The Emergency () was a state of emergency in the independent state of Ireland in the Second World War, throughout which the state remained neutral. It was proclaimed by Dáil Éireann on 2 September 1939, allowing the passage of the Emergency Powers Act 1939 by the Oireachtas the following day. This gave sweeping powers to the government, including internment, censorship of the press and correspondence, and control of the economy. The Emergency Powers Act lapsed on 2 September 1946, although the Emergency was not formally ended until 1976.

Background of the Emergency
On 6 December 1922, following the Anglo-Irish Treaty that ended the War of Independence, the island of Ireland became an autonomous dominion, known as the Irish Free State. On 7 December 1922, the parliament of the six north-eastern counties, already known as Northern Ireland, voted to opt out of the Irish Free State and rejoin the United Kingdom. This Treaty settlement was immediately followed by the bitter Irish Civil War between the pro-Treaty and anti-Treaty factions of the Irish Republican Army (IRA).

After 1932, the governing party of the new state was the republican Fianna Fáil, led by Éamon de Valera (a veteran of both Irish wars and Easter Rising). In 1937, de Valera introduced a new constitution, which had distanced the state further from the United Kingdom, and which changed its name to "Ireland". He had also conducted the Anglo-Irish trade war between 1932 and 1938.

De Valera had good relations with the British Prime Minister, Neville Chamberlain. He resolved the two countries' economic differences, and negotiated the return of the Treaty Ports—Berehaven, Cobh and Lough Swilly—which had remained under British jurisdiction under the Anglo-Irish Treaty of 1921. The major remaining disagreement between the countries was the status of Northern Ireland. The Irish saw it as rightfully Irish territory while the UK saw it as rightfully British territory. Within Ireland itself, armed opposition to the treaty settlement took the name of the anti-treaty IRA, seeing itself as the "true" government of Ireland. This IRA mounted a major sabotage/bombing campaign exclusively in England from January 1939 to March 1940 – the S-Plan in 1939. These attacks consisted of approximately 300 explosions/acts of sabotage and resulted in 10 deaths and 96 injuries.

Declaration of the Emergency

On 1 September 1939, German troops invaded Poland from the west (followed on 17th September by the Soviet Union from the east), precipitating war with the UK and France, and their allies. On 2 September, de Valera told the Dáil Éireann (the lower house of parliament) that neutrality was the best policy for the country. In this he was almost universally supported by the Dáil and the country at large (although many joined the British military). The 1937 constitution was amended to allow the Government to take emergency powers, and then the Emergency Powers Act 1939 was passed that included censorship of the press and mail correspondence. The government was able to take control of the economic life of the country under the new Minister of Supply Seán Lemass. Liberal use was made of all of these powers. Internment of those who had committed a crime or were about to commit one would be used extensively against the IRA. Censorship was under the charge of the Minister for the Co-ordination of Defensive Measures, Frank Aiken. It was necessary to prevent publication of matter that might undermine the neutrality of the State and to prevent it becoming a clearing house for foreign intelligence, though over the period of the Emergency, the Act started to be used for more party political purposes such as preventing the publication of the numbers of Irish soldiers serving in the United Kingdom armed forces or industrial disputes within the state. In addition, the information made available to Irish people was also carefully controlled. De Valera performed the duties of Minister of External Affairs, though the secretary for the Department of External Affairs, Joseph Walshe, was very influential.

Neutrality policy

On the declaration of the emergency, Walshe asked for assurances from the German minister in Dublin, Eduard Hempel, that Germany would not use its legation for espionage nor attack Irish trade with Great Britain. He then travelled to London on 6 September where he met the Dominions Secretary, Anthony Eden, who was conciliatory and defended Irish neutrality in subsequent Cabinet meetings. In addition, the appointment of Sir John Maffey as a British representative in Dublin was agreed.

For the Irish government, neutrality meant not displaying alignment with either side. On one hand, that meant the open announcement of military activity such as the sighting of submarines or the arrival of parachutists and the suppression of any foreign intelligence activity. Ireland's geographic position meant that this policy (which was, in the view of most historians, applied fully and consistently) tended to benefit the Allies more than Germany. For example, British airmen who crash-landed in the State were allowed to go free if they could claim not to have been on a combat mission; otherwise they were released "on licence" (promise to remain). Many chose to escape to Great Britain via Northern Ireland. Also, Allied mechanics were allowed to retrieve crash-landed Allied aircraft. There was extensive co-operation between British and Irish intelligence and the exchange of information such as detailed weather reports of the Atlantic Ocean; the decision to go ahead with the D-day landings was influenced by a weather report from Blacksod Bay, County Mayo.

On the other hand, in the first few years of the war, the government did not show any overt preference for either side. This is partly because de Valera had to keep national unity, which meant accommodating the large swathe of Irish society that rejected anything to do with the British, some of whom admired Germany (which had failed in an attempt to supply a small cache of arms to the rebels of 1916) to some extent. These attitudes were shared by Aiken and by Walshe. Many, including de Valera and Richard Mulcahy, estimated Irish popular sympathies as favouring Germany due to anti-British hostility, and de Valera feared that joining the Allies would drive public opinion completely towards the Germans. The Fianna Fáil government, headed by de Valera, ruled alone and did not accommodate any other party in decision making.

The IRA and the Emergency

In the early months of the emergency, the greatest threat to the State came from the IRA. In the Christmas Raid in 1939, one million rounds of ammunition were stolen from the Irish Army by the IRA (though it was mostly recovered in the following weeks) and there were a number of killings, mostly of policemen. In addition, the existing emergency legislation was undermined by the obtaining of a writ of habeas corpus by Seán MacBride which resulted in the release of all those who had been interned. The government responded with the 1939 and 1940 Offences Against the State Acts, which established the Special Criminal Court, and rearrested and interned IRA activists.

During this time two IRA men died as the result of hunger strikes – demanding free association and to have two prisoners (IRA Volunteers Nicky Doherty of County Meath and John Dwyer) moved from the criminal wing to the Republican area within the prison (Mountjoy Jail). On 17 February 1940 Tony D'Arcy was arrested and sentenced to three months for refusing to account for his movements and for not giving his name and address. IRA volunteer D'Arcy died as a result of a 52 day Hunger-strike (16 April 1940) at the age of 32. At the time of his death D'Arcy left a wife and three young children.
On 29 December 1939 Jack McNeela and several others were arrested in south Dublin at a location where an illegal radio transmitter was operating. McNeela and three other IRA men were imprisoned in Mountjoy Jail, tried (and found guilty) by a military tribunal for "conspiracy to usurp a function of Government" by operating a pro-Irish Republican pirate radio station, with McNeela being sentenced to two years imprisonment. With no concessions from the Irish Free State government, McNeela died on 19 April 1940 after 55 days on hunger strike in the Military Wing of St Bricin's Military Hospital, Dublin.

Two IRA men (Patrick McGrath and Thomas Harte) were executed for the murder of two policemen in September 1940. The IRA became increasingly ineffective in the face of the resolute use of internment, the breaking of hunger strikes, and the application of hanging for capital offences. A total of seven IRA men were executed in Ireland between September 1940 and December 1944: Patrick McGrath, Thomas Harte, Richard Goss, George Plant, and Maurice O'Neill were executed by firing squad, while two others were hanged – Tom Williams in Crumlin Road Gaol, Belfast) and Charlie Kerins in Mountjoy Jail, Dublin. Maurice O'Neill and Richard Goss were the only people executed by the Irish state for a non-murder crime.

During 1941, the IRA's hopes of a German invasion had faded and funding from the United States had been cut off. The IRA leadership were mostly interned within the Curragh Camp, where they were treated increasingly harshly, or on the run. Most internees accepted release on parole. The IRA remained barely active in Northern Ireland, but they were not a threat to the stability of Ireland. The IRA fostered links with German intelligence (the ) and Foreign Ministry, with men such as Francis Stuart travelling to Germany to talk, though these attempts were largely ineffectual due to a combination of  and Foreign Ministry incompetence and IRA weakness. Germans also came to Ireland, the most notable of whom was Hermann Görtz, who was captured in possession of "Plan Kathleen", an IRA plan that detailed a German-supported invasion of Northern Ireland. (See also Irish Republican Army–Abwehr collaboration.)

Ireland and the United Kingdom 1939–1941
There was a reluctance on the part of the British to accept the policy of Irish neutrality. Anthony Eden, Dominions
Secretary in the new British war cabinet, said "we do not want formally to recognise Eire as
neutral while Eire remains a member of the British Commonwealth" as this he said would be in conflict with the "constitutional theory of the indivisibility of the crown". A prevalent view in the UK was that Ireland was obliged to support the UK in the war. Winston Churchill said at the time that "Southern Ireland is at war, but skulking".

After the German invasion of Norway in April 1940, Churchill became the British Prime Minister. The fall of France in June 1940 brought the war close to Ireland, as German troops occupied the French coastline across the Celtic Sea.

The United Kingdom was now the only major impediment to Germany. A major British concern was now whether Germany would invade Ireland. The British view was that the Irish Army was not powerful enough to resist an invasion for long enough for reinforcement from the UK, particularly with the IRA as a potential fifth column, and wished to be able to forestall this by stationing troops and ships within the Irish state. In addition, this view made the UK reluctant to provide military supplies because of the risk of their falling into German hands after an invasion. The Irish government's view was that they would be more successful against the Germans than the states already occupied, and there could be no agreement for joint military measures while partition continued, and would not commit themselves beyond neutrality for the whole island should it end.

Unification refused

By June 1940, the British representative in Ireland, Maffey, was urging that "the strategic unity of our island group" should take precedence over Ulster Unionism, and Churchill was making clear that there should be no military action taken against Ireland. The British Minister for Health, Malcolm MacDonald, who had negotiated the 1938 trade agreement with Ireland whilst Secretary of State for Dominion Affairs, was sent to Dublin to explore possibilities with de Valera. From these Chamberlain produced a six-point proposal that committed the UK government to a united Ireland and proposed the setting up of a joint body to effect this. A Joint Defence Council would be set up immediately and the State provided with military equipment. In return the State would join the Allies and intern all German and Italian aliens. Rejected by the Irish government, the proposal was then amended to strengthen the steps towards a united Ireland, and no longer requiring Ireland to join the war, but only to invite British forces to use Irish bases and ports. De Valera rejected the revised proposal on 4 July and made no counter proposal.

One reason for this would have been the difficult calculation of how damaging the inevitable split in Ireland would be if such a proposal was accepted. One of the main reasons was that the Irish Government thought that the UK would lose the war and did not want to be on the losing side: during the negotiations Walshe had produced two memoranda for de Valera (one entitled Britain's Inevitable Defeat) predicting the isolation of Great Britain, the dismemberment of its empire, and finally its inevitable crushing by Germany. Walshe also wrote approvingly of the character of the Pétain government. Walshe's memoranda affected de Valera, with him telling MacDonald that Great Britain "could not destroy this colossal [German]  machine". Nevertheless, from May 1940, Walshe and Col Liam Archer of Irish Military Intelligence discussed the defence of Ireland in the event of a German invasion with counterparts in Northern Ireland and a general strategic plan for UK military action "Plan W" across the border "if invited" was developed.

Ports and shipping

The great majority of Ireland's trade was with the United Kingdom, and most of its supplies came from there. This created great difficulties for the Irish government as Germany tried to blockade the UK. Additionally the UK required Irish ships to operate under their 'navicert' system. In September 1940, a joint agreement on trade, shipping and exports fell through—"the main sticking point between the two sides was the prices on offer from Britain"  owing to the refusal to allow transshipment and repair facilities following German pressure, including the threat to blockade Ireland and the bombing of Ambrosetown and Campile in County Wexford. In the autumn of 1940, the threat of German invasion had receded, but relations between the UK and Ireland deteriorated, largely as a result of the increased losses of Allied shipping to U-boat attack. To try to prevent some of these losses, the UK wanted sea and air bases in western Ireland. On 5 November, in the House of Commons, Churchill complained:

The Irish government chose to interpret this sentence as a threat of invasion. Some sort of armed occupation was a real possibility (the UK had occupied Iceland in May 1940), but the balance of evidence is that there was never a serious threat. Large elements of the British cabinet and government and those of its allies were opposed to any armed intervention in Ireland; however, in late 1940 and early 1941, relations between the two countries did worsen. The British stopped informing Ireland of their order of battle in Northern Ireland, while the Irish Army drew up plans for defence against the British. The United Kingdom also started to restrict trade to Ireland, reasoning that if Ireland would not do anything to protect the lives of those bringing in supplies, it should at least share in the deprivations being felt in the UK. Relations between the two countries only really eased in the middle of 1941 with the invasion of the Soviet Union by Germany and an agreement to allow Irish immigration to Britain to work in the war industries, resulting in up to 200,000 Irish people doing so by 1945.

The economy
Only since 2000 has the wartime Irish economy been studied, away from the grander issues of diplomacy and warfare. Being still largely dependent on Britain for coal, manufactured goods and fuel oils, supplies of these were reduced after the fall of France in mid-1940, causing price inflation and a busy black market. It was said that "the poor are like hunted rats looking for bread", as wheat supplies fell, and that the introduction of full rationing was "seriously belated". Typhus reappeared and the government started planning for famine relief in late 1941. John Betjeman, the British press attaché in Dublin, reported "No coal. No petrol. No gas. No electric. No paraffin. Guinness good." In March 1942 the government banned the export of beers, and decided that more wheat should be grown, and less barley. The prospect of a shortage of beer led on to barter deals whereby Britain supplied wheat suitable for making bread flour, and coal, and in return Ireland allowed the export of beers. "These supplies were to keep neutral Ireland afloat during World War II and enable the continuance of Irish neutrality".

Ireland and the neutral United States
At the beginning of the Second World War, the United States President was Franklin Roosevelt. The United States was neutral, and Roosevelt's actions were circumscribed by neutrality legislation; however, Roosevelt was a vehement anti-Nazi, an unequivocal supporter of the UK in the war, and personally close to Churchill. The US minister to Ireland was David Gray, a personal friend of Roosevelt and his wife Eleanor. De Valera saw the US as a bulwark against invasion from any party, while the US saw the support of Britain in the war as the priority, and so while supportive of Irish neutrality was sceptical of it extending over the whole island and wanted an arrangement to be made with the UK over ports, possibly through the leasing of them.

The sale of arms was a major issue. The declaration of war legally impeded the US from selling any arms to belligerents under the laws in force at the time; this led to Ireland being briefly considered as a possible conduit for arms sales to circumvent the law. However, in November 1939 Congress agreed to change the law to allow the sale of arms to all belligerents on a "cash and carry" basis. Nevertheless, the Irish government wanted the US to sell them arms. This was supported by Gray, and by the British government, but only if not at the expense of their own allocation. As a result, in 1940 all surplus US arms were sold to the UK and Canada.

The strong support of the UK by the Roosevelt administration led the Irish government to try to bolster anti-Roosevelt isolationist opinion in the November 1940 presidential election and a Christmas radio broadcast by de Valera to the US supporting isolationism. An attempt to influence Roosevelt's special emissary, Wendell Willkie, on a visit to Great Britain and Ireland in January 1941, failed. In a further attempt to obtain arms from the US de Valera decided that Aiken should visit Washington. Gray supported the idea of a visit, but had doubts over whether Aiken was the right person to make it, and stressed that the Irish were only likely to obtain arms if they co-operated with the British Purchasing Commission. Aiken left Ireland in March 1941. For his St Patrick's Day address, de Valera claimed that Ireland was under blockade from both sides and that neutrality protected Ireland from "the hazards of imperial adventure". Aiken's visit was disastrous. His anti-British views and, in American eyes, overestimation of Ireland's military capabilities went across all the administration's policies towards the war. As well as alienating Roosevelt and other members of the administration, he failed to use the letters of introduction to senior Democrats, including Eleanor Roosevelt, provided to him by Gray. Aiken spent the last seven weeks of his visit on what was seen as an anti-administration speaking tour, associating closely with isolationist opinion. The result was that the US would not sell any armaments to the State, and relations between the two countries significantly worsened, the US becoming even more unequivocal in its support of the UK. In October 1941 on receiving a note from the Irish government asking for its intentions with regard to Northern Ireland on the stationing of personnel associated with lend-lease, the US State Department referred them to the British government as Northern Ireland was, they insisted, part of the UK.

Significant events

Belfast Blitz

Meanwhile, Northern Ireland (as part of the United Kingdom) was at war and the Harland and Wolff shipyards in Belfast were among the strategic targets for German attack. The Luftwaffe carried out a bombing raid on Belfast on 7 April 1941; eight people died. On 15 April 1941, 180 Luftwaffe bombers attacked Belfast. There was only one RAF squadron and seven anti-aircraft batteries to defend Belfast. Over 200 tons of explosives, 80 landmines attached to parachutes and 800 firebomb canisters were dropped. Over 1,000 died and 56,000 houses (more than half of the city's housing stock) were damaged leaving 100,000 temporarily homeless. At 4.30 AM Basil Brooke, Northern Ireland's Minister of Commerce, asked de Valera for assistance. Within two hours, 13 fire tenders from Dublin, Drogheda, Dundalk and Dún Laoghaire were on their way to cross the Irish border to assist their Belfast colleagues. De Valera followed up with his "they are our people" speech. Although there was a later raid on 4 May, it was confined to the docks and shipyards.

Dublin bombing

On 2 January 1941, there had been several minor German bombings of Irish territory. There were three deaths in Borris, County Carlow and other incidents in Wexford, Dublin and at the Curragh. The public mood was already agitated, fearing a German invasion and the implications of the bombings added to the concern. So as not to antagonise the Germans further, the Irish authorities initially declined to confirm that the bombs were German. Public speculation, and IRA claims, that the bombs were British, or German but released by British aircraft, later prompted Irish Government denials.

On the night of 30/31 May 1941, Dublin's Northside was the target of a Luftwaffe air raid. Thirty-eight were killed and seventy houses were destroyed on Summerhill Parade, North Strand and the North Circular Road. Unlike the earlier bombing incidents, there was no public speculation that the perpetrators were anyone other than the Luftwaffe. The Irish government promptly protested and Germany apologised claiming that high winds were to blame or there had been British interference with navigation signals. Churchill later conceded that the raids might have been the result of a British invention which distorted Luftwaffe radio guidance beams so as to throw their planes off course. Dublin had limited blackout regulations at the time, so the city was clearly visible, unlike British cities.

On 3 October, the German news agency announced that the German government would pay compensation, but only West Germany paid this after the war, using Marshall Aid money.

The Allies and neutrality
In June 1940, to encourage the neutral Irish state to join with the Allies, Churchill indicated to de Valera that the United Kingdom would push for Irish unity, but believing that Churchill could not deliver, de Valera declined the offer. The British did not inform the Government of Northern Ireland that they had made the offer to the Dublin government, and de Valera's rejection was not publicised until 1970.
 When, in 1941, the Irish police discovered "Operation Green" in a residence where German agent Hermann Görtz had been staying, the Irish promptly passed copies to MI5 in London, who in turn forwarded them to the Royal Ulster Constabulary (RUC) in Belfast. Joint plans of action were then drawn up between the British and Irish intelligence services and military under Plan W.
 General McKenna, the Irish Army's Chief of Staff, regularly visited British officers in Belfast and in 1942 twelve Irish officers undertook training with British special forces in Poyntzpass, County Armagh. Cooperation did not end there and also included the British signalling through GPO lines when it believed German planes were headed towards Ireland.
 From December 1940 onwards the Dublin Government agreed to accept over 2000 British women and children evacuated from London due to "The Blitz". These evacuees included over two hundred children orphaned by the bombing.
 Attacks on Irish vessels, such as that on the Kerlogue, which the British had initially attributed to the Germans, but later admitted responsibility for and offered to pay compensation when fragments of British ammunition were discovered embedded in the ship. The ship had been attacked by aircraft of the No. 307 Polish Night Fighter Squadron, after being mistaken for a French vessel.
 The mining of the St George's Channel to within  of the Irish coast at Dungarvan, and the use of Irish waters for British shipping traffic.
 London was informed when U-boats were sighted.
 The Donegal Corridor allowed British flying boats based on Lough Erne to take a short-cut over Irish territory when flying patrols over the Atlantic. The Catalina which located the  when it was heading for France in 1941 was one example.
 Throughout the war, the Irish Air Corps shot down dozens of escaped British barrage balloons.
 A British armed trawler, the Robert Hastie, was stationed at Killybegs, from June 1941, for air/sea rescue (ASR) duties.
 The decision to go ahead with the D-day landings being decided on, in part, by a weather report from Blacksod Bay, County Mayo.
Several Allied aircrew who crashed or landed in Ireland were interned though many were returned to Britain or Northern Ireland, especially after 1942. The final release was made in June 1944.
 De Valera protested vociferously to the American Government about its "invasion of Ireland" when U.S. troops had landed in Northern Ireland.
 On the death of Roosevelt, de Valera made arrangements for a commemoration service in St Mary's (Catholic) Pro-Cathedral. The Ambassador, David Gray, said that he would not attend unless it was held in St. Patrick's (Church of Ireland) Cathedral, Dublin. Walsh tried to contact the Ambassador, but was told that Gray was unavailable. Neither service was held. Since the Ambassador would be unavailable to receive condolences, de Valera sent his secretary to deliver his condolences rather than trying to deliver them in person. De Valera then instructed that flags be lowered to half-mast as a mark of respect to the late President.

The Axis and neutrality

 German pilots, aircrew and naval personnel who were discovered in Ireland were always interned and remained so for the duration of the conflict. One German prisoner was shot while attempting to escape from Oldcastle prison camp.
 In July 1940, three German  agents were arrested outside Skibbereen after landing near Castletownshend, County Cork. The agents' mission had been to infiltrate Britain via Ireland.
 Ralph Ingersoll, who visited Britain in late 1940, wrote that year that "Many informed people in Great Britain suspect that the [German] submarines are using bases in Ireland. There are many stories of submarine crews being seen in the cafés in Dublin out of uniform."
 The chief Abwehr spy in Ireland was Hermann Görtz. Approximately 12 spies were deployed, mostly with little success, including Günther Schütz, Ernst Weber-Drohl (a former circus strongman) and Henry Obed, an Indian.
 The activities of German agents in Ireland throughout the war years and their attempts to contact and court both IRA and disaffected Irish Army personnel. Many of these agents, if not all, were captured/exposed.
 The German ambassador at the German Legation in Dublin, Eduard Hempel, had his radio confiscated in 1943 to prevent him from passing information to his leaders. This is thought to have occurred at the insistence of the American forces stationed in Northern Ireland. Hempel had been relaying Irish Army strength and troop movements to Berlin throughout the war, and he is also thought to have relayed weather reports to the German battleships  and  in February 1942. The British military had been intercepting and logging his transmissions.
 The U-boat torpedo attack which sank the vessel  on 19 May 1943. De Valera said that "it was a wanton and inexcusable act. There was no possibility of a mistake, the conditions of visibility were good and the neutral markings on our ships were clear. There was no warning given."
 The "North Strand Bombing" on 31 May 1941 and others that took place in Malin, County Donegal on 5 May 1941, and Arklow on 1 June 1941.
 Repeated attempts to offer captured British weaponry to de Valera if he would side with the Germans.

Relations with Germany
In pursuit of its policy of neutrality, the Irish Government refused to close the German and Japanese embassies. In 1939, the German Government had very little intelligence on Ireland and Britain. This is because Hitler had hoped for a détente or alliance with Britain, whom he considered the "natural allies" of Nazi Germany. When concerted efforts to build a reliable picture of British military strength did begin around 1939–1940, efforts were first made to infiltrate spies to Britain via Ireland, but these attempts consistently failed (see Operation Lobster and Operation Seagull). The Abwehr also made attempts to foster intelligence gathering links with the IRA, but found that the IRA was in no condition to be of serious use — these attempts were to occur during the period 1939–1943. The German military also drew up plans detailing how an invasion of Ireland might take place. These plans were titled Plan Green and any invasion was to act as a diversionary attack in support of a main attack to conquer Britain titled Operation Sea Lion. Both of these plans were shelved by 1942. When US Army troops began to be stationed in Northern Ireland in 1942, Plan Green was reprinted because there was a fear amongst the German High Command (and the Irish Government) that the US Army might attempt an invasion of Ireland, following its occupation of Iceland (after the British invasion) and Greenland in 1941. These fears led to another German intelligence plan – Operation Osprey – but it was abandoned when the feared American invasion failed to take place.

The British also had a plan to occupy the entire island as a response to any attempted German invasion. They had always sought to privately reassure de Valera that any invasion by their troops would be by invitation only. This scheme was titled Plan W and intricate details were worked out with the Irish government and military over how to react to a German invasion. The Irish military shared details of their defences and military capabilities with the British and troops stationed in Northern Ireland. The reassurances from the British did not altogether console de Valera however, and he was frequently suspicious, while German forces still threatened Britain, that the British might invade the territory of the State. He did not know that the Prime Minister of Northern Ireland, Craigavon, was urging London to seize the port at Cobh, or that attempts had been made to split the consensus over the Neutrality policy. Concessions such as relaxing of the claim on Lough Swilly to allow British navy and air force patrols did go some way to easing the tension. As the war turned against Nazi Germany in their eastern campaign, and as the Abwehr became less and less effective, around 1943–1944, operations in the island of Ireland ceased to be of interest to the German Government and military and therefore the British. Overall, during the period the focus of de Valera was maintaining Irish neutrality. The Irish authorities' pursuit of an aggressive campaign of internment against the IRA, including raising the Local Security Force (LSF), executions, and aggressive action by Irish Military Intelligence (G2) meant that the activities of the German Legation in Dublin were supervised closely and attempts to infiltrate spies into the country were quickly discovered.

On the occasion of the death of Adolf Hitler, de Valera paid a controversial visit to Hempel to express sympathy with the German people over the death of the Führer. This action has been defended as proper given the state's neutrality. Sir John Maffey, the British Representative, commented that de Valera's actions were "unwise but mathematically consistent". Douglas Hyde, Ireland's president, also sent condolences, an action which enraged the United States minister as no similar action had taken place on the deaths of President Franklin D. Roosevelt or the former British Prime Minister David Lloyd George.

Attitudes to the Holocaust

Elements of Irish public opinion were markedly different in their treatment of the Axis powers. A Limerick Leader editorial in 1945 noted that, "The campaign against war criminals is strangely confined to those who happen to fight on the wrong side." However it continued to say that Allied atrocities cannot excuse the monstrous barbarism of the Reich.

According to some sources, it appears that there was official indifference from the political establishment to the Jewish victims of the Holocaust during and after the war. This was despite De Valera having knowledge of the crimes committed against Jewish victims of the Holocaust as early as 1943. Other sources report that De Valera was so aware in 1942 and the government sought to secure the release of Jews from then. After the war had ended, Jewish groups had difficulty in getting refugee status for Jewish children – whilst at the same time, a plan to bring over four hundred Catholic children from the Rhineland encountered no difficulties.  The Department of Justice explained in 1948 that:
It has always been the policy of the Minister for Justice to restrict the admission of Jewish aliens, for the reason that any substantial increase in our Jewish population might give rise to an anti-Semitic problem.

However, De Valera over-ruled the Department of Justice and the 150 refugee Jewish children were brought to Ireland in 1948. Earlier, in 1946, 100 Jewish children from Poland were brought to Clonyn Castle in County Meath by a London Jewish charity.

Irish victims of the Holocaust
Esther Steinberg and her Paris-born, Belgian-fathered son Leon were the only known Irish victims of the Holocaust, dying in Auschwitz having been transported there from Paris in 1942.

The Emergency after the end of World War II
De Valera's reluctance to recognise a difference between World War II and previous European wars was illustrated by his reply to a radio broadcast by the British Prime Minister, Churchill on V-E Day. Churchill praised Britain's restraint in not occupying Ireland to secure the Western Approaches during the Battle of the Atlantic:

De Valera replied to Churchill in another radio broadcast, which was popular when broadcast in Ireland:

Punishment of Irish Army deserters

Unlike other neutral states, Ireland did not introduce a general prohibition on its citizens opting for foreign enlistment during the war. However, one serious concern of government in this regard was the relatively high number of Irish soldiers deserting and leaving the jurisdiction. Estimates of between 4,000 and 7,000 members of the Irish armed forces deserted to join the armed forces of belligerent nations, the majority serving in the British Army, Royal Air Force and Royal Navy.

On 17 May 1945, Minister for Defence Oscar Traynor stated that he proposed introducing legislation which would deprive deserters of any right "for a long time to come" to employment paid for from public funds. The legislation in question was the Emergency Powers (No. 362) order which was passed on 8 August 1945. This punished those who had deserted during the Emergency in four ways:

 Deserters forfeited all pay and allowances for the period of their absence.
 They lost any rights to pensions they might have earned due to their years of service.
 They lost any entitlement to unemployment benefits normally available to former members of the Irish Army.
 For a period of seven years they could not qualify for any employment remunerated from public funds.

The Order only applied to personnel who had been called to active duty during the Emergency or who had enlisted "for the duration" of the Emergency and affected 4,000 men.

The government's reasons for passing the order have been given as follows:

 To ensure that those personnel who had faithfully served the country in the defence forces had first chance of obtaining jobs with state and local authorities following demobilisation
 To deter future desertion
 To allow deserters to be dealt with in a cost-effective and expeditious way, rather than go the immense expense of court-martialling each man individually

On 18 October 1945 Thomas F. O'Higgins moved to annul the order. He did not condone desertion, but felt that the order was specifically awarding harsh punishment to those deserters who had served in the Allied forces. General Richard Mulcahy also spoke against the Order, disagreeing with the way in which it applied to enlisted men and not to officers. However, despite the arguments put forward by O'Higgins and Mulcahy, the Dáil voted in favour of the order.

An amnesty was enacted in the Defence Forces (Second World War Amnesty and Immunity) Act 2013, which admitted that the penalties were 'now considered to have been unduly harsh' and offered an apology to those affected. The Minister of Defence, Alan Shatter, commented that it 'was a tribute to how far we had come as a society that such a sensitive issue could get practically unanimous support from all sides in the Dáil'.

In April 1995 Taoiseach John Bruton paid tribute to those who "volunteered to fight against Nazi tyranny in Europe, at least 10,000 of whom were killed while serving in British uniforms. In recalling their bravery, we are recalling a shared experience of Irish and British people. We remember a British part of the inheritance of all who live in Ireland."

End of the Emergency
The end of the Emergency was not declared until 1976, at the time of the Troubles. On 1 September 1976 a motion was passed in the Dáil "that the national emergency created by the armed conflict referred to in the Resolutions, pursuant to the said Article, of Dáil Éireann and Seanad Éireann of the 2nd September, 1939, has ceased to exist". The purpose of this was to allow the government to declare a new emergency, arising out of the conflict in Northern Ireland.

See also
 Caught in a Free State – a television drama series on German wartime spies in Ireland, made by RTÉ
 Glen of Imaal disaster – an accidental explosion which occurred during the Emergency and remains the greatest loss of life in a single incident involving the Irish Defence Forces
 History of the Republic of Ireland
 Minister for Supplies
 Ulster Defence Volunteers
 Oskar Metzke
 Glimmer Man

Notes

References

Citations

Works cited

 Evans, Bryce. 'Ireland during the Second World War:Farewell to Plato's Cave (Manchester University Press, 2014).
 Duggan, John P. Herr Hempel at the German Legation in Dublin 1937–1945 (Irish Academic Press) 2003
 Fisk, Robert In time of War: Ireland, Ulster, and the price of neutrality 1939–1945 (Gill & Macmillan) 1983
 Gray, Tony The Lost Years – The Emergency in Ireland 1939–45 (Little, Brown & Co) 1997
 Girvin, Brian The Emergency: Neutral Ireland 1939–45 (Macmillan) 2006
 Ó Longaigh, Seosamh Emergency Law in Independent Ireland 1922–1948 (Four Courts) 2006

External links
 Article on 'The Challenge Of The Irish Volunteers of World War II'
 Article on the 'Belfast Blitz'
 Largely anecdotal account related to the British position on Irish neutrality and contacts with U-Boats
 No.1 Internment camp "K-Lines" in the Curragh housed IRA, British, and German personnel

1939 in Irish law
1940s in Ireland
History of Ireland by period
History of the Republic of Ireland
Ireland and the Commonwealth of Nations
Ireland–United Kingdom relations
Jewish Irish history
Neutral states in World War II
20th century in Ireland
Euphemisms

The Emergency (Ireland)


Les championnats du monde de natation en petit bassin 2021, quinzième édition des championnats du monde de natation en petit bassin, ont lieu du 16 au  à Abou Dabi, aux Émirats arabes unis.

La compétition était prévue en décembre 2020 avant d'être reportée du 13 au 18 décembre 2021 en raison de la pandémie de Covid-19. Les championnats sont ensuite décalés de quelques jours par la  Fédération internationale de natation (FINA) en février 2021 pour s'adapter au calendrier sportif de la région.

Du fait de l'exclusion de la Russie par le Tribunal arbitral du sport de toutes compétitions internationales jusqu'en , les nageurs russes ne peuvent représenter officiellement la Russie. Ils participent donc de manière « neutre » à la compétition en représentant leur fédération sportive, la Fédération russe de natation (Russian Swimming Federation - RSF).

Podiums

Hommes

Femmes

Mixtes

Notes et références

Liens externes
 Site officiel
 Résultats sur fina.org

2021
Natation en petit bassin
Natation en petit bassin 2021
Sport à Abou Dabi
Monde petit bassin 2021
Monde petit bassin
Sport aux Émirats arabes unis en 2021
Sport en décembre 2021
Événement sportif reporté en raison de la pandémie de Covid-19

Championnats du monde de natation en petit bassin 2021


الحمض الصفصافي أو حمض الصفصاف أو حمض ساليسيليك هو حمض كربوكسيلي أروماتي عديم اللون يستخلص طبيعيا من بعض النباتات كالصفصاف الأبيض وإكليلية المروج ويمكن صنعه كذلك في المختبر وكان يستخدم سابقا داخليا كدواء لصداع الرأس ومسكن للآلام ومضاد للالتهابات ومخفض لدرجة الحرارة اما الآن فاستخداماته خارجيا فقط كحال للتقرنات ولعلاج الثآليل والدمامل ومفيد في محاربة حب الشباب هو المركب الرئيسي لعدة أدوية معروفة خاصة الأسبيرين.

التركيب الكيميائي حمض الصفصاف والصيغة C6H4 (OH) COOH، حيث هو مجموعة OH أورثو إلى مجموعة الكربوكسيل. ومن المعروف أيضا باسم 2 - hydroxybenzenecarboxylic الحمضية. وهو قابل للذوبان في الماء ضعيف (0.2 مل g/100 H2O عند 20 درجة مئوية). يمكن أن تكون على استعداد الأسبرين (حمض أسيتيل الساليسيليك أو ASA) من قبل مجموعة من الأسترة الهيدروكسيل الفينولية من حمض الساليسيلك مع أيون خلات من أنهيدريد الخل أو الخل chloride.It يعطي النبات الدفاعات الطبيعية.

طريقة تحضيره معمليا
أعد تجاريا ساليسيلات الصوديوم عن طريق علاج فينولات الصوديوم (ملح الصوديوم الفينول) مع ثاني أكسيد الكربون في ارتفاع الضغط (100 ATM) ودرجة حرارة عالية (390K)، وهو الأسلوب المعروف باسم تفاعل كولبي - شميت. التحمض للمنتج مع حامض الكبريتيك يعطي حمض الصفصاف.

الاستخدامات

الاستخدامات الدوائية
يُستخدم حمض الساليسيليك في الأدوية عادةً لإزالة الطبقة الخارجية من الجلد، وبذلك يفيد في علاج الثآليل والصدفية وحب الشباب والقوباء الحلقية والقشرة الجلدية والسماك. يمثل هذا الحمض أحد مكونات منتجات العناية بالبشرة المستخدمة في علاج التهاب الجلد الدهني والعد والصدفية ومسامير القدم والثفن وتقرن الجريبات الشعرية والشواك الأسود والسماك والثآليل كما هو الحال مع الحموض الهيدروكسية الأخرى.

الاستخدامات الصناعية
يُستخدم حمض الساليسيليك في حفظ الأغذية وإبادة الجراثيم والتعقيم وإنتاج المستحضرات الصيدلانية الأخرى بما فيها 4-أمينو حمض الساليسيليك والسلبيريد واللانديتيميد (عبر الساليساميد).

لطالما كان حمض الساليسيليك المادة الأولية الأساسية لاصطناع حمض أستيل الساليسيليك (الأسبرين). يُحضر الأسبرين (حمض الساليسيليك أو إيه إس إيه) عبر أسترة مجموعة هيدروكسيل الفينول الخاصة بحمض الساليسيليك مع مجموعة الأسيتيل العائدة لأنهيدريد الأسيتيك أو كلوريد الأسيتيل. يمثل الأسبرين معيارًا تُقارن به جميع مضادات التهاب غير الستيرويدية. تُستخدم هذه الأدوية أساسًا لعلاج اضطرابات الجهاز العضلي الهيكلي الالتهابية في الطب البيطري.

تشكل تحت ساليسيلات البزموت (وهي أملاح البزموت وحمض الساليسيليك) المكون الفعال في أدوية حماية مخاطية المعدة مثل بيبتو البيزمول، وهي المكون الرئيس في مركب كاوبكتات، وتبدي فعاليةً مضادةً للالتهاب (بسبب وجود حمض الساليسيليك ضمنها)، وتعمل أيضًا على معاكسة الحموضة، وتملك فعاليةً ضعيفةً مضادةً للجراثيم.

تشمل مشتقات حمض الساليسيليك الأخرى ساليسيلات الميثيل المستخدمة في المراهم لتخفيف الآلام العضلية والمفصلية وكولين الساليسيلات الذي يُطبق موضعيًا لتخفيف ألم قرحات الفم. يُستخدم حمض أمينو ساليسيليك لتحريض الهجوع في التهاب القولون التقرحي وفي تدبير السل بالترافق مع الإيزونيازيد غالبًا.

يُعد ساليسيلات الصوديوم مادةً فوسفوريةً مفيدةً في امتصاص طيف الأشعة فوق البنفسجية بفعالية كمومية مهملة تقريبًا للأطوال الموجية التي تنتمي للمجال بين 10 و 100 نانومتر. يتألق هذا المركب تحت الضوء الأزرق في الطول الموجي 420 نانومترًا، ويمكن تحضيره بسهولة على سطح نظيف عبر رش المحلول الملحي المشبع في الميثانول ثم تبخيره.

آلية العمل
يعدل حمض الساليسيليك فعالية إنزيم سيكلوأكسجيناز 1 لينقص تشكيل البروستاغلاندينات المحرضة للالتهاب، ويمكن أن تثبط الساليسيلات تشكيل البروستاغلاندين تنافسيًا. تنتج الفعالية المضادة للداء الروماتويدي (مضادات الالتهاب غير الستيرويدية) عن الآليتين المسكنة والمضادة للالتهاب.

يعمل حمض الساليسيليك على تسهيل انسلاخ خلايا البشرة ومنع انسداد المسام الجلدية سامحًا بمساحة أكبر لنمو الخلايا الجديدة. يثبط الحمض أكسدة غلوكوز ثنائي فوسفات اليوريدين 5 تنافسيًا مع ثنائي نوكليوتيد الأدنين وأميد النيكوتين ولا تنافسيًا مع «يو دي بّي جي»، كذلك يثبط هذا المركب نقل مجموعة الغلوكورونيل في مركب حمض فوسفوغلوكورونيل اليوريدين 5 إلى متقبله الفينولي. يعود تأثير تأخير شفاء الجروح المرافق لاستخدام الساليسيلات أساسًا إلى فعاليتها التثبيطية لتصنيع عديدات السكاريد المخاطية.

الأمان
إذا طُبقت تراكيز مرتفعة من مرهم حمض الساليسيليك على مساحة كبيرة من الجسم يمكن أن تدخل مستويات مرتفعة من الحمض إلى مجرى الدم ما يتطلب إجراء ديال دموي لتجنب الاختلاطات المحتملة.

مراجع

روابط خارجية
 Salicylic acid MS Spectrum
 Safety MSDS data
 International Chemical Safety Cards | CDC/NIOSH
  English Translation of Hermann Kolbe's seminal 1860 German article in Annalen der Chemie und Pharmacie. English title: 'On the syntheses of salicylic acid'; German title "Ueber Synthese der Salicylsäure".

أحماض السالسليك
أدوية أساسية حسب منظمة الصحة العالمية
أدوية حب الشباب
أدوية لاستيرويدية مضادة للالتهاب
مانعات العفونة
متمخلبات
هرمونات النبات

حمض الساليسيليك


Schmalfeld, Almanya'nın kuzeyinde Schleswig-Holstein eyaletinde, Segeberg iline bağlı bölge. 19,33 km² yüzölçüme sahiptir. Nüfusu, 31 Aralık 2015 itibarıyla 1917 olarak tespit edilmiştir. Belediye Başkanlığı Klaus Gerdes tarafından yürütülmektedir.

Dış bağlantılar
 www.kaltenkirchen-land.de

Segeberg iline bağlı yerleşim birimleri

Schmalfeld


පුරාතන ඊජිප්තුවේ දහනවවන රාජවංශය (රාජවංශය XIX) යනු ඊජිප්තු නව රාජධානියේ එක් යුගයකි. පාරාවෝ හොරෙම්හෙබ් විසින් සිය අනුප්‍රාප්තිකයා ලෙස නම් කළ අමාත්‍ය Iවන රැම්සෙස් මෙම රාජවංශයේ ආදිකර්තෘ ලෙස සැලකේ. මෙම රාජවංශය වඩාත් ප්‍රචලිත වූයේ කනාන්හි මෙම රාජවංශය ලද යුධ ජයග්‍රහණ හේතුවෙනි.

මුල්කාලීන 18වන රාජවංශයේ රණකාමී රජවරුනට අසල්වැසි රාජධානිවලින් එල්ලවූයේ සුළු ප්‍රතිරෝධයකි මේ නිසා සිය ආධිපත්‍යය පහසුවෙන් පැතිරවීමට ඔවුනට හැකි විය. 18වන රාජවංශයේ අවසානය වන විට මෙම තත්ත්වය බෙහෙවින් වෙනස් විය. හිටයිට්වරුන් ක්‍රමිකව සිරියාව සහ කනාන් වෙත සිය ආධිපත්‍යය පතුරුවාලූයේ අන්තර්ජාතික දේශපාලනයේ බලවතකු බවට පත්වීමටයි. Iවන සෙටි සහ ඔහුගේ පුත් IIවන රැම්සෙස්ට මේ සඳහා මුහුණදීමට සිදු විය.

19වන රාජවංශයේ පාරාවෝවරුන්
19වන රාජවංශයේ පාරාවෝවරුන් ආසන්න වහයෙන් වර්ෂ එකසිය දහයක් පමණ රාජ්‍ය පාලනය ගෙනගොස් ඇත. එය ක්‍රි.පූ. 1292 පමණ සිට ක්‍රි.පූ. 1187 තෙක් විහිදිණි. Iවන සෙටිගේ රාජ්‍ය සමය පිළිබඳ චරිතාපදාන ලියූ ජේ. වොන් බෙකරැත් සහ පීටර් බ්‍රෑන්ඩ් යන දෙදෙනාම වර්තමානයේ ඔහුගේ රාජ්‍ය සමය වර්ෂ 15ක් නොව 11ක් ලෙස සලකති. ඒ අනුව, වර්ෂ 11ක් ලෙස එනම් ක්‍රි.පූ. 1290-1279 ලෙස සලකනු ලබයි. එම නිසා සෙටිගේ පියා සහ පූර්වප්‍රාප්තිකයා ඊජිප්තුව පාලනය කරන්නට ඇත්තේ ක්‍රි.පූ. 1292-1290 අතර කාලයේ ය. මෙම රාජවංශයේ බොහෝ පාරාවෝවරුන් තීබ්ස්හි රජුන්ගේ නිම්නයේ (KV ලෙස නම් කෙරේ) භූමදානය කොට ඇත. මේ පිළිබඳ වැඩිදුර තොරතුරු තීබානු සිතියම්කරණ ව්‍යාපෘති වෙබ්අඩවියෙන් ලබාගත හැක.

Iවන සෙටි සහ IIවන රැම්සෙස්

ඊජිප්තුව නව රාජධානියේ Iවන සෙටි සහ IIවන රැම්සෙස් ("මහා") යටතේ එහි උච්චස්ථානයට පත් විය. මෙම රජවරු ලිබියානුවන්ට සහ හිටයිට්වරුන්ට එරෙහිව ප්‍රබල ලෙස සටන් වැදුණහ. පළමුව Iවන සෙටි විසින් කාඩේෂ් නගරය යටත් කරගත් අතර ඊජිප්තුව සහ හටි අතර නිල නොවන සාම ගිවිසුමක් ලෙස ඔහු එය හටිහි මුවාටල්ලිට භාරදීමට ඔහු තීරණය කළේ ය. මෙම තත්ත්වය වෙනස් කිරීමට සිතා, පසුව IIවන රැම්සෙස් සිය පස්වන වර්ෂයේ දී කාඩේෂ් වෙත ප්‍රහාරයක් රල්ල කළේ ක්‍රි.පූ. 1274 ඔහුගේ දෙවන සිරියානු ආක්‍රමණයේදී ය; මෙහි දී ඔහු හසු විය. නමුත් නේ'අරින්ගේ පැමිණීමට ස්තූතිවන්ත වන්නට රැම්සෙස්ට සිය හමුදා හිටයිට්වරුන් සමග සටනින් ඉවතට ගෙනයාමට හැකි විය. පසුව හිටයිට්වරුන්ගේ අභ්‍යන්තර දුෂ්කරතා ප්‍රයෝජනයට ගනිමින් IIවන රැම්සෙස් සිය අටවන සහ නවවන රාජ්‍ය වර්ෂවල දී කාඩේෂ් සහ දකුණු සිරියාවේ ප්‍රදේශ යටත් කරගත්තේ ය. වසර 120ක සිට කිසිදු ඊජිප්තු සෙබලකු ළඟා වී නොතිබූ ටියුනිප් තරම් උතුරු ප්‍රදේශ දක්වා ගමන් කිරීමට ඔහු සමත් විය. අවසානයේ ඔහු හිටයිට්වරුන්ට එරෙහි යුද්ධය ඊජිප්තුවේ භාණ්ඩාගාරයට සහ හමුදාවට දැරිය නොහැකි බව වටහා ගත්තේ ය. සිය 21වන රාජ්‍ය වර්ෂයේ දී, රැම්සෙස් උර්හි-තෙෂුබ්ගේ අනුප්‍රාප්තිකයා වූ IIIවන හැටුසිලි සමග ප්‍රථම වාර්තාගත සාම ගිවිසුම අත්සන් කළේ ය. මෙම ක්‍රියාවත් සමග ඊජිප්තු-හිටයිට් සබඳතා වැඩිදියුණු විය. IIවන රැම්සෙස් හිටයිට් කුමරියන් දෙදෙනකු විවාහ ද කරගත්තේ ය. මින් පළමුවැන්නිය ඔහුගේ දෙවන සෙඩ් උත්සවයෙන් පසුව විවාහ කරගැනිණි. ජොසෆස් වැනි මුල් කාලීනයින් විශ්වාස කළේ මෝසෙස් ජීවත් වූයේ IIවන රැම්සෙස් රාජ්‍ය සමයේ කියා ය. (නමුත් මේ සඳහා භව්‍ය රජවරුන් ගණනාවක් ඇත)

මෙර්නෙප්ටාහ්
මෙර්නෙප්ටාහ්ගේ උරුමකරුවන් අතර සිහසුන උදෙසා පැවති අභ්‍යන්තර අරගල හේතුවෙන් රාජවංශය පරිහානියට පත් විය. අමෙන්මෙසේ විසින් මෙර්නෙප්ටාහ්ගේ පුත්‍රයා සහ අනුප්‍රාප්තිකයා වූ IIවන සෙටිගෙන් සිහසුන පැහැරගත් බැව් පෙනේ. නමුත් ඔහුට ඊජිප්තුව පාලනය කළ හැකි වූයේ වර්ෂ හතරක් පමණි. ඔහුගේ මරණින් පසු නැවත බලය ලබාගත් සෙටි අමෙන්මෙසේගේ ස්මාරක බොහෝමයක් විනාශ කළේ ය. මාලිගයේ සෙටිට සේවය කළේ චාන්සලර් බායි නැමැත්තකි. බායි මුලින් හුදු 'රාජකීය ලේකම්වරයකු' වුව ද, පසුව ඊජිප්තුවේ බලවත්ම තැනැත්තන්ගෙන් අයකු බවට පත්වූයේ රජුන්ගේ නිම්නයේ සිය සොහොන්ගැබ (KV17) තනාගැනීමේ විරළ වරප්‍රසාදය ද හිමි කරගනිමිනි. බායි මෙන්ම සෙටිගේ අගබිසව වූ ට්වෝස්රෙට් රැජින පිළිබඳව ද පුරාතන ඊජිප්තු ජනශ්‍රැතිය තුළ වූයේ යහපත් ආකල්පයක් නම් නොවේ. සිප්ටාහ්ගේ මරණින් පසු ට්වෝස්රෙට් රැජින වර්ෂ දෙකක් ඊජිප්තුවේ පාලනය මෙහෙයවූවා ය. නමුත් මාලිගයේ කුමන්ත්‍රණ සහ බල අරගල මධ්‍යයේ ඇගේ පාලනය තවදුරටත් රඳවාගැනීමට ඇය අපොහොසත් විය. විසිවන රාජවංශයේ ආදිකර්තෘ වන සෙට්නැඛ්ටේ විසින් ඇයව ධුරයෙන් පහ කරන්නට ඇතැයි විශ්වාස කෙරේ.

දහනවවන රාජවංශය කාලරේඛාව

පින්තූර ගැලරිය

මේවාත් බලන්න
 ඊජිප්තුවේ දහනවවන රාජවංශයේ පවුල් ගස

ආශ්‍රේයයන්

19
ඊජිප්තුවේ නව රාජධානිය
ඊජිප්තුවේ ක්‍රි.පූ. 13වන සියවස
ඊජිප්තුවේ ක්‍රි.පූ. 12වන සියවස
ඊජිප්තුවේ ක්‍රි.පූ. 13වන සියවසේ ස්ථාපිත කිරීම්
ඊජිප්තුවේ ක්‍රි.පූ. 12වන සියවසේ අහෝසි කිරීම්
19

ඊජිප්තුවේ දහනවවන රාජවංශය


Lebensmitteltechnologe ist die Berufsbezeichnung für mehrere Berufe in der Schweiz.

Arbeitsorte und Tätigkeiten

Lebensmitteltechnologen sind für die Annahme der Rohstoffe, über deren Verarbeitung bis zu Verpackung der Getränke und Nahrungsmittel verantwortlich.

Sie führen auch Laboranalysen durch, lagern Waren ein und optimieren den Herstellungsprozess.

Wichtig für die Tägliche Arbeit ist die Einhaltung von Hygiene- und Sicherheitsvorschriften.

Lebensmitteltechnologe (EFZ)
Lebensmitteltechnologe ist eine berufliche Grundbildung in der Schweiz. Die Ausbildung dauert drei Jahre. Die drei Ausbildungsorte sind Betrieb, Berufsfachschule und überbetriebliche Kurse. Die angebotenen Fachrichtungen sind Trocken-/Instant-, Schokolade-, Backwaren-, Getränke-, Bier-, Convenience-Produkte und Fleischerzeugnisse.

Vorgängerberufe der Lebensmitteltechnologen sind Bonbonmacher, Konserven- und Tiefkühltechnologen, Getränketechnologen und Brauer.

Lebensmitteltechnologe mit eidg. Fachausweis
Gelernte Lebensmitteltechnologen können sich seit dem 21. April 2009 berufsbegleitend zum Lebensmitteltechnologen mit eidg. Fachausweis weiterbilden, zuvor konnten gelernte Lebensmitteltechnologen (mit der notwendigen Berufspraxis) direkt an die höhere Fachprüfung. Die am Ende abzulegende Prüfung ist eine Berufsprüfung. Die Prüfung ist in die Teile Fallstudie und theoretische Prüfung aufgeteilt.

Lebensmitteltechnologen mit eidg. Fachausweis werden als Team- und Gruppenleiter eingesetzt und übernehmen so anspruchs- und verantwortungsvolle Fach- und Führungsaufgaben.

Lebensmitteltechnologe mit eidg. Diplom
Lebensmitteltechnologen mit eidg. Fachausweis können sich zum Lebensmitteltechnologe mit eidg. Diplom weiterbilden. Die höhere Fachprüfung ist in die Teile Diplomarbeit und theoretische Prüfung aufgeteilt. Das eidg. Diplom entspricht dem Meisterbrief.

Andere Weiterbildungsmöglichkeiten
Höhere Berufsbildung:
 #Lebensmitteltechnologe mit eidg. Fachausweis
 #Lebensmitteltechnologe mit eidg. Diplom

Höhere Fachschule:
 Dipl. Techniker/in HF, Fachrichtung Lebensmitteltechnologie

Fachhochschule:
 Bachelor of Science (FH) in Lebensmitteltechnologie
 Bachelor of Science (FH) in Life Technologies
 Bachelor of Science (ZFH) in Biotechnologie
 Bachelor of Science (HES-SO) in Oenologie

Verwandte Berufe
 Fachkraft für Lebensmitteltechnik (Deutschland)
 Brauer und Mälzer (Deutschland)
 Fachkraft für Süßwarentechnik (Deutschland)

Weblinks
 Website der Arbeitsgemeinschaft für die Ausbildung von Lebensmitteltechnologen.
 Lebensmitteltechnologe/-login. In: Berufe und Ausbildungen. berufsberatung.ch
 Lebensmitteltechnologe/Lebensmitteltechnologin. Bundesamt für Berufsbildung und Technologie (BBT)
 Lebensmitteltechnologe mit eidg. Fachausweis. Bundesamt für Berufsbildung und Technologie (BBT)
 Lebensmitteltechnologe mit eidg. Diplom. Bundesamt für Berufsbildung und Technologie (BBT)

Einzelnachweise

Lehrberuf (Schweiz)
Höhere Berufsbildung (Schweiz)
Lebensmitteltechnologie
Brauen

Lebensmitteltechnologe


Kisaragi Koharu ()  a fost o artistă completă: dramaturg, regizor, director artistic, compozitor, textier, interpret și critic al problemelor actuale atât teatrale, cât și sociale. La moartea sa subită, pe când avea doar 44 de ani, a lăsat în urmă o fiică, un soț și o multitudine de proiecte neterminate.

A studiat filosofia la o universitate din Tokio, iar în 1976, pe când era încă studentă, a fondat primul grup de teatru, Gekidan Kiki, ocazie cu care a scris și regizat propriile piese, ce vorbeau despre problemele urbane și viața oamenilor în marile orașe. În primele ei producții, a experimentat cu actorii, tratându-le trupurile ca pe niște păpuși, pentru a reda ideea că viața urbană a transformat oamenii în ființe înstrăinate, asemănătoare unor roboți. Criticul de teatru Senda Akihiko descrie munca ei timpurie ca un fel de basorelief al vieții cotidiene a oamenilor în oraș și a spus că personajele ei erau "fantome virtuale plutind în viețile lor urbane, devenind tablouri simbolice" (Senda 2001, 45).

În 1982, la vârsta de 27 de ani, a părăsit Gekidan Kiki împreună cu alți câțiva membri, alături de care a fondat un nou grup, numit NOISE. Kisaragi era directorul noii instituții, scriind și regizând toate producțiile, în timp ce soțul ei, Kajiya Kazuyuki, a fost principalul producător. Aici și-a continuat opera dedicată vieții urbane. Numele grupului a fost inspirat de "zgomotul alb" care poate fi auzit în fiecare secundă a fiecărei zile în orașe. Un alt sens din spatele denumirii NOISE se referă la dorința de a fi auzit și de a face o diferență. Pentru femei, în mod special, conceptul de shizuka, sau liniștea, este privit ca o calitate în societate, în timp ce este urusai, sau gălăgia, este dezaprobată. Kisaragi și grupul ei și-au dorit în mod special să se facă auziți și să nască discuții, iar producțiile lor au fost cu siguranță provocatoare și zgomotoase.

Activitatea companiei a reflectat ideile lui Kisaragi despre vocile și corpurile oamenilor, despre care credea că sunt singurele instrumente ale comunicării umane. Mișcările și gesturile din spectacolele sale nu erau realiste, ci aduceau un nou nivel de expresivitate textului și adesea păreau mecanice sau ca de robot, ilustrând convingerea lui Kisaragi că locuitorii orașului sunt, de cele mai multe ori, mai degrabă mașinării decât oameni.

Note

Nașteri în 1956
Decese în 2000
Dramaturgi japonezi
Artiști japonezi
Femei din Japonia
Oameni din Tokio

Koharu Kisaragi


Le service citoyen est un modèle de service institutionnalisé à la collectivité en Suisse. Le service citoyen permet aux membres d'une collectivité d'accomplir solidairement, à tour de rôle, des tâches d'intérêt général dans les domaines de la défense, de la solidarité et de la protection de l'environnement. Il s'inscrit en cela dans la tradition suisse du système de milice.

Suisse
Le projet d'introduction d'un service citoyen en Suisse est porté par l'association « Initiative servicecitoyen » fondée en 2013, à Genève. Cette association a pour but de promouvoir et de soutenir l'esprit et le système de milice ainsi que l'engagement citoyen en Suisse.

La devise de ses promoteurs « Unus pro omnibus, omnes pro uno » (« un pour tous, tous pour un ») fait référence à la devise traditionnelle de la Confédération suisse censée rappeler la responsabilité de chacun envers tous les membres de la société, l'engagement individuel et la responsabilité de la société envers chacun de ses membres, l'engagement collectif.

Initiative populaire fédérale
En Suisse, le modèle du service citoyen fait l'objet de l'initiative populaire fédérale « Pour une Suisse qui s'engage (initiative service citoyen »), en collecte de signatures depuis le 26 avril 2022. L'initiative vise à modifier l'article 59 de la Constitution fédérale afin de remplacer le service obligatoire actuel, essentiellement militaire et masculin, par un service au bénéfice de la collectivité et de l'environnement pour toute personne de nationalité suisse. L'inclusion éventuelle des personnes n'ayant pas la nationalité suisse ainsi que ses modalités sont laissées à la discrétion législative de l'Assemblée fédérale.

Selon le projet présenté par le comité d'initiative, le service citoyen s'effectuerait, dans sa première version d'application, au sein des trois institutions de milice obligatoire existantes, à savoir l'armée, la protection civile et le service civil. D'autres engagements de milice, tels que les corps de sapeurs-pompiers volontaires, pourraient être reconnus par la suite.

Notes et références

Initiative populaire fédérale des années 2020

Service citoyen


Os deuses e imortais chineses são um grupo diverso de entidades que são veneradas na religião popular chinesa. São considerados manifestações do qì, a energia ou pneuma do Céu, e estão organizados em uma complexa hierarquia celestial.

Alguns dos deuses e imortais mais famosos são:

Tian (天) — o deus supremo do céu e da ordem, que se manifesta no polo norte celeste e nas constelações.
Os Oito Imortais (八仙) — um grupo de lendários xian (imortais) que possuem poderes mágicos e podem conceder vida ou destruir o mal. Eles vivem em um grupo de cinco ilhas no mar de Bohai, incluindo o monte Penglai.
Mazu, por vezes Matsu (媽祖), a deusa do mar e protetora dos navegantes e pescadores. Ela é cercada pelos quatro Deuses Dragão (龍神) e vários outros deuses menores.
Guan Yu (關羽) — o deus da guerra, da lealdade e da justiça. Ele foi um general histórico da dinastia Han que se tornou um herói popular e um símbolo de bravura.
Sun Wukong (孫悟空) — o Rei Macaco, um personagem do clássico romance Jornada ao Oeste. Ele é um macaco travesso e poderoso que acompanha o célebre monge budista Xuanzang em sua busca pelos sutras budistas na Índia.

Há muitos outros deuses e imortais na mitologia chinesa, cada um com sua própria história, personalidade e culto. Eles refletem a rica diversidade da cultura e da espiritualidade chinesas.

Ver também
Religião tradicional chinesa

Xuan Nu, poderosa divindade feminina na religião tradicional chinesa
Shen
, protetor do lar na mitologia chinesa
Seres Iluminados
, termo chinês que significa "mestre espiritual taoista", "pessoa verdadeira" ou "pessoa perfeita".

Divindades chinesas
Listas de religião

Deuses e imortais chineses


Neu Sankt Jürgen est un quartier de la commune de Worpswede, dans le Land de Basse-Saxe.

Géographie
Neu Sankt Jürgen se situe au nord-est de la ville principale de Worpswede. À l'ouest de la ville coule la Hamme, un affluent de la Lesum.

À l'ouest du village et à l'ouest de la Hamme se trouvent cinq réserves naturelles :
 Torfkanal und Randmoore ()
 Moor bei Niedersandhausen ()
 Wiesen und Weiden nordöstlich des Breiten Wassers ()
 Marais de Pennigbüttel ()
 Breites Wasser ()

Histoire
Neu Sankt Jürgen est fondée dans le cadre de la colonisation du marais du Teufelsmoor en 1753. En 1791, on recense 45 maisons dans lesquelles vivent 252 personnes, dont 166 enfants.

Le , la commune de Neu Sankt Jürgen est incorporée à la commune de Worpswede.

Infrastructures
La Landesstraße L 165 passe à l'ouest.

La gare de Neu Sankt Jürgen se trouve sur la ligne de Stade à Osterholz-Scharmbeck (Moorexpress). Les trains ne circulent que de manière saisonnière de mai à octobre les samedis, dimanches et jours fériés.

Source, notes et références

Localité en Basse-Saxe
Ancienne commune en Basse-Saxe

Neu Sankt Jürgen


Darija Jurak (født 5. april 1984 i Zagreb) er en kroatisk professionel tennisspiller. Hun blev professionel i 2000 og spiller både single og double, men det er i damedouble, hun har haft størst succes, og her har hun vundet 5 WTA- og 39 ITF-turneringer samt nået 27.-pladsen på verdensranglisten. I single har hun vundet fem sejre, alle i ITF-regi.

Eksterne henvisninger

Tennisspillere fra Kroatien

Darija Jurak Schreiber


تِيسَّة مدينةٌ مغربيةٌ تقعُ شمالَ شرقِ مدينةِ فاس. تنتمي إلى إقليم تاونات بجهة فاس مكناس. بلغَ عددُ سكانِ بلديةِ تيسةَ 11،195 نسمةً وَفْقَ إحصاءِ ذي القَعْدَةِ 1435 (2014 مـ). تُعَدُّ من أهمِّ مراكزِ قبائلِ الحياينةِ، وتُنسَبُ عادةً إليها: تِيسَّةُ الحياينةِ.

إجتماعي
تيسة مدينة فعالة على المستوى الوطني في الفروسية و تربية الخيل. أما على المستوى الاجتماعي فتيسة تعرف ازدهارا معروفا من طرف سكانها مما جعلها مدينة و قرية في آن واحد، وأيضا تعرف تيسة نهوضا اقتصاديا واسعا فكثرة المقاهي و الدكاكين والعديد من مقاهي الإنترنت شاهدة على ذلك مما ينهض بتيسة نحو التقدم الاجتماعي والاقتصادي،

رياضة
أما على المستوى الرياضي ففي تيسة ثلاث نوادي رياضية تتدرب في ملعبها قرب «الكرص».

التعليم
وبالنسبة لمجال التعليم فتيسة حضيت بثلاث مؤسسات ابتدائية واثنتان إعدادية وواحدة ثانوية مما يعطيها شحنة للتقدم والازدهار.

سياحة
كما تنظم تيسة المهرجان المغربي للافلام القصيرة ، كما تعتبر تيسة محط انظار للسياح القادمين من أوروبا لموقعها المتميز و جوها الرطب البارد خصوصا من فرنسا و مقدونيا و جورجيا ، كما تعرف ازدهار في الصيف بسبب دخول المهاجرين إلى المغرب

أعلام
و تعتبر تيسة موطنا للكثير من الرياضيين الصاعدين كالعداء زكرياء الجناتي الإدريسي الذي يعتبر من أقوى عدائي المسافات الطويلة بالمنطقة.

مصادر
  تيسّة على موقع World Gazetter, من طرف Stefan Helders
  قرية تيسّة على موقع Falling Rain Genomics, Inc.

أماكن مأهولة في إقليم تاونات
قرى المغرب

تيسة (المغرب)


Thingvallavatn er den største naturlige sø i Island med et areal på 83,7 km2. På det dybeste er Thingvallavatn 114 meter. På den nordlige side af søen blev Altinget dannet i 930. Søen er en del af nationalparken Þingvellir.

Det meste af indstrømningen i søen kommer fra af grundfjeldet, samt tilløb fra tre små vandløb, Villingavatnsá, Ölfusvatnsá og Öxará. Fra søen flyder elven Sogið, der løber ud i Ölfusá, der igen udmunder i Atlanterhavet. Der lever tre fiskearter i Thingvallavatn af de fem slags ferskvandsfisk der findes i Island. De tre er rødding, ørred og trepigget hundestejle. I Thingvallavatn er der fire varianter af røddinger, den største variation i verden. Alle disse er kun fundet i denne sø.

Søer i Island

Þingvallavatn


Çarşıcuma, Çorum ilinin Boğazkale ilçesine bağlı bir köydür.

Tarihçe
Köy, 1928 yılından beri aynı adı taşımaktadır. 2000'li yıllarda Evci beldesine mahalle olarak bağlandı. Evci'nin belediye statüsü, nüfusunun 2000 kişinin altına düşmesi üzerine 2013 yılında sona erdi. Bunun üzerine Çarşıcuma, tekrar köye dönüştü.

Coğrafya
Köy, Çorum il merkezine 84 km, Boğazkale ilçe merkezine 17 km uzaklıktadır.

Nüfus

Kaynakça

Dış bağlantılar

Boğazkale belde ve köyleri

Çarşıcuma, Boğazkale


Novell merkezi Waltham, Massachusetts'de bulunan bir yazılım şirketidir. Özellikle sunucu sistemleri ve Linux alanında faaliyet gösterir. Novell mali bakımdan dünyanın 22'ci en büyük bilgisayar şirketidir.

Tarihçe
Novell, 1969 yılında Novell Data Systems Inc. olarak Provo, Utah'da kuruldu. Kurucuları George Canova, Darin Field ve Jack Davis'tir. Novell ismi, Fransızca yeni demek olan "nouvelle"den gelmektedir.

Şirket sunucu işletim sistemi konusuna odaklanmıştır. Netware adlı bu ürün 80'li yıllardan itibaren yaygın kullanıma kavuşmuştur. Netware IPX/SPX teknolojisi ile yerel ağda bilgisayarların birbirleri ile haberleşebilmesi sağlamış, Remote Boot teknolojisi ile sabit disk olmaksızın işletim sistemi çalıştırabilmiş, Netware Directory Service ile kullanıcı hakları ve yetkilerini düzenleyebilen bir mimariyi ortaya çıkarmıştır. Bilişim alanında pek çok ilke imza atan Novell, istemci işletim sistemleri geliştirmemesi nedeniyle, 1990'lı yılların artan masaüstü bilgisayar kullanımından olumsuz etkilenmiştir.

2006 yılında OES (Open Enterprise Server) ile açık kaynak kodlu işletim sistemi üretimine başlamıştır.

Ayrıca bakınız
 SUSE

Massachusetts merkezli şirketler
Provo, Utah

Linux

Amerika Birleşik Devletleri merkezli yazılım şirketleri
Amerika Birleşik Devletleri merkezli çok uluslu şirketler

20. yüzyılda Utah'ta kurulan oluşumlar
1980'de Amerika Birleşik Devletleri'nde kurulan oluşumlar
1980'de kurulan yazılım şirketleri

Novell


بوكان  هي مدينة في مقاطعة إركوتسك أوبلاست في روسيا.

مراجع

مدن مقاطعة إركوتسك

بوكان (مقاطعة إركوتسك)


Çerkez Ethem Ayaklanması, Kuvâ-yi Milliye komutanı Çerkez Ethem tarafından Ankara'da kurulan düzenli orduya karşı gerçekleştirilen ayaklanmadır. I. İnönü Muharebesi sırasında bastırılmıştır. Kuva-yi Seyyare döneminde oldukça başarılı hizmetler veren Çerkez Ethem bu yenilgi sonunda Yunan ordusuna teslim olmuş ve TBMM tarafından vatan haini ilan edilmiştir.

Ayaklanma nedenleri
 Ankara Valisi'ni yetki dışı yargılama girişimi. Çerkez Ethem, Yozgat Ayaklanması'nı bastırdıktan sonra, ayaklanmaya, dönemin Ankara Valisi Yahya Galip Kargı'nın uygulamalarının neden olduğunu öne sürdü. Yahya Galip Kargı'yı bu suçtan yargılamak üzere 26 Haziran 1920'de Yozgat'a çağırdı. Bu emir, TBMM Başkanı Mustafa Kemal Atatürk tarafından reddedildi.
 İstiklal Mahkemeleri hakkındaki karara karşı çıkış. TBMM, 18 Eylül 1920 tarih ve 42 sayılı kararı ile kaçak erat ve casusların yargılanmasıyla görevli olmak üzere İstiklal Mahkemeleri kurulmasına karar vermişti. Çerkez Ethem ve kardeşleri ise kaçak erat ve casusların, birliklerin önünde asılarak idam edilmesi şeklindeki uygulamaya devam edeceklerini bildirmişler, mahkemeyi tanımamışlardır.
 Asker toplamada İçişleri Bakanlığı'na engel olunması. Yozgat Ayaklanması'nın bastırılması ardından Çerkez Ethem, 1920 yılının Haziran ayı sonrasında Yozgat dolaylarında asker toplamaya başlamıştı. Gerçekte asker toplama yetkisi TBMM tarafından İçişleri Bakanlığı'na verilmişti. Dönemin İçişleri Bakanı Albay Refet Bele'nin bu keyfi işleme karşı çıkması üzerine Çerkez Ethem, İçişleri Bakanı'na hakaretamiz bir telgraf çekmişti. Çerkez Ethem, Batı Cephesi'nde de asker toplamaya devam etmiştir. Eskişehir'in Karacaşehir köyünde kurulan müfrezeyi Kütahya'ya kaydırarak Cephe Komutanlığı'nın denetimine bırakmamıştır.
 Batı Cephesi Komutanlığı'nın iki kısma ayrılmasına karşı çıkılması. Çerkez Ethem ve kardeşleri, TBMM Hükûmeti'nin 9 Kasım 1920 tarihinde Batı Cephesi Komutanlığı'nın iki kısma ayrılması kararına karşı çıkmışlardır. Çerkez Ethem, Güney Cephesi Komutanı Albay Refet Bey'e güvenmediğini söylüyor, tüm Batı Cephesi'nin eskisi gibi Albay İsmet Bey komutasında kalmasını istiyordu. Öte yandan kardeşi Yüzbaşı Tevfik Bey, İsmet Bey'e bağlı olmasına karşın bir süredir rapor vermiyordu. Çerkez Ethem, Hükûmet'in kararına karşın kendi isteklerinin uygulanması konusunda ısrarcı olmuştur.
 Düzenli ordunun kurulmasına gösterilen direnç. Çerkez Ethem ve taraftarları, TBMM Hükûmeti'nin, düzenli ordu kurulması ve Millî Kuvvetler'in bu orduya katılması yönündeki kararına karşı çıkmaktaydılar.Çerkez Ethem'in kardeşi Saruhan Milletvekili Reşit Bey, "ordu teşkilinin bütün dünyada iflas etmiş olduğunu, vatanı ancak Millî Kuvvetler'in kurtarabileceği" yönünde konuşmalar yapmaktaydı. Eskişehir'de yayımlanan Kuva-yi Seyyare yanlısı Yeni Dünya gazetesi de bu yönde yazılar yayımlamaktaydı. Oysa Millî Kuvvetler ile, Batı Anadolu'daki Yunan askeri varlığına, olsa olsa büyük darbeler vurulabilirdi. Yunan askeri varlığını vatan topraklarından tümüyle atmak ise ancak düzenli bir ordunun, güçlü bir strateji ile vereceği savaşımla sağlanabilirdi.
 Başkomutanlık Yetkisi'nin TBMM'ye verilmesine karşı çıkma. TBMM Hükûmeti'nin düzenli bir ordu kurulması yönündeki kararı, aynı zamanda bu ordunun tüm sevk ve idare yetkisini de TBMM'ye vermekteydi. Çerkez Ethem taraftarları, düzenli orduya karşı çıkarken aynı zamanda ve yanı sıra TBMM'nin bu Başkomutanlık konumuna da karşı çıkmaktaydılar.
 Çerkez Ethem kuvvetlerine 1. Kuva-yi Seyyare adının verilmesine karşı çıkma. Düzenli ordunun kurulması çalışmaları sırasında, Çerkez Ethem'e bağlı kuvvetlerini, diğer benzer teşkillerden ayırt edilebilmesi için onlara 1. Kuva-yi Seyyare adının verilmesi karara bağlanmıştı. Çerkez Ethem bu karara karşı çıkmış, kendi kuvvetlerine Umumi (genel) Kuva-yi Seyyare adını vermiş, kendisini de Umumi Kuva-yi Seyyare Komutanı ilan etmiştir. Böylece bağımsız bir komutanlık konumunda ısrar etmekteydi.
 Yüzbaşı Tevfik Bey ile Cephe Komutanlığı arasındaki çekişmeler. Batı Cephesi Komutanlığı, Yunan işgalinden kurtarılmış olan ilçelerde halkın güvenliği için, 23 Kasım 1920 tarihinde bir sahra jandarma bölüğü kurulmasını kararlaştırılmıştı.1. Kuva-yi Seyyare komutan vekili Yüzbaşı Tevfik Bey, bu birliğin kendisini denetlemek için kurulmuş olduğu kanısındadır. Simav ve Havalisi Komutanlığı adıyla Binbaşı İbrahim Bey emrindeki bu kuvvete, Yüzbaşı Tevfik Bey tarafından, geri dönmesi emredilmiştir. İdam edilme tehditleri karşısında bu birlik geri çekilmiştir.  Bu tarihten itibaren Yüzbaşı Tevfik, Cephe Komutanlığı'na rapor vermemeye başlamıştır. Zaten Yüzbaşı Tevfik Bey, 27 Kasım tarihinde Mustafa Kemal'e yazdığı bir telgrafta "Batı Cephesi'ni tanımayacağını" bildirmektedir.

Bütün bu olaylar Çerkez Ethem ve iki kardeşinin kendilerini, TBMM Hükûmeti ve onun düzenli ordusu dışında bağımsız bir siyasi - askeri otorite olarak gördükleri ve bunu korumaya kararlı olduklarını göstermekteydi. Bu durum, TBMM Hükûmetinin ülke genelindeki otoritesinde bir gedik oluşturmaktaydı. Öte yandan düzenli ordunun askere alma kaynağını da zayıflatmaktaydı.

Ayaklanmanın başlaması
Çerkez Ethem'in kendi bölgesinde TBMM Hükûmeti'nin siyasi otoritesini tanımaması ve kendi otoritesine göre hareket etmesi yüzünden 1920 yılının son aylarında ayaklanma şeklini almaya başlamıştır. Çerkez Ethem, Demirci Mehmet Efe, Yörük Ali Efe ve Sarı Efe'yi de kendi yanına çekmek için çalışmalara başlamıştır. Şifreli telgraflar, mektuplar ve özel ulaklarla Kuvâ-yi Milliye'nin bu komutanlarını etkilemeye çalışmaktadır. Ethem'in Yörük Ali Efe'ye 12 Aralık 1920 tarihinde gönderdiği şifreli telgrafta TBMM Hükûmeti'ni birkaç kişinin aleti olmakla suçlamakta, Demirci Mehmet Efe'yi yok etmeye kararlı olduğunu belirtmektedir. "Harcadığımız emeklerin boşa gitmemesi için birbirimize sarılmalıyız" demektedir.

İsmet Bey'in Çerkez Ethem ve kardeşi Tevfik Beyler'e Aralık 1920'de çekmiş olduğu uyarı telgrafı üzerine Çerkez Ethem şu cevabı vermiştir:

Masum millet ve asker kardeşleri! Ankara hükûmeti rezilesine 29 Kânunievvel 336 tarihli keşide ettiğim selameti memlekete taalluk eden telgrafın matbuatla ilân edilmesini isteyiniz.
Ey Askerler! Şerre alet olmayınız, uhrevî ve dünyevî mes'uliyetten korkunuz. Ey millet; siz de maziyden intibah alarak her dürlü felâketi ve ihtilası vatanı, menfeatı harisanelerine kurban etmek isteyen erazile karşı hakkınızı müdafeada tereddüt göstermeyiniz ki muaveneti ilahiyeye mazhar olasınız. Ben sizi müdafaai memleket için davet ve icbar ettim, şerre, ihtirasatı şahsiyeye alet olmak için değil.
Ey zabit arkadaşlar! Emir kulu olmaktan sarfınazar edilniz; Allah'ın kulu olunuz, aksi halde geliyorum ha son peşimanlık fâide vermez." Umum Kuvâ-yi Milliye Kumandanı Ethem

Çerkez Ethem, 2 Ocak 1921 tarihinde İstanbul Hükûmeti'ne çektiği telgrafta, TBMM Reisliğine Mustafa Kemal'in Bilecik'ten dönerken Ankara'ya götürdüğü İstanbul Hükûmeti'nin temsilcilerinin hemen serbest bırakılmasını isteyen bir telgraf çektiğini bildirmektedir. Bu telgrafta ayrıca, TBMM Hükûmeti'nin ordularının kendisine taarruz konumunda olduklarını, kendi kuvvetlerinin taarruz edecek kuvvette olduklarını, bu durumu Yunan makamlarına da bildirdiğini yazmaktadır.

Ayaklanmanın bastırılması

Meclis de Kuva-yı Seyyare'ye karşı çıktı. Batı Cephesi komutanlığı, Ethem ve Tevfik Beylerin vatana ihanet suçu işlediklerini öne sürerek teslim olmalarını istedi. Fakat mebus Reşit Bey'in de kendilerine katılmasıyla üç kardeş Uşak'ta Yunanlarla görüştüler. Düzenli ordu İsmet Bey ve Refet Bey'in komutasında 1921 yılı ocak ayında Kuva-yi Seyyare'nin tuttuğu Gediz-Kütahya üstüne yürüdü. Çerkez Ethem'in yanındaki kuvvet iyice küçülmüştü. 1. Süvari Grubu komutanı Binbaşı Derviş Bey takip ediyordu. Derviş Bey, Ethem'in arkadaşı olduğu için, Yunanlara sığınmadan önce tüm silah ve cephanelerini TBMM kuvvetlerine bırakmasını sağladı.

Dipnotlar

Kaynakça
 Türk İstiklal Harbi - II. Cilt - Batı Cephesi - III. Kısım. - T.C. Genelkurmay Başkanlığı Harp Dairesi Başkanlığı Resmi Yayını.

Türk Kurtuluş Savaşında ayaklanmalar
Kuvâ-yi Milliye

Çerkez Ethem Ayaklanması


An Elymus wawawaiensis in uska species han Liliopsida nga ginhulagway ni J.R.Carlson ngan Mary Elizabeth Barkworth. An Elymus wawawaiensis in nahilalakip ha genus nga Elymus, ngan familia nga Poaceae. Waray hini subspecies nga nakalista.

Mga kasarigan

Mga sumpay ha gawas

Elymus

Elymus wawawaiensis


Jakob Speth (* 1820 in Dietenheim; † 1856), auch Jakob Späth genannt, war ein Kirchenmaler.

Leben

Über Speths Leben ist wenig bekannt. Er gehörte zu den Künstlern, die bei der Ausmalung des Speyrer Doms, beginnend 1846, unter der Führung des Oberstdorfer Künstlers Johann von Schraudolph dabei waren. Die unter Schraudolph geschaffenen Fresken wurden in den 1960er Jahren übermalt.

Des Weiteren ist Speth bei Ausmalung der Gottesackerkapelle des Heiligen Veit in Dietenheim und der Kapelle Maria im Busch in Erolzheim im Jahre 1847 nachgewiesen. Seine letzte Auftragsarbeit war die Ausmalung der Pfarrkirche St. Martin in Schemmerberg im Jahre 1852. Sein Stil lässt sich der Kunstrichtung der Nazarener zuordnen.

Literatur
Günter Meißner (Hrsg.): Allgemeines Künstlerlexikon. Die Bildenden Künstler aller Zeiten und Völker. K. G. Saur, München / Leipzig 1991 ff., ISBN 3-598-22740-X.

Weblinks

Maler (Deutschland)
Nazarener
Dietenheim
Württemberger
Deutscher
Geboren 1820
Gestorben 1856
Mann

Jakob Speth


Protočno jezero tip je jezera s intenzivnom razmjenom vode, kod kojega je jedna od pritoka, najčešće iste vodnosti kao i rijeka koja iz njega istječe (rukavac). Jedno od najpoznatijih protočnih jezera na Balkanskome poluotoku je – Skadarsko jezero koje ima pritoku Moraču i rukavac Bojanu.

Vidi još
 Jezero
 Pritoka
 Rijeka

Literatura
 Мастило, Наталија (2005): Речник савремене српске географске терминологије, Географски факултет, Београд

Vanjske poveznice

Tipovi jezera

Protočno jezero


Duncan McNeil, (* 7. September 1950 in Greenock) ist ein schottischer Politiker und Mitglied der Labour Party.

Leben
McNeil ließ sich auf einer Schiffswerft zum Kesselbauer ausbilden. Ab 1981 war er für die Gewerkschaft GMB tätig. Er bildete sich weiter und wurde schließlich Regionalkoordinator der Gewerkschaft.

Bei den ersten Schottischen Parlamentswahlen im Jahre 1999 trat McNeil erstmals zu Wahlen auf nationaler Ebene an. Er bewarb sich um das Direktmandat des Wahlkreises Greenock and Inverclyde und konnte es mit deutlichem Vorsprung vor dem Kandidaten der Liberaldemokraten, Ross Finnie, erringen. Im Parlament fungierte er als Einpeitscher der Labour-Fraktion. Bei den Parlamentswahlen 2003 und 2007 verteidigte McNeil sein Mandat. 2011 erhielt er abermals das Mandat von Greenock and Inverclyde, jedoch verteidigte er es trotz leichten Stimmgewinnen nur knapp vor dem SNP-Kandidaten Stuart McMillan.

Weblinks
 Eigene Netzpräsenz
 Informationen auf den Seiten des Schottischen Parlaments
 Informationen der Labour Party

Einzelnachweise

Abgeordneter im Schottischen Parlament
Mitglied der Scottish Labour Party
Politiker (20. Jahrhundert)
Politiker (21. Jahrhundert)
Person (Greenock)
Geboren 1950
Schotte
Brite
Mann
Politiker (Inverclyde)

Duncan McNeil


was a town located in the Higashimatsuura District of Saga Prefecture, Japan.

As of 2003, the town had an estimated population of 5,498 and a density of 89.91 persons per km². The total area was 61.15 km².

On January 1, 2005, Kyūragi, along with the towns of Chinzei, Hamatama, Hizen, Ōchi and Yobuko, and the village of Kitahata (all from Higashimatsuura District), was merged into the expanded city of Karatsu.

Kankyo Geijutsu No Mori Park at the foot of Mt Sakuraei is very beautiful in mid-November. Upstream from the nearby Kyūragi Dam one can see 300 plum trees (Feb-Mar) and 140 cherry trees (Mar-Apr) in blossom.

Kyūragi has a train station on the Karatsu Line of Kyushu Railway Company (JR Kyushu) running from Nishi-Karatsu Station in Karatsu to Kubota Station in Saga. The town has both a Junior and a Senior High School.

Geography

Mountains: , , , , , , ,

Rivers: ,

Lakes and Marshes: ,

References
 Kyūragi History Part 1 (厳木町史 上巻) 2007. (GC272-H52, 000009094383)
 Kyūragi History Part 2 (厳木町史 中巻) 2009. (GC272-J33, 000010596323)

Dissolved municipalities of Saga Prefecture

Kyūragi, Saga


Graham Jarvis (død december 1986 i London, England) var en engelsk rocktrommeslager og studiemusiker.

Jarvis var en meget brugt session trommeslager i rock og pop musik, specielt i en periode fast for Cliff Richard, men også senere for Tina Turner, The Everly Brothers, Leo Sayer, Freddie Mercury, Camel etc. Han medvirkede på soundtracket til The Rocky Horror Picture Show (Roxy Cast udgaven), hvor han var fortælleren og var med-komponist af nummeret "Time Warp".

Han spillede også på mange af de berømte teatre i London med musical´s af feks. Andrew Lloyd Webber. Jarvis blev også benyttet af The Royal Philharmonic Orchestra, når orkesteret spillede populærmusik.

Udvalgt diskografi
 1973: Garth Hewitt: Lion and the Ram
 1979: Delegation: Eau de Vie
 1979: Cliff Richard: Rock'n'roll Juvenile
 1979: Dana: Girl is Back
 1979: Paul Brett: Eclipse
 1979: Leon Ware: Inside is Love
 1980: Sally Oldfield: Easy
 1981: Marc Bolan: You Scare Me to Death
 1982: Hank Marvin: Words and Music (på enkelte numre)
 1982:  Cliff Richard - Now You See Me, Now You Dont
 1982: Camel: The Single factor
 1983: Cliff Richard - Dressed For The Occasion
 1983 / 2003: Everly Brothers: Reunion Concert
 1983: John Miles: Play on
 1983: Judie Tzuke: Ritmo
 1984: Tina Turner : Private Dancer
 1984: The Catch : Balance on Wires
 1995: Freddie Mercury: The Freddie Mercury Album; In My Defence
 2003: Stephen Bishop: Fear of message
 1983:   Cliff Richard - Silver
 1984:   Cliff Richard - The Rock Connection
 1985:   Cliff Richard - Stronger

Referencer

Eksterne henvisninger
 Biografi på discogs.com
 Liste over medvirken på allmusic.com

Trommeslagere fra Storbritannien
Musikere fra England

Graham Jarvis


Giuseppe Fioravanti, né en 1795 à Rome et mort à Mantoue le , est un chanteur d'opéra italien.

Biographie

Fils de Valentino Fioravanti et de sa femme Angela, et frère de Vincenzo Fioravanti, il commence sa carrière à Bologne en 1817 dans Don Juan de Mozart et, dès l'année suivante, tient régulièrement les premiers rôles dans les opéras de Donizetti.

Devenu un des principaux interprètes du Teatro Nuovo de Naples, il quitte la scène en 1851.

Jules Verne le mentionne dans le chapitre VII de son roman Le Docteur Ox. Dans une scène imaginaire dans la ville elle-même imaginaire de Quiquendone, il obtient un immense succès dans une représentation des Huguenots de Meyerbeer. Verne en fait un ténor alors qu'il était en réalité un baryton.

Notes et références

Liens externes

Chanteur italien d'opéra
Baryton italien
Naissance en 1795
Naissance à Rome
Décès en mai 1867
Décès à Mantoue

Giuseppe Fioravanti


Bağıntısal cebir, cebirin bağıntılar üzerine yoğunlaşıp birinci düzey mantığı kullanan bir dalıdır. Bilgisayar bilimlerinde, ve özellikle veritabanı kuramlarında uygulamalarına rastlanır.

İlişkisel model

Bağıntısal cebir


Aralık miladi takvime göre yılın on ikinci ayıdır.

Aralık şu anlamlara da gelebilir:

Aralık; matematikte, başlangıç ve bitiş arasındaki tüm sayıları içeren bir sayı grubunu gösterir.

Yerleşim yerleri
 Aralık, Iğdır - Iğdır ili ilçesi
 Aralık, Borçka - Artvin ili Borçka ilçesine bağlı köy
 Aralık, Mustafakemalpaşa - Bursa ili Mustafakemalpaşa ilçesine bağlı mahalle
 Aralık, Bismil - Diyarbakır ili Bismil ilçesine bağlı mahalle
 Aralık, Eynesil - Giresun ili Eynesil ilçesine bağlı köy
 Aralık, Sakarya - Sakarya ili Adapazarı ilçesine bağlı mahalle

Aralık (anlam ayrımı)


A campanha presidencial de Padre Kelmon em 2022 foi oficializada em 1.º de setembro de 2022, tendo Pastor Luiz Cláudio Gamonal como candidato a vice-presidente.

Os partidos políticos tiveram até 15 de agosto de 2022 para registrar formalmente os seus candidatos. No dia 1.º de agosto de 2022, foi anunciada na convenção nacional do partido a candidatura de Roberto Jefferson e logo em seguida a convenção oficializou a chapa formada por Jefferson e Kelmon. No dia 1.º de setembro de 2022, ocorreu o indeferimento da candidatura de Roberto Jefferson pelo Tribunal Superior Eleitoral por unanimidade por ele estar inelegível até o fim de 2023 devido à condenação no Mensalão em 2013.. Padre Kelmon, então candidato a vice-presidente, foi escolhido pelo PTB como candidato à Presidência.

Padre Kelmon apresentou ao Tribunal Superior Eleitoral o mesmo plano de Roberto Jefferson, que cita a valorização de Deus, da família e da liberdade, prometendo intensificar a agenda de privatizações, convocar uma nova Assembleia Constituinte, reduzir a carga tributária, pôr fim à estabilidade dos servidores públicos, proibir a legalização, plantio, cultivo e comercialização da maconha e criminalizar a "cristofobia".

Em sua primeira participação em um debate televisivo, no SBT, Kelmon frequentemente elogiou e defendeu o presidente Jair Bolsonaro, atuando como seu aliado. Após a transmissão, Kelmon se tornou popular na Internet e foi comparado ao candidato de 2018 Cabo Daciolo, o que Kelmon disse que seria uma "ofensa".

Durante sua participação no debate da TV Globo em 29 de setembro, Padre Kelmon voltou a elogiar e defender o presidente Bolsonaro. Também se envolveu em discussão com o ex-presidente Lula, em que foi chamado de "impostor", "candidato laranja" e "fariseu", e a senadora Soraya Thronicke, sendo chamado de "padre de festa junina" e perguntado se "teria medo de ir para o Inferno". Tais falas geraram repercurssão na internet e memes.

Candidatos
Os seguintes políticos anunciaram suas candidaturas. Os partidos políticos tiveram até 15 de agosto de 2022 para registrar formalmente os seus candidatos.

Resultado da eleição

Eleições presidenciais

Ver também

Campanha presidencial de Ciro Gomes em 2022
Campanha presidencial de Jair Bolsonaro em 2022
Campanha presidencial de José Maria Eymael em 2022
Campanha presidencial de Léo Péricles em 2022
Campanha presidencial de Luiz Felipe d'Avila em 2022
Campanha presidencial de Lula em 2022
Campanha presidencial de Simone Tebet em 2022
Campanha presidencial de Sofia Manzano em 2022
Campanha presidencial de Soraya Thronicke em 2022
Campanha presidencial de Vera Lúcia em 2022

Padre Kelmon
Partido Trabalhista Brasileiro

Campanha presidencial de Padre Kelmon em 2022


Hrvatski rukometni kup za žene za sezonu 2021./22. je osvojila "Podravka Vegeta" iz  Koprovnica.

 Sustav natjecanja
U Hrvatskom kupu sudjeluje 16 klubova, 6 izravno kvalificiranih, te 10 preko regionalnih kvalifikacija. Utakmice osmine i četvrtzavršnice se igraju na jednu utakmicu, te potom četiri preostale momčadi igraju završni turnir (Final four).
Natjecanje je igrano u zimu i proljeće 2022. godine.

 Sudionici

 Rezultati

 Kvalifikacije

 Osmina finala

 Četvrtfinale

 Završni turnir
Igrano od 13. do 15. svibnja 2022.  u Poreču u dvorani "Žatika"''.

{| class="wikitable" style="font-size: 90%"
!datum !!mjesto odigravanja !!klub1 !!rez. !!klub2 !!napomene !!izvještaj
|-
!colspan="7"| polufinale
|-
|<small> 12. svibnja 2022. ||Poreč, <small> ''SD Žatika ||'''Bjelovar ||<center> 33:23 ||Zrinski Čakovec ||<small> ||<small>
|-
|<small> 12. svibnja 2022. ||Poreč, <small> ''SD Žatika ||'''Podravka Vegeta Koprivnica ||<center> 27:24 ||Lokomotiva Zagreb ||<small> ||<small>
|-
!colspan="7"| finale
|-
|<small> 14. svibnja 2022. ||Poreč, <small> ''SD Žatika ||bgcolor="gold"|'Podravka Vegeta Koprivnica ||<center> 33:20 ||bgcolor="silver"|Bjelovar ||<small> "Podravka Vegeta"'' pobjednik kupa ||<small>
|-
|}

Povezani članci
 Hrvatski rukometni kup za žene
 Hrvatski kup - kvalifikacije 2021./22.
 1. HRL 2021./22.
 2. HRL 2021./22.
 3. HRL 2021./22.

Vanjske poveznice
 hrs.hr, Hrvatski rukometni savez
 hrs.hr, Kup Hrvatske

Izvori

 hrs.hr, Hrvatski kup - Žene (2021./22.), pristupljeno 10. srpnja 2022.
 hrs.hr, Hrvatski kup - Žene (2021./22.), wayback arhiva od 4. lipnja 2022.

2021-22
ž-kup

Hrvatski rukometni kup za žene 2021./22.


1. razred Baranjske nogometne lige je bio najniži rang natjecanja u NP Beli Manastir. Prvak lige bi se kvalificirao u Baranjsku ligu.

Izvori

 Boro Borivoj Novaković, "50 godina nogometa u Baranji (1947/48-1996/97)", Beli Manastir 2005.,

1975-76
Baranja-1

Baranjska nogometna liga 1. razred 1975./76.