Forty acres and a mule was part of Special Field Orders No. 15, a wartime order proclaimed by Union General William Tecumseh Sherman on January 16, 1865, during the American Civil War, to allot land to some freed families, in plots of land no larger than . Sherman later ordered the army to lend mules for the agrarian reform effort. The field orders followed a series of conversations between Secretary of War Edwin M. Stanton and Radical Republican abolitionists Charles Sumner and Thaddeus Stevens following disruptions to the institution of slavery provoked by the American Civil War. Many freed people believed, after being told by various political figures, that they had a right to own the land they had been forced to work as slaves and were eager to control their own property. Freed people widely expected to legally claim 40 acres of land. However, Abraham Lincoln's successor as president, Andrew Johnson, tried to reverse the intent of Sherman's wartime Order No. 15 and similar provisions included in the second Freedmen's Bureau bills.

Some land redistribution occurred under military jurisdiction during the war and for a brief period thereafter. However, federal and state policy during the Reconstruction era emphasized wage labor, not land ownership, for black people. Almost all land allocated during the war was restored to its pre-war white owners. Several black communities did maintain control of their land, and some families obtained new land by homesteading. Black land ownership increased markedly in Mississippi during the 19th century, particularly. The state had much undeveloped bottomland (low-lying alluvial land near a river) behind riverfront areas that had been cultivated before the war. Most black people acquired land through private transactions, with ownership peaking at  or ~23,000 square miles in 1910, before an extended financial recession caused problems that resulted in the loss of property for many.

Background

The institution of slavery in the United States deprived multiple generations of the opportunity to own land. Legally slaves could not own anything, but in practice they did acquire capital. As legal slavery came to an end, many freed people fully expected to gain ownership of the land they had worked, as some abolitionists had led them to expect.

African Americans faced severe discrimination and were maintained as a distinct "racial" group by laws requiring racial segregation and prohibiting so-called "miscegenation". Perceived as a job-stealing threat to society—they were a downward force on wages since they usually would work for less than whites—and even more as a dangerous influence on those who remained enslaved, free Negroes were unwelcome in most areas of the United States. Before the Civil War, most free blacks lived in the North, which had abolished slavery. In some places, they acquired substantial real estate.

In the South, vagrancy laws had allowed the states to force free Negroes into labor, and sometimes to sell them into slavery. Nevertheless, free Africans across the country performed a variety of occupations, and a small number owned and operated successful farms. Others settled in Upper Canada (now Southern Ontario), an endpoint of the Underground Railroad, and in Nova Scotia.

Whites did not agree on how freed people ought to be treated. Some maintained that the land the freedmen had farmed for no pay should be taken from their former owners and given to them. Others wanted them sent "somewhere else"; they opposed the "race"-mixing that allowing them to remain in the U.S. would bring about. Plans for a "colony" of freedmen began in 1801, when James Monroe asked President Thomas Jefferson to help create a penal colony for rebellious blacks. The American Colonization Society (ACS) formed in 1816 to address the issue of free African Americans through settlement (not resettlement) abroad. Although there was discussion of settling freedmen in some undeveloped land in the new western territories, or helping them emigrate to Canada or Mexico, the ACS decided to send them to Africa, to the closest available land (and therefore the cheapest to reach). By 1860, the ACS had settled thousands of African Americans in Liberia. But colonization was slow and expensive and of little interest to most African Americans, who had no ties with or interest in Africa, and who said they were no more African than white Americans were British. Mortality from tropical diseases was ghastly, and while the enslaved population was in the millions, settlers to Liberia were in the low thousands. As mass emancipation loomed, there was no consensus about what to do with the millions of soon-to-be-free black slaves. This issue had long been known to white authorities as "The Negro Problem".

The idea of a land grant to an entire class of people was not as unusual in the 18th and 19th centuries as it seems today. There was so much land that it was often given free to anyone that would farm it. For example, Thomas Jefferson proposed a grant of 50 acres to any free man who did not already have at least that much, in his draft of a revolutionary constitution for Virginia in 1776. More recently, various Homestead Acts were passed between 1862 and 1916, granting 160–640 acres (a quarter section to a full section), depending on the act, and earlier homesteading occurred under statutes such as the Preemption Act of 1841. Freedmen were not generally eligible for homesteading because they were not citizens, which changed with the Fourteenth Amendment in 1868 when they were granted citizenship, and with the Fifteenth Amendment, which in 1870 gave them the right to vote.

War
As the American Army began to seize property in its war with the South, Congress passed the Confiscation Act of 1861. This law allowed the military to seize rebel property, including land and slaves. In fact, it reflected the rapidly growing reality of black refugee camps that sprang up around the Union Army. These glaring manifestations of the "Negro Problem" provoked hostility from much of the Union rank-and-file—and necessitated administration by officers.

Grand Contraband Camp
After secession, the Union maintained its control over Fort Monroe in Hampton on the coast of Southern Virginia. Escaped slaves rushed to the area, hoping for protection from the Confederate Army. (Even more quickly, the town's white residents fled to Richmond.) General Benjamin Butler set a precedent for Union forces on May 24, 1861, when he refused to surrender escaped slaves to Confederates claiming ownership. Butler declared the slaves contraband of war and allowed them to remain with the Union Army. By July 1861, there were 300 "contraband" slaves working for rations at Fort Monroe. By the end of July there were 900, and General Butler appointed Edward L. Pierce as Commissioner of Negro Affairs.

Confederate raiders under General John B. Magruder burnt the nearby town of Hampton, Virginia on August 7, 1861, but the "contraband" blacks occupied its ruins. They established a shantytown known as the Grand Contraband Camp. Many worked for the Army at a rate of $10.00/month, but these wages were not sufficient for them to make major improvements in housing. Conditions in the Camp grew worse, and Northern humanitarian groups sought to intervene on behalf of its 64,000 residents. Captain C. B. Wilder was appointed to organize a response. The perceived humanitarian crisis may have hastened Lincoln's plans for colonizing Île-à-Vache.

A plan developed in September 1862 would have relocated refugees en masse to Massachusetts and other northern states. This plan—initiated by John A. Dix and supported by Captain Wilder and Secretary of War Stanton—drew negative reactions from Republicans who wanted to avoid connecting northward black migration with the newly announced Emancipation Proclamation. Fear of competition by black workers, as well as generalized racial prejudice, made the prospect of black refugees unpalatable for Massachusetts politicians.

With support from orders from General Rufus Saxton, General Butler and Captain Wilder pursued local resettlement operations, providing many of the blacks in Hampton with two acres of land and tools with which to work. Others were assigned jobs as servants in the North. Various smaller camps and colonies were formed, including the Freedmen's Colony of Roanoke Island. Hampton was well known as one of the War's first and biggest refugee camps, and served as a sort of model for other settlements.

Sea Islands

The Union Army occupied the Sea Islands after the November 1861 Battle of Port Royal, leaving the area's many cotton plantations to the black farmers who worked on them. The early liberation of the Sea Island blacks, and the relatively unusual absence of the former white masters, raised the issue of how the South might be organized after the fall of slavery. Lincoln, commented State Department official Adam Gurowski, "is frightened with the success in South Carolina, as in his opinion this success will complicate the question of slavery." In the early days of federal occupation, troops were badly mistreating the island's residents, and had raided plantation supplies of food and clothing. One Union officer was caught preparing to secretly transport a group of blacks to Cuba, in order to sell them as slaves. Abuses by Union troops continued even after a stable regime had been established.

Treasury Secretary Salmon P. Chase had in December deployed Colonel William H. Reynolds to collect and sell whatever cotton could be confiscated from the Sea Island plantations. Soon after, Chase deployed Edward Pierce (after his brief period at Grand Contraband Camp) to assess the situation in Port Royal. Pierce found a plantation under strict Army control, paying wages too low to enable economic independence; he also criticized the Army's policy of shipping cotton North to be ginned. Pierce reported that the black workers were experts in cotton farming but required white managers "to enforce a paternal discipline". He recommended the establishment of a supervised black farming collective to prepare the workers for the responsibilities of citizenship—and to serve as a model for post-slavery labor relations in the South.

The Treasury Department sought to raise money and in many cases was already leasing occupied territories to Northern capitalists for private management. For Port Royal Colonel Thomas had already prepared an arrangement of this type; but Pierce insisted that Port Royal offered the chance to "settle a great social question": namely, whether "when properly organized, and with proper motives set before them, [blacks] will as freemen be as industrious as any race of men are likely to be in this climate." Chase sent Pierce to see President Lincoln. As Pierce later described the encounter:

Pierce accepted this reluctant mandate, but feared that "some unhappy compromise" might compromise his plan to engineer black citizenship.

Port Royal Experiment

The collective was established and became known as the Port Royal Experiment: a possible model for black economic activity after slavery. The Experiment attracted support from Northerners like economist Edward Atkinson, who hoped to prove his theory that free labor would be more productive than slave labor. More traditional abolitionists like Maria Weston Chapman also praised Pierce's plan. Civic groups like the American Missionary Association provided enthusiastic assistance. These sympathetic Northerners quickly recruited a boatload (53 chosen from a pool of applicants several times larger) of Ivy League and divinity school graduates who set off for Port Royal on March 3, 1862.

The residents of Port Royal generally resented the military and civilian occupiers, who exhibited racist superiority in varying degrees of overtness. Joy turned to sorrow when, on May 12 Union soldiers arrived to draft all able-bodied black men previously liberated on April 13, 1862, by General David Hunter who proclaimed slavery abolished in Georgia, South Carolina, and Alabama. Hunter kept his regiment even after Lincoln reversed this tri-state emancipation proclamation; but disbanded almost all of it when unable to draw payroll from the War Department. Black farmers preferred to grow vegetables and catch fish, whereas the missionaries (and other whites on the islands) encouraged monoculture of cotton as a cash crop. In the thinking of the latter, civilization would be advanced by incorporating blacks into the consumer economy dominated by Northern manufacturing.

Meanwhile, various conflicts arose among the missionaries, the Army, and the merchants whom Chase and Reynolds had invited to Port Royal in order to confiscate all that could be sold. On balance, however, the white sponsors of the Experiment had perceived positive results; businessman John Murray Forbes in May 1862 called it "a decided success", announcing that Blacks would indeed work in exchange for wages.

Secretary of War Edwin M. Stanton appointed General Rufus Saxton as military governor of Port Royal in April 1862, and by December Saxton was agitating for permanent black control over the land. He won support from Stanton, Chase, Sumner, and President Lincoln, but met continuing resistance from a tax commission that wanted to sell the land. Saxton also received approval to train a black militia, which formally became the 1st South Carolina Volunteers on January 1, 1863, when the Emancipation Proclamation legalized its existence.

Landownership in the Sea Islands
As elsewhere, black workers felt strongly that they had a claim to the lands they worked.

The Confiscation Act of 1862 allowed the Treasury Department to sell many captured lands on the grounds of delinquent taxes. All told, the government now claimed 76,775 acres of Sea Island land. Auditors arrived in Port Royal and began to assess the estates now occupied by blacks and missionaries. The stakes were high: the Sea Island cotton harvest represented a lucrative commodity for Northern investors to control.

Most of the whites involved in the project felt that black ownership of the land should be its final result. Saxton—along with journalists including Free South editor James G. Thompson, and missionaries including Methodist minister Mansfield French—lobbied hard for distribution of the land to black owners. In January 1863, Saxton unilaterally halted the Treasury Department's tax sale on the grounds of military necessity.

The tax commissioners conducted the auction regardless, selling ten thousand acres of land. Eleven plantations went to a consortium ("The Boston Concern") headed by Edward Philbrick, who sold the land in 1865 to black farmers. One black farming collective outbid the outside investors, paying an average of $7.00 per acre for the 470 plantation on which they already lived and worked. Overall, the majority of the land was sold to Northern investors and remained under their control.

In September 1863, Lincoln announced a plan to auction 60,000 acres of South Carolina land in lots of 320 acres—setting aside 16,000 acres of the land for "heads of families of the African race", who could obtain 20-acre lots sold at $1.25/acre (). Tax Commissioner William Brisbane envisioned racial integration on the islands, with large plantation owners employing landless blacks. But Saxton and French considered the 16,000-acre reserve to be inadequate, and instructed black families to stake claims and build houses on all 60,000 acres of the land. French traveled to Washington in December 1863 to lobby for legal confirmation of the plan. At French's urging, Chase and Lincoln authorized Sea Island families (and solitary wives of soldiers in the Union Army) to claim 40-acre plots. Other individuals over the age of 21 would be allowed to claim 20 acres. These plots would be purchased at $1.25 per acre, with 40% paid upfront and 60% paid later. With a requirement of six months' prior residency, the order functionally restricted settlement to blacks, missionaries, and others who were already involved in the Experiment.

Claims to land under the new plan began to arrive immediately, but Commissioner Brisbane ignored them, hoping for another reversal of the decision in Washington. Chase did indeed reverse his position in February, restoring the plan for a tax sale. The sale took place in late February, with land selling for an average price of more than $11/acre (). The sale provoked outcry from freedpeople who had already claimed land according to Chase's December order.

"Negroes of Savannah"

Major General William Tecumseh Sherman's "March to the Sea" brought a massive regiment of the Union Army to the Georgia coast in December 1864. Accompanying the Army were an estimated ten thousand black refugees, former slaves. This group was already suffering from starvation and disease. Many former slaves had become disillusioned by the Union Army, having suffered pillaging, rape, and other abuses. They arrived in Savannah "after long marches and severe privations, weary, famished, sick, and almost naked. On December 19, Sherman dispatched many of these slaves to Hilton Head, an island already serving as refugee camp. Saxton reported on December 22 "Every cabin and house on these islands is filled to overflowing—I have some 15,000." 700 more arrived on Christmas.

On January 11, 1865, Secretary of War Edwin Stanton arrived in Savannah with Quartermaster General Montgomery C. Meigs and other officials. This group met with Generals Sherman and Saxton to discuss the refugee crisis. They decided, in turn, to consult leaders from the local Black community and ask them: "What do you want for your own people?" A meeting was duly arranged.

At 8:00 PM on January 12, 1865, Sherman met with a group of twenty people, many of whom had been slaves for most of their lives. The blacks of Savannah had seized the opportunity of emancipation to strengthen their community's institutions, and they had strong political feelings. They selected one spokesperson: Garrison Frazier, the 67-year-old former pastor of Third African Baptist. In the late 1850s, he had for $1,000 bought freedom for himself and his wife. Frazier had consulted with the refugees as well as the other representatives. He told Sherman: "The way we can best take care of ourselves is to have land, and turn it and till it by our own labor." Frazier suggested that young men would serve the government in fighting the Rebels, and that therefore "the women and children and old men" would have to work this land. Almost all of those present agreed to request land grants for autonomous black communities, on the grounds that racial hatred would prevent economic advancement for blacks in mixed areas.

Sherman's Special Field Orders, No. 15

Sherman's Special Field Orders, No. 15, issued on January 16, 1865, instructed officers to settle these refugees on the Sea Islands and inland: 400,000 total acres divided into 40-acre plots. Though mules (beasts of burden used for plowing) were not mentioned, some of its beneficiaries did receive them from the army. Such plots were colloquially known as "Blackacres".

Sherman's orders specifically allocated "the islands from Charleston, south, the abandoned rice fields along the rivers for thirty miles back from the sea, and the country bordering the St. Johns River, Florida." The order specifically prohibits whites from settling in this area. Saxton, who, with Stanton, helped to craft the document, was promoted to major general and charged with oversight of the new settlement. On February 3, Saxton addressed a large freedpeople's meeting at Second African Baptist, announcing the order and outlining preparations for new settlement. By June 1865, about 40,000 freedpeople were settled on  in the Sea Islands.

The Special Field Orders were issued by Sherman, not the federal government with regards to all former slaves, and he issued similar ones "throughout the campaign to assure the harmony of action in the area of operations." It was claimed by some that these settlements were never intended to last. However, this was never the understanding of the settlers—nor of General Saxton, who said he asked Sherman to cancel the order unless it was meant to be permanent.

In practice, the areas of land settled were quite variable. James Chaplin Beecher observed that the "so called 40 acre tract[s] vary in size from eight acres to (450) four hundred and fifty." Some areas were settled by groups: Skidaway Island was colonized by a group of over 1000 people, including Reverend Ulysses L. Houston.

Significance
The Sea Islands project reflected a policy of "40 acres and a mule" as the basis for post-slavery economics. Especially in 1865, the precedent it set was highly visible to newly free blacks seeking land of their own.

Freedpeople from across the region flocked to the area in search of land. The result was refugee camps afflicted by disease and short on supplies.

Especially after Sherman's Orders, the coastal settlements generated enthusiasm for a new society that would supplant the slave system. Reported one journalist in April 1865: "It was the Plymouth colony repeating itself. They agreed if any others came to join them, they should have equal privileges. So blooms the Mayflower on the South Atlantic Coast."

Wage labor system
Beginning in occupied Louisiana under General Nathaniel P. Banks, the military developed a wage-labor system for cultivating large areas of land. This system—which took effect with Lincoln and Stanton's blessing soon after the Emancipation Proclamation legitimized contracts with the freedpeople—offered ironclad one-year contracts to freedpeople. The contract promised $10/month as well as provisions and medical care. The system was soon also adopted by General Lorenzo Thomas in Mississippi.

Sometimes land came under the control of Treasury officials. Jurisdictional disputes erupted between the Treasury Department and the military. Criticism of Treasury Department profiteering by General John Eaton and journalists who witnessed the new form of plantation labor influenced public opinion in the North and pressured Congress to support direct control of land by freedmen. The Treasury Department, particularly as Secretary Chase prepared to seek the Republican nomination in 1864, accused the military of treating the freedpeople inhumanely. Lincoln decided in favor of military rather than Treasury jurisdiction, and the wage labor system became more deeply established. Abolitionist critics of the policy called it no better than serfdom.

Davis Bend
One of the largest black landownership projects took place at Davis Bend, Mississippi, the 11,000-acre site of plantations owned by Joseph Davis and his famous younger brother Jefferson, president of the Confederacy. Influenced by some aspects of Robert Owen's socialism, Joseph Davis had established the experimental 4000-acre Hurricane Plantation in 1827 at Davis Bend. Davis allowed several hundred slaves to eat nutritious food, live in well-built cottages, receive medical care, and resolve their disputes in a weekly "Hall of Justice" court. His motto was: "The less people are governed, the more submissive they will be to control." Davis relied heavily on the managerial skills of Ben Montgomery, a well-educated slave who conducted much of the plantation's business.

The Battle of Shiloh began a period of turmoil (1862–1863), at Davis Bend, although its black residents continued farming. The plantation was occupied by two companies of black Union troops in December 1863. Under the command of Colonel Samuel Thomas, these soldiers began to fortify the area. General Ulysses S. Grant had expressed a desire to make of the Davis plantations "a negro paradise." Thomas began to lease the land to black tenants for the 1864 crop season. Black refugees who had gathered in Vicksburg moved en masse to Davis Bend under the auspices of the Freedman's Department (an agency created by the military prior to Congressional authorization of the "Freedmen's Bureau", discussed below).

Davis Bend was caught in the middle of the turf war between the military and the Treasury Department. In February 1864, the Treasury re-confiscated 2000 acres of Davis Bend, restoring them to white owners who had sworn loyalty oaths. It also leased 1,200 acres to Northern investors. Although Thomas resisted instructions to prevent the free blacks from farming, General Eaton ordered him to comply. Eaton also ordered Thomas to confiscate farming equipment held by blacks, on the grounds that—because Mississippi law banned slaves from owning property—they must have stolen such possessions. The Treasury Department sought to charge the plantation workers a fee for using the cotton gin. The residents of Davis Bend objected strenuously to these measures. In a petition signed by 56 farmers (including Montgomery) and published in the New Orleans Tribune:

At the commencement of our present year, this plantation was, in compliance with an order of our Post Commander, deprived of horses, mules, oxen and farming utensils of every description, very much of which had been captured and brought into Union lines by the undersigned; in consequence of which deprivations, we were, of course, reduced to the necessity of buying everything necessary for farming, and having thus far succeeded in performing by far the most expensive and laborious part of our work, we are prepared to accomplish the ginning, pressing, weighing, marking, consigning, etc., in a business-like order if allowed to do so.

Freedmen's Bureau
From 1863 to 1865, Congress debated what policies it might adopt to address the social issues that would confront the South after the war. The Freedmen's Aid Society pushed for a "Bureau of Emancipation" to assist in the economic transition away from slavery. It used Port Royal as evidence that blacks could live and work on their own. Land reform was often discussed, though some objected that too much capital would be required to ensure the success of black farmers. On January 31, 1865, the House of Representatives approved the 13th Amendment, which outlaws slavery and involuntary servitude except in the case of punishment.

Congress continued to debate the economic and social status of the free population, with land reform identified as critical to realizing black freedom. A bill drafted in conference committee to provide limited land tenure for one year while authorizing military supervision of freedmen was rejected in the Senate by abolitionists who thought it did not do justice to the freedmen. A six-person committee quickly wrote "an entirely new bill" which substantially increased its promise to the freedmen.

This stronger version of the bill passed both houses on March 3, 1865. With this bill, Congress established the Bureau of Refugees, Freedmen, and Abandoned Lands under the War Department. The Bureau had authority to provide supplies for refugees—and an unfunded mandate to redistribute land, in parcels of up to 40 acres:

Sec. 4. And be it further enacted, That the commissioner, under the direction of the President, shall have authority to set apart, for the use of loyal refugees and freedmen, such tracts of land within the insurrectionary states as shall have been abandoned, or to which the United States shall have acquired title by confiscation or sale, or otherwise, and to every male citizen, whether refugee or freedman, as aforesaid, there shall be assigned not more than forty acres of such land, and the person to whom it was so assigned shall be protected in the use and enjoyment of the land for the term of three years at an annual rent not exceeding six per centum upon the value of such land, as it was appraised by the state authorities in the year eighteen hundred and sixty, for the purpose of taxation, and in case no such appraisal can be found, then the rental shall be based upon the estimated value of the land in said year, to be ascertained in such manner as the commissioner may by regulation prescribe. At the end of said term, or at any time during said term, the occupants of any parcels so assigned may purchase the land and receive such title thereto as the United States can convey, upon paying therefor the value of the land, as ascertained and fixed for the purpose of determining the annual rent aforesaid.

The bill thus established a system in which Southern blacks could lease abandoned and confiscated land, with yearly rent at 6% (or less) of the land's value (assessed for tax purposes in 1860). After three years, they would have the option to buy this land at full price. The Bureau in charge, which became known as the Freedmen's Bureau, was placed under the continuing supervision of the military because Congress anticipated the need to defend black settlements from White Southerners. The bill mandated institutionalized black landownership of the same land that had formerly relied on their unpaid labor.

After Lincoln's assassination, Andrew Johnson became president. On May 29, 1865, Johnson issued an amnesty proclamation to ordinary Southern citizens who swore loyalty oaths, promising not only political immunity but also return of confiscated property. (Johnson's proclamation excluded Confederate politicians, military officers, and landowners with property worth more than $20,000.) General O. O. Howard, chief of the Freedmen's Bureau, requested an interpretation from Attorney General James Speed regarding how this proclamation would affect the Freedmen's Bureau mandate. Speed replied on June 22, 1865, that the Bureau Commissioner:

... has authority, under the direction of the President, to set apart for the use of loyal refugees and freedmen the lands in question; and he is required to assign to every male of that class of persons, not more than forty acres of such lands.

Circular #13

Howard acted quickly based on the authorization from Speed, ordering an inventory of lands available for redistribution and resisting white Southerners' attempts to reclaim property. At its peak in 1865, the Freedmen's Bureau controlled 800,000–900,000 acres of plantation lands previously belonging to slave owners. This area represented 0.2% of land in the South; ultimately the Johnson proclamation required the Bureau to re-allocate most of it to its former owners.

On July 28, 1865, Howard issued "Circular no. 13", a directive within the Freedmen's Bureau to issue land to refugees and freedmen. Circular no. 13 explicitly instructed Bureau agents to prioritize the Congressional mandate for land distribution over Johnson's amnesty declaration. Its final section clarified: "The pardon of the President will not be understood to extend to the surrender of abandoned or confiscated property which by law has been 'set apart for Refugees and Freedmen'". With Circular #13, land redistribution was an official policy for the entire South, and understood as such by army officers.

After issuing Circular 13, however, Howard, seemingly unaware of how significant and controversial his instructions might prove, left Washington for a vacation in Maine. President Johnson and others began to counteract the Circular almost immediately. After Johnson ordered the Bureau to restore the estate of a complaining Tennessee plantation owner, General Joseph S. Fullerton suggested to at least one subordinate that Circular #13 "will not be observed for the present".

When Howard returned to Washington, Johnson ordered him to write a new Circular that would respect his policy of land restoration. Johnson rejected Howard's draft and wrote his own version, which he issued on September 12 as Circular #15—including Howard's name. Circular #15 established strict criteria for designating a property as "officially confiscated" and had the effect in many places of ending land redistribution completely.

Especially during the six-week period between Circular #13 and Circular #15, '40 acres and a mule' (along with other supplies necessary for farming) represented a common promise of Freedmen's Bureau agents. Clinton B. Fisk, Assistant Commissioner of the Freedmen's Bureau for Kentucky and Tennessee, had announced at a black political assembly: "They must not only have freedom but homes of their own, thirty or forty acres, with mules, cottages, and schoolhouses etc."

A Bureau administrator in Virginia proposed leasing to each family a 40-acre plot of land, a pair of mules, harnesses, a cart, tools, seeds, and food supplies. The family would pay for these supplies after growing crops and selling them.

Black Codes

Bureau agents encountered legal problems in allocating land to freedpeople as a result of the "Black Codes" passed by Southern legislatures in late 1865 and 1866. Some of the new laws prevented black people from owning or leasing land. The Freedmen's Bureau generally treated the black Codes as invalid, based on federal legislation. However, the Bureau was not always able to enforce its interpretation after the Union Army had substantially demobilized.

Colonization and homesteading
During and after the war, politicians, generals and others envisioned a variety of colonization plans that would have provided real estate to black families. Although the American Colonization Society had been colonizing more people in Liberia and receiving more donations (almost one million dollars in the 1850s), it did not have the means to respond to mass emancipation.

A 2020 study contrasted the successful distribution of free land to former slaves in the Cherokee Nation with the failure to give free land to former slaves in the Confederacy. The study found that even though levels of inequality in 1860 were similar in the Cherokee Nation and the Confederacy, former black slaves prospered in the Cherokee Nation over the next decades. The Cherokee Nation had lower levels of racial inequality, higher incomes for black people, higher literacy rates among black people, and greater school attendance rates among black people.

Foreign colonization plans
Lincoln had long supported colonization as a plausible solution to the problem of slavery, and pursued colonization plans throughout his presidency. In 1862, Congress approved $600,000 to fund Lincoln's plan for colonizing blacks "in a climate congenial to them", and granted Lincoln broad executive powers to orchestrate colonization. Lincoln immediately created an Emigration Office within the Department of the Interior and instructed the State Department to acquire suitable land. The first major plan considered would have sent employed free blacks as coal miners in Chiriquí Province, Panama (then part of Gran Colombia). Volunteers were promised 40 acres of land and a job in the mines; Senator Samuel C. Pomeroy, whom Lincoln had appointed to oversee the plan, had also purchased mules, yokes, tools, wagons, seeds, and other supplies to support a potential colony. Pomeroy accepted 500 of the 13,700 people who applied for the job. However, the plan was canceled by the end of the year, thanks to a discovery that Chiriquí's coal was of poor quality.

Like Liberia, an independent black nation, Haiti was also considered a good place to colonize freedpeople from the U.S. As the Chiriquí plan was hitting its stride in 1862, Lincoln was developing another plan to colonize the small island of Île à Vache near Haiti. Lincoln struck a deal with businessman Bernard Kock, who had obtained rights to lease the island for cultivation and wood-cutting. A total of 453 Blacks, mostly young men from the Tidewater region around occupied Hampton, Virginia, volunteered to colonize the island. On April 14, 1863, they left Fort Monroe in the "Ocean Ranger". Kock confiscated all of the money possessed by the colonists and did not pay their wages. Initial reports suggested dire conditions, though these were later disputed. A number of colonists died in the first year. 292 survivors from the original group remained on the island and 73 had moved to Aux Cayes; most were restored to the U.S. by a mission of the Navy in February 1864. Congress rescinded Lincoln's colonization authority in July 1863.

Lincoln continued to pursue colonization plans, particularly in the British West Indies, but none came to fruition. The American Colonization Society settled a few hundred people in Liberia during the war, and several thousand more in the five years following.

Domestic colonization plans
Confederate general Nathan Bedford Forrest had proposed in 1865 before the end of the war to hire black soldiers and freedmen in constructing a railroad for the Memphis and Little Rock Railroad Company, paying them with $1 (~$ in )/day and land along the railway line. This proposal later gained the endorsements of Sherman, Howard, Johnson, and Arkansas Governor Isaac Murphy. Howard transported several hundred freedmen from Alabama to Arkansas for work on the line. He appointed Edward Ord to supervise the project and protect the freedmen from Forrest.

Southern Homesteading Act

As it became clear that the pool of land available for blacks was rapidly shrinking, the Union discussed various proposals for how blacks might resettle and eventually own their own land. In Virginia, the mass of landless blacks represented a growing crisis—soon to be exacerbated by the return of 10,000 black soldiers from Texas. Concerned about a possible insurrection, Colonel Orlando Brown (head of the Freedmen's Bureau in Virginia) proposed relocating Virginia's blacks to Texas or Florida. Brown proposed that the federal government reserve 500,000 acres in Florida for colonization by the soldiers and 50,000 other free blacks from Virginia. Howard took Brown's proposal to Congress.

In December 1865, Congress began to debate the "Second Freedmen's Bureau bill", which would have opened three million acres of unoccupied public land in Florida, Mississippi, and Arkansas for homesteading. (An amendment to allow black homesteading on public lands in the North was defeated.) Congress passed the bill in February 1866 but could not override Johnson's veto. (Congress passed a more limited "Second Freedmen's Bureau Bill" in July 1866, and did override Johnson's veto.)

Howard continued to push for Congress to appropriate land for allocation to freedmen. With support from Thaddeus Stevens and William Fessenden, Congress began to debate a new bill for black settlement of public lands in the South. The result was the Southern Homestead Act, which opened 46,398,544.87 acres of land in Florida, Alabama, Louisiana, Mississippi and Arkansas to homesteading; initially 80-acre parcels (half-quarter section) until June 1868, and thereafter 160-acre parcels (quarter section). Johnson signed this bill and it went into effect on June 21, 1866. Until January 1, 1867, the bill specified, only free blacks and loyal whites would be allowed access to these lands.

Howard, concerned about competition with Confederates that would begin in 1867, ordered Bureau agents to inform free blacks about the Homesteading Act. Local commissioners did not disseminate the information widely, and many freedpeople were unwilling to venture into unknown territory, with insufficient supplies, based only on the promise of land after five years.

Those who did attempt homesteading encountered unreliable bureaucracy that often did not comply with federal law. They also faced extremely harsh conditions, usually on low quality land that had been rejected by white settlers in years past. Nevertheless, free blacks entered about 6,500 claims to homesteads; about 1000 of these eventually resulted in property certificates.

Outcomes
Southern land owners regained control over almost all of the land they had claimed before the war. The national dialogue about land ownership as a key to success for freed people gave way (in the sphere of white politics and media) to the implementation of a plantation wage system. Under pressure from Johnson and other pro-capital politicians in the North, and from almost all of white society in the South, the Freedmen's Bureau was transformed from a protector of land rights to an enforcer of wage labor.

Hopes and expectations
Free blacks in the South widely believed that all land would be redistributed to those who had worked on it. They also felt strongly that they had a right to own this land. Many expected this event to occur by Christmas 1865 or New Year's 1866. Although the freedpeople formed this belief in response to the policies of the Freedmen's Bureau and Circular #13, their hopes were soon downplayed as superstition akin to belief in Santa Claus.

Hope for "40 acres and a mule" specifically was prevalent beginning in early 1865. The expectation of "40 acres" came from the explicit terms of Sherman's Field Order and the Freedmen's Bureau bill. The "mule" may have been added simply as an obvious necessity for achieving prosperity through agriculture. ("Forty acres" was a slogan, which though it did appear often in formal declarations, represented a wide variety of different arrangements for land ownership and farming.)

A counter-rumor spread among Southern whites that when the land was not redistributed on Christmas, angry blacks would launch a violent insurrection. Alabama and Mississippi passed laws forming White paramilitary groups, which violently disarmed free black people.

According to historian Donald R. Shaffer: The fact was, however, that not all African Americans were enthusiastic about land redistribution. The black elite in the South, which disproportionately consisted of those who had been free before the war and the lightskinned, tended to emphasize suffrage and equal rights over economic issues. Consisting of property owners, or men who realistically aspired to buy property one day, these black men tended to oppose land confiscation and redistribution. They made common cause with white Republicans on this issue, few of whom supported confiscating land from ex-Confederates—even among the Radical Republicans. The fact that members of the elite predominated among black officeholders during Reconstruction also meant they rarely pushed this issue in Congress or state legislatures (not that it had much chance of passing even if they had, due to white majorities in these bodies). Hence, most African Americans during Reconstruction did not achieve the dramatic economic progress comparable to that demonstrated by their race in politics.

Wage labor

Southern farmowners complained that because they were waiting for land, the newly free blacks would not readily sign long-term labor contracts. South Carolina Governor James Lawrence Orr asked Johnson in 1866 to continue pushing his land policy, writing that "complete restoration will restore complete harmony".

Black hopes for land came to be seen as a major barrier to economic productivity, and forces from both South and North worked hard to dispel them. Southern governments passed "Black Codes" to prevent blacks from owning or leasing land, and to restrict their freedom of movement. Agents of the Freedmen's Bureau now told blacks that redistribution was impossible and that they would need to perform wage labor to survive. If they could not persuade people to sign contracts, they would insist forcefully. Thomas Conway, the Bureau Commissioner in Louisiana, ordered: "Hire them out! Cut wood! Do anything to avoid a state of idleness." Even Rufus Saxton, who campaigned actively for black property in the Sea Islands, issued a Circular instructing his agents to dispel the rumor of redistribution at New Year's 1866. (The unfunded Bureau drew its own finances from profits generated by freedpeople under contract.) Although some Whites continued to press for colonization, most now believed that black labor could be recuperated through the wage system.

According to many historians, economic negotiations between blacks and whites in the South thus unfolded within the parameters dictated by the Johnson administration. Southern plantation owners pushed blacks toward servitude, while the Republican Congress pushed for free wage labor and civil rights. Eventually, under this framework, sharecropping emerged as the dominant mode of production. Some historians, such as Robert McKenzie, have challenged the prevalence of this "standard scenario" and argued that land ownership fluctuated significantly during the 1870s. Black land ownership did increase across the South.

Tidewater Virginia
Many blacks who had settled on property surrounding Hampton were forced to leave by various means. These included Johnson's aggressive restoration policy, Black Codes passed by the Virginia legislature, and with vigilante enforcement by returning Confederates. Union troops also forcefully evicted settlers, sometimes provoking violent standoffs; many blacks came to trust the Freedmen's Bureau no more than they did the Rebels. In 1866 Tidewater's refugee camps were still full, and many of their residents were sick and dying. Relations with Northern and Southern whites had become violently hostile. The whites (military occupiers and local residents) agreed on a plan to deport the freedpeople back to their counties of origin.

After the turbulence of restoration, land ownership steadily increased. Hampton already had at least some black landowners, such as the family of American Revolutionary War veteran Caesar Tarrant. In 1860, about eight free Negroes owned land in Hampton. By 1870, approximately 121 free Blacks owned land in the area. Those who owned land before the war expanded their holdings.

Some of the blacks in Hampton formed a community land trust called Lincon's Land Association and purchased several hundred acres of surrounding land. Land for the Hampton Institute (later Hampton University), was acquired from 1867 to 1872 with assistance from George Whipple of the American Missionary Association. Whipple also helped to sell 44 individual lots to black owners.

Many freedpeople could not afford to purchase land immediately after the war, but earned money in jobs outside farming such as fishing and oystering. Black land ownership thus increased even faster (though not for everyone) during the 1870s. In Charles City County, three-quarters of black farm workers owned their own farms, with an average size of 36 acres. In York County, 50% owned their farms, which averaged 20 acres. (Statedwide, the number of landowners was high, but the average size of land was only 4 acres.) These relatively small farms, on relatively poor land, did not generate enormous profits. However, they did constitute a base of economic power, and blacks from this region held political office at a high rate.

Survivors of the camps also achieved a high level of land ownership and business success in the town of Hampton itself.

Sea Islands

The May 29 amnesty proclamation did not apply to many Sea Islands landowners; however, most of these had secured special pardons directly from Johnson. General Rufus Saxton was overwhelmed with ownership claims for properties in the "Sherman Reserve". Saxton wrote to Howard on September 5, 1865, asking him to protect black landownership on the Sea Islands:

Circular no. 15, issued days later, led the land's former owners to increase their efforts. Saxton continued to resist, passing their written requests to Howard with the comment:

Johnson dispatched Howard to the Islands, with instructions to broker a "mutually satisfactory" settlement. Howard understood that this implied a complete restoration of pre-war ownership. He informed the islanders of Johnson's intention. But (with support from Stanton, who felt comfortable with a literal interpretation of the phrase "mutually satisfactory") appointed a sympathetic captain, Alexander P. Ketchum, to form a commission overseeing the transition. Ketchum and Saxton proceeded to resist resettlement claims by Confederate whites.

The settlers formed a solidarity network to resist reclamation of their lands, and proved willing to defend their homes with vigorous displays of force. The Sea Island homesteaders also wrote directly to Howard and Johnson, insisting that the government keep its promise and maintain their homesteads.

However, the prevailing political wind continued to favor the Southern landowners. Saxton and Ketchum lost their positions; Daniel Sickles and Robert K. Scott assumed power. In the winter of 1866–1867, Sickles turned the Union Army on the settlers, evicting all those that could not produce the correct deed. Black settlers retained control over 1,565 titles amounting to 63,000 acres. Scott recounted in his report to Congress: "The officers of these detachments in many instances took from the freedmen their certificates, declared them worthless, and destroyed them in their presence. Upon refusing to accept the contracts offered, the people in several instances were thrust out into the highways, where, being without shelter, many perished from small-pox, which prevailed to an alarming extent among them."

Soldiers continued to evict settlers and enforce work agreements, leading in 1867 to a large-scale armed standoff between the Army and a group of farmers who would not renew their contract with a plantation owner. General Davis Tillson in Georgia ordered a modification to the title of black landowners "as to give a man holding one, not forty acres, but as much land as he could work well, say from ten to fifteen acres—and that the balance of the land should be turned over to Messrs. Scuyler and Winchester, who should be allowed to hire the remaining freed people who wish to work for them [...]". 90% of the land on Skidaway Island was confiscated.

The (second) Second Freedmen's Bureau bill, passed in July 1866 over Johnson's veto, stipulated the freedpeople whose lands had been restored to Confederate owners could pay $1.25 (~$ in ) per acre for up to 20 acres of land in St. Luke and St. Helena parishes of Beaufort County, South Carolina. This district was overseen by Major Martin R. Delaney, an abolitionist and advocate of black land ownership. About 1,900 families with land titles resettled in Beaufort County, buying 19,040 acres of land at relatively low rates.

Many people remained on the islands and maintained the Gullah culture of their ancestors. Several hundred thousand Gullah people live on the Sea Islands today. Their claim to the land has been threatened in recent decades by developers seeking to build vacation resorts.

Davis Bend

Thomas denied their request and accused Montgomery of having promoted the petition to further his own profits. Montgomery appealed to Joseph Davis, who had returned to Mississippi in October 1865 and was staying in Vicksburg.

Samuel Thomas was eventually removed from his post. Joseph Davis regained control of his plantation in 1867 and promptly sold it to Benjamin Montgomery for $300,000 (~$ in ). This price, $75 per acre, was comparatively low. The transaction itself was illegal because the Mississippi Black Codes outlawed sale of property to blacks; Davis and Montgomery therefore conducted the deal in secret.

Montgomery invited free blacks to settle the land and work there. In 1887, led by Benjamin's son Isaiah Montgomery, the group founded a new settlement at Mound Bayou, Mississippi. Mound Bayou remains an autonomous and virtually all-Black community.

Politics

Thaddeus Stevens and Charles Sumner continued to support land reform for freedpeople, but were opposed by a large bloc of politicians who did not want to violate property rights or redistribute capital.

Many radical Northerners withdrew their support for land reform in the years following the war. One reason for the shift in political opinion was fear by the Republicans that land ownership might lead Blacks to align with Democrats for economic reasons. In general, politicians turned their focus to the legal status of freedpeople. In the analysis of W. E. B. Du Bois, black suffrage became more politically palatable precisely as an inexpensive alternative to well-funded agrarian reform.

Legacy
According to Henry Louis Gates Jr.: The promise was the first systematic attempt to provide a form of reparations to newly freed slaves, and it was astonishingly radical for its time, proto-socialist in its implications. In fact, such a policy would be radical in any country today: the federal government's massive confiscation of private propertysome 400,000 acresformerly owned by Confederate land owners, and its methodical redistribution to former black slaves.

According to historian John David Smith:"What does this history teach us? Yes, the historical record disproves assertions that the federal government reneged on promises to grant the freedpeople "forty acres and a mule." But the fact that the government never made such a promise in the first place tells us something about how black people were treated in 19th-century America. Moreover, it is important to remember that the freedpeople desperately wanted land, believed that they had been deceived, and felt betrayed. The legacy of that sense of betrayal lingers on. After 138 years, the stubborn myth of "forty acres and a mule" remains a political football and a sober reminder of the ex-slaves' broken hopes and shattered dreams.

By the 1870s, blacks had abandoned hope of federal land redistribution, but many still saw "forty acres and a mule" as the key to freedom. Black land ownership in the South increased steadily despite the failure of federal Reconstruction. One quarter of black farmers in the South owned their land by 1900. Near the coast, they owned an average of 27 acres; inland, an average of 48 acres. By comparison, 63% of Southern white farmers owned their land. Most of this land was simply bought through private transactions.

In 1910, black Americans owned 15,000,000 acres of land, most of it in Alabama, Mississippi, North Carolina, and South Carolina. This figure has since declined to 5,500,000 acres in 1980 and to 2,000,000 acres in 1997. Most of this land is not the area held by black families in 1910; beyond the "Black Belt", it is located in Texas, Oklahoma, and California. The total number of Black farmers has decreased from 925,708 in 1920 to 18,000 in 1997; the number of white farmers has also decreased, but much more slowly. Black American land ownership has diminished more than that of any other ethnic group, while white land ownership has increased. Black families who inherit land across generations without obtaining an explicit title (often resulting in tenancy in common by multiple descendants) may have difficulty gaining government benefits and risk losing their land completely. Outright fraud and lynchings have also been used to strip black people of their land.

Black landowners are common targets of eminent domain laws invoked to make way for public works projects. At Harris Neck in the Sea Islands, a group of Gullah freedpeople retained 2,681 acres of high-quality land due to the Will of the plantation owner Marg[a]ret Ann Harris. About 100 black farmers continued to live at Harris Neck until 1942, when they were forced off the land because of a plan to build an Air Force base. The land was used freely by local white authorities until 1962, when it was turned over to the federal Fish and Wildlife Service and became Harris Neck National Wildlife Refuge. Ownership of the land remains contested.

The United States Department of Agriculture (USDA) has long been viewed as a cause for the decline in black agriculture. According to a 1997 report by the USDA's own Civil Rights Action Team:

There are some who call the USDA 'the last plantation.' An 'old line' department, USDA was one of the last federal agencies to integrate and perhaps the last to include women and minorities in leadership positions. Considered a stubborn bureaucracy and slow to change, USDA is also perceived as playing a key role in what some see as a conspiracy to force minority and socially disadvantaged farmers off their land through discriminatory loan practices.

A class action lawsuit has accused the USDA of systematic discrimination against black farmers from 1981 to 1999. In Pigford v. Glickman (1999), District Court Judge Paul L. Friedman ruled in favor of the farmers and ordered the USDA to pay financial damages for loss of land and revenue. However, the status of full compensation for affected farmers remains unresolved.

Symbolism
The phrase "40 acres and a mule" has come to symbolize the broken promise that Reconstruction policies would offer economic justice for African Americans.

The "40 acres and a mule" promise featured prominently in the class action racial discrimination lawsuit of Pigford v. Glickman. In his opinion, federal judge Paul L. Friedman ruled that the United States Department of Agriculture had discriminated against African-American farmers, and wrote: "Forty acres and a mule. The government broke that promise to African American farmers. Over one hundred years later, the USDA broke its promise to Mr. James Beverly."

In 1989, the U.S. congressional representative for Michigan John Conyers introduced a bill entitled Commission to Study Reparation Proposals for African-Americans Act. The bill was later numbered  as an allusion to the promise.

Reparations
"40 Acres and a Mule" is often discussed in the context of reparations for slavery. However, strictly speaking, the various policies offering 'forty acres' provided land for political and economic reasons—and with a price tag—and not as unconditional compensation for lifetimes of unpaid labor.

In popular culture
The phrase is referenced in:

 the 1939 film Gone with the Wind
 the name of the band "Gov't Mule" as well as their 1995 song "Mule"
 the 1999 song "Letter to the President" by Tupac Shakur
 multiple tracks on Kendrick Lamar's 2015 album To Pimp a Butterfly
 Kanye West's song "All Falls Down"
 Jay Z's song "Say Hello" from the 2007 album American Gangster
 Freddie Gibbs's song "Palmolive" from the 2019 collaborative album with Madlib, Bandana
 the song "Chocolate City" by funk group Parliament
 the name of film director Spike Lee's production company, 40 Acres and a Mule Filmworks
 Season 1: Episode 17 of the TV show My Name Is Earl
 Season 2: Episode 10 of the TV show "The Proud Family: Louder and Prouder"

See also

 American Civil War
 Forty Acres and a Mule Filmworks
 Three acres and a cow, a land reform slogan in Britain.
 Black land loss in the United States
 African-American history of agriculture in the United States
 Jim Crow economy

References

Sources

 . Originally printed as

External links

Bills and Resolutions, Senate, 39th Congress, 1st Session Bill 60, Library of Congress.
Significant Dates on Black Land Loss – from Federation of Southern Cooperatives Land Assistance Fund
The Truth Behind '40 Acres and a Mule' by Henry Louis Gates, Jr.
 "Colonization by the Numbers", Phillip W. Magness
 Lizzie Grant, Gullah Resident of Harris Neck, photographed by Lorenzo Dow Turner around 1933.

Slavery in the United States
Reconstruction Era
African-American history between emancipation and the civil rights movement
English phrases
Land reform
Agrarian politics
Reparations for slavery
Mules

Forty acres and a mule


Syrdalsfjorden er en lille fjord i Lindesnes kommune i Agder fylke i Norge. Den ligger vest for Unnerøy og syd for Lonestranda. Fjorden har to indløb, et mellem Unnerøy og Svinør, og et længere mod vest mellem Svinør og fastlandet ved landsbyen Åvik.

Fra indløbet ved Svinør fyr og nord til Lonebukta ved Londestrand er fjorden omkring tre kilometer lang. På den  anden side af Unnerøy ligger Sniksfjorden, mens indløbet til Remesfjorden ligger vest for Åvik.

Fylkesvej 460 går langs nordsiden af fjorden.

Kilder og henvisninger

Fjorde i Agder
Lindesnes kommune

Syrdalsfjorden


Olmedo (sardisk: S'Ulumèdu, Urumèddu) er en by og en kommune (comune) i provinsen Sassari i regionen Sardinien i Italien. Byen ligger i 68 meters højde og har 4.161 indbyggere (2016). Kommunen har et areal på 33,47 km² og grænser til kommunerne Alghero, Sassari og Uri.

Referencer

Henvisninger

Kommuner i provinsen Sassari

Olmedo


Die Dangerous and Moving Tour war die vierte Konzerttour des russischen Gesangs-Duos t.A.T.u. Sie begann am 28. Oktober 2005 mit einem Konzert in der Gaudi Arena in Moskau und endete am 20. Dezember des folgenden Jahres in der moldawischen Hauptstadt Chișinău. Da ein Großteil der Auftritte der beiden vorangegangenen Konzerttourneen aus verschiedensten Gründen abgesagt worden war, handelte es sich um die erste große und zusammenhängende Konzerttournee des Duos seit Beendigung der 200 Po Wstretschnoi Tour im Jahr 2002. Erwähnenswert ist außerdem, dass auf den Einsatz von Playback beinahe vollständig verzichtet wurde, während bei den meisten zuvor stattgefundenen Auftritten fast nie Livegesang zu hören war. Im Laufe der Tour bereiste das Duo vier verschiedene Kontinente. Während einige Auftritte in Diskotheken oder Nachtclubs stattfanden, füllten t.A.T.u.s Auftritte vornehmlich in Osteuropa und Russland auch große Konzert- und Mehrzweckhallen.

Das Konzert am 28. April in Sankt Petersburg wurde am 12. September 2007 in Japan als Konzert-DVD mit dem Titel .TRUTH. – Live in St. Petersburg veröffentlicht. Ursprünglich hatte diese bereits 2006 erscheinen sollen, allerdings verzögerte sich die Veröffentlichung aufgrund des Bruchs von t.A.T.u. von ihrem bisherigen Plattenlabel Universal/Interscope im August 2006. Die DVD wurde nur in begrenzter Stückzahl produziert und auch nur in Japan veröffentlicht, weshalb sie schnell zu einem begehrten Sammlerstück unter Fans des Duos avancierte. Ebenfalls auf der DVD enthalten sind Interviews sowie Aufnahmen der beiden Sängerinnen und der Band im Backstage-Bereich. Allerdings fehlen die drei gesungenen Stücke 30 Minutes, Cosmos (Outer Space) und Tschto ne chwatajet.

Nach dem Absturz eines russischen Passagierflugzeuges vom Typ Tupolew Tu-154 in der Ukraine am 22. August 2006 wurde die Tour für einige Tage ausgesetzt und mehrere Konzerttermine abgesagt. Das Unglück hatte mehr als 170 Todesopfer gefordert. Einige weitere Konzerte wurden aufgrund geringer Kartenverkäufe abgesagt.

Tourdaten

Weblinks
 Bilder, Videos und Konzertberichte zu den Auftritten 2005 auf tatu-tour.net
 Bilder, Videos und Konzertberichte zu den Auftritten 2006 auf tatu-tour.net

Einzelnachweise

T.A.T.u.
Musiktournee 2005
Musiktournee 2006

Dangerous and Moving Tour


AOA (Coreeană: 에이오에이 sau Ace of Angels) este o formație muzicală sud-coreeană înființată de FNC Entertainment. Inițial, AOA a debutat ca o trupă de fete cu opt membre sud-coreene – Choa, Jimin, Yuna, Youkyung, Hyejeong, Mina, Seolhyun și Chanmi. Grupul a debutat cu Albumul Single Angel's Story pe data de 30 iulie 2012.

În prezent, formația are 3 membre: Hyeojong, Seolhyun și Chanmi. Choa a părăsit oficial formația pe data de 22 iunie 2017 din cauza unor probleme de sănătate,. Youkyung în octombrie 2016 după expirarea contractului, Mina a părăsit formația la 13 mai 2019, după expirarea contractului, dorind să-și desfășoare o carieră solo iar pe data de 4 iulie 2020, Jimin, fosta lideră AOA, a părăsit formația și industria companiei FNC Enterntainment din cauza dezvăluiri făcute de Mina, fosta membră din AOA că ea era hărțuită de Jimin pe parcusul activități ei în formație.

Pe 1 Ianuarie, 2021, Yuna pleacă din AOA și din compania FNC Enterntainment după 10 ani de activitate din cauza expirări contractului.

Discografie

Albume Coreene
Album Single (Debut)
 Angel's Story (30 iulie 2012)

Albume Single
Wanna Be (10 octombrie 2012)
Red Motion (14 octombrie 2013)
Miniskirt (16 ianuarie 2014)

Albume EP
Short Hair (19 iunie 2014)
Like A Cat (11 noiembrie 2014)
Heart Attack (22 iunie 2015)
Good Luck (16 mai, 2016)
Bingle Bangle (28 mai 2018)
New Moon (26 noiembrie 2019)
Albume Full

 Angel's Knock (2 ianuarie 2017)

Albume Japoneze

Album Single (Debut Japonez)
Miniskirt (Japanese Version)
(1 octombrie 2014)

Albume Single
Like A Cat (Japanese Version) (25 februarie 2015)
Heart Attack (Japanese Version) (29 iulie 2015)
Give Me Love (20 aprilie 2016)
Good Luck (Japanese Version) (3 august 2016)

Albume Full
Ace of Angels (14 octombrie 2015)
Runway (30 noiembrie 2016)

Albume Chinezești
Album Single (Debut Chinezesc)
 Heart Attack (Chinese Version) (31 iulie 2015)

Scandalul de Bullying
În noiembrie, 2014, în vremea când AOA lansase albumul Like A Cat și aveau de performat pe scene si promovat albumul, Mina, își pierduse tatăl în urma unei lupte lungi cu cancer-ul, iar din cauza acestui incident, compania FNC Entertainment a lăsat-o pe Mina să aibă o pauză de la activitățile ei în formație pentru a se ocupa de moartea tatălui ei. Mult timp trece și AOA continuă să se promoveze, până când Choa a plecat din formație și a renunțat la viața de celebritate.

După, Mina a plecat de asemenea din formație și companie după ce contractul ei expirase în Mai 2019, deși ea putea sa își refacă contractul, ea a decis să nu o facă pentru a se focusa în cariera ei de actorie.

Pe 3 iulie, 2020, Mina a făcut o postare pe contul ei de Instagram cu un mesaj primit online, lângă postare, ea a scris un mesaj destul de lung, Mina povestea despre vremea când ea era în sala de așteptare atunci când tatăl ei murise

"Când tatăl meu murise, Eu eram în sala de așteptare plângând și o anumită "unnie" mi-a zis că e vina mea că atmosfera era rea"

Ea a zis că din cauza acestui membru, ea a început să i-a pastile de somn ca să se odihnească și că ea a și încercat de repetate ori să își încheie viața atunci când lucrurile mergeau rău, deși ea a continuat în AOA la vremea aceea, ea povește-te despre vremea când a plecat din formație

"Sincer vorbind, eu nu am vrut să plec din AOA. Dar din cauză că cineva mă ura, am fost hărțuită timp de 10 ani. Sincer, în cele din urmă, vroiam sa mă intorc la ea și să o înjur măcar odată. În cele din urmă, am renunțat la AOA. A fost amuzant să promovez cu ceilalți membri. Nu mult în urmă, tatăl acelei "unnie" murise și ma durea inima, dar m-am simțit ciudat, eu știu aceea durere. Am mers la înmormântare și de îndată ce m-a văzut, a început să plângă și a zis că îi pare rău și a fost de parcă inima mea se prăbușise în inutilitate. A fost gol. Toată vina dispăruse și a fost de parcă totul era ok din nou, dar am fost așa de frântă încât am fost speriată"

După menționarea acestui povești, oameni au aflat repede că Jimin, lidera din AOA, a avut un tată care murise in acel an, oameni au inceput să o critice pe Jimin pentru ce a facut.

După ce Mina a făcut aceea postare, Jimin a răspuns pe contul ei de Instagram, mai exact pe Instagram Story cu un singur cuvânt: "소설" (Română: ficțiune).

Oameni nu erau fericiți cu răspunsul lui Jimin, Mina era nervoasă pe răspunsul făcut de Jimin, așa că Mina a postat o fotografie cu încheietura mâini ei tăiată cu lama pentru a demonstra durerea psihică care i-a cauzat cuvintele lui Jimin. Mina a zis că are multe povești și dovezi pentru a demonstra că Jimin e un bully. Mina nu era fericită cu răspunsul lui Jimin, așa că ea a scris în aceea postare:

"Ieri mi-ai zis că tu ți-ai cerut scuze pentru că tu vroiai să mă readuci pe drumu corect. Ce fel de persoană aduce un bărbat în dormitor și are relați sexuale cu el. Tu ar trebui să te duci pe drumu corect prima. Măcar nu trebuia să minți"

Următoarea zi, pe 4 Iulie, dimineața devreme, membri din AOA și Jimin au vizitat-o pe Mina. Jimin a ajuns la ea inițial nervoasă pentru faptu că Mina a facut public acțiunile ei din trecut, dar s-a calmat și și-a cerut scuze față în față, Mina i-a acceptat scuzele dar a zis "O zi nu este suficientă de a repara 10 ani de probleme"

Tot in aceeași zi, FNC Entertainment au anunțat plecarea lui Jimin din AOA dar și din industria companiei din cauza acuzațiilor făcute despre ea

Pe 11 August, Jimin și-a șters toate clipurile de pe contul ei personal de Youtube numit 보스베이비 지미넴 [AOA Jimin]. această acțiune a fost ultimul semn făcut de Jimin pe rețeaua online.

Jimin a decis să ducă o viață normală după ce a ieșit din industria companiei, menționează FNC Entertainment

Note

Formații muzicale fondate în 2012
Formații K-pop
Formații sud-coreene
Sextete muzicale

AOA


Olaylar
 19 Mayıs - Kemah Kuşatması ile Kemah, Osmanlı hakimiyetine girdi.
 12 Haziran - Turnadağ Muharebesi'nde Osmanlı İmparatorluğu Dulkadiroğulları Beyliği'ni kendisine bağlayarak Türk siyasi birliğini kesin olarak sağladı. Beylik, bundan sonra yedi yıl daha devam etti ve 1522'de Osmanlı'nın Zülkadriye Eyaleti adıyla teşkilatlandırılarak kesin surette merkeze bağlandı.
 Haziran - Ovacık Muharebesi ile Nur Ali Halife İsyanı sona erdi ve Tunceli Osmanlı hakimiyetine girdi.
 10 Eylül - Diyarbakır Kuşatması sona erdi.
 13-14 Eylül - Marignano Muharebesi gerçekleşti.
 4 Kasım - Osmanlı İmparatorluğunda Diyarbekir Eyaleti oluşturuldu, Bıyıklı Mehmet Paşa ilk beylerbeyi olarak atandı.
 Küba'da Havana şehri kuruldu.
 Riga Kalesi'nin yapımı tamamlandı.

Doğumlar
 18 Şubat - Valerius Cordus, Eteri bulan Alman psikolog ve botanikçi (ö. 1544)
 10 Mart - Injong, Joseon Kralı (ö. 1545)
 28 Mart - Avilalı Teresa, Hristiyan bir rahibe ve Hristiyanlıkta azize (ö. 1582)
 22 Eylül - Clevesli Anne, VIII. Henry'nin dördüncü karısı (ö. 1557)
 tarihi bilinmeyen
 Annibale Caccavello, İtalyan heykeltıraş (ö. 1595)
 Johann Weyer, ollandalı hekim, okültist ve demonolog (ö. 1588)
 Niccolò Franco, İtalyan yazar (ö. 1570)
 Piyale Paşa, Osmanlı Kaptan-ı Derya (ö. 1578)
 Şehzade Mustafa - Kanuni Sultan Süleyman'ın ve Mahidevran Sultan'ın oğlu (ö.1553)

Ölümler
 1 Ocak - XII. Louis, Fransa kralı (d. 1462)
 Mart - Dukakinoğlu Ahmed Paşa, Osmanlı Sadrazamı
 12 Ağustos - Bediüzzaman Mirza, Timurlar Devleti'nin son hükümdarı (d. 1469)
 5 Kasım - Mariotto Albertinelli, İtalyan Yuksek Rönesans üslubunda Floransa ekolünde bulunan ressam (d. 1474)
 tarihi bilinmeyen
 I. Mengli Giray, Kırım Hanı (d. 1445)
 Alaüddevle Bozkurt Bey, Dulkadiroğulları Hükümdarı
 Alonso de Ojeda, İspanyol denizci, kaşif, vali ve istilacı (d. y. 1466)
 Bülbül Hatun, II. Bayezid'in eşi, Şehzade Ahmed'le Hundi Sultan'ın annesi
 Tacizade Cafer Çelebi, divan edebiyatı şair ve yazarı, devlet adamı

1515


Telekomünikasyon, iki ya da daha fazla kişinin teknolojiyi kullanarak bilgi alışverişinde bulunmasına denir. Haberleşme teknolojisi kanalları kullanarak ve fiziksel yollarla (sinyal kabloları) ya da elektromanyetik dalgaların bir formu olarak bilgileri iletir. Elektrik sinyalleri buna örnek olarak verilebilir. Telekomünikasyon topluluk adı olarak isimlendirilebilir çünkü birçok farklı teknolojiyi içinde barındırmaktadır.

Eski zamanlardaki uzak mesafe iletişim için ışık, dumanla haberleşme ve semafor gibi görsel sinyaller aracılığıyla kullanılırdı. Mesafeler arası iletişime geçişte ilk modern haberleşmedeyse borazan, davul veya ıslık gibi sesli mesaj araçlarıyla iletişim yaygındı. Günümüz modern teknolojisinde elektriksel ve elektromanyetik dalgalar uzun mesafelerarası iletişim yaygın olarak kullanılmaktadır. Telgraf, telefon, network, fiber optik ve haberleşme uyduları günümüz teknolojisinde kullanılan elektriksel ve elektromanyetik dalgalara birkaç örnektir. Wireless iletişimdeki devrim 1909'da Fizik dalında Nobel ödülü alan Guglielmo Marconi'nin radyo haberleşmesi alanında öncülük ettiği gelişmelerle 20. yüzyılın ilk on yılı içerisinde başladı.

Diğer kayda değer öncü icatlar ve geliştirmelerin mucitleri arasında elektrik ve elektronik iletişimi alanında Charles Wheatstone, telgrafı icat eden Samuel Morse, telefonu icat eden Graham Bell, radyoyu geliştiren  Lee de Forest, Edwin Armstrong, Wladimir K. Zworykin ve Guglielmo Marconi ve televizyonu icat eden Philo Farnsworth ve John Logie Baird sayılabilir.

Etimoloji
Telekomünikasyon, Fransızca bir kelime olup kökeni bakımında Yunancadan gelen manası mesafe olan "-tele" eki ve Latince paylaşmak olan "coommunicare"dan alınarak 1904 yılında Fransız mühendis ve yazar Edouardo Estaunie tarafından Fransızcaya kazandırılmıştır.

Tarihi

İlk zamanlarda telekomünikasyon
Orta Çağ'da işaret ışığı çok yaygındı. Bu ışıklı işaretler mesafe olarak kısa oldukları için bunun dezavantajları çokça yaşanıyordu. 1792 de Fransız mühendis Claude Chappe Lille ve Paris arasında ilk düzenli görsel telgraf sistemini kurdu. Bu sistem niteliksiz işletmeci ve pahalı kulelerinden ve uzak mesafeden dolayı sıkıntı çekti. Sonuç olarak elektrikli telgraflardan oluşan rekabetten son ticari hat 1880 yılında terk edildi.

Posta güvercinleri farklı kültürler tarafından tarih boyunca kullanılmıştır. Güvercinlerin aslen Pers kökenli olduğu söylenmektedir ve askeri yardım için Romalılar tarafından da kullanıldı. Frontinus Julius Caesar'ın Galya'yı fethinde güvercinleri kullandığını söyledi. Yunanlarda güvercinleri kullanarak Olimpiyat Oyunlarında galip gelen isimlerini iletti.

Telefon ve telgraf
Sir Charles Wheatstone ve Sir Fothergil Cooke 1837'de elektrikli telgrafı icat ettiler. Ayrıca ilk elektrikli ticari telgrafı 9 Nisan 1839 Wheastone ve Cooke tarafından inşa ettirilip açılmıştır. 27 Temmuz 1866 tarihinde ilk translantik telefon kablosu başarı ile tamamlandı.

Geleneksel telefon 1876 yılında Alexander Grahambell ve Elisha Gray tarafından icat edildi. Antonio Meucci 1846 yılında bir hat üzerinden ses ve elektrik iletimine izin veren bir cihaz icat etti. İlk ticarî telefon hizmetler 1878 ve 1879 yılında Atlantik'in iki yakasından New Heaven ve Londra şehirleri arasında inşa edildi.

Radyo ve Televizyon
İngiliz bilim insanı James Clerk Maxwell 1865 yılında elektronik olarak üretilen radyo dalgalarının yayılma teorisini kurmuş ve Alman fizikçisi Heinrich Hertz, 1888 yılında Maxwell'in teorisini pratik olarak gerçekleştirerek bu konuda öncülük etmişlerdir. Marconi ile birlikte 1898 yılında ilk radyo resmen doğmuş oldu. İlk kullanımı gemiden sahile haberleşme içindi. 1923 yılında yüksek frekans radyo dalgalarının İyonsfer'e çarparak dünyaya döndüğü ispatlanınca radyo, deniz aşırı haberleşme de dâhil olmak üzere hızla yaygınlaştı.

Televizyon, 1923 yılında John Logie Baird tarafından İngiltere'nin Hastings kasabasında icat edilmiştir. İlk televizyon görüntüsü ise yine Baird tarafından 1926 yılında yayımlanmıştır. Başlangıçta noktalar hâlinde ve titrek olan görüntülerin kalitesi Baird tarafından geliştirilmiştir. Baird'in televizyon sisteminde mekanik olarak döndürülen diskler kullanmasına karşın aynı dönemde Marconi-Emi sistemi gibi elektronik olarak işleyen rakip sistemler de üretildi. 1930'lu yılların başında televizyon elektronik eşya olarak satılmaya ve geniş kitlelere hitâp etmeye başladı. Örnek olarak: 1936 Berlin Yaz Olimpiyatları Almanya'da evlerdeki televizyonlardan izlendi.

Bilgisayar Altyapısı ve İnternet
Eylül 1940 tarihinde 11, George Stibitz New York'ta Karmaşık Sayı Hesaplama teleyazıcı kullanarak sorunları iletmek ve New Hampshire Dartmouth College geri bilgisayarlı sonuçlar almayı başardı. 60'ların başında The US Department of Defense tarafından desteklenen ağ çalışmalarından birisi, İnternet Protokolü'nü (IP) kullanan ilk ağ olan ARPANET'tir. ARPANET üzerinden ilk mesaj, Los Angeles'taki Kaliforniya Üniversitesi (UCLA)'daki Professor Leonard Kleinrock'un laboratuvarından, Stanford Research Institute (ISR)'de bulunan bir bilgisayara gönderildi. Yerel alan ağları (LAN) için iki popüler bağlantı protokolleri de 1970'lerde ortaya çıktı. Token Ring protokolü için bir patent Olof Soderblom tarafından 29 Ekim 1974 tarihinde açıldı.

Öncü icatlar ve geliştirmeler

 Elektrik ve elektronik iletişim alanında Charles Wheatstone önde gelen isimlerdendir.
 Telgrafın mucidi ve icat eden kişi: Samuel Morse'dur.
 Telefonun mucidi ve icat eden kişi: Graham Bel'dir.
 Radyonun mucidi ve icat eden kişi(ler): Lee de Forset, Edwin Armstrong, Wladimir K. Zworykin, John Logie Baird.
 Televizyonun mucidi ve icat eden kişi: Philo Farnsworth.

Ayrıca bakınız
 Telekomünikasyon mühendisliği

Kaynakça

Telekomünikasyon


Cabeza de campesino catalán es una emblemática secuencia de pinturas al óleo y lápiz realizadas por Joan Miró entre 1924 y 1925.

Historia

Miró empezó esta serie el mismo año que se publicaba el Manifiesto del Surrealismo de André Breton. La serie se realizó parcialmente en París. Para Joan Miró el campo simbolizaba el saber natural histórico, y además reflejaba su identidad catalana.
En la Fundación Joan Miró de Barcelona se conservan varios dibujos preparatorios de esta obra. La obra demuestra los lazos que Miró mantiene con su tierra a lo largo de toda su carrera artística. Joan Miró inició esta serie o secuencia en respuesta a la prohibición del idioma catalán por parte de Miguel Primo de Rivera. También le influenció el entorno rural de Tarragona. En esta serie desarrolla aún más el lenguaje iniciado en obras como Paisaje catalán (El cazador). La secuencia seguida por Miró ha sido interpretada en varias ocasiones como una progresiva simplificación de la misma escena.

Christopher Green, a su vez, comenta que no se trata exactamente de una evolución lineal hacia la simplificación, sino más bien un dilema, una discusión interna entre el deseo del artista de vaciar y al mismo tiempo llenar el espacio pictórico.

Descripción
La serie comparte la representación sintética de la figura de un campo, mediante una repetición de símbolos como la cabeza triangular, la barba y una barretina roja, todos ellos combinados en una figura de palo. En este grupo de pinturas al óleo, Miró esquematiza la figura de un campesino varias veces, trabajando con fondos neutros de color azul o amarillo. Según declaró Margit Rowell, Miró explicó sus intenciones con estas obras:

Serie

Cabeza de campesino catalán (1924)
Esta primera versión de fin de payés catalán se pintó en 1924 y actualmente forma parte de la colección permanente de la National Gallery of Art de Washington D. C., en Estados Unidos. Entró a formar parte de la colección del museo como regalo del Collectors Committee de la institución. La obra está firmada en la parte inferior derecha: Miró / 1924. En el reverso de la obra se puede leer Joan Miró,Tete de campesinos Catalán, 1924.

Campesino catalán con guitarra
Esta obra demuestra el proceso de síntesis que Miró inicia en sus composiciones posteriormente a su viaje a Francia a principios de los años 20 y después de haber entrado en contacto con los surrealistas y los dadaístas. Miró comienza a crear su propio lenguaje de signos. En esta versión de la serie, se puede ver en el campo de cuerpo entero con su barretina, sobre un fondo de color azul intenso. Se conserva en el Museo Thyssen de Madrid.

Cabeza de campesino catalán (10 de marzo de 1925)
La versión conservada en Edimburgo es la tercera de los cuatro campesinos que Miró realizó. Se puede entender esta pintura como un autorretrato del propio Miró, donde afirma su identidad catalana. La obra, realizada en 1925, se hizo en un momento en el que Miró se va alejando del cubismo progresivamente. Anteriormente la obra había formado parte de la colección privada de Roland Penrose. Actualmente la obra se conserva en la Scottish National Gallery of Modern Art. Fue adquirida conjuntamente con la ayuda del Fondo de Arte, los Amigos de la Tate Gallery y el Knapping Fund de 1999.

Esta versión se conserva en el Moderna Museet de Estocolmo. Ingresó en el museo con el número de registro MOM 445, dentro del legado de Gerard Bonnier en 1989. Anteriormente había sido propiedad de Jaques Viota, Galerie Pierre (Loeb), Privado Samling, Marcel Mabille y de la Svensk-Franska Konstgalleriet.

Cabeza de campesino catalán (1925)
Esta versión es una de las más sintéticas de la serie, donde predomina un color azul un poco más intenso que en el resto de las obras. También se puede ver una cruz de color negro, coronada por una pequeña barretina. El espacio está decorado con un par de estrellas, uno de color blanco y uno de color negro.

Referencias

Bibliografía

 Kramer, Hilton. "Modern Art at the National Gallery." The New Criterion 7, no. 8 (April 1989): 3. 1989

 Dupin, Jacques. Miró. New York, 1962. P. 162, 166.

Cuadros de Joan Miró
Cuadros de España de los años 1920
Cuadros de 1925
España en 1925

Cabeza de campesino catalán