Desmond FitzGerald (13 February 1888 – 9 April 1947) was an Irish revolutionary, poet, publicist and Fine Gael politician who served as Minister for Defence from 1927 to 1932, Minister for External Affairs from 1922 to 1927, Minister for Publicity from 1921 to 1922 and Director of Publicity from 1919 to 1921. He served as a Teachta Dála (TD) from 1918 to 1937. He was a Senator for the Administrative Panel from 1938 to 1943.

Early life
Desmond FitzGerald was born Thomas Joseph FitzGerald in Forest Gate in West Ham, Essex in 1888. His parents were Patrick Fitzgerald (1831–1908), a labourer from south Tipperary, and Mary Anne Scollard (1847–1927) from Castleisland, County Kerry. He changed his first name as a teenager to the more romantic "Desmond", and first visited Ireland in 1910. He was a student at St Bonaventure's.

In London, he was a member of the Tour Eiffel group of poets and writers, which included Ezra Pound, T. E. Hulme, F. S. Flint and another Irish writer, Joseph Campbell. The group was named after the restaurant in which the group met, the Tour Eiffel in Soho. In April 1908, FitzGerald and Florence Farr introduced Ezra Pound to the Tour Eiffel group, a meeting out of which the Imagist group was later to emerge.

Marriage and family
In 1911 FitzGerald, a Catholic, married Mabel Washington McConnell (1884–1958), a daughter of John McConnell, a whiskey salesman from Belfast, and granddaughter of a Presbyterian farmer near the city. Educated at Queen's University Belfast, she shared FitzGerald's interest in the Irish language; she met him in London at a language seminar. They lived in France until moving to County Kerry in March 1913. During this period he became involved with the Imagist group of poets. They had four children: Desmond (1911–1987), Pierce (1914–1986), Fergus (1920–1983) and Garret (1926–2011).

Irish nationalist
FitzGerald joined the Irish Volunteers in 1914 and organised a Volunteers group in County Kerry. As an organizer he was expected to drill even the most unsuited recruits. This offended his disciplined morality. The organization was under enormous pressure: many leaders were expelled in July 1915 under the Defence of the Realm Act 1914. FitzGerald took the place of Ernest Blythe. In 1915 FitzGerald was imprisoned for making a speech against recruitment during the First World War. He was later expelled from Kerry, and moved to County Wicklow. FitzGerald's abstemious, parsimonious character, backed up by a long Anglo-Norman family history, made him an unpopular figure in the movement. He felt his bosses were unaware of his situation. During the occupation of the General Post Office during the 1916 Rising, he commented "I was bemused by the general attitude of security". At the height of the battle he was in the midst of the conflagration that shook the GPO garrison. Ever the sceptic, FitzGerald, who was in charge of rations, mentions in his memoir of the 1916 Rising the sudden and unexpected mobilisation, followed by a description of conditions in the GPO, the rebels' headquarters. While many accounts describe the Rising as a form of blood sacrifice, FitzGerald discussed its wider rationale with the leader Patrick Pearse, and with Joseph Plunkett who had travelled to Germany in 1915 for assistance. They expected that Germany would win the First World War, and that a rising of at least three days would allow Ireland to take a seat at the peace conference. Though declaring an Irish Republic in 1916, they considered it would probably be necessary to invite the Kaiser's youngest son Joachim to reign over a reformed kingdom of Ireland after the war, where Irish was to again become the everyday language.

FitzGerald was released in 1918 when he was elected as a Sinn Féin MP for the Dublin Pembroke constituency. Following the assembly of the First Dáil in 1919, and the declaration of the Irish Republic, he was appointed Director of Publicity for Dáil Éireann, first joining the paper Nationality in May to replace the arrested Laurence Ginnell. FitzGerald remarked in the first report he made to the Dáil that 'our chief means of publicity was by means of publicity'. He struggled to make an impression on the British press, who supplied most of Ireland's foreign news.

In May 1919, Erskine Childers, FitzGerald's friend and colleague, went to Versailles intending to be part of the Peace Conference. Childers became increasingly frustrated by the high-handed British attitude towards Irish independence. FitzGerald started a mimeograph entitled Weekly Summary of Acts of Aggression by the Enemy in July 1919. By November he had joined with Childers to produce the Irish Bulletin. For twenty-two months they publicized the crimes of England, with the purpose of bolstering the Dáil's credibility with Sinn Féin. Despite the Dáil's complaint in 1920 that the lists were "inadequate", the momentum behind the Propaganda Department threw their opponents into confusion. During the Irish War of Independence (1919–21) the Bulletin managed to publicise the aims of the Irish Republic to the wider world with increasing success, and removed the likelihood of the conflict being widened. In devising a strategy to retain Ulster, leading republican Ernest Blythe believed a blockade would be disastrous for Belfast. Conversely, Seán MacEntee demanded a response to what he considered to be a war of extermination against nationalism; there was, he argued, "the potent weapon of blockade". Many leading republicans were firmly against it: FitzGerald declared a blockade would be tantamount "to a vote for partition". The Dáil's department seemed to be winning the propaganda war with the Castle, whose operations could not convince the public. The Secretariat was convinced the Bulletin should continue, when its papers and materials were seized in a raid. FitzGerald was arrested in March 1921, but was released. In late August 1921 Éamon de Valera reshuffled his Cabinet, in which FitzGerald was not included; although in replacing Childers he was named Minister of Publicity. He was one of the TDs who were unsuccessful in persuading de Valera to join the negotiators of the Anglo-Irish Treaty that was signed on 6 December.

Government minister
FitzGerald supported the Treaty. On 30 August 1922, he was designated the Minister for External Affairs of the Provisional Government of Southern Ireland. On the date he was appointed, Southern Ireland was still part of the UK; only because the administration was a transitional one did it have a Minister for External Affairs. The Irish Free State was established on 6 December 1922.

FitzGerald, by letter dated 17 April 1923, applied on behalf of the Irish Free State for membership of the League of Nations. Ireland was admitted to membership the following year. FitzGerald also represented the new state at the Imperial Conferences. In 1927 FitzGerald became Minister for Defence. Following the defeat of the government in 1932 he remained as a TD until 1937. In 1938, he was elected to Seanad Éireann, where he remained until retiring from politics in 1943.

Descendants
One of his sons, Garret FitzGerald, likewise served as Minister for Foreign Affairs in the 1970s and Taoiseach on two occasions in the 1980s.

Desmond FitzGerald died on 9 April 1947 in Dublin, aged 59.

See also
Families in the Oireachtas

References

Bibliography
 Papers of Desmond and Mabel FitzGerald, P80: Descriptive Catalogue, UCD Archives, University College Dublin
 Desmond FitzGerald Photographs, UCD Digital Library, University College Dublin. The majority of these photographs arise out of the Civil War, but other smaller series relate to the aftermath of the Easter Rising and to the War of Independence. There are also other series of army portraits and of historical occasions photographs.
 Townshend, Charles, Easter 1916: The Irish Rebellion (London 2006)
 Townshend, C, The Republic: The Fight For Irish Independence (London 2014)

1888 births
1947 deaths
Cumann na nGaedheal TDs
Early Sinn Féin TDs
Fathers of Taoisigh
Fine Gael TDs
Imagists
Irish anti–World War I activists
Members of the 1st Dáil
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Members of the 4th Dáil
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Members of the Parliament of the United Kingdom for County Dublin constituencies (1801–1922)
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Desmond FitzGerald (politician)


Brigadier-General Ratu Epeli Ganilau, MC, MSD, (10 October 1951 – 23 March 2023) was a Fijian military officer and politician. His career previously encompassed such roles as Commander of the Fiji Military Forces and Chairman of the Bose Levu Vakaturaga (Great Council of Chiefs).  On 15 January 2007 he was sworn in as Minister for Fijian Affairs in the interim Cabinet formed in the wake of the 2006 Fijian coup d'état which deposed the Qarase government on 5 December 2006.

Early life

Ganilau was educated at Wanganui Collegiate School, in New Zealand, from 1965. He later graduated from the University of the South Pacific and from the Royal Military Academy, Sandhurst, England, and the Royal New Zealand Air Force Staff College.

Military career

He enlisted in the Royal Fiji Military Forces in June 1972, and attended the Royal Military Academy Sandhurst in the UK. He had served several tours of duty with the UN forces in Lebanon (UNIFIL) and with the Multinational Force & Observers (MFO) in Sinai, Egypt. In 1979, as a company commander with the Fijian battalion serving with UN forces in Lebanon (1st Battalion, Fiji Infantry Regiment) Ganilau was awarded the Military Cross (MC) for his leadership on operations at a time when UN forces and the Fijian battalion in particular, was being frequently attacked by armed groups in southern Lebanon. He attended the RNZAF Staff College in Auckland, NZ, and rose through the ranks to attain the rank of Brigadier. In July 1991, he was appointed Commander of the Military, succeeding Sitiveni Rabuka.  He held this office for eight years, retiring in 1999 to pursue a career in politics.

First foray into politics

In 1998, he helped to found the Christian Democratic Alliance, which won three seats in the House of Representatives in the 1999 election, although he personally was not elected.  He chose not to run in the 2001 elections. He also contested the traditional title of Tui Cakau in 2001 which was vacant at the time. Ratu Naiqama Lalabalavu succeeded to the title of Tui Cakau, the Paramount Chief of the Tovata Confederacy which encompasses the provinces of Cakaudrove and Lau.

Chairman of the Great Council of Chiefs

Ganilau was appointed to the Bose Levu Vakaturaga (Great Council of Chiefs) in 1999 as one of six representatives of the Fijian government. Ganilau was elected chairman on 3 May 2001 after his predecessor, Sitiveni Rabuka, stepped down amid accusations that he (Rabuka) may have been involved in the George Speight-led ethno-nationalist coup that deposed Fiji's elected government in May 2000.  The Bose Levu Vakaturaga was a formal assembly of Fijian hereditary chiefs, along with a number of specially qualified commoners, chosen mainly by Fiji's provincial councils. The Council of Chiefs also had a constitutional role in functioning as an electoral college to elect the President of the Republic of Fiji, the Vice-President of Fiji, as well as 14 of the 32 Senators.

As chairman, Ganilau took a strong stand for law and order, and supported the prosecution of persons implicated in the 2000 coup.  On 11 April 2003, he was quoted as saying that the ethnic politics promoted by nationalist politicians had resulted in coups that caused immense damage to the country. He spoke in support of Commodore Frank Bainimarama, who was then becoming increasingly vocal in his criticism of the Qarase government's ethno-nationalist leanings and sympathies for the 2000 coupists.

Both Ganilau and Army Commander, Frank Bainimarama, viewed Qarase's appeals to the primordial instincts of indigenous Fijians with deep suspicion. They saw Qarase's affirmative action policies and his subtle use of imagined threats to indigenous Fijian interests as polarising society along ethnic lines.  They resented Qarase's use of ethnicity as a device to mobilise indigenous Fijian support. As far as Ganilau and Bainimarama were concerned, Fiji under Qarase was sliding headlong down a slippery slope towards a divided society with the spectre of a failed state looming large on the horizon. More importantly, it was a view shared by the Army.

On 6 August that year, Ganilau said that all persons implicated in that coup should be brought to justice, regardless of their position in the community.  Culture and tradition should not, he said, impede the investigation of chiefs who had participated in the George Speight coup.  He also rejected a call from Ratu Naiqama Lalabalavu, a Cabinet Minister and the Paramount Chief of the Tovata Confederacy, for the Great Council of Chiefs to replace the Senate as the upper house of the legislature. Ganilau argued that the chiefly system with its class distinctions and quasi-feudal values was incompatible with the democratic values underpinning modern representative government. To merge the two would create further confusion in the minds of indigenous Fijians who were already subject to two different administrative systems i.e. the laws and regulations of the central government viz a viz the laws regulating indigenous Fijian society under the Fijian Affairs Act (administered by the Ministry of i'Taukei Affairs).

Ganilau held the chairmanship until 21 July 2004 when Prime Minister Qarase did not renew Ganilau's membership on the Council and replaced him with Ratu Ovini Bokini, a former deputy chairman and the chief of Tavua.

He was a government appointee to the Council and the government decision not to renew his membership effectively removed him from that body.

The Qarase government gave no reason for its decision not to reappoint Ganilau but there were strained relations between Ganilau and the ethno-nationalists in Qarase's Cabinet who did not agree with Ganilau's multiracial agenda.  Information Minister and staunch nationalist, Simione Kaitani, had criticised Ganilau for calling for the resignation of Vice-President Ratu Jope Seniloli, who in 2004 was on trial for his involvement in the 2000 ethno-nationlist coup led by George Speight. Defending Seniloli, Kaitani argued that Seniloli was legally entitled to a presumption of innocence until proven guilty and until such guilt was proven, Seniloli should remain as President. Kaitani went on to accuse Ganilau of hypocrisy, saying that he (Ganilau) was involved in the forced resignation of his father-in-law, Ratu Sir Kamisese Mara, as President on 29 May 2000.

There were also accusations that Ganilau was undermining the so-called political neutrality of the Bose Levu Vakaturaga with his calls for a revival of the defunct Alliance Party, the multi-racial political party founded by Ratu Mara, which governed Fiji from 1967 to 1987.  Ganilau's call received support from a number of political factions, including the Indo-Fijian-dominated National Federation Party, but received a cold reception from Prime Minister Qarase's Soqosoqo Duavata ni Lewenivanua. They saw Ganilau's multiracial agenda as an unwelcome threat to the nationalist i'taukei vote they required to remain in power. Ganilau had hinted that he himself would play a role in reviving the proposed Alliance with its focus on multiracialism. The decision to oust Ganilau from the leadership of the Great Council of Chiefs was widely seen as a move by Qarase to prevent Ganilau from using the Council as a platform to advance his (Ganilau) political agenda. Clearly, Qarase regarded Ganilau as a threat and had set a course to neutralise him.

Both Qarase and Ganilau held visions of Fiji that were incompatible. Ganilau had ideas of a united multiracial Fiji that was modelled on Ratu Mara's Alliance government that governed the Dominion of Fiji from 1970 to 1987. In that set up the chiefs played an important mediating role among the various races in Fiji. Ganilau yearned for a return to those heady days when leadership was respected, political power was in the hands of respected Fijian high chiefs and race relations were stable. But in 1987 Mara and his chiefs lost power and indigenous Fijian paramountcy was restored through the Rabuka coup. After the coup of 1987, race and racial issues dominated the political discourse. Indigenous Fijian ethno-nationalism ran rampant. It divided Fiji society along racial lines. Ethnic minorities were marginalised. The Indo-Fijian community in particular was targeted. Many of them were thrown off the land they leased. Displaced Indo-Fijians congregated in refugee camps in some of the major towns. For the first time refugee camps were established in Fiji; indeed the whole South Pacific region. Thousands migrated overseas depriving Fiji of valuable human capital. This was the spectre that haunted Ganilau and other moderates like him who represented the silent majority in Fiji. They saw first hand the cost of racial politics and undertook to guard against its re-emergence. These issues provided the context for Ganilau's multiracial vision. It was a vision that competed against the primordialism pursued by Qarase and the ethno-nationalists behind him.

Founder of the National Alliance Party

On 18 January 2005, Ganilau formally registered the National Alliance Party of Fiji. Joining him were university lecturer Meli Waqa as party secretary, and Manu Korovulavula as treasurer.  Ganilau said the party would be multiracial and would pursue national reconciliation, something he had attempted without success as Chairman of the Bose Levu Vakaturaga. "I was quite outspoken about the need to respect the rights all citizens in Fiji during my role as chairman of the Great Council of Chiefs," he said, "but that did not go down well with some. That is why I decided it was best to continue the fight on a political platform."

In a speech to the Fiji Institute of Accountants on 28 April 2005, Ganilau called for a sense of national unity to be built by an emphasis on common values, shared by Indo-Fijians as well as indigenous Fijians.  These values should, he said, include a vision of the kind of society Fiji should be – "a Fiji where people of different ethnicities, religions and cultures can live and work together for the good of all, can differ without rancour, govern without violence and accept responsibility as reasonable people intent on serving the best interest of all".  He called racism "a primary force of evil designed to destroy good men," and asked all Fijian citizens to learn from the past to build a better future.  "I would like to make the point that we cannot undo the past but we can learn from it, and we cannot predict the future but we can shape and build it," Ganilau said.

On 3 May 2005, Ganilau strongly criticised Prime Minister Qarase for his calls for ethnic Fijians to unite politically to provide stable national leadership.  Ganilau said this policy was "divisive and a travesty of good governance and responsible leadership in a multiracial country like Fiji."  He called on his fellow-chiefs to take a stand against what he considered a move to pit indigenous Fijians against other races. Ganilau also spoke of the importance of chiefly institutions, saying that chiefs provided permanent leadership for the Fijian people, unlike politicians who could be dismissed at the ballot box and were susceptible to the temptation to appeal to voters' racist sympathies to win power.  "Very often, to remain in power the easiest option for them would be to play the racist card, drum up fears of marginalisation and extinction of other ethnic groups," he said.  He said the country would prosper if all political leaders would support the role of chiefly leaders and make "a serious effort" to bring together all the people of Fiji.

In a speech to the Lautoka Rotary Club on 13 May 2005, Ganilau called for better pay for professional and skilled workers, and also attacked racial discrimination in the employment, saying that it was socially and economically harmful and resulted in second rate replacements for talented people.  "When we leave out people on the grounds of ethnicity we limit our options, he said.  "As such, we become poorer because we are not making optimum use of our human resources, thereby depriving us of the returns and full benefit of our capabilities."

Domestic policies

Ganilau was an outspoken but moderate chief and politician, who opposed the divisive and inflammatory statements of political leaders. He was an idealist in many respects with a vision for a united, multicultural Fiji. Perhaps his greatest error as a politician lay in his underestimation of the strength and persistence of ethnic politics in Fiji. In opposition, Laisenia Qarase, advocated for policies to benefit indigenous Fijians, who are the majority population compared to the ethnic Indian minority.

Reconciliation, Tolerance, and Unity Bill

Ganilau spoke against the plans of the Qarase government to establish a Reconciliation and Unity Commission, with the power to grant amnesty to perpetrators of the 2000 coup and compensation to its victims.  Ganilau first aired his opposition to the bill on 4 May 2005, saying that it was an unwarranted interference in the judicial process and represented a naïve and uncaring attitude to people who had suffered as a result of the coup.  On 18 May he went further, saying that he saw "nothing reconciliatory about the bill" and that "To use the word reconciliation is a gross violation of the rights of everyone in this nation."

On 16 June, Ganilau continued his attack on the legislation.  He said that there was a widespread belief in Fiji that it was designed to provide for the freeing of coup perpetrators, a belief supported by the Tui Vaturova, Ratu Ilisoni Rokotuibua who said early in June that it would allow members of the Counter Revolutionary Warfare Unit, who had been jailed for mutiny, to be released.  Having built up such expectations, Ganilau said, the government had better be prepared for a strong backlash if they are not fulfilled. He criticised Qarase for expecting the people, as ordinary mortals, to do as only God could do by legislating forgiveness and freeing people from the consequences of their actions.

On 23 June, Ganilau accused the Prime Minister of having committed a "monumental deception" by asking church leaders to support the legislation without honestly explaining its real purpose to them.  He was reacting to revelations from Roman Catholic Archbishop Petero Mataca and other church leaders that at a meeting with the Prime Minister on 2 May, they had been told of the reconciliation and compensation provisions of the legislation, but not about its amnesty provisions.  "It does not say much about the credibility of the Prime Minister for him to be saying publicly that the Christian churches support the bill after these deliberate acts of deception." Ganilau said.  He called on churches to join with other religions to put together an alternative blueprint to the government's reconciliation proposals.

Law and order, moral values

Speaking at the Crime Prevention/Reconciliation Sports Day in Flagstaff on 4 June 2005, Ganilau called on the older generation to instill basic moral values in their children.  "Increasing lawlessness and criminal activity can be interpreted as discourteous behaviour and lack of respect for other people and their property. So what we need to do if we want to salvage the situation is to go back to the basics," he said.  The same day, he strongly criticised the country's leadership, saying that they were taking Fiji in the wrong direction, "spreading their gospel of fear and hate and not doing anything to help the ordinary people put bread on their table for their families."  He warned against retaliation, however: "I believe we must not fight fire with fire, we will be burnt."  The only way extremist ethno-nationalists could be stopped from destroying the nation, he said, was to deny them the opportunity to control the destiny of the nation. This was seen as an oblique reference to the ethno-nationalists in Qarase's cabinet. He also called on people to respect one another, saying that it was the only way for lasting unity and reconciliation.

At the 80th birthday celebration of Satya Sai Baba at Lautoka's Girmit Centre on 23 November 2005, Ganilau called for more religious programs to promote morality in private and public life.  Most politicians were selfish and lacked moral values, he claimed.  Teaching young people good values at home and at school would be "useless" if adults and political leaders were doing what children were taught not to do, he declared.  He said that the country had strayed from spiritual values and had lost its way, with bribery, extortion, misuse of public funds, abuse of office, and racism having become common place at all levels of government.  He claimed that the number of beggars and unschooled children was increasing while politicians were engaged in "egotistical pursuits."

In the same address, Ganilau also declared that all religions have the same essential teaching about the unity of divinity and the cultivation of universal love, and condemned those he considered responsible for creating "confusion" and "chaos" by "fragmenting divinity".  "How often have we seen the bigotry of the religious fanaticisms and intolerance that have occurred in Fiji?" he asked.  "Temples have been desecrated, places of worship are destroyed, all in the prejudice view that one religion is the true one and others are not."

Ethnic relations

Ganilau was a guest speaker at the Lautoka conference of the Fiji Labour Party, with which his own party subsequently formed a coalition to contest the general election scheduled for 2006, on 30 July 2005.  Calling for changes in the attitudes of indigenous Fijians to allow everyone born in Fiji to be classified as "Fijian," he said that the country could not afford to remain fragmented and polarised on racial lines, and that racially based measures enacted by the present government were shortening the fuse on a time bomb.  "Government seems unaware that the more race-based measures it tries to put in place the faster that time bomb burns to detonation point," Ganilau said.  He said that until Fiji Islanders got out of their ethnic boxes and embraced multiculturalism, Fiji's future as a nation would not be secure.  He expressed disbelief that after a century and a quarter of sharing the land, the level of cultural interaction between the major racial groups was so low.

Speaking at the launch in Rakiraki of his own party's campaign for the 2006 election on 6 August 2005, Ganilau said that the future of the nation's children would not be secure unless the people freed themselves from what he called "the comfort zone of our race."  He said it was important to break down the imaginary ethnic wall separating the people.  "We should not allow ourselves, individually or our ethnic communities to become easy tools for politics of race that will continue to segregate us mentally and emotionally," he said.  He strongly criticised recent moves to form an ethnic Fijian electoral block, saying that would be divisive and would never lead to national unity.  He accused "unscrupulous politicians" of promoting racially divided visions for Fiji.

He continued his attack on racially divisive politics with a number of speeches and interviews in the last week of August.  He condemned Senator Apisai Tora for saying that indigenous Fijians would not accept a non-indigenous Prime Minister, and charged the government with fostering ethnic tensions to distract the public from its own "non-performance".  He also accused the government of handling its relations with Opposition parties in a "crude and amateurish way" which prevented any cross-party agreement on land reform, necessary for obtaining the two-thirds parliamentary majority for amending the Constitution.  This would create a mess for the next government to clean up after the 2006 election, Ganilau said on 27 August.

Chiefs and the political order

On 4 September, Ganilau strongly criticised Prime Minister Qarase for comments made at the Commonwealth Parliamentary Association in Nadi on 29 August.  Qarase had said that while Fiji "accepted" western-style democracy, it was an alien concept and certain aspects of it clashed with Fijian traditions, in which chiefs were at the apex by virtue of their birth and rank. Ganilau ridiculed Qarase's speech, saying that Fiji's political and judicial institutions were firmly rooted in western democracy and that the Fijian people should not be "misled" by the Prime Minister's claims that democracy was alien to the country.  "Mr Qarase should answer whether he wants the western system of governance which allows him to be Prime Minister, or the Fijian tradition which requires the chiefs to rule by virtue of their birthright and rank.  Otherwise, he is just being hypocritical to save face," Ganilau said.

Ganilau spoke out on 16 September to dismiss claims that most of Fiji's problems were being caused by the "disrespect" of Indo-Fijians and other non-indigenous communities towards the country's chiefs.  Making a parliamentary submission on controversial Unity Bill, Masi Kaumaitotoya had declared that the jailing of chiefs on coup-related offences was a clear sign of disrespect, and that indigenous Fijians were being taken advantage of by others.  In response, Ganilau said as the former Chairman of the Great Council of Chiefs that he believed that the chiefs were well respected by all communities.  He also called on his fellow chiefs to play a greater role in promoting national unity by serving all citizens in their district or confederacy, regardless of race.  Chiefs who had participated in the 2000 coup should not get preferential treatment, he added.

The AIDS crisis

There was a spike in AIDS cases in Fiji, jumping from only 10 cases in the year 2000 to 111 in 2003, with indigenous Fijians making up 80% of cases.  Ganilau signed an agreement with the UN AIDS Pacific in 2004, and planned follow up meetings to determine how to combat the spread of the virus. Fiji's Great Council of Chiefs hosted a week-long workshop called 'Accelerating Action Against Aids in the Pacific' that was also sponsored by UNAIDS.

Speaking at the Pan Pacific HIV/AIDS Conference in Auckland, New Zealand in late October 2005, Ganilau called for strong leadership to confront HIV/AIDS, saying that it was a global war which threatened the very future of Pacific Islands nations.  "We can only ignore this battle at the cost of being regarded by future generations of Pacific Islanders as lacking the will, the foresight, the understanding to tackle this issue, which threatens our very future," he told the delegates.

Criticism of affirmative action

Launching the Lautoka branch of his party on 24 November 2005, Ganilau said that affirmative action in favour of indigenous Fijians had not benefited ordinary Fijians, but had served only to facilitate the survival of the government in power and acted as a cover-up for the lack of effective policies.  Instead of affirmative action, he said, the government should do more to assist Fijian landowners to develop their land commercially, and to improve educational and economic opportunities for ordinary people.

The politicisation of the military

In an interview with Australian ABC Television's Asia Pacific Focus programme on 27 November 2005, Ganilau regretted the way the military had become politicised since the 1987 coups. People including former failed politicians with no military training whatsoever were rewarded for their political support of Rabuka by being commissioned as officers. These included senior NCOs who were promoted beyond their competence to commissioned rank thus leaving a yawning gap at the NCO level that resulted in a loss of capability. The high standards of professionalism of the Fijian military was seriously compromised. Its reputation as an apolitical professional military organisation was in tatters. It would take several years, he said, before the military could regain its professional standards and the respect it previously enjoyed from the community.

2006 election

The National Alliance Party announced on 17 March 2006 that Ganilau would lead the party into the election scheduled for 6–13 May, and that he would contest the Suva City Open Constituency.  The attempt was unsuccessful; neither Ganilau nor any of his party's candidates were elected.

2006 coup d'état

Months of tension between the government and the Republic of Fiji Military Forces culminated in a military coup on 5 December 2006.  Citing alleged governmental corruption, Ganilau told Fiji Television that he supported the "cause" of the military, but not its method, and denied public rumours that he had been a party to the planning of the coup. He called on his fellow-chiefs, however, to accept the "reality" of the Military takeover and work to move the country forward.  He also claimed that he had been asked to mediate between the Great Council of Chiefs and the Military, as a former head of both bodies, but the council chairman, Ratu Ovini Bokini, angrily denied making any such request.  "I never made a request to meet the commander. Whoever said that is lying. I don't intend to see the commander. He has to make a request to me if he wants to meet me," Bokini declared. In making that statement Bokini regarded the Great Council of Chiefs as remaining above secular politics as well as the various institutions of government, including the Army. It was an unrealistic and erroneous notion given the history of chiefly support for the ethno-nationalist coups of 1987 and 2000.

In the interim government that was formed after the coup, Ganilau served for one year as Minister of Defense, at the request of President Ratu Josefa Iloilo, but resigned a year later when it became clear that the interim government was not delivering on its promise to hold elections.

Ganilau was the Minister of Defense under Bainimarama, but resigned in 2010.

2013 Constitution

Frank Bainimarama and those behind him had ideas to create another Constitution that would purportedly assuage ethic Fijian fears and form the basis of a united, multicultural Fiji. The drawing up of a new Constitution was a complicated process that needed time. Indeed, it was not until 2014 that national elections under a new (2013) Constitution took place. Critics of the 2013 Constitution of Fiji say it should have been put to a referendum to give it credibility. They say it was foisted upon the people without their consent. For the Bainimarama government the elections of 2014 and 2018 gave legitimacy to the Constitution.

The unfettered powers the Bainimarama government enjoyed during its term as an unelected military government (2006-2014) led it to retain some of the draconian laws and decrees it had introduced during its tenure. It retained the modus operandi of maintaining a very close watch over the population where dissenters and potential dissenters were victimised. New rules and regulations covering virtually every activity in society led some to complain that Fiji was a small country with so many rules. Those who disagreed with the decisions of government were soon marginalised. Fijians living overseas including academics who were critical of government policy were banned from ever returning to Fiji. Senior public servants who did not toe the government line were soon pushed out to pasture and investigated by the government's 'anti corruption" watchdog. The security forces exceeded their powers in the bashing of dissenters. It created a climate of fear. Government was accused of paranoia.

Democracy was a facade,the critics argued. Real power was being exercised by two men backed by the Army and Police: viz the inarticulate Prime Minister reading from prepared scripts written for him by hired US publicity agents QORVIS; backed by his ambitious Indo-Fijian Attorney General and Deputy Prime Minister who saw things in black and white and who micro-managed all aspects of government policy and administration. He was regarded as the 'real prime minister' making decisions behind the scenes for his bumbling leader. He was a man not to be crossed, a highly polarising figure.

The i'Taukei (indigenous population) felt their rights were being eroded and their identity disrespected. The results of the 2018 elections confirmed the polarisation of races. The noble aims of the 2013 Constitution existed only in theory. At the practical level, the personal attacks and mudslinging against the indigenous leaders and those opposed to government served to galvanise political unity within the indigenous population against the Bainimarama government. Group identity and solidarity in the face of perceived threats was being emphasised by the Opposition. Ironically, the political behaviour of the Bainimarama government towards its political opponents compelled the latter to play upon the primordial instincts of indigenous Fijians. Backed into a corner the Opposition had no other choice. They were between a rock and a hard place.

Ratu Epeli Ganilau was named a presidential candidate in 2015, but the position was won by Jioji Konrote. Konrote was not a member of the Council of Chiefs. This election was the first secret ballot cast under the 2013 Fijian Constitution.

In the November 2018 elections, the governing Fiji First Party was returned with a very much reduced majority securing just over 50% of the votes and losing six seats in the process. A strategic shift in voting patterns against the Fiji First government had taken place. In the face of perceived threats to its identity indigenous Fijian group interests increasingly came to determine their political choices. Whether this trend will gain sufficient momentum over the next four years to bring about a change of government in 2022 remains to be seen. Ni sa moce.

Personal life

Ganilau hailed from the village of Somosomo, in Taveuni.  He was the son of the late Ratu Sir Penaia Ganilau, the first President of the Republic of Fiji (1987–1993).  Like his late father, Ratu Epeli was a member of the same Mataqali Valelevu (the tribal landowning unit) of which the Tui Cakau is the head. Originally they were a migrant tribe who referred to themselves as the Ai Sokula who settled and subsequently merged with their host society, the Cakaudrove people on the south coast of Vanua Levu near the village of Vunisavisavi. The Ai Sokula led by their chief, the Tui Cakau, achieved ascendancy over others through conquest. They subsequently moved to Taveuni and later occupied the village site of Somosomo which became the seat of the Tui Cakau and the Vanua of Lalagavesi. Ratu Epeli was a member of the Ai Sokula (the term refers to the chiefs of the Vanua of Lalagavesi). He was a relative of the current Tui Cakau (Ratu Naiqama Lalabalavu). Ratu Epeli Ganilau was married to Adi Ateca Mara, the eldest daughter of Ratu Sir Kamisese Mara, the founding father of modern Fiji. Adi Ateca died in November 2018. They had two sons and two daughters. Ganilau also had nine grandchildren. His hobbies included rugby, boxing, and shooting.

Ganilau died on 23 March 2023, at the age of 71.

References

External links
 Ganilau's speech at the launch of the NAP, 8 April 2005 archived from the original here.

1951 births
2023 deaths
Ai Sokula
Children of presidents
Fijian chiefs
Fijian soldiers
Fijian military leaders
Recipients of the Military Cross
University of the South Pacific alumni
People educated at Whanganui Collegiate School
Graduates of the Royal Military Academy Sandhurst
Christian Democratic Alliance (Fiji) politicians
National Alliance Party of Fiji politicians
Fijian Methodists
Politicians from Taveuni
Government ministers of Fiji

Epeli Ganilau


Soraia Chaves (* 22. Juni 1982 in Lissabon) ist ein portugiesisches Model und Schauspielerin.

Leben
Bei einem ihrer Auftritte im Zirkus ihrer Familie wurde sie als Model entdeckt, und fing bereits mit 14 Jahren an, zu modeln. Sie galt in Portugal Anfang der 2000er Jahre als Topmodel und war Covergirl für verschiedene Zeitschriften, u. a. für das FHM-Magazin. Für ihre erste Schauspielrolle verpflichtete sie der ehemalige Fernsehregisseur Carlos Coelho da Silva. Seine Verfilmung des Romans Das Verbrechen des Paters Amaro von Eça de Queiroz als O Crime do Padre Amaro (2005) wurde ein großer Erfolg, und ist noch im Mai 2012 der erfolgreichste portugiesische Film seit 2004. Der Regisseur António-Pedro Vasconcelos sah sie in dem Film und verpflichtete sie als Hauptdarstellerin für zwei Filme (Call Girl 2007 und A Bela e o Paparazzo 2010), in denen sie auch schauspielerisch überzeugte. Beide Filme wurden ebenfalls Kinoerfolge in Portugal (unter den 10 erfolgreichsten portugiesischen Filmen seit 2004), und etablierten sie als Schauspielerin. Ihre Bekanntheit nahm in der Folge weiter zu, nachdem sie als Model und durch Fernsehauftritte bereits bekannt geworden war. Sie zählt inzwischen zu den bekanntesten Persönlichkeiten der portugiesischen Unterhaltungsbranche.

Für ihre Rolle in Call Girl gewann sie 2007 den Globo de Ouro.

Filmografie
 2005: O Crime do Padre Amaro; R: Carlos Coelho da Silva
 2006–2008: Aqui Não Há Quem Viva (TV-Serie)
 2007: Jura (TV-Serie)
 2007: Call Girl; R: António-Pedro Vasconcelos
 2008: Arte de Roubar; R: Leonel Vieira
 2009: A Vida Privada de Salazar (TV-Mehrteiler)
 2009: King Conqueror; R: José Antonio Escrivá
 2010: A Bela e o Paparazzo; R: António-Pedro Vasconcelos
 2010–2011: Voo directo (TV-Serie)
 2011: A Divisão Social do Trabalho – Adam Smith (Kurzfilm); R: Fátima Ribeiro
 2011: Rosa Fogo (TV-Serie)
 2011: Barcelona, ciutat neutral (TV-Serie)
 2012: La chambre jaune (Kurzfilm); R: André Godinho
 2012: Lines of Wellington – Sturm über Portugal; R: Valeria Sarmiento
 2012: Perdidamente Florbela (TV-Serie)
 2012–2013: Dancin´ Days (TV-Serie)
 2013: Real Playing Game; R: Tino Navarro, David Rebordão
 2014: Ponto Morto (Kurzfilm); R: André Godinho
 2015: Amor Impossível; R: António-Pedro Vasconcelos
 2015–2016: Poderosas (TV-Serie)
 2016: Terapia; R: Patrícia Sequeira
 2016: Vermelho Russo; R: Charly Braun
 2017: Mata Hari (TV-Serie)
 2018: Linhas de Sangue; R: Sérgio Graciano, Manuel Pureza
 2018: Moscatro (Kurzfilm); R: Patrícia Maciel
 2018–2019: Alma e Coração (TV-Serie)
 2018–2022: Três Mulheres (TV-Serie)
 2019: Um Desejo de Natal (Fernsehfilm); R: Patrícia Sequeira
 2020: A Generala (TV-Serie)
 2021–2022: A Serra (TV-Serie)
 2022: Sequia (TV-Serie)
 2022: Um Filme em Forma de Assim; R: João Botelho
 2022: Operación Marea Negra (TV-Mehrteiler)

Literatur
 Alcides Murtinheira, Igor Metzeltin: Geschichte des portugiesischen Kinos. Praesens Verlag, Wien 2010, ISBN 978-3-7069-0590-9.

Weblinks

Einzelnachweise

Model
Filmschauspieler
Person (Lissabon)
Portugiese
Geboren 1982
Frau

Soraia Chaves


Muppets la Hollywood (titlu original: The Muppet Movie) este un film americano-britanic de comedie și muzical din 1979 regizat de James Frawley. Rolurile principale au fost interpretate de actorii Jim Henson, Steve Martin, Tim Burton, Charles Durning și Austin Pendleton.

Prezentare

Distribuție
 Charles Durning ca Doc Hopper, om de afaceri și restaurator.
 Austin Pendleton ca Max, asistentul timid al lui Doc Hopper.
 Scott Walker ca Snake Walker, un asasin, care este specializat în uciderea broaștelor.
 Lawrence Gabriel, Jr. ca Marinar
 Ira F. Grubman ca Barman
 Hard Boiled Haggerty ca Tăietor de Lemne
 Bruce Kirby ca Paznic Poartă
 Tommy Madden - One-Eyed Midget
 James Frawley - El Sleezo Café Waiter
 Arnold Roberts - Cowboy
 Melinda Dillon - Femeie cu balon

Păpușile Muppets
 Jim Henson ca Kermit the Frog, Rowlf the Dog, Dr. Teeth, Waldorf, Swedish Chef
 Frank Oz ca Miss Piggy, Fozzie Bear, Animal, Sam Eagle, Marvin Suggs
 Jerry Nelson ca Floyd Pepper, Crazy Harry, Robin the Frog, Lew Zealand, Camilla the Chicken
 Richard Hunt ca Scooter, Statler, Janice, Sweetums, Beaker
 Dave Goelz ca The Great Gonzo, Zoot, Dr. Bunsen Honeydew, Beauregard
 Caroll Spinney ca Big Bird

Note

Legături externe
  la Disney.com

 Tough Pigs: The Muppet Movie from Script to Screen

Vezi și

Filme din 1979
Filme americane
Filme în limba engleză
Filme regizate de James Frawley
Păpușile Muppets
Filme fantastice din anii 1970
Filme de comedie din anii 1970
Filme muzicale
Premiul Saturn pentru cel mai bun film fantastic
Road movies

Muppets la Hollywood


An Luzula pediformis in uska species han Liliopsida nga syahan ginhulagway ni Dominique Chaix, ngan ginhatag han pagkayana nga asya nga ngaran ni Dc.. An Luzula pediformis in nahilalakip ha genus nga Luzula, ngan familia nga Juncaceae. Waray hini subspecies nga nakalista.

Mga kasarigan

Luzula

Luzula pediformis


Sankt Peter Sogn eller Ulstrup Sogn er (på tysk Kirchspiel Sankt Peter) er et sogn i det sydvestlige Sydslesvig, tidligere i Udholm Herred (Landskabet Ejdersted), nu i Sankt Peter-Ording Kommune i Nordfrislands Kreds i delstaten Slesvig-Holsten.

I Sankt Peter Sogn findes flg. stednavne:
 Brøsum (Brösum)
 Bøl (Boel)
 Heide
 Hitsbanke
 Nørrehoved
 Olsdorf
 Sankt Peter (egentlig Ulstrup)
 Sønderhoved
 Vestermark
 Wittendün

Litteratur
 Jens Peter Trap: Statistisk-topographisk beskrivelse af hertugdømmet Slesvig, Kjøbenhavn 1864, side 321

Eksterne henvisninger
 Skt. Peter-Ording og Tating Menighed / Kirchengemeinde St. Peter-Ording und Tating

Sogne i Sydslesvig

Sankt Peter Sogn


Avispa Fukuoka (アビスパ福岡), er en japansk professionel fodboldklub, baseret i Fukuoka, og de spiller i J1 League.

Historiske slutplaceringer

Nuværende trup
Pr. 10. september 2019.

Noter

Eksterne henvisninger
J.League

Fodboldklubber i Japan

Avispa Fukuoka


Las lenguas kuki/chin-naga (también kuki-naga y mizo-kuki-chin) son un grupo de lenguas tibetano-birmanas que de acuerdo a algunos autores podrían formar un grupo filogenético (aunque esto es discutido). En la hipótesis más amplia el grupo englobaría 44 lenguas y se extiende por Birmania y noreste de India.

La mayoría de hablantes de estas lenguas se conocen como kukī en asamés y como chin en birmano; algunos también son llamados naga, aunque los mizo (o lushai) también son étnicamente distintos.

Clasificación
Las lenguas kuki-chin y naga son lenguas clasificadas dentrod el grupo tibetano-birmano de las lenguas sino-tibetanas. Claramente el grupo kuki-chin es un grupo filogenético claro, pero el conjunto de lenguas clasificadas como "grupo naga" no es un grupo filogenético firmemente establecido y tampoco está clara que las "lenguas kuki-chin-naga" constituyan una rama filognética dentro del tibetano-birmano.

Existe acuerdo general en que el karbi está relacionado con austro-asiáticas, aunque resulta muy aberrante dentro de esta familia. Sin embargo, Thurgood (2003) sigue clasificando el karbi dentro del austroasiático. El mru en otro tiempo clasificado como una lengua kuki se clasifica actualmente dentro del austroasiático.

Bradley (1997)
La clasificación inicial de las lenguas kuki-chin-naga propiamente dichas ha cambiado ligeramente desde que fueran propuestas como grupo hace más de un siglo. En particular la evidencia disponible permite reconocer un grupo kuki-chin y diversos grupos que algunos autores relacionan tentativamente con el kuki-chin. En concreto las lenguas denominadas colectivamente como "naga" no parecen constituir un grupo filognético probado. Bradley excluye un buen número de lenguas del grupo y considera que existe relación entre las siguientes:

Karbi (Mikir): Karbi, Amri
Kuki-chin
Central: Mizo (Lushai), Zyphe, Bawm (Banjogi), Hmar, Hakha (Lai Pawi), Ngawn, Senthang, Tawr, Zotung, Darlong, Pangkhua
Septentrional: Falam (Hallam, incl. Laizo, Zahao), Anal, Hrangkhol, Zo (Zou, Zome), Aimol, Biete (Bete), Paite, Siyin (Sizaang), Tedim (Tiddim), Thado, Chiru, Gangte, Kom, Lamkang, Chothe (Naga) (antes "Old Kuki"), Kharam (Naga), Milhiem, Monsang (Naga), Moyon (Naga), Purum (Naga), Tarao (Naga), Ralte, Ranglong, Sakachep, Simte, Vaiphei, Yos
Meridional: Shö (Asho/Khyang, Bualkhaw, Chinbon, and Shendu), Mara (Lakher), Khumi (Khumi proper and Khumi Awa), Daai (Nitu), Mro, Mün, Nga La, Welaung (Rawngtu)

Bradley (1997) incluye al meithei.

Burling (1983)
La clasificación de Burling es más conservadora y no considera probada la existencia de una rama kuki-chin-naga para él las lenguas comúnmente agrupadas dentrod el kuki-chin-naga pertenecen a diferentes grupos sinotibetanas cuya relación necesita ser esclarecida:
 Grupo Ao: Ao-Chungli, Ao-Mongsen, Yacham-Tengsa, Sangtam (Tukumi), Yimchungrü (Yachumi), Lotha (Lhota).
 Grupo Angami-Pochuri: Angami, Chokri, Kheza, Mao (Sopvoma), Pochuri (Sangtam meridional, Rengma oriental), Ntenyi, Meluri (Anyo), Pochuri, Simi/Sema, Rengma (propiamente dicho).
 Grupo Zeme: Zeme (Empeo, Kachcha), Mzieme, Liangmai (Kwoireng), Nruanghmei (Rongmei, Kabui), Puiron, Khoirao, Maram.
 Grupo Tangkhul: Tangkhul, Maring.
 Grupo Mizo-Kuki-Chin, dividido a su vez en:
 Chin septentrional: Tiddim Chin, Siyin, Thado, Ralte, Paite, Gangte, Pawi, Chiru, Simte.
 Chin central: Mizo (Lushai), Lai/Laizo, Hakha Lai, Zahao, Bawm (Banjogi), Mara (Lakher, Maram).
 Chin meridional: Shö, Daai (Nitu), Khyang.
 Kuki: Kom, Aimol, Bete, Hallam, Langrong, Anal, Chothe/Chote/Chawte, Hmar.
 Karbi (también llamado Arleng o Mikir)
 Meithei/Meitei (previamente llamado también Manipuri)

Comparación léxica
Los numerales comparados en lenguas kuki-chin, lenguas naga, metei y karbi:
{|class=wikitable style=text-align:center;
|-
! GLOSA
! PROTO-KUKI-CHIN
! PROTO-AO
! PROTO-ANG.-POCH.
! PROTO-ZEME
! PROTO-TANGKHUL
! Meithei !! Karbi(Mikir)
|-
| '1' || *kʰat || *(ə-)kʰa- ||  || *kʰət || *(a-)kʰət || ə-mə || isi
|-
| '2' || *hniʔ || *ə-ni(t) || *k-ni || *k-ni || *kʰ-ni || ə-ni || hi-ni
|-
| '3' || *tʰum || *ə-sam || *k-san || *k-tʰum || *k-tʰum || ə-húm || ke-tʰom
|-
| '4' || *b-li || *b-li || *b-di || *mə-dai || *b-li || mə-ri || pʰ-li
|-
| '5' || *b-ŋa*r-ŋa || *b-ŋa || *b-ŋa~*b-ŋo || *me-ŋai || *b-ŋa || mə-ŋa || pʰo
|-
| '6' || *t-ruk*k-ruk || *t-ruk || *ʦ-ro || *ʦ-ruk || *tʰ-ruk || tə-ruk || tʰ-rok
|-
| '7' || *s-riʔ*s-giʔ || *t-ni(t) || *ʦ-ni~*s-ni || *ʦ-nai || *s-ni || tə-ret || 6+1
|-
| '8' || *k-riat*t-riat || *tiza || *t-ʦa  || *ʦ-ʦat || *t-ʦət || ni-pan10-2 || 10-2
|-
| '9' || *t-kua || *t-ku || *t-ku || *ʦ-kiu || *t-ko || mə-pən10-1 || 10-1
|-
| '10' || *sʰawm || *tərə || *t(i)-rə  || *k-reu || *tʰ-ra || təra || kep~kre-
|}
Los guiones representan segmentaciones morfémicas introducas para mostrar más claramente las raíces emparentadas.

Véase también
lenguas lai

Referencias

Bibliografía
 George van Driem (2001) Languages of the Himalayas: An Ethnolinguistic Handbook of the Greater Himalayan Region. Brill.
 Thurgood, Graham (2003) "A subgrouping of the Sino-Tibetan languages: The interaction between language contact, change, and inheritance." In G. Thurgood and R. LaPolla, eds., The Sino-Tibetan languages, pp 13–14. London: Routledge.

br:Yezhoù koukiek-tchinek

Lenguas kuki-chin-naga


Der Speckenberg ist ein Naturschutzgebiet in der niedersächsischen Stadt Salzgitter.

Das Naturschutzgebiet mit dem Kennzeichen NSG BR 112 ist 8,2 Hektar groß. Es ist vollständig Bestandteil des FFH-Gebietes "Salzgitterscher Höhenzug (Südteil)". Das Gebiet steht seit dem 2. August 1991 unter Naturschutz. Zuständige untere Naturschutzbehörde ist die Stadt Salzgitter.

Das Naturschutzgebiet liegt südöstlich von Salzgitter-Bad auf dem südlichen Mittelteil des Salzgitter-Höhenzuges. Hier ist am Rande des Höhenzuges ein Halbtrockenrasen erhalten geblieben, der durch ehemals extensive Beweidung entstanden ist. Der Halbtrockenrasen wird zur Pflege regelmäßig mit Galloway-Rindern und Schafen beweidet. Hier sind z. B. Echte Schlüsselblume, verschiedene Seggen, Orchideen wie einige Ragwurzarten sowie Schwalbenwurz und Weidenblättriger Alant, die größere Bestände bilden, zu finden. Gebüsche und Hecken werden von Schlehen, Weißdornen und Wildrosen, aber auch Liguster, Kreuzdorn, Hartriegel und Pfaffenhütchen gebildet.

Von besonderer Bedeutung ist ein Steilhang im Südwesten des Schutzgebietes, in dem sich auf skelettreichem Boden Charakterarten der Felsgrus- und Felsbandgesellschaft angesiedelt haben. Der östliche Teil des Naturschutzgebietes ist bewaldet. Hier sind als Besonderheit einige ältere Wildbirnen zu finden. An lichten Stellen im Wald sind Straußblütige Wucherblume und Blauroter Steinsame zu finden.

Das Naturschutzgebiet ist Lebensraum verschiedener Schmetterlinge, darunter der Schachbrettfalter, der die bewaldeten Flächen und den Bereich des Waldsaums besiedelt, außerdem verschiedener Käfer, Heuschrecken, Wanzen und Ameisen.

Durch den südlichen Bereich des Naturschutzgebietes verläuft ein Weg, der betreten werden darf.

Weblinks

 Speckenberg, Naturatlas Salzgitter, Faltblatt der Stadt Salzgitter (PDF-Datei, 1,3 MB)

Einzelnachweise

Naturschutzgebiet in Salzgitter
Schutzgebiet (Umwelt- und Naturschutz) in Europa

Speckenberg


Jared Tristan Padalecki ( rođen 19. srpnja 1982.) je američki glumac, najbolje znan po svojoj ulozi Sama Winchestera na Supernaturalu ( Lovci na natprirodno ). Odrastao je u Teksasu i ustao na slavu ranih 2000-tih nakon pojavljivanja na televizijskom serijalu Gilmore Girls kao i u filmovima poput New York Minute i House of Wax.

Rani život
Padalecki je rođen u San Antoniju, od Geralda i Sherri Padalecki. Otac mu je poljskog podrijetla, dok mu je majka njemačkog, škotskog, francuskog i engleskog podrijetla.

Obrazovanje
Bio je 2000-ti kandidat za predsjednički znanstveni program. Godine 1998., Padalecki i njegov partner Chris Cardenas osvojili su nacionalno prvenstvo Nacionalne forenzičke lige tumačenja u paru. Iako je prvo planirao pohađati Sveučilište Teksasa nakon srednjoškolske mature 2000., Jared je odlučio preseliti se u Los Angeles, te umjesto toga nastaviti glumačku karijeru.

Izvori

Životopisi, Teksas
Američki filmski glumci

Jared Padalecki


О هو أحد حروف الأبجدية السيريلية، نظيره بالعربية هو الحرف و أو الضمة، وقد يظهر هذا الحرف بعدة أصوات تتضمن أصوات الفتحة والكسرة.

الاسم التقليدي لهذا الحرف هو أُن ويعني بالسلافية الكنسية هو أوهذا. ينحدر هذا الحرف من الحرف اليوناني أوميكرون.

مراجع

انظر أيضا

 أوميكرون

حروف سيريلية
حروف مصوتة

О


Kredi kartı, bankaların ve bazı finans kuruluşlarının müşterilerine verdiği, anlaşmalı POS cihazı bulunan alışveriş noktalarında ödeme amaçlı veya banka ATM'lerinden nakit avans çekmek amaçlı kullanılabilen, yapılan harcamaların aylık olarak bankaya tek seferde ya da taksitlerle ödenmek zorunda olunduğu, nakit paraya alternatif bir ödeme aracıdır. İki kredi kartı grubu vardır: tüketici kredi kartları ve ticari kredi kartları. Kartların çoğu plastiktir, ancak bazıları metal kartlardır (paslanmaz çelik, altın, paladyum, titanyum). Birkaç değerli taş kaplı metal karttır. Kredi kartlarına alternatifler arasında banka kartları, mobil ödemeler, dijital cüzdanlar, temassız kart'lar, kripto para birimleri, elden ödeme, banka havaleleri ve hemen al, sonra öde sayılabilir.

Kredi kartlarında EMV çipi, kabartma bant, hologram, banka kartı numarası, kart ağı logosu, son kullanma tarihi, kart sahibinin adı, temassız çip, manyetik şerit, Kart Güvenlik Kodu gibi bilgiler bulunur.

Ödeme sistemi
Genel uygulamada dönemsel borç tutarının belirli bir oranı asgari ödeme tutarı olarak belirlenir. Müşteri en az bu tutar kadar ödeme yaptığında kalan borç tutarına banka tarafından belirlenmiş olan alışveriş veya nakit avans faizi aylık olarak işletilir.

Kredi kartı kullanarak alışveriş yapan bireyler alışveriş yaptığı mağazaya değil, kredi kart hizmeti almış olduğu bankaya borçlanmaktadır. Banka ve finans kuruluşları kredi kartı hesap kesimini müşteriye, otuz (30) günlük bir süre içerisinde sunmaktadır. Ayrıca bu dönem boyunca kart ile yapılan harcamaları hesap bildirim cetveli (hesap özeti) ile kartı kullanan müşteriye bildirmektedir. Hesap bildirim cetveli gönderimi sonrası, müşteriye tanınan ödeme süresi yaklaşık on (10) gündür. Bu süre sonunda ödenmeyen kredi kartı borcu için banka ya da finans kuruluşu günlük olarak gecikme faizi uygulaması başlatır.

Kayıt dışı ekonomiden kayıtlı ekonomiye geçişi hızlandıran çok önemli bir araç olmakla birlikte, vadesinde ödenmeyen borçlara faiz yükü binmesi ve üstüne faiz tutarının %15'i kadar Kaynak Kullanımı Destekleme Fonu ve %5 Banka Sigorta Muameleleri Vergisi eklenmesi kredi kartı borcunun çığ gibi büyümesine yol açabilmektedir.

Türkiye'de kredi kartlarına dair her türlü faaliyet BDDK (bankacılık düzenleme ve denetleme kurumu) tarafından denetlenmektedir. Türkiye'deki tüm bankalar ve finans kuruluşları tarafından sunulan kartların faiz oranları ve faiz hesaplama yöntemleri BDDK resmî web adresinde güncel olarak yayınlanmaktadır.

Türkiye'de kredi kartı kullanımı
Türkiye'de ilk kez kredi kartı kullanımı 1968'de Diners Club ile oldu ve bu karta o yıllarda sadece birkaç bin kişi sahipti. Fakat (BKM) tarafından 2015 yılı verilerine göre yapılan açıklamada, Türkiye'de BKM 3. dönem sonuç verilerine göre banka kartı sayısı 113 milyon adete yükselmiştir. Kredi kartı sayısı ise yaklaşık 58 milyon adete ulaşarak, tarihin en yüksek seviyesine ulaşmıştır. Ayrıca bu rakamlara göre Türkiye, Fransa'dan sonra Avrupa ülkeleri arasında kredi kartı kullanımının en yoğun yaşandığı ikinci ülke konumunda varlığını sürdürmektedir. Yapılan harcamalar bakımından da Avrupa üçüncüsüdür. Türkiye'de kredi kartının bu derece yoğun kullanılmasının nedeni ise tek seferde alınamayacak mal/hizmetleri taksitle satın alma imkânı vermesi gelmektedir. Ayrıca banka veya kart kullanıcısının tanımladığı kredi kartı limiti artırma talebi sonrası uygulamaya konan limit artışı da, bireyleri kredi kartı harcaması yapmaya teşvik etmesidir. Türkiye'de bu durum nedeniyle artan bireysel kredi kartı borçlanması karşısında devlet 1 Şubat 2014 tarihi itibarıyla bazı ürün ve hizmetlerin satın alınmasında taksiti kaldırmış, belirli bazı ürünlerde taksit sayısını ise 9 ay ile sınırlamıştır. Ayrıca, bireylerin aşırı borçlanmasını önlemek adına bankaların sunabileceği maksimum limit, BDDK tarafından belirlenmiştir. Türkiye'de kredi kartı limiti ilk yıl için kullanıcının gelirinin maksimum iki katı, ilk yıldan sonra ise gelirinin maksimum dört katı olacak şekilde hesaplanır.

Bankacılık Düzenleme ve Denetleme kurulu tarafından yapılan kredi kartı ile ilgili düzenlemeleri kapsayan yönetmelikler 27.09.2016 tarihli 29840 sayılı resmî gazete de yayınlanarak yürürlüğe girmiştir.
Bu yönetmeliğe göre kredi kartı ile yapılan genel tüketim alışverişlerinde 9 ay taksit sınırı kaldırılmış olup 12 aya yükseltilmiştir. Türkiye'de 2019 yılı itibari ile her yıl 4,5 milyon kredi kartı dağıtılmaktadır.

Kaynakça

Ayrıca bakınız
 Banka kartı geri ödemesi
 Dijital kart
 Harcama kartı
 ATM kartı
 Banka kartı
 Ödeme kartı
 Akıllı kart

Ödeme sistemleri
Bankacılık

20. yüzyıl icatları
Geri ödeme ve indirim
Amerika Birleşik Devletleri icatları
İşletme terimleri

Kredi kartı


Rümpel, Almanya'nın kuzeyinde Schleswig-Holstein eyaleti Stormarn iline bağlı bölge. 15,89 km² yüzölçümüne sahiptir. Nüfusu 31 Aralık 2003 itibarıyla 1295 olarak tespit edilmiştir. Nüfus yoğunluğu ise 81 seviyesindedir. Belediye başkanlığı Claus-Jürgen Vieregge tarafından yürütülmektedir.

Dış bağlantılar
 Resmi site

Stormarn iline bağlı yerleşim birimleri

Rümpel


Lematizarea reprezintă, în lingvistică, procesul de grupare a formelor flexionare ale unui cuvânt, astfel încât acestea să poată fi analizate ca o singură entitate, identificată prin lema cuvântului (forma sa de dicționar).

În lingvistica computațională, lematizarea este procesul algoritmic de determinare a lemei unui cuvânt pe baza sensului intenționat. Spre deosebire de găsirea rădăcinii, lematizarea depinde de identificarea corectă a părții de vorbire și a sensului unui cuvânt într-o propoziție, precum și în contextul mai larg din jurul propoziției, precum propozițiile vecine sau chiar întregul document. Ca urmare, crearea de algorimti eficienți pentru lematizare este o arie de cercetare curentă.

Descriere
În multe limbi, cuvintele apar în mai multe forme flexionare. De exemplu, în limba română, verbul "a merge" poate apărea ca "merg", "mergeau", "merseseși" sau "mersei". Forma de bază, "merge", care ar putea fi căutată în dicționar, este numită lema cuvântului. Asocierea dintre forma de bază și partea de vorbire este adesea numită un lexem al cuvântului.

Lematizarea este strâns legată de găsirea rădăcinii. Diferența este că un algoritm de identificare a rădăcinii funcționează pe un singur cuvânt, fără cunoștințe de context, și, prin urmare, nu poate diferenția între cuvinte care au semnificații diferite în funcție de partea de vorbire sau formă flexionară. Cu toate acestea, algoritmii de identificare a rădăcinii sunt de obicei mai ușor aplicat și au viteză de execuție mai mare. "Precizia" redusă poate fi irelevantă pentru unele aplicații. De exemplu, atunci când sunt utilizate în sistemele automatizate de căutare, identificarea rădăcinii îmbunătățește rapelul, comparativ cu lematizarea. În schimb, reduce precizia pentru astfel de sisteme.

Ca exemplu, cuvântul "ouă" poate fi fie forma de plural a unui substantiv ("ou"), fie o formă conjugată a unui verb ("a oua"), în funcție de context, precum în propozițiile "am cumpărat patru ouă" sau "găinile nu se ouă". Spre deosebire de identificarea rădăcinii, lematizarea încearcă să selecteze lema corectă în funcție de context.

Mai mult, în unele cazuri lematizarea găsește legătura corectă, care poate fi ratată de identificarea rădăcinii. Atunci când alternanțele fonetice modifică rădăcina cuvintelor, doar căutarea în dicționar executată de lematizare duce la identificarea corectă a lemei, precum în cazul cuvintelor "toți"–"tuturor", "muscă"–"muște" sau "carte"–"cărți".

Algoritmi
Un mod banal de a lematiza este simpla căutare în dicționar. Aceasta funcționează bine pentru forme flexionare simple, dar un sistem bazat pe reguli devine necesar pentru alte cazuri, precum în cazul limbilor care conțin cuvinte compuse lungi. Astfel de reguli pot fi create manual sau învățate în mod automat dintr-un corpus adnotat.

Utilizare în biomedicină
Analiza morfologică a literaturii biomedicale poate produce rezultate utile. Prelucrarea morfologică a textelor biomedicale poate fi mai eficientă prin utilizarea unui algoritm de lematizare specializat pentru biomedicină și poate îmbunătăți în practică precizia extragerii de informații de extracție din text.

Note

Lingvistică computațională

Lematizare


Bronisław Kasper Malinowski (Krakov, 7. travnja 1884. – New Haven, Connecticut, 16. svibnja 1942.), bio je britanski antropolog i etnolog poljskoga podrijetla. Poznat po tome što je u antropologiju uveo pravila za terenska istraživanja i funkcionalistički pristup u antropologiji.

Životopis

Malinowski se rodio u Krakovu 7. travnja 1884. godine, gdje je doktorirao filozofiju. Otac mu je bio sveučilišni profesor, a majka kći veleposjednika. Čitajući jednu knjigu iz polja antropologije, odlučuje se za studij antropologije te odlazi na sveučilište u Leipzigu. Iz Poljske odlazi 1910. godine u London gdje studira na Londonsku školu ekonomije. Godine 1914. odlazi na Papuu Novu Gvineju gdje na Trobrijandskom otočju radi svoju najpoznatiju studiju koju će objaviti u knjizi Argonauti zapadnog Pacifika 1922. godine. Ubrzo postaje predavač na sveučilištima u Londonu, Yaleu i Cornellu. Britansko državljanstvo dobiva 1931. godine, a neposredno prije početka Drugoga svjetskoga rata emigrira u SAD, gdje i umire 16. svibnja 1942. godine u New Hevenu.

Znanstveni rad

U uvodu knjige Argronauti zapadnoga pacifika Malinowski uvodi novinu u pristupu antropološkog istraživanja. Po njemu antropološko istraživanje bi se trebalo temeljiti na terenskom radu:
 istraživač se treba pripremiti kada dolazi na nepoznati teren (unaprijed proučiti osnove ponašanja domorodačkih kultura) kroz već poznatu literaturu
 istraživač treba skupiti etnografske iskaze, pripovijesti, folklor i sl. koje piše kao Corpus inscriptionum tj. kao dokument o urođeničkom mentalitetu
 istraživač treba voditi antropološki dnevnik pomoću kojeg kasnije može napisati svakodnevni život i tipove ponašanja te kulture
 bitno je napraviti prekid sa svojom kulturom kako bi se lakše mogao prihvatiti život u domorodačkoj kulturi
 istraživač treba koristiti tzv. Metodu konkretne statističke dokumentacije, koja uključuje prikupljanje podataka i svrstavanja ih u pojedine tablice, grafove, karte i sl.

Posebnost koju je Malinowski uočio, provodivši istraživanje na Trobrijandskom otočju, je pojava koju ondašnji domoroci nazivaju Kula prstena. Svaki otok radi poseban nakit te muškarci jednom godišnje nose taj nakit s jednog otoka na drugi. Malinowski je uočio da taj nakit nikad ne ostaje na jednom otoku te taj pokret nakita označava njihovu pripadnost predmetu.

Općenito se može reći kako je njegova teorija suprotstavnjena shvaćanjima strukturalistima (É. Durkheim) jer povezuje poznavanje teorija i terenskoga rada te da se shvaćanje antropologije zasniva na apstraktnom shvaćanju društva. Malinowski uvodi funkcionalistički pristup razumijevanju kulture. On smatra kako kultura postoji kako bi zadovoljila osnovne biološke, psihološke i društvene potrebe pojedinca. Svaka kultura nema jednostavne funkcije te da svaka kultura za neko svoje ponašanje ima razna objašnjenja i funkcionalnost. Na taj način kultura postaje beskrajno složena mreža ponašanja sukladno složenim potrebama pojedinca. Kultura je utilaristička, prilagodnjiva i funkcionalno integrirana, a tumačenje kulture uključuje razlučivanje funkcija.

Popis djela

 Argonuti zapadnog Pacifika (1922.)
 Mit u primitivnoj psihologiji (1926.)
 Spolnost i represija u divljaka (1927.)
 Osnove vjere i morala (1936.)
 Znanstvena teorija kulture (1944.)

Izvor: Hrvatska enciklopedija.

Izvori

Britanski antropolozi
Britanski znanstvenici
Etnolozi
Životopisi, Engleska
Poljski znanstvenici
Antropolozi
Životopisi, Krakov

Bronisław Malinowski


David Stewart (24 October 1378 – 26 March 1402) was heir apparent to the throne of Scotland from 1390 and the first Duke of Rothesay from 1398. He was named after his great-granduncle, David II of Scotland, and also held the titles of Earl of Atholl (1398–1402) and Earl of Carrick (1390–1402). He shares with his uncle and arch-rival, Robert Stewart, first Duke of Albany, the distinction of being first dukes to be created in the Scottish peerage. David never became king. His marriage to Mary Douglas, daughter of Archibald the Grim, the third Earl of Douglas, was without issue.

Life
David Stewart, was born to John Stewart, Lord High Steward of Scotland, and his wife, Anabella Drummond, daughter Sir John Drummond, 11th Thane of Lennox, on 24 October 1378. In 1390, when his father acceded as King of Scots (taking the title Robert III), David became first in order of succession to the throne of Scotland as eldest son. He is known to have taken an active part in the political life of the kingdom. In around 1396, for example, he was entrusted with the government or pacification of the northern parts of the kingdom. He is also known to have played an active role in peace negotiations with John of Gaunt in the Marches.

Marriage contracts
In 1395 David was betrothed to Elizabeth de Dunbar, daughter of George Dunbar, 10th Earl of March. This was a strong political alliance because the Earl of March was one of the most powerful and influential men of his time, rivaled only by Archibald Douglas, 3rd Earl of Douglas. A Papal mandate for the marriage was approved but the couple had not wanted to wait and were married before the mandate arrived in August 1395. As a result they were censured. After applying for absolution for not waiting, the Pope issued a dispensation to the couple dated 10 March 1397 granting that they could 'remarry' after a period of separation.

Archibald Douglas "The Grim" influenced King Robert, and instead of remarrying Elizabeth, his wife of almost 2 years, David was betrothed to and married Marjorie Douglas, daughter of the 3rd Earl of Douglas instead. Understandably, the Dunbar family were more than upset. They had lost an important political alliance to their greatest rival, Elizabeth's honor and marriage prospects were sullied and the entire family insulted. George Dunbar, Earl of March did not react favorably. As a result of the broken betrothal he left Scotland entirely and joined King Henry IV of England. This was potentially very dangerous for Scotland.

Lieutenant of Scotland
At a meeting of the Estates held in January 1399 it was resolved that David, as heir to the throne, should be appointed "lieutenant" of the kingdom with full sovereign powers for three years, partly due to the infirmity of his father and at a time of civil unrest and conflict with England. Although this gave him an opportunity to flex political muscle, his room for manoeuvre was significantly constrained, however, by a combination of youthful inexperience and the ultimately mortal rivalry of his uncle, Robert Stewart (brother of Robert III; the latter was named John before he became king), Duke of Albany, who had been protector of the kingdom prior to David's lieutenancy. Albany was a ruthlessly effective politician with a well-developed power base, and his designs on the throne were well understood.

David appears to have had an ally in his mother, the Queen, who had worked to strengthen her son's hand, arranging the great tournament of 1398 in Edinburgh when he was knighted and being present, along with the king, in that same year when David was created Duke of Rothesay, in the same ceremony, performed by Walter Trail, Archbishop of St Andrews, which also created the title Duke of Albany for his uncle. But both the Queen and Archbishop were dead by 1401. His father, the King, appears to have had little ability by that date to influence events effectively.

Death

In late February 1402, while travelling officially to St Andrews, David was arrested just outside the city at Strathtyrum in a sting operation which had been arranged by Albany, at that time in complicit alliance with David's brother-in-law, Archibald, the fourth Earl of Douglas, who was offended with Rothesay for his unfaithfulness to his wife, the sister of Douglas. (David's father-in-law, the highly influential third Earl, had died two years before, in 1400.) The pretext for David's arrest was that the three-year period of his lieutenancy had expired. He was initially held captive in St Andrews Castle, and soon afterwards taken to Falkland Palace, Albany's residence in Fife. According to Bower, the prince spent the journey hooded, gagged, bound and mounted backwards on a mule. At Falkland David remained a prisoner and shortly died there, reputedly of starvation.

He was buried at Lindores Abbey. The King founded a chaplaincy in the parish church of Dundee to pray for his soul, and daily masses were to be said at Deer Abbey and Culross. A few weeks after the funeral, in May 1402, a public enquiry into the circumstances of David's death exonerated Albany of all blame.

Four years later, in 1406, David's younger brother, James Stewart, succeeded Robert III as king (although at that time remaining uncrowned and in captivity in England) while Albany secured himself as de facto ruler of Scotland.

Fictional portrayals
David is the subject of an anonymous full-length 18th century verse drama, The Duke of Rothsay, a tragedy  published and sold in Edinburgh in 1780. The story of his imprisonment is the principal subject of Walter Scott's The Fair Maid of Perth (1828) in which he is likewise portrayed as tragic victim. He also features as a principal character in relevant novels from Nigel Tranter's trilogy about the early Stewart kings, The Stewart Trilogy (1976-1977).

Notes

Sources

1378 births
1402 deaths
14th-century Scottish people
15th-century Scottish people
David Stewart, Duke of Rothesay
David Stewart, Duke of Rothesay
David
David Stewart, Duke of Rothesay
David Stewart, Duke of Rothesay
Dukes of Rothesay
Earls of Atholl
14th-century Scottish earls
15th-century Scottish peers
Lord High Stewards of Scotland
People of Falkland Palace
Sons of kings

David Stewart, Duke of Rothesay


මන්සූර් අලි ඛාන් යනු ඉන්දියානු නළුවෙක්, සංගීත නිර්මාපකයෙක්, ලේඛකයෙක් සහ නිෂ්පාදකයෙකි. ඔහු ප්‍රධාන වශයෙන් දෙමළ චිත්‍රපටවල පෙනී සිට ඇති අතර, බොහෝ දුරට ප්‍රතිවිරෝධතා සහ සහායක චරිතවල පෙනී සිට ඇත.

ඔහු කැප්ටන් ප්‍රභාකරන් (1991) චිත්‍රපටයේ ප්‍රතිවාදියෙකු ලෙස විශිෂ්ට චරිතයක් ලබා ගත්තේය. මෙම චිත්‍රපටයේ සාර්ථකත්වයෙන් පසුව ඔහුට රංගන අවස්ථා රැසක් හිමි විය. ඔහු සියලුම භාෂාවලින් චිත්‍රපට 250 කට අධික සංඛ්‍යාවක රඟපා ඇති අතර චිත්‍රපට ගණනාවක් නිෂ්පාදනය කර අධ්‍යක්ෂණය කර ඇත. ඔහු මලයාලම්, තෙළිඟු සහ කන්නඩ චිත්‍රපට කිහිපයකම ද රඟපා ඇත.

ළමා අවධිය

මන්සූර් අලි ඛාන් උපත ලැබුවේ තමිල්නාඩුවේ ඩින්ඩිගල් හි ය. ඔහුගේ දෙමාපියන් මීසයිකාර අබ්දුල් සලාම් රවුදර් සහ සාගෝරම්මාල් ය.

සිනමා ජීවිතය

ඛාන් බොහෝ විට ප්‍රතිවාදී චරිත සහ ප්‍රධාන චරිත කිහිපයක රඟපා ඇත. ඔහුට RK Selvamani අධ්‍යක්ෂණය කළ කපිතාන් ප්‍රභාකරන් (1991) විසින් දෙමළ සිනමා කර්මාන්තයේ ප්‍රතිවිරෝධකයෙකු ලෙස විශිෂ්ට භූමිකාවක් ලබා ගත් අතර එය බ්ලොක්බස්ටර් බවට පත් වූ අතර, එබැවින් ඔහුට රංගන අවස්ථා රාශියක් ලැබුණි. ඔහු සිය රංගන පාඨමාලාව හැදෑරුවේ මුම්බායි හි අනුපම් කේර්ගේ රංගන පාසලේ ය.

යොමු කිරීම්

මන්සූර් අලි ඛාන් (නළුවා)


Leek puede hacer referencia a:

 Leek, una parroquia civil y una villa en el condado de Staffordshire (Inglaterra).
 Leek Town Football Club, un club de fútbol basado en la localidad anterior.
 Leek, un municipio y un pueblo en la provincia de Groninga (Países Bajos).
 Sybil Leek (1917-1982), una bruja, astróloga, psíquica y escritora ocultista inglesa.

Leek


Sigríður Ásdís Snævarr (f. 23. júní 1952) er íslenskur sendiherra. Sigríður er fyrsta íslenska konan sem skipuð var sendiherra í íslensku utanríkisþjónustunni. Hún var skipuð sendiherra Íslands í Svíþjóð þann 1. febrúar 1991.

Ævi
Sigríður er fædd og uppalin í Reykjavík og foreldrar hennar eru Valborg Sigurðardóttir (1922-2012) uppeldisfræðingur og skólastjóri Fósturskóla Íslands og Gunnsteinn Ármann Snævarr (1919-2010) prófessor, háskólarektor og hæstaréttardómari. Sigríður er elst fimm systkina. Eiginmaður hennar er Kjartan Gunnarsson (f. 1951) lögfræðingur og fyrrverandi framkvæmdastjóri Sjálfstæðisflokksins. Þau eiga einn son fæddan árið 2007. Sigríður er talin vera elsta íslenska konan til að ala barn svo vitað sé.

Menntun og starfsferill
Sigríður lauk stúdentsprófi frá Menntaskólanum í Reykjavík árið 1972. Hún lauk diplomanámi í ítölsku frá Università per gli Stranieri í Perugia á Ítalíu og stundaði nám í stjórnmálafræði við Háskóla Íslands um skeið. Hún lauk B.Sc. Econ prófi frá London School of Economics árið 1977 og hélt þaðan til Bandaríkjanna þaðan sem hún lauk MA-námi í Fletcher School of Law and Diplomacy árið 1978.

Hún var leiðsögumaður erlendra ferðamanna á Íslandi 1970-1977 og íslenskra ferðamanna á Ítalíu 1973 og 1974. Árið 1978 var í fyrsta skipti auglýst eftir embættismönnum til starfa í íslensku utanríkisþjónustunni. Sigríður var meðal umsækjenda og hóf störf í utanríkisþjónustunni sama ár. Hún var fulltrúi í utanríkisþjónustunni frá 1978-1979, sendiráðsritari í Moskvu 1979-1980, fulltrúi í utanríkisráðuneytinu árið 1980, varafastafulltrúi hjá Evrópuráðinu í Strasbourg 1982-1983, blaðafulltrúi utanríkisráðuneytisins árið 1983-1986, sendiráðunautur frá 1984, í sendiráði Íslands í Bonn í Þýskalandi frá 1987 og sendifulltrúi þar frá 1988-1991.

Árið 1991 var Sigríður skipuð sendiherra fyrst íslenskra kvenna. Hún var sendiherra Íslands í Svíþjóð og Finnlandi með aðsetur í sendiráði Íslands í Stokkhólmi frá 1991-1996, prótókollsstjóri utanríkisráðuneytisins og jafnframt sendiherra í Namibíu, Suður-Afríku og Mósambik frá 1996-1999. Frá 1999-2004 var hún sendiherra Íslands í Frakklandi, Spáni, Ítalíu, Portúgal og Andorra og jafnframt fastafulltrúi Íslands hjá OECD í París, FAO í Róm og UNESCO í París, með aðsetur í sendiráði Íslands í París. Hún starfaði í utanríkisráðuneytinu frá 2004-2007 og um skeið frá 2008-2012. Frá árinu 2017 hefur Sigríður veitt deild heimasendiherra í utanríkisráðuneytinu forstöðu en auk þess er hún sendiherra Íslands gagnvart Páfagarði, Singapúr og Ástralíu.

Árið 2008 stofnaði Sigríður ásamt Maríu Björk Óskarsdóttur hvatningar- og stuðningsverkefnið Nýttu kraftinn til að aðstoða fólk í atvinnuleit. Þær héldu fjölmörg námskeið og fyrirlestra og gáfu jafnframt út bókina Nýttu kraftinn sem kom út árið 2013.

Sigríður var formaður sendinefndar Íslands á Kvennaráðstefnu Sameinuðu þjóðanna í Nairobi í Kenía árið 1985, var ritari nefndar um samskipti Íslands og Vestur-Íslendinga 1983-1986 og í stjórn Listvinafélags Hallgrímskirkju frá 1983-1986. Hún var frumkvöðull að stofnun Félags kvenna í embættisstörfum í Stjórnarráðinu. Hún sat í nefnd um aðkomu ríkisins að skipulagi og fjármögnun ferðaþjónustu árið 2008, var um tíma í stjórn Alliance Francaise og var varaformaður stjórnar Stofnunar Árna Magnússonar í íslenskum fræðum frá 2006-2010.

Viðurkenningar
Sigríður var sæmd riddarakrossi Hinnar íslensku fálkaorðu árið 1988. Hún hefur hlotið finnsku Ljónsorðuna, þýsku Verdientsorðuna og hina spænsku Orðu Isabellu hinnar kaþólsku. Árið 2019 var hún sæmd þakkarviðurkenningu Félags kvenna í atvinnulífinu (FKA).

Tilvísanir
Fólk fætt árið 1952
Stúdentar úr Menntaskólanum í Reykjavík
Íslenskir sendiherrar
Íslenskar konur
Handhafar riddarakross Hinnar íslensku fálkaorðu

Sigríður Ásdís Snævarr


Sidi Slimane se poate referi la:
Sidi Slimane, localitate în provincia El Bayadh, Algeria
Sidi Slimane, localitate în provincia Ouargla, Algeria
Sidi Slimane, localitate în provincia Tissemsilt, Algeria

Sidi Slimane


Cameron "Cam" Jackson (born February 27, 1951) is a Canadian politician. A Progressive Conservative, he was first elected to the Legislative Assembly of Ontario in 1985, and held the office of Member of Provincial Parliament (MPP) for Burlington until his resignation on September 28, 2006 to run for mayor of Burlington in the 2006 election. He served as mayor from 2006 to 2010 when he was defeated by Rick Goldring.

Background
Jackson was born in Hamilton, Ontario. His mother was Ukrainian Canadian. He was educated at McMaster University, although he left before graduating to take a job with the Ontario Conservative Party. Before entering politics, he was the Chief Executive Officer of the Metropolitan Hamilton Real Estate Board, and also worked for the Halton Housing Authority from 1975 to 1980. In 1996, he was named "Officer Brother of the Order of St. John of Jerusalem" by Canada's Governor-General. He also served as a trustee on the Halton Public School Board for ten years.

Provincial politics
Jackson was elected for the riding of Burlington South in the provincial election of 1985, defeating Liberal candidate Doug Redfearn by about 4,500 votes. He was a backbench supporter of the government of Frank Miller, which was defeated in the legislature shortly after the election. In late 1985, Jackson supported Alan Pope's unsuccessful bid to replace Miller as party leader.

Jackson was nearly defeated in the provincial election of 1987, defeating Liberal Bill Priestner by 605 votes. He won by a much greater margin in the 1990 election. The Tories finished in third place in both instances, behind the Liberals and the New Democratic Party.

The Progressive Conservatives returned to power in the 1995 provincial election, and Jackson was re-elected in Burlington South with over 70% of the popular vote.  He was made a Minister without Portfolio in the government of Mike Harris on June 26, 1995, with responsibility for the Workers Compensation Board. After a shuffle on August 16, 1996, he was given ministerial responsibility for Seniors. He was finally given a full portfolio on July 27, 1998, being made Ontario Minister of Long-Term Care and Seniors. Jackson was easily re-elected in the 1999 provincial election for the redistributed riding of Burlington.

On June 17, 1999, he was named Minister of Tourism.  He was named Minister of Citizenship with responsibility for Seniors on February 8, 2001, but returned to the Tourism portfolio (now retitled Tourism and Recreation) when Ernie Eves succeeded Mike Harris as Premier on April 15, 2002.  He was forced to resign on October 2, 2002 due to a controversy over his practice of billing the government for steak dinners and hotel stays. Jackson did not appear in public for weeks and there was speculation that he would not run for re-election. Jackson was fully exonerated of all allegations before the next election, and did retain his riding in the 2003 election (albeit with a greatly reduced majority) while dozens of other Tory MPPs lost their seats.

There had been speculation that Jackson would run to succeed Eves in the 2004 Ontario Progressive Conservative leadership election but in July, Jackson endorsed John Tory's candidacy for the position of party leader.

Cabinet positions

Mayor of Burlington
On September 28, 2006, Jackson announced both his retirement from provincial politics and his candidacy for Mayor of Burlington. He was elected in the 2006 municipal election, succeeding Rob MacIsaac. After just one term in office, he was defeated in the 2010 municipal election by Rick Goldring.

Electoral record

References

Notes

Citations

External links

1951 births
Living people
Mayors of Burlington, Ontario
McMaster University alumni
Members of the Executive Council of Ontario
Nelson High School (Ontario) alumni
Politicians from Hamilton, Ontario
Progressive Conservative Party of Ontario MPPs
21st-century Canadian politicians
Ontario school board trustees

Cam Jackson


Tung Ping Chau () is an island in Hong Kong, part of Hong Kong UNESCO Global Geopark. It is also known as Ping Chau (). Tung (, meaning east) is prepended to the name at times so as to avoid possible confusion with Peng Chau, another island in Hong Kong with an identically pronounced name in Cantonese. Administratively, the island is part of the Tai Po District in the New Territories.

Geography
Geographically, Ping Chau is an offshore island located in the northeast corner of Hong Kong in Mirs Bay, close to the border with Guangdong Province in mainland China. The island has an area of 1.16 km² and consists of shale rock. The island is the most easterly point of the Hong Kong territory and is much closer to mainland China (4 km) than to the main landmass of Hong Kong. It is close to Nan'ao of Dapeng.

The island has the shape of a kidney bean with its concave side facing northeast. Its name "Ping Chau" means "flat island" in Chinese. The highest points on the island are  in the south and  in the north. The eastern inner shore of the crescent hugs Ping Chau Hoi () with a few beaches, including Cheung Sha Wan () in the northeast. In contrast, the western coast of the island is fairly rocky as a result of the greater wave action taking its toll on the inclined siltstone there.

The island's largest village, Sha Tau (), is something of a ghost town, with many cottages boarded up. A large part of the island is country parkland, with footpaths overgrown with orchids, wild mint and morning glory.

History
Ping Chau has a checkered history. Guns and opium were once smuggled from here, and during the Cultural Revolution many mainlanders swam in hopes of reaching Ping Chau and the freedom of Hong Kong.

The now virtually deserted island was once home to a thriving fishing and farm community of 3,000 people, with over 100 fishing junks. Historical villages of Ping Chau included the five oldest: Chau Mei (), Chau Tau (), Nai Tau (), Sha Tau () and Tai Tong (), as well as five other smaller family villages, which were subsequently developed: Chan Uk (),  Lam Uk (), Lei Uk (), Tsau Uk () and Tsoi Uk (). The village of Chau Mei was settled by fishermen who sold their catch at Tai Po Market and at Shayuchong (), a coastal village now part of the Longgang District of Shenzhen.

During the Japanese occupation of Hong Kong (1941-1945), Ping Chau was used as a logistics base for the supply of military resources, including petrol, to the Chinese army. Several allied military leaders were transported to the mainland via the island.

In the 1950s, there were about 1,500 people living in the ten villages on the island. Two primary schools were built: Kwan Ying School () in Tai Tong and Wai Sun School () in Chau Tau. At that time, the economy of the island deteriorated due to the depletion of fishery resources and the termination of trade with the mainland as a consequence of the Korean War (1950-1953). During the Cultural Revolution (1966-1976), political turmoil cut off commerce with the mainland and most villagers moved away. By the early 1970s, only a few elderly people remained on the island. In 2004, the last permanent resident moved out of Tung Ping Chau. Some may return on weekends. In 2013, the District Offices estimated that Tung Ping Chau had a population of 8.

Villages
The villages of Ping Chau Chau Mei (), Ping Chau Chau Tau (), Ping Chau Nai Tau (), Ping Chau Sha Tau () and Ping Chau Tai Tong () are recognized villages under the New Territories Small House Policy.

Geology
Ping Chau is unique in the fact that it is the only sizeable island in Hong Kong made up of sedimentary rock. Hong Kong is mostly formed of extrusive igneous rocks, after a series of major volcanoes erupted during the Jurassic Period. Following the volcanic activity, a basin formed in the northeast, with deposition in a brackish lake—producing the siltstones and chert of Tung Ping Chau, which have been dated from the early Paleogene period. It is also home to some spectacular cliffs and wave-cut platforms. Landforms such as these are very rarely found in the rest of Hong Kong.

Cham Keng Chau (斬頸洲, "Chop Neck Islet"), in the northwest, is a chunk of land that has broken away from the island; the Chinese say it represents the head of a dragon. Another notable rock formation is Lung Lok Shui (龍落水, "Dragon Descend into Water"), on the southwestern coast, thus named because it resembles the spine of a dragon entering the sea. At the island's southeastern end are two large rocks known as the Drum Rocks, or Kang Lau Shek (更樓石, "Watchman's Tower Rocks"). They are  sea stacks on a wave-cut platform. Lan Kwo Shui (難過水, "Difficult-to-cross Waters") features a long vertical cliff located along the southern coast, where several caves were formed there as a result of long term wave actions. Lan Kwo Shui can be reached by foot from Kang Lau Shek, at low tide and in calm sea conditions.

Demographics
In the 1950s and 1960s, about 2000 were estimated to live on the island. Over the years the number of residents has dwindled to a mostly elderly population of about 50-60 total people. Many early residents of Ping Chau were from Shantou (Swatow) and they kept the tradition of worshiping Tam Kung after they settled on the island. The island even had its own dialect, the Ping Chao dialect. Nowadays no longer spoken by many, you may still hear this dialect in the conversations between the villagers inside the restaurants.

Tourism
The island has a temple dedicated to Tin Hau, built in 1765, and a temple dedicated to Tam Kung: the Tam Tai Sin Temple (), built before 1877. Both temples are located in the village of Sha Tau. Several other old buildings can be found on the island. On one side of the island there are steep cliffs, below which is an amazing wave-cut platform, with jagged rocks, set at a 30-degree angle, like a staircase. Here there are many rock pools containing all manner of marine life, such as sea urchins and crabs. On the island's coastline at the pier side, there are over 60 different species of coral, and 35 species of algae.

During the weekends, many people visit the island. These include those who have come to dive and those who have come to see the cliffs and wave-cut platforms. Some people also use it as a weekend home. 57,000 people visited Ping Chau in 2005.

There is a camping site as well as picnic and barbecue sites on the island, managed by the Agriculture, Fisheries and Conservation Department. A few basic restaurants can be found at Tai Tong, a short distance north of Tung Ping Chau Public Pier. Basic dorms are available at Tai Tong Wan () and A Ma Wan ().

Conservation

Three buildings of Ping Chau are listed as Grade III Historic Buildings: the Tin Hau Temple, the Tam Tai Sin Temple, both in the village of Sha Tau, and the Old House, built in the 1940s in Chau Mei by Lee
Mou-you ().

Ping Chau has been designated as a Site of Special Scientific Interest since 1979.

With the exception of an area of old villages along its east coast, Ping Chau is part of the Plover Cove (Extension) Country Park, designated in 1979.

The Tung Ping Chau Marine Park was designated in 2001 as the fourth Marine Park in Hong Kong. It occupies a sea area of about 270 hectares which encloses the island of Ping Chau.

Ping Chau is one of the eight Geo-Areas of the Hong Kong Global Geopark, which was inaugurated in November 2009.

Transportation
The island is reachable by ferry from Ma Liu Shui ferry pier, near the Chinese University of Hong Kong. The landing point is the Tung Ping Chau Public Pier (), the only public pier on Ping Chau, located near the centre of the island at Wong Ye Kok (). Improvement works on the pier were completed in 2007. The ferry service is operated by Tsui Wah Ferry on Saturdays, Sundays and public holidays only. The journey takes 1 hour 40 minutes.

See also

 List of islands and peninsulas of Hong Kong
 Magic Cop, a 1990 Hong Kong film partially set in Ping Chau

References

Further reading

External links

Tung Ping Chau, Hong Kong's wild eastern island
Youngest sedimentary rock in Hong Kong - Tung Ping Chau
Ping Chau Country Trail
Satellite image of Ping Chau by Google Maps
Map of Ping Chau (.pdf document)
Physical Geography of Ping Chau (.doc document)
Ping Chau Country Trail
It's the perfect antidote to the stress of city life.
 Delineation of area of existing village Ping Chau Chau Mei (Sai Kung North) for election of resident representative (2019 to 2022)
 Delineation of area of existing village Ping Chau Chau Tau (Sai Kung North) for election of resident representative (2019 to 2022)
 Delineation of area of existing village Ping Chau Nai Tau (Sai Kung North) for election of resident representative (2019 to 2022)
 Delineation of area of existing village Ping Chau Sha Tau (Sai Kung North) for election of resident representative (2019 to 2022)
 Delineation of area of existing village Ping Chau Tai Tong (Sai Kung North) for election of resident representative (2019 to 2022)

Islands of Hong Kong
Natural history of Hong Kong
Tai Po District
Hong Kong UNESCO Global Geopark
Marine parks of Hong Kong
Underwater diving sites in Hong Kong
Populated places in Hong Kong

Tung Ping Chau


Sparegrisens filmrevy nr. 7 er en dansk dokumentarfilm fra 1958.
Sparegrisens filmrevy nr. 6 er en dansk dokumentarfilm fra 1958 produceret af Laterna Film under redaktion af Tue Ritzau. Filmene i serien er rettet til danske børn og unge.

Handling
1) Kaninavler på tretten: Hans Henrik Hansen på Heddingegård ved Lille Heddinge tjener sine penge på høstarbejde. Nu har han et af landets bedste avlscentre for hvide landkaniner.

2) Med Dronningen i Eventyrlejren: Den 23. juli 1957 besøger Dronning Ingrid den H.C. Andersen-inspirerede spejderlejr, som 12.000 pigespejdere har bygget en halv snes kilometer uden for Odense.

3) Fiskeørne: På den anden side af Øresund, finder man fiskeørnen, som er Nordens største rovfugl.

4) Vi laver klippefilm: I Farum bor en morsom mand, der laver klippefilm.

Eksterne henvisninger

Dokumentarfilm fra Danmark
Børnefilm fra Danmark
Danske film fra 1958

Sparegrisens filmrevy nr. 7


Words for Love (en français Des Mots d'Amour) est la chanson représentant Israël au Concours Eurovision de la chanson 2003. Elle est interprétée par Lior Narkis.

Composition
Le , IBA annonce que Lior Narkis est sélectionné par un comité spécial en tant que représentant israélien pour le Concours Eurovision de la chanson 2003.

La chanson avec laquelle Lior Narkis représentera Israël est sélectionnée lors d'une finale nationale dans une émission de télévision appelée Kdam Eurovision 2003. 250 chansons sont soumises par des compositeurs, ensuite évaluées par Narkis qui retient quatre chansons. Les titres des chansons sont annoncés le .

La finale a lieu le  à la discothèque Ha'Oman 17 à Jérusalem, animée par Eden Harel et diffusée sur Aroutz 1. Les quatre chansons en compétition sont interprétées par Lior Narkis. La chanson gagnante Milim La'Ahava est sélectionnée par une combinaison des votes d'un jury d'experts composé de représentants de l'IBA (40%) et un télévote (60%).

Le chanteur part en tournée promotionnelle avec une nouvelle version réarrangée. La chanson garde son style  latino-espagnol. Dans le refrain de la chanson, la même phrase apparaît en cinq langues différentes : l'hébreu (Ani ohew otach), l'anglais (I Love You), le grec (S'agapo), le français (Je t'aime) et l'italien (Te amo).

La chanson est la treizième de la soirée, suivant Dime interprétée par Beth pour l'Espagne et précédant One More Night interprétée par Esther Hart pour les Pays-Bas.

Pendant la prestation, Narkis est accompagné de danseuses, dont Meital Patash et Maya Avidan.

À la fin des votes, la chanson obtient 17 points et finit  des vingt-six participants.

Points attribués à Israël

Notes et références

Notes

Références

Voir aussi

Liens externes

Chanson représentant Israël au Concours Eurovision de la chanson
Chanson de l'Eurovision de 2003
Chanson en hébreu
Chanson en anglais
Single musical sorti en 2003

Words for Love


The filefish (Monacanthidae) are a diverse family of tropical to subtropical tetraodontiform marine fish, which are also known as foolfish, leatherjackets or shingles. They live in the Atlantic, Pacific and Indian Oceans. Filefish are closely related to triggerfish, pufferfish and trunkfish.

The filefish family comprises approximately 102 species in 27 genera. More than half of the species are found in Australian waters, with 58 species in 23 genera.

Their laterally compressed bodies and rough, sandpapery skin inspired the filefish's common name. It is said that dried filefish skin was once used to finish wooden boats.

Description
Appearing very much like their close relatives the triggerfish, filefish are rhomboid-shaped, with beautifully elaborate cryptic patterns. Deeply keeled bodies give a false impression of size when the fish are viewed facing the flanks. Filefish have soft, simple fins, with comparatively small pectoral fins and truncated, fan-shaped tail fins; a slender, retractable spine crowns the head. Although there are usually two of these spines, the second spine is greatly reduced, being used only to lock the first spine in the erect position. That gives rise to the family name Monacanthidae, from the Greek monos meaning "one" and akantha meaning "thorn". Some species also have recurved spines on the base of the tail (caudal peduncle).

The small terminal mouths of filefish have specialized incisor teeth on the upper and lower jaw. In the upper jaw there are four teeth in the inner series and six in the outer series. In the lower jaw, there are four to six in an outer series only. The snout is tapered and projecting and the eyes are located high on the head. Filefish have rough non-overlapping scales with small spikes, which is why they are called filefish. Although scaled, some filefish have such small scales that they appear scaleless. Like the triggerfish, filefish have small gill openings and greatly elongated pelvic bones, creating a "dewlap" of skin running between the bone's sharply keeled termination and the belly. The pelvis is articulated with other bones of the "pelvic girdle" and is capable of moving upwards and downwards in many species to form a large dewlap, which is used to make the fish appear much deeper in the body than is actually the case. Some filefish erect the dorsal spine and pelvis simultaneously to make it more difficult for a predator to remove them from a cave.

The largest filefish species is the scrawled filefish (Aluterus scriptus) at up to  in length. Most species are less than  in length. There is marked sexual dimorphism in some species, with the sexes possessing different coloration, different body shapes, and the males with larger caudal spines and bristles.

Habitat and life history

Adult filefish are generally shallow water fish, inhabiting depths of no more than about 30 metres. They may be found in lagoons or associated with seaward reefs and seagrass beds; some species may also enter estuaries. Some species are closely associated with dense mats of sargassum, a particularly ubiquitous "sea weed"; these filefish, notably the planehead filefish (Stephanolepis hispidus) are also coloured and patterned to match their weedy environments.

Either solitary, in pairs or small groups depending on the species, filefish are not terribly good swimmers; their small fins confine the fish to a sluggish gait. Filefish are often observed drifting head downward amongst stands of seaweed, presumably in an effort to fool both predator and prey alike. When threatened, filefish may retreat into crevices in the reef.

The feeding habits of filefish vary among the species, with some eating only algae and seagrass; others also eat small benthic invertebrates, such as tunicates, gorgonians, and hydrozoans; and some species eat corals (corallivores). It is the latter two habits which have largely precluded the introduction of filefish into the aquarium hobby.

Filefish spawn at bottom sites prepared and guarded by the males; both he and the female may guard the brood, or the male alone, depending on the species. The young filefish are pelagic; that is, they frequent open water. Sargassum provides a safe retreat for many species, both fish and weed being at the current's mercy. Juvenile filefish are at risk from predation by tuna and dolphinfish.

Filefish as food
In FAO fisheries statistics, the largest category of filefish are Cantherhines spp. with annual landings around 200,000 tonnes in recent years, mostly by China. Landings of threadsail filefish (Stephanolepis cirrhifer) and smooth leatherjacket (Meuschenia scaber) are reported at species level, with the rest as "Filefishes, leatherjackets nei" (nei=not elsewhere included).

Threadsail Filefish (Stephanolepis cirrhifer)  is a popular snack food in Korea. It is typically dried and made into a sweet and salty jerky called jwipo (쥐포), which is then roasted before eating.

Genera

 Acanthaluteres
 Acreichthys
 Aluterus
 Amanses
 Anacanthus
 Arotrolepis
 Brachaluteres
 Cantherhines
 Cantheschenia
 Chaetodermis
 Colurodontis
 Enigmacanthus
 Eubalichthys
 Lalmohania
 Meuschenia
 Monacanthus
 Navodon
 Nelusetta
 Oxymonacanthus
 Paraluteres
 Paramonacanthus
 Pervagor
 Pseudalutarius
 Pseudomonacanthus
 Rudarius
 Scobinichthys
 Stephanolepis
 Thamnaconus

See also
List of fish common names
List of fish families

References

Filefish