Tetraphobie (aus , und ) bezeichnet die abergläubische Angst vor der Zahl 4, die besonders im ostasiatischen (China, Taiwan, Japan, Nord- bzw. Südkorea und Vietnam) sowie im südostasiatischen Kulturraum (Malaysia, Singapur) weit verbreitet ist.

Tetraphobie in Asien

China, Hongkong und Taiwan
Im Chinesischen steht das Schriftzeichen für die Zahl 4 (), welches in vielen Varianten dieser Sprache eine große Ähnlichkeit (quasi gleichklingend) zur Aussprache des Worts für Tod () aufweist. In ähnlicher Weise finden sich im Vokabular des Japanischen (jap.  als On-Lesung  oder als Kun-Lesung als ), des Koreanischen (kor. ) und des Vietnamesischen (viet. ) Wörter für die Zahl 4, die gleichermaßen für "Tod" stehen können.

Daher wird in diesen Kulturen – ganz besonders in China – während Festtagen, oder wenn ein Mitglied der Familie erkrankt, darauf geachtet, das Auftreten dieser Zahl in jeglicher Form zu vermeiden; ebenso wenig sollten 14, 24 und 42 vorkommen, da diese ebenfalls die Ziffer "4" enthalten. Sowohl in öffentlichen (Hotels, Bürogebäude usw.) als auch privaten Gebäuden (Wohnhäuser) werden in den o. a. Ländern diese Stockwerksnummern übersprungen; in der gleichen Weise wird mit Tischnummern 4, 14, 24 und 42 bei Familienfeiern (wie Hochzeiten, Geburtstagen) oder anderen gesellschaftlichen Ereignissen verfahren. Analog dazu werden in großen Wohnanlagen Wohnblocknummern wie 4, 14, 24 usw. vermieden, indem sie durch 3A, 13A, 23A usw. substituiert werden.

Im kantonesischsprachigen Gebieten Chinas werden die 14 und 24 sogar als noch unheilvoller angesehen als die 4 selbst: 14 bezeichnet den "sicheren Tod" (kant. , sat6sei2), während 24 "leicht zu sterben" (kant. , ji6sei2) bedeutet.

In Hongkong gibt es Gebäude wie das Vision City (Tsuen Wan) und The Arch (Union Square, Kowloon), in denen sogar alle Etagen von 40 bis 49 ausgelassen wurden: nach 39/F folgt direkt 50/F, was bei Touristen, denen nichts von der Tetraphobie der Asiaten bekannt ist, zuweilen etwas Verwirrung stiftet. Auch bei den Sorrento-Wohnkomplex-Türmen im Union Square wurde der vierte Turm übersprungen.
Zudem können bei den Nummern der Stockwerke – durch die Vermengung der westlichen und asiatischen Kulturen in Hongkong, wie auch in Singapur – sowohl der 13. (siehe Triskaidekaphobie – Phobie vor der Zahl 13) als auch der 14. ausgelassen sein.

China bringt die Tetraphobie auch militärisch zum Ausdruck: so ist die erste Typnummer der Shenyang-Kampfflugzeuge eine 5: Shenyang J-5. In ähnlicher Weise verfährt die Marine der Taiwaner und der Südkoreaner, deren Schiffe niemals die Schiffskennung 4 erhalten.

Japan
In Japan wird bei den meisten Wohnhäusern und Parkplätzen die Ziffer 4 ausgelassen. Ähnlich wie bei den weiter oben beschriebenen westlichen Einflüssen in Hongkong und Singapur wird – ganz nach westlicher Tradition – die 13. Etage übersprungen. (In Krankenhäusern wird zudem auch noch die Zahl 9 vermieden, da die Silbe  – eine alternative Lesung für die Zahl Neun, jap. ,   – an das Wort , "leiden, erleiden" erinnert.) Als besonders unheilvolle Zahl wird die 49 angesehen, da sie im Japanischen fragmentarisch auf den Ausdruck , shinu made kurushimu hindeutet, was übersetzt soviel wie "Leiden bis zum Tode" bedeutet.

Wird von der 4 dennoch Gebrauch gemacht, so wird diese im allgemeinen Sprachgebrauch fast immer, entsprechend der japanischen Kun-Lesung des Kanji  als  bzw.  ausgesprochen, während das sinojapanische shi vermieden wird; selbst in Komposita, in denen gemäß der gängigen Regeln bei allen anderen Kanji (inklusive aller Zahlen) normalerweise die On-Lesung verwendet wird. So werden z. B. "vier Menschen" (Kanji: ) nicht als shinin, sondern yonin bezeichnet, um Verwechslungen bzw. Assoziationen dem Wort für eine verstorbene Person shinin – , , dt. "Tote(r)" – zu vermeiden.

Nord- und Südkorea
Obwohl die Tetraphobie in Nord- und Südkorea weniger extrem ausgeprägt ist, findet sich nahezu immer die übersprungene "4" in Krankenhäusern und anderen öffentlichen Gebäuden wieder; in privaten Gebäuden steht allerdings der Buchstabe "F" (engl. four) stellvertretend für die Ziffer "4". Auch werden Wohnungsnummern, die mehrfach die Ziffer "4" enthalten (wie z. B. 404), vermieden. Aus Berichten über die staatliche Eisenbahngesellschaft Korail ist bekannt, dass eine von "4401" aufwärts nummerierte Lokomotivenserie einen beabsichtigten Sprung von 4443 direkt auf 4445 tätigte.

Tetraphobie außerhalb Asiens

Italien
Ein ähnlicher Aberglaube ist in einigen Teilen Italiens verbreitet. Der Ziffer 4 wird dort zum einen nachgesagt, sie symbolisiere einen Sarg und könne somit Unglück bringen; zum anderen stehe sie für "das Geheimnis von allem und nichts".

Tetraphobie in den Medien
 Im Science-Fiction-Film Blade Runner bestellt Protagonist Rick Deckard beim Chef des Nudelladens "vier" Sushi, der ihn darauf korrigierend hinweist, dass "zwei" für ihn ausreicht.
 Im japanischen Anime The Promised Neverland benutzt einer der Figuren in der Geschichte die Zahl "vier" als Verweis auf den Tod eines bestimmten Charakters.
 In Band sieben der Romanserie Artemis Fowl – Der Atlantis-Komplex – leidet die Romanfigur "Artemis Fowl II" aufgrund der psychischen Erkrankung "Atlantis-Komplex" an Tetraphobie.

__

Siehe auch
 Triskaidekaphobie (Angst vor der Zahl 13)

Einzelnachweise

Angst und Furcht
Kultur (Asien)

Tetraphobie


Serseri Aşıklar (À bout de souffle)  1960 yapımı Jean-Luc Godard filmi. Film, Fransız Yeni Dalga akımının ilk örneklerindendir.

Film
Serseri Aşıklar sinemada bir devrim niteliği taşıyan belli başlı 5-6 filmden biridir. Diğer kültler gibi sinemaya çok temel şeyler sokmamasına rağmen artık "belli başlı kurallar"  diye nitelendirilen şeylere bağlı kalmadan da güzel şeyler yapılabileceğini ve aslında sinema adlı daha bebekliğini yaşayan bir sanatta öyle pek de sıkı kurallar olmadığını vurgulayan bir yapıttır. Tabii ki Avrupa sinemasının üstünlüğü tekrar ele aldığı 20 yıllık  dönemi başlatan  filmdir. Godard Amerika adlı şeyle ilgili ne düşünüyorsa bu filmde bunları değişik bir üslupla dile getirmiştir.

Fransız Yeni dalgası bu dönemde François Truffaut'un 400 Darbesi ile sinemada kendini göstermişti. Yani çekilen filmin yeni bir dille bir şeyler anlatmak istediği aşikardı. Ama onun yaptığından daha belirgin olanını belki de Godard bu filmde ortaya koydu. Truffaut'nun bu filmin senaryosunu Godard'a bir gazete ilanında görüp verdiği, oluşan projenin de 1 ayda 90.000 dolar bütçeye çekildiği bilinmekte. Dünya görüşleri de birbirine yakın olan iki arkadaşın sineması belki bu vesile ile bugünkü sinemanın da temelini oluşturdu. Bugün iki filmde yeni dalga akımıyla yan yana anılır.

Filmdeki bir başka önemli ikili ise Jean Seberg ve Jean Paul Belmondo'dur. Film, ikisini de aynı anda zirveye taşımıştı. 20'li yaşlardaki iki genç oyuncunun performansları dönemin gazetelerin de tesiriyle efsanevi bir şöhret kazandırdı.

Filmdeki en önemli teknik orijinallik olarak tanımlanabilecek şey, filmin kurgusunun bütünsel değil bölük pörçük oluşudur. O güne dek, özellikle Amerika kaynaklı filmler, belirli bir konuyu birbiri ile doğrudan ilişkili sekanslarda direkt anlatırdı. Bu işin zirve noktası geriye sık dönüşlerini hatırladığımız Orson Welles'in 1941 yapımı Yurttaş Kane isimli filmiydi. Yurttaş Kane seyircinin algısına bir roman, bir öykü gibi hitap eden sağlam bir filmdi. Oysa bu filmde bu tip edebi-teatral bir dilden öte, daha önce denenmemiş ve algıyı -biraz da rahatsızlıkla- zorlayan bambaşka bir yapı vardı. Godard ve Truffaut filmlerinde kamera açıları alışılagelenin aksine fotoğrafik netlikler taşımıyordu. Senaryo ve görsel açıdan teknik orijinallik bir filmin başyapıt olması için önemli etkenlerdir. Bundan 10 sene sonra senaryo açısından benzer fakat görsel açıdan farklı bir film olan Andrey Rublev, Tarkovski tarafından sinemaya armağan edilecekti. Godard'ın sinemasının etkisi midir bilinmez ama Tarkovski'de benzeri açıdan sinemayı etkileyen bir film ortaya koymuştur.

Atilla Dorsay film için şöyle demiştir:
"İşte belki de gerçek anlamda modern sinemanın başlangıcı... Doğallıkla, madalyonun öbür yüzü olarak, klasik sinemanın da bir anlamda ölümü... Yarattığı devrimle, neden olduğu tartışmalarla, açtığı kapılar ve yollarla, gerçekten de sinemayı farklı yönlere çeken, sinema tarihinin en etkili olmuş filmlerinden biri olduğu da söylenebilir."

Ödüller
 1960 Prix Jean Vigo
 1960 Uluslararası Berlin Film Festivali-En İyi Yönetmen
 1961 French Syndicate of Cinema Critics (Sinema Eleştirmenleri En İyi Film Ödülü)

Filmin Diğer Versiyonları
 Numéro deux (1975) yönetmen:Jean-Luc Godard
 Breathless (1983) yönetmen: Jim McBride, oyuncular: Richard Gere, Valérie Kaprisky

Kaynakça

Dış bağlantılar

 allmovie.com'da "Breathless"
 Filmle ilgili fotoğraflar

1960 çıkışlı filmler
Fransa polisiye filmleri
Fransızca filmler
Jean-Luc Godard'ın yönettiği filmler
Raoul Coutard'ın görüntülediği filmler
Yeni dalga filmleri
Fransız yapımı siyah-beyaz filmler

Serseri Aşıklar


Montsoreau (), er en landsby i Loiredalen i Maine-et-Loire departement i det vestlige Frankrig Loire, 160 km fra Atlanterhavskysten og 250 km fra Paris. Landsbyen er opført blandt de smukkeste landsbyer i Frankrig og en del af Loiredalen på UNESCO's Verdensarvsliste.

Montsoreau er medtaget i Les Plus Beaux Villages de France, som er en liste med Frankrigs smukkeste byer.

Demografi
Demografi (Montsoreau)

Klima

Referencer

Byer i Maine-et-Loire
Verdensarvsområder i Frankrig

Montsoreau


Franz Hafner (geb. vor 1928) war ein deutscher Schauspieler, Regisseur und Leiter des Berchtesgadener Bauerntheaters.

Leben
Hafner hatte eine Gesangs- und Schauspielausbildung absolviert. Ab 1949 führte er das Berchtesgadener Bauerntheater, modernisierte und vergrößerte es. Mit seiner Übernahme der Theaterleitung knüpfte das Berchtesgadener Bauerntheater nicht nur an dessen Vorkriegeserfolge an, sondern steigerte sogar sein Renommee. Allein bis 1982 hatte Hafner 93 Uraufführungen und insgesamt 322 Stücke inszeniert – hauptsächlich Komödien und Lustspiele, daneben aber auch ernste Schauspiele. Unter seiner Direktion, zumeist auch unter seiner Regie und seiner Beteiligung als Schauspieler, wurden ab 1965 einige Inszenierungen des Berchtesgadener Bauerntheaters für das Fernsehen aufgezeichnet und im ZDF übertragen. Daneben trat er auch im Berchtesgadener Bauerntheater und außerhalb davon als Sänger von bayrischen Volksliedern auf.

Nach 38 Jahren wurde Hafner am 15. April 1987 als Theaterleiter durch Elisabeth Hölzl-Michalsky abgelöst.

Ehrungen
 1972: Verdienstkreuz am Bande der Bundesrepublik Deutschland

Inszenierungen fürs Fernsehen (Auswahl)
In den von ihm inszenierten Volksstücken wirkte er nicht selten auch als Schauspieler mit – u. a. in:
 Max Werner: Stille Nacht, heilige Nacht (1967)
 Maximilian Vitus: Thomas auf der Himmelsleiter (1967)
 Franz Schaurer: Urlaub vom Doppelbett (1970) (u. a. mit Edith Hancke als Anna und Max Strecker als Bruno Geiger).
 Hans Dengel: Vetternwirtschaft (1976)
 Franz Schaurer: Opa macht Dummheiten (1978)

Plattenaufnahmen
Als Interpret wird Franz Hafner für folgende Aufnahmen mitaufgeführt:
 Salzburger Adventsingen 2, vermutlich Teil des Tobi-Reiser-Quintetts, zus. mit  Wilhelm Keller, Richard Moder, Paul Hofhaimer, umrahmt mit Lesungen von Karl Heinrich Waggerl. Christophorus-Verlag, Freiburg im Breisgau 196?, CGLP 75 852.
 Bertesgadener Liebfrauenmesse. Originalaufnahmen aus der Ramsauer Wallfahrtskirche Maria Kunterweg. Zus. mit Corbinian Rother ist Franz Hafner selbst als Sprecher, Sänger und Direktor aufgeführt. Philips 423 438 PE. Aufnahme- und Erscheinungsjahr unbekannt.

Einzelnachweise

Weblinks

Theaterleiter
Träger des Bundesverdienstkreuzes am Bande
Künstler (Berchtesgaden)
Deutscher
Geboren im 19. oder 20. Jahrhundert
Mann

Franz Hafner (Theaterleiter)


Velea se poate referi la:

 Velea, unul din numele vechi ale satului Podu Doamnei, comuna Clejani, județul Giurgiu
 Velea, fost sat, actualmente parte a satului Bulbucata, județul Giurgiu

Nume de familie
 Alex Velea
 Eugen Velea
 Nicolae Velea

Velea


O centură de castitate este un dispozitiv destinat să prevină ca un subiect uman, indiferent dacă este de acord sau nu, să aibă relații sexuale prin penetrație. Variante derivate ale acestui tip de dispozitiv, de asemenea, au fost folosite să prevină masturbarea. Astfel de centuri au fost concepute inițial pentru femei, aparent cu scopul de a le păstra castitatea, de a le proteja de viol sau de a descuraja femeile și potențialii lor parteneri sexuali de ispita contactului sexual. Versiunile moderne ale centurii de castitate sunt folosite predominant, dar nu exclusiv, în cadrul comunității BDSM, iar acest tip de centuri sunt acum concepute și pentru purtători de sex masculin, pe lângă cele pentru purtători de sex feminin.

Potrivit miturilor moderne, centura de castitate a fost folosit ca un dispozitiv împotriva tentației sexuale în timpul cruciadelor. Când cavalerul pleca spre Țara Sfântă în timpul acestora, soția lui primea o centură de castitate pentru a dovedi că-i este credincioasă. Cu toate acestea, nu există dovezi credibile că centurile de castitate au existat anterior secolului al XV-lea (la peste un secol după ultima cruciadă în Orientul Mijlociu), iar principala lor perioadă de aparentă utilizare a fost mai degrabă epoca Renașterii decât Evul Mediu. Cercetările efectuate cu privire la istoria centurilor de castitate sugerează că acestea nu au fost utilizate până în secolul al XVI-lea, iar apoi au fost folosite destul de rar. Ulterior, ele au devenit disponibile pe scară largă ca dispozitive medicale antimasturbare în secolul al XIX-lea.

Centurile de castitate renascentiste au avut căptușeli textile, pentru a preveni ca bucățile mari de metal să intre în contact direct prelungit cu pielea. Aceste centuri au trebuit să fie schimbate destul de frecvent deoarece nu erau practice pentru purtarea pe termen lung. Folosirea neîntreruptă a centurii de castitate pe termen lung putea cauza infecții genito-urinare și răni abrazive, ducând astfel la septicemie și uneori chiar la moarte.

Utilizare istorică

Grigore cel Mare, Alcuin de York, Bernard de Clairvaux și Nicholas Gorranus au făcut referiri sumare la "centurile de castitate" în cadrul discursurilor publice, dar într-un sens figurativ sau metaforic inclus în contextul lor istoric.

Prima mențiune detaliată în Occident a ceea ce ar putea fi considerată drept "centură de castitate" este în manualul Bellifortis (1405) al lui Konrad Kyeser von Eichstätt, care descrie tehnologia militară a epocii. Cartea include un desen care este însoțit de următorul text latin: "Est florentinarum hoc bracile dominarum ferreum et durum ab antea sic reseratum." ("Acestea sunt centuri din fier ale femeilor florentine care sunt închise în față.") Centura din acest desen este descrisă de Dingwall ca "atât de incomodă și de grea", având "puține în comun cu modelele de mai târziu, care au îndeplinit același scop". Relatarea din Bellifortis nu este susținută de nici o dovadă concretă sau de documente suplimentare. Polidoro susține că precizarea lui Kyeser era menită să fie un subiect umorist sau ironic și că mențiunea lui Dingwall a utilizării centurilor de castitate de câțiva oameni bogați în secolele al XVI-lea și al XVII-lea pentru a se asigura de fidelitatea mult mai tinerelor soții ar trebui să fie tratată în mod critic, din cauza lipsei de artefacte efective de această natură din perioada istorică în cauză și a lipsei de mențiuni documentare contemporane mai detaliate.

În 1889, o centură din fier și piele a fost găsită de către Anton Pachinger — un colecționar german de antichități din Linz (Austria) — într-un mormânt în care se afla scheletul unei femei tinere. Femeia a fost, se pare, îngropată în secolul al XVI-lea. Pachinger, cu toate acestea, nu a putut găsi în arhivele orașului nici o înregistrare a înmormântării femeii. Centura în sine, împreună cu majoritatea obiectelor din colecția lui Pachinger, a fost pierdută.

Două centuri au fost expuse la Muzeul Cluny din Paris. Prima, un cerc simplu și o placă de fier acoperite cu catifea, se presupune că a fost purtată de Caterina de' Medici. Cealaltă — presupusă a fi purtată de Ana de Austria — este o pereche de plăci prinse cu balamale fixată în jurul taliei cu curele metalice, conținând figuri gravate ale lui Adam și Eva. Există și alte astfel de centuri în Muzeul Național German din Nürnberg și la British Museum din Londra. Cele mai multe au fost înlăturate din spațiul expozițional pentru a evita rușinea deoarece autenticitatea acestor centuri ca dispozitive medievale a fost pusă în discuție. Mulți istorici contemporani consideră că aceste presupuse "artefacte" datează din secolul al XIX-lea și nu sunt, prin urmare, autentice.

Începând din secolul al XVIII-lea și până în 1930, medicina occidentală a considerat că masturbarea era dăunătoare. Numeroase mențiuni pot fi găsite în revistele medicale ale timpului cu privire la folosirea dispozitivelor asemănătoare centurii de castitate pentru a preveni masturbarea la copii și adolescenți, precum și la femei. Mai multe modele de dispozitive antimasturbare au fost brevetate în SUA până la începutul anilor 1930, când masturbarea nu a mai fost considerată a fi cauza problemelor de sănătate mintală.

În plus, în secolul al XIX-lea, femeile care lucrau puteau folosi centuri de castitate din motive de protecție, ca un "scut antiviol" pentru a împiedica agresiunea sexuală din partea șefilor sau colegilor bărbați; centurile nu au fost purtate o lungă perioadă de timp, fără întrerupere, cu toate acestea, din motive sanitare și de igienă, până la inventarea centurilor din oțel inoxidabil.

Utilizare modernă
În ciuda asocierii istorice a centurilor de castitate cu femeile, cererea mondială de centuri de castitate pentru bărbați este, potrivit surselor, mult mai mare decât cererea de dispozitive de castitate pentru femei. În consecință, piața dispozitivelor de castitate de sex masculin oferă mai multe opțiuni și o mai mare diversitate, comparativ cu ceea ce este disponibil pe piața dispozitivelor de castitate pentru femei. Printre dispozitivele de castitate pentru bărbați, capcana "cock-and-ball" este cea mai populară, urmată de obicei de un tip de dispozitive mai sigure (fixate în jurul taliei).

Pe 6 februarie 2004, USA Today a raportat că, pe aeroportul din Atena, o centură de castitate din oțel pentru femei a declanșat o alarmă a detectorului de metale. Femeia a explicat că soțul ei a forțat-o să poarte acel dispozitiv pentru a preveni o aventură extraconjugală, în timp ce ea se afla în vacanță în Grecia. I s-a permis să-și continue zborul către Londra pe răspunderea pilotului. Incidentul s-a întâmplat chiar înainte de Crăciun, în decembrie 2003.

În 2007 Comisia pentru Drepturile Omului din Asia a raportat că unele femeile au fost forțate să poarte centuri de castitate în statul indian Rajasthan.

În 2008 maseuzele din Batu (Indonezia) au fost obligate să poarte centuri cu lacăt în timpul orelor de lucru pentru a preveni prostituția.

Referințe

Note

Bibliografie

 Bonneau, Alcide (1892) Padlocks and Girdles of Chastity: An historical and descriptive notice. Paris: Isidore Lideux. . (Reprinted in 1932 and later by New York:  Golden Hind Press and, New York:  Big Dollar Books, and others.) Translation of Les cadenas et ceintures de chasteté. (The first half of the book is a dubious historical overview of chastity belts and their use by Greeks, Romans and others.  The second half of the book is titled "Speech of Monsieur Freydier's on behalf of Mademoiselle Marie Lajon versus Sieur Pierre Berlhe, prisoner of the Court", in which Mlle. Lajon's counsel argues to have the Court order a chastity belt removed from her.)

Lectură suplimentară
 Classen, Albrecht: The Medieval Chastity Belt: A Myth-Making Process (New Middle Ages): Palgrave Macmillan: 2007.
 Dingwall, Eric John: The Girdle of Chastity: A Medico-Historical Study: London: Routledge and Sons: 1931.
 Polidoro, Massimo: "The Myth of Chastity Belts": Skeptical Inquirer: 35: 5: September/October 2011: 27-28.

Legături externe

 Chastity belt appearances in movies and TV

Accesorii la modă
Sexualitate

Centură de castitate


ඉංජිනේරු විද්‍යාව යනු ඉතා විශාල සහභාගිත්වයන්ගේ සිට කුඩා එකල ව්‍යාපෘතින් දක්වා පැතිරුණු පරාසයක් සහිත විෂයකි.  සෑම ඉංජිනේරු ව්‍යාපෘතියක්ම සමාගම්, ආයෝජන කණ්ඩායම් හෝ රජය වැනි මූල්‍ය ආයතන මත සිදුවේ.

ඉංජිනේරු විද්‍යාවේ ස්වභාවය අනුව එය සමාජය හා මිනිස් සිතුම්පැතුම් සමඟ බැදී පවතී.   වර්තමාන සමාජය විසින් භාවිතා කරන නිෂ්පාදන හෝ ඉදිකිරීම් සියල්ල සඳහාම ඉංජිනේරු සැලසුම් බලපානු ලබයි.  ඉංජිනේරු සැලසුම් පරිසරයට, සමාජයට හා ආර්ථිකයට වෙනස්කිරීම් පත්කල හැකි බලවත් උපාංගයක්ය.  එහි යෙදීම් මඟින් එයට ශේෂ්ඨ වගකීම් පවරා ඇත.  ඉංජිනේරු ව්‍යාපෘති විවිධ අයුරින් විෂයානුගතකල හැකිය.  මෙහි විවිධ විෂයන්ට අදාල උදාහරණ ලෙස න්‍යෂ්ටික ආයුධ ආශ්‍රිත දියුණුව, තුන් දුර්ග වේල්ල (Three Gorges Dam), ක්‍රීඩා සඳහා උපයෝගී වාහන සැලසුම්කරණය හා භාවිතය, තෙල් නිස්සාරණය ආදිය දැක්විය හැකිය.  බටහිර රටවල් වල ඉංජිනේරු සමාගම් තුළ බරපතල ලෙස සමාජ වගකීම් ආදිය පවත්වාගෙන යන අතර සමහර සමාගම් සතුව ඒවා නොපවතී.

ඉංජිනේරු විද්‍යාව මානව සංවර්ධනයේ ප්‍රධාන නියමුවායි.  විශේෂයෙන්ම අප්‍රිකානු උප සහරා රටවල ඉංජිනේරු විද්‍යාව සම්බන්ධව අඩු ධාරිතාවක් නොගෙන පවතින අතර එය බොහෝ අප්‍රිකානු රටවලට බාහිරින් උපකාරයක් නොගෙන යටිතල ව්‍යුහ සංවර්ධනයට තීරණාත්මක බාධකයක් වී ඇත.  සහඝ්‍රයේ සංවර්ධන ඉලක්ක සපුරා ගැනීම සඳහා, ධරනීය තාක්ෂණික දියුණුව හා යටිතල ව්‍යුහ සංවර්ධනයට ඉංජිනේරු විද්‍යවේ ප්‍රමාණවත් තරම් ධාරිතාවක් අවශ්‍ය වේ.  සියලු විදේශීය සංවර්ධන ව්‍යාපෘති හා සහන සැලසීමේ NGO ව්‍යාපෘති සඳහා ව්‍යසන වලදී හා සංවර්ධන කටයුතු ඉදිරියට ගෙනයාමේදී ඉංජිනේරු විද්‍යාවේ ප්‍රමාණවත් දායකත්වයක් අවශ්‍ය වේ.  ත්‍යාගශීලී සංවිධාන බොහොමයක් මිනිසාගේ හිතසුව පිණිස ඉංජිනේරු විද්‍යාව යොදාගනී.

Reference
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Electronic_engineering

ඉංජිනේරු විද්‍යාව

සමාජය සම්බන්ධ ඉංජිනේරු ශිල්පය


In economics, income distribution covers how a country's total GDP is distributed amongst its population. Economic theory and economic policy have long seen income and its distribution as a central concern. Unequal distribution of income causes economic inequality which is a concern in almost all countries around the world.

About
Classical economists such as Adam Smith (1723–1790), Thomas Malthus (1766–1834), and David Ricardo (1772–1823) concentrated their attention on factor income-distribution, that is, the distribution of income between the primary factors of production (land, labour and capital). Modern economists have also addressed issues of income distribution, but have focused more on the distribution of income across individuals and households. Important theoretical and policy concerns include the balance between income inequality and economic growth, and their often inverse relationship.

The Lorenz curve can represent the distribution of income within a society. The Lorenz curve is closely associated with measures of income inequality, such as the Gini coefficient.

Measurement

The concept of inequality is distinct from that of poverty and fairness. Income inequality metrics (or income distribution metrics) are used by social scientists to measure the distribution of income, and economic inequality among the participants in a particular economy, such as that of a specific country or of the world in general. While different theories may try to explain how income inequality comes about, income inequality metrics simply provide a system of measurement used to determine the dispersion of incomes.

Limitations
There exist some problems and limitations in the measurement of inequality as there is a large gap between the national accounts (which focus on macroeconomic totals) and inequality studies (which focus on distribution).

The lack of a comprehensive measure about how the pretax income differs from the post-tax income makes hard to assess how government redistribution effects inequality.

There is not a clear view on how long-run trends in income concentration are shaped by the major changes in woman's labour force participation.

Income inequality and its causes

Income inequality is one aspect of economic inequality. Incomes levels can be studied through taxation records and other historical documents. Capital in the Twenty-First Century (2013) by French economist Thomas Piketty is noted for its systematic collection and review of available data, especially concerning income levels; not all aspects of historical wealth distribution are similarly attested in the available records.

Causes of income inequality and of levels of economic equality/inequality include: labor economics, tax policies, other economic policies, labor union policies, Federal Reserve monetary policies & fiscal policies, the market for labor, abilities of individual workers, technology and automation, education, globalization, gender bias, racism, and culture.

How to improve income inequality

Taxes
The progressive income tax takes a larger percentage of high incomes and a smaller percentage of low incomes. Effectively, the poorest pay the least of their earned incomes on taxes which allows them to keep a larger percentage of wealth. Justification can be illustrated by a simple heuristic: The same dollar amount of money (e.g. $100) has a greater economic impact on only one party—the poor. That same amount has little economic impact on a wealthy individual, so the disparity is addressed by ensuring the richest individuals are taxed a greater share of their wealth. The state then uses the tax revenue  to find necessary and beneficial activities for the society at large. Every person in this system  would have access to the same social benefits, but the rich pay more for it, so progressive tax significantly reduces the inequality.

In-kind transfers
If a cash is given to a poor person, he or she may not make "the best" choice in case, what to buy for this extra money. Then, there is the solution in form of the food stamps or directly the food as an in-kind transfer to the poorest.

Housing subsidies
The rent and upkeep of housing form a large portion of spending in the lower income families. Housing subsidies were designed to help the poor obtaining adequate housing.

Welfare and Unemployment benefits
This provides actual money to the people with very low or no income and gives them an absolute freedom in decision-making how to use this benefit. This works best if we assume that they are rational and make decisions in their best interest.

Income mobility
Income mobility is another factor in the study of income inequality. It describes how people change their economic well-being, i.e. move in the hierarchy of earning power over their lifetime. When someone improves his economic situation, this person is considered upwardly mobile.
Mobility can vary between two extremes: 1) rich people stay always rich and poor stay always poor: people can not that easily change their economic status and inequality then seems as a permanent problem. 2) individuals can easily shift their income class, e.g. from middle earning class to upper class or from lower class to middle class. Inequality is "fluid" and temporary so it does not create a serious permanent problem.

Measuring income mobility
Mobility is measured by the association between parents´ and adult children's socioeconomic standing, where higher association means less mobility. Socioeconomic standing is captured by four different measures:

Occupational status: – it is weighted average of the mean level of earnings and education of certain occupations. It has advantages such a collecting important information about parents, which can be reported retrospectively by adult children. It also remains relatively stable in between the occupation career so single measuring provides adequate information of long run standing. On the other hand, it has also limitations for the mobility analyzing. Whereas occupational earning of men usually tends to be higher than by women, by the occupational education it is the other way around.
Class mobility: – Classes are instead categorical groupings based on specific occupational assets that determine life chances as expressed in outcomes such as income, health or wealth.
Earnings mobility: – Earning mobility evaluates the relationship between two certain generations by means of linear regression (upper math) of the long transformed measure of children's and parents' earnings.
 Total family income mobility and the mobility of women: – Old economic analysis has been making one mistake, that they did analysis that focused mostly on the father-son pairs and their individual earnings. In the last two decades, they have expanded their researches and now they focus more on the mother-daughter pairs as well. Generally earnings provides a stable measure of well-being independently of another financial assets or any kind of transfers.

Distribution measurement internationally

Using Gini coefficients, several organizations, such as the United Nations (UN) and the US Central Intelligence Agency (CIA), have measured income inequality by country. The Gini index is also widely used within the World Bank. It is an accurate and reliable index for measuring income distribution on a country by country level. The Gini index measurements go from 0 to 1 for 1 being perfect inequality and 0 being perfect equality. The world Gini index is measured at 0.52 as of 2016.

The World Inequality Lab at the Paris School of Economics published in December 2017 the World Inequality Report 2018 that provides estimates of global income and wealth inequality.

Trends

Standard economic theory stipulates that inequality tends to increase over time as a country develops, and to decrease as a certain average income is attained. This theory is commonly known as the Kuznets curve after Simon Kuznets. However, many prominent economists disagree with the need for inequality to increase as a country develops. Further, empirical data on the proclaimed subsequent decrease of inequality is conflicting.

There are two ways of looking at income inequality, within country inequality (intra-country inequality) – which is inequality within a nation; or between country inequality (inter-country inequality) which is inequality between countries.

According to intra-country inequality at least in the OECD countries, a May 2011 report by OECD stated that the gap between rich and poor within OECD countries (most of which are "high income" economies) "has reached its highest level for over 30 years, and governments must act quickly to tackle inequality".

Furthermore, increased inter-country income inequality over a long period is conclusive, with the Gini coefficient (using PPP exchange rate, unweighted by population) more than doubling between 1820 and the 1980s from .20 to .52 (Nolan 2009:63). However, scholars disagree about whether inter-country income inequality has increased (Milanovic 2011), remained relatively stable (Bourguignon and Morrisson 2002), or decreased (Sala-i-Martin, 2002) since 1980.  What Milanovic (2005)  calls the "mother of all inequality disputes" emphasizes this debate by using the same data on Gini coefficient from 1950 to 2000 and showing that when countries' GDP per capita incomes are unweighted by population income inequality increases, but when they are weighted inequality decreases.  This has much to do with the recent average income rise in China and to some extent India, who represent almost two-fifths of the world.  Notwithstanding, inter-country inequality is significant, for instance as a group the bottom 5% of US income distribution receives more income than over 68 percent of the world, and of the 60 million people that make up the top 1% of income distribution, 50 million of them are citizens of Western Europe, North America or Oceania (Milanovic 2011:116,156).

In a TED presentation shown here , Hans Rosling presented the distribution and change in income distribution of various nations over the course of a few decades along with other factors such as child survival and fertility rate.

As of 2018, Albania has the smallest gap in wealth distribution with Zimbabwe having the largest gap in wealth distribution.

Income distribution in different countries

Thailand
Thailand has been ranked the world's third most unequal nation after Russia and India, with a widening gap between rich and poor according to Oxfam in 2016. A study by Thammasat University economist Duangmanee Laovakul in 2013 showed that the country's top 20 land owners owned 80 percent of the nation's land. The bottom 20 owned only 0.3 percent. Among those having bank deposits, 0.1 percent of bank accounts held 49 per cent of total bank deposits. , Thai per capita income is US$8,000 a year. The government aims to raise it to US$15,000 (498,771 baht) per year, driven by average GDP growth of five to six percent. Under the 20-year national plan stretching out to 2036, the government intends to narrow the income disparity gap to 15 times, down from 20 times in 2018.

United States

2011: In the United States, income has become distributed more unequally over the past 30 years, with those in the top quintile (20 percent) earning more than the bottom 80 percent combined.

2019: The wealthiest 10% of American households control nearly 75% of household net worth.

 Post-tax Gini coefficient: 0.39.
 Unemployment rate: 4.4%.
 GDP per capita: $53 632.
 Poverty rate: 11.1%.

Low unemployment rate and high GDP are signs of the health of the U.S. economy. But there is almost 18% of people living below the poverty line and the Gini coefficient is quite high. That ranks the United States 9th income inequal in the world.

The U.S. has the highest level of income inequality among its (post-)industrialized peers. When measured for all households, U.S. income inequality is comparable to other developed countries before taxes and transfers, but is among the highest after taxes and transfers, meaning the U.S. shifts relatively less income from higher income households to lower income households. In 2016, average market income was $15,600 for the lowest quintile and $280,300 for the highest quintile. The degree of inequality accelerated within the top quintile, with the top 1% at $1.8 million, approximately 30 times the $59,300 income of the middle quintile.

The economic and political impacts of inequality may include slower GDP growth, reduced income mobility, higher poverty rates, greater usage of household debt leading to increased risk of financial crises, and political polarization. Causes of inequality may include executive compensation increasing relative to the average worker, financialization, greater industry concentration, lower unionization rates, lower effective tax rates on higher incomes, and technology changes that reward higher educational attainment.

United Kingdom
Inequality in the UK has been very high in the past, and did not change much until the onset of industrialization. Incomes used to be remarkably concentrated pre-industrial evolution: up to 40% of total income went into the pockets of the richest 5%. In the more recent years income distribution is still an issue. The UK experienced a large increase in inequality during the 1980s—the incomes of the highest deciles increase while everyone else was stagnant. Uneven growth in the years leading up to 1991 meant further increases in inequality. Throughout the 1990s and 2000s, more even growth across the distribution  meant little changes in inequality, with rising incomes for everybody. In sight of Brexit, there is more predicted income distribution discrepancies between wages.

2019: The United Kingdom was doing a lot to reduce one of the widest gap between rich and poor citizens, what has led to getting on the 13th place in the ranking of income inequality in the world.

 Post-tax Gini coefficient: 0.35.
 Unemployment rate: 4.3%.
 GDP per capita: $39 425.
 Poverty rate: 11.1%.

Russia

Post-tax Gini coefficient: 0.38.
 Unemployment rate: 5.2%.
 GDP per capita: $24 417.
 Poverty rate: NA.

Occupying the 11th place in the ranking of income inequality in the world. USA TODAY stated: "Russia has a Corruption Perceptions Index score of 28 – tied for the worst among OECD member states and affiliates and one of the lowest in the world. " The cause of the income gap are the close connections of Russian oligarchs and the government, thanks to these relationships oligarchs get lucrative business deals and earn more and more money.

South Africa

 Post-tax Gini coefficient: 0.62.
 Unemployment rate: 27.3%.
 GDP per capita: $12 287.
 Poverty rate: 26.6%.

The highest income inequality is in the South Africa, based on 2019 data. It is due to the recent policy of apartheid. There were huge differences between white and the other people, not only in wages, but also in the place they can enter and so on.

Development of income distribution as a stochastic process
It is difficult to create a realistic and not complicated theoretical model, because the forces determining the distribution of income (DoI) are varied and complex and they continuously interact and fluctuate.

In a model by Champernowne, the author assumes that the income scale is divided into an enumerable infinity of income ranges, which have uniform proportionate distribution. The development through time of the DoI between ranges is regarded to be a stochastic process. The income of any person in one year may depend on the income in the previous year and on a chance of progress. Assuming that to every "dying" income receiver, there is an heir to his or her income in the following year, and vice versa. This implies that the number of incomes is constant through time.

Under these assumptions any historical development of the DoI can be described by the following vectors and matrices.

  ... number of the income receivers in range r = 1, 2, ... in the initial year
  ... matrix, that contains proportions of the occupants of r-th range in the year  shifted to the s-th range in the following year

The vector of the DoI can be expressed as

The elements of proportion matrices can be estimated from historical data.

See also

 Subsidy
 Wage/price spiral
 Poverty
 Gini coefficient
 Affluence in the United States
 Kinetic exchange models of markets
 Median household income
 Personal income in the United States
 Poverty in the United States
 Redistribution of wealth
 Wealth distribution

References

Further reading
 Piketty, T., & Goldhammer, A. (2014). Capital in the twenty-first century. Cambridge Massachusetts: The Belknap Press of Harvard University Press.
 Atkinson, A. B. (2015). Inequality: What can be done? Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press.
 Baumohl, B. (2005). The secrets of economic indicators. Bernard Baumohl. 2005.
 Ribeiro, Marcelo Byrro (2020). Income Distribution Dynamics of Economic Systems: An Econophysical Approach, Cambridge University Press (Cambridge, UK, 2020).

External links

 The World Top Income Database by Anthony Atkinson, Thomas Piketty, Emmanuel Saez, Facundo Alvaredo
 The Polarization of the U.S. Labor Market, economics.harvard.edu
 INTERNATIONAL MONETARY FUND Research Department. Inequality and Unsustainable Growth: Two Sides of the Same Coin? Prepared by Andrew G. Berg and Jonathan D. Ostry1
 The Chartbook of Income Inequality from INET at the University of Oxford by Anthony Atkinson, Salvatore Morelli, and Max Roser. (This source presents data about long-run changes in the income distribution for 25 countries over the course of more than one hundred years.)

Income distribution


Ensembles

Ensemble Altstadt Schrobenhausen

Schrobenhausen, ein zentraler Ort bereits im älteren bayerischen Stammesherzogtum, wird 1329 als mit Marktrechten ausgestattet genannt. Nach 1392, unter den Teilherzögen von Bayern-Ingolstadt, wurde der im Städtekrieg von 1388 zerstörte Ort wieder aufgebaut und zur ringförmigen Festung mit Mauern, Schalentürmen und doppeltem Graben ausgebaut. Das Rückgrat des 1447 zur Stadt erhobenen Marktes ist die breite von Nord nach Süd sich erstreckende Marktstraße (Lenbachstraße) zwischen den beiden ehemaligen Toren.

Aktennummer: E-3-85-158-1

Stadtbefestigung

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Baudenkmäler nach Ortsteilen

Schrobenhausen

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Edelshausen

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Gollingkreut

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Halsbach

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Högenau

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Hörzhausen

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Königslachen

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Linden

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Mantelberg

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Mühlried

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Sandizell

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Steingriff

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Weil

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Abgegangene Baudenkmäler

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Siehe auch
 Liste der Bodendenkmäler in Schrobenhausen

Anmerkungen

Literatur

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Schrobenhausen
Baudenkmaler Schrobenhausen

Liste der Baudenkmäler in Schrobenhausen


Sans Retour Voyage "derniere" ~encoure une fois~ —en español: «Último viaje sin retorno - una vez más»— es el primer vídeo en vivo de la banda japonesa Malice Mizer. Contiene el concierto grabado en el Shibuya Kokaido Shibuya, Tokio, Japón. Los días 24 de marzo y 1 de abril de 1997. Es la publicación del concierto en vivo del álbum Voyage ~Sans Retour~, los sencillos: Uruwashiki, Ma chérie y el c/w COLOR ME BLOOD RED de Bel air. A pesar de esto no se incluyeron las canciones Après Midi, Premier Amour, Itsuwari no musette, Claire y Shi no butou. N.p.s N.g.s fue incluida como parte del bonus de la versión en DVD, lanzada el 18 de abril de 2001. Aparte de N.p.s N.g.s como parte del bonus también e incluyó una entrevista a los miembros Mana, Közi y Yu~ki. La primera edición del VHS viene con tarjetas con fotos de los miembros.

Lista de canciones

Enlaces externos
 -scape- Voyage Información sobre el álbum Voyage sans retour.
 -scape- Uruwashiki información sobre el sencillo Uruwashiki Kamen no Shoutaijou
 -scape- ma chérie  Información sobre el sencillo ma chérie ~itoshii kimi e~
 -scape- Bel air Información sobre el sencillo Bel air
 -scape- ILLUMINATI Información sobre el sencillo de ILLUMINATI

Referencias

VHS de Malice Mizer
Videoálbumes de Malice Mizer
Videoálbumes de 2001

Sans Retour Voyage "derniere" ～encoure une fois～


Julien Absalon (Remiremont, 16 de agosto de 1980) es un deportista francés que compite en ciclismo de montaña en la disciplina de campo a través.

Participó en cuatro Juegos Olímpicos de Verano, entre los años 2004 y 2016, obteniendo en total dos medallas de oro, en Atenas 2004 y Pekín 2008, ambas en la prueba de campo a través.

Ganó once medallas en el Campeonato Mundial de Ciclismo de Montaña entre los años 1999 y 2016, y once medallas en el Campeonato Europeo de Ciclismo de Montaña entre los años 2002 y 2017.

Biografía
En los Juegos Olímpicos de Atenas 2004 ganó la medalla de oro con un minuto de ventaja sobre el español José Antonio Hermida, y dos sobre el neerlandés Bart Brentjens. En Pekín 2008 ganó su segundo título olímpico, por delante de su compatriota Jean-Christophe Péraud y el suizo Nino Schurter.

Entre 2007 y 2012 compitió en el equipo vasco Orbea, en la sección de montaña. Se proclamó cinco veces campeón mundial (2004, 2005, 2006, 2007 y 2014) y seis veces campeón europeo (cinco individual y una por equipo mixto).

Por su trayectoria, fue nombrado caballero de la Legión de Honor (2004) y oficial de la Orden Nacional del Mérito. Además, ganó el premio Bicicleta de Oro Francesa en 2004, 2005, 2006 y 2007.

Medallero internacional

Equipos
 Bianchi (2000-2006)
 Orbea (2007-2012)
 BMC MTB Racing Team (2013-2015)

Referencias

Enlaces externos
Web oficial .
Ficha en sitiodeciclismo.net.

Ciclistas de montaña de Francia
Ciclistas de Francia en los Juegos Olímpicos de Atenas 2004
Ciclistas de Francia en los Juegos Olímpicos de Pekín 2008
Ciclistas de Francia en los Juegos Olímpicos de Londres 2012
Ciclistas de Francia en los Juegos Olímpicos de Río de Janeiro 2016
Ciclistas del Orbea
Medallistas olímpicos de oro de Francia
Medallistas olímpicos de oro de ciclismo
Medallistas olímpicos de oro de Atenas 2004
Medallistas olímpicos de oro de Pekín 2008
Campeones mundiales de ciclismo de montaña
Caballeros de la Legión de Honor
Oficiales de la Orden Nacional del Mérito
Nacidos en Remiremont

Julien Absalon


An Cynorkis nutans in uska species han Liliopsida nga syahan ginhulagway ni Henry Nicholas Ridley, ngan ginhatag han pagkayana nga asya nga ngaran ni Joseph Marie Henry Alfred Perrier de la Bâthie. An Cynorkis nutans in nahilalakip ha genus nga Cynorkis, ngan familia nga Orchidaceae.

Mabibilngan ini ha Madagascar. Waray hini subspecies nga nakalista.

Mga kasarigan

Cynorkis

Cynorkis nutans


Alberto Salazar (born August 7, 1958) is an American former track coach and long-distance runner. Born in Cuba, Salazar immigrated to the United States as a child with his family, living in  Connecticut and then in Wayland, Massachusetts, where Salazar competed in track and field in high school. Salazar won the New York City Marathon three times in the early 1980s, and won the 1982 Boston Marathon in a race known as the "Duel in the Sun". He set American track records for 5,000 m and 10,000 m in 1982. Salazar was later the head coach of the Nike Oregon Project. He won the IAAF Coaching Achievement Award in 2013.

In 2015, Salazar was named in a joint BBC Panorama and ProPublica investigation into doping allegations. In 2019, Salazar was banned for four years from athletics for doping offenses involving athletes he coached. The Nike Oregon Project was shut down in the wake of the controversy.

In January 2020, the United States Center for SafeSport placed Salazar on its temporarily banned list while it investigated allegations against him involving sexual and emotional misconduct. SafeSport permanently banned him a year and a half later, in July 2021, after it found that he had committed four violations involving emotional and sexual misconduct. In December 2021, Salazar appealed the ban in arbitration but lost, making him permanently ineligible for any activity held by the USOPC or any sport's USOPC-recognized National Governing Body.

Early life and running career

High school
Born in Cuba, Salazar grew up in Wayland, Massachusetts. His father Jose was a close friend of Fidel Castro and a revolutionary, who then became an opponent of the totalitarian communist regime and member of the anti-Castro movement. The younger Salazar was an outstanding high school runner who was state cross country champion in 1975. He trained with the well-known Greater Boston Track Club (whose members included the likes of Bill Rodgers, Randy Thomas, and Greg Meyer), where he was given the nickname of "the rookie".

Collegiate
From Massachusetts, he went to the University of Oregon where he won numerous All-American honors, was a member of the 1977 NCAA cross country championship team, and won the individual NCAA cross country championship in 1978. Salazar won the 1978 NCAA national cross country championship in cold, snowy conditions, handing Track & Field News Athlete of the Year Henry Rono one of his few losses of the year. He finished 2nd to Rono in a memorable contest at the 1979 NCAA national cross country championships at Lehigh University, in which Rono (28:19) and Salazar (28:28) ran the 3rd and 5th fastest 10,000-meter cross country times in NCAA championship history. Neither time has been matched in over three decades of NCAA cross country competition since then. After that, he finished third in the Olympic Trials 10,000-meter race in  28:10.42 to make the 1980 Olympic team (which didn't compete in the Olympics in Moscow due to the U.S. boycott) and received one of 461 Congressional Gold Medals created especially for the spurned athletes.

At the 1978 Falmouth Road Race after fading to 10th place, he collapsed at the finish with a temperature of 107 degrees Fahrenheit (41.7 °C) and was read his last rites prematurely.

At the 1981 Millrose Games in New York, he set an American indoor 5,000 meter record with a time of 13:21.2, finishing second behind Suleiman Nyambui, who broke the indoor world record with a 13:20.3.

Post-collegiate
From 1980 through 1982, Salazar won three consecutive New York City Marathons. His first-ever marathon was the 1980 race, which he won in 2:09:41, at the time the fastest American debut and the second-fastest time recorded by a U.S. runner (behind Bill Rodgers' 2:09:27 at Boston in 1979). He was on that week's cover of Sports Illustrated after the victory. In 1981, Salazar set an apparent world record at the New York City Marathon of 2:08:13, surpassing the 12-year-old mark of 2:08:33 set by Australian Derek Clayton in 1969 in Antwerp, Belgium. However, the course was found on re-measurement to be about 148 meters short of the 42.195 kilometers (26 miles, 385 yards) distance. This is equivalent to about 27 seconds.

In 1982 he won his first and only Boston Marathon after the memorable head-to-head with Dick Beardsley. Salazar won the race in an exciting sprint finish and collapsed at the end before being taken to an emergency room and given six liters of saline solution intravenously because he did not drink fluids during the race. Salazar ended the year ranked #1 in the world in the marathon by Track & Field News magazine for his wins in Boston and New York, #1 in their North American Road Rankings for his American 10K road record win of 28:04 at the Orange Bowl 10K and his course record of 31:53 at the highly competitive Falmouth  road race (his second win and course record there), #8 in the world (and #1 American with an AR of 13:11.93) in the 5,000 meters, and #2 in the world in the 10,000 meters, with three second-place finishes at Eugene (27:30.0), at Oslo in an American Record of 27:25.61, and at Paris (27:29.06).

Salazar enjoyed success in cross country competition, earning several All-American honors in collegiate and post-collegiate national championships. Salazar was also the U.S. national cross country champion in 1979. He fared well at the IAAF World Cross Country Championships, finishing second in 1982 and fourth in 1983.  His silver medal in 1982 marks the last time an American male reached the podium in World Cross Country.

In addition to a fourth-place finish (only one second behind the top three placers) at the 1983 world cross country championships, Salazar twice broke the American 10 km road record in 1983 with efforts of 28:02 and 28:01 at the Americas 10 km and Continental Homes 10 km respectively. He finished as the top ranker in Track & Field News magazine's North American Road Rankings for 1983. He was also the 10,000-meter national track champion in 1983, pulling away from Craig Virgin in the last straightaway at the U.S. championships in Indiana in June to win his second such title (the first coming in 1981). However, he finished last in the 10,000 meters at the World Track & Field Championships while suffering from bronchitis and was beaten for the first time in the marathon, finishing fifth at the Rotterdam marathon in April (2:10:08) and then fifth again at Fukuoka in December (2:09:21). (The latter time would have been the American Record for the next 17 years except that there was a problem in filing the paperwork with the authorities.)

In 1984, after a 2nd-place finish by Salazar in the 10,000 meters at the Mt. SAC Relays in 27:45.5, he finished 2nd at the men's Olympic marathon trials (2:11:44) to become a member of the United States Olympic Marathon Team, along with Pete Pfitzinger and John Tuttle.  He was considered a favorite to win or medal in the 1984 Summer Olympics but finished a disappointing 15th in 2:14:19 under the hot Los Angeles sun.

Salazar's competitive decline is often attributed to the stress on his body from that memorable Duel in the Sun detailed in the eponymous book by John Brant. Salazar recounts falling into a "more-is-better" mindset which led him to reason that if 120 miles per week yielded a certain level of success, then  or even  would bring even better results. This intense and grueling regimen of such extremely long distances led to a breakdown of his immune system, and he found himself frequently sick, injured, and otherwise unable to continue training.

After failing to make the 1988 Olympic Marathon Team Salazar opened a successful restaurant in Eugene, Oregon. Although only able to stagger through four or five miles per run, he remained obsessed with training. Brant wrote that "He couldn't run, yet he couldn't stop running." Salazar unsuccessfully visited the Stanford Sleep Clinic and a cardiologist, had surgery, and trained in Kenya. In 1994 he said that "For most of the last 10 years, I hated running. I hated it with a passion. I used to wish for a cataclysmic injury in which I would lose one of my legs. I know that sounds terrible, but if I had lost a leg, then I wouldn't have to torture myself anymore."

A doctor diagnosed Salazar's running problems and exercise-induced asthma as largely due to the 1982 marathon, and successfully prescribed Prozac to improve his depression and physical symptoms. After Salazar closed the restaurant he owned, he began training again at the age of 34 and in 1994 won the prestigious  Comrades Marathon. He soon retired from competing, believing that he had nothing left to prove as a runner, and became a running coach. Salazar stated that the medication played a role in motivating him to succeed again in professional running though the actual effect of the drug on his performance remains controversial.

Post-competitive career
After his competition career, Salazar moved into coaching. By 1996 this included middle-distance runner Mary Decker, who at the age of 37 qualified for the 5000 meters at the Atlanta Olympics. However, a urine test taken in June at the Olympic Trials showed a testosterone to epitestosterone (T/E) ratio greater than the allowable maximum of six to one. While Decker and her lawyers contended that the T/E ratio test is unreliable for women in their late 30s who are taking birth control pills, she was eliminated in the heats at the Olympics. In June 1997, the IAAF banned Decker from competition. Later reinstated by a USATF panel, the IAAF cleared her to compete but took the case to arbitration. In April 1999, the arbitration panel ruled against her, after which the IAAF through a retroactive ban stripped her of a silver medal she had won in the 1500 meters at the 1997 World Indoor Championships.

Salazar was employed by Nike as coach of the Nike Oregon Project. Aimed at producing Olympic-caliber athletes, project members who have trained under Salazar's tutelage include Alan Webb, Mo Farah, Galen Rupp, Adam Goucher, Kara Goucher, Dan Browne, Amy Yoder Begley, Sifan Hassan and Dathan Ritzenhein. His connection to Oregon and Oregon Sports gave him the distinction of being inducted into the Oregon Sports Hall of Fame in 1997. In August 2012 at the London Summer Olympics, two of Salazar's Olympic-caliber athletes, Mo Farah and Galen Rupp, finished 1st and 2nd respectively in the 10,000 m; Farah also went on to win gold in the 5,000 m, becoming the first British double Olympian in long distance.

Salazar ran in the ING New York Marathon in 2006, at age 48, serving as a pacesetter for cyclist Lance Armstrong, who was attempting his first marathon. Salazar was primarily responsible for guiding Armstrong for the first  of the race, while Joan Benoit Samuelson oversaw the next , and Hicham El Guerrouj the final . With their help, Armstrong met his goal of completing the race under three hours, finishing in 2:59:36.

On Saturday, June 30, 2007, Salazar suffered a heart attack and was rushed to the hospital. On Sunday, July 1 he was reported to be "groggy" by his family and remained listed in serious condition. On July 2, doctors upgraded his condition from "serious" to "fair". He was released from the hospital on July 8.

On June 26, 2008, on the eve of the US Olympic trials, Salazar was taken to the hospital again, for dehydration and high blood pressure. He attributes this partially to the stress of coaching five Olympic-hopeful athletes. Afterwards, doctors adjusted his medications, but do not believe that there was any further injury to the heart. He returned to the track to coach his athletes through the trials.

In 2012, Salazar published the autobiography 14 Minutes: A Running Legend's Life and Death and Life, along with John Brant. The book tracks Salazar's story from his family's roots in Cuba, his adolescence in Massachusetts, through his running career to present-day coaching efforts, culminating in his 14-minute-long heart stop in 2007.

Doping investigations
In June 2015, Salazar was named in a joint BBC Panorama and ProPublica investigation into doping allegations. This involved testimonies from various athletes and people associated with Salazar about alleged microdosing of testosterone and prednisone at the Nike Oregon Project. Salazar declined to be interviewed for the programme, but denied any wrongdoing, saying in a statement that the "allegations your sources are making are based upon false assumptions and half-truths in an attempt to further their personal agendas". One of the more high-profile allegations was made by former Nike Oregon Project athlete Kara Goucher, who claimed she was pressured by Salazar to take thyroid medication not prescribed by her doctor to lose weight gained during her pregnancy in 2010. The accusations were addressed by Salazar in public releases.

On October 1, 2019, United States Anti-Doping Agency USADA banned Salazar and Dr. Jeffrey Stuart Brown, a colleague at the Nike Oregon Project, for doping offences. These included using a WADA prohibited method, tampering with doping control methods and trafficking testosterone through a prohibited testing program. In response, Salazar stated that "Throughout this six-year investigation my athletes and I have endured unjust, unethical and highly damaging treatment from USADA. [...] I have always ensured the World Anti-Doping Agency code is strictly followed." Records of the investigations were unsealed two days later, exposing a pattern of withholding their own medical records from the athletes, ignoring subpoenas, and other forms of delay.

Salazar appealed his doping ban to the international Court of Arbitration for Sport (CAS), which upheld his 4-year ban on September 16, 2021. The CAS stated that he was found guilty of "possessing testosterone, complicity in Brown's administration of a prohibited method, and tampering with the doping control process." The CAS did reject USADA's request to increase the ban beyond 4 years, stating that "None of the ADRVs (anti-doping rule violations) directly affected athletic competition, and... there was no evidence put before the CAS as to any effect on athletes competing at the elite level."

SafeSport bans
In January 2020, the United States Center for SafeSport sanctioned Salazar with an additional (temporary) ban from coaching, after SafeSport investigated allegations against him of sexual and emotional misconduct.  Although SafeSport did not make public the offense or offenses for which it banned him, Mary Cain, Kara Goucher, and Amy Yoder Begley were among those who had previously made public complaints about Salazar's conduct.

On July 26, 2021, Salazar was deemed "permanently ineligible" by SafeSport, after it found that he had committed four violations of emotional and sexual misconduct, including two instances of his penetrating a runner with his finger while giving an athletic massage. Salazar appealed via an arbitration that was held in early December 2021. At the arbitration hearing Salazar denied the accusations against him, and said he did not speak with or see the runner on the days in question. The appeal was unsuccessful as an arbitrator did not find Salazar's explanation credible, and accepted his accuser's version of events, determining that he more likely than not had sexually assaulted the athlete on two different occasions and had also made sexually inappropriate comments toward the runner. As a result Salazar was effectively banned for life from participating in any activity put on by or under the auspices of the United States Olympic & Paralympic Committee or any sport's USOPC-recognized National Governing Body. Salazar continues to deny involvement in any misconduct and said that he felt the SafeSport process was unfair and "lacked due process protections".

Competition record

Ultra Marathon

Marathon

Track and Field

Cross country

NCAA cross country

See also
List of Cuban Americans
List of winners of the Boston Marathon
List of winners of the New York City Marathon
List of winners of the NCAA Men's Cross Country Championship
Angelo Taylor, track and field athlete and coach, charged with child molestation, pled guilty to contributing to the delinquency of a minor, suspended by the United States Center for SafeSport.

References

Further reading

External links
 Interview with Alberto Salazar about Galen Rupp 2018 (B magazine)

1958 births
Living people
American male long-distance runners
American male marathon runners
Sportspeople from Portland, Oregon
Olympic track and field athletes for the United States
Oregon Ducks men's track and field athletes
Athletes (track and field) at the 1984 Summer Olympics
Cuban emigrants to the United States
People from Wayland, Massachusetts
American track and field coaches
New York City Marathon male winners
Boston Marathon male winners
Congressional Gold Medal recipients
Sports coaches from Oregon
Oregon Ducks men's cross country runners
Sportspeople from Middlesex County, Massachusetts
Track and field athletes from Portland, Oregon

Alberto Salazar


Darty es una cadena de establecimientos dedicada a la venta de electrodomésticos y electrónica, filial de Groupe Fnac Darty.

Darty en España
Darty se implantó en España como marca comercial en 2010, tras la sustitución de las marcas Menaje del Hogar y San Luis. Estas dos marcas españolas (fusionadas previamente en 2005), fueron adquiridas por el grupo Kesa en 2007, pero no fue hasta 2010 en el que se produce el cambio de nombre de los establecimientos por la marca Darty, que es la denominación que Kesa utiliza en otras filiales de Francia, Italia o Turquía.

El 4 de abril de 2013, Alan Parker, presidente del grupo, anunció que "Darty" abandonaba el mercado español y que el siguiente mes de junio cerrarían las 43 tiendas que la cadena tenía en España.
Worten, cadena portuguesa de electrodomésticos y rival de la compañía, anunció que se haría cargo de la garantía legal de los productos comprados en Darty.

Referencias

Véase también
 Mediamarkt
 Worten

Enlaces externos
 Darty.es

Distribución comercial
Grandes superficies comerciales

Darty


Fernando de Sant'Águeda Gutierres Reis, mais conhecido como Fernando Reis (Vila Real de Santo António, Vila Real de Santo António, 5 de Fevereiro de 1955 - Faro, 4 de Dezembro de 2021), foi um professor e jornalista português. Foi considerado uma importante figura da imprensa algarvia, tendo estado à frente do periódico Jornal do Algarve durante quase quatro décadas.

Biografia
Nasceu na Freguesia e Concelho de Vila Real de Santo António, em 5 de Fevereiro de 1955. Frequentou a Faculdade de Letras da Universidade de Lisboa, onde se licenciou no curso de História em 1980.

Trabalhou como professor na Escola Dom José I, em Vila Real de Santo António, e em estabelecimentos escolares no concelho de Loulé. Também foi um empresário e promotor das salinas em Castro Marim, tendo sido um dos responsáveis pela revitalização daquela indústria. Em 2011 ocupava o cargo de presidente da Tradisal - Associação dos Produtores de Sal Marinho Tradicional do Sotavento Algarvio, tendo nessa altura comentado que o reconhecimento do sal como produto agroalimentar em vez de mineral por parte da União Europeia foi «um importante passo para se conseguir a Denominação de Origem Protegida, que é outra das nossas lutas».

Destacou-se principalmente pela sua carreira no jornalismo, sendo considerado como um decano da imprensa na região do Algarve. Em 1983 fundou a Viprensa, empresa proprietária do Jornal do Algarve, tendo sido o director daquele periódico desde então até ao seu falecimento, embora nos primeiros anos tenha exercido este cargo de forma intermitente, alternando com José Lança. Também foi um destacado defensor dos interessess regionais, do Algarve em geral e de Vila Real de Santo António em particular. Como dirigente do Jornal do Algarve, esteve envolvido num incidente em Outubro de 2007, quando foi feita uma chamada anónima para a redacção daquele periódico, que alertou para um suposto atentado bombista em Faro, por parte do grupo terrorista basco Euskadi Ta Askatasuna. A chamada revelou-se posteriormente como um falso alarme. Em Maio de 2014, foi um dos dirigentes da imprensa algarvios que foram convidados para a primeira edição do ciclo A Comunicação por cá, que se realizou na cidade de Loulé, sobre os problemas financeiros e o futuro da comunicação social na região. Fernando Reis comentou que «a situação económica do país acarreta uma grande dificuldade para ter o que alimenta os jornais: a publicidade», e que as companhias da construção civil, turismo e hotelaria «nunca encontraram nos media regionais um local para se promoverem», pelo que alguns jornais tiveram de ser sustentandos pelas autarquias durante algum tempo, até que estas deixaram de ter recursos financeiros para tal. Afirmou igualmente que o futuro da imprensa estava na convivência entre os formatos impresso e na Internet, e que a falência de um grande número de periódicos impressos tinha-se devido mais a problemas económicos do que à concorrência das plataformas online.

Faleceu em 4 de Dezembro de 2021, no Hospital de Faro, onde estava internado, tendo falecido de COVID-19. Estava casado com Maria Luísa Aleixo Travassos, e era pai de Marta Reis e Susana Reis. Na sequência da sua morte, a Comissão de Coordenação e Desenvolvimento Regional do Algarve e as autarquias de Faro, Lagos, e Castro Marim, e vários órgãos de imprensa regionais e nacionais emitiram notas de pesar, onde realçaram o seu contributo para a imprensa algarvia. A Câmara Municipal de São Brás de Alportel classificou Fernando Reis como «uma personalidade ímpar na região» e «uma referência do jornalismo regional, que sempre procurou afirmar dentro e fora das fronteiras algarvias». Por seu turno, a Federação Regional do Partido Socialista recfordou a sua «longa carreira como professor da Escola Pública em várias localidades do Algarve e mais de quatro décadas de presença na imprensa regional».

Portugueses de ascendência espanhola
Naturais de Vila Real de Santo António
Alumni da Faculdade de Letras da Universidade de Lisboa
Jornalistas de Portugal
Mortes por COVID-19 em Portugal

Fernando Gutierres Reis


La Galerie des modes et costumes français est une publication périodique française lancée en 1778 sous la forme d'une série d'estampes en noir ou en couleurs représentant des modèles habillés à la mode du temps ou régionale. Cette publication prend fin en 1787.

Histoire
Le 29 juillet 1778, les éditeurs parisiens Jacques Esnault (1739-1812) et Michel Rapilly (1740-1797) obtiennent un privilège du roi pour publier la Galerie des modes et costumes français. Leur maison d'édition, « À la ville de Coutances », se trouve rue Saint-Jacques.

Le premier cahier se présente sous la forme de six planches gravées en couleurs. Au départ, ce sont des vignettes qui dominent, entre quatre et douze par pages, représentant des bustes féminins portant les coiffures à la mode, coupes reprises dans un premier temps du coiffeur Davault. Puis, chaque planque va être occupée dans sa totalité par une voire deux figures en pied d'un modèle féminin ou masculin « d'après nature » portant vêtement et mis en situation.

Le rythme de parution, élevé au départ, connaît un ralentissement au fil des années ; en 1787, on compte seulement six planches parues. Le nombre total de planches publiées s'élève à 414.

Les éditeurs proposèrent une parution en volume des planches de l'année 1778 le 25 avril 1779, et renouvelèrent l'opération les années suivantes. Chaque volume est assorti d'un frontispice et d'une introduction rédigée par Guillaume Molé (1742-1790). Le prix de chaque volume est fixé à 36 livres tournois dans sa version colorée. La mention qui indique que chaque planche est  est sans doute exagérée.

Dès le départ, cette publication suscite, preuve de son succès, des imitations frauduleuses : l'éditeur André Basset le jeune voit ses productions confisquées en avril 1779.

Certaines estampes présentent un aspect grivois ou coquin évident. L'humour n'en est pas absent. La qualité des dessins et des gravures est allée en s'améliorant au cours du temps. Ce n'est qu'à partir du septième cahier, que les planches sont non seulement pourvues d'une lettre détaillée mais aussi signées des noms du dessinateur et du graveur.

Parmi les dessinateurs, on compte Claude-Louis Desrais, Pierre Thomas Le Clerc, Augustin de Saint-Aubin et François Watteau, ce dernier exécutant 112 dessins. Les signatures de graveurs (eau-forte et burin) révèlent les noms de François-Antoine Aveline, Pierre-Charles Baquoy, A. B. Duhamel, Jean-Pierre-Julien Dupin et son père Nicolas Dupin, René Gaillard, Jean-François Janinet, Pierre Adrien Le Beau, Charles Emmanuel Patas, et Étienne Claude Voysard.

Galerie

Annexes

Notes et références

Bibliographie
 Paul Cornu, La Galerie des modes et costumes français dessinés d'après nature, 1778-1787, fac-similé, Librairie centrale des Beaux-Arts, 13 livraisons de  à .
 René Colas, Bibliographie générale du costume et de la mode, volume I, Librairie René Colas, 1933.
  Raymond Gaudriault, Répertoire de la gravure de mode française des origines à 1815, Promodis, 1988, .

Liens externes

 Volume I (1779), sur Gallica

Voir aussi
 Cabinet des modes (1785-1793)

Magazine de mode
Publication illustrée par des gravures
Titre de presse créé en 1778

Galerie des modes et costumes français


Bartok den Mægtige (eng: Bartok the Magnificent) er en amerikansk tegnefilm fra 1999

Eksterne Henvisninger

Amerikanske film fra 1999
Filmgenindspilninger
Tegnefilm fra USA

Bartok den Mægtige


Der Wöllmersbach ist ein gut zwei Kilometer langer Wasserlauf im südpfälzischen Wasgau in Rheinland-Pfalz und ein rechter Zufluss der Lauter, die dort an ihrem Oberlauf noch Wieslauter genannt wird.

Name
Neben Wöllmersbach ist ebenso die Bezeichnungen Wöllmersbächel gebräuchlich.

Geographie

Verlauf
Der Wöllmersbach entspringt auf einer Höhe von   auf einer kleinen Waldwiese im mittleren Wasgau im Dahner Felsenland westlich von Bruchweiler-Bärenbach direkt östlich neben dem Schmalstein-Fels und südlich der Pfälzerwaldhütte am Schmalenstein. Er fließt zunächst in östlicher Richtung in einem Grünstreifen durch ein Waldgelände und staut sich nach gut zweihundertfünfzig Meter zu einem kleinen Weiher. Etwa dreihundert Meter bachabwärts bildet er einen weiteren kleinen Weiher. Kurz darauf wird er auf seiner linken Seite von dem aus dem Nordosten kommenden Bach vom Reinigshof gespeist. Der Wöllmersbach  fließt nun durch Grünland am Südrande eines Waldes entlang und wird dabei von der Kreisstraße 42 begleitet. Er erreicht den Nordwestrand von Bruchweiler-Bärenbach, verschwindet kurzfristig in den Untergrund, taucht dann noch einmal auf und mündet schließlich nördlich der Lauterstraße auf einer Höhe von  von rechts in die Wieslauter.

Zuflüsse
Bach vom Reinigshof (links), 1,4 km

Nutzung
Früher wurde der Wöllmersbach zur Fischerei genutzt.

Einzelnachweise

Bruchweiler-Bärenbach
Gewässer im Pfälzerwald
Gewässer im Landkreis Südwestpfalz
Wasgau

Wöllmersbach


Mount Owen ist der Name

 folgender Berge:
 Mount Owen (Colorado) in der Ruby Range, USA
 Mount Owen (Wyoming) in der Teton Range, USA
 Mount Owen (Alberta) in der Bow Range in den kanadischen Rocky Mountains
 Mount Owen (Tasmanien) in der West Coast Range, Australien
 Mount Owen (Neuseeland)
 Mount Owen (Antarktika) im Palmerland auf der Antarktischen Halbinsel

 folgender Orte:
 Mount Owen (Kalifornien), früherer Name von Brown (Kalifornien)

Mount Owen


Il existe un certain nombre de manuscrits de hadiths des quatre premiers siècles après la mort du prophète Mahomet (632-1032 CE). Le nombre augmente considérablement au cours des deux siècles suivants (1032-1232).

632-1032CE

MME. Leiden OR. 298
Il s'agit d'un livre intitulé Gharib Al-Hadith. Il a été écrit par un des premiers érudits islamiques, Abu Ubaid al-Qasim bin Salam (770-838). Il existe un manuscrit incomplet de ce livre daté de 252 AH (866 CE). Il est maintenant conservé à la Bibliothèque de l'Université de Leyde.

Jami' de Ma'mar ibn Rashid
C'est l'une des premières collections de hadiths qui a été compilée par l'imam Ma'mar ibn Rashid. Deux manuscrits de ce livre ont été trouvés en Turquie. L'un d'eux est originaire d'Ankara et remonte à 364 AH (974 CE). Un autre est à Istanbul.

Ar-Risalah
Ce livre a été écrit par le premier érudit islamique, Shafi'i. Même s'il ne s'agit pas d'un livre écrit spécifiquement dans le domaine des hadiths, il contient tout de même des dizaines de hadiths. Il existe deux manuscrits de ce livre à la Bibliothèque nationale du Caire. Le premier connu sous le nom de manuscrit d'Ibn Jama'ah et le second est le manuscrit d'Ar-Rabi'. Bernhard Moritz, l'orientaliste allemand date le manuscrit d'Ar-Rabi au milieu du IVe siècle de l'hégire tandis qu'Ahmad Muhammad Shakir l'a daté peu avant 270 AH (883 CE).

Sahih Bukhari abrégé
Il s'agit du plus ancien manuscrit arabe conservé à la Bibliothèque nationale de Bulgarie. Il était daté de 407 AH (1017 CE). Il contient les livres 65 à 69 de Sahih Bukhari mais le livre 65 est incomplet. Il peut être consulté en ligne sur le site officiel de la Bibliothèque numérique mondiale.

1033-1232CE

Bibliothèque nationale d'Al-Assad no. 9388
Il s'agit d'un manuscrit de Sahih Muslim de l'Imam Muslim ibn Al-Hajjaj. Il a été conservé à la Bibliothèque nationale d'Al-Assad à Damas, en Syrie et a été daté du cinquième siècle de l'hégire et du 11e siècle de notre ère.

Or. 101
Il s'agit d'un manuscrit de Jami' At-Tirmidhi de l'Imam Muhammad bin Isa At-Tirmidhi. Il a été daté de 540 AH et est maintenant conservé à la Bibliothèque de l'Université de Leyde.

1233-1432CE

Copie de Dublin de Sahih Bukhari
Il s'agit d'un manuscrit de Sahih Bukhari conservé à la Chester Beatty Library à Dublin en Irlande (n° 4176). Il a été copié par Ahmad bin Ali bin Abdul Wahhab dans la belle calligraphie naskh et était daté du 8 Muharram 694/28 novembre 1294.

Références

Pages avec des traductions non relues

Manuscrits de Hadiths


Victorinox je poznati švicarski proizvođač džepnih nožića, kuhinjskih noževa, satova, opreme za putovanja i parfema. Sjedište firme i tvornica smješteni su u švicarskom gradu Ibachu u kantonu Schwyz. Victorinox je najpoznatiji po proizvodnji džepnih nožića. Švicarske firme Victorinox i Wenger jedine su imale pravo koristiti ime SAK (eng. Swiss Army Knife) za svoje nožiće. Victorinox je 2005. godine kupio Wenger, a od 2014. zaustavljena je proizvodnja Wenger noževa te od tada jedino Victorinox proizvodi originalne Švicarske vojne noževe poznate skraćeno kao Švicarce.

Karl Elsener I. 1884. godine pokreće proizvodnju džepnih nožića, a već 1891. prvi nožići isporučeni su švicarskoj vojsci. U 2010. godini proizvodili su 15 milijuna nožića godišnje, a do kraja 2017. proizveli su više od 500 milijuna džepnih nožića.

Izvori

Švicarske proizvodne tvrtke

Victorinox


(Prens) Georgi Yevgenyeviç Lvov (2 Kasım 1861, Popovka, Çarlık Rusyası - 7 Mart 1925, Paris, Fransa), Rus devlet adamıdır. 1917 Şubat Devrimi sırasında kurulan geçici hükûmetin ilk başbakanıdır.

Soylu bir aileden gelen Lvov, Moskova Üniversitesi'nden hukuk diploması aldı. 1893'e değin kamu görevlisi olarak çalıştı. Bu tarihte istifa ederek Tula zemstvo'nun (yerel meclis) üyesi oldu. Rus-Japon Savaşı'nda Uzak Doğu'daki gönüllü yardım etkinlikleri örgütledi. 1905'te yeni kurulan liberal eğilimli Anayasacı Demokrat Parti'ye katıldı. 1906'da birinci Duma'ya seçildi. Çarlık hükûmetinin düşmesi üzerine 15 Mart 1917'de kurulan geçici hükûmette başbakanlığı ve içişleri bakanlığını üstlendi. Önce tümüyle liberallerden oluşan hükûmete 18 Mayıs'ta ılımlı sosyalistler de katıldı. Hükûmet halkın gittikçe genişleyen köklü isteklerine yanıt getiremedi. Lvov devrimci güçlerin hükûmete karşı düzenlediği büyük bir gösterinin ardından 7 Temmuz'da istifa etti. Yerine Aleksandr Kerenski başbakan oldu. Ekim Devrimi'nden sonra tutuklanan Lvov daha sonra yurt dışına kaçtı ve sonunda Paris'te öldü.

1861 doğumlular
1925 yılında ölenler
Rusya başbakanları
Paris'te ölenler
Darbe ile iktidara gelenler

Georgi Lvov


La T.33 est une voiture de sport du constructeur automobile britannique Gordon Murray Automotive (GMA), présentée en  et produite en série limitée à  à partir de 2024. Elle est le second modèle du constructeur après la supercar T50.

Présentation
La GMA T.33 est présentée le . Elle adopte une ligne fluide et s'inspire des GT des années 1960 comme la Ferrari Dino ou Lamborghini Miura.

Spider
La version spider de la GMA T.33 est présentée le . Comme le coupé, elle est limitée à , et ne pèse que 18 kilos de plus.

Caractéristiques techniques
Gordon Murray, patron et designer de la marque, abandonne l'architecture à trois sièges avec le conducteur en avant au centre comme pour la T50 ou la McLaren F1, et revient à une configuration coupé 2 places pour la T33.

La carrosserie est entièrement en carbone, montée sur une structure en panneaux en fibre de carbone collés à sur un cadre en aluminium. Les ailes arrière de la T33 s'ouvre dans le sens inverse de la marche pour donner accès à deux coffres d'une contenance totale de 25 litres.

Motorisation
La T.33 est motorisée par un le même V12 que sa grande sœur T.50 de  de cylindrée, réalisé en coopération avec Cosworth, doté de quatre soupapes par cylindre, d'une puissance de  à  et  de couple (à ). Le V12 est accouplé à une boîte de vitesses manuelle à  Xtrac de série ou automatique à  avec palettes au volant en option, et la puissance est transmise aux roues arrière.

Production
GMA prévoit de construire 100 voitures dans son site production de Surrey.

Notes et références

Liens externes

Automobile des années 2020
Véhicule à portes à ouverture en élytre
Coupé GT

Gordon Murray Automotive T.33


Charles Wesley Tuttle (1. studenoga 1829. – 17. srpnja 1881.), američki astronom, brat astronoma Horacea Parnella Tuttlea (17. ožujka 1837. – 16. kolovoza 1923).

Izvori

Američki astronomi

Charles Wesley Tuttle


බොනේ (හෙවත් බොනි, හෙවත් බොනේ සඔරාජා) යනු වත්මන් ඉන්දුනීසියාවේ සුලාවසි දූපතේ නිරිත දිග ප්‍රදේශයේ පිහිටා තිබූ සුල්තාන් රාජ්‍යයකි. එහි දේශ භූමිය වර්‍ග සැතපුම් 1000 ක් (වර්‍ග කිලෝමීටර් 2600 ක්) විශාල විය. බොනේහි ප්‍රධාන නගරය වූ බොනි පිහිටා තිබෙන්නේ බූගිස් ජාතිකයින්ගේ නිජබිම වූ මකාසාර් නගරයේ සිට ඊසාන දිගට කිලෝමීටර් 130 ක් (සැතපුම් 81 ක්) දුරිනි.

සුලාවසි දූපතේ පිහිටි අනෙකුත් රාජ්‍යවල මෙන්ම මෙම රාජ්‍යය තුළ ද පිරිමි ළමුන්ට පෙර ගැහැණු ළමුන්ට හරහා රාජාසනය ලබා දීමේ සිරිතක් තිබුණි.

මූලාශ්‍ර
 බොනේහි සිදු වූ යුද්ධ පිළිබඳව බැලීමට, Perelaer, De Bonische Expedition, 1859 (Leiden, 1872) ; තවද, Meyers, Militaire Spectator (1880).

බාහිර සබැඳි
 බොනේහි ඉතිහාසය

පෙර සුල්තාන් රාජ්‍යයන්
ඉන්දුනීසියාවේ යටත් විජිතයට පෙර රාජ්‍යයන්
ඉන්දුනීසියාව තුළ ඉස්ලාමීය රාජ්‍යයන්

බොනේ සුල්තාන් රාජ්‍යය


Bjarke Halfdan Jacobsen (født 21. august 1993 i Helsinge) er en dansk fodboldspiller, der siden 2021 har spillet som midtbanespiller i den tyske klub SV Wehen Wiesbaden, der spiller i 2. Bundesliga.

Klubkarriere
Han skiftede den 17. juli 2017 til AC Horsens på en fri transfer. Kontrakten havde en varighed af tre år, således parterne havde papir på hinanden frem til sommeren 2017.

Referencer

Eksterne henvisninger

Personer fra Helsinge
Fodboldspillere fra Danmark
Fodboldspillere fra FC Nordsjælland
Fodboldspillere fra FC Helsingør
Fodboldspillere fra Akademisk Boldklub
Fodboldspillere fra Vendsyssel F.F.
Fodboldspillere fra AC Horsens

Bjarke Jacobsen


Holmes & Watson. Madrid Days es una película policiaca española de 2012 dirigida por José Luis Garci. Está protagonizada por Gary Piquer en el papel de Sherlock Holmes, José Luis García Pérez en el de John H. Watson y Leticia Dolera en el de Mary Morstan. El guion lo escribió el propio Garci, quien se califica como fan del detective. La película pertenece al género del cine negro al que el director le había hecho un alegato en El crack.

El rodaje se llevó a cabo en Alcalá de Henares, en El Retiro, el barrio de los Austrias y el Barrio de las Letras de Madrid.

Producción y rodaje
En el año 1998 de paseo con Eduardo Torres-Dulce en la calle Génova de Madrid, a José Luis Garci se le ocurre qué choque supondría a Sherlock Holmes ir a España con  gente como Pío Baroja o Benito Pérez Galdós y se le ocurre como «Macguffin» que Jack el Destripador fuese a España a cometer una serie de crímenes. Garci hizo pública su intención de rodar la película en abril de 2011, cuando afirmó que Jack el Destripador podría ser un embajador español en Londres y afirmaba la posibilidad de rodar con actores españoles e ingleses. Gil Parrondo se encargaría de la dirección artística, además estuvo repasando bocetos para realizar la casa de Holmes.

Garci se interesó en Gary Piquer tras verlo en Mal día para pescar, el 4 de agosto de 2011 José Luis García Pérez anunció que Garci le había ofrecido el papel de Watson, según director fue tras verlo en Guante blanco, de esa serie escogió otro actor, Carlos Hipólito Leticia Dolera lo consiguió en vista de la indisponibilidad de Lucía Jiménez para interpretar a Mary Morstan, Dolera quería trabajar con Garci e intentó ponerse en contacto con él pues no hacía casting.

El rodaje iba a empezar el 24 de octubre de 2011. Por su parte Piquer explicó que este se llevaría a cabo en el El Retiro y el Barrio de las Letras, a pesar de que Garci hubiese dicho que tenía también intención de rodar en el Casino de Madrid y parte en la capital británica. El 26 de septiembre de 2011 Manuela Velasco anunció que participaría en la película. El 21 de octubre de 2011 el propio director afirmó que el rodaje se había pospuesto a la madrugada del 6 al 7 de noviembre. Alberto Ruiz Gallardón pidió a Garci interpretar a su tío abuelo Isaac Albéniz cuando le pidió poder rodar en Madrid, algo que el director aceptó.

Reparto

Argumento
Holmes y Watson viajan a Madrid siguiendo la pista al asesino Jack el Destripador.

Promoción
El tráiler fue publicado el 18 de julio de 2012, éste no fue bien recibido por el público, siendo uno de los temas más comentados en Twitter. En vista de la recepción del tráiler, la distribuidora dos semanas después publicó uno nuevo.

Referencias

Películas de Sherlock Holmes

Películas ambientadas en Madrid
Películas ambientadas en el siglo XIX
Películas rodadas en Alcalá de Henares

Holmes & Watson. Madrid Days


Eyam () ist ein Dorf in Derbyshire, England. Das mittelenglische Dorf im Peak District ist bis heute als "Pest-Dorf" bekannt, da es im August 1665, als die Große Pest von London ankam, eine Quarantäne über sich selbst verhängte, um so eine weitere Ausbreitung der Infektion nach Norden zu verhindern. Eyam ist eine Gründung der Angelsachsen, die dem Ort auch den Namen gaben. Die Römer hatten in der Umgebung bereits Blei abgebaut.

Die Pest

Die Pest erreichte das Dorf in mit Rattenflöhen befallenen Stoffballen, die aus London zum ortsansässigen Händler George Viccars geliefert wurde. Viccars verstarb nach einer Woche und wurde am 7. September 1665 begraben. Nach weiteren Todesfällen wandten sich die Bürger an ihren Vorsteher, den anglikanischen Priester William Mompesson sowie den puritanischen Pfarrer Thomas Stanley. Beide beschlossen eine Reihe von Vorsichtsmaßnahmen, um die Ausbreitung der Krankheit zurückzudrängen. Dazu gehörte auch, dass Familien ihre Toten selbst zu begraben hatten, und die Verlegung des Gottesdienstes von der Pfarrkirche St. Lawrence nach Cucklett Delph, einer nahen Kalksteinformation im Freien. Die Bewohner sollten damit genügend Abstand zueinander halten können, um sich nicht gegenseitig zu infizieren. Die wichtigste Entscheidung war jedoch, eine Quarantäne über das Dorf zu verhängen, um eine weitere Verbreitung der Krankheit zu verhindern. Die Pest wütete 14 Monate lang im Dorf und war nachweislich für den Tod von über 260 Einwohnern verantwortlich. Von den ehemals 350 Einwohnern überlebten nur 83. Diese Berechnung wurde mehrere Male wiederholt mit den alternativen Werten von 430 Überlebenden bei 800 Einwohnern.

Als ein Jahr später die ersten Auswärtigen Eyam besuchten, fanden sie weniger als ein Viertel der einstmaligen Bewohner als Überlebende der Pest vor. Das Überleben schien zufällig, da viele Überlebende zwar engen Kontakt zu den Pest-Bakterien hatten, aber nie krank wurden. So erkrankte Elizabeth Hannock beispielsweise nie, obwohl sie innerhalb von acht Tagen ihre sechs Kinder und ihren Mann begraben musste. Diese Gräber sind als die Riley-Gräber bekannt. Auch der nicht amtliche Totengräber Marshall Howe überlebte die Seuche, obwohl er viele infizierte Körper berühren musste, er hatte jedoch zuvor schon eine Ansteckung überlebt. Obwohl die CCR5-Genmutation CCR5Δ32 in einer signifikant erhöhten Anzahl von 14 %  bei Nachkommen der Pestüberlebenden gefunden wurde, konnte kein Zusammenhang zum Grund des Überlebens hergestellt werden.

Sehenswürdigkeiten

Heute besitzt Eyam verschiedene Sehenswürdigkeiten mit Bezug zur Pest, wie etwa den Coolstone von Eyam, in welchen man in Essig getränktes Geld legte – man glaubte, der Essig töte die Infektion –, um dafür von außerhalb Nahrung und Medizin zu kaufen, oder die bereits erwähnten Riley-Gräber oder das Cucklett Delph.

Das einzige Pub im Dorf ist der Miner's Arms. Gegenüber der Kirche befindet sich das Mechanics' Institute, das als Veranstaltungshalle genutzt wird. Als Ort der Arbeiterbewegung wurde es 1824 in Eyam gegründet, und besaß eine Bibliothek mit 766 Bänden, die sich über Mitgliedschaft finanzierte. Für 1857 sind 30 Mitglieder nachgewiesen, die etwas mehr als einen Penny Beitrag im Monat zahlten.

Entlang der Hauptstraße befindet sich die Eyam Hall im Stil der englischen Spätrenaissance (Jakobinische Zeit). Das Gebäude wurde rund elf Jahre nach der Pest errichtet, ist seitdem in Familienbesitz und dient heute teilweise als Museum.

Auf der gegenüberliegenden Wiese steht noch der historische Stock, mit dem angeblich kleinere Vergehen der Dorfbewohner bestraft wurden. Auf einer Anhöhe liegt eine Jugendherberge im viktorianischen Stil. Das 1994 eröffnete Eyam-Museum enthält Ausstellungsstücke zur lokalen Geschichte und besonders zur Pestepidemie von 1665.

Angelsächsisches Kreuz

Auf dem Friedhof der Kirche St. Lawrence befindet sich ein angelsächsisches Kreuz, das auf das achte Jahrhundert nach Christus datiert wird. Es wurde wahrscheinlich ursprünglich von Missionaren als Wegkreuz westlich von Eyam bei den Mooren am Cross Low aufgestellt. Im 18. Jahrhundert fand man es neben einem Feldweg am Moor und brachte es zum Friedhof. Es ist ein Denkmal Grade I und als Scheduled monument von nationaler Bedeutung klassifiziert. Das Kreuz ist mit reichhaltigen Mustern überzogen und nahezu vollständig erhalten, nur ein kleiner Teil des Schaftes fehlt. Eine Replik des Kreuzes, jedoch mit dem im Original fehlenden Teil, ist Teil des Kriegerdenkmals an der Blundells School in Tiverton in Devon.

Persönlichkeiten
 Anna Seward (1747–1809), Dichterin
 Richard Furness (1791–1857), Dichter aus Eyam
 Robert Eden, 3rd Baron Auckland, Priester in Eyam zwischen 1823 und 1825. Danach 3rd Lord of Auckland; Bischof von Sodor und Man 1847–1854, dann Bischof von Bath und Wells, 1854–1869.
 Egbert Hacking, Priester in Eyam zwischen 1884 und 1886, danach Erzdiakon von Newark

Literarische und musikalische Behandlung

Gedichte
 John Holland: The Village of Eyam: a poem in four parts. Macclesfield, 1821
 William und Mary Howitt: The Desolation of Eyam, London, 1827, Neuauflage von Kessinger Publishing, 2008
 The Tale of Eyam, a story of the plague in Derbyshire, and other poems by an OLD BLUE, London, 1888

Romane
 Marjorie Bowen: God and the Wedding Dress, Hutchinson, 1938
 Jill Paton Walsh: A Parcel of Patterns. Puffin Books, 1983, Jugendbuch
 Berlie Doherty: Children of Winter, Methuen, 1985, Kinderbuch, Fernsehfassung 1994
 Linda Kempton: The Naming of William Rutherford. Heinemann, 1992, Kinderbuch
 Geraldine Brooks: Year of Wonders. Fourth Estate, 2001; deutsch: Das Pesttuch
 M. I. McAllister: Black Death. Oxford University Press, 2003, Kinderbuch
 Malcolm Rose Kiss of Death, Usborne Publishing, 2006, Jugendbuch
 Paul McCusker, Walt Larimore: TSI: The Gabon Virus. Howard Books (USA), 2009, Christliche Literatur

Schauspiel
 Joyce Dennys: Isolation At Eyam; a play in one act for women. French, 1954
 Don Taylor: The Roses of Eyam. Uraufführung 1970, TV-Aufführung 1973; Heinemann, 1976
 Anne Hanley: Ring Around the Rosie. Bühnenlesung vom Fairbanks Shakespeare Theatre (Alaska), 2004
 Plague at Eyam, ein Drehbuch für junge Erwachsene, Association of Science Education, 2010, Online verfügbar (PDF; 150 kB)
 Matt Hartley: Eyam; A New Play by Matt Hartley. Shakespeare's Globe London, Premiere 2018 Details

Oper
 John D. Drummond, Patrick Little (Libretto): Plague upon Eyam. eine Oper in drei Akten, University of Otago Press (New Zealand), 1984; Musik auf Mr Polly at the Potwell Inn, Sirius CD SP004, 2000
 Les Emmans, Pat Mugridge (Libretto) Ring Of White Roses, Opera comica in einem Akt, 1984, Plays & Musicals, 2004, Vorschau Skript
 Ivor Hodgson: The Plague of Eyam. 2010; Ouvertüre aufgeführt im BBC radio, März 2010

Musical
 Andrew Peggie, Stephen Clark (Text): Eyam: A Musical. 1990, CD Joseph Weinberger, 1995; London, Produktion Bridewell Theatre, 1998
 Darren Vallier: A Ring of Roses. Dress Circle Records (STG1) 1996; Uraufführung Savoy Theatre, 1997; Jasper Publishing, 2004
 Eddie Brierley, Peter Robinson, Arthur Connett: The Ring of Stones. Uraufführunge Dancehouse Theatre, Manchester (1999), danach Lyric Theatre am Lowry Centre im Dezember 2000. Wiederaufnahme 2010, Tour in Nord-West-England, Schlussvorstellung 2011 Edinburgh Festival Fringe.

Lieder
 John Trevor (a.k.a. Beau): Roses of Eyam. 1975 sowie Cherry Red, 2007; Aufgenommen von Roy Bailey: Hard Times, 1985 sowie Past Masters, Fuse Records, 1998;.
 iLiKETRAiNS: We All Fall Down. Album Elegies to Lessons Learnt, 2007

Literatur
Allgemein
 William Wood: The history and antiquities of Eyam; with a full and particular account of the great plague, which desolated that village, A.D. 1666. Richard Keene, Derby 1865; Reprint: Nabu Press, 2010, ISBN 978-1-146-16814-4.
 Nicola Wright, Nick McCann: The Eyam Book. Heritage House Group, 2006, ISBN 0-85101-402-X.
Pest
 John G. Clifford: Eyam Plague, 1665–1666. 2. Auflage. J.G. Clifford, Eyam 2003, ISBN 0-9544666-0-8.
 Gordon Richard Batho: The Plague at Eyam: A. Tercentenary Re-Evaluation. Derbyshire Archaeological Journal, Band 84, Heft 1, 1964, S. 81–91.
 M. J. Howell: The plague at Eyam. In: The Practitioner, 1969, Juli, Band 202, Heft 213, PMID 4895698, S. 98–104.
 John Findlay Drew Shrewsbury: A History of Bubonic Plague in the British Isles. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge 1970, ISBN 0-521-07083-X.
 Leslie Bradley: The Most Famous of All English Plagues : A Detailed Analysis of the Plague at Eyham 1665-6. In: The Plague Reconsidered, Cambridge, 1977, ISBN 0-905476-03-4, S. 63–94.
 G. F. Raggett: A Stochastic Model Of The Eyam Plague. Journal of Applied Statistics, Band 9, Heft 2, 1982, S. 212–225,
 Michel P. Coleman: A Plague Epidemic in Voluntary Quarantine. International Journal of Epidemiology, 1986, Band 15, Heft 3, S. 379–385,
 John G Clifford; Francine Clifford: Eyam parish register 1630–1700. Derbyshire Record Society, 21, Chesterfield 1993, ISBN 0-946324-17-4.
 Philip Race: Some further consideration of the plague in Eyam, 1665/6 (PDF; 824 kB), Local Population Studies, 54, 1995, S. 65–57.
 Susan Scott, Christopher J. Duncan: Plague at Eyam in 1665–1666: a case study. In: Biology of Plagues. Evidence from Historical Populations, Cambridge University Press, 2001, ISBN 0-521-01776-9, S. 261–283, , Vorschau bei Google-Books
 E. Massad, F. A. Coutinho, M. N. Burattini, L. F. Lopez: The Eyam plague revisited: did the village isolation change transmission from fleas to pulmonary? Medical Hypothesesm, Band 63, Heft 5, 2004, S. 911–915,
 Patrick Wallis: A Dreadful Heritage: Interpreting Epidemic Disease at Eyam, 1666–2000 (PDF; 220 kB), Working Papers on The Nature of Evidence: How Well Do 'Facts' Travel? No. 02/05, London School of Economics, May 2005; Auch in: Hist Workshop Journal, Spring 2006, Band 61, Heft 1, S. 31–56,

Weblinks

 Eyam Plague Village
 Eyam, derbyshireuk.net
 Eyam, Survivors: Mad Dog
 Eyam Museum and Plague Village, Peak District Information
 The local heroes of the Eyam Plague, Peakland Heritage
 letsgo-eyam.co.uk
 Eyam Museum

Einzelnachweise

Ort in Derbyshire
Geographie (Derbyshire Dales)

Eyam


Kineska veslokljunka (lat. Psephurus gladius), monotipski rod riba iz porodice veslokljunki, dio reda jesetrovki.

Kineska veslokljunka može narasti do 300 cm. i težiti do 300 kg., i endem je u kineskoj rijeci Yangtze i pritokama. Izumrla je 2020.godine. Ova riba je stradala zbog zagađenja, prelova i gubitka staništa. Budući da nema primjeraka te vrste u zatočeništvu, bilo je nemoguće pokrenuti program uzgoja kojim bi se obnovila populacija u rijekama.

Kineska veslokljunka je riba s izrazito dugačkim nosom te je zbog toga imala nadimak "slon riba". Mogla je narasti čak do 7 metara dužine, što ju je činilo jednom od najvećih slatkovodnih riba na svijetu.

Često je 1970-ih bila meta ribara, ali joj je glavni udarac zadalo podizanje brane Gezhouba 1981., kada je uginulo pola njene ukupne populacije. Naime, zbog brane ribe više nisu mogle plivati uzvodno do mjesta mriješćenja.

1989. uvrštena je u ugrožene životinje, ali tada je već bilo prekasno da se osigura njen opstanak. Zadnji primjerak te ribe viđen je 2003.

Izvori

Jesetrovke

Kineska veslokljunka


Johannes Stöffler (de asemenea Stöfler, Stoffler, Stoeffler) () a fost un matematician, astronom, astrolog și preot german, confecționer de instrumente astronomice și profesor la Universitatea din Tübingen.

Viața
Johannes Stöffler s-a născut pe 10 decembrie 1452, în localitatea Justingen din apropiere de Blaubeuren, în Jura Șvabă. A urmat cursurile elementare ale școlii mănăstirii Blaubeuren, după care s-a înscris la nou-înființata Universitate din Ingolstadt în data de 21 aprilie 1472, unde a obținut diploma Baccalaureus în septembrie 1473 și diploma Magister în ianuarie 1476. După terminarea studiilor a fost numit paroh la Justingen, unde în afară de obligațiile sale clericale, s-a ocupat de astronomie, astrologie și de confecționarea de instrumente de observare astronomice cum erau ceasurile și globurile cerești. A purtat o vie corespondență cu importanți umaniști ai vremii sale, ca de exemplu Johannes Reuchlin, pentru care a confecționat un Equatorium și a scris un horoscop.

În 1499 el a prezis că un potop va scufunda lumea sub ape în data de 20 februarie 1524. În 1507, la intervenția ducelui Ulrich I, a fost numit profesor la recent înființata catedră de matematică și astronomie de la Universitatea din Tübingen, unde a predat și publicat mai multe lucrări, fiind ales în cele din urmă ca rector în anul 1522. În perioada numirii sale, el se bucura deja de o recunoaștere științifică în domeniul efemeridelor - deoarece făcea studii în colaborare cu Jacob Pflaum - și a continuat calculele lui Regiomontanus care au fost publicate postum în anul 1531. Lucrarea sa Elucidatio fabricae ususque astrolabii, publicată în mai multe ediții, a fost folosită de astronomi pentru o lungă perioadă de timp ca un manual de lucru. Philipp Melanchthon și Sebastian Münster au fost cei mai cunoscuți studenți ai săi. În anul 1530, când o epidemie de ciumă a forțat împărțirea și relocarea universității într-o zona rurală din apropierea Tübingen-ului, Stöffler s-a dus la Blaubeuren și a murit acolo de ciumă la 16 februarie 1531. A fost îngropat în interiorul bisericii universitare din Tübingen.

Lucrări
 1493: Un glob ceresc pentru episcopul de Konstanz. Acest glob, în calitate de singurul rămas și cel mai important obiect din atelierul său, este expus la Muzeul Landului Württemberg din Castelul Vechi din Stuttgart.
 1496: Un ceas astronomic pentru Catedrala din Konstanz.
 1498: Un glob ceresc pentru episcopul de Worms.
 1499: Un Almanah (Almanach nova plurimis annis tuburi venturi inserentia) ,publicat în colaborare cu astronomul Jakob Pflaum din Ulm, care a fost desemnat ca o continuare a efemeridelor lui Regiomontanus. El a avut o mare circulație, fiind tipărite 13 ediții până în 1551, și a exercitat un efect puternic asupra astronomiei din perioada Renașterii.
 1512: O carte despre construirea și utilizarea astrolabului (Elucidatio fabricae ususque astrolabii), publicată în 16 ediții până în 1620, și, în 2007, pentru prima dată în limba engleză.
 1514: Tabele astronomice (Tabulae astronomicae).
 1518: O propunere pentru revizuirea calendarului (Calendarium romanum magnum), care a reprezentat baza calendarului gregorian.

Recunoaștere postumă
Craterul lunar "Stöfler" (cu un singur f) a fost numit în onoarea lui.

Referințe

Legături externe
 Electronic facsimile-editions of the rare book collection at the Vienna Institute of Astronomy
 Online Galleries, History of Science Collections, University of Oklahoma Libraries  High resolution images of works by and/or portraits of Johannes Stoeffler in .jpg and .tiff format.

Nașteri în 1452
Decese în 1531
Astrologi
Astronomi din secolul al XVI-lea
Astronomi medievali
Germani
Apocalipticiști
Miturile potopului
Astrologi germani
Astronomi germani
Matematicieni germani
Eponime ale craterelor de pe Lună

Johannes Stöffler