Mostaru). Iz tih događaja i doživljaja nastajale su njene knjige. Svoja iskustva proživljanja i promišljanja o životu i ljudima uobličuje u esejističke tekstove koje je dosada objavila u sedam knjiga: "Pred licem stvarnosti", "Ti si moje zdravlje", "Tvrdoća iz pravednosti", "Docent", "Lovac", "Fratar" i "Vila Velebita" te prozna djela "Lijek za srce", "Tanak led" i roman "Šimun". Sudjelovala na Susretima hrvatskoga duhovnoga književnoga stvaralaštva Stjepan Kranjčić. Dobitnica hrvatske književne nagrade Dubravko Horvatić. 2013. je dobila 3. nagradu za prozu.

Izvori

Životopisi, Zagreb
Životopisi, Split
Hrvatski esejisti
Hrvatski romanopisci
Hrvatski liječnici

Zdenka Čorkalo


Migranterne er en dokumentarfilm fra 2009 instrueret af Niels Boel efter manuskript af Antonieta Medeiros.

Handling
Tre migranter fra et fattigt sydamerikansk landdistrikt er udvandret til storbyen på jagt efter et bedre liv og oplever en globaliseret verdens barske realiteter. De lever i hver sit land, men deres skæbner krydses. De længes alle tre tilbage efter den hjemlige landsby i Bolivia. Florencio er ulovlig indvandrer i Spanien, hvor han arbejder i døgndrift. Hans bror Gregorio knokler som syerske i Argentina. Han vil spendere alle sine spareskillinger på at betale for den årlige fest i landsbyen hjemme i Bolivia. Den unge Sonia arbejder som hushjælp i Bolivias hovedstad. Hun drømmer om at undslippe monotonien i det husleje arbejde og uddanne sig til sygeplejerske for at vende tilbage til sin landsby og gøre gavn.

Referencer

Eksterne henvisninger

Dokumentarfilm fra Danmark
Danske film fra 2009

Migranterne


Trefa ya da Taref (ibranice: טרף, "trehf"), Musevilikte bir yiyeceğin dini kurallara göre yenilmesinin haram olması durumu (Mundar). Bu kelime "Kaşer" (koşer) kelimesinin zıt anlamlısı olarak kullanılır.

Genel olarak:
 Tevrat'ta belirtilen hayvanlar dışındaki hayvanların etleri.
 Tevrat'ta adı geçen 20 kuşun dışında kalan kuşlar,
 Pulsuz ve yüzgeçsiz deniz mahsulleri,
 Her türlü böcek ve haşerat,
 Yukarıda sayılanlar hayvanlardan çıkan ürünler (Yumurta, süt vs.)

gibi besinler trefa (murdar)'dır.

Ayrıca yenilmesi serbest olan etlerden üretilse bile:
 Yenilmesi serbest olan ama Şehita kurallarına uygun kesilmemiş hayvanlar,
 Etli ile sütlünün bir arada kullanılması.

Trefa kapsamına girerler, bu ürünler tüketilemeyeceği gibi, bu tür ürünlerin pişirildiği tencereler, kullanılan kapkacak da Trefa (murdar) haline gelir.

Yahudi mutfağı

Trefa


Eskiköy, Çorum ilinin Merkez ilçesine bağlı bir köydür.

Tarihçe
Köy, 1925 yılından beri aynı adı taşımaktadır. Daha önceleri Esençay köyüne bağlı bir mahalle iken, 13 Ocak 1956'da yine aynı köye bağlı Kışlacık, Gökdoruk, Dereboy, İmamlar, Büklüce, Öksüzler, Çelikkaya, Eğridere, Hacıevat ve Karakaya mahalleleri ile birleşerek köy statüsü kazandı.

Coğrafya
Köy, Çorum il merkezine 40 km uzaklıktadır.

Nüfus

Kaynakça

Dış bağlantılar

Çorum merkez belde ve köyleri

Eskiköy, Çorum


Gangway i Tyrol er en film instrueret af Peter Ravn, Asger Larsen.

Handling
De fire raske unge mennesker fra Gangway modtager årets rejselegat fra kulturministeren. Dette bringer dem ud på en underfundig rejse til Mayrhofen i Tyrol. På grund af visse forviklinger bliver Gangway bl.a. rodet ind i et manddrab samt en omsiggribende ændring af byens skæbne og videre virke.

Referencer

Eksterne henvisninger

Danske film fra 1987

Kortfilm fra Danmark

Gangway i Tyrol


පිහිටීම

රත්නපුර සිට සිරිපාගම පාරේ මල්වලට පැමිණ දකුණට හැරී වේවැල්වත්ත පාරේ ගලබඩ හන්දිය දක්වා ගමන් කොට වමට ඇති පාරේ කි.මී.8ක් ගිය විට "පුංචි දඔදිව විහාරය" හමුවේ.

පුංචි දඹදිව පුදබිමේ බිහිවීම

වර්ෂ 1981ක් වූ අප්‍රියෙල් මස 14 වන දින ගලබඩ රාජ්‍ය වැව්ල්ලේ ලදුකැළෑ බිමකට වැඩම කළ පූජ්‍ය ගරු ගිලීමලේ චන්ද්‍රාලෝක ස්වාමීන් වහන්සේ අවට ගම්වාසීන්ගේ සහය ඇතිව වල් සෙවිලි කරන ලද ඉටි රෙදි වලින් වටකල කුඩා පැල්පතක් තනාගෙන පදිංචි වූ අතර ඒ සමගම ආගමික වතාවත් ඉටුකිරීම සඳහා කොළ අතු සෙවිලි කළ ධර්ම ශාලාවක් තනා එහි ප්‍රථම පින්කම් උත්සවය වර්ෂ 1981ක් වූ වෙසක් මස පුර පසළොස්වක පොහෝ දින සිදු කරන ලදී. පළමු පිංකමට විශාල පිංවතුන් පිරිසක් එක්රැස් වූ අතර දිනෙන් දින පොදු මහජනතාවගේ ඇල්ම බැල්ම වැඩිවෙමින් පවතින මේ පුංචි විහාරස්ථානයේ ස්ථිර ධර්මශාලා මන්දිරයක් ගොඩනැඟීම ආරම්භ කරන ලදී. එම ධර්මශාලා මන්දිරය අඩි 70ක් දිග අඩි 30ක් පළල ගොඩනැඟිල්ලක් වූ අතර එහි කාමර කීහිපයක් සංඝාවාසයට වෙන් කරන ලදී. වර්ෂ 1982ක් වූ ජුනි මස 03 වෙනි දින ආරම්භ කළ මෙම ධර්මශාලා මන්දිරයේ වැඩ ඉතා ඉක්මනින් අවසන් විය.

කාලයාගේ ඇවෑමෙන් මෙම පුදබිම ඉතා වේගයෙන් දියුණු වූ අතර ලක් වැසියන්ගේ හා ලෝ වැසියන්ගේ නෙත් සිත් ඇද බැඳ ගන්නා ස්ථානයක් බවට පත් විය. මෙම සිද්ධස්ථානය ඉදිවීමේ මූලික අරමුණ වූයේ දඹදිව පුදබිම වන්දනා කරගැනීමට ඇති අපහසුව මතය. මේ අඩුපාඩුව දුරලීම සඳහා පුංචි දඹදිව විහාරස්ථානයේ වැඩ කටයුතු කෙරුණු අතර මේ වනවිටත් එහි ඉදිරි ගොඩනැඟීම් කටයුතු සිදුවෙමින් පවතී. මේ සියලු නිර්මාණයන් අවසන් වූ පසු දඹදිව යාමට නොහැකි අයටද "පුංචි දඹදිව" පුදබිමට පැමිණ සතර සිද්ධස්ථාන වැඳ පුදා ගැනීමට හැකිවනු ඇත.

ලෝකයේ ප්‍රථම අසූමහ ශ්‍රාවක පස්විසි බුදු රජ මහා විහාරය

1986 ජුනි මස 20 වෙනි දින ශ්‍රී ලංකා ප්‍රජාතාන්ත්‍රික ජනරජයේ ප්‍රථම විධායක ජනාධිපති ජේ ආර් ජයවර්ධන ශ්‍රීමතානන් අතින් විවෘත වුණු මෙම විහාර මන්දිරය අවුරුදු 2යි, මාස 10ක් වැනි කෙටි කලක් තුළදී ඉතා උසස් විස්කම් නිර්මාණයක් බවට පත්විය. තිලොවට තිලක වූ සම්මා සම්බුදු රජාණන් වහන්සේ එදා දඹදිව ජේතවනාරාමයේ තනතුරුලාභී අසූමහා ශ්‍රාවක මහ රහතන් වහන්සේලා පිරිවරාගෙන ධර්ම සාකච්ඡා පැවැත්වූ අයුරු විදහා දැක්වෙන අනඟිභවනීය දම්සභා මණ්ඩපයක් ඇතුළුව සාරාසංඛ්‍ය කල්ප ලක්ෂයක් තුළ මෙලොවට පහළ වී වදාළ දීපංකර බුදුරජාණන් වහන්සේගේ පටන් කාශ්‍යප නම් වූ බුදුරජාණන් වහන්සේ දක්වා බුදුරජාණන් වහන්සේලාගේ පිළිරූ ඉදිකර, මෙම විහාර මන්දිරය ඉදිකර ඇත.

මෙම මහා විහාර මන්දිරය මෙසේ හඳුන්වනු ලබන්නේ ගෞතම මහා බෝසතාණන් වහන්සේ සාරාසංඛ්‍ය කල්ප ලක්ෂයක් තුළ මෙලොව පහළ වී වදාළ දීපංකර නම් වූ බුදුරජාණන් වහන්සේලා විසි හතර නමකගේ නියත විවරණ ලබන අවස්ථා දැක්වෙන  සූවිසි විවරණය විහාර මන්දිරයේ පිට මාලයේ නිරූපණය කර ඇති නිසාය. මෙහි ප්‍රධාන මැද මාලයේ ඇත්තේ තනතුරුලාභී අසූමහ ශ්‍රාවක මහ රහතන් වහන්සේලා පිරිවරාගෙන දඹදිව ජේතවනාරාමයේ දම්සභා මණ්ඩපයේ ධර්ම සාකච්ඡා පවත්වනු ලැබූ අනඟිභවනීය නිර්මාණයයි. ඒ අනුව සූවිසි බුදුන්ගේ ප්‍රතිමාවන් 24ක් අසූමහ ශ්‍රාවක මහ රහතන් වහන්සේලාගේ ප්‍රතිමා 80ක් යන මේ සියලු ප්‍රතිමා එකම වහලක් යට  එකම ස්ථානයක  එකම විහාර මන්දිරයක් තුළ නිර්මාණය කර තිබෙන එකම ස්ථානය ශ්‍රී ලංකාවේ පමණක් නොව සමස්ථ ලෝකයේම ඇත්තේ මේ ස්ථානයේ පමණක් නිසාත් "ලෝකයේ ප්‍රථම අසූමහා ශ්‍රාවක පස්විසි බුදු රජ මහා විහාරය" නමින් මෙය හඳුන්වයි.

ශ්‍රී ලංකාවේ විශාලතම ධර්මශාලා මන්දිරය

තම ගුරු දේවයන් වහන්සේට උපහාරයක් වශයෙන් කුඩාවේ ශ්‍රී අභිනවාරාමාධිපති අතිපූජ්‍ය කුඩාවේ විනයනංශ නායක ස්වාමීන්ද්‍රයන් වහන්සේ නමින් නම් කරන ලද අතර "ශ්‍රී විනයවංශ ධර්මශාලා මන්දිරය" නමින් මෙයට නම් තබන ලදී.

වාර්ෂික මුරදානය පැවැත්වීම සඳහාත්  පෙහෙවත් සමාදන් වීම සඳහාත්  වන්දනාමාන කටයුතු කිරීම සඳහාත්  මෙම දිවයින පුරා ජීවත් වන ජනතාව අති විශාල වශයෙන් දිනපතා විහාරස්ථානයට පැමිණෙන බැවින් ඒ අයට නවාතැන් පහසුකම් සැලැස්වීමට ක්‍රියාමාර්ගයක් ලෙස මෙම ධර්මශාලා මන්දිරය ඉදි විය.එහි ප්‍රතිඵලයක් වශයෙන් අඩි 203ක් දිග අඩි 62ක් පළල සුවිශාල ධර්මශාලා මන්දිරයක් ගොඩනැඟීමට වර්ෂ 1987 ජනවාරි මස 13 වෙනි දින ඒ සඳහා මුල්ගල තැබූ අතර විවිධ ගැටලු මැද වුවද වසර තුනක් වැනි කෙටි කලක් තුළ තනා නිම කරන ලදී 1990-04-21 දින ශ්‍රී ලංකා ජනරජයේ විධායක ජනාධිපති වන ශ්‍රීමත් රණසිංහ ප්‍රේමදාස මැතිතුමා අතින් විවෟත විය.

ශ්‍රී ලංකාවේ එකම දෙමහල් සෑය

1993ක් වූ නොවැම්බර් මස 11 වෙනි දින මෙයට මුල්ගල තැබූ අතර 2003 ජූලි මස 06 වෙනි දින ශ්‍රී ලංකාවේ හිටපු අග්‍රාමාත්‍ය ගරු රනිල් වික්‍රමසිංහ මැතිතුමා අතින් මෙම බුදු රජ විහාර භූමියේ චෛත්‍ය රාජයාණන් වහන්සේ විවෘත කරන ලදී.මේ සුවිශාල චෛත්‍ය නිර්මාණය සිංහල රජ දවසේ සිට මේ දක්වා සබරගමු පළාත තුළ ඉදි වූ සුවිශාලම චෛත්‍ය වන අතර ශ්‍රී ලංකාව තුළ ඉදිවූ එකම දෙමහල් මහා සෑය බවට පත්වී ඇත මේ සෑ රදුන්ගේ ගර්භය දෙමහල්ය.පහත් බිම් මාලයේ සම්බුදු පියාණන් වහන්සේගේ දස පාරමිතා පුවත් නිර්මාණය කර ඇති අතර ජාතක කතා වස්තු රාශියක් නිර්මාණය කර ඇත.මෙහි උඩු මාලයේ මහා භද්‍රකල්පය තුළ ලොවට පහළ වී වදාළ කකුසඳ බුදුරජාණන් වහන්සේ,කෝනාගම බුදුරජාණන් වහන්සේ,ගෞතම බුදුරජාණන් වහන්සේ, යන සතර බුදුවරයින් වහන්සේලාගේ ප්‍රතිමා සතර ද සධාතුක ධාතු නිදන් කළ චෛත්‍යයද නිර්මාණය කර ඇත.මෙහි වැඩ නිම කිරීමට කෝටි දෙකක් පමණ වැය වී ඇති අතර මෙම දෙමහල් සෑය සිත්ගන්නා සුලු අංගයක් බවට "පුංචි දඔදිව" සිද්ධස්ථානය තුල පත් වී ඇත.

ජය ශ්‍රී බෝධීන් වහන්සේ

දඔදිව ඉන්දියාවේ මධ්‍ය දේශයේ වැඩ වසන උතුම් වූ විජ ශ්‍රී ජය ශ්‍රී මහා බෝධීන් වහන්සේගේ ආරක්ෂාව පිණිස රන් වැටක් හා උතුම් වූ වජ්‍රාසනයට ආවරණය පිණිස රන් වියනක්ද ශ්‍රී ලංකාවේ හිටපු ජනාධිපති ශ්‍රීමත් රණසිංහ ප්‍රේමදාස මැතිතුමා විසින් පූජා කරන ලදී.2003ක් වූ ඔක්තෝම්බර් මස 28 වෙනි දින දුර්වර්ණ වූ රන් වියන හා රන් වැට රත් ගඟ පුංචි දඔදිව මහා විහාරාධිපති අති පූජ්‍ය ගරු ගිලීමලේ චන්ද්‍රාලෝක මහා හිමියන් වහන්සේගේ මූලිකත්වයෙන් අලුත්වැඩියා කටයුතු සිදු කර උත්සවශ්‍රීයෙන් විවෘත කෙරිණි.මෙම පිංකම සිහිපත් වීම පිණිස යම්කිසි සිහිවටනයක් මෙන් පිංකම් සංවිධායක කමිටුව කරන ලද ඉල්ලීම අනුව බෝධිකාරක මණ්ඩලය මහා බෝධි සමාගම බිහාර් ප්‍රාන්ත රාජ්‍යය යන ආයතන  මඟින් ගත් තීරණය මත බෝධීන් වහන්සේගේ ශාඛාවක් ලබා දෙන ලදී.මෙම බෝධි අංකුරය ශ්‍රී ලංකාද්වීපයට වැඩමකොට යේ වඩා හිඳුවා රෝපණය කිරීමට සුදුසු බව එහි නිලධාරීන් විසින් තීරණය කිරීමෙන් අනතුරුව වර්ෂ 2006ක් වූ මාර්තු මස 27 වෙනි දින රෝපණය කරන ලදී.පසුව විශේෂිත වූ බෝධි මණ්ඩපයක් සාදා එහි බෝධීන් වහන්සේ රෝපණය කරන ලදී.මෙම බෝධි ශාඛා රෝපණය දේවානම්පියතිස්ස මහ රජු දවස සංඝමිත්තා තෙරණිය විසින් වැඩමවා අනුරාධපුර මහමෙව්නාවේ රෝපණය කරන ලද ශ්‍රී මහ බෝධි ශාඛාවෙන් පසු මෙරටට වැඩමවා පුංචි දඔදිව රෝපණය කරන ලද දෙවන බෝධි ශාඛා වහන්සේ ලෙස ඉතිහාසයට මතු දින එක්වනු ඇත.

පුංචි දඔදිව පුදබිමේ ඇති අනෙකුත් සිද්ධස්ථාන හා ඉදිරි කටයුතු

දඔදිව බුද්ධ භූමි මෙන්ම දඔදිව සතර සිද්ධස්ථාන වැඳ පුදා ගැනීම පිණිස බෞද්ධයන් තුළ ඇති අභිරුචිය ඉතා ඉහළ වුවද ඒ සඳහා වැය වන මුදල විශාල වන බැවින් එය අසීරු කටයුත්තකි. මෙම අඩුපාඩුව දුටු විහාරාධිපති පූජ්‍ය ගරු නායක ස්වාමීන්ද්‍රයන් වහන්සේ තබන ප්‍රථම පියවර වශයෙන් පිරිනිවන් මංචකය සෑදීමේ කටයුත්තට 2002.05.28 වෙනි දින මුල්ගල තබන ලදී. දඔදිව කුසිනාරා නුවර මල්ල රජ දරුවන්ගේ උපවර්තන සල් උයනේදී නිර්මිත පරිවාර විහාරයේදී අනුරූ ප්‍රතිමා වහන්සේ ලෝකයේ දෙවන වරට මෙම පුදබිමේ ඉදි විය. පසුව මෙම පිරිනිවන් මංචක ප්‍රතිමාවේ සිරස් ධාතූන් වහන්සේ නිදන් කිරීම සිදු වූ අතර මෙම පිරිනිවන් මංචක විහාරස්ථානය ඇති වීමෙන් පසු අසූ මහා ශ්‍රාවක බුද්ධ විහාරය, "පුංචි දඔදිව" නමින් භාවිතා කරන්නට විය.

එසේම මෙම විහාරස්ථානයට බුරුම දේශයෙන් වැඩම කරවන ලද බුද්ධ ප්‍රතිමා වහන්සේ වඩා හිඳුවීම පිණිස නව බුද්ධ මන්දිරයක් සාදවන ලදී. මෙම පින් බිමේ ප්‍රධාන විහාර මන්දිරයට ඉදිරියෙන් ශ්‍රී පාදස්ථානය, දිවාගුහා විහාරස්ථානය සහ මෙම ප්‍රදේශය ආරක්ෂා කොට රැකබලා ගැනීමේ කාර්යභාරය දරන දහසක් නයින් සෝවාන් ඵලයෙහි පිහිටුවා ශ්‍රීමත් සුමන් සමන් දෙවියන් වැඩ සිටින දේව මන්දිරය පිහිටා ඇත. දෙමහල් සෑ රදුන් වෙත පිවිසෙන ආරම්භක ස්ථානයේ ඉදිකර ඇති දොළොස්මහේ පහන් ගෙය මුළු පරිසරයම ආලෝකවත් කරමින් නොකඩවා නොනිමී දැල්වෙනු ඇත. මෙම දොළොස්මහේ පහන් ගෙය වටා සිසිල් ජලයෙන් පිරී පොකුණ සිත් ඇදගන්නා සුළුය.

මෙම පුණ්‍ය භූමිය වන්දනා කර ගැනීම සඳහා පැමිණෙන සංඝ රත්නය සඳහා නේවාසික පහසුව පිණිස සිව්මහල් සංඝාවාස ගොඩනැඟිල්ලක් තැනීම දැනට නිමවෙමින් පවතී. එසේම දඹදිව සතර සිද්ධස්ථාන ද ඉදිවෙමින් පවතී. පිරිනිවන් මංචක ප්‍රතිමා වහන්සේගේ අනුරූ ප්‍රතිමා වහන්සේ ඉදිකර අවසන් කර ඇත. බුදුන් වහන්සේගේ උත්පත්තිය සිදු වූ ලුම්බිණි විහාරය, බුද්ධත්වයට පත් වූ බුද්ධගයා විහාරය, මංගල ධර්ම දේශනා පැවැත්වූ දඔදිව මිගාදය ඉදිකිරීමේ කටයුතු දැනට නිමවෙමින් පවතී. ශ්‍රී ලාංකික බෞද්ධයන් වන අපට "පුංචි දඔදිව" පූජා භූමිය ඉතා වටිනා සිද්ධස්ථානයකි.

උපුටා ගැනීම්
"විස්කම් නිර්මාණයක වගතුග"
ගිලීමලේ නුගවෙල

පුංචි දඔදිව


Groupama Arena višenamjenski je stadion u Budimpešti, u Mađarskoj. Na njemu svoje domaće utakmice igraju Ferencvárosi TC i mađarska nogometna reprezentacija. S najvećim raspoloživim kapacitetom od 23.700 gledatelja drugi je najveći stadion u Mađarskoj, poslije stadiona Ferenca Puskása. Nalazi se na mjestu na kojem je do 2013. stajao stadion Alberta Flóriána.

Izvori

Vanjske poveznice

 Službene stranice

Mađarski nogometni stadioni
Športski objekti u Budimpešti

Groupama Arena