Laila Jane Harré (born 8 January 1966) is a New Zealand politician and trade unionist. She was the first leader of the Internet Party, and stood for Parliament in the 2014 general election through the Helensville electorate. From 1996 to 2002, she was a member of parliament for the Alliance party, briefly leading that party after the group experienced a schism in 2002.

Early life
Harré's father was a social anthropologist, and the family spent a part of her childhood (including some years of primary school) living in Fiji while he studied urbanisation there. Her mother was an actress. After returning to New Zealand, she attended secondary school in Auckland at Auckland Girls' Grammar, before gaining Bachelor of Arts and Bachelor of Laws degrees at the University of Auckland. At university she won the senior prizes for political studies and law and became an anti-nuclear activist.

Professional life
After finishing her degree she spent 10 weeks on the Nicaraguan-Honduran border with the "Harry Holland Coffee Picking Brigade" before spending a year working at the United Nations on disarmament issues and as a representative of the Women's International League for Peace and Freedom. She then worked for some time as a lawyer specialising in industrial relations and employment law, and developing close links to the trade-union movement.

1982–1996: Labour, NewLabour, and the Alliance
Harré joined the Labour Party in 1982, representing the youth wing on the party's New Zealand Council. She worked in the Beehive as an advisor to disarmament minister Fran Wilde. Throughout her seven-year membership of the party she was a critic of the policies advanced by Roger Douglas, who became Minister of Finance when Labour won the 1984 election. Douglas, an advocate of free-market economics, introduced a programme of radical reforms (often collectively labeled Rogernomics) which alienated many of Labour's traditional supporters, including Harré.

In 1989, Harré resigned from the Labour Party. She became a founding member of the NewLabour Party, an organisation started by dissident Labour MP Jim Anderton. NewLabour later joined with several other parties to form the Alliance. She stood for the Alliance nomination to contest the Tamaki by-election in 1992, but was unsuccessful. At the 1992 local-body elections she stood as a candidate for the newly created Auckland Regional Services Trust on the Alliance ticket. Harré was not elected, but polled the highest of unsuccessful candidates. The next year she stood as the Alliance candidate for the Te Atatū electorate in the 1993 election, but was again unsuccessful, coming runner-up to Labour's Chris Carter.

1996–2002: Member of Parliament

In the 1996 election, which took place under the new MMP electoral system, the Alliance ranked Harré in eighth place on its party list. The Alliance gained a sufficient number of votes for Harré to enter parliament.

After the 1999 election, the Alliance formed a coalition government with Labour (which had by then backed away from many of the policies introduced by Douglas). Harré became Minister for Women's Affairs and Minister of Youth Affairs and Associate Minister of Labour and Commerce. She later gained additional responsibilities as Minister of Statistics.

She led the parliamentary campaign for the introduction of paid parental leave from Opposition and as a Minister sponsored the legislation to introduce 12 weeks paid parental leave in 2002. Other causes championed by Harré included legislation protecting the interests of building industry sub-contractors, significant minimum-wage increases and the reduction of age discrimination in the minimum wage. She re-launched the pay-equity debate as Minister of Women's Affairs, and a campaign to increase annual leave from three weeks to four weeks.

In late 2001, however, the Alliance began to show signs of internal strain. In particular, some members of the party felt that it was losing its independent political identity and failing to differentiate itself from the Labour Party on issues such as free trade, tertiary-education funding and other core areas. The decision of Jim Anderton and a majority of Alliance MPs to back New Zealand's involvement in the US-led invasion of Afghanistan brought these tensions to a head, dividing the caucus and separating the parliamentary leadership from the majority in the non-parliamentary party organisation (led by Matt McCarten). Harré, however, aligned herself with the grass-roots party view, and became its de facto leader in parliament.

The collapse of the Alliance soon became inevitable, with Anderton and his supporters deciding to contest the 2002 election as a new party (the Progressives). Harré, considered to be the foremost of the MPs who remained behind, was chosen to lead what remained of the Alliance into its election campaign, aiming to at least retain a presence in parliament. Harré herself was seen as the party's best chance of keeping a parliamentary seat, having a relatively strong chance of winning the seat of Waitakere. In the election itself, however, Harré placed second, being defeated by Labour's Lynne Pillay.

The following year, Harré stepped down as leader of the Alliance, being replaced by Matt McCarten. Harré was still active in the Alliance afterwards and was elected to the party executive at its annual conference in 2003. At the 2004 party conference she chose not to re-contest a position within the Alliance stating that from then on the most pragmatic approach for the Alliance would be to instead support the Greens and Maori Party. She was not aligned to any other political party from 2004 to 2011, but in 2012 accepted a role as issues director of the Green Party.

2002–2014: Outside parliamentary politics

From 2002 to 2005, Harré led the industrial work of the New Zealand Nurses Organisation, including its successful pay-equity campaign for public-sector nurses. She served as General Secretary of the National Distribution Union from 2005 to 2009, after which she joined the Auckland Transition Agency.

Between 2010 and 2012 Harré worked for the International Labour Organization in Fiji. Subsequently, in 2012 she started work as the inaugural issues director of the Green Party, a position she resigned from in 2013. Harré quit the Green Party in protest to the way that the Greens had handled a rebuffed proposition by the Labour Party for conducting a joint electoral campaign.

Harré co-owns an Auckland restaurant, Ika, which pays a living wage to its staff.

2014: Internet Party leadership
On 29 May 2014, Harré was named as the first leader of New Zealand's Internet Party. Vikram Kumar, chief executive of the Internet Party, initially approached her in early 2014 about becoming the party's leader, but Harré declined. Kumar encouraged her to meet with Kim Dotcom, a meeting which led to Harré taking the project seriously, and subsequently accepting the offer. On announcing the decision, she stated that she got involved again in politics because she wanted to encourage young people to vote, and to re-connect disenfranchised people with the political system. The party allied with the Mana Party to contest the 2014 election as the Internet MANA Party. Harré had second place on the combined party's list.

Following the failure of Internet MANA to enter Parliament, Harré stood back from media view for several weeks before formally announcing she was stepping down as leader of the Internet Party, effective December 2014.

Since the election, Harré has been occasionally writing on New Zealand left-wing blog site The Daily Blog, and undertook a "pilgrimage" across New Zealand called Rethinking the System. In December 2016, Harré announced she had rejoined the Labour Party 27 years after she left to join NewLabour.

Personal life
Harré lives in Te Atatū Peninsula and is married to Barry Gribben. They met through the Labour Party and share an interest in an organic vineyard, a restaurant, and several properties. She also has two children.

Harré was diagnosed with breast cancer, and, because she has a family history of the disease, opted for a double mastectomy and breast reconstruction. She made a full recovery in 2012.

Harré has run several marathons, including the 2013 Boston Marathon, where she was only a few hundred metres away from the terrorist bombing that occurred near the finish line.

Laila Harré is a niece of philosopher and psychologist Rom Harré and the sister of psychologist and environmentalist Niki Harré.

References

External links

Laila Harré on LinkedIn

1966 births
Living people
Alliance (New Zealand political party) MPs
Internet Party (New Zealand) politicians
Members of the Cabinet of New Zealand
NewLabour Party (New Zealand) politicians
New Zealand Labour Party politicians
New Zealand left-wing activists
New Zealand list MPs
Leaders of political parties in New Zealand
New Zealand trade unionists
Women government ministers of New Zealand
Unsuccessful candidates in the 1993 New Zealand general election
Unsuccessful candidates in the 2002 New Zealand general election
Unsuccessful candidates in the 2014 New Zealand general election
Members of the New Zealand House of Representatives
21st-century New Zealand politicians
21st-century New Zealand women politicians
Women members of the New Zealand House of Representatives
People educated at Auckland Girls' Grammar School
Women's International League for Peace and Freedom people

Laila Harré


Gejl (dansk) eller Geel (tysk) er en bebyggelse beliggende nord for Sliens Store Bredning i det sydlige Angel i Sydslesvig. Administrativt hører bebyggelsen under Brodersby-Goltoft Kommune i Slesvig-Flensborg kreds i den nordtyske delstat Slesvig-Holsten. Gejl var en selvstændig kommune indtil den blev indlemmet i Brodersby kommune den 1. februar 1974 . I kirkelig henseende hører stedet under Brodersby Sogn. Sognet lå i Slis Herred (Gottorp Amt, Sønderjylland), da området tilhørte Danmark.

Gejl er første gang nævnt 1383. Navnet bruges i jyske dialekter for gyvel. Da denne plante er meget almindelig især på Sønderjyllands sandede landryg er det ikke underlig, at den har givet stedet navn. Stedanvnet kan også henføres til gl.da. gæld (ufrugtbar) med hensyn til for få fiske i Sliens fiskgrunde, måske som gammelt navn på nuværende Gejl Bæk, måske oprindelig en sammensætning af gel- og -holte. Med under Gejl regnes Bregnerød el. Bregnrød (Brekenrude), Gejlbyskov (Geelbyholz), Risbo (Riesbör) og Rojum (på ældre dansk også Røjem og Rødum, på tysk Royum) med Rojumskov.

Vest for landsbyen løber den omtrent 4 km lange Gejlbæk hen mod Slien. Gejl Bæk har sit udspring ved Broholm Skov.

Noter

Angel
Slien

Gejl (Brodersby)


MOV se poate referi la:
 Mov (culoare)
 MOV (instrucțiune x86), folosită pentru copierea datelor dintr-o locație în alta în limbajul de asamblare x86.
 .mov, extensie de fișier pentru formatul multimedia QuickTime
 Indicele bursier al Movado
 MOV (canal TV), canal portughez de televiziune deținut de ZON Multimédia
 MOV (album), un album din 1999 al formației de R&B Men of Vizion

Acronime de trei litere

MOV


Tron: The Ghost in the Machine fue una serie de seis números del cómic limitada producido por Slave Labor Graphics. Se continuó con la línea argumental de la película Tron y el videojuego Tron 2.0.

Notas de producción
En 2005, Slave Labor Graphics anunció su cómic, Tron: The Ghost in the Machine, una serie de seis números que representa las aventuras de Jet Bradley y su programa. El libro tuvo un calendario de publicación irregular, que abarca desde abril del año 2006 a septiembre de 2008. A la final fue lanzado en julio de 2009. El cómic fue escrito por Landry Walker y Eric Jones, con el arte en los dos primeros números de Louie De Martinis. El artista en el resto de la serie fue Mike Shoyket.

Argumento
La historia gira en torno a un programa que cree ser un usuario llamado Jet Bradley, hijo de Alan Bradley, original programador de Tron. Esta versión de Jet es una copia de seguridad del real Jet Bradley, quien exploró el universo digital en Tron 2.0. Él se ha dividido en tres aspectos distintos, representados por el color (rojo, azul y verde), todos en guerra unos con otros. Finalmente, los programas de fractura de Jet regresan a un solo ser, aunque se vuelve de color blanco. El programa se encuentra cara a cara con su usuario y le da una oportunidad utilizando el código integrado en su disco de identidad como una clave de ser transferidos al mundo real. Pero hay un problema, la presencia del programa de Jet es lo único que mantiene el universo digital estable y su salida podría significar la "muerte" de toda la Red en la computadora. Se libera el código de su disco y restaura el mundo digital, y acepta su vida como un programa de computadora.

Cronología del universo Tron
 Tron (1982)
 Tron 2.0 (2003)
 Tron: The Ghost in the Machine
 Tron: Betrayal (1983/1989)
 Tron: Uprising (1989/1990)
 Tron: Evolution (2010)
 Tron Legacy (2010)

Historieta de ciencia ficción de Estados Unidos
Tron (franquicia)

Tron: The Ghost in the Machine


TightVNC is a free and open-source remote desktop software server and client application for Linux and Windows. A server for macOS is available under a commercial source code license only, without SDK or binary version provided. Constantin Kaplinsky developed TightVNC, using and extending the RFB protocol of Virtual Network Computing (VNC) to allow end-users to control another computer's screen remotely.

Encodings
TightVNC uses so-called "tight encoding" of areas, which improves performance over low bandwidth connection. It is effectively a combination of the JPEG and zlib compression mechanisms. It is possible to watch videos and play DirectX games through TightVNC over a broadband connection, albeit at a low frame rate.

TightVNC includes many other common features of VNC derivatives, such as file transfer capability.

Compatibility
TightVNC is cross-compatible with other client and server implementations of VNC; however, tight encoding is not supported by most other implementations, so it is necessary to use TightVNC at both ends to gain the full advantage of its enhancements.

Among notable enhancements are file transfers, support for the DemoForge DFMirage mirror driver (a type of virtual display driver) to detect screen updates (saves CPU time and increases the performance of TightVNC), ability to zoom the picture and automatic SSH tunneling on Unix.

Since the 2.0 beta, TightVNC supports auto scaling, which resizes the viewer window to the remote users desktop size, regardless of the resolution of the host computer.

TightVNC 1.3.10, released in March 2009, is the last version to support Linux/Unix. This version is still often used in guides to set up VNC for Linux.

Derived software

RemoteVNC
RemoteVNC is a fork of the TightVNC project and adds automatic traversal of NAT and firewalls using Jingle. It requires a GMail account.

TightVNC Portable Edition
The developers have also produced a portable version of the software, available as both U3 and standalone downloads.

TurboVNC
TurboVNC is based on the TightVNC 1.3.x, xf4vnc, X.org, and TigerVNC code bases and includes numerous performance enhancements and features targeted at 3D and video workloads.

TigerVNC
TigerVNC is VNC server and client software, started as a fork of TightVNC in 2009, after three years of inactivity in TightVNC trunk. It also takes some code from TurboVNC.

See also

 Comparison of remote desktop software
 RFB protocol

References

External links

Cross-platform software
Free network-related software
Free software programmed in C
Free software programmed in C++
Free software programmed in Java (programming language)
Portable software
Remote desktop
Remote desktop software for Linux
Virtual Network Computing

TightVNC


බිත්ති හතර යනු 1982 වර්ෂයේ ශ්‍රී ලංකාවේ තිරගත වූ, පරාක්‍රම ද සිල්වා මහතා විසින් අධ්‍යක්ෂණය කරන ලද සිංහල චිත්‍රපටයකි. සුගතපාල ද සිල්වා විසින් රචිත බිත්ති හතර කථාව ඇසුරින් චිත්‍රපටය නිමවා ඇත.

රංගන ශිල්පීන්

මේවාද බලන්න
ශ්‍රී ලංකීය සිනමාව

චිත්‍රපට - ශ්‍රී ලංකා
1982 චිත්‍රපට

බිත්ති හතර (චිත්‍රපටිය)


Instrumentele de navigație sunt instrumente utilizate de navigatori nautici și piloți de nave aeriene  și spațiale ca instrumente ale lor de lucru. Scopul acestora în navigație este de a stabili poziția de moment și pentru a determina viteza, direcția navigației, etc. pentru a ajunge într-un  port, aeroport sau la punctul de destinație.

Instrumente de navigație

Instrument de navigație


Tyler/Vernon station is a DART Light Rail station in Dallas, Texas. It is located at Tyler Street and Vernon Avenue in the Oak Cliff neighborhood. It opened on June 14, 1996 and is a station on the , serving the nearby residential and commercial areas.

Originally there was no DART parking lot at this station (making it one of the few stations with no parking facilities) but a small pay parking lot, nestled between houses in the mainly residential area, was adjacent to the station.  However, this small lot is now part of the station facility and no longer charges for parking.

References

External links
 DART - Tyler/Vernon Station

Dallas Area Rapid Transit light rail stations in Dallas
Railway stations in the United States opened in 1996
1996 establishments in Texas
Railway stations in Dallas County, Texas

Tyler/Vernon station


L'Âge de Glace : Les Aventures de Buck Wild ou L'Ère de glace : Les Aventures de Buck Wild au Québec (The Ice Age Adventures of Buck Wild) est un film d'animation américain réalisé par John C. Donkin et sorti en 2022. Le scénario est coécrit par Jim Hecht, William Schifrin et Ray DeLaurentis, sur une histoire de Jim Hecht.

Il s'agit d'un spin-off de la saga L'Âge de Glace centré sur le personnage de Buck Wild. Il est sorti en tant que film original Disney+ le .

Synopsis
Avides d'indépendance et toujours en quête de sensations fortes, les frères opossums Eddie et Crash décident de chercher un habitat rien qu'à eux, mais vont rapidement se retrouver piégés sous la glace, dans une immense grotte souterraine habitée par des dinosaures. Secourus par leur ami Buck Wild, une belette borgne excentrique, ils vont, ensemble et avec l'aide de nouveaux amis, se lancer dans une mission pour sauver le monde perdu de la domination des dinosaures.

Fiche technique
 Titre original : The Ice Age Adventures of Buck Wild
 Titre français : L'Âge de glace : Les Aventures de Buck Wild
 Titre québécois : L'Ère de glace : Les Aventures de Buck Wild
 Réalisation : John C. Donkin
 Scénario : Jim Hecht, William Schifrin et Ray DeLaurentis
 Musique : Batu Sener
 Production : Denise L. Rottina
 Sociétés de production : Walt Disney Pictures
 Pays de production :
 Langue originale : anglais
 Genre : animation
 Durée : 82 minutes
 Dates de sortie :  sur Disney+

Distribution
 Simon Pegg  : Buck Wild
 Vincent Tong  : Crash
 Aaron Harris  : Eddie
 Utkarsh Ambudkar  : Orson
 Justina Machado  : Zee
 Ray Romano  : Manny
 John Leguizamo  : Sid
 Denis Leary  : Diego
 Queen Latifah  : Ellie

 Version française
 Studio de doublage : Dubbing Brothers
 Direction artistique : Barbara Tissier
 Adaptation : Cynthia Perin

Production
En , interrogé sur la possibilité d'un sixième film potentiel, le co-réalisateur de L'Âge de glace : Les Lois de l'Univers, Galen Tan Chu, a déclaré qu'il y avait des idées pour le prochain épisode.  En , Stacey Snider, PDG de 20th Century Fox, a annoncé le développement d'une série télévisée centrée sur le personnage de Buck avec Blue Sky Studios.  La série mettrait en vedette Crash et Eddie doublés par Sean William Scott et Josh Peck. Le , sept mois après l'acquisition de 21st Century Fox par Disney, le projet a été confirmé comme étant toujours en développement pour Disney+. À la suite d'un conflit de marque, Scrat est absent dans ce spin-off, pourtant premier personnage de la saga L'Âge de glace.

En , il a été confirmé que le projet avait été redéveloppé en un film intitulé L'Âge de glace : Les Aventures de Buck Wild, centré sur Buck partant à l'aventure dans le monde des dinosaures avec Crash et Eddie. Simon Pegg aurait repris son rôle de Buck. Cependant, Seann William Scott et Josh Peck, qui ont doublé Crash et Eddie dans les films précédents, ne sont pas revenus, et Vincent Tong et Aaron Harris ont été choisis pour les remplacer.

Blue Sky a été fermé le  et par conséquent, bon nombre de leurs projets à venir ont été annulés. Malgré cela, la production sur L'Âge de glace : Les Aventures de Buck Wild s'est poursuivie. Le , le réalisateur John C.Donkin et la productrice exécutive Lori Forte ont déclaré que Blue Sky n'avait jamais été impliqué dans le film.

Contrairement aux précédents films de la saga L'Âge de glace sortis par 20th Century Fox et produits par 20th Century Fox Animation et Blue Sky, le film a été produit par Walt Disney Pictures, l'animation étant sous-traitée à Bardel Entertainment à Vancouver. Bardel avait déjà collaboré avec Disney et 20th Century Animation sur Le Journal d'un dégonflé (2021).

Notes et références

Notes

Références

Liens externes

Film américain sorti en 2022
Film d'animation américain
Comédie américaine
Comédie familiale
Film L'Âge de glace
Suite de film américain


Die ältere Schwester (französisch: La Soeur aînée, englisch: The Elder Sister) ist ein Gemälde des französischen Malers William Adolphe Bouguereau (1825–1905). Es wurde im Jahre 1869 abgeschlossen.

Dieses Gemälde erhielt das Museum of Fine Arts, Houston im Jahre 1992 als anonymes Geschenk. Nach Angaben der Museums-Website war das Gemälde eine Gabe einer anonymen Dame, in Erinnerung an ihren Vater. Seitdem gehört Die ältere Schwester zur permanenten Sammlung des Museum of Fine Arts, Houston (im Bereich "Europäische Kunst"), und es wird als einer der Höhepunkte der Sammlung betrachtet.

Das Gemälde zeigt ein Mädchen ("die ältere Schwester"). Sie sitzt auf einem Stein und hält ein schlafendes Kind ("den jüngeren Bruder") auf dem Schoß. Hinter ihnen befindet sich eine ruhige ländliche Landschaft. Für diese Szene dienten Bouguereaus Tochter Henriette und Sohn Paul als Modelle. Die wunderbare Schönheit des Mädchens, ihre Augen, die direkt den Betrachter anblicken, die Komposition einschließlich der Positionierung der Arme und Beine der Kinder – all dies zeigt den akademischen Malstil Bouguereaus, der als einer der bekanntesten europäischen realistischen Genre-Maler seiner Zeit angesehen wurde.

Die Abmessungen des Gemäldes sind 130,2 × 97,2 cm, und der Rahmen hat 171,5 × 139,7 × 14 cm.

Es gibt ein anderes Gemälde Bouguereaus (vollendet 1864), das ebenfalls Die ältere Schwester genannt wurde. Es gehört zur permanenten Sammlung des Brooklyn Museum.

Einzelnachweise

Weblinks
 The Elder Sister, 1869, William Bouguereau, Google Art Project, www.googleartproject.com

Gemälde (19. Jahrhundert)
Museum of Fine Arts, Houston
Frauenporträt
Kind (Bildende Kunst)

Die ältere Schwester


Le monument d'Həzi Aslanov, le seul azerbaïdjanais devenu deux fois héros de l'Union soviétique,  est situé à Bakou.

Histoire
La cérémonie d'ouverture du monument a eu lieu en 1949. Le sculpteur du monument était Fuad Abdurahmanov, artiste du peuple azerbaïdjanais.

En 2012, le monument a été entièrement rénové.

Voir aussi
Monument d'Huseyn Djavid

Notes et références

Culture à Bakou

Monument d'Həzi Aslanov


ARP 2600, bir yarı modüler Analog eksiltici synthesizer. 1970 ile 1980 yılları arasında sadece 3000 adet üretilmiştir. ARP ismini, üretici şirketin kurucusu Alan R. Pearlman'dan almıştır.

Kullanan sanatçılardan bazıları: Brian Eno, Klaus Schulze, Jean Ven Robert Hal, Herbie Hancock, Depeche Mode, Jean Michel Jarre, Barış Manço, Tangerine Dream, Kraftwerk.

Elektronik müzik aletleri
Analog synthesizerlar

ARP 2600


Hereke halısı Türkiye'de Kocaeli'ne bağlı bir kıyı şehri olan Hereke'de üretilen halıdır. Çift düğüm tekniği kullanılması ve el yapımı olması onu diğer halılardan farklı kılar. Yapımı yıllar sürebilmektedir. Birinci sınıf İpek kullanılarak örülen halılar saraylarda dekorasyon olarak kullanıldı.

Ham madde olarak ipek, yün ve pamuk kullanılır. Osmanlı sanayisinin ilk modern fabrikalarından biri olarak kabul edilen Hereke Fabrika-i Humayunu adlı  halı fabrikasının üretime girmesi ile Hereke halıları tüm dünyada  tanınan bir marka haline gelmiştir.

Tarihçe

Hereke Halı ve Dokuma Fabrikası
Hereke Fabrikası, Ohannes ve Bogos Dadyan kardeşler tarafından 1842-1844 yıllarında kuruldu ve 1845 yılında ülkenin ilk özel dokuma fabrikası olarak faaliyete geçti. Faaliyete geçtiği 1845 yılında fabrikanın yönetimi ve mülkiyeti Osmanlı Devleti'ne devredildi. Başlangıçta bez ve ipekli kumaş üretiminin planlandığı fabrikada, Avrupa ülkelerinden ithal edilen makinelerle beraber üretim alanı genişledi. 1891 yılında 100 halı tezgâhı bulunan yeni bir bölüm açıldı ve halı üretimine geçildi. 1905'ten itibaran ise ürün çeşitliliği artırıldı ve fes, perde, fanila gibi birçok alanda üretime geçildi. Fabrika ürünlerindeki kalitenin piyasada kabul görmesi sonucu 1846'da Hereke markası tescil ettirilerek koruma altına alındı. 1850 yılında ise fabrikanın adı "Hereke Fabrika-i Humayun" olarak değiştirildi.

Sultan Abdülmecid'in Dolmabahçe Sarayı'nı dünyanın en iyi halılarıyla döşeme fikri üzerine, 1891 yılında halı üretimine geçildi. Dolmabahçe Sarayı'nın bahçesinde "Hereke Dokumahanesi" adında bir halı dokuma atölyesi açıldı ve Hereke'deki bu fabrikadan halı dokuma ustaları getirildi. Dolmabahçe Sarayı'nda bulunan Hereke halıları bu atölyede ve Hereke'deki fabrikada dokunan halılardır. Bu halılar sadece saray için dokunmuş, bu desen ve halıların başka bir yerde kullanımı yasaklanmıştır.

Beylerbeyi Sarayı'nda bulunan geniş boyutlu halılar, koltuk ve perde yapımında kullanılan kumaşlar yine bu fabrikada dokundu. Çırağan Sarayı'nda on üç oda ve bir sofa Hereke kumaş ve halılarıyla döşendi.

1894 Yılında Hereke'yi ziyaret eden Almanya İmparatoru Kaiser Wilhelm II beraberinde getirdiği kimyasal boyalar ile halıların dokumasında kullanılan teknolojinin gelişmesine katkıda bulunmuştur. O dönemde Kaizer'in konakladığı köşk halen müze olarak korunmaktadır.

Türkiye'de 1923 yılında Cumhuriyet kurulmasının ardından lüks halı üretimi savurganlık olarak görüldü ve 1950'li yıllara kadar bu düşünce ile Hereke halısı üretimi ihmal edildi. 1950'li yıllarda usta dokumacıların katkılarıyla Hereke halı dokumacılığı bir sanat kolu olarak tekrar değer kazandı. Tamamı el dokuması olan halılar günümüzde işçiliği ve sanat değeriyle kabul görmektedir.

Fabrika, Cumhuriyetin kurulmasının ardından 1925'te Maliye Bakanlığı'na, 1933 yılında Sümerbank'a devredildi. 1995 yılında Sümerbank'ın özelleştirilme çalışmaları sırasında TBMM Milli Saraylar Dairesi Başkanlığı'na devredildi. Fabrika, hâlen TBMM Millî Saraylar'a bağlı olarak müze-fabrika şeklinde halı ve kumaş üretimine devam etmektedir.

Rekorlar ve Ödüller
Bu fabrikada dokunan halılar çeşitli ödüller kazanmıştır :
 1910 Brüksel
 1911 Torino
 1894 Lyon

Bu fabrika da dokunan halılar çeşitli krallık ve hükûmetlere hediye olarak gönderilmiştir: Japonya, Rusya, Almanya, İngiltere ve ABD.

Dünyanın en ince halısı rekorunu elinde bulunduran halı, Hereke'de Nuriye Kıvanç tarafından 5 senede dokunan ipekten halıdır. Santimetrekaresinde 1024 ilmik bulunmaktadır. Halı, çeşitli sergilerle dünyanın birçok yerinde gösterilmiştir.

Günümüzde Hereke halısı
Hereke halısı pamuk iplik üzerine yün ve ipek üzerine ipek olarak iki türlü dokunur. Yün halıların dm²'sinde 3600 ilmek bulunur. Kalitesi 60x60 olarak adlandırılır. İpek halılarda ise dm²'de 10.000 ilmek olur. Kalitesi 100x100 olarak adlandırılır. Her ne kadar daha sık dokunmuş halılar da olsa gerçek Hereke halılarının standartları budur. Hav yükseklikleri ise ipek halılarda 1,5-2,0 mm yün halılarda ise 4,0-5,0 mm arasındadır. Hereke halıları sık dokunduğu için desenler oldukça ayrıntılıdır. Hereke halıları patentler ile coğrafi olarak tescillidir. Hereke halıları Türk düğümü (çift düğüm veya Gördes düğümü olarak adlandırılır) ile dokunduğu için İran halılarına göre (tek düğümlü veya sini düğüm) çok daha fazla dayanıklıdır. Hereke halıları ilk dokunduğu dönemler de dahil bugüne kadar İran halı desenlerinden hiç etkilenmemiş saray nakkaşlarının özgün tasarımları ile hayat bulmuştur. Ne yazık ki günümüzde kullanılan yün kalitesi geçmişteki halılarda kullanılan yün kalitesine göre oldukça düşüktür. Bunun nedeni kullanılan yünler eskiden tamamen canlı hayvan yünü iken günümüzde kesilmiş hayvan yünleri kullanılmakta, ayrıca boya kalitesi ve kırkım mevsimlerine uyulmaması ile kullanılan yünler eskilere göre daha mat renge sahip olmaktadır. Fakat günümüzde özellikle Sümerhalı'nın ürettiği yünlere, yapağı boyanmadan önce özel bir apre ile güve yemez özelliği verilir. Boya daha sonra yapılır. Bu halının dayanıklılığını ve kalitesini arttırır. Bunun haricinde, Isparta yöresi, Sivas (Sivas Cezaevi halısı da hereke halısıdır) ve Diyarbakır'da dokunur. Bu tezgâhlarda dokunan halılar Isparta Sümer halı fabrikasında özel hav makinelerinde uygun yükseklikte kırkılır, yıkanır, arka yüzleri alevle fazla uzunluklardan temizlenir ve kalitelerine göre sınıflandırılır ve piyasaya verilir. Hereke halısı alırken arka yüzünde atkı ve çözgüden yün fışkırmamış olmasına, desenin kaymamış olmasına dikkat edilmelidir. Ayrıca hav yüksekliği de kesim şekli de kaliteyi etkiler. Bu halının en çok bilinen ve klasik olmuş olan deseni "Yedi Dağın Çiçeği" dir. Fakat bununla beraber burucie ve polonez gibi çok güzel desenleri de vardır. Hereke halısını İran halılarıyla kıyaslarsak ancak binlerce dolarlık Bidjar halısı hereke kadar olmasa bile emsali sayılabilir. Fakat dokuma şekli, desen ve renk çeşitliği ve sert bir halı olması Hereke halısını her zaman öne çıkarır.

Kaynakça

Dış bağlantılar
The Ottomans

Cami Halısı

Halı
Halı
Kocaeli tarihi
Halıcılık

Hereke halısı


Christian Ludvig August Herforth (født 22. marts 1818 i København, død 23. april 1892 sammesteds) var en dansk overretsprokurator, kaptajn, politiker og kreditforeningsdirektør.

Ungdom
Herforth var søn af bogholder og direktør for Københavns Fattigvæsen Hans Henrich Herforth og Sophie f. Hjelm. Han voksede op i en gammel, velstillet handelsfamilie, alle hans brødre blev grosserere og varemæglerer, men Herforth valgte juraens vej. Han blev student ved privat dimission i 1837 og tog i 1844 juridsk embedseksamen.  I 1847 blev han prøveprokurator og siden i 1849 beskikket overretsprokurator i København. Han opbyggede snart en betydelig praksis som sagfører på Amagertorv, især for forretningsverdenen, men indtog også på andre områder en vigtig stilling. Som ung var han eksempelvis en dygtig militærmand og blev kaptajn i Kongens Livkorps. Også i den politiske verden gjorde han sig gældende, da han i 1865 blev valgt ind i Borgerrepræsentationen, hvor han havde stor indflydese indtil sin fratræden i 1884.

Kreditforeningsdirektøren
Herforth var endvidere direktør i Kjøbenhavns Brandforsikring, men hans største og mest betydningsfulde beskæftigelse var hans ledende stilling i  Østifternes Kreditforening. Han blev direktør for foreningen i 1865 og var formand i direktionen fra 1872 til sin død. Herforth sikrede Østifternes Kreditforening pladsen som landets førende og mest ansete pengeinstitut.

Herforths konservative natur, der var rodfæstet i hans opvækst, skabte i de senere år en del konflikter mellem ham selv og sine reformvenlige medarbejdere. Dette medførte, at han i 1887 fratrådte sin ledende stilling til fordel for en ny direktion. Da konflikterne viste sig endnu voldsommere mellem den nye direktion og repræsentantskabet, vendte han imidlertid hurtigt tilbage, men han indlod sig aldrig på reformbestræbelserne, der særlig var rettet mod en konvertering af foreningens obligationer, og som i høj grad var støttet af forholdene på pengemarkedet. Denne vedvarende modstand gjorde Herforths sidste år vanskelige og udmattende. Han døde den 23. april 1892 og ligger begravet på Assistens Kirkegård. Han blev Ridder af Dannebrog i 1880 og Dannebrogsmand i 1887.

Familie
Herforth giftede sig i 1849 med  Johanne Christiane f. Rée, datter af grosserer Herman Rée. De fik ni voksne børn, deriblandt kreditforeningsdirektør Carl Herforth, som siden overtog hans sagførervirksomhed, overretssagfører Christian Hjelm Herforth, som døde tidligt og efterlod sønnen overretssagfører Hans Hjelm Herforth, grossererne Herman Herforth og Joseph Herforth samt isenkræmmer Poul Herforth, hvis datter giftede sig med grosserer Emil C. Hertz. Deres døtre giftede sig henholdsvis med direktør Carl Gammeltoft, grosserer Arnold Gamél og fabrikant Johan Nyebølle, hvis datter giftede sig med jurist Henry Ussing.

Kilder
 A. Leigh-Smith, "Christian Ludvig August Herforth", i: C.F. Bricka (red.), Dansk Biografisk Lexikon, København: Gyldendal 1887-1905.
 Illustreret Tidende, 8. maj 1892.

Eksterne henvisninger

Kreditforeningsdirektører fra Danmark
Medlemmer af Københavns Borgerrepræsentation i 1800-tallet
Personer fra København
Riddere af Dannebrog
Jurister fra Danmark
Personer i Dansk Biografisk Leksikon
Christian

Christian Herforth


Media Lens is a British media analysis website established in 2001 by David Cromwell and David Edwards. Cromwell and Edwards are the site's editors and only regular contributors. Their aim is to scrutinise and question the mainstream media's coverage of significant events and issues and to draw attention to what they consider "the systemic failure of the corporate media to report the world honestly and accurately".

Media Lens is financed by donations from website visitors. The editors issue regular "Media Alerts" concentrating on mainstream media outlets such as the BBC and Channel 4 News which are legally obliged to be impartial or on outlets such as The Guardian and The Independent which are usually considered left-leaning.  The site's editors frequently draw attention to what they see as the limits within which the mainstream media operates, and provide "a riveting exposé of the myth of liberal media based on a variety of empirical case studies", according to Graham Murdock and Michael Pickering.

Media Lens is admired by John Pilger, who has called the website "remarkable" and described the writers as "the cyber guardians of honest journalism". Other journalists, in particular Peter Oborne, have also made positive comments about the group, although it has come into conflict with other journalists. The Observers foreign editor Peter Beaumont asserted that the group ran a "campaign" against John Sloboda and the Iraq Body Count for underestimating the number of deaths in Iraq. George Monbiot wrote that Media Lens was "belittling the acts of genocide" in their defence of Edward S. Herman, who had questioned the  number of deaths in the Srebrenica massacre.

Foundation and influences

By the late 1990s, David Edwards had concluded that there was a "media suppression of the truth about the effect of the sanctions" against Iraq, and an indifference to climate change: "the media were still celebrating the idea that Britain might soon be blessed with a Mediterranean climate". Another motivation came from interviewing Denis Halliday, former head of the UN's humanitarian aid program, after concluding its actions in Iraq were "genocidal".

Meanwhile, David Cromwell had found coverage of certain issues to be "paltry", and had gained a negligible response from the newspapers to which he had written. The two men first met in 1999, and Edwards suggested beginning a collaborative website.

Central to Media Lens analysis is the Propaganda model, first developed by Edward Herman and Noam Chomsky, in their book Manufacturing Consent (1988). The theory posits that the way in which news media is structured (through advertising, media ownership, government sourcing and others) creates an inherent conflict of interest which leads to systemic bias and propaganda for undemocratic forces. Edwards has also cited Erich Fromm, who thought "a society that subordinates people and planet to profit is inherently insane and toxic", and his practice of Buddhism as influences.

Media Lens has expressed admiration for Australian born journalist John Pilger on several occasions. Around 2006, Media Lens said The Guardian would not publish Pilger "because he's honest about the media" and "draws attention to the vital role of the entire liberal media establishment in crimes against humanity. So he is persona non grata". In a 2007 interview, Media Lens said Pilger was a "huge inspiration" and, while discussing his work in the mainstream media, stated that "on the one hand, his work has a tremendous effect in enlightening a lot of people. On the other hand, his work is used to strengthen the propaganda system's false claims of honesty and openness".

Writing in Z Communications in May 2014, Elliot Murphy said that Media Lens pay careful attention to the writings of George Orwell, "noting the prevalence of clichés which should arouse suspicion in any reader of the press or listener of parliamentary debates. These include 'at a time when', 'demands difficult choices', 'pivotal moment', 'towards', 'inextricably linked', 'courage', 'human being', 'some people say that', 'left of centre', and 'history tells us'. Cromwell and Edwards observe that 'it is not important to make sense in the media; it is important only to be able to bandy the jargon of media discourse in a way that suggests in-depth knowledge: Iran-Contra, IMF, G8, the "roadmap to peace", "UN resolution 1441", and so on' ".

Activities and main arguments
In 2001, Media Lens began issuing regular online Media Alerts, scrutinising media coverage, the arguments used, source selection, and the framing of events to highlight bias, omissions and direct lies. The media alerts are distributed without charge by email to an international readership. According to Media Lens, the readership was around 14,000 people in 2009. Funding is through reader subscriptions and donations.

The editors engage in email and Twitter exchanges with British journalists and editors. They also invite their readers to challenge journalists, editors and programme producers directly via email, specifically discouraging abusive contact.

According to Cromwell and Edwards, journalists in the mainstream media articulate an "'official' version of events ... as Truth. The testimony of critical observers and participants" and "especially those on the receiving end of Western firepower – are routinely marginalised, ignored and even ridiculed". The editors "reject all conspiracy theories. Instead, we point to the inevitably corrupting effects of 'market forces' operating on, and through, media corporations seeking profit in a society dominated by corporate power ... Media employees are part of a corporate system that, unsurprisingly, selects for servility to the needs and goals of corporate power". They believe that mainstream journalists gradually absorb an unquestioning corporate mindset as their careers progress, becoming unwilling to question their occupations or governments claims, but not consciously lying. They also say that the limitations of the corporate media are not unexpected as "[w]e did not expect the Soviet Communist Party's newspaper Pravda to tell the truth about the Communist Party, why should we expect the corporate press to tell the truth about corporate power?"

In Cromwell and Edwards' opinion, western government actions have followed an "historical pattern of deception" going back several centuries, and "the corporate media is the source of some of the greatest, most lethal illusions of our age". Edwards wrote that, because of these corporate distortions, "we believe, society is not told the truth about the appalling consequences of corporate greed for poor people in the Third World, and for the environment".

According to Cromwell and Edwards, the centre-left wing of the mainstream media are gatekeepers "of acceptable debate from a left or Green perspective, 'thus far and no further'" and that dissenting views have difficulty gaining attention in a corporate system. They have contrasted positive comments the mainstream media make about western leaders, with the epithets used to describe politicians such as Hugo Chávez, Venezuela's former President.

In 2013, Media Lens described the corporate media as "an extremist fringe" from which progressives should completely dissociate themselves.

In May 2011, and more extensively in January 2015, Media Lens advocated "a collective of high-profile writers and journalists willing to detach themselves from corporate and state media, and to place themselves entirely at the mercy of the public" with their output freely available "from a single media outlet" and financed by donations. "The support would be vast, if the initiative was posited as an alternative to the biocidal, corruption-drenched corporate media", they said in an interview with The Colossus website in January 2016.

Cromwell wrote in 2016 that, to find coverage of the Yemeni Civil War, "[n]ot unusually, one has to go to media such as" the Russian television network RT and the Iranian news network Press TV, which are "so often bitterly denigrated as 'propaganda' operations by corporate journalists".

Reception
In December 2002, eighteen months after the site's creation, Australian journalist John Pilger described Media Lens as "becoming indispensable". In a New Internationalist interview in 2010, Pilger said Media Lens "has broken new ground with the first informed and literate analysis and criticism of the liberal media". Regarding their work on the invasion and occupation of Iraq and Afghanistan, he wrote that "Without [Media Lens'] meticulous and humane analysis, the full gravity of the debacles of Iraq and Afghanistan might have been consigned to bad journalism's first draft of bad history". In a 2007 article about them, John Pilger mentioned their first collaborative book, Guardians of Power (2006), and wrote that "not a single national newspaper reviewed the most important book about journalism I can remember", including the left-wing Morning Star. The Morning Star did review their second book, Newspeak In The 21st Century, in 2009.

Peter Barron, former editor of the BBC's Newsnight commented in 2005: "In fact I rather like them. David Cromwell and David Edwards, who run the site, are unfailingly polite, their points are well-argued and sometimes they're plain right."

In June 2006, Peter Beaumont wrote in The Observer that Media Lens "insist that the only acceptable version of the truth is theirs alone and that everybody else should march to the same step", and described them as "controlling Politburo lefties". He likened the group's email campaigns to "a train spotters' club run by Uncle Joe Stalin". Media Lens responded that "Beaumont was unwilling to challenge even one of the thousands of arguments and facts published in 2,000 pages of Media Alerts and in our book Guardians Of Power – so, instead, our 'nastiness' was the focus of attention".

The journalist Peter Wilby, wrote in January 2006 that "their basic critique is correct" and he occasionally commissioned Cromwell and Edwards while he was editor of the New Statesman. He also wrote that "the Davids are virtually unknown; as leftist critics, they are marginalised." Writing in The Guardian in July 2008, Wilby described Media Lens as "formidably researched. It avoids easy targets, such as the Mail and Sun, and criticises the Guardian, Independent, Times and Telegraph, arguing the "liberal media" isn't as liberal as it thinks it is. Edwards and Cromwell might be described as early examples of citizen journalists".

In his 2007 book The Triumph of the Political Class, journalist Peter Oborne wrote that while researching media coverage of the Iraq war, he had found the site "extremely useful". Media Lens are "often unfair but sometimes highly perceptive".

On 2 December 2007, Edwards and Cromwell were awarded the Gandhi International Peace Award. The award was presented by Denis Halliday, the former United Nations Humanitarian Co-ordinator in Iraq, and himself a recipient of the award in 2003.

Oliver Boyd-Barrett, an academic specialising in Communications Studies, said in 2010 that Media Lens possess a "relentless commitment" to assessing the media "on criteria of rationality and humanity, for what they write and fail to write, and doing so in a tone that is determinedly polite and respectful, even when the content is highly critical".

In February 2011, John Rentoul wrote about his interactions with what he called Media Lens "adherents". He said an email exchange,"may continue until journalist is too busy to reply or until the snarl of Chomskian-Pilgerism is unwittingly betrayed and journalist realises he or she has not been engaging with a reasonable person. At this point, Media Lens adherent then posts the email chain on the sect's website, without notice or permission [beginning a thread]. This is supposed to embarrass the apologist for the corporate media/torture/Tony Blair and expose him to ridicule by other sect members".

In January 2012, The Guardians Michael White, accused Media Lens of suggesting the newspaper's two most left-wing writers, Milne and George Monbiot "trim their sails and pull their punches to accommodate their paymasters". He added: "Media Lens doesn't do subtle. Nor do its more acceptable heroes, such as John Pilger or [The Independents] Robert Fisk". Media Lens responded that corporate journalists did more that merely "trim sails".  There were "whole areas of thought and discussion are demonstrably off the agenda" and "the corporate nature of the mass media tends to produce performance that defends and furthers the goals of the corporate system". In May 2016, White wrote that their work suggests "their own editing priorities may be as partisan and un-self-aware as the corporates they so severely condemn".

In February 2012, the philosopher Rupert Read criticised Media Lens' use of Michel Chossudovsky and articles by Robert Dreyfuss and Aisling Byrne as sources for the situation in Syria.

In May 2014, Elliot Murphy wrote in ZNet that Media Lens "have carefully exposed the shortcomings and lies of the press" and "their Alerts are invariably well researched, well argued, and often entertaining". He described their book Guardians of Power: The Myth of the Liberal Media as a brilliant assessment of the "balance of reporting when it comes to 'our' crimes versus 'theirs'". He criticised them for generally confining their suggested actions to email campaigns rather than "direct action, non-violent civil disobedience, or even the odd promotion of an upcoming rally or lecture" and suggested that they "rethink their tactics when trying to influence, typically through electronic means, the actions and thoughts of other political writers and their general readership". Regarding Media Lens' criticism of left-wing sources, Murphy wrote: "Writing detailed critiques of corporate media reports is admirable, but isolating yourself from those who could not only help you out, but who may in fact also need your help in undermining the very corporate media forces you're attempting to expose as fundamentally subservient to power, is not the action of an organisation trying to improve the world".

In August 2015, Helen Lewis, deputy editor of the New Statesman wrote about an interview she had with Yvette Cooper. Media Lens messaged Lewis on twitter asking why she had not mentioned that Cooper had voted in favour of wars that "wrecked" Iraq and Libya. Media Lens said that Lewis did not reply but New Statesman columnist Sarah Ditum wrote an article in which she said Media Lens are "largely engaged in an endless project of separating the anti-war sheep from the goats to be purged". In response to Ditum, Edwards wrote: "Cooper's voting record of course has grave implications for the near-certainty of future wars waged on more states around the world. Any reasonable commentator understands the need to pay careful attention to the candidates' record and thinking on war".

David Wearing, writing in openDemocracy in September 2015, commented that while the group has "a vocal, dedicated following", it also has "a long record of alienating potential allies with their purity tests and aggressive oversimplifications".

In February 2016, Oliver Kamm described Media Lens as a "far-left pressure group" who are "doughty defenders of Venezuela's revolutionary regime".

In March 2016, journalist Owen Jones wrote that the editors' "attack me with even more force than writers who actually defend the status quo. Those writers confirm their analysis, after all: my presence disrupts it, and therefore I'm actually arguably worse", accusing them of "once tweeting a paragraph I wrote summing up the arguments of those who attacked critics of Obama, and pretending those arguments were what I actually thought".

Padraig Reidy wrote in an August 2016 piece for Little Atoms, that Media Lens "is only ever asking questions it thinks it already knows the answer to".

When one of the Media Lens' editors suggested on twitter in 2018 that young writers should "follow your bliss" (a term coined by the American writer Joseph Campbell) and contribute "what you absolutely love to write to inspire and enlighten other people" rather than bothering about prestige or financial reward, extensive responses were posted on the social media platform. Journalist James Ball responded that writers should try the mainstream first to gain attention for their work as "virtually all of the best journalism comes out of 'corporate' or 'mainstream' media", such as the parliamentary expenses scandal, "the exposure of offshore leaks", "Iraq War Logs", "Libor rigging",  and "dozens of other major pieces of accountability stories".

Case histories

Iraq

Justification for war
In 2002, prior to the Iraq War, Media Lens argued that it was fraudulent for the UK and US governments to justify a war on the basis that Iraq still possessed a credible Weapons of Mass Destruction (WMD) threat and had an active WMD programme. Media Lens cited the work of former chief UN arms inspector Scott Ritter, who had stated 4 years previously that a thorough investigation by UN inspectors had found that Iraq had "fundamentally disarmed" with 90–95 per cent of its WMD capability eliminated. Media Lens further cited Ritter's opinion that it would have been impossible for Iraq to rearm "from scratch" within the four years since the UN had left, given the level of scrutiny they were under.

A 30 April 2003 Media Lens database search, covering the period leading up to and including the invasion of Iraq found that, of the 5,767 articles published by The Guardian and its sister paper The Observer, only twelve made any mention of Scott Ritter. According to Edwards, this constituted "a shocking suppression of serious and credible dissident views", which he said were "soon to be entirely vindicated". Eddie Girdner agreed with Media Lens and cited it as one of the few who had drawn this conclusion before the war began.

According to Richard Alexander, writing in 2010 about the Iraq war, Edwards and Cromwell "trenchantly dissected the servant role the British media played in bolstering the lies to the British public purveyed by the UK government". After referring to the "mountain of evidence" assembled by Cromwell and Edwards for their argument, John Jewell wrote for The Conversation website: "It must be remembered that the press was not completely united in its support for Blair" pointing to the opposition of the Daily Mirror to the invasion of Iraq as an example. Jewell's assertion about the "anti-war" Mirror was not entirely shared by Media Lens who criticised its respect for Blair's "patent sincerity".

Nick Robinson in Live From Downing Street (2012), refers to an exchange between Media Lens and then Head of BBC News Richard Sambrook in late 2002 a few months before the invasion of Iraq:"[W]e believe you are a sincere and well-intentioned person ... but you are at the heart of a system of lethal, institutionalised deception. Like it or not, believe it or not, by choosing to participate in this propaganda system, you and the journalists around you may soon be complicit in mass murder. As things stand, you and your journalists are facilitating the killing and mutilation of thousands, perhaps hundreds of thousands, of innocent men, women and children". Robinson responded to this argument: "It is absurd – not to mention offensive – to suggest that journalists who report both the case for war and the case against it are morally responsible for those who die in it".

Reporting of conflict
In 2003, Media Lens compared the BBC's reporting on the Iraq war to "Boys' Own war pornography". They cited a rhetorical question posed by BBC correspondent Bridget Kendall in 2006, about whether the Iraq war was "justified" or a "disastrous miscalculation" as a demonstration of personal bias, and not meeting the requirement for reporting to be impartial. In their opinion, Kendall's question excluded the view, held by the anti-war movement and ex-UN secretary general Kofi Annan, that the war was "an illegal war of aggression".

Media Lens cited comments made by Andrew Marr in 2003, while he was the BBC's political editor, in support of their argument that journalists regularly present inflated assessments of the accomplishments of western politicians. They considered Marr to be overtly sympathetic to Tony Blair. In 2003, Cromwell and Edwards said that "there never was an Iraqi threat" and "If Tony Blair and George W. Bush are not guilty of war crimes, who is?"

Casualty figures
Media Lens has challenged the mainstream media coverage of the effect of the 2003 invasion of Iraq and subsequent occupation on the Iraqi mortality rate.

The Lancet surveys

The Lancet published two peer-reviewed studies of the effect of the 2003 invasion and occupation on the Iraqi mortality rate at two separate points in time. Both surveys used recognised statistical methods. The first survey was published in 2004 and estimated an excess death rate of 100,000 Iraqis as a result of the invasion and occupation of Iraq up to that time. The second Lancet survey, published in 2006, estimated that, as at the end of June 2006, 655,000 more deaths had occurred since the invasion, than would have been expected in the absence of conflict.

The 2004 Lancet survey was discussed by mathematician John Allen Paulos in an article published in The Guardian. Following criticism of the article by Media Lens, Paulos acknowledged he had been wrong to use a "largely baseless personal assessment", to call into question the findings of The Lancet study.

In 2005, Media Lens challenged The Independents senior leader writer on foreign affairs, Mary Dejevsky, to explain why an editorial in the paper said the results of the 2004 Lancet study were obtained "by extrapolating from a small sample" and that "[w]hile never completely discredited, those figures were widely doubted". Dejevsky responded that, while the sample may have been standard, it seemed small from her "lay perspective". Her main point "was less based on my impression than on the fact that this technique exposed the authors to the criticisms/dismissal that the govt duly made, and they had little to counter those criticisms with, bar the defence that their methods were standard for those sort of surveys". The response was considered incoherent by Edward Herman who called it "Massive incompetence in support of a war-apologetic agenda". According to Mukhopadhyay, the exchange was evidence that journalists, who do not have the statistical expertise to evaluate technical reports, "do not always take the obvious step of seeking expert advice". Reviewing Media Lens' engagement with press coverage of The Lancet study, Arvind Sivaramakrishna drew a similar conclusion stating, "Political correspondents are clearly ignorant of sampling frames and techniques, confidence limits, significance levels, likelihood estimators, and so on."

The 2004 survey findings were described as exaggerated and flawed by the US and UK governments which cited a much lower figure, a position which was largely supported in US and UK media coverage. Media Lens said the media "fell into line" with the governments' view despite earlier accepting the estimates from a similar study by the same researchers, using the same methods, which had estimated 1.7 million deaths in the Congo.

The Iraq Body Count
The Iraq Body Count project (IBC) was set up by Hamit Dardagan and John Sloboda as an attempt to record civilian deaths resulting from the US-led 2003 invasion of Iraq. Project volunteers examined news stories for reports of civilian casualties. Each incident reported by at least by two independent news sources was included in a database. As at the middle of 2006, the IBC study estimated between 38,725 and 43,140 civilian deaths arising from the 2003 invasion.

Starting in January 2006, Media Lens began examining the IBC project. Its criticisms were that IBC results were not produced by experts in epidemiology and were not peer reviewed, unlike the two Lancet surveys. They also said that studies similar to that of the IBC had been found to only capture a fraction of actual deaths. The lower count produced by the IBC's method was, Media Lens argued, used by  politicians and journalists "particularly of the pro-war variety" (they named Herald Sun journalist Adam Bolt(sic) and the Liberal Democrats as their examples) to "downplay the tragedy of the civilian death toll" and "suggest, for example, that the results of the invasion have been far less severe than the consequences of leaving Saddam Hussein in power".

In April 2006, David Fuller, a BBC Newsnight journalist, wrote about Media Lens' four campaigns against the IBC project's methods on the BBC website. The Media Lens editors refused two invitations to appear on Newsnight as they did not believe they would be treated fairly on the programme. In response Fuller accused them of "[refusing] to engage in any way that does not allow them total control of the interaction". In an interview with Fuller, Sloboda said Media Lens was "a pressure group that use[s] aggressive and emotionally destructive tactics". He acknowledged that Iraq Body Count were "amateurs" but stated this did not have any negative connotations for their work. Also in April, Iraq Body Count published a paper defending its work against criticism. It described the criticism of Media Lens and others as "inaccurate and exaggerated, personal, offensive, and part of a concerted campaign to undermine IBC's reputation among those who use our data".

In June 2006, Peter Beaumont, foreign affairs editor for The Observer newspaper, accused the Media Lens editors' of a "campaign apparently designed to silence" John Sloboda and the Iraq Body Count project, because it produced a victim count lower than The Lancet study.

Srebrenica: Chomsky and others
On 31 October 2005, The Guardian newspaper published an interview with Noam Chomsky conducted by Emma Brockes. Chomsky complained about the interview in a letter to the readers' editor, Ian Mayes, on 3 November 2005, after which Media Lens responded with their first article on this issue on 4 November. Within a few weeks, The Guardian apologised to Chomsky for three significant errors in the story including that Brockes had misrepresented Chomsky's views on the Srebrenica massacre and the nature of his support for Diana Johnstone. The Guardian also wrote that "[n]either Prof Chomsky nor Ms Johnstone have ever denied the fact of the massacre". Media Lens responded to The Guardians apology in a second article posted on 21 November. The repercussions of the Brockes interview continued for some time. Ian Mayes, then the readers' editor of The Guardian, wrote on 12 December 2005 that he and Brockes had received "several hundred" emails from Media Lens followers, who were protesting about Chomsky's treatment.

In December 2009, Media Lens removed Edward S. Herman and David Peterson's article, Open Letter To Amnesty International from its site. It explained to its readers that the removal was in response to "ill-tempered" comments from some readers and to avoid "publishing defamatory statements from either side". Soon after, Kamm wrote in his blog for The Times newspaper that the article Media Lens had removed repeated false claims about Serb-run detention camps in Bosnia which had led in 2000 to a successful libel action brought against LM magazine (originally Living Marxism) by ITN.

In 2009, Media Lens summarised Herman and Peterson's articles on Srebrenica by saying that, although Herman and Peterson were "not denying that mass killings took place at Srebrenica", they "do not accept the figure cited by Kamm and others, but that they are perfectly entitled to do". In June 2011, George Monbiot wrote that Media Lens "maintained that Herman and Peterson were 'perfectly entitled' to talk down the numbers killed at Srebrenica". He also wrote that Herman and Media Lens had taken "the unwarranted step of belittling the acts of genocide committed by opponents of the western powers". In response, Media Lens said their argument had been that Herman and Peterson were "perfectly entitled" to debate the facts not that "they are entitled to falsify, mislead, wilfully deceive, or whatever 'talk down' was intended to suggest". They also wrote that journalists reporting on the effects of the Iraq war were not accused of 'genocide denial' if they chose to use the IBC's estimate of 100,000 deaths over the Lancet study's estimate of 655,000 Iraqi dead in 2006. They said "typically, someone is adjudged guilty of 'genocide denial' only when they question accounts of crimes committed by official enemies of the West". Regarding the use of the term 'genocide' they wrote:

To be clear, we reject the right of any court, any government, indeed anyone, to apply labels like "genocide" to historical events and then, not merely argue but demand that they be accepted. The assumption that human institutions are in possession of Absolute Truth belongs to the era of The Inquisition, not to serious debate.

Kamm wrote in October 2012: "The International Commission on Missing Persons (ICMP) has revealed the identity of 6,598 people missing since the fall of Srebrenica, through DNA analysis of human remains in mass graves. It estimates the total number of victims as around 8,100. If ML maintains that deniers [Herman and Peterson] are 'perfectly entitled' to their position, it must believe that the ICMP has faked that analysis". In his opinion, Media Lens "stands with genocide deniers" in its connection with Herman and his colleague, David Peterson, both of whom he linked in their statements about Srebrenica with Holocaust deniers.

Syria
Rupert Read, an academic and Green Party politician said that Media Lens tends to talk up the numbers of victims of western actions but minimise those of governments in conflict with the west, such as those of Bashar al-Assad in Syria and Slobodan Milošević. He described the articles by Aisling Byrne and Robert Dreyfuss, which Media Lens had used as sources for fatalities in the conflicts in Syria, as "dubious". He said the effect of this is "tacitly to increase the credibility of Assad's black propaganda". David Edwards responded that there was already enough media coverage of the "crimes of official enemies" which, he said, tended to empower the "US-UK war machine". He said Media Lens preferred to "challenge the false assumption of US-UK benevolent intentions, the hypocrisy in media reporting, and the belief that war is the only alternative".

In May 2012, Media Lens had an exchange on twitter with cartoonist and writer Martin Rowson.  Rowson had published a cartoon after the Houla massacre depicting a bloodstained Bashar al-Assad. The cartoon also depicted "Angela Merkel and Christine Lagarde lashing a pile of human bones with euro-laden cats-o'-nine-tails". Media Lens asked Rowson what evidence about the massacre he had used in drawing his cartoon. When Rowson replied that he had "no more evidence than media & UN reports, like anyone else. Also used cartoonist's hunch", Media Lens asked whether he would  "rely on a "hunch" in depicting Obama and Cameron with mouths smeared with the blood of massacred children?" Tribune magazine published an article by Howson about the exchange in which he asked why Media Lens had not sought his "evidence for alleging that Merkel and Lagarde have really truly desecrated corpses, as depicted in my cartoon". He said one possible reason was they were "shilling for tyrants".

In February 2017, Media Lens compared the media coverage of comments made on Syria by Jeremy Corbyn's spokesperson Seumas Milne in October 2016 with the coverage of UK foreign secretary Boris Johnson's comments in January 2017. Media Lens wrote that Johnson's change in policy, announced in January 2017, to accept that President Bashar al-Assad should be allowed to stand for election and remain in power, was the result of newly elected President Trump's opposition to Obama's war for regime change in Syria. They said Milne's comments were "not defending Assad, merely calling for greater attention to US-UK atrocities". They described the media reaction as "ferocious criticism of Milne's innocuous comments and the complete absence of any criticism of Johnson's policy shift". According to them, the reason for the difference was that "the corporate media system is ideologically aligned against an authentically left-wing Labour leader, is working to undermine his reputation, and to protect the reputation of the Conservative government". Media Lens described the media's "supposed compassion for the Syrian people" as "manufactured, fake".

In June 2017, the German newspaper Die Welt published an article by Seymour Hersh in which he said the attack by the Syrian government at Khan Shaykhun in April 2017 did not involve sarin and that US intelligence knew this. Hersh wrote that his sources said the attack struck a building which housed "fertilisers, disinfectants and other goods". Media Lens tweeted that their search of a newspaper database showed no mention of Hersh's report. In June 2017, journalist Brian Whitaker criticised Media Lens for being unconcerned that Hersh had not provided the sources for his story. Whitaker wrote that Media Lens had previously criticised The Guardian for quoting "unnamed American officials" in a story about Iraq.

Further reading
The editors of Media Lens have co-authored three books:
 Guardians of Power: The Myth of the Liberal Media, London: Pluto Press, 2006
 Newspeak in the 21st Century, London: Pluto Press, August 2009
 Propaganda Blitz: How the Corporate Media Distort Reality, London: Pluto Press, September 2018

David Cromwell's Why Are We the Good Guys?: Reclaiming Your Mind from the Delusions of Propaganda (September 2012, Alresford: Zero Books, ) also draws on Media Lens' contact with journalists.

See also
 Casualties of the Iraq War
 Media Matters for America
 Fairness and Accuracy in Reporting
 Media coverage of climate change

References

External links

 Media Lens website
 David Edwards and David Cromwell, New Statesman articles (2003–06)
 Gandhi International Peace Award acceptance speech

Criticism of journalism
Media analysis organizations and websites
Gandhi International Peace Award recipients

Media Lens


Yörüklü, Çorum ilinin Sungurlu ilçesine bağlı bir köydür.

Tarihçe
Köy, 1928 yılından beri aynı adı taşımaktadır. 21 Kasım 1995 tarihinde belediye statüsü alarak beldeye çevrilen köyün belediye statüsü, nüfusunun 2000 kişinin altına düşmesi üzerine 2013 yılında sona erdi.

Coğrafya
Köy, Sungurlu ilçe merkezine 18 km uzaklıktadır.

Nüfus

Yönetim

Belediye başkanlığı

Ayrıca bakınız
 Ergülü Baba Camii

Kaynakça

Dış bağlantılar

Sungurlu belde ve köyleri
6360 sayılı yasaya göre kaldırılan belediyeler

Yörüklü


José María Arancibia (Buenos Aires, 11 de abril de 1937) é arcebispo emérito de Mendoza.

José María Arancibia foi ordenado sacerdote em 22 de setembro de 1962.

Em 26 de fevereiro de 1987, o Papa João Paulo II o nomeou Bispo Titular de Pumentum e Bispo Auxiliar de Córdoba. O arcebispo de Córdoba, Raúl Francisco Cardeal Primatesta, concedeu-lhe a consagração episcopal em 28 de maio do mesmo ano; Os co-consagradores foram Estanislao Esteban Karlic, Arcebispo Coadjutor do Paraná, e Omar Félix Colomé, Bispo de Cruz del Eje.

Foi nomeado Arcebispo Coadjutor de Mendoza em 13 de fevereiro de 1993 e empossado em 28 de maio do mesmo ano. Com a aposentadoria de Cándido Genaro Rubiolos, sucedeu-o em 25 de março de 1996 como Arcebispo de Mendoza.

Em 10 de novembro de 2012, o Papa Bento XVI acatou seu pedido de demissão por motivos de idade.

Ver também

Arcebispos católicos da Argentina

José María Arancibia


Maryna Vyacheslavivna Kylypko (transliteração em ucraniano: Марина В'ячеславівна Килипко, Carcóvia, 10 de novembro de 1995) é uma atleta ucraniana especializada no salto com vara. Já representou a Ucrânia em duas edições dos Jogos Olímpicos: 2016 e 2020.

Biografia
Maryna nasceu em Carcóvia, cidade localizada no Oblast de Carcóvia, no ano de 1995. Representou a Ucrânia, no Campeonato Europeu Júnior de Atletismo de 2013, realizado em Rieti na Itália. Em sua primeira competição conseguiu o vigésimo terceiro lugar após alcançar a marca de 3.65 metros.

Um ano depois, participou do Campeonato Mundial Júnior de Atletismo de 2014, realizado em Eugene, nos Estados Unidos. Ao superar os 4.00 metros, Maryna foi agraciada com o décimo oitavo lugar da competição. No ano seguinte representou novamente a Ucrânia, dessa vez no Campeonato Europeu Sub‑23 de Atletismo de 2015 realizado em Tallinn, na Letônia.  Após saltar 4.10 metros, Maryna, atingiu o décimo sexto lugar na competição. No circuito pré-olímpiadas, participou do Campeonato da Europa de Atletismo de 2016, realizado em Amsterdão. Ultrapassou o 4.35 metros, ficando com a décima sétima colocação.

Com os resultados nos campeonatos, foi selecionada para integrar a delegação ucraniana para os Jogos Olímpicos de Verão de 2016, realizados no Rio de Janeiro, no Brasil. Na competição do salto com vara, participou da fase classificatória. Alcançou o décimo quarto lugar, empatando com a sueca Angelica Bengtsson, em que ambas alcançaram 4.55 metros.

No ano seguinte aos jogos do Rio de Janeiro, Maryna disputou quatro importantes competições: Campeonato Europeu de Atletismo em Pista Coberta de 2017, Campeonato Europeu Sub-23 de Atletismo de 2017, Campeonato Mundial de Atletismo de 2017 e Universíada de Verão de 2017. No campeonato sub-23 alcançou a altura de 4.45 metros e com isso conquistou a medalha de prata, sendo superada apenas pela suíça Angelica Moser. A segunda medalha conquistada por Maryna no ano foi no Campeonato Europeu de Atletismo em Pista Coberta, onde dividiu a medalha de bronze com a sueca Angelica Bengtsson - ambas saltaram 4.55 metros. Nas Universíadas realizadas na China, saltou 4.40 metros - mesma altura feita pelo portuguesa Marta Onofre - porém, pelos critérios de desempate ficou com o quarto lugar. No mundial de atletismo, ficou apenas com o longínquo vigésimo quarto lugar.

Em 2018, no Campeonato da Europa de Atletismo, realizado em Berlim, ficou em oitavo lugar ao atingir a marca de 4.45 metros. No ano seguinte, participou do Campeonato Mundial de Atletismo de 2019, realizado no Catar, onde alcançou a marca de 4.50 metros o que credenciou-a com o vigésimo primeiro lugar da competição.

Em 2021, participou do Campeonato Europeu de Atletismo em Pista Coberta de 2021, na Polónia. Na competição ficou em nono lugar dividindo a colocação com a atleta sueca Michaela Meijer, pois ambas atingiram a marca de 4.m5 metros. No mesmo ano, participou dos Jogos Olímpicos de Verão de 2020 representando a ucrânia, realizados em Tóquio no Japão, com um ano de atraso devido à Pandemia de COVID-19. Na competição do salto com vara terminou em quinto lugar após pular 4.50 metros e dividir a colocação com a eslovena Tina Šutej e a finlandesa Wilma Murto.

Quadro de medalhas

Ligações externas

 Maryna Kylypko no Instagram

Nascidos em 1995
Naturais de Carcóvia
Saltadores da Ucrânia
Atletas nos Jogos Olímpicos de Verão de 2016
Atletas nos Jogos Olímpicos de Verão de 2020
Saltadores olímpicos da Ucrânia

Maryna Kylypko


Eduardo Migliónico (* 26. August 1958 in Montevideo, Uruguay) ist ein uruguayischer Schauspieler.

Migliónico besuchte die Theaterschule des El Galpón. Er trat sowohl auf der Theaterbühne als auch im Fernsehen, Film und Werbespots in Erscheinung. Ab 1988 wirkte er unter der Regie zahlreicher bekannter Regisseure wie beispielsweise Fernando Toja, César Campodónico, Rubén Yáñez, Marcelino Duffau und Alejandra Weigle. Dabei spielte er unter anderem in Shakespeares La fierecilla domada, in Juancito de la Ribera von Alberto Vaccarezza, Hugo A. Mieres' Querida, espero que te mueras, in Voces en el umbral von Victór Rasón, Gracias por todo von Fernando Schmidt und Hello, Dolly!. Auf der Leinwand war er 1994 in El dirigible von Regisseur Pablo Dotta zu sehen. 2000 hatte er eine kleinere Rolle in Marcelo Piñeyros Plata quemada. Dem Cast des 2001 erschienenen Mala racha unter der Regie von Daniela Speranza gehörte er ebenfalls an. Auch im beim World Film Festival 2002 Erwähnung findenden (Corazón de Fuego) von Diego Arsuaga, der auf der Nordhalbkugel unter dem Namen El último tren bzw. Der letzte Zug bekannt ist, wirkte er mit. 2008 stand er in Paisito vor der Kamera.

Literatur
 Nuevo Diccionario de la Cultura Uruguaya von Miguel Ángel Campodónico, Librería Linardi y Risso, 2003, S. 219

Weblinks

Filmschauspieler
Theaterschauspieler
Uruguayer
Geboren 1958
Mann

Eduardo Migliónico


La grúa de grabación, grúa de cámara o simplemente grúa, refiriéndonos al mundo audiovisual, es un dispositivo o soporte que se emplea en las producciones audiovisuales, tanto en cine como televisión, para mover la cámara en el espacio.

Se pueden utilizar tanto en exteriores como interiores, ya sean programas grabados en plató, retransmisiones deportivas, musicales o cualquier producción que requiera su uso.

Así mismo podemos distinguir su estudio dependiendo de sus características técnicas centrándonos en su tamaño:

 Las extensibles o telescópicas, que pueden ser reguladas en longitud mediante un control remoto regulado por contrapesos. La grúa telescópica más usada y conocida es el modelo Technocrane.

 Las fijas, que sólo pueden ser regulables durante su montaje, y no durante la grabación

Historia

Aparición en el cine

Las primeras escenas filmadas mediante una "grúa de grabación" se encuentran en el reconocido filme épico Intolerance: Love's Struggle Throughout the Ages (Intolerancia, 1916) de David Wark Griffith. El dispositivo usado en ese rodaje era muy limitado. Concretamente, Griffith uso un dispositivo situado dentro de una torre que se movía gracias a unos raíles. Dentro de la torre había un ascensor que ofrecía la posibilidad de realizar, en una misma toma, diferentes puntos de vista dependiendo de la altura. Como ya he dicho, estos primeros dispositivos (desde Intolerance hasta la década de los 40) no eran tan funcionales como los contemporáneos y los movimientos que eran capaces de hacer dependían de como se hubiesen fabricado.

Más tarde, en la década de los 50, se empezaron a producir las primeras grúas de grabación que ofrecían plena libertad de movimiento y eran más funcionales. La empresa que estuvo al mando de esta producción fue Chapman Studio Equipment, una compañía especializada en equipamiento fotográfico originada en 1945 (actualmente sigue funcionando bajo el nombre de Chapman-Leonard Studio Equipment, Inc.). Las primeras producciones que usaron el avanzado dispositivo de la compañía americana fueron dos filmes de Cecil B. De Mille: The Greatest Show On Earth (El espectáculo más asombroso del mundo, 1952) y la aclamada The Ten Commandments (Los Diez Mandamientos, 1956). El uso del nuevo dispositivo en estos filmes demostró su funcionalidad y cualidad.

Aparición en la TV
En el ámbito televisivo, la incorporación de la grúa de grabación producida por Chapman Studio Equipment fue simultánea a la del cine. Durante los años 40 y 50, eran muy populares los programas musicales y de baile entre el público. Las cadenas televisivas vieron que el hecho de poder colocar una cámara encima de una grúa les ofrecía una variedad mucho más amplia de puntos de vista en las retransmisiones. Fue entonces cuando la empresa Chapman Studio Equipment pasó a ser el principal suministrador de este tipo de equipamiento audiovisual, quitando el puesto a otras compañías como, por ejemplo, Houston Fearless 76.

Referencias

Enlaces externos

Balseiro, Manuel; La cabeza caliente, un gran paso adelante en el movimiento de cámara, Editorial UOC, 2016
 Sitio oficial de Supertechno.

 Atriocrane.

 Vídeos:
 Grabación con Supertechno.
 Prueba de grabación.

Grúas
Tecnología de video y cine

Grúa de grabación


Der Uhrturm von Bitola (auch Sahat Kula von Bitola genannt) ist das Wahrzeichen und eine der wichtigsten Bauwerke der nordmazedonischen Stadt Bitola. Er steht am südlichen Ufer des Dragor auf dem zentralen Park der Innenstadt, wo sich auch die Neue Moschee und die Kirche des Heiligen Demetrios befinden.

Der Uhrturm ist eines der repräsentativsten Kulturdenkmäler der islamischen Kunst in Nordmazedonien.

Baugeschichte
Die eindeutige Entstehungszeit des Turmes ist unbekannt. Entsprechend einigen geschichtlichen Aufzeichnungen ist er schon im 16. Jahrhundert zur Zeit der osmanischen Herrschaft erwähnt. Doch wegen nicht ausreichender Beschreibung aus diesen Quellen lässt sich nicht sagen, ob es sich um das heutige Bauwerk handelt.

Andere Schriften beziffern die Bauzeit auf das Jahr 1830. Eine Legende aus diesen Jahren besagt, dass die türkischen Stadtherren von den Einwohnern etwa 60.000 Eier einsammelten, um diese mit dem Mörtel zu vermischen und damit die Wände stärker und widerstandsfähiger zu machen.

Während der Mitte der 1990er Jahre wurde das Baudenkmal umfänglich restauriert, jedoch in seinem Original erhalten.

Aufbau
Der 30 m hohe Uhrturm ist in seinem Grundriss quadratisch. Er ist in drei Bereiche eingeteilt (von unten beginnend): der steinerne Sockel, das Uhrwerk mit den vier Zifferblättern und die Turmspitze mit Terrasse. Die Wände sind stilvoll bearbeiteten Steinen verziert.

Die Terrasse kann durch eine Wendeltreppe bestiegen werden. In neuerer Zeit wurde auf der Turmspitze zudem ein Kreuz angebracht.

Uhrwerk
Der ursprüngliche Uhrmechanismus aus osmanischer Zeit wurde im Zweiten Weltkrieg durch ein bis heute funktionierendes Uhrwerk vom deutschen Naziregime ersetzt, als Dank für die durchgeführte Instandhaltung und Pflege des deutschen Soldatenfriedhofs vom Ersten Weltkrieg durch die Stadtverwaltung.

Die Uhr besitzt weiters ein eigenes Glockenspiel, das 2009 von deutschen Unternehmen saniert wurde.

Quelle

Weblinks

Bitola
Bauwerk in Nordmazedonien
Bitola
Osmanischer Turm
Erbaut im 16. Jahrhundert
Erbaut in den 1830er Jahren

Uhrturm von Bitola


Le naufrage du  à Madagascar est une catastrophe maritime impliquant un cargo transportant illégalement  au large de la côte nord-est de Madagascar. On pense qu'un trou dans la coque cause l'inondation de la salle des machines, laissant le navire vulnérable à l'action des vagues. Sur les  présentes à bord, 84 sont décédées.

Naufrage
Le Francia, une embarcation de transport de marchandises en bois de  de long et  de largeur, embarque illégalement . Une partie sur le pont, et l'autre en soute – des soutes faites pour acheminer des marchandises et non des personnes - pour un trajet d'Antanambe, qui n'est pas enregistré comme port officiel, à Soanierana Ivongo.  dont les membres d'équipage auraient été à bord. Le navire coule tard le , après que son moteur est noyé, le laissant exposé aux vagues.  que l'inondation est causée par un trou dans la coque.

Conséquences
Une enquête sur le naufrage a été ouverte par le gouvernement malgache et une force de la Gendarmerie nationale malgache envoyée sur place. Trois navires de la marine et de l'agence maritime malgaches participent à la recherche des survivants. Au , 64 corps au total ont retrouvés ; 24 personnes restent portées disparues et environ 50 survivants sont secourus.

Le secrétaire d'État à la gendarmerie nationale malgache, Serge Gellé, est transporté par un hélicoptère de armée de l'air sur les lieux du naufrage le . Cependant, son Alouette II s'écrase et il est l'un des deux survivants avec un militaire, les corps des deux autres militaires, dont le pilote qui était un colonel commandant la base aérienne d'Ivatu, étant retrouvés les jours suivants. Gellé et l'autre survivant, Laitsara Jimmy Andrianarison, atteignent, séparément, Mahambo.

Le président de Madagascar, Andry Rajoelina, rend hommage aux victimes du naufrage et du crash d'hélicoptère.

Sources

Notes et références

Décembre 2021
2021 à Madagascar
Naufrage dans l'océan Indien
Catastrophe maritime en 2021
Catastrophe à Madagascar

Naufrage du 20 décembre 2021 à Madagascar


Khargone (en hindi; खरगोन ज़िला) es un distrito de la India en el estado de Madhya Pradesh. Código ISO: IN.MP.WN.

Comprende una superficie de 8 010 km².

El centro administrativo es la ciudad de Khargone.

Demografía
Según censo 2011 contaba con una población total de 1 872 413 habitantes, de los cuales 918 796 eran mujeres y 953 617 varones.

Localidades
 Barud
Barwaha
Borgaon Bujur
Kasrawad

Referencias

Enlaces externos

Khargone

Distrito de Khargone


Xai, XAI or xAI may refer to:

 Explainable Artificial Intelligence, in artificial intelligence technology
 Xai-Xai, a city in the south of Mozambique
 XAI, the IATA airport code for Xinyang Minggang Airport, in Xinyang, China
 xai, the ISO 639-3 language code of Kaimbé language, an extinct language in Brazil.
 xAI (company), artificial intelligence company

See also

Xai


Amos Meller (1938 – January 23, 2007) is best remembered as an Israeli composer and conductor. He was born in Kibbutz Ein HaHoresh and died in Tel Aviv.

In his lifetime, he was a member if the Israeli volleyball team, a flutist, a violinist, and a poet.

During his career he led orchestras in China, Moscow, and France. In March 2003 he was asked to direct the Beijing Philharmonic Orchestra and also the Taipei Philharmonic Orchestra of Taiwan. He was the first Israeli to direct these orchestras.

References

1938 births
2007 deaths
Israeli conductors (music)
Israeli composers
20th-century conductors (music)

Amos Meller


Hookeriales, red pravih mahovina iz suptropskih i tropskih područja. Ime je došlo po rodu Hookeria, koji je imenovan u čast engleskog botaničkog sistematičara i botaničkog ilustratora W. J. Hookera.

Postoji nekoliko porodica s više stotina vrsta.

Porodice
 Daltoniaceae Schimp.
 Hookeriaceae Schimp.
 Hypopterygiaceae Mitt.
 Leucomiaceae Broth.
 Pilotrichaceae Kindb.
 Saulomataceae W.R. Buck, C.J. Cox, A.J. Shaw & Goffinet, rodovi: Ancistrodes (Meteoriaceae), Sauloma (Hookeriaceae), Vesiculariopsis (Hookeriaceae)
 Schimperobryaceae W.R. Buck, C.J. Cox, A.J. Shaw & Goffinet, rod Schimperobryum (Hookeriaceae)

Izvori

Vanjske poveznice

Hookeriales


Asma Mansour () é uma empreendedora tunisiana e ativista feminina que em 2011 co-fundou o Tunisian Centre for Social Entrepreneurship. Como resultado, ela foi selecionada como uma das 100 mulheres da BBC em 2014. Em junho de 2016, ela ficou em terceiro lugar entre 42 inovadores africanos selecionados pela revista de negócios online Ventures Africa.

Biografia
Criada em uma família tradicional, Asma Mansour estava sujeita às regras estritas de seus pais. Aos 15 anos, ela começou a escrever sobre como era difícil para ela aceitar a maneira como as mulheres eram tratadas em sua família e, de maneira mais geral, na comunidade como um todo. Mesmo assim, ela estudou contabilidade no Instituto Superior de Contabilidade e Negócios da Universidade de Manouba, na Tunísia, graduando-se em 2010.

Enquanto estudante, desempenhou um papel de liderança em várias organizações, incluindo a Junior Chamber International e a AIESEC, onde através da organização de eventos ganhou experiência em questões como ambiente, saúde, educação, direitos humanos e exclusão social. Aprendeu a gerir uma equipe, a angariar fundos e a negociar parcerias. Reconhecendo seu potencial, a Embaixada dos EUA concedeu-lhe uma bolsa de estudos para fazer um curso de administração de empresas na Mediterranean School of Business da Tunísia, que ela concluiu em 2010. Graças a uma bolsa da Ecole Supérieure de Commerce, ela fez mestrado em Marouba em 2013.

Enquanto estudava, Asma Mansour fundou a organização de direitos humanos People's Movement for Human Rights Learning, que se esforçou para integrar os direitos humanos na vida cotidiana dos cidadãos tunisianos. Depois de uma visita ao Japão, onde se inspirou no potencial de uma abordagem social ao empreendedorismo, em 2011, juntamente com Hatem Mahbouli e Sarah Toumi, fundou o Tunisian Centre for Social Entrepreneurship, dedicado a fazer do empreendedorismo social uma base para a economia tunisiana.

Centro Tunisiano de Empreendedorismo Social
O Centro Tunisiano de Empreendedorismo Social foi criado em 2011. Sua principal missão é buscar soluções sustentáveis e inovadoras para os desafios sociais, ambientais e econômicos da Tunísia, baseando-se nos princípios do empreendedorismo social que, para a equipe, é gerador de oportunidades de desenvolvimento para as comunidades locais.

A Social Innovation Station, um dos principais projetos do centro, iniciado em 2015, consiste em quatro espaços de inovação em Mahdia, Sidi Bouzid, Kasserine e Tunis. O papel destes espaços é proporcionar condições adequadas às comunidades locais para a co-criação de projetos inovadores que tenham impacto na sociedade. Além disso, por meio desse projeto, o centro busca descentralizar e democratizar o acesso à informação, oportunidades e redes de especialistas nacionais e internacionais por meio de diversos programas.

Veja também

 100 Mulheres (BBC)
 Mulheres na categoria BBC 100 Mulheres

Pessoas vivas
Empresários da Tunísia
Nascidos na década de 1990
Tunísia
Pessoas na lista BBC 100 Mulheres de 2014

Asma Mansour


An Ligeophila amazonica in uska species han Liliopsida nga ginhulagway ni Leslie Andrew Garay. An Ligeophila amazonica in nahilalakip ha genus nga Ligeophila, ngan familia nga Orchidaceae. Waray hini subspecies nga nakalista.

Mga kasarigan

Ligeophila

Ligeophila amazonica


Białystok er stærsta borg norðaustur Póllands með tæpa 300.000 íbúa árið 2021. Hún er höfuðborg héraðsins Podlasía. Borgin er við Biała-fljót, 197 km norðaustur af Varsjá og nærri landamærum Belarús og Litáen.

Hagkerfi
Białystok stuðlar að þróun staðbundinna fyrirtækja. Borgin hefur góð samskipti, hún hefur einnig vel þróaða vísinda- og kennsluaðstöðu. Viðskipta- og atvinnustarfsemi er að þróast hvað mest hér. Mörg fyrirtæki starfa á sviði flutninga, iðnaðarvinnslu, upplýsingatækni og rafrænna viðskipta. Margir starfsmenn fá einnig vinnu í mennta- og heilbrigðisgeiranum. Iðnaðurinn í bænum og nágrenni beinist einkum að tré-, rafvéla-, fata- og matvælaiðnaði.

Stærstu vinnuveitendur borgarinnar eru:

 Háskólinn í Bialystok - við háskólann starfa um 1.300 starfsmenn og menntar um 12.000 nemendur.
 Zakład Energetyczny Bialystok S.A. - raforkudreifingaraðili með um 180 starfsmenn.
 Vöruskipti Sp. z o. o. - fyrirtækið starfar á sviði sölu og dreifingar á fljótandi gasi fyrir heimilisbúnað, gashylki og sjálfvirkt gas.
 Polmos Białystok - einn af stærstu og þekktustu pólsku framleiðendum áfengra drykkja. Þar starfa um 400 manns.
 Rosti - fyrirtækið sér um hönnun og framleiðslu á heimilistækjum, raftækjum, vélum og bílahlutum. Í Póllandi starfa um 1.100 manns og um allan heim nær þessi fjöldi 2.700 manns.

Borgir í Póllandi

Białystok


La batalla de Tsuntua fue librada en diciembre de 1804 y fue una de las batallas más grandes de la guerra fulani.

En 1804 Yunfa de Gobir se dio cuenta de la amenaza que representaban los fulanis seguidores de Usman dan Fodio para las ciudades-estado. Apelando a la ayuda de los otros jefes hausas Yunfa reunió un gran ejército para derrotar o matar a Usman. Mientras que Usman hizo un llamado a la yihad, reuniendo una gran fuerza de nómadas fulanis.

Las fuerzas se enfrentaron en diciembre con una gran victoria para los hausas como resultado. Las fuerzas de Usman perdieron 2.000 hombres, de los que 200 sabían en Corán de memoria.

Sin embargo, el efecto de la victoria hausa no fue duradero. Al año siguiente Usman reconstruyó sus fuerzas y capturó Kebbi y Guandu asegurando la supervivencia de su movimiento.

Referencias
 "Usman dan Fodio". Encyclopedia Britannica Online.

Historia militar de Nigeria
Tsuntua

Batalla de Tsuntua


جيما دريوسي (17 أغسطس 1972 -)، ممثلة سورية، كانت بداية انطلاقتها التلفزيونية في عام 1996، عندما ظهرت مع دريد لحام في مسلسل أبو الهنا، وبعدها اشتركت لاحقا مع الفنان دريد لحام في عدد من المسلسلات.

مشوارها المهني
بدايتها كانت من خلال الإعلانات التجارية، كان أول ظهور لها على شاشة التلفزيون في مسلسل «أحلام أبو الهنا» الذي عرض في رمضان 1996 وهو مسلسل كوميدي حيث كان هذا المسلسل هو بداية انطلاقتها، وقد أدت في هذا المسلسل دور «لطفية» زوجة «أبو لطفي» وهو يكبرها في السن وجار أبو الهنا في نفس العمارة، أدى نجاح ذلك المسلسل الكبير إلى محبة الناس إلى الشخصيات التي شاركت في ذلك المسلسل ولفت النظر إليهم، مما أدى إلى مشاركتها في عدد من مسلسلات دريد لحام التي لاقت نجاحا أيضا.
عام 1998 ظهرت في مسلسل «عودة غوار - الأصدقاء» الذي أعطى لها مساحة كبيرة خلال عشر حلقات تجسد فيه دور ابنته «أمل الطوشي» التي تم قتل أمها من قبل «أبو العز» وهو صاحب فيلا كان والدها يعمل به ومن خلال تلك الجريمة سجن «غوار» لعشرين عام ليبحث أخيرا عنها، وقد أدت هذا الدور بشكل رائع ومؤثر خصوصاً في الحلقات الأخيرة.
كما وشاركت أيضا مع دريد لحام في مسلسل «عائلتي وأنا» وتجسد فيها أيضا أحد أبنائه ولكن في هذه المرة تكون ابنة «مطيع بيك» وهو أب لأسرة غنية ولكنها تخسر كل ما لديها فيبيع كل أملاكه وتجبر عائلته في أعمال متواضعة من خلال مواقف كوميدية وجسدت في هذا المسلسل دور «فدوى» ابنة مطيع بك تخطط هي وأخوها لأخذ المال الذي مع والدهما وهي سبب في العديد من المشاكل من خلال مواقف طريفة.
عام 2000 قامت بدور في مسلسل خليجي سوري تم تصويره في دمشق حيث لم يلق النجاح وهو
«أساطير شعبية» كما شاركت في مسلسل اسمه أحلام عبدو والعديد من المسلسلات القصيرة والبرامج المنوعة منها الترفيهي ومنها التوجيهي والتعليمي، هي مندوبة للمؤسسة العامة السينما في سوريا

غيابها عن الفن وعودتها
تزوجت عام 2000 ابتعدت عن العمل الفني وسافرت مع زوجها للإقامة في الصين في مقاطعة كواندون وبالتحديد في كوانزو وأنجبت بنت وولد، انقطعت عن التمثيل لمدة 18 عشر عاما وعادت عام 2019 بمسلسل حمل عنوان «كرم منجل»

أعمالها

في التلفزيون

روابط خارجية

مراجع

أشخاص على قيد الحياة
ممثلات سوريات
مواليد 1392 هـ
مواليد 1972

جيما دريوسي


هذه الصفحة عن الملك الأسطوري، للمسرحية أنظر الملك لير

لير هو أحد ملوك بريطانيا الأسطوريين والذين روى قصتهم جيفري مونماوث في تاريخ ملوك بريطانيا في القرن الثاني عشر.  وفقا لكتابات جيفري عن السلالة البريطانية، فإن حكم لير وقع حوالي القرن الثامن قبل الميلاد، أي في زمن تأسيس روما. تم تعديل القصة وإعادة سردها من قبل وليام شكسبير في مسرحيته التراجيدية الملك لير.

الاسم

حدّد جيفري مونماوث الملك لير بأنه مؤسس مدينة ليستر وسميّها (ليغوراكيستر Ligoraceastre في اللغة الإنجليزية القديمة؛ كير ليريون Cair Lerion في الويلزية القديمة، كيرلير Caerlŷr في الويلزية الحديثة)، وسمى مونموث المدينة بالاسم القديم «كايرلير» Kaerleir وتعني «مدينة لير».

في الواقع فإن هذه الأسماء تنتمي إلى الاسم البريطاني القديم لنهر سور وهو ليغيرا Ligera أو ليغورا Ligora.

الأسطورة

الحكم

تم تسجيل قصة لير لأول مرة في كتاب تاريخ ملوك بريطانيا. ويروي جفري أن لير هو من سلالة بروتوس الطروادي وتولى العرش بعد وفاة والده بلادود أثناء محاولته الطيران بأجنحة اصطناعية. لم يحدد جفري التاريخ بدقة، ولكنه جعل بلادود معاصرا للنبي إيليا. وذكر أن حكم لير كان الأطول بين الملوك، إذ حكم لستين عاما.  وأنه كان مؤسس مدينة ليستر في إنجلترا.

التنازل عن العرش

كان لير هو آخر الذكور في نسل بروتوس، حيث أنجب بثلاث بنات: غونرل وريغان وكورديليا. ومع اقتراب منيّته، قسّم مملكته بين بناته الثلاث. قامت ريغان وغونريل بتملق والدهما، وزوجت غونريل إلى دوق الباني، وزوجت ريغان إلى دوق كورنوال، وذلك بناء على نصيحة النبلاء. رفضت كورديليا أن تتملق لوالدها رغم كونها المفضلة لديه، مشيرة إلى أنه لا ينبغي أن يحتاج إلى تأكيد لحبها له، ولم تنل بهذا أي أرض تحكمها. تزوجت كورديليا من أغانيبوس ملك الفرنجة، ولكن لير رفض دفع المهر.  أعطى لير نصف مملكته لغونريل وريغان، وخطط لتوريثهم البقية عند موته. ولكن صهريه تمردا واستوليا على كامل المملكة. قام ماغلاوروس، دوق ألباني وزوج غونريل، بحماية لير مع حاشية من 60 فارسًا، لكن زوجته قلصت هذا العدد إلى النصف بعد عامين. ثم هرب لير إلى ريغان، والتي أنقصت حاشيته إلى خمسة رجال فقط. عاد إلى ألباني والتمس العون من غونرل، ولكن لم يب له سوى فارس واحد يحميه.

العودة

في هذه المرحلة، خاف لير من بناته الأكبر وهرب إلى فرنسا.  بعث إلى كورديليا رسولا عندما كان خارج بلاطها في كاريتيا. قامت كورديليا بتحميمه ومنحه ملابس ملكية، وعينت له فرقة كبيرة من الخدم. ثم استقبله الملك رسمياً وجعله وصي فرنسا، حيث تعهد نبلاء الفرنجة بإعادته إلى مجده السابق.  غزا لير بريطانيا مع ابنته وزوجها ونجح في إسقاط ابنتيه وصهريه. حكم لير ثلاث سنوات ثم مات. خلفته كورديليا وتم دفنه في ضريح تحت الأرض مكرس للإله يانوس تحت نهر سور بالقرب من ليستر. أقيم احتفال سنوي بالقرب من المنطقة على شرفه.

في الثقافة

تم اقتباس حياة لير على المسرح الإليزابيثي في مسرحية مجهولة مجهولة المؤلف بعنوان الملك لير King Leir، والتي تم تسجيلها في عام 1594 ونشرت في 1605 تحت عنوان الوقائع الحقيقية لتاريخ الملك لير وبناته الثلاثة، غونوريل، وراغان، وكورديلا. وقد سبقت مأساة ويليام شكسبير، كانت على خلافها كوميدية وتكرر قصة جيفري وتنتهي نهاية سعيدة بعودة لير إلى السلطة. تظهر القصة أيضًا في مرآة القضاة بقلم جون هيجينز،  وقصة ملكة الجن بقلم إدموند سبنسر، وأعمال أخرى.

مراجع

الملك لير
شخصيات في أعمال جيفري مونماوث
أساطير كلتية

لير


Die Liste der denkmalgeschützten Objekte in Jarok enthält die vier nach slowakischen Denkmalschutzvorschriften geschützten Objekte in der Gemeinde Jarok im Okres Nitra.

Denkmäler

Legende

Einzelnachweise

!
Jarok (Slowakei)

Liste der denkmalgeschützten Objekte in Jarok (Slowakei)


Galitsyn  es un jútor del raión de Slaviansk del krai de Krasnodar, en el sur de Rusia. Está situado en la orilla izquierda del Protoka, uno de los distributarios del delta del Kubán, 27 km al norte de Slaviansk-na-Kubani y 90 al noroeste de Krasnodar, la capital del krai. Tenía 1 883 habitantes en 2010.

Es cabeza del municipio Kírovskoye, al que pertenecen asimismo Pogorelovo, Bélikov y Krasnoarmeiski Gorodok.

Historia

La localidad fue fundada oficialmente en 1836 por el cosaco Markiya Galitsa, que junto a sus tres hijos recibió estas tierras por sus servicios militares.

Lugares de interés

Cerca del jútor se halla un memorial sobre la fosa en la que están enterrados los defensores y liberadores de la población durante la Gran Guerra Patria en 1942-1943.

Economía

La principal empresa de la localidad es ZAO Novopetróvskoye, agrícola y PSK OAO Slavianski Kirpich, dedicada a la fabricación de ladrillos.

Servicios sociales

En la localidad existen un jardín de infancia, una escuela secundaria, una Casa de Cultura, una biblioteca, una escuela musical y un punto de enfermería entre otros establecimientos.

Enlaces externos y referencias

 Este artículo contiene datos geográficos extraídos de Google Earth y el mapa de Rusia de Yandex.ru, accesible desde  este enlace.
 Este artículo es en parte una traducción de su correspondiente en la edición rusa de Wikipedia, Галицын (Славянский район Краснодарского края).
 Sitio web sobre la localidad
 Mapa en vlasenko.net .
 Memorial a los caídos en la Gran Guerra Patria en Panoramio

Localidades del raión de Slaviansk del krai de Krasnodar
Localidades establecidas en 1836

Galitsyn